A

GENERAL

HISTORY AND COLLECTION

OF

VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TOTHE PRESENT TIME. 

 * * * * *

BY

ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. 

 * * * * *

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. 

VOL. XVI. 

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:

AND T. CADELL, LONDON. 

MDCCCXXIV. 

CONTENTS OF VOL. XVI. 

CHAP. III. Transactions at Otaheite, and the Society Islands; andprosecution of the Voyage to the Coast of North America, 1

 SECT. 

 I. An Eclipse of the Moon observed. The Island Toobouai discovered. Its Situation, Extent, and Appearance. Intercourse with its Inhabitants. Their Persons, Dresses, and Canoes described. Arrival at Oheitepeha Bay, at Otaheite. Omai's Reception and imprudent Conduct. Account of Spanish Ships twice visiting the Island. Interview with the Chief of this District. The Olla, or God, of Bolabola. A mad Prophet. Arrival in Matavai Bay, 1

 II. Interview with Otoo, King of the Island, Imprudent Conduct of Omai. Employments on Shore. European Animals landed. Particulars about a Native who had visited Lima. About Oedidee. A Revolt in Eimeo. War with that Island determined upon, in a Council of Chiefs. A human Sacrifice on that Account. A particular Relation of the Ceremonies at the great Morai, where the Sacrifice was offered. Other barbarous Customs of this People, 16

 III. Conference with Towha. Heevas described. Omai and Oedidee give Dinners. Fireworks exhibited. A remarkable Present of Cloth. Manner of preserving the Body of a dead Chief. Another human Sacrifice. Riding on Horseback. Otoo's Attention to supply Provisions, and prevent Thefts. Animals given to him. Etary, and the Deputies of a Chief, have Audiences. A mock Fight of two War Canoes. Naval Strength of these Islands. Manner of conducting a War, 35

 IV. The Day of Sailing fixed. Peace made with Eimeo. Debates about it, and Otoo's Conduct blamed. A Solemnity at the Morai on the Occasion, described by Mr King. Observations upon it. Instance of Otoo's Art. Omai's War-Canoe, and Remarks upon his Behaviour. Otoo's Present, and Message to the King of Great Britain. Reflections on our Manner of Traffic, and on the good Treatment we met with at Otaheite. Account of the Expedition of the Spaniards. Their Fictions to depreciate the English. Wishes expressed that no Settlement may be made. Omai's Jealousy of another Traveller, 48

 V. Arrival at Eimeo. Two Harbours there, and an Account of them. Visit from Maheine, Chief of the Island. His Person described. A Goat stolen, and sent back with the Thief. Another Goat stolen, and secreted. Measures taken on the Occasion. Expedition cross the Island. Houses and Canoes burnt. The Goat delivered up, and Peace restored. Some Account of the Island, &c. 62

 VI. Arrival at Huaheine. Council of the Chiefs. Omai's Offerings, and Speech to the Chiefs. His Establishment in this Island agreed to. A House built, and Garden planted for him. Singularity of his Situation. Measures taken to insure his Safety. Damage done by Cock-roaches on board the Ships. A Thief detected and punished. Fireworks exhibited. Animals left with Omai. His Family. Weapons. Inscription on his House. His Behaviour on the Ships leaving the Island. Summary View of his Conduct and Character. Account of the two New Zealand Youths, 71

 VII. Arrival at Ulietea. Astronomical Observations. A Marine deserts, and is delivered up. Intelligence from Omai. Instructions to Captain Clerke. Another Desertion of a Midshipman and a Seaman. Three of the chief Persons of the Island confined on that Account. A Design to seize Captains Cook and Clerke discovered. The two Deserters brought back, and the Prisoners released. The Ships sail. Refreshments received at Ulietea. Present and former State of that Island. Account of its dethroned King, and of the late Regent of Huaheine, 87

 VIII. Arrival at Bolabola. Interview with Opoony. Reasons for purchasing Monsieur de Bougainville's Anchor. Departure from the Society Islands. Particulars about Bolabola. History of the Conquest of Otaha and Ulietea. High Reputation of the Bolabola Men. Animals left there and at Ulietea. Plentiful Supply of Provisions, and Manner of salting Pork on Board. Various Reflections relative to Otaheite and the Society Islands. Astronomical and Nautical Observations made there, 99

 IX. Accounts of Otaheite still imperfect. The prevailing Winds. Beauty of the Country. Cultivation. Natural Curiosities. The Persons of the Natives. Diseases. General Character. Love of Pleasure. Language. Surgery and Physic. Articles of Food. Effects of drinking Ava. Times and Manner of Eating. Connexions with the Females. Circumcision. System of Religion. Notions about the Soul and a future Life. Various Superstitions. Traditions about the Creation. An historical Legend. Honours paid to the King. Distinction of Ranks. Punishment of Crimes. Peculiarities of the neighbouring Islands. Names of their Gods. Names of Islands they visit. Extent of their Navigation, 10

 X. Progress of the Voyage, after leaving the Society Islands. Christmas Island discovered, and Station of the Ships there. Boats sent ashore. Great Success in catching Turtle. An Eclipse of the Sun observed. Distress of two Seamen who had lost their Way. Inscription left in a Bottle. Account of the Island. Its Soil. Trees and Plants. Birds. Its Size. Form. Situation. Anchoring Ground, 139

 XI. Some Islands discovered. Account of the Natives of Atooi, who came off to the Ships, and their Behaviour on going on Board. One of them killed. Precautions used to prevent Intercourse with the Females. A Watering-place found. Reception upon landing. Excursion into the Country. A Morai visited and described. Graves of the Chiefs, and of the human Sacrifices, there buried. Another Island, called Oneeheow, visited. Ceremonies performed by the Natives, who go off to the Ships. Reasons for believing that they are Cannibals. A Party sent ashore, who remain two Nights. Account of what passed on landing. The Ships leave the Islands, and proceed to the North, 148

 XII. The Situation of the Islands now discovered. Their Names. Called the Sandwich Islands. Atooi described. The Soil. Climate. Vegetable Productions. Birds. Fish. Domestic Animals. Persons of the Inhabitants. Their Disposition. Dress. Ornaments. Habitations. Food. Cookery. Amusements. Manufactures. Working-tools. Knowledge of Iron accounted for. Canoes. Agriculture. Account of one of their Chiefs. Weapons. Customs agreeing with those of Tongataboo and Otaheite. Their Language the same. Extent of this Nation throughout the Pacific Ocean. Reflections on the useful Situation of the Sandwich Islands, 172

 XIII. Observations made at the Sandwich Islands, on the Longitude, Variation of the Compass and Tides. Prosecution of the Voyage. Remarks on the Mildness of the Weather, as far as the Latitude 44° North. Paucity of Sea Birds, in the Northern Hemisphere. Small Sea Animals described. Arrival on the Coast of America. Appearance of the Country. Unfavourable Winds and boisterous Weather. Remarks on Martin de Aguilar's River, and Juan de Fuca's pretended Strait. An Inlet discovered, where the Ship's anchor. Behaviour of the Natives, 195

CHAP. IV. Transactions, amongst the Natives of North America;Discoveries along that Coast and the Eastern Extremity of Asia, Northward to Icy Cape; and return Southward to the Sandwich Islands, 207

 SECT. 

 I. The Ships enter the Sound, and moor in a Harbour. Intercourse with the Natives. Articles brought to barter. Thefts committed. The Observatories erected, and Carpenters set to work. Jealousy of the Inhabitants of the Sound to prevent other Tribes having Intercourse with the Ships. Stormy and rainy Weather. Progress round the Sound. Behaviour of the Natives at their Villages. Their Manner of drying Fish, &c. Remarkable Visit from Strangers, and introductory Ceremonies. A second Visit to one of the Villages. Leave to cut Grass, purchased. The Ships sail. Presents given and received at parting, 207

 II. The Name of the Sound, and Directions for Sailing into it. Account of the adjacent Country. Weather. Climate. Trees. Other Vegetable Productions. Quadrupeds, whose Skins were brought for Sale. Sea Animals. Description of a Sea-Otter. Birds. Water Fowl. Fish. Shell-fish, &c. Reptiles. Insects. Stones, &c. Persons of the Inhabitants. Their Colour. Common Dress and Ornaments. Occasional Dresses, and monstrous Decorations of wooden Masks. Their general Dispositions. Songs. Musical Instruments. Their Eagerness to possess Iron and other Metals, 221

 III. Manner of Building the Houses in Nootka Sound. Inside of them described. Furniture and Utensils. Wooden Images. Employments of the Men. Of the Women. Food, Animal and Vegetable. Manner of preparing it. Weapons. Manufactures and Mechanic Arts. Carving and Painting. Canoes. Implements for Fishing and Hunting. Iron Tools. Manner of procuring that Metal. Remarks on their Language, and a Specimen of it. Astronomical and Nautical Observations made in Nootka Sound, 239

 IV. A Storm, after sailing from Nootka Sound. Resolution springs a Leak. Pretended Strait of Admiral de Fonte passed unexamined. Progress along the Coast of America. Behring's Bay. Kaye's Island. Account of it. The Ships come to an Anchor. Visited by the Natives. Their Behaviour. Fondness for Beads and Iron. Attempt to plunder the Discovery. Resolution's Leak stopped; Progress up the Sound. Messrs Gore and Roberts sent to examine its Extent. Reasons against a Passage to the North through it. The Ships proceed down it to the open Sea 260

 V. The Inlet called Prince William's Sound. Its Extent. Persons of the Inhabitants described. Their Dress. Incision of the Under-lip. Various other Ornaments. Their Boats. Weapons. Fishing and hunting Instruments. Utensils. Tools. Uses Iron is applied to. Food. Language, and a Specimen of it. Animals. Birds. Fish. Iron and Beads, whence received, 279

 VI. Progress along the Coast. Cape Elizabeth. Cape St Hermogenes. Accounts of Beering's Voyage very defective. Point Banks. Cape Douglas. Cape Bede. Mount St Augustin. Hopes of finding a Passage up an Inlet. The Ships proceed up it. Indubitable Marks of its being a River. Named Cook's River. The Ships return down it. Various Visits from the Natives. Lieutenant King lands, and takes Possession of the Country. His Report. The Resolution runs aground on a Shoal. Reflections on the Discovery of Cook's River. The considerable Tides in it accounted for, 291

 VII. Discoveries after leaving Cook's River. Island of St Hermogenes. Cape Whitsunday. Cape Greville. Cape Barnabas. Two-headed Point. Trinity Island. Beering's Foggy Island. A beautiful Bird described. Kodiak and the Schumagin Islands. A Russian Letter brought on Board by a Native. Conjectures about it. Rock Point. Halibut Island. A Volcano Mountain. Providential Escape. Arrival of the Ships at Oonalaschka. Intercourse with the Natives there. Another Russian Letter. Samganoodha Harbour described, 306

 VIII. Progress Northward, after leaving Oonalashka. The Islands Oonella and Acootan. Ooneemak. Shallowness of the Water along the Coast. Bristol Bay. Round Island. Calm Point. Cape Newenham. Lieutenant Williamson lands, and his Report. Bristol Bay, and its Extent. The Ships obliged to return on account of Shoals. Natives come off to the Ships. Death of Mr Anderson; his Character; and Island named after him. Point Rodney. Sledge Island, and Remarks on landing there. King's Island. Cape Prince of Wales, the Western Extreme of America. Course Westward. Anchor in a Bay on the Coast of Asia, 323

 IX. Behaviour of the Natives, the Tschutski, on seeing the Ships. Interview with some of them. Their Weapons. Persons. Ornaments Clothing. Winter and Summer Habitations. The Ships cross the Strait, to the Coast of America. Progress Northward. Cape Mulgrave. Appearance of Fields of Ice. Situation of Icy Cape, the Sea blocked up with Ice. Sea-horses killed, and used as Provisions. These Animals described. Dimensions of one of them. Cape Lisburne. Fruitless Attempt to get through the Ice at a Distance from the Coast. Observations on the Formation of this Ice. Arrival on the Coast of Asia. Cape North. The Prosecution of the Voyage deferred to the ensuing Year, 338

 X. Return from Cape North, along the Coast of Asia. Views of the Country. Burney's Island. Cape Serdze Kamen, the Northern Limit of Beering's Voyage. Pass the East Cape of Asia. Description and Situation of it. Observations on Muller. The Tschutski. Bay of Saint Laurence. Two other Bays, and Habitations of the Natives. Beering's Cape Tschukotskoi. Beering's Position of this Coast accurate. Island of Saint Laurence. Pass to the American Coast. Cape Derby. Bald Head. Cape Denbigh, on a Peninsula. Besborough Island. Wood and Water procured. Visits from the Natives. Their Persons and Habitations. Produce of the Country. Marks that the Peninsula had formerly been surrounded by the Sea. Lieutenant King's Report. Norton Sound. Lunar Observations there. Stæhlin's Map proved to be erroneous. Plan of future Operations, 353

 XI. Discoveries after leaving Norton Sound. Stuart's Island. Cape Stephens. Point Shallow-Water. Shoals on the American Coast. Clerke's Island. Gore's Island. Pinnacle Island. Arrival at Oonalashka. Intercourse with the Natives and Russian Traders. Charts of the Russian Discoveries, communicated by Mr Ismyloff. Their Errors pointed out. Situation of the Islands visited by the Russians. Account of their Settlement at Oonalashka. Of the Natives of the Island. Their Persons. Dress. Ornaments. Food. Houses and domestic Utensils. Manufactures. Manner of producing Fire. Canoes. Fishing and Hunting Implements. Fishes, and Sea Animals. Sea and Water Fowls, and Land Birds. Land Animals and Vegetables. Manner of burying the Dead. Resemblance of the Natives on this Side of America to the Greenlanders and Esquimaux. Tides. Observations for determining the Longitude of Oonalashka. 369

 XII. Departure from Oonalashka, and future Views. The Island Amoghta. Situation of a remarkable Rock. Strait between Oonalashka and Oonella repassed. Progress to the South. Melancholy Accident on board the Discovery. Mowee, one of the Sandwich Islands, discovered. Intercourse with the Natives. Visit from Terreeoboo. Another Island, called Owhyhee, discovered. The Ships ply to Windward to get round it. An Eclipse of the Moon observed. The Crew refuse to drink Sugar-cane Beer. Cordage deficient in Strength. Commendation of the Natives of Owhyhee. The Resolution gets to Windward of the Island. Her Progress down the South-East Coast. Views of the Country, and Visits from the Natives. The Discovery joins. Slow Progress Westward. Karakakooa Bay examined by Mr Bligh. Vast Concourse of the Natives. The Ships anchor in the Bay, 402

CHAP. V. Captain King's Journal of the Transactions on Returning tothe Sandwich Islands, 421

 SECT. 

 I. Description of Karakakooa Bay. Vast Concourse of the Natives. Power of the Chiefs over the Inferior People. Visit from Koah, a Priest and Warrior. The Morai at Kakooa described. Ceremonies at the Landing of Captain Cook. Observatories erected. Powerful Operation of the Taboo. Method of Salting Pork in Tropical Climates. Society of Priests discovered. Their Hospitality and Munificence. Reception of Captain Cook. Artifice of Koah. Arrival of Terreeoboo, King of the Island. Returned by Captain Cook, 421

 II. Farther Account of Transactions with the Natives. Their Hospitality. Propensity to Theft. Description of a Boxing Match. Death of one of our Seamen. Behaviour of the Priests at his Funeral. The Wood Work and Images on the Morai purchased. The Natives inquisitive about our Departure. Their Opinion about the Design of our Voyage. Magnificent Presents of Terreeoboo to Captain Cook. The Ships leave the Island. The Resolution damaged in a Gale, and obliged to return, 434

 III. Suspicious Behaviour of the Natives, on our Return to Karakakooa Bay. Theft on Board the Discovery, and its Consequences. The Pinnace attacked, and the Crew obliged to quit her. Captain Cook's Observations on the Occasion. Attempt at the Observatory. The Cutter of the Discovery stolen. Measures taken by Captain Cook for its Recovery. Goes on Shore to invite the King on Board. The King being stopped by his Wife and the Chiefs, a Contest arises. News arrives of one of the Chiefs being killed by one of our People. Ferment on this Occasion. One of the Chiefs threatens Captain Cook, and is shot by him. General Attack by the Natives. Death of Captain Cook. Account of the Captain's Services, and a Sketch of his Character, 446

 IV. Transactions at Owhyhee subsequent to the Death of Captain Cook. Gallant Behaviour of the Lieutenant of Marines. Dangerous Situation of the Party at the Morai. Bravery of one of the Natives. Consultation respecting future Measures. Demand of the Body of Captain Cook. Evasive and insidious Conduct of Koah and the Chiefs. Insolent Behaviour of the Natives. Promotion of Officers. Arrival of two Priests with Part of the Body. Extraordinary Behaviour of two Boys. Burning of the Village of Kakooa. Unfortunate Destruction of the Dwellings of the Priests. Recovery of the Bones of Captain Cook. Departure from Karakakooa Bay, 460

 V. Departure from Karakakooa in Search of a Harbour on the South-East Side of Mowee. Driven to Leeward by the Easterly Winds and Current. Pass the Island of Tahoorowha. Description of the South-West Side of Mowee. Run along the Coasts of Ranai and Morotoi to Woahoo. Description of the North-East Coast of Woahoo. Unsuccessful Attempt to Water. Passage to Atooi. Anchor in Wymoa Bay. Dangerous Situation of the Watering Party on Shore. Civil Dissensions in the Islands. Visit from the contending Chiefs. Anchor off Oneeheow. Final Departure from the Sandwich Islands, 492

A

GENERAL HISTORY, AND

COLLECTION

OF

VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

 * * * * *

PART III. BOOK III. (CONTINUED. )

 * * * * *

CHAPTER III. 

TRANSACTIONS AT OTAHEITE, AND THE SOCIETY ISLANDS; AND PROSECUTION OFTHE VOYAGE TO THE COAST OF NORTH AMERICA. 

SECTION I. 

_An Eclipse of the Moon observed. --The Island Toobouaidiscovered. --Its Situation, Extent, and Appearance. --Intercoursewith its Inhabitants. --Their Persons, Dresses, and Canoesdescribed. --Arrival at Oheitepeha Bay, at Otaheite. --Omai's Receptionand imprudent Conduct. --Account of Spanish Ships twice visiting theIsland. --Interview with the Chief of this District. --The Olla, or God, of Bolabola. --A mad Prophet. --Arrival in Matavai Bay. _

Having, as before related, [1] taken our final leave of the FriendlyIslands, I now resume my narrative of the voyage. In the evening ofthe 17th of July, at eight o'clock, the body of Eaoo bore N. E. ByN. , distant three or four leagues. The wind was now at E. , and blewa fresh gale. With it I stood to the S. , till half an hour pastsix o'clock the next morning, when a sudden squall, from the samedirection, took our ship aback; and, before the sails could be trimmedon the other tack, the main-sail and the top-gallant sails were muchtorn. 

[Footnote 1: See the conclusion of Sect. IX. Chap. II. ]

The wind kept between the S. W. And S. E. , on the 19th and 20th, afterward, it veered to the E. , N. E. , and N. The night between the20th and 21st, an eclipse of the moon was observed as follows, beingthen in the latitude of 22° 57-1/2' S. :

 Apparent time, A. M. H. M. S. 

 Beginning, by Mr King, at 0 32 50 | Mr Bligh, at 0 33 25 > Mean long. 186° 57-1/2'. Myself, at 0 33 35 |

 End, by Mr King at 1 44 56 | Mean long. 186° 28-1/2'. Mr Bligh at 1 44 6 > Time keep. 186° 58-1/2'. Myself, at 1 44 56 |

The latitude and longitude are those of the ship, at 8^h 56^m a. M. , being the time when the sun's altitude was taken for finding theapparent time. At the beginning of the eclipse, the moon was inthe zenith, so that it was found most convenient to make use of thesextants, and to make the observations by the reflected image, whichwas brought down to a convenient altitude. The same was done at theend, except by Mr King, who observed with a night telescope. Althoughthe greatest difference between our several observations is nomore than fifty seconds, it, nevertheless, appeared to me thattwo observers might differ more than double that time, in both thebeginning and end. And, though the times are noted to seconds, no suchaccuracy was pretended to. The odd seconds set down above, arose byreducing the time, as given by the watch, to apparent time. 

I continued to stretch to the E. S. E. , with the wind at N. E. And N. , without meeting with any thing worthy of note, till seven o'clock inthe evening of the 29th, when we had a sudden and very heavy squallof wind from the N. At this time we were under single reefed topsails, courses, and stay-sails. Two of the latter were blown to pieces, and it was with difficulty that we saved the other sails. Afterthis squall, we observed several lights moving about on board theDiscovery, by which we concluded, that something had given way; and, the next morning, we saw that her main-top-mast had been lost. Bothwind and weather continued very unsettled till noon, this day, whenthe latter cleared up, and the former settled in the N. W. Quarter. Atthis time, we were in the latitude of 28° 6' S. , and our longitude was198° 23' E. Here we saw some pintado birds, being the first since weleft the land. 

On the 31st, at noon, Captain Clerke made a signal to speak with me. By the return of the boat which I sent on board his ship, he informedme, that the head of the main-mast had been just discovered to besprung, in such a manner as to render the rigging of another top-mastvery dangerous; and that, therefore, he must rig something lighterin its place. He also informed me, that he had lost hismain-top-gallant-yard, and that he neither had another, nor a spar tomake one, on board. The Resolution's sprit-sail top-sail yard which Isent him, supplied this want. The next day, he got up a jury top-mast, on which he set a mizen-top-sail, and this enabled him to keep waywith the Resolution. 

The wind was fixed in the western board, that is, from the N. , roundby the W. To S. , and I steered E. N. E. And N. E. , without meeting withanything remarkable, till eleven o'clock in the morning of the 8thof August, when land was seen, bearing N. N. E. , nine or ten leaguesdistant. At first, it appeared in detached hills, like so manyseparate islands; but, as we drew nearer, we found that they were allconnected, and belonged to one and the same island. I steered directlyfor it, with a fine gale at S. E. By S. ; and at half-past six o'clockin the afternoon, it extended from N. By E. , to N. N. E. 3/4 E. , distantthree or four leagues. 

The night was spent standing off and on; and at day-break the nextmorning, I steered for the N. W. , or lee-side of the island; and as westood round its S. Or S. W. Part, we saw it every where guarded by areef of coral rock, extending, in some places, a full mile from theland, and a high surf breaking upon it. Some thought that theysaw land to the southward of this island; but, as that was to thewindward, it was left undetermined. As we drew near, we saw people ondifferent parts of the coast, walking, or running along the shore, andin a little time after we had reached the lee-side of the island, we saw them launch two canoes, into which above a dozen men got, andpaddled toward us. 

I now shortened sail, as well to give these canoes time to come upwith us, as to sound for anchorage. At the distance of about half amile from the reef, we found from forty to thirty-five fathoms water, over a bottom of fine sand. Nearer in, the bottom was strewed withcoral rocks. The canoes having advanced to about the distance of apistol-shot from the ship, there stopped. Omai was employed, ashe usually had been on such occasions, to use all his eloquence toprevail upon the men in them to come nearer; but no entreaties couldinduce them to trust themselves within our reach. They kept eagerlypointing to the shore with their paddles, and calling to us to gothither; and several of their countrymen who stood upon the beach heldup something white, which we considered also as an invitation to land. We could very well have done this, as there was good anchorage withoutthe reef, and a break or opening in it, from whence the canoes hadcome out, which had no surf upon it, and where, if there was not waterfor the ships, there was more than sufficient for the boats. But I didnot think proper to risk losing the advantage of a fair wind, for thesake of examining an island that appeared to be of little consequence. We stood in no need of refreshments, if I had been sure of meetingwith them there; and having already been so unexpectedly delayed inmy progress to the Society Islands, I was desirous of avoiding everypossibility of farther retardment. For this reason, after makingseveral unsuccessful attempts to induce these people to comealongside, I made sail to the N. , and left them, but not withoutgetting from them, during their vicinity to our ship, the name oftheir island, which they called Toobouai. 

It is situated in the latitude of 23° 25' S. , and in 210 37' E. Longitude. Its greatest extent, in any direction, exclusive of thereef, is not above five or six miles. On the N. W. Side, the reefappears in detached pieces, between which the sea seems to breakupon the shore. Small as the island is, there are hills in it of aconsiderable elevation. At the foot of the hills, is a narrow borderof flat land, running quite round it, edged with a white sand beach. The hills are covered with grass, or some other herbage, except a fewsteep rocky cliffs at one part, with patches of trees interspersed totheir summits. But the plantations are more numerous in some of thevallies, and the flat border is quite covered with high, strong trees, whose different kinds we could not discern, except some cocoa-palms, and a few of the _etoa_. According to the information of the men inthe canoes, their island is stocked with hogs and fowls, and producesthe several fruits and roots that are found at the other islands inthis part of the Pacific Ocean. 

We had an opportunity, from the conversation we had with those whocame off to us, of satisfying ourselves, that the inhabitants ofToobouai speak the Otaheite language, a circumstance that indubitablyproves them to be of the same nation. Those of them whom we saw in thecanoes were a stout copper-coloured people, with straight black hair, which some of them wore tied in a bunch on the crown of the head, andothers flowing about the shoulders. Their faces were somewhat roundand full, but the features, upon the whole, rather flat, and theircountenances seemed to express some degree of natural ferocity. Theyhad no covering but a piece of narrow stuff wrapped about the waist, and made to pass between the thighs, to cover the adjoining parts;but some of those whom we saw upon the beach, where about a hundredpersons had assembled, were entirely clothed with a kind of whitegarment. We could observe, that some of our visitors in the canoeswore pearl shells hang about the neck as an ornament. One of them keptblowing a large conch-shell, to which a reed near two feet longwas fixed; at first, with a continued tone of the same kind, but heafterward converted it into a kind of musical instrument, perpetuallyrepeating two or three notes, with the same strength. What the blowingthe conch portended, I cannot say, but I never found it the messengerof peace. 

Their canoes appeared to be about thirty feet long, and two feet abovethe surface of the water, as they floated. The fore part projected alittle, and had a notch cut across, as if intended to represent themouth of some animal. The after part rose, with a gentle curve, to theheight of two or three feet, turning gradually smaller, and, as wellas the upper part of the sides, was carved all over. The rest of thesides, which were perpendicular, were curiously incrustated with flatwhite shells, disposed nearly in concentric semicircles, with thecurve upward. One of the canoes carried seven, and the other eightmen, and they were managed with small paddles, whose blades werenearly round. Each of them had a pretty long outrigger; and theysometimes paddled, with the two opposite sides together so close, thatthey seemed to be one boat with two outriggers, the rowers turningtheir faces occasionally to the stern, and pulling that way, withoutpaddling the canoes round. When they saw us determined to leave them, they stood up in their canoes, and repeated something very loudly inconcert, but we could not tell whether this was meant as a mark oftheir friendship or enmity. It is certain, however, that they had noweapons with them, nor could we perceive with our glasses that thoseon shore had any. [2]

[Footnote 2: This is the island on which Fletcher Christian, chiefmutineer of the Bounty, attempted to form a settlement in 1789, as weshall have occasion to notice when treating of another voyage. --E. ]

After leaving this island, from the discovery of which futurenavigators may possibly derive some advantage, I steered to the N. With a fresh gale at E. By S. , and, at day-break in the morning ofthe 12th, we saw the island of Maitea. Soon after, Otaheite made itsappearance; and at noon, it extended from S. W. By W. To W. N. W. ; thepoint of Oheitepeha bay bearing W. , about four leagues distant. Isteered for this bay, intending to anchor there, in order to draw whatrefreshments I could from the S. E. Part of the island, before I wentdown to Matavai, from the neighbourhood of which station I expectedmy principal supply. We had a fresh gale easterly, till two o'clockin the afternoon, when, being about a league from the bay, the windsuddenly died away, and was succeeded by baffling light airs fromevery direction, and calms by turns. This lasted about two hours. Thenwe had sudden squalls, with rain, from the E. These carried us beforethe bay, where we got a breeze from the land, and attempted in vainto work in to gain the anchoring-place. So that at last about nineo'clock, we were obliged to stand out, and to spend the night at sea. 

When we first drew near the island, several canoes came off to theship, each conducted by two or three men; but, as they were commonfellows, Omai took no particular notice of them, nor they of him. Theydid not even seem to perceive that he was one of their countrymen, although they conversed with him for some time. At length, a chiefwhom I had known before, named Ootee, and Omai's brother-in-law, whochanced to be now at this corner of the island, and three or fourmore persons, all of whom knew Omai before he embarked with CaptainFurneaux, came on board. Yet there was nothing either tender orstriking in their meeting. On the contrary, there seemed to be aperfect indifference on both sides, till Omai, having taken hisbrother down into the cabin, opened the drawer where he kept his redfeathers, and gave him a few. This being presently known amongstthe rest of the natives upon deck, the face of affairs was entirelyturned, and Ootee, who would hardly speak to Omai before, now beggedthat they might be _tayos_ (friends), and exchange names. Omaiaccepted of the honour, and confirmed it with a present of redfeathers, and Ootee, by way of return, sent ashore for a hog. Butit was evident to every one of us, that it was not the man, buthis property, they were in love with. Had he not shewn to themhis treasure of red feathers, which is the commodity in greatestestimation at the island, I question much whether they would havebestowed even a cocoa-nut upon him. Such was Omai's first receptionamongst his countrymen. I own, I never expected it would be otherwise;but still I was in hopes that the valuable cargo of presents withwhich the liberality of his friends in England had loaded him, wouldbe the means of raising him into consequence, and of making himrespected, and even courted by the first persons throughout the extentof the Society Islands. This could not but have happened, had heconducted himself with any degree of prudence; but, instead of it, Iam sorry to say that he paid too little regard to the repeated adviceof those who wished him well, and suffered himself to be duped byevery designing knave. From the natives who came off to us, inthe course of this day, we learnt that two ships had twice been inOheitepeha Bay, since my last visit to this island in 1774, and thatthey had left animals there such as we had on board. But, on fartherenquiry, we found they were only hogs, dogs, goats, one bull, and themale of some other animal, which, from the imperfect description nowgiven us, we could not find out. They told us that these ships hadcome from a place called _Reema_, by which we guessed that Lima, the capital of Peru, was meant, and that these late visitors wereSpaniards. We were informed that the first time they came, they builta house, and left four men behind them, viz. Two priests, a boy orservant, and a fourth person called Mateema, who was much spoken ofat this time, carrying away with them, when they sailed, four ofthe natives; that, in about ten months, the same two ships returned, bringing back two of the islanders, the other two having died at Lima, and that, after a short stay, they took away their own people; butthat the house which they had built was left standing. 

The important news of red feathers being on board our ships, havingbeen conveyed on shore by Omai's friends, day had no sooner begun tobreak, next morning, than we were surrounded by a multitude of canoes, crowded with people, bringing hogs and fruits to market. At first, a quantity of feathers, not greater than what might be got from atom-tit, would purchase a hog of forty or fifty pounds weight. But, asalmost every body in the ships was possessed of some of this preciousarticle of trade, it fell in its value above five hundred per cent. Before night. However, even then, the balance was much in our favour, and red feathers continued to preserve their superiority over everyother commodity. Some of the natives would not part with a hog, unlessthey received an axe in exchange; but nails and beads, and othertrinkets, which, during our former voyages, had so great a run at thisisland, were now so much despised, that few would deign so much as tolook at them. 

There being but little wind all the morning, it was nine o'clockbefore we could get to an anchor in the bay, where we moored with thetwo bowers. Soon after we had anchored, Omai's sister came on boardto see him. I was happy to observe, that, much to the honour of themboth, their meeting was marked with expressions of the tenderestaffection, easier to be conceived than to be described. 

This moving scene having closed, and the ship being properly moored, Omai and I went ashore. My first object was to pay a visit to a manwhom my friend represented as a very extraordinary personage indeed, for he said that he was the god of Bolabola. We found him seated underone of those small awnings which they usually carry in their largercanoes. He was an elderly man, and had lost the use of his limbs, so that he was carried from place to place upon a hand-barrow. Some called him _Olla_, or _Orra_, which is the name of the god ofBolabola, but his own proper name was Etary. From Omai's account ofthis person, I expected to have seen some religious adoration paid tohim. But, excepting some young plantain trees that lay before him, andupon the awning under which he sat, I could observe nothing by whichhe might be distinguished from their other chiefs. Omai presented tohim a tuft of red feathers, tied to the end of a small stick; but, after a little conversation on indifferent matters with this Bolabolaman, his attention was drawn to an old woman, the sister of hismother. She was already at his feet, and had bedewed them plentifullywith tears of joy. 

I left him with the old lady, in the midst of a number of people whohad gathered round him, and went to take a view of the house saidto be built by the strangers who had lately been here. I found itstanding at a small distance from the beach. The wooden materialsof which it was composed seemed to have been brought hither, readyprepared, to be set up occasionally; for all the planks were numbered. It was divided into two small rooms; and in the inner one were abedstead, a table, a bench, some old hats, and other trifles, of whichthe natives seemed to be very careful, as also of the house itself, which had suffered no hurt from the weather, a shed having been builtover it. There were scuttles all around, which served as air holes;and, perhaps, they were also meant to fire from with muskets, if everthis should have been found necessary. At a little distance from thefront stood a wooden cross, on the transverse part of which was cutthe following inscription:

 _Christus vincit. _

And on the perpendicular part (which confirmed our conjecture that thetwo ships were Spanish), _Carolus_ III. _imperat. _ 1774. 

On the other side of the post I preserved the memory of the priorvisits of the English, by inscribing, _Georgius Tertius Rex, Annis_ 1767, 1769, 1773, 1774, & 1777. 

The natives pointed out to us, near the foot of the cross, the graveof the commodore of the two ships, who had died here while they lay inthe bay the first time. His name, as they pronounced it, was Oreede. Whatever the intentions of the Spaniards in visiting this island mightbe, they seemed to have taken great pains to ingratiate themselveswith the inhabitants, who, upon every occasion, mentioned them withthe strongest expressions of esteem, and veneration. 

I met with no chief of any considerable note on this occasion, excepting the extraordinary personage above described. Waheiadooa, thesovereign of Tiaraboo (as this part of the island is called), was nowabsent; and I afterward found that he was not the same person, thoughof the same name with the chief whom I had seen here during my lastvoyage; but his brother, a boy of about ten years of age, who hadsucceeded upon the death of the elder Waheiadooa, about twenty monthsbefore our arrival. We also learned that the celebrated Oberea wasdead; but that Otoo and all our other friends were living. 

When I returned from viewing the house and cross erected by theSpaniards, I found Omai holding forth to a large company; and it waswith some difficulty that he could be got away to accompany me onboard, where I had an important affair to settle. 

As I knew that Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands, could furnishus with a plentiful supply of cocoa-nuts, the liquor of which is anexcellent _succedaneum_ for any artificial beverage, I was desirous ofprevailing upon my people to consent to be abridged, during our stayhere, of their stated allowance of spirits to mix with water. But asthis stoppage of a favourite article, without assigning some reason, might have occasioned a general murmur, I thought it most prudent toassemble the ship's company, and to make known to them the intent ofthe voyage, and the extent of our future operations. To induce them toundertake which with cheerfulness and perseverance, I took notice ofthe rewards offered by parliament to such of his majesty's subjects asshall first discover a communication between the Atlantic and PacificOceans, in any direction whatever, in the northern hemisphere; andalso to such as shall first penetrate beyond the 39th degree ofnorthern latitude. I made no doubt, I told them, that I should findthem willing to co-operate with me in attempting, as far as might bepossible, to become entitled to one or both these rewards; but that, to give us the best chance of succeeding, it would be necessaryto observe the utmost economy in the expenditure of our stores andprovisions, particularly the latter, as there was no probabilityof getting a supply any where, after leaving these islands. Istrengthened my argument by reminding them that our voyage must lastat least a year longer than had been originally supposed, by ourhaving already lost the opportunity of getting to the north thissummer. I begged them to consider the various obstructions anddifficulties we might still meet with, and the aggravated hardshipsthey would labour under, if it should be found necessary to put themto short allowance of any species of provisions, in a cold climate. For these very substantial reasons, I submitted to them whether itwould not be better to be prudent in time, and rather than to runthe risk of having no spirits left, when such a cordial would bemost wanted, to consent to be without their grog now, when we had soexcellent a liquor as that of cocoa-nuts to substitute in its place;but that, after all, I left the determination entirely to their ownchoice. 

I had the satisfaction to find that this proposal did not remaina single moment under consideration; being unanimously approved ofimmediately, without any objection. I ordered Captain Clerk tomake the same proposal to his people, which they also agreed to. Accordingly we stopped serving grog, except on Saturday nights, whenthe companies of both ships had full allowance of it, that they mightdrink the healths of their female friends in England, lest these, amongst the pretty girls of Otaheite, should be wholly forgotten. [3]

[Footnote 3: If it is to be judged of by its effects, certainlythe most suitable test of excellence, we must allow that in thisparticular instance, Captain Cook displayed true eloquence. The merit, indeed, is not inconsiderable, of inducing so great a sacrifice as hiscrew now made; and, on the other hand, due commendation ought to beallowed to their docility. This incident altogether is exceedinglystriking, and might, one should think, be very advantageously studiedby all who are in authority over vulgar minds. --E. ]

The next day, we began some necessary operations; to inspect theprovisions that were in the main and fore-hold; to get the casks ofbeef and pork, and the coals out of the ground tier, and to put someballast in their place. The caulkers were set to work to caulk theship, which she stood in great need of, having at times made muchwater on our passage from the Friendly Islands. I also put on shorethe bull, cows, horses, and sheep, and appointed two men to look afterthem while grazing; for I did not intend to leave any of them at thispart of the island. 

During the two following days, it hardly ever ceased raining. Thenatives, nevertheless, came to us from every quarter, the news of ourarrival having rapidly spread. Waheiadooa, though at a distance, hadbeen informed of it; and, in the afternoon of the 16th, a chief, namedEtorea, under whose tutorage he was, brought me two hogs as a presentfrom him, and acquainted me that he himself would be with us the dayafter. And so it proved; for I received a message from him the nextmorning, notifying his arrival, and desiring I would go ashore to meethim. Accordingly, Omai and I prepared to pay him a formal visit. Onthis occasion, Omai, assisted by some of his friends, dressed himself, not after the English fashion, nor that of Otaheite, nor that ofTongataboo, nor in the dress of any country upon earth, but in astrange medley of all that he was possessed of. 

Thus equipped, on our landing, we first visited Etary, who, carriedon a hand-barrow, attended us to a large house, where he was setdown, and we seated ourselves on each side of him. I caused a pieceof Tongataboo cloth to be spread out before us, on which I laid thepresents I intended to make. Presently the young chief came, attendedby his mother, and several principal men, who all seated themselves atthe other end of the cloth, facing us. Then a man, who sat by me, madea speech, consisting of short and separate sentences, part of whichwas dictated by those about him. He was answered by one from theopposite side, near the chief. Etary spoke next, then Omai, and bothof them were answered from the same quarter. These orations wereentirely about my arrival, and connexions with them. The person whospoke last told me, among other things, that the men of _Reema_, thatis, the Spaniards, had desired them not to suffer me to come intoOheitepeha Bay, if I should return any more to the island, for that itbelonged to them; but that they were so far from paying any regard tothis request, that he was authorised now to make a formal surrender ofthe province of Tiaraboo to me, and of every thing in it; which marksvery plainly that these people are no strangers to the policy ofaccommodating themselves to present circumstances. At length, theyoung chief was directed by his attendants to come and embrace me, and, by way of confirming this treaty of friendship, we exchangednames. The ceremony being closed, he and his friends accompanied me onboard to dinner. 

Omai had prepared a _maro_, composed of red and yellow feathers, whichhe intended for Otoo, the king of the whole island; and, consideringwhere we were, it was a present of very great value. I said all that Icould to persuade him not to produce it now, wishing him to keep it onboard till an opportunity should offer of presenting it to Otoo withhis own hands. But he had too good an opinion of the honesty andfidelity of his countrymen to take my advice. Nothing would serve himbut to carry it ashore on this occasion, and to give it to Waheiadooa, to be by him forwarded to Otoo, in order to its being added to theroyal _maro_. He thought by this management that he should oblige bothchiefs; whereas he highly disobliged the one, whose favour was of themost consequence to him, without gaining any reward from the other. What I had foreseen happened, for Waheiadooa kept the _maro_ forhimself, and only sent to Otoo a very small piece of feathers, not thetwentieth part of what belonged to the magnificent present. 

On the 19th, this young chief made me a present of ten or a dozenhogs, a quantity of fruit, and some cloth. In the evening, we playedoff some fire-works, which both astonished and entertained thenumerous spectators. 

This day, some of our gentlemen in their walks found what they werepleased to call a Roman Catholic chapel. Indeed, from their account, this was not to be doubted, for they described the altar, and everyother constituent part of such a place of worship. However, as theymentioned, at the same time, that two men who had the care of it, would not suffer them to go in, I thought that they might be mistaken, and had the curiosity to pay a visit to it myself. The supposedchapel proved to be a _toopapaoo_, in which the remains of the lateWaheiadooa lay, as it were, in state. It was in a pretty largehouse, which was inclosed with a low pallisade. The _toopapaoo_ wasuncommonly neat, and resembled one of those little houses or awningsbelonging to their large canoes. Perhaps it had originally beenemployed for that purpose. It was covered and hung round with clothand mats of different colours, so as to have a pretty effect. Therewas one piece of scarlet broad-cloth, four or five yards in length, conspicuous among the other ornaments, which, no doubt, had been apresent from the Spaniards. This cloth, and a few tassels of feathers, which our gentlemen supposed to be silk, suggested to them the ideaof a chapel, for, whatever else was wanting to create a resemblance, their imagination supplied; and, if they had not previously known thatthere had been Spaniards lately here, they could not possibly havemade the mistake. Small offerings of fruit and roots seemed to bedaily made at this shrine, as some pieces were quite fresh. Thesewere deposited upon a _whatta_, or altar, which stood without thepallisades; and within these we were not permitted to enter. Two menconstantly attended night and day, not only to watch over the place, but also to dress and undress the _toopapaoo_. For when I first wentto survey it, the cloth and its appendages were all rolled up; but, at my request, the two attendants hung it out in order, first dressingthemselves in clean white robes. They told me that the chief had beendead twenty months. 

Having taken in a fresh supply of water, and finished all our othernecessary operations, on the 22d, I brought off the cattle and sheepwhich had been put on shore here to graze, and made ready for sea. 

In the morning of the 23d, while the ships were unmooring, Omai and Ilanded to take leave of the young chief. While we were with him, one of those enthusiastic persons whom they call _Eatooas_, from apersuasion that they are possessed with the spirit of the divinity, came and stood before us. He had all the appearance of a man not inhis right senses; and his only dress was a large quantity of plantainleaves, wrapped round his waist. He spoke in a low squeaking voice, soas hardly to be understood, at least not by me. But Omai said that hecomprehended him perfectly, and that he was advising Waheiadooa not togo with me to Matavai; an expedition which I had never heard that heintended, nor had I ever made such a proposal to him. The _Eatooa_also foretold that the ships would not get to Matavai that day. Butin this he was mistaken; though appearances now rather favoured hisprediction, there not being a breath of wind in any direction. Whilehe was prophesying, there fell a very heavy shower of rain, which madeevery one run for shelter but himself, who seemed not to regard it. Heremained squeaking by us about half an hour, and then retired. No onepaid any attention to what he uttered, though some laughed at him. Iasked the chief what he was, whether an _Earee_, or a _Toutou_? andthe answer I received was, that he was _taata eno_; that is, a badman. And yet, notwithstanding this, and the little notice any of thenatives seemed to take of the mad prophet, superstition has so far gotthe better of their reason, that they firmly believe such persons tobe possessed with the spirit of the _Eatooa_. Omai seemed to be verywell instructed about them. He said that, during the fits thatcome upon them, they know nobody, not even their most intimateacquaintances; and that, if any one of them happens to be a man ofproperty, he will very often give away every moveable he is possessedof, if his friends do not put them out of his reach; and, when herecovers, will enquire what had become of those very things whichhe had but just before distributed, not seeming to have the leastremembrance of what he had done while the fit was upon him. [4]

[Footnote 4: What is the origin of that singular notion which is foundamongst the lower orders in most countries, that divine inspirationis often consequent on temporary or continued derangement? Surely itcannot be derived from any correct opinions respecting the Author oftruth and knowledge. We must ascribe it, then, to ignorance, andsome feeling of dread as to his power; or rather perhaps, we oughtto consider it as the hasty offspring of surprise, on the occasionaldisplay of reason, even in a common degree, where the faculties areunderstood to be disordered. Still it is singular, that the observersshould have recourse for explanation to so injurious and so improbablea supposition, as that of supernatural agency. What has often, beensaid of sol-lunar and astral influence on the human mind, the opinionof which is pretty widely spread over the world, may be interpretedso as perfectly to agree with the theoretical solution of the questionnow proposed, the heavenly bodies being amongst the first and the mostgenerally established objects of religious apprehension and worship. It is curious enough, that what may be called the converse of theproposition, viz. That derangement follows or is accompanied withinspiration, whether religious or common, should almost as extensivelyhave formed a part of the popular creed. The reason of this notionagain, is not altogether the same as that of the former; it has itsorigin probably in the observation, that enthusiasm with respect toany one subject, which, in the present case, is to be regarded as theappearance or expression of inspiration, usually unfits a personfor the requisite attention to any other. The language of mankindaccordingly quite falls in with this observation, and nothing is moregeneral than to speak of a man being mad, who exhibits a more thanordinary ardour in the pursuit of some isolated object. Still, however, there seems a tacit acknowledgement amongst mankind, that thehuman mind can profitably attend to only one thing at a time, andthat all excellence in any pursuit is the result of restrictedunintermitting application: And hence it is, that enthusiasm, thoughperhaps admitted to be allied to one of the highest evils withwhich our nature can be visited, is nevertheless imagined to be anindication of superior strength of intellect. The weakest minds, on the contrary, are the most apprehensive of ridicule, and inconsequence are most cautious, by a seeming indifference as toobjects, to avoid the dangerous imputation of a decided partiality. Such persons, however, forming undoubtedly the greater portionof every society, console themselves and one another under theconsciousness of debility, by the sense of their safety, and by thefashionable custom of dealing out wise reflections on those moreenterprising minds, whose eccentricities or ardour, provoke theiradmiration. --E. ]

As soon as I got on board, a light breeze springing up at east, we gotunder sail, and steered for Matavai Bay, where the Resolution anchoredthe same evening. But the Discovery did not get in till the nextmorning; so that half of the man's prophecy was fulfilled. 

SECTION II. 

_Interview with Otoo, King of the Island. --Imprudent Conduct ofOmai. --Employments on Shore. --European Animals landed. --Particularsabout a Native who had visited Lima. --About Oedidee--A Revoltin Eimeo. --War with that Island determined upon, in a Council ofChiefs. --A human Sacrifice on that Account. --A particular Relationof the Ceremonies at the great Morai, where the Sacrifice wasoffered. --Other barbarous Customs of this People. _

About nine o'clock in the morning, Otoo, the king of the whole island, attended by a great number of canoes full of people, came from Oparre, his place of residence and having landed on Matavai Point, sent amessage on board, expressing his desire to see me there. AccordinglyI landed, accompanied by Omai, and some of the officers. We found aprodigious number of people assembled on this occasion, and in themidst of them was the king, attended by his father, his two brothers, and three sisters. I went up first and saluted him, being followed byOmai, who kneeled and embraced his legs. He had prepared himself forthis ceremony, by dressing himself in his very best suit of clothes, and behaved with a great deal of respect and modesty. Nevertheless, very little notice was taken of him. Perhaps envy had some share inproducing this cold reception. He made the chief a present of a largepiece of red feathers, and about two or three yards of gold cloth; andI gave him a suit of fine linen, a gold-laced hat, some tools, and, what was of more value than all the other articles, a quantity of redfeathers, and one of the bonnets in use at the Friendly Islands. 

After the hurry of this visit was over, the king and the whole royalfamily accompanied me on board, followed by several canoes, laden withall kinds of provisions, in quantity sufficient to have served thecompanies of both ships for a week. Each of the family owned, orpretended to own, a part; so that I had a present from every one ofthem, and every one of them had a separate present in return from me, which was the great object in view. Soon after, the king's mother, whohad not been present at the first interview, came on board, bringingwith her a quantity of provisions and cloth, which she divided betweenme and Omai. For, although he was but little noticed at first by hiscountrymen, they no sooner gained the knowledge of his riches, thanthey began to court his friendship. I encouraged this as much as Icould, for it was my wish to fix him with Otoo. As I intended to leaveall my European animals at this island, I thought he would be able togive some instruction about the management of them, and about theiruse. Besides, I knew and saw, that the farther he was from his nativeisland, he would be the better respected. But, unfortunately, poorOmai rejected my advice, and conducted himself in so imprudent amanner, that he soon lost the friendship of Otoo, and of every otherperson of note in Otaheite. He associated with none but vagabonds andstrangers, whose sole views were to plunder him. And, if I had notinterfered, they would not have left him a single article worth thecarrying from the island. This necessarily drew upon him the ill-willof the principal chiefs, who found that they could not procure, fromany one in the ships, such valuable presents as Omai bestowed on thelowest of the people, his companions. 

As soon as we had dined, a party of us accompanied Otoo to Oparre, taking with us the poultry, with which we were to stock the island. They consisted of a peacock and hen (which Lord Besborough was so kindas to send me for this purpose, a few days before I left London); aturkey-cock and hen; one gander, and three geese; a drake and fourducks. All these I left at Oparre, in the possession of Otoo; andthe geese and ducks began to breed before we sailed. We found therea gander, which the natives told us, was the same that Captain Wallishad given to Oberea ten years before; several goats, and the Spanishbull, whom they kept tied to a tree near Otoo's house. I never saw afiner animal of his kind. He was now the property of Etary, and hadbeen brought from Oheitepeha to this place, in order to be shippedfor Bolabola. But it passes my comprehension, how they can contrive tocarry him in one of their canoes. If we had not arrived, it would havebeen of little consequence who had the property of him, as, withouta cow, he could be of no use; and none had been left with him. Thoughthe natives told us, that there were cows on board the Spanish ships, and that they took them away with them, I cannot believe this, andshould rather suppose, that they had died in the passage from Lima. The next day, I sent the three cows, that I had on board, to thisbull; and the bull, which I had brought, the horse and mare, andsheep, I put ashore at Matavai. 

Having thus disposed of these passengers, I found my self lightenedof a very heavy burthen. The trouble and vexation that attended thebringing this living cargo thus far, is hardly to be conceived. Butthe satisfaction that I felt, in having been so fortunate as to fulfilhis majesty's humane design, in sending such valuable animals, tosupply the wants of two worthy nations, sufficiently recompensedme for the many anxious hours I had passed, before this subordinateobject of my voyage could be carried into execution. 

As I intended to make some stay here, we set up the two observatorieson Matavai Point. Adjoining to them, two tents were pitched for thereception of a guard, and of such people as it might be necessary toleave on shore, in different departments. At this station, Ientrusted the command to Mr King, who, at the same time, attended theobservations, for ascertaining the going of the time-keeper, and otherpurposes. During our stay, various necessary operations employed thecrews of both ships. The Discovery's main-mast was carried ashore, and made as good as ever. Our sails and water-casks were repaired, theships were caulked, and the rigging all overhauled. We also inspectedall the bread that we had on board in casks; and had the satisfactionto find that but little of it was damaged. 

On the 26th, I had a piece of ground cleared for a garden, and plantedit with several articles, very few of which, I believe, the natives, will ever look after. Some melons, potatoes, and two pine-appleplants, were in a fair way of succeeding before we left the place. Ihad brought from the Friendly Islands several shaddock trees. These Ialso planted here; and they can hardly fail of success, unless theirgrowth should be checked by the same premature curiosity, whichdestroyed a vine planted by the Spaniards at Oheitepeha. A number ofthe natives got together to taste the first fruit it bore; but, asthe grapes were still sour, they considered it as little better thanpoison, and it was unanimously determined to tread it under foot. In that state, Omai found it by chance, and was overjoyed at thediscovery. For he had a full confidence, that, if he had but grapes, he could easily make wine. Accordingly, he had several slips cut offfrom the tree, to carry away with him; and we pruned and put in orderthe remains of it. Probably, grown wise by Omai's instructions, theymay now suffer the fruit to grow to perfection, and not pass so hastya sentence upon it again. 

We had not been eight and forty hours at anchor in Matavai Bay, beforewe were visited by all our old friends, whose names are recorded inthe account of my last voyage. Not one of them came empty-handed; sothat we had more provisions than we knew what to do with. What wasstill more, we were under no apprehensions of exhausting the island, which presented to our eyes every mark of the most exuberant plenty, in every article of refreshment. 

Soon after our arrival here, one of the natives, whom the Spaniardshad carried with them to Lima, paid us a visit; but, in hisexternal appearance, he was not distinguishable from the rest of hiscountrymen. However, he had not forgot some Spanish words which hehad acquired, though he pronounced them badly. Amongst them, the mostfrequent were, _si Sennor_; and, when a stranger was introduced tohim, he did not fail to rise up and accost him, as well as he could. 

We also found here the young man whom we called Oedidee, but whosereal name is Heete-heete. I had carried him from Ulietea in 1773, andbrought him back in 1774; after he had visited the Friendly Islands, New Zealand, Easter Island, and the Marqueses, and been on board myship, in that extensive navigation, about seven months. He was, atleast, as tenacious of his good breeding, as the man who had beenat Lima; and _yes, Sir_, or _if you please, Sir_, were as frequentlyrepeated by him, as _si Sennor_ was by the other. Heete-heete, whois a native of Bolabola, had arrived in Otaheite about three monthsbefore, with no other intention, that we could learn, than to gratifyhis curiosity, or, perhaps, some other favourite passion; whichare very often the only objects of the pursuit of other travellinggentlemen. It was evident, however, that he preferred the modes, andeven garb, of his countrymen, to ours. For, though I gave him someclothes, which our Admiralty Board had been pleased to send for hisuse (to which I added a chest of tools, and a few other articles, as apresent from myself), he declined wearing them, after a few days. Thisinstance, and that of the person who had been at Lima, may be urgedas a proof of the strong propensity natural to man, of returning tohabits acquired at an early age, and only interrupted by accident. And, perhaps, it may be concluded, that even Omai, who had imbibedalmost the whole English manners, will, in a very short time after ourleaving him, like Oedidee, and the visiter of Lima, return to his ownnative garments. [5]

[Footnote 5: Captain Cook's remark has often been exemplified in otherinstances. The tendency to revert to barbarism is so strong, as toneed to be continually checked by the despotism of refined manners, and all the healthful emulations of civilized societies. Perhaps therather harsh observation of Dr Johnson, that there is always a greatdeal of _scoundrelism_ in a low man, is more strictly applicable tothe cases of savages in general, than to even the meanest member ofany cultivated community. But in the case of a superiorly endowedindividual situate amongst a mass of ruder beings, to all of whom heis attached by the strongest ties of affection and early acquaintance, another powerfully deranging cause is at work in addition to thenatural tendency to degenerate, viz. The necessity of accommodatinghimself to established customs and opinions. The former agent alone, we know, has often degraded Europeans. Is it to be thought wonderfulthen, that, where both principles operate, a man of Omai's charactershould speedily relinquish foreign acquirements, and retrograde intohis original barbarity?--E. ]

In the morning of the 27th, a man came from Oheitepeha, and told us, that two Spanish ships had anchored in that bay the night before; and, in confirmation of this intelligence, he produced a piece of coarseblue cloth, which, he said, he got out of one of the ships, and which, indeed, to appearance, was almost quite new. He added, that Mateemawas in one of the ships, and that they were to come down to Matavaiin a day or two. Some other circumstances which he mentioned, withthe foregoing ones, gave the story so much the air of truth, that Idispatched Lieutenant Williamson in a boat, to look into Oheitepehabay; and, in the mean time, I put the ships into a proper postureof defence. For, though England and Spain were in peace when I leftEurope, for aught I knew, a different scene might, by this time, haveopened. However, on farther enquiry, we had reason to think that thefellow who brought the intelligence had imposed upon us; and this wasput beyond all doubt, when Mr Williamson returned next day, who madehis report to me, that he had been at Oheitepeha, and found that noships were there now, and that none had been there since we left it. The people of this part of the island where we now were, indeed, toldus, from the beginning, that it was a fiction invented by thoseof Tiaraboo. But what view they could have, we were at a loss toconceive, unless they supposed that the report would have some effectin making us quit the island, and, by that means, deprive the peopleof Otaheite-nooe of the advantages they might reap from our shipscontinuing there; the inhabitants of the two parts of the island beinginveterate enemies to each other. 

From the time of our arrival at Matavai, the weather had been veryunsettled, with more or less rain every day, till the 29th; beforewhich we were not able to get equal altitudes of the sun forascertaining the going of the time-keeper. The same cause alsoretarded the caulking and other necessary repairs of the ships. 

In the evening of this day, the natives made a precipitate retreat, both from on board the ships, and from our station on shore. For whatreason, we could not, at first, learn; though, in general, we guessedit arose from their knowing that some theft had been committed, andapprehending punishment on that account. At length, I understood whathad happened. One of the surgeon's mates had been in the country topurchase curiosities, and had taken with him four hatchets for thatpurpose. Having employed one of the natives to carry them for him, thefellow took an opportunity to run off with so valuable a prize. Thiswas the cause of the sudden flight, in which Otoo himself, and hiswhole family, had joined; and it was with difficulty that I stoppedthem, after following them two or three miles. As I had resolved totake no measures for the recovery of the hatchets, in order to putmy people upon their guard against such negligence for the future, I found no difficulty in bringing the natives back, and in restoringevery thing to its usual tranquillity. 

Hitherto, the attention of Otoo and his people had been confined tous; but, next morning, a new scene of business opened, by the arrivalof some messengers from Eimeo, or (as it is much oftener called by thenatives) Morea, [6] with intelligence, that the people in that islandwere in arms; and that Otoo's partizans there had been worsted, andobliged to retreat to the mountains. The quarrel between the twoislands, which commenced in 1774, as mentioned in the account ofmy last voyage, had, it seems, partly subsisted ever since. Theformidable armament which I saw at that time, and described, hadsailed soon after I then left Otaheite; but the malcontents of Eimeohad made so stout a resistance, that the fleet had returned withouteffecting much; and now another expedition was necessary. 

[Footnote 6: Morea, according to Dr Forster, is a district in Eimeo. See his _Observations_, p. 217. ]

On the arrival of these messengers, all the chiefs, who happened tobe at Matavai, assembled at Otoo's house, where I actually was at thetime, and had the honour to be admitted into their council. One ofthe messengers opened the business of the assembly, in a speechof considerable length. But I understood little of it, besides itsgeneral purport, which was to explain the situation of affairs inEimeo; and to excite the assembled chiefs of Otaheite to arm onthe occasion. This opinion was combated by others who were againstcommencing hostilities; and the debate was carried on with greatorder, no more than one man speaking at a time. At last, they becamevery noisy, and I expected that our meeting would have ended like aPolish diet. But the contending great men cooled as fast as theygrew warm, and order was soon restored. At length, the party for warprevailed; and it was determined, that a strong force should be sentto assist their friends in Eimeo. But this resolution was far frombeing unanimous. Otoo, during the whole debate, remained silent;except that, now and then, he addressed a word or two to the speakers. Those of the council, who were for prosecuting the war, applied to mefor my assistance; and all of them wanted to know what part I wouldtake. Omai was sent for to be my interpreter; but, as he could not befound, I was obliged to speak for myself, and told them, as well as Icould, that as I was not thoroughly acquainted with the dispute, andas the people of Eimeo had never offended me, I could not thinkmyself at liberty to engage in hostilities against them. With thisdeclaration they either were, or seemed, satisfied. The assembly thenbroke up; but, before I left them, Otoo desired me to come to him inthe afternoon, and to bring Omai with me. 

Accordingly, a party of us waited upon him at the appointed time; andwe were conducted by him to his father, in whose presence the disputewith Eimeo was again talked over. Being very desirous of devising somemethod to bring about an accommodation, I sounded the old chief onthat head. But we found him deaf to any such proposal, and fullydetermined to prosecute the war. He repeated the solicitations whichI had already resisted, about giving them my assistance. On ourenquiring into the cause of the war, we were told, that, some yearsago, a brother of Waheiadooa, of Tiaraboo, was sent to Eimeo, at therequest of Maheine, a popular chief of that island, to be their king;but that he had not been there a week before Maheine, having causedhim to be killed, set up for himself, in opposition to Tierataboonooe, his sister's son, who became the lawful heir; or else had been pitchedupon, by the people of Otaheite, to succeed to the government on thedeath of the other. 

Towha, who was a relation of Otoo, and chief of the district ofTettaha, a man of much weight in the island, and who had beencommander-in-chief of the armament fitted out against Eimeo in 1774, happened not to be at Matavai at this time; and, consequently, was notpresent at any of these consultations. It, however, appeared that hewas no stranger to what was transacted; and that he entered with morespirit into the affair than any other chief. For, early in the morningof the 1st of September, a messenger arrived from him to acquaint Otoothat he had killed a man to be sacrificed to the _Eatooa_, to implorethe assistance of the god against Eimeo. This act of worship was to beperformed at the great _Morai_ at Attahooroo; and Otoo's presence, itseems, was absolutely necessary on that solemn occasion. 

That the offering of human sacrifices is part of the religiousinstitutions of this island, had been mentioned by Mons. DeBougainville, on the authority of the native whom he carried withhim to France. During my last visit to Otaheite, and while I hadopportunities of conversing with Omai on the subject, I had satisfiedmyself that there was too much reason to admit that such a practice, however inconsistent with the general humanity of the people, was hereadopted. But as this was one of those extraordinary facts, about whichmany are apt to retain doubts, unless the relater himself has hadocular proof to confirm what he had heard from others, I thought thisa good opportunity of obtaining the highest evidence of its certainty, by being present myself at the solemnity; and, accordingly, proposedto Otoo that I might be allowed to accompany him. To this he readilyconsented; and we immediately set out in my boat, with my old friendPotatou, Mr Anderson, and Mr Webber; Omai following in a canoe. 

In our way we landed upon a little island, which lies off Tettaha, where we found Towha and his retinue. After some little conversationbetween the two chiefs, on the subject of the war, Towha addressedhimself to me, asking my assistance. When I excused myself, he seemedangry, thinking it strange, that I, who had always declared myself tobe the friend of their island, would not now go and fight against itsenemies. Before we parted, he gave to Otoo two or three red feathers, tied up in a tuft, and a lean half-starved dog was put into a canoethat was to accompany us. We then embarked again, taking on board apriest who was to assist at the solemnity. 

As soon as we landed at Attahooroo, which was about two o'clock in theafternoon, Otoo expressed his desire that the seamen might be orderedto remain in the boat; and that Mr Anderson, Mr Webber, and myself, might take off our hats as soon as we should come to the _morai_, towhich we immediately proceeded, attended by a great many men and someboys, but not one woman. We found four priests, and their attendants, or assistants, waiting for us. The dead body, or sacrifice, was in asmall canoe that lay on the beach, and partly in the wash of thesea, fronting the _morai_. Two of the priests, with some of theirattendants, were sitting by the canoe, the others at the _morai_. Ourcompany stopped about twenty or thirty paces from the priests. HereOtoo placed himself; we, and a few others, standing by him, while thebulk of the people remained at a greater distance. 

The ceremonies now began. One of the priest's attendants brought ayoung plantain-tree, and laid it down before Otoo. Another approachedwith a small tuft of red feathers, twisted on some fibres of thecocoa-nut husk, with which he touched one of the king's feet, and thenretired with it to his companions. One of the priests, seated atthe _morai_, facing those who were upon the beach, now began a longprayer, and at certain times, sent down young plantain-trees, whichwere laid upon the sacrifice. During this prayer, a man, who stood bythe officiating priest, held in his hands two bundles, seemingly ofcloth. In one of them, as we afterward found, was the royal _maro_;and the other, if I may be allowed the expression, was the ark of the_Eatooa_. As soon as the prayer was ended, the priests at the _morai_, with their attendants, went and sat down by those upon the beach, carrying with them the two bundles. Here they renewed their prayers;during which the plantain-trees were taken, one by one, at differenttimes, from off the sacrifice, which was partly wrapped up in cocoaleaves and small branches. It was now taken out of the canoe, andlaid upon the beach, with the feet to the sea. The priests placedthemselves around it, some sitting and others standing, and one ormore of them repeated sentences for about ten minutes. The dead bodywas now uncovered, by removing the leaves and branches, and laid ina parallel direction with the sea-shore. One of the priests thenstanding at the feet of it, pronounced a long prayer, in which he wasat times joined by the others, each holding in his hand a tuft of redfeathers. In the course of this prayer, some hair was pulled off thehead of the sacrifice, and the left eye taken out, both which werepresented to Otoo, wrapped up in a green leaf. He did not howevertouch it, but gave to the man who presented it, the tuft of featherswhich he had received from Towha. This, with the hair and eye, wascarried back to the priests. Soon after, Otoo sent to them anotherpiece of feathers, which he had given me in the morning to keep in mypocket. During some part of this last ceremony, a kingfisher making anoise in the trees, Otoo turned to me, saying, "That is the _Eatooa_"and seemed to look upon it to be a good omen. 

The body was then carried a little way, with its head towards the_morai_, and laid under a tree, near which were fixed three broad thinpieces of wood, differently but rudely carved. The bundles of clothwere laid on a part of the _morai_, and the tufts of red featherswere placed at the feet of the sacrifice, round which the priests tooktheir stations, and we were now allowed to go as near as we pleased. He who seemed to be the chief priest sat at a small distance, andspoke for a quarter of an hour, but with different tones and gestures, so that he seemed often to expostulate with the dead person, towhom he constantly addressed himself; and sometimes asked severalquestions, seemingly with respect to the propriety of his having beenkilled. At other times, he made several demands, as if the deceasedeither now had power himself, or interest with the divinity, to engagehim to comply with such requests. Amongst which, we understood, heasked him to deliver Eimeo, Maheine its chief, the hogs, women, andother things of the island, into their hands; which was, indeed, theexpress intention of the sacrifice. He then chanted a prayer, whichlasted near half an hour, in a whining, melancholy tone, accompaniedby two other priests; and in which Potatou and some others joined. Inthe course of this prayer, some more hair was plucked by a priest fromthe head of the corpse, and put upon one of the bundles. After this, the chief priest prayed alone, holding in his hand the feathers whichcame from Towha. When he had finished, he gave them to another, whoprayed in like manner. Then all the tufts of feathers were laid uponthe bundles of cloth, which closed the ceremony at this place. 

The corpse was then carried up to the most conspicuous part of the_morai_, with the feathers, the two bundles of cloth, and the drums;the last of which beat slowly. The feathers and bundles were laidagainst the pile of stones, and the corpse at the foot of them. The priests having again seated themselves round it, renewed theirprayers, while some of their attendants dug a hole about two feetdeep, into which they threw the unhappy victim, and covered it overwith earth and stones. While they were putting him into the grave, a boy squeaked aloud, and Omai said to me, that it was the _Eatooa_. During this time, a fire having been made, the dog before-mentioned, was produced, and killed, by twisting his neck and suffocating him. The hair was singed off, and the entrails taken out, and thrown intothe fire, where they were left to consume. But the heart, liver, and kidneys were only roasted, by being laid on hot stones for afew minutes; and the body of the dog, after being besmeared with theblood, which had been collected into a cocoa-nut shell, and dried overthe fire, was, with the liver, &c. Carried and laid down beforethe priests, who sat praying round the grave. They continued theirejaculations over the dog for some time, while two men, at intervals, beat on two drums very loud; and a boy screamed, as before, in a loud, shrill voice, three different times. This, as we were told, was toinvite the _Eatooa_ to feast on the banquet that they had prepared forhim. As soon as the priests had ended their prayers, the carcassof the dog, with what belonged to it, were laid on a _whatta_, orscaffold, about six feet high, that stood close by, on which lay theremains of two other dogs, and of two pigs, which had lately beensacrificed, and, at this time, emitted an intolerable stench. Thiskept us at a greater distance, than would otherwise have been requiredof us. For after the victim was removed from the sea-side toward the_morai_, we were allowed to approach as near as we pleased. Indeed, after that, neither seriousness nor attention were much observed bythe spectators. When the dog was put upon the _whatta_, the priestsand attendants gave a kind of shout, which closed the ceremonies forthe present. The day being now also closed, we were conducted to ahouse belonging to Potatou, where we were entertained, and lodgedfor the night. We had been told that the religious rites were to berenewed in the morning; and I would not leave the place, while anything remained to be seen. 

Being unwilling to lose any part of the solemnity, some of us repairedto the scene of action pretty early, but found nothing going forward. However, soon after a pig was sacrificed, and laid upon the same_whatta_ with the others. About eight o'clock, Otoo took us again tothe _morai_, where the priests, and a great number of men, were bythis time assembled. The two bundles occupied the place in which wehad seen them deposited the preceding evening; the two drums stood inthe front of the _morai_, but somewhat nearer it than before, and thepriests were beyond them. Otoo placed himself between the two drums, and desired me to stand by him. 

The ceremony began, as usual, with bringing a young plantain-tree, andlaying it down at the king's feet. After this a prayer was repeatedby the priests, who held in their hands several tufts of red feathers, and also a plume of ostrich feathers, which I had given to Otoo on myfirst arrival, and had been consecrated to this use. When the priestshad made an end of the prayer, they changed their station, placingthemselves between us and the _morai_; and one of them, the sameperson who had acted the principal part the day before, began anotherprayer, which lasted about half an hour. During the continuance ofthis, the tufts of feathers were, one by one, carried and laid uponthe ark of the _Eatooa_. 

Some little time after, four pigs were produced, one of which wasimmediately killed, and the others were taken to a sty hard by, probably reserved for some future occasion of sacrifice. One of thebundles was now untied; and it was found, as I have before observed, to contain the _maro_, with which these people invest their kings, and which seems to answer, in some degree, to the European ensignsof royalty, it was carefully taken out of the cloth, in which, it hadbeen wrapped up, and spread at full length upon the ground before thepriests. It is a girdle, about five yards long; and fifteen inchesbroad; and, from its name, seems to be put on in the same manner asis the common _maro_, or piece of cloth, used by these people to wrapround the waist. It was ornamented with red and yellow feathers, butmostly with the latter, taken from a dove found upon the island. Theone end was bordered with eight pieces, each about the size and shapeof a horse-shoe, having their edges fringed with black feathers. Theother end was forked, and the points were of different lengths. The feathers were in square compartments, ranged in two rows, andotherwise so disposed, as to produce a pleasing effect. They had beenfirst pasted or fixed upon some of their own country cloth, andthen sewed to the upper end of the pendant which Captain Wallis haddisplayed, and left flying ashore, the first time that he landed atMatavai. This was what they told us; and we had no reason to doubt it, as we could easily trace the remains of an English pendant. About sixor eight inches square of the _maro_ was unornamented, there beingno feathers upon that space, except a few that had been sent byWaheiadooa, as already mentioned. The priests made a long prayer, relative to this part of the ceremony; and, if I mistook not, theycalled it the prayer of the _maro_. When it was finished, the badgeof royalty was carefully folded up, put into the cloth, and depositedagain upon the _morai_. 

The other bundle, which I have distinguished by the name of the ark, was next opened at one end. But we were not allowed to go near enoughto examine its mysterious contents. The information we received was, that the _Eatooa_, to whom they had been sacrificing, and whosename is _Ooro_, was concealed in it, or rather what is supposed torepresent him. This sacred repository is made of the twisted fibresof the husk of the cocoa-nut, shaped somewhat like a large fig, orsugar-loaf, that is, roundish, with one end much thicker than theother. We had very often got small ones from different people, butnever knew their use before. 

By this time, the pig that had been killed, was cleaned, and theentrails taken out. These happened to have a considerable share ofthose convulsive motions, which often appear, in different parts, after an animal is killed; and this was considered by the spectatorsas a very favourable omen to the expedition on account of which thesacrifices had been offered. After being exposed for some time, thatthose who chose might examine their appearances, the entrails werecarried to the priests, and laid down before them. While one of theirnumber prayed, another inspected the entrails more narrowly, and keptturning them gently with a stick. When they had been sufficientlyexamined, they were thrown into the fire, and left to consume. Thesacrificed pig and its liver, &c. Were now put upon the _whatta_, where the dog had been deposited the day before; and then all thefeathers, except the ostrich plume, were enclosed with the _Eatooa_ inthe ark, and the solemnity finally closed. 

Four double canoes lay upon the beach, before the place of sacrifice, all the morning. On the fore part of each of these was fixed a smallplatform, covered with palm-leaves, tied in mysterious knots; andthis also is called a _morai_. Some cocoa-nuts, plantains, piecesof bread-fruit, fish, and other things, lay upon each of these naval_morais_. We were told that they belonged to the _Eatooa_, and thatthey were to attend the fleet designed to go against Eimeo. 

The unhappy victim, offered to the object of their worship upon thisoccasion, seemed to be a middle-aged man; and, as we were told, was a_toutou_, that is, one of the lowest class of the people. But, afterall my enquiries, I could not learn that he had been pitched upon onaccount of any particular crime committed by him meriting death. Itis certain, however, that they generally make choice of such guiltypersons for their sacrifices, or else of common, low fellows whostroll about, from place to place, and from island to island, withouthaving any fixed abode, or any visible way of getting an honestlivelihood; of which description of men, enough are to be met with atthese islands. Having had an opportunity of examining the appearanceof the body of the poor sufferer now offered up, I could observe, thatit was bloody about the head and face, and a good deal bruised uponthe right temple, which marked the manner of his being killed. Andwe were told, that he had been privately knocked on the head with astone. 

Those who are devoted to suffer, in order to perform this bloody actof worship, are never apprised of their fate, till the blow is giventhat puts an end to their existence. Whenever any one of thegreat chiefs thinks a human sacrifice necessary, on any particularemergency, he pitches upon the victim. Some of his trusty servantsare then sent, who fall upon him suddenly, and put him to death witha club, or by stoning him. The king is next acquainted with it, whose presence, at the solemn rites that follow, is, as I was told, absolutely necessary; and indeed on the present occasion, we couldobserve, that Otoo bore a principal part. The solemnity itself iscalled _Poore Eree_, or chief's prayer; and the victim, who is offeredup, _Taata-taboo_, or consecrated man. This is the only instance wherewe have heard the word _taboo_ used at this island, where it seems tohave the same mysterious signification as at Tonga, though it isthere applied to all cases where things are not to be touched. Butat Otaheite, the word _raa_ serves the same purpose, and is full asextensive in its meaning. 

The _morai_, (which undoubtedly is a place of worship, sacrifice, andburial, at the same time, ) where the sacrifice was now offered, isthat where the supreme chief of the whole island is always buried, andis appropriated to his family, and some of the principal people. Itdiffers little from the common ones, except in extent. Its principalpart is a large oblong pile of stones, lying loosely upon each; other, about twelve or fourteen feet high; contracted toward the top, witha square area on each side, loosely paved with pebble stones, underwhich the bones of the chiefs are buried. At a little distance fromthe end nearest the sea is the place where the sacrifices are offered, which, for a considerable extent, is also loosely paved. There is herea very large scaffold, or _whatta_, on which the offerings of fruitsand other vegetables are laid. But the animals are deposited on asmaller one, already mentioned, and the human sacrifices are buriedunder different parts of the pavement. There are several otherreliques which ignorant superstition had scattered about this place;such as small stones, raised in different parts of the pavement, somewith bits of cloth tied round them, others covered with it; and uponthe side of the large pile, which fronts the area, are placed a greatmany pieces of carved wood, which are supposed to be sometimes theresidence of their divinities, and consequently held sacred. But oneplace more particular than the rest, is a heap of stones at one endof the large _whatta_, before which the sacrifice was offered, with akind of platform at one side. On this are laid the sculls of all thehuman sacrifices, which are taken up after they have been severalmonths under ground. Just above them are placed a great number of thepieces of wood; and it was also here, where the _maro_, and the otherbundle supposed to contain the god Ooro (and which I call the ark), were laid during the ceremony, a circumstance which denotes itsagreement with the altar of other nations. 

It is much to be regretted, that a practice so horrid in itsown nature, and so destructive of that inviolable right ofself-preservation which every one is born with, should be found stillexisting; and (such is the power of superstition to counteract thefirst principles of humanity!) existing amongst a people, in manyother respects, emerged from the brutal manners of savage life. Whatis still worse, it is probable that these bloody rites of worshipare prevalent throughout all the wide-extended islands of the PacificOcean. The similarity of customs and language, which our late voyageshave enabled us to trace, between the most distant of these islands, makes it not unlikely that some of the more important articles oftheir religious institutions should agree. And indeed we had the mostauthentic information, that human sacrifices continue to be offered atthe Friendly Islands. When I described the _Natche_ at Tongataboo, Imentioned that on the approaching sequel of that festival, we had beentold that ten men were to be sacrificed. This may give us an idea ofthe extent of this religious massacre in that island. And though weshould suppose that never more than one person is sacrificed on anysingle occasion at Otaheite, it is more than probable that theseoccasions happen so frequently, as to make a shocking waste of thehuman race, for I counted no less than forty-nine sculls of formervictims, lying before the _morai_, where we saw one more added tothe number. And as none of those sculls had as yet suffered anyconsiderable change from the weather, it may hence be inferred, that no great length of time had elapsed, since, at least, thisconsiderable number of unhappy wretches had been offered upon thisaltar of blood. 

The custom, though no consideration can make it cease to beabominable, might be thought less detrimental in some respects, if itserved to impress any awe for the divinity or reverence for religionupon the minds of the multitude. But this is so far from being thecase, that though a great number of people had assembled at the_morai_ on this occasion, they did not seem to shew any properreverence for what was doing or saying during the celebration of therites. And Omai happening to arrive, after they had begun, many of thespectators flocked round him, and were engaged the remainder of thetime in making him relate some of his adventures, which they listenedto with great attention, regardless of the solemn offices performingby their priests. Indeed, the priests themselves, except the one whochiefly repeated the prayers, either from their being familiarizedto such objects, or from want of confidence in the efficacy oftheir institutions, observed very little of that solemnity which isnecessary to give to religious performances their due weight. Theirdress was only an ordinary one, they conversed together withoutscruple, and the only attempt made by them to preserve any appearanceof decency, was by exerting their authority to prevent the people fromcoming upon the very spot where the ceremonies were performed, andto suffer us as strangers to advance a little forward. They were, however, very candid in their answers to any questions that were putto them concerning the institution. And particularly on being askedwhat the intention of it was, they said that it was an old custom, andwas agreeable to their god, who delighted in, or in other words, cameand fed upon the sacrifices; in consequence of which, he complied withtheir petitions. Upon its being objected that he could not feed onthese, as he was neither seen to do it, nor were the bodies of theanimals quickly consumed, and that as to the human victim, theyprevented his feeding on him by burying him. But to all this theyanswered, that he came in the night, but invisibly, and fed only onthe soul, or immaterial part, which, according to their doctrine, remains about the place of sacrifice, until the body of the victim beentirely wasted by putrefaction. 

It were much to be wished, that this deluded people may learn toentertain the same horror of murdering their fellow-creatures, inorder to furnish such an invisible banquet to their god, as they nowhave of feeding corporeally on human flesh themselves. And yet wehave great reason to believe, that there was a time when they werecannibals. We were told (and indeed partly saw it) that it is anecessary ceremony when a poor wretch is sacrificed, for the priest totake out the left eye. This he presents to the king, holding it tohis mouth, which he desires him to open; but instead of putting it in, immediately withdraws it. This they call "eating the man, " or "foodfor the chief;" and perhaps we may observe here some traces of formertimes, when the dead body was really feasted upon. 

But not to insist upon this, it is certain, that human sacrifices arenot the only barbarous custom we find still prevailing amongst thisbenevolent humane people. For besides cutting out the jaw-bones oftheir enemies slain in battle, which they carry about as trophies, they, in some measure, offer their bodies as a sacrifice to the_Eatooa_. Soon after a battle, in which they have been victors, theycollect all the dead that have fallen into their hands and bring themto the _morai_, where, with a great deal of ceremony, they dig a hole, and bury them all in it, as so many offerings to the gods; but theirsculls are never after taken up. 

Their own great chiefs that fall in battle are treated in adifferent manner. We were informed, that their late king Tootaha, Tubourai-tamaide, and another chief, who fell with them in thebattle fought with those of Tiaraboo, were brought to this _morai_ atAttahooroo. There their bowels were cut out by the priests beforethe great altar, and the bodies afterward buried in three differentplaces, which were pointed out to us, in the great pile of stones thatcompose the most conspicuous part of this _morai_. And their commonmen who also fell in this battle, were all buried in one hole at thefoot of the pile. This, Omai, who was present, told me, was done theday after the battle, with much pomp and ceremony, and in the midstof a great concourse of people, as a thanksgiving-offering to the_Eatooa_, for the victory they had obtained; while the vanquished hadtaken refuge in the mountains. There they remained a week or ten days, till the fury of the victors was over, and a treaty set on foot, bywhich it was agreed, that Otoo should be declared king of the wholeisland, and the solemnity of investing him with the _maro_ wasperformed at the same _morai_ with great pomp, in the presence of allthe principal men of the country. [7]

[Footnote 7: We must trespass a little on the reader's patience aswas formerly threatened. But on so curious, and indeed so exceedinglyimportant a subject as human sacrifices, it is allowable to claim theserious attention of every intelligent being. Who can withhold anxietyfrom an enquiry into the reality of the fact, as a fundamental partof religion in every nation at some period of its history--or dare toaffect indifference as to the origin and meaning of so portentous andhorrible a rite? It will be our study to be as brief as possible inconveying the information respecting both, which every man ought topossess, who values correct opinions respecting the moral condition ofour nature. First, then, as to the universality of the practice. This is of course to be ascertained from testimony. And perhaps on nosubject in the history of mankind, is there a more decided agreementin the assertions of different witnesses. We shall run over thevarious nations of the earth, of whom we have any thing likesatisfactory evidence. Here we avail ourselves of the labours ofseveral authors, as Dr Jenkin, De Paauw, Mr Bryant, Mr Parkhurst, DrMagee, and others. We commence with the Egyptians, of whom alone, webelieve, any doubt as to their being implicated in the practice hasbeen entertained. Thus Dr Forster, in his Observations on Cook'sSecond Voyage, excepts them from his remark that all the ancientnations sacrificed men, saying that where-ever it is affirmed in oldwriters that these people were addicted to it, we are to understandthem as alluding to the Arabian shepherds, who at one time subduedEgypt. Such _was_ the opinion of the writer of this note, but moreattentive enquiry has induced him, in this instance, to disregardthe distinction. Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch, quoted by Dr Magee, mention their sacrificing red-haired men at the tomb of Osiris; andfrom other sources, it appears that they had a custom of sacrificinga virgin to the river Nile, by flinging her into its stream. ThePhoenicians, Canaanites, Moabites, Ammonites, and other neighbouringpeople, were in the habit of sacrificing their children to theiridols, especially Moloch, on certain, calamities, and for variousreasons. See on this head some of the commentators on Scripture, asAinsworth on Levit. 18th, and still more particularly, consult SelectaSacra Braunii, a work formerly referred to. The Ethiopians, accordingto the Romance of Heliodorus, admitted to be good authority as tomanners, &c. Sacrificed their children to the sun and moon. TheScythians, as related in the curious description given of them byHerodotus, in Melpom. 62, particularly honoured the god Mars, bysacrificing to him every hundredth captive. This they did, he says, bycutting their throats, &c. The same author informs us of the Persians, that they had a custom of burying persons alive, generally young onesit would seem, in honour of the river Strymon, considered by them as adeity. Polym. 114. In this he is confirmed by Plutarch. Other writers, also, charge the Persians with using human sacrifices, as is shewn byDr Magee. The same may be said of the Chinese and Indians, accordingto works mentioned by that gentleman. The case of the latter peoplehas been made notorious by Dr Buchanan. With respect to the Grecianstates in general, we have the most indubitable evidence of theprevalence of supplicating their gods by human sacrifices, when goingagainst their enemies, as we see done by the Otaheitans, and on otheroccasions. The Roman history, in its early state especially, aboundsin like examples, as every reader will be prepared to prove. Thepractice was shockingly prevalent amongst the Carthaginians and otherinhabitants of Africa. The writer above quoted, specifies the workswhich mention it, and has enumerated the authorities for asserting thesame of a great many other ancient people, as the Getae, Leucadians, Goths, Gauls, Heruli, Britons, Germans; besides the Arabians, Cretans, Cyprians, Rhodians, Phocians, and the inhabitants of Chios, Lesbos, Tenedos, and Pella. The northern nations, without exception, arechargeable with the same enormity. Of this, satisfactory evidence hasbeen adduced by Dr Magee from various authors, as Mr Thorkelin in hisEssay on the Slave Trade, Mallet, in his work on Northern Antiquities, &c. And it is well known that the evil existed amongst the Mexicans, Peruvians, and other people of America, in a degree surpassing itsmagnitude in any other country. The perusal of the present narrative, and of other accounts of voyages, will evince the continuance of thepractice throughout more recent people. On the whole then, we assert, that the fact of the universality of human sacrifice amongst thevarious nations of the world is perfectly well authenticated. Letus next say a word or two respecting its origin and meaning. Herewe shall find it necessary to consider the origin and meaning ofsacrifice in general, as it is self-evident that the notion ofsacrifice is previous to the selection of the subjects for it, thatof human beings differing only in degree of worth or excellence fromthose of any other kind. What then could induce mankind universally toimagine, that sacrifices of animals could be agreeable to those beingswhom they judged superior to themselves, and the proper objects ofreligious adoration? Reason gives no sanction to the practice; on thecontrary, most positively condemns it, as unnecessary, unjust, cruel, and therefore more likely to incur displeasure than to obtain favour. Besides, it must always have been expensive, and very often dangerous, so that we must entirely discard the notion of a sense of interesthaving given occasion to it, unless we can prove, that some valuableconsequence was to result from it. This however cannot be done withoutfirst shewing its acceptableness to the Being whose regard is therebysolicited. There remain, perhaps, only two other motives which we canconceive to have given origin to the custom, viz. Some instinctiveprinciple of our nature by which we are led to it, independent ofeither reason or a sense of interest, as in the case of our appetites, and a positive injunction or command to that effect by some beingwho has the requisite authority over our conduct. The author so oftenalluded to, Dr Magee, who has so profoundly considered this subject inhis work on Atonement, &c. Rejects the former supposition, affirmingthat we have no natural instinct to gratify, in spilling the bloodof an innocent creature; and, as he has also set aside the othertwo notions, of course, he adopts the latter as sufficient for thesolution of the question. The writer concurs in this opinion, but atthe same time, he thinks it of the utmost importance to observe, thatas the original injunction or command was assuredly subsequent to thesense of moral delinquency, and was directed in the view of arelief to the conscience of man, so the continuance of the practice, according to any perversion of the primitive and consequently properinstitution, is always connected with, and in fact implies, theexistence of a feeling of personal demerit and danger. In other words, he conceives there is a suitableness betwixt the operation of man'sconscience and that effectual remedy for its uneasiness to which theoriginal institution of animal sacrifices pointed. But it does notfollow from this, that man's conscience or reason, or any thing elsewithin him, could ever have made the discovery of the remedy. A senseof his need of it, would undoubtedly set him on various effortsto relieve himself, but this, it is probable, would be as blind aprinciple as the appetite of hunger, and as much would require aidfrom an external power. Among the devices to which it might haverecourse, very possibly, the notion of giving up a darling object, ought to be included; so it would appear, thought a king of Moab, spoken of by Micah the prophet, chap. 6th, "Shall I give my first-bornfor my transgression, " &c. But even admitting this, we still see theprimary difficulty remaining, viz. What reason is there for imaginingthat the gift in any shape, and more especially when slaughtered, willbe accepted? We are driven then to contemplate the revelation of thedivine will as the only adequate explanation; and this, it is evident, we must consider as having been handed down by a corrupt process oftradition, among the various nations of the earth. It would be easy tourge arguments in behalf of this opinion. But already the matter hasgone beyond common bounds, and the writer dare not hazard anotherremark. All he shall do then, is to commend this interesting topic tothe reader's attention, and to request, that due allowances be madefor the omission of certain qualifications which are requisite forsome of the remarks now made, but which the limits of the note couldnot allow to be inserted. --E. ]

SECTION III. 

_Conference with Towha. --Heevas described. --Omai and Oedidee giveDinners. --Fireworks exhibited. --A remarkable Present ofCloth. --Manner of preserving the Body of a dead Chief. --Anotherhuman Sacrifice. --Riding on Horseback. --Otoo's Attention to supplyProvisions, and prevent Thefts. --Animals given to him. --Etary, andthe Deputies of a Chief, have Audiences. --A mock Fight of two WarCanoes. --Naval Strength of these Islands. --Manner of conducting aWar. _

The close of the very singular scene exhibited at the _morai_, whichI have faithfully described in the last chapter, leaving us no otherbusiness in Attahooroo, we embarked about noon, in order to returnto Matavai; and, in our way, visited Towha, who had remained on thelittle island where we met him the day before. Some conversationpassed between Otoo and him, on the present posture of public affairs;and then the latter solicited me once more to join them in their waragainst Eimeo. By my positive refusal I entirely lost the good gracesof this chief. 

Before we parted, he asked us if the solemnity at which we hadbeen present answered our expectations; what opinion we had of itsefficacy; and whether we performed such acts of worship in ourown country? During the celebration of the horrid ceremony, we hadpreserved a profound silence; but as soon as it was closed, had madeno scruple in expressing our sentiments very freely about it to Otoo, and those who attended him; of course, therefore, I did not conceal mydetestation of it in this conversation with Towha. Besides the crueltyof the bloody custom, I strongly urged the unreasonableness of it;telling the chief, that such a sacrifice, far from making the _Eatooa_propitious to their nation, as they ignorantly believed, would bethe means of drawing down his vengeance; and that, from this verycircumstance, I took upon me to judge, that their intended expeditionagainst Maheine would be unsuccessful. This was venturing pretty farupon conjecture; but still, I thought, that there was little dangerof being mistaken. For I found, that there were three parties in theisland, with regard to this war; one extremely violent for it; anotherperfectly indifferent about the matter; and the third openlydeclaring themselves friends to Maheine and his cause. Under thesecircumstances, of disunion distracting their councils, it was notlikely that such a plan of military operations would be settledas could insure even a probability of success. In conveying oursentiments to Towha, on the subject of the late sacrifice, Omai wasmade use of as our interpreter; and he entered into our arguments withso much spirit, that the chief seemed to be in great wrath; especiallywhen he was told, that if he had put a man to death in England, as hehad done here, his rank would not have protected him from being hangedfor it. Upon this, he exclaimed, _maeno_! _maeno_! [vile! vile!] andwould not hear another word. During this debate, many of the nativeswere present, chiefly the attendants and servants of Towha himself;and when Omai began to explain the punishment that would be inflictedin England, upon the greatest man, if he killed the meanest servant, they seemed to listen with great attention; and were probably of adifferent opinion from that of their master on this subject. 

After leaving Towha, we proceeded to Oparre, where Otoo pressed usto spend the night. We landed in the evening; and, on our road to hishouse, had an opportunity of observing in what manner these peopleamuse themselves in their private _heevas_. About an hundred of themwere found sitting in a house; and in the midst of them were twowomen, with an old man behind each of them beating very gently upona drum; and the women at intervals singing in a softer manner than Iever heard at their other diversions. The assembly listened with greatattention; and were seemingly almost absorbed in the pleasure themusic gave them; for few took any notice of us, and the performersnever once stopped. It was almost dark before we reached Otoo's house, where we were entertained with one of their public _heevas_, or plays, in which his three sisters appeared as the principal characters. Thiswas what they call a _heeva raä_, which is of such a nature, thatnobody is to enter the house or area where it is exhibited. Whenthe royal sisters are the performers, this is always the case. Theirdress, on this occasion, was truly picturesque and elegant; and theyacquitted themselves, in their parts, in a very distinguished manner;though some comic interludes, performed by four men seemed to yieldgreater pleasure to the audience, which was numerous. The next morningwe proceeded to Matavai, leaving Otoo at Oparre; but his mother, sisters, and several other women attended me on board, and Otoohimself followed soon after. 

While Otoo and I were absent from the ships, they had been butsparingly supplied with fruit, and had few visitors. After our return, we again overflowed with provisions and with company. 

On the 4th, a party of us dined ashore with Omai, who gave excellentfare, consisting of fish, fowls, pork, and puddings. After dinner, Iattended Otoo, who had been one of the party, back to his house, whereI found all his servants very busy getting a quantity of provisionsready for me. Amongst other articles, there was a large hog, whichthey killed in my presence. The entrails were divided into elevenportions, in such a manner that each of them contained a bit of everything. These portions were distributed to the servants, and somedressed theirs in the same oven with the hog, while others carriedoff, undressed, what had come to their share. There was also a largepudding, the whole process in making which, I saw. It was composedof bread-fruit, ripe plantains, taro, and palm or pandanus nuts, eachrasped, scraped, or beat up fine, and baked by itself. A quantity ofjuice, expressed from cocoa-nut kernels, was put into a large tray orwooden vessel. The other articles, hot from the oven, were depositedin this vessel; and a few hot stones were also put in to make thecontents simmer. Three or four men made use of sticks to stir theseveral ingredients, till they were incorporated one with another, andthe juice of the cocoa-nut was turned to oil; so that the whole mass, at last, became of the consistency of a hasty-pudding. Some of thesepuddings are excellent; and few that we make in England equal them. Iseldom or never dined without one when I could get it, which was notalways the case. Otoo's hog being baked, and the pudding, which Ihave described, being made, they, together with two living hogs, anda quantity of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, were put into a canoe, andsent on board my ship, followed by myself, and all the royal family. 

The following evening, a young ram, of the Cape breed, that had beenlambed, and with great care brought up on board the ship, was killedby a dog. Incidents are of more or less consequence, as connected withsituation. In our present situation, desirous as I was to propagatethis useful race amongst these islands, the loss of the ram was aserious misfortune; as it was the only one I had of that breed; and Ihad only one of the English breed left. 

In the evening of the 7th, we played off some fireworks before a greatconcourse of people. Some were highly entertained with the exhibition;but by far the greater number of spectators were terribly frightened;insomuch, that it was with difficulty we could prevail upon them tokeep together to see the end of the shew. A table-rocket was the last. It flew off the table, and dispersed the whole crowd in a moment; eventhe most resolute among them fled with precipitation. 

The next day, a party of us dined with our former ship-mate, Oedidee, on fish and pork. The hog weighed about thirty pounds; and it may beworth mentioning, that it was alive, dressed, and brought upon thetable within the hour. We had but just dined, when Otoo came and askedme if my belly was full. On my answering in the affirmative, hesaid, "Then, come along with me. " I accordingly went with him to hisfather's, where I found some people employed in dressing two girlswith a prodigious quantity of fine cloth, after a very singularfashion: The one end of each piece of cloth, of which there werea good many, was held up over the heads of the girls, while theremainder was wrapped round their bodies, under the arm-pits; then theupper ends were let fall, and hung down in folds to the ground, over the other, so as to bear some resemblance to a circularhoop-petticoat. Afterward, round the outside of all, were wrappedseveral pieces of differently-coloured cloth, which considerablyincreased the size; so that it was not less than five or six yardsin circuit, and the weight of this singular attire was as much asthe poor girls could support. To each were hang two _taames_, or breast-plates, by way of enriching the whole, and giving it apicturesque appearance. Thus equipped, they were conducted on boardthe ship, together with several hogs, and a quantity of fruit, which, with the cloth, was a present to me from Otoo's father. Persons ofeither sex, dressed in this manner, are called _atee_; but, I believe, it is never practised, except when large presents of cloth are to bemade. At least, I never saw it practised upon any other occasion; nor, indeed, had I ever such a present before; but both Captain Clerke andI had cloth given to us afterward, thus wrapped round the bearers. Thenext day, I had a present of five hogs and some fruit from Otoo;and one hog and some fruit from each of his sisters. Nor were otherprovisions wanting. For two or three days, great quantities ofmackerel had been caught by the natives, within the reef, in seines;some of which they brought to the ships and tents and sold. 

Otoo was not more attentive to supply our wants, by a succession ofpresents, than he was to contribute to our amusement, by a successionof diversions. A party of us having gone down to Oparre on the 10th, he treated us with what may be called a play. His three sisters werethe actresses; and the dresses that they appeared in were new andelegant; that is, more so than we had usually met with at any of theseislands. But the principal object I had in view, this day, in goingto Oparre, was to take a view of an embalmed corpse, which some of ourgentlemen had happened to meet with at that place, near the residenceof Otoo. On enquiry, I found it to be the remains of Tee, a chief wellknown to me when I was at this island during my last voyage. It waslying in a _toopapaoo_, more elegantly constructed than their commonones, and in all respects similar to that lately seen by us atOheitepeha, in which the remains of Waheiadooa are deposited, embalmedin the same manner. When we arrived at the place, the body was undercover, and wrapped up in cloth within the _toopapaoo_; but, at mydesire, the man who had the care of it, brought it out, and laid itupon a kind of bier, in such a manner, that we had as full a view ofit as we could wish; but we were not allowed to go within the palesthat enclosed the _toopapaoo_. After he had thus exhibited the corpse, he hung the place with mats and cloth, so disposed as to produce avery pretty effect. We found the body not only entire in every part;but, what surprised us much more, was, that putrefaction seemedscarcely to be begun, as there was not the least disagreeable smellproceeding from it; though the climate is one of the hottest, and Teehad been dead above four months. The only remarkable alteration thathad happened, was a shrinking of the muscular parts and eyes; but thehair and nails were in their original state, and still adhered firmly;and the several joints were quite pliable, or in that kind of relaxedstate which happens to persons who faint suddenly. Such were MrAnderson's remarks to me, who also told me, that on his enquiring intothe method of effecting this preservation of their dead bodies, he hadbeen informed, that, soon after their death, they are disembowlled, by drawing the intestines, and other _viscera_, out at the _anus_;and the whole cavity is then filled or stuffed with cloth, introducedthrough the same part; that when any moisture appeared on the skin, itwas carefully dried up, and the bodies afterward rubbed all over witha large quantity of perfumed cocoa-nut oil; which, being frequentlyrepeated, preserved them a great many months; but that, at last, theygradually moulder away. This was the information Mr Anderson received;for my own part, I could not learn any more about their mode ofoperation than what Omai told me, who said, that they made use of thejuice of a plant which grows amongst the mountains, of cocoa-nut oil, and of frequent washing with sea-water. I was also told, that thebodies of all their great men, who die a natural death, are preservedin this manner; and that they expose them to public view for a veryconsiderable time after. At first, they are laid out every day, whenit does not rain; afterward, the intervals become greater and greater;and, at last, they are seldom to be seen. [1]

[Footnote 1: The method of embalming, above described, is verydifferent from that practised among the Egyptians and other ancientpeople. For an account of the latter, the reader may turn to Beloe'sHerodotus, vol. I. Where observations are collected from severalauthors. --E. ]

In the evening we returned from Oparre, where we left Otoo, and allthe royal family; and I saw none of them till the 12th; when all, butthe chief himself, paid me a visit. He, as they told me, was gone toAttahooroo, to assist, this day, at another human sacrifice, which thechief of Tiaraboo had sent thither to be offered up at the _morai_. This second instance, within the course of a few days, wastoo melancholy a proof how numerous the victims of this bloodysuperstition are amongst this humane people. I would have been presentat this sacrifice too, had I known of it in time; for now it was toolate. From the very same cause, I missed being present at a publictransaction, which had passed at Oparre the preceding day, when Otoo, with all the solemnities observed on such occasions, restored tothe friends and followers of the late king Tootaha, the lands andpossessions which had been withheld from them, ever since his death. Probably, the new sacrifice was the concluding ceremony of what may becalled the reversal of attainder. 

The following evening, Otoo returned from exercising this mostdisagreeable of all his duties as sovereign; and the next day, beingnow honoured with his company, Captain Clerke and I, mounted onhorseback, took a ride round the plain of Matavai, to the very greatsurprise of a great train of people who attended on the occasion, gazing upon us with as much astonishment as if we had been centaurs. Omai, indeed, had once or twice before this, attempted to get onhorseback; but he had as often been thrown off, before he couldcontrive to seat himself; so that this was the first time they hadseen any body ride a horse. What Captain Clerke and I began, was, after this, repeated every day, while we staid, by one or anotherof our people. And yet the curiosity of the natives continued stillunabated. They were exceedingly delighted with these animals, afterthey had seen the use that was made of them; and, as far as I couldjudge, they conveyed to them a better idea of the greatness of othernations, than all the other novelties put together that their Europeanvisitors had carried amongst them. Both the horse and mare were ingood case, and looked extremely well. 

The next day, Etary, or Olla, the god of Bolabola, who had, forseveral days past, been in the neighbourhood of Matavai, removed toOparre, attended by several sailing canoes. We were told that Otoo didnot approve of his being so near our station, where his people couldmore easily invade our property. I must do Otoo the justice to say, that he took every method prudence could suggest to prevent thefts androbberies; and it was more owing to his regulations, than to our owncircumspection, that so few were committed. He had taken care to erecta little house or two, on the other side of the river, behind ourpost; and two others, close to our tents, on the bank betweenthe river and the sea. In all these places some of his own peopleconstantly kept watch; and his father generally resided on Matavaipoint; so that we were, in a manner, surrounded by them. Thusstationed, they not only guarded us in the night from thieves, butcould observe every thing that passed in the day; and were ready tocollect contributions from such girls as had private connectionswith our people; which was generally done every morning. So that themeasures adopted by him to secure our safety, at the same time servedthe more essential purpose of enlarging his own profits. 

Otoo informing me that his presence was necessary at Oparre, where hewas to give audience to the great personage from Bolabola; and askingme to accompany him, I readily consented, in hopes of meeting withsomething worth our notice. Accordingly I went with him, in themorning of the 16th, attended by Mr Anderson. Nothing, however, occurred on this occasion that was either interesting or curious. We saw Etary and his followers present some coarse cloth and hogs toOtoo; and each article was delivered with some ceremony, and a setspeech. After this, they, and some other chiefs, held a consultationabout the expedition to Eimeo. Etary, at first, seemed to disapproveof it; but, at last, his objections were over-ruled. Indeed, itappeared next day, that it was too late to deliberate about thismeasure; and that Towha, Potatou, and another chief, had already goneupon the expedition with the fleet of Attahooroo. For a messengerarrived in the evening, with intelligence that they had reachedEimeo, and that there had been some skirmishes, without much loss oradvantage on either side. 

In the morning of the 18th, Mr Anderson, myself, and Omai, went againwith Otoo to Oparre, and took with us the sheep which I intended toleave upon the island, consisting of an English ram and ewe, and threeCape ewes, all of which I gave to Otoo. As all the three cows hadtaken the bull, I thought I might venture to divide them, and carrysome to Ulieta. With this view, I had them brought before us; andproposed to Etary, that if he would leave his bull with Otoo, heshould have mine, and one of the three cows; adding, that I wouldcarry them for him to Ulieta; for I was afraid to remove the Spanishbull, lest some accident should happen to him, as he was a bulky, spirited beast. To this proposal of mine, Etary, at first, made someobjections; but, at last, agreed to it; partly through the persuasionof Omai. However, just as the cattle were putting into the boat, oneof Etary's followers valiantly opposed any exchange whatever beingmade. Finding this, and suspecting that Etary had only consented tothe proposed arrangement, for the present moment, to please me; andthat, after I was gone, he might take away his bull, and then Otoowould not have one, I thought it best to drop the idea of an exchange, as it could not be made with the mutual consent of both parties; andfinally determined to leave them all with Otoo, strictly enjoining himnever to suffer them to be removed from Oparre, not even the Spanishbull, nor any of the sheep, till he should get a stock of youngones; which he might then dispose of to his friends, and send to theneighbouring islands. 

This being settled, we left Etary and his party to ruminate upon theirfolly, and attended Otoo to another place hard by, where we found theservants of a chief, whose name I forgot to ask, waiting with a hog, apig, and a dog, as a present from their master to the sovereign. Thesewere delivered with the usual ceremonies, and with an harangue inform, in which the speaker, in his master's name, enquired afterthe health of Otoo, and of all the principal people about him. This compliment was echoed back in the name of Otoo, by one of hisministers; and then the dispute with Eimeo was discussed, with manyarguments for and against it. The deputies of this chief were forprosecuting the war with vigour, and advised Otoo to offer a humansacrifice. On the other hand, a chief, who was in constant attendanceon Otoo's person, opposed it, seemingly with great strength ofargument. This confirmed me in the opinion, that Otoo himself neverentered heartily into the spirit of this war. He now receivedrepeated messages from Towha, strongly soliciting him to hasten to hisassistance. We were told, that his fleet was, in a manner, surroundedby that of Maheine; but that neither the one nor the other dursthazard an engagement. 

After dining with Otoo, we returned to Matavai, leaving him at Oparre. This day, and also the 19th, we were very sparingly supplied withfruit. Otoo hearing of this, he and his brother, who had attachedhimself to Captain Clerke, came from Oparre, between nine and teno'clock in the evening, with a large supply for both ships. Thismarked his humane attention more strongly than any thing he hadhitherto done for us. The next day, all the royal family came withpresents; so that our wants were not only relieved, but we had moreprovisions than we could consume. 

Having got all our water on board, the ships being caulked, therigging overhauled, and everything put in order, I began to think ofleaving the island, that I might have sufficient time to spare forvisiting the others in this neighbourhood. With this view, we removedfrom the shore our observatories and instruments, and bent the sails. Early the next morning, Otoo came on board to acquaint me, that allthe war canoes of Matavai, and of three other districts adjoining, were going to Oparre to join those belonging to that part of theisland; and that there would be a general review there. Soon after, the squadron of Matavai was all in motion; and, after parading awhileabout the bay, assembled ashore, near the middle of it. I now went inmy boat to take a view of them. 

Of those with stages, on which they fight, or what they call theirwar-canoes, there were about sixty, with near as many more of asmaller size. I was ready to have attended them to Oparre; but, soonafter, a resolution was taken by the chiefs, that they should not movetill the next day. I looked upon this to be a fortunate delay, as itafforded me a good opportunity to get some insight into their mannerof fighting. With this view, I expressed my wish to Otoo, that hewould order some of them to go through the necessary manoeuvres. Twowere accordingly ordered out into the bay; in one of which, Otoo, MrKing, and myself, embarked; and Omai went on board the other. When wehad got sufficient sea-room, we faced, and advanced upon each other, and retreated by turns, as quick as our rowers could paddle. Duringthis, the warriors on the stages flourished their weapons, andplayed a hundred antic tricks, which could answer no other end, inmy judgment, than to work up their passions, and prepare them forfighting. Otoo stood by the side of our stage, and gave the necessaryorders, when to advance, and when to retreat. In this, great judgmentand a quick eye, combined together seemed requisite, to seize everyadvantage that might offer, and to avoid giving any advantage to theadversary. At last, after advancing and retreating to and from eachother, at least a dozen of times, the two canoes closed, head to head, or stage to stage; and, after a short conflict, the troops on ourstage were supposed to be all killed, and we were boarded by Omaiand his associates. At that very instant, Otoo, and all our paddlersleaped over-board, as if reduced to the necessity of endeavouring tosave their lives by swimming. 

If Omai's information is to be depended upon, their naval engagementsare not always conducted in this manner. He told me, that theysometimes begin with lashing the two vessels together, head to head, and then fight till all the warriors are killed, on one side or theother. But this close combat, I apprehend, is never practised, butwhen they are determined to conquer or die. Indeed, one or the othermust happen; for all agree that they never give quarter, unless it beto reserve their prisoners for a more cruel death the next day. 

The power and strength of these islands lie entirely in their navies. I never heard of a general engagement on land; and all their decisivebattles are fought on the water. If the time and place of conflict arefixed upon by both parties, the preceding day and night are spent indiversions and feasting. Toward morning, they launch the canoes, putevery thing in order, and, with the day, begin the battle; the fate ofwhich generally decides the dispute. The vanquished save themselvesby a precipitate flight; and such as reach the shore, fly with theirfriends to the mountains; for the victors, while their fury lasts, spare neither the aged, nor women, nor children. The next day, theyassemble at the _morai_, to return thanks to the _Eatooa_ for thevictory, and to offer up the slain as sacrifices, and the prisonersalso, if they have any. After this a treaty is set on foot; and theconquerors, for the most part, obtain their own terms; by which, particular districts of land, and sometimes whole islands, changetheir owners. Omai told us, that he was once taken a prisoner by themen of Bolabola, and carried to that island, where he and some otherswould have been put to death the next day, if they had not found meansto escape in the night. 

As soon as this mock-fight was over, Omai put on his suit of armour, mounted a stage in one of the canoes, and was paddled all along theshore of the bay; so that every one had a full view of him. His coatof mail did not draw the attention of his countrymen so much asmight have been expected. Some of them, indeed, had seen a part of itbefore; and there were others, again, who had taken such a dislike toOmai, from his imprudent conduct at this place, that they would hardlylook at any thing, however singular, that was exhibited by him. 

SECTION IV. 

_The Day of Sailing fixed. --Peace made with Eimeo. --Debates about it, and Otoo's Conduct blamed. --A Solemnity at the Morai on the Occasion, described by Mr King. --Observations upon it. --Instance of Otoo'sArt. --Omai's War-Canoe, and Remarks upon his Behaviour. --Otoo'sPresent, and Message to the King of Great Britain. --Reflections onour Manner of Traffic, and on the good Treatment we met with atOtaheite. --Account of the Expedition of the Spaniards. --Their Fictionsto depreciate the English. --Wishes expressed that no Settlement may bemade. --Omai's Jealousy of another Traveller. _

Early in the morning of the 22d, Otoo and his father came on board, toknow when I proposed sailing. For, having been informed that therewas a good harbour at Eimeo, I had told them that I should visitthat island on my way to Huaheine; and they were desirous of taking apassage with me, and of their fleet sailing, at the time, to reinforceTowha. As I was ready to take my departure, I left it to them to namethe day; and the Wednesday following was fixed upon, when I was totake on board Otoo, his father, mother, and, in short, the wholefamily. These points being settled, I proposed setting out immediatelyfor Oparre, where all the fleet, fitted out for the expedition, was toassemble this day, and to be reviewed. 

I had but just time to get into my boat, when news was brought, thatTowha had concluded a treaty with Maheine, and had returned withhis fleet to Attahooroo. This unexpected event made all furtherproceedings, in the military way, quite unnecessary; and thewar-canoes, instead of rendezvousing at Oparre, were ordered home totheir respective districts. This alteration, however, did not hinderme from following Otoo to Oparre, accompanied by Mr King and Omai. Soon after our arrival, and while dinner was preparing, a messengerarrived from Eimeo, and related the conditions of the peace, orrather of the truce, it being only for a limited time. The terms weredisadvantageous to Otaheite; and much blame was thrown upon Otoo, whose delay, in sending reinforcements, had obliged Towha to submitto a disgraceful accommodation. It was even currently reported, thatTowha, resenting his not being supported, had declared, that, as soonas I should leave the island, he would join his forces to those ofTiaraboo, and attack Otoo at Matavai, or Oparre. This called uponme to declare, in the most public manner, that I was determined toespouse the interest of my friend against any such combination; andthat whoever presumed to attack him, should feel the weight ofmy heavy displeasure, when I returned again to their island. Mydeclaration, probably, had the desired effect; and, if Towha had anysuch hostile intention at first, we soon heard no more of the report. Whappai, Otoo's father, highly disapproved of the peace, and blamedTowha very much for concluding it. This sensible old man wiselyjudged, that my going down with them to Eimeo must have been ofsingular service to their cause, though I should take no other partwhatever in the quarrel. And it was upon this that he built all hisarguments, and maintained, that Otoo had acted properly by waiting forme; though this had prevented his giving assistance to Towha so soonas he expected. 

Our debates at Oparre, on this subject, were hardly ended, before amessenger arrived from Towha, desiring Otoo's attendance, the nextday, at the _morai_ in Attahooroo, to give thanks to the gods for thepeace he had concluded; at least, such was Omai's account to me ofthe object of this solemnity. I was asked to go; but being much out oforder, was obliged to decline it. Desirous, however, of knowing whatceremonies might be observed on so memorable an occasion, I sentMr King and Omai, and returned on board my ship, attended by Otoo'smother, his three sisters, and eight more women. At first, I thoughtthat this numerous train of females came into my boat with no otherview than to get a passage to Matavai. But when we arrived at theship, they told me, they intended passing the night on board, for theexpress purpose of undertaking the cure of the disorder I complainedof; which was a pain of the rheumatic kind, extending from the hipto the foot. I accepted the friendly offer, had a bed spread for themupon the cabin floor, and submitted myself to their directions. Iwas desired to lay myself down amongst them. Then, as many of them ascould get round me, began to squeeze me with both hands, from head tofoot, but more particularly on the parts where the pain was lodged, till they made my bones crack, and my flesh became a perfect mummy. Inshort, after undergoing this discipline about a quarter of an hour, I was glad to get away from them. However, the operation gaveme immediate relief, which encouraged me to submit to anotherrubbing-down before I went to bed; and it was so effectual, that Ifound myself pretty easy all the night after. My female physiciansrepeated their prescription the next morning, before they went ashore, and again, in the evening, when they returned on board; after which, I found the pains entirely removed; and the cure being perfected, theytook their leave of me the following morning. This they call _romee_;an operation which, in my opinion, far exceeds the flesh brush, or anything of the kind that we make use of externally. It is universallypractised amongst these islanders; being sometimes performed by themen, but more generally by the women. If, at any time, one appearslanguid and tired, and sits down by any of them, they immediatelybegin to practise the _romee_ upon his legs; and I have always foundit to have an exceedingly good effect. [1]

[Footnote 1: See Captain Wallis's account of the same operationperformed on himself, and his first lieutenant, in this Collection, vol. Xii. P. 197. ]

In the morning of the 25th, Otoo, Mr King, and Omai, returned fromAttahooroo; and Mr King gave me the following account of what he hadseen:

"Soon after you left me, a second messenger came from Towha to Otoo, with a plantain-tree. It was sun-set when we embarked in a canoeand left Oparre. About nine o'clock we landed at Tettaha, at thatextremity which joins to Attahooroo. Before we landed, the peoplecalled to us from the shore; probably, to tell us that Towha wasthere. The meeting of Otoo and this chief, I expected, would affordsome incident worthy of observation. Otoo, and his attendants, wentand seated themselves on the beach, close to the canoe in which Towhawas. He was then asleep; but his servants having awakened him, andmentioning Otoo's name, immediately a plantain-tree and a dog werelaid at Otoo's feet; and many of Towha's people came and talked withhim, as I conceived, about their expedition to Eimeo. After I had, forsome time, remained seated close to Otoo, Towha neither stirring fromhis canoe, nor holding any conversation with us, I went to him. Heasked me if _Toote_ was angry with him. I answered, No: that he washis _taio_; and that he had ordered me to go to Attahooroo to tellhim so. Omai now had a long conversation with this chief; but I couldgather no information of any kind from him. On my returning toOtoo, he seemed desirous that I should go to eat, and then to sleep. Accordingly, Omai and I left him. On questioning Omai, he said, thereason of Towha's not stirring from his canoe, was his being lame; butthat, presently, Otoo and he would converse together in private. Thisseemed true; for in a little time, those we left with Otoo came to us;and, about ten minutes after, Otoo himself arrived, and we all went tosleep in his canoe. 

"The next morning, the _ava_ was in great plenty. One man drank somuch that he lost his senses. I should have supposed him to be in afit, from the convulsions that agitated him. Two men held him, andkept plucking off his hair by the roots. I left this spectacle to seeanother that was more affecting. This was the meeting of Towha and hiswife, and a young girl, whom I understood to be his daughter. Afterthe ceremony of cutting their heads, and discharging a tolerablequantity of blood and tears, they washed, embraced the chief, andseemed unconcerned. But the young girl's sufferings were not yet cometo an end. Terridiri[2] arrived; and she went, with great composure, to repeat the same ceremonies to him, which she had just performed onmeeting her father. Towha had brought a large war-canoe from Eimeo. Ienquired if he had killed the people belonging to her; and was told, that there was no man in her when she was captured. 

[Footnote 2: Terridiri was Oberea's son. See an account of the royalfamily of Otaheite, in this Collection, vol. Xii. P. 482. ]

"We left Tettaha about ten or eleven o'clock, and landed close tothe _morai_ of Attahooroo a little after noon. There lay three canoeshauled upon the beach, opposite the _morai_, with three hogs exposedin each: their sheds, or awnings, had something under them which Icould not discern. We expected the solemnity to be performed the sameafternoon; but as neither Towha nor Potatou had joined us, nothing wasdone. 

"A chief from Eimeo came with a small pig, and a plantain-tree, andplaced them at Otoo's feet. They talked some time together; and theEimeo chief often repeating the words, _Warry, warry_, 'false, ' Isupposed that Otoo was relating to him what he had heard, and that theother denied it. 

"The next day (Wednesday) Towha and Potatou, with about eight largecanoes, arrived, and landed near the _morai_. Many plantain-trees werebrought, on the part of different chiefs to Otoo. Towha did not stirfrom his canoe. The ceremony began by the principal priest bringingout the _maro_ wrapped up, and a bundle shaped like a largesugar-loaf. These were placed at the head of what I understood to be agrave. Then three priests came, and sat down opposite, that is, at theother end of the grave; bringing with them a plantain-tree, the branchof some other tree, and the sheath of the flower of the cocoa-nuttree. 

"The priests, with these things in their hands, separately repeatedsentences; and, at intervals, two, and sometime all three, sung amelancholy ditty, little attended to by the people. This prayingand singing continued for an hour. Then, after a short prayer, theprincipal priest uncovered the _maro_; and Otoo rose up, and wrappedit about him, holding, at the same time, in his hand, a cap or bonnet, composed of the red feathers of the tail of the tropic bird, mixedwith other feathers of a dark colour. He stood in the middle space, facing the three priests, who continued their prayers for about tenminutes; when a man, starting from the crowd, said something whichended with the word _heiva!_ and the crowd echoed back to him, threetimes, _Earee!_ This, as I had been told before, was the principalpart of the solemnity. 

"The company now moved to the opposite side of the great pile ofstones, where is, what they call, the king's _morai_, which is notunlike a large grave. Here the same ceremony was performed overagain, and ended in three cheers. The _maro_ was now wrapped up, andincreased in its splendour by the addition of a small piece of redfeathers, which one of the priests gave Otoo when he had it on, andwhich he stuck into it. 

"From this place, the people went to a large hut, close by the_morai_, where they seated themselves in much greater order than isusual among them. A man of Tiaraboo then made an oration, which lastedabout ten minutes. He was followed by an Attahooroo man; afterwardPotatou spoke with much greater fluency and grace than any of them;for, in general, they spoke in short broken sentences, with a motionof the hand that was rather awkward. Tooteo, Otoo's orator, spokenext; and, after him, a man from Eimeo. Two or three more speecheswere made; but not much attended to. Omai told me, that the speechesdeclared, that they should not fight, but all be friends. As many ofthe speakers expressed themselves with warmth, possibly there weresome recriminations and protestations of their good intentions. Inthe midst of their speaking, a man of Attahooroo got up, with a slingfastened to his waist, and a large stone placed upon his shoulder. After parading near a quarter of an hour, in the open space, repeatingsomething in a singing tone, he threw the stone down. This stone, and a plantain-tree that lay at Otoo's feet, were, after the speechesended, carried to the _morai_: and one of the priests, and Otoo withhim, said something upon the occasion. 

"On our return to Oparre, the sea-breeze having set in, we wereobliged to land; and had a pleasant walk through almost the wholeextent of Tettaha to Oparre. A tree, with two bundles of dried leavessuspended upon it, marked the boundary of the two districts. The manwho had performed the ceremony of the stone and sling came with us. With him, Otoo's father had a long conversation. He seemed very angry. I understood, he was enraged at the part Towha had taken in the Eimeobusiness. "

From what I can judge of this solemnity, as thus described by Mr King, it had not been wholly a thanksgiving, as Omai told us, but rather aconfirmation of the treaty, or perhaps both. The grave, which Mr Kingspeaks of, seems to be the very spot where the celebration of therites began, when the human sacrifice, at which I was present, wasoffered, and before which the victim was laid, after being removedfrom the sea side. It is at this part of the _morai_ also that theyfirst invest their kings with the _maro_. Omai, who had been presentwhen Otoo was made king, described to me the whole ceremony, when wewere here; and I find it to be almost the same as this that Mr Kinghas now described, though we understood it to be upon a very differentoccasion. The plantain-tree, so often mentioned, is always the firstthing introduced, not only in all their religious ceremonies, but inall their debates, whether of a public or private nature. It is alsoused on other occasions; perhaps many more than we know of. WhileTowha was at Eimeo, one or more messengers came from him to Otoo everyday. The messenger always came with a young plantain-tree in his hand, which he laid down at Otoo's feet, before he spoke a word; then seatedhimself before him, and related what he was charged with. I have seentwo men in such high dispute that I expected they would proceed toblows; yet, on one laying a plantain-tree before the other, theyhave both become cool, and carried on the argument without fartheranimosity. In short, it is, upon all occasions, the olive-branch ofthese people. 

The war with Eimeo, and the solemn rites which were the consequence ofit, being thus finally closed, all our friends paid us a visit onthe 26th; and, as they knew that we were upon the point of sailing, brought with them more hogs than we could take off their hands. For, having no salt left, to preserve any, we wanted no more than forpresent use. 

The next day, I accompanied Otoo to Oparre; and, before I left it, Ilooked at the cattle and poultry, which I had consigned to my friend'scare at that place. Every thing was in a promising way, and properlyattended to. Two of the geese, and two of the ducks were sitting; butthe pea and turkey hens had not begun to lay. I got from Otoo fourgoats; two of which I intended to leave at Ulietea, where none had asyet been introduced; and the other two I proposed to reserve for theuse of any other islands I might meet with in my passage to the north. 

A circumstance which I shall now mention of Otoo will shew that thesepeople are capable of much address and art to gain their purposes. Amongst other things which, at different times, I had given to thischief, was a spying-glass. After having it in his possession two orthree days, tired of its novelty, and probably finding it of no use tohim, he carried it privately to Captain Clerke, and told him that, ashe had been his very good friend, he had got a present for him whichhe knew would be agreeable. "But, " says Otoo, "you must not let_Toote_ know it, because he wants it, and I would not let him haveit. " He then put the glass into Captain Clerke's hands; at the sametime assuring him that he came honestly by it. Captain Clerke, atfirst, declined accepting it; but Otoo insisted upon it, and left itwith him. Some days after, he put Captain Clerke in mind of the glass, who, though he did not want it, was yet desirous of obliging Otoo;and, thinking that a few axes would be of more use at this island, produced four to give him in return. Otoo no sooner saw this, than hesaid, "_Toote_ offered me five for it. " "Well, " says Captain Clerke, "if that be the case, your friendship for me shall not make you aloser, and you shall have six axes. " These he accepted; but desiredagain, that I might not be told what he had done. 

Our friend Omai got one good thing, at this island, for the manygood things he gave away. This was a very fine double-sailing canoe, completely equipped, and fit for the sea. Some time before, I hadmade up for him a suit of English colours; but he thought these toovaluable to be used at this time; and patched up a parcel of colours, such as flags and pendants, to the number of ten or a dozen, whichhe spread on different parts of his vessel, all at the same time; anddrew together as many people to look at her, as a man of war would, dressed, in an European port. These streamers of Omai were a mixtureof English, French, Spanish, and Dutch, which were all the Europeancolours that he had seen. When I was last at this island, I gave toOtoo an English jack and pendant, and to Towha a pendant, which I nowfound they had preserved with the greatest care. 

Omai had also provided himself with a good stock of cloth andcocoa-nut oil, which are not only in greater plenty, but much betterat Otaheite, than at any of the Society Islands, insomuch that theyare articles of trade. Omai would not have behaved so inconsistently, and so much unlike himself, as he did in many instances, but for hissister and brother-in-law, who, together with a few more of theiracquaintance, engrossed him entirely to themselves, with no otherview than to strip him of every thing he had got. And they would, undoubtedly, have succeeded in their scheme, if I had not put a stopto it in time, by taking the most useful articles of his property intomy possession. But even this would not have saved Omai from ruin, ifI had suffered these relations of his to have gone with, or to havefollowed us to, his intended place of settlement, Huaheine. This theyhad intended; but I disappointed their farther views of plunder, byforbidding them to shew themselves in that island, while I remained inthe neighbourhood; and they knew me too well not to comply. 

On the 28th, Otoo came on board, and informed me that be had got acanoe, which he desired I would take with me, and carry home, as apresent from him to the _Earee rahie no Pretane_; it being the onlything, he said, that he could send worth his majesty's acceptance. Iwas not a little pleased with Otoo, for this mark of his gratitude. It was a thought entirely his own, not one of us having given him theleast hint about it; and it shewed, that he fully understood to whomhe was indebted for the most valuable presents that he had received. At first, I thought that this canoe had been a model of one of theirvessels of war; but I soon found that it was a small _evaa_, aboutsixteen feet long. It was double, and seemed to have been built forthe purpose; and was decorated with all those pieces of carved workwhich they usually fix upon their canoes. As it was too large for meto take on board, I could only thank him for his good intention; butit would have pleased him much better if his present could have beenaccepted. 

We were detained here some days longer than I expected, by lightbreezes from the west, and calms by turns; so that we could not getout of the bay. During this time, the ships were crowded with ourfriends, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes; for not one wouldleave the place till we were gone. At length, at three o'clock in theafternoon of the 29th, the wind came at east, and we weighed anchor. 

As soon as the ships were under sail, at the request of Otoo, and togratify the curiosity of his people, I fired seven guns, loaded withshot; after which, all our friends, except him, and two or three more, left us with such marks of affection and grief, as sufficiently shewedhow much they regretted our departure. Otoo being desirous of seeingthe ship sail, I made a stretch out to sea, and then in again; when bealso bid us farewell, and went ashore in his canoe. 

The frequent visits we had lately paid to this island, seem tohave created a full persuasion, that the intercourse will not bediscontinued. It was strictly enjoined to me by Otoo, to request, inhis name, the _Earee rahie no Pretane_ to send him, by the next ships, red feathers, and the birds that produce them; axes; half a dozenmuskets, with powder and shot; and by no means to forget horses. 

I have occasionally mentioned my receiving considerable presents fromOtoo, and the rest of the family, without specifying what returns Imade. It is customary for these people, when they make a present, tolet us know what they expect in return; and we find it necessary togratify them; so that, what we get by way of present, comes dearerthan what we get by barter. But, as we were sometimes pressed byoccasional scarcity, we could have recourse to our friends for apresent, or supply, when we could not get our wants relieved by anyother method; and, therefore, upon the whole, this way of traffic wasfull as advantageous to us as to the natives. For the most part, I paid for each separate article as I received it, except in myintercourse with Otoo. His presents generally came so fast upon me, that no account was kept between us. Whatever he asked for, that Icould spare, he had whenever he asked for it; and I always found himmoderate in his demands. 

If I could have prevailed upon Omai to fix himself at Otaheite, I should not have left it so soon as I did. For there was not aprobability of our being better or cheaper supplied with refreshmentsat any other place than we continued to be here, even at the timeof our leaving it. Besides, such a cordial friendship and confidencesubsisted between us and the inhabitants, as could hardly be expectedany where else; and it was a little extraordinary, that this friendlyintercourse had never once been suspended by any untoward accident;nor had there been a theft committed that deserves to be mentioned. Not that I believe their morals, in this respect, to be much mended, but am rather of opinion that their regularity of conduct was owing tothe fear the chiefs were under, of interrupting a traffic whichthey might consider as the means of securing to themselves a moreconsiderable share of our commodities, than could have been gotby plunder or pilfering. Indeed, this point I settled at the firstinterview with their chiefs, after my arrival. For, observing thegreat plenty that was in the island, and the eagerness of the nativesto possess our various articles of trade, I resolved to make the mostof these two favourable circumstances, and explained myself, in themost decisive terms, that I would not suffer them to rob us, as theyhad done upon many former occasions. In this, Omai was of great use, as I instructed him to point out to them the good consequences oftheir honest conduct, and the fatal mischiefs they must expect tosuffer by deviating from it. 

It is not always in the power of the chiefs to prevent robberies; theyare frequently robbed themselves, and complain of it as a great evil. Otoo left the most valuable things he had from me in my possession, till the day before we sailed; and the reason he gave for it was, thatthey were no where so safe. Since the bringing in of new riches, theinducements to pilfering must have increased. The chiefs, sensible ofthis, are now extremely desirous of chests. They seemed to set muchvalue upon a few that the Spaniards had left amongst them; and theywere continually asking us for some. I had one made for Otoo, thedimensions of which, according to his own directions, were eight feetin length, five in breadth, and about three in depth. Locks and boltswere not a sufficient security; but it must be large enough for twopeople to sleep upon, by way of guarding it in the night. 

It will appear a little extraordinary that we, who had a smattering oftheir language, and Omai, besides, for an interpreter, could neverget any clear account of the time when the Spaniards arrived, how longthey stayed, and when they departed. The more we enquired into thismatter, the more we were convinced of the inability of most of thesepeople to remember, or note the time, when past events happened;especially if it exceeded ten or twenty months. It however appeared, by the date of the inscription upon the cross, and by the informationwe received from the most intelligent of the natives, that two shipsarrived at Oheitepeha in 1774, soon after I left Matavai, which wasin May, the same year. They brought with them the house and live-stockbefore mentioned. Some said that, after landing these things, and somemen, they sailed in quest of me, and returned in about ten days. ButI have some doubt of the truth of this, as they were never seen eitherat Huaheine, or at Ulietea. The live-stock they left here consistedof one bull, some goats, hogs, and dogs, and the male of some otheranimal, which we afterward found to be a ram, and, at this time, wasat Bolabola, whither the bull was also to have been transported. 

The hogs are of a large kind; have already greatly improved the breedoriginally found by us upon the island; and, at the time of our latearrival, were very numerous. Goats are also in tolerable plenty, therebeing hardly a chief of any note who has not got some. As to the dogsthat the Spaniards put ashore, which are of two or three sorts, Ithink they would have done the island a great deal more service ifthey had hanged them all, instead of leaving them upon it. It was toone of them that my young ram fell a victim. 

When these ships left the island, four Spaniards remained behind. Twowere priests, one a servant, and the fourth made himself very popularamong the natives, who distinguish him by the name of Mateema. Heseems to have been a person who had studied their language; or, atleast, to have spoken it so as to be understood; and to have takenuncommon pains to impress the minds of the islanders with the mostexalted ideas of the greatness of the Spanish nation, and to make themthink meanly of the English. He even went so far as to assure them, that we no longer existed as an independent nation; that _Pretane_was only a small island, which they, the Spaniards, had entirelydestroyed; and, for me, that they had met with me at sea, and, with afew shot, had sent my ship, and every soul in her, to the bottom;so that my visiting Otaheite, at this time, was, of course, veryunexpected. All this, and many other improbable falsehoods, did thisSpaniard make these people believe. If Spain had no other views, inthis expedition, but to depreciate the English, they had better havekept their ships at home; for my returning again to Otaheite wasconsidered as a complete confutation of all that Mateema had said. 

With what design the priests stayed, we can only guess. If it was toconvert the natives to the catholic faith, they have not succeeded inany one instance. But it does not appear that they ever attemptedit; for, if the natives are to be believed, they never conversed withthem, either on this, or on any other subject. The priests residedconstantly in the house at Oheitepeha; but Mateema roved about, visiting most parts of the island. At length, after he and hiscompanions had stayed ten months, two ships came to Oheitepeha, tookthem on board, and sailed again in five days. This hasty departureshews that, whatever design the Spaniards might have had upon thisisland, they had now laid it aside. And yet, as I was informed byOtoo, and many others, before they went away, they would have thenatives believe that they still meant to return, and to bring withthem houses, all kinds of animals, and men and women who were tosettle, live, and die on the island. Otoo, when he told me this, added, that if the Spaniards should return, he would not let them cometo Matavai Fort, which, he said, was ours. It was easy to see that theidea pleased him; little thinking that the completion of it would, atonce, deprive him of his kingdom, and the people of their liberties. This shews with what facility a settlement might be made at Otaheite, which, grateful as I am for repeated good offices, I hope will neverhappen. Our occasional visits may, in some respects, have benefittedits inhabitants; but a permanent establishment amongst them, conducted as most European establishments amongst Indian nations haveunfortunately been, would, I fear, give them just cause to lament thatour ships had ever found them out. Indeed, it is very unlikely thatany measure of this kind should ever be seriously thought of, as itcan neither serve the purposes of public ambition, nor of privateavarice; and, without such inducements, I may pronounce that it willnever be undertaken. [3]

[Footnote 3: We may have occasion hereafter to make mention of severalsubsequent visits to this island, on the part of our countrymen. Itis evident, that Captain Cook was far from being well pleased with theconsequences which had already resulted to its inhabitants from theirintercourse with Europeans. Unfortunately, it is impracticable to givea more agreeable picture of the condition of the island as influencedby future visits. Cook's solicitude, in behalf of these people, isextremely commendable, and it is to this we must ascribe his opinionof the impolicy of attempting settlements amongst them. Is itwonderful, that to a man of his humanity and discernment, any othereffect should seem likely to proceed from the undertaking, than whatwould augment his concern that ever Otaheite felt the necessityof being obliged to his countrymen? One motive alone, perhaps, notcontemplated by him in reasoning on the purposes which might induce tosuch an attempt, gave some promise of compensating for former evils, without being likely to entail others, which would still leave thebalance of good and bad consequences a subject of regret. We alludeto the _intentions_ of the missionaries, who projected a settlement onthe island in 1796, &c. But the friends of humanity have not hithertohad cause to rejoice at the amount of the new benefits conferred. Theadvocates for such labours, indeed, require to arm themselves withpatience, unless they can satisfy themselves with the conviction ofhaving _willed_ a good work. Besides, even they ought to anticipatethe certainty, that, were their intentions realized, intruders of verydifferent principles, and with very different motives, would speedilymar the fruits of their benevolence. Such reflections, it may be said, are discouraging. What opinion, then, ought we to entertain of thewisdom of labours, which had been undertaken without a full view ofobvious causes threatening their ultimate failure? It would littlealleviate the mortification of disappointment, to exclaim, as is oftendone on such occasions, "Who could have thought it?" But the mostenlightened judges of such undertakings, will not only advert to theprobable occurrence of such mischief, but also be well aware of theexistence of _other untoward circumstances_, extremely wellcalculated to render any fears of subsequent deterioration altogethersuperfluous!--E. ]

I have already mentioned the visit that I had from one of the twonatives of this island, who had been carried by the Spaniards toLima. I never saw him afterward, which I rather wondered at, as I hadreceived him with uncommon civility. I believe, however, that Omaihad kept him at a distance from me, by some rough usage; jealous thatthere should be another traveller upon the island who might vie withhimself. Our touching at Teneriffe was a fortunate circumstance forOmai; as he prided himself in having visited a place belonging toSpain as well as this man. I did not meet with the other, who hadreturned from Lima; but Captain Clerke, who had seen him, spoke ofhim as a low fellow, and as a little out of his senses. His owncountrymen, I found, agreed in the same account of him. In short, these two adventurers seemed to be held in no esteem. They hadnot, indeed, been so fortunate as to return home with such valuableacquisitions of property as we had bestowed upon Omai; and, with theadvantages he reaped from his voyage to England, it must be his ownfault if he should sink into the same state of insignificance. 

SECTION V. 

_Arrival at Eimeo. --Two Harbours there, and an Account of them. --Visitfrom Maheine, Chief of the Island. --His Person described. --A Goatstolen, and sent back with the Thief. --Another Goat stolen, andsecreted. --Measures taken on the Occasion. --Expedition cross theIsland. --Houses and Canoes burnt. --The Goat delivered up, and Peacerestored. Some Account of the Island, &c. _

As I did not give up my design of touching at Eimeo, at day-break, inthe morning of the 30th, after leaving Otaheite, I stood for the northend of the island; the harbour which I wished to examine being at thatpart of it. Omai, in his canoe, having arrived there long before us, had taken some necessary measures to shew us the place. However, wewere not without pilots, having several men of Otaheite on board, andnot a few women. Not caring to trust entirely to these guides, I senttwo boats to examine the harbour; and, on their making the signal forsafe anchorage, we stood in with the ships, and anchored close up tothe head of the inlet, in ten fathoms water, over a bottom of softmud, and moored with a hawser fast to the shore. 

This harbour, which is called Taloo, is situated upon the north sideof the island, in the district of Oboonohoo, or Poonohoo. It runsin south, or south by east, between the hills, above two miles. Forsecurity and goodness of its bottom, it is not inferior to any harbourthat I have met with at any of the islands in this ocean; and it hasthis advantage over most of them, that a ship can sail in and out, with the reigning trade wind; so that the access and recess areequally easy. There are several rivulets that fall into it. The one, at the head, is so considerable as to admit boats to go a quarter ofa mile up, where we found the water perfectly fresh. Its banks arecovered with the _pooroo_ tree, as it is called by the natives, whichmakes good firing, and which they set no value upon; so that wood andwater are to be got here with great facility. 

On the same side of the island, and about two miles to the eastward, is the harbour of Parowroah, much larger within than that of Taloo;but the entrance, or opening in the reef (for the whole island issurrounded by a reef of coral rock) is considerably narrower, and liesto leeward of the harbour. These two defects are so striking, that theharbour of Taloo must always have a decided preference, It is a littleextraordinary, that I should have been three times at Otaheite before, and have once sent a boat to Eimeo, and yet not know till now thatthere was a harbour in it. On the contrary, I always understood therewas not. Whereas, there are not only the two above mentioned, but oneor two more on the south side of the island. But these last are not soconsiderable as the two we have just described. 

We had no sooner anchored, than the ships were crowded with theinhabitants, whom curiosity alone brought on board; for they hadnothing with them for the purposes of barter. But, the next morning, this deficiency was supplied; several canoes then arriving from moredistant parts, which brought with them abundance of bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and a few hogs. These they exchanged for hatchets, nails, and beads; for red feathers were not so much sought after here as atOtaheite. The ship being a good deal pestered with rats, I hauled herwithin thirty yards of the shore, as near as the depth of water wouldallow, and made a path for them to get to the land, by fasteninghawsers to the trees. It is said, that this experiment has sometimessucceeded; but, I believe, we got clear of very few, if any, of thenumerous tribe that haunted us. [1]

[Footnote 1: A French traveller in Greece, it is believed Sonnini, makes mention of such an artifice having been used with success by avessel that put into one of the islands he visited; but in this casethe transference was made, not into the island, but into anothervessel, containing apples, of which rats are known to be exceedinglyfond. A hawser was secretly fastened to the latter, so as to form acommunication betwixt the two vessels. On the following morning, it issaid, not a rat was found in the one which originally contained them, the whole having gone over during the night to the other. So much forthe efficacy of the stratagem. The reader will be at no loss todecide as to the morality of having recourse to it. Mr Bingley relatesanother method of getting rid of these vermin, which seems to beabundantly serviceable, and which certainly has honesty in its favour. The Valiant man of war, on its return from the Havannah, was soshockingly infested with them, that they destroyed a hundred weight ofbiscuit daily. The ship was smoked between decks in order to suffocatethem, which had the desired effect. In proof of this, he says, that six hampers were for some time filled every day with the deadanimals. --E. ]

In the morning of the 2d, Maheine, the chief of the island, paid me avisit. He approached the ship with great caution, and it requiredsome persuasion to get him on board. Probably, he was under someapprehensions of mischief from us, as friends of the Otaheitans; thesepeople not being able to comprehend how we can be friends withany one, without adopting, at the same time, his cause against hisenemies. Maheine was accompanied by his wife, who, as I was informed, is sister to Oamo, of Otaheite, of whose death we had an account whilewe were at this island. I made presents to both of them of such thingsas they seemed to set the highest value upon; and, after a stay ofabout half-an-hour, they went away. Not long after, they returned witha large hog, which they meant as a return to my present; but I madethem another present to the full value of it. After this they paid avisit to Captain Clerke. 

This chief who, with a few followers, has made himself, in a manner, independent of Otaheite, is between forty and fifty years old. He isbald-headed, which is rather an uncommon appearance in these islandsat that age. He wore a kind of turban, and seemed ashamed to shew hishead. But whether they themselves considered this deficiency of hairas a mark of disgrace, or whether they entertained a notion of ourconsidering it as such, I cannot say. We judged that the lattersupposition was the truth, from this circumstance, that they had seenus shave the head of one of their people whom we had caught stealing. They therefore concluded, that this was the punishment usuallyinflicted by us upon all thieves; and one or two of our gentlemen, whose heads were not overburthened with hair, we could observe, layunder violent suspicions of being _tetos_. 

In the evening, Omai and I mounted on horseback, and took a ride alongthe shore to the eastward. Our train was not very numerous, as Omaihad forbid the natives to follow us; and many complied; the fearof giving offence getting the better of their curiosity. Towha hadstationed his fleet in this harbour; and though the war lasted but afew days, the marks of its devastation were every where to be seen. The trees were stripped of their fruit; and all the houses in theneighbourhood had been pulled down or burnt. 

Having employed two or three days in getting up all our spirit casksto tar their heads, which we found necessary, to save them from theefforts of a small insect to destroy them, we hauled the ship off intothe stream, on the 6th, n the morning, intending to put to sea thenext day; but an accident happened that prevented it, and gave me agood deal of trouble. We had sent our goats ashore, in the day-time, to graze, with two men to look after them; notwithstanding whichprecaution, the natives had contrived to steal one of them thisevening. The loss of this goat would have been of little consequence, if it had not interfered with my views of stocking other islands withthese animals; but this being the case, it became necessary to recoverit, if possible. The next morning, we got intelligence that it hadbeen carried to Maheine, the chief, who was at this time at Parowroahharbour. Two old men offered to conduct any of my people, whom I mightthink proper to send to him, to bring back the goat. Accordingly, I dispatched them in a boat, charged with a threatening message toMaheine, if the goat was not immediately given up to me, and also thethief. 

It was only the day before that this chief had requested me to givehim two goats. But, as I could not spare them, unless at the expenseof other lands that might never have another opportunity to get any, and had besides heard that there were already two upon this island, I did not gratify him. However, to shew my inclination to assist hisviews in this respect, I desired Tidooa, an Otaheite chief, who waspresent, to beg Otoo, in my name, to send two of these animals toMaheine; and, by way of insuring a compliance with this request, Isent to Otoo, by this chief a large piece of red feathers, equalto the value of the two goats that I required. I expected that thisarrangement would have been satisfactory to Maheine and all the otherchiefs of the island; but the event shewed that I was mistaken. 

Not thinking that any one would dare to steal a second, at the verytime I was taking measures to recover the first, the goats were putashore again this morning; and, in the evening, a boat was sent tobring them on board. As our people were getting them into the boat, one was carried off undiscovered. It being immediately missed, I madeno doubt of recovering it without much trouble, as there had not beentime to carry it to any considerable distance. Ten or twelve of thenatives set out soon after, different ways, to bring it back, or tolook for it; for not one of them would own that it was stolen, but alltried to persuade us that it had strayed into the woods; and indeedI thought so myself. I was convinced to the contrary, however, whenI found that not one of those who went in pursuit of it returned; sothat their only view was to amuse me till their prize was beyond myreach; and night coming on, put a stop to all farther search. Aboutthis time the boat returned with the other goat, bringing also one ofthe men who had stolen it; the first instance of the kind that I hadmet with amongst these islands. 

The next morning, I found that most of the inhabitants in theneighbourhood had moved off; carrying with them a corpse which lay ona _toopapaoo_, opposite the ship; and that Maheine himself had retiredto the most distant part of the island. It seemed now no longerdoubtful, that a plan had been laid to steal what I had refused togive; and that, though they had restored one, they were resolved tokeep the other, which was a she-goat, and big with kid. I was equallyfixed in my resolution that they should not keep it. I thereforeapplied to the two old men who had been instrumental in gettingback the first. They told me that this had been carried to Watea, adistrict on the south side of the island, by Hamoa, the chief of thatplace; but that if I would send any body for it, it would be deliveredup. They offered to conduct some of my people cross the island; but, on my learning from them that a boat might go and return the same day, I sent one, with two petty officers, Mr Roberts and Mr Shuttleworth;one to remain with the boat, in case she could not get to the place, while the other should go with the guides, and one or two of ourpeople. 

Late in the evening the boat returned; and the officers informed me, that, after proceeding as far in the boat as rocks and shoals wouldpermit, Mr Shuttleworth, with two marines, and one of the guides, landed and travelled to Watea, to the house of Hamoa, where the peopleof the place amused them for some time, by telling that the goat wouldsoon be brought, and pretended they had sent for it. It however nevercame; and the approach of night obliged Mr Shuttleworth to return tothe boat without it. 

I was now very sorry that I had proceeded so far, as I could notretreat with any tolerable credit, and without giving encouragementto the people of the other islands we had yet to visit, to rob us withimpunity. I asked Omai and the two old men what methods I should nexttake; and they, without hesitation, advised me to go with a party ofmen into the country, and shoot every soul I should meet with. Thisbloody counsel I could not follow; but I resolved to march a party ofmen cross the island; and at day-break the next morning, set out withthirty-five of my people, accompanied by one of the old men, byOmai, and three or four of his attendants. At the same time I orderedLieutenant Williamson, with three armed boats, round the western partof the island, to meet us. 

I had no sooner landed with my party, than the few natives, who stillremained in the neighbourhood, fled before us. The first man thatwe met with upon our march run some risk of his life; for Omai, themoment he saw him, asked me if he should shoot him; so fully washe persuaded that I was going to carry his advice into execution. Iimmediately ordered both him and our guide to make it known that Idid not intend to hurt, much less to kill, a single native. These gladtidings flew before us like lightning, and stopped the flight ofthe inhabitants; so that no one quitted his house, or employment, afterward. 

As we began to ascend the ridge of hills over which lay our road, wegot intelligence that the goat had been carried that way before us;and, as we understood, could not as yet have passed the hills; so thatwe marched up in great silence, in hopes of surprising the partywho were bearing off the prize. But when we had got to the uppermostplantation on the side of the ridge, the people there told us, thatwhat we were in search of had indeed been kept there the first night, but had been carried the next morning to Watea, by Hamoa. We thencrossed the ridge without making any further enquiry, till we camewithin sight of Watea, where some people shewed us Hamoa's house, andtold us that the goat was there; so that I made no doubt of getting itimmediately upon my arrival. But when I reached the house, to my verygreat surprise, the few people we met with denied that they had everseen it, or knew any thing about it; even Hamoa himself came, and madethe same declaration. 

On our first coming to the place, I observed several men running toand fro in the woods, with clubs and bundles of darts in their hands;and Omai, who followed them, had some, stones thrown at him; so thatit seemed as if they had intended to oppose any step I should take byforce; but on seeing my party was too strong, had dropped the design. I was confirmed in this notion, by observing that all their houseswere empty. After getting a few of the people of the place together, Idesired Omai to expostulate with them on the absurdity of the conductthey were pursuing; and to tell them, that, from the testimony of manyon whom I could depend, I was well assured that the goat was in theirpossession; and, therefore, insisted upon its being delivered up, otherwise I would burn their houses and canoes. But, notwithstandingall that I or Omai could say, they continued to deny their having anyknowledge of it. The consequence was, that I set fire to six or eighthouses, which were presently consumed, with two or three war-canoesthat lay contiguous to them. This done, I marched off to join theboats, which were about seven or eight miles from us; and, in our way, we burnt six more war-canoes, without any one attempting to oppose us;on the contrary, many assisted, though probably more out of fear thangood-will. In one place, Omai, who had advanced a little before, cameback with information, that a great many men were getting together toattack us. We made ready to receive them; but, instead of enemies, wefound petitioners, with plantain-trees in their hands, which they laiddown at my feet, and begged that I would spare a canoe that lay closeby, which I readily complied with. 

At length, about four in the afternoon, we got to the boats that werewaiting at Wharrarade, the district belonging to Tiarataboonoue; butthis chief, as well as all the principal people of the place, hadfled to the hills; though I touched not a single thing that was theirproperty, as they were the friends of Otoo. After resting ourselveshere about an hour, we set out for the ships, where we arrived abouteight o'clock in the evening. At that time no account of the goat hadbeen received; so that the operations of this day had not produced thedesired effect. 

Early next morning, I dispatched one of Omai's men to Maheine, withthis peremptory message, that, if he persisted in his refusal, I wouldnot leave him a single canoe upon the island, and that he might expecta continuation of hostilities as long as the stolen animal remainedin his possession. And, that the messenger might see that I was inearnest, before he left me, I sent the carpenter to break up three orfour canoes that lay ashore at the head of the harbour. The plank wascarried on board, as materials for building a house for Omai, atthe place where he intended to settle. I afterward went, properlyaccompanied, to the next harbour, where we broke up three or four morecanoes, and burnt an equal number; and then returned on board aboutseven in the evening. On my arrival, I found that the goat had beenbrought back, about half an hour before; and, on enquiry, it appearedthat it had come from the very place where I had been told, the daybefore, by the inhabitants, that they knew nothing of it. But, inconsequence of the message I sent to the chief in the morning, it wasjudged prudent to trifle with me no longer. 

Thus ended this troublesome, and rather unfortunate business; whichcould not be more regretted on the part of the natives than it was onmine. And it grieved me to reflect, that, after refusing the pressingsolicitations of my friends at Otaheite to favour their invasion ofthis island, I should so soon find myself reduced to the necessity ofengaging in hostilities against its inhabitants, which, perhaps, didthem more mischief than they had suffered from Towha's expedition. [2]

[Footnote 2: It is impossible not to think that Cook carried hisresentment farther than the necessity of the case required; at leastwe may say, that the necessity, besides being in a great degree ofhis own creating, did not warrant such extensive aggression. Hisconfessing his regret and concern must be allowed to prove this, andat the same time to indicate the tenderness of his moral feelings. Itis one of the wisest precepts of practical wisdom, not to commit one'sself farther in threatenings, or vindictive resolutions, than it willbe quite safe and convenient to carry into effect. --E. ]

The next morning our intercourse with the natives was renewed; andseveral canoes brought to the ships bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts tobarter; from whence it was natural for me to draw this conclusion, that they were conscious it was their own fault if I had treated themwith severity; and that the cause of my displeasure being removed, they had a full confidence that no further mischief would ensue. 

About nine o'clock, we weighed with a breeze down the harbour; but itproved so faint and variable, that it was noon before we got out tosea, when I steered for Huaheine, attended by Omai in his canoe. Hedid not depend entirely upon his own judgment, but had got on board apilot. I observed that they shaped as direct a course for the islandas I could do. 

At Eimeo, we abundantly supplied the ships with firewood. We had nottaken in any at Otaheite, where the procuring this article would havebeen very inconvenient; there not being a tree at Matavai but whatis useful to the inhabitants. We also got here good store ofrefreshments, both in hogs and vegetables; that is, bread-fruit andcocoa-nuts; little else being in season. I do not know that there isany difference between the produce of this island and of Otaheite; butthere is a very striking difference in their women that I can by nomeans account for. Those of Eimeo are of low stature, have a darkhue, and, in general, forbidding features. If we met with a fine womanamong them, we were sure, upon enquiry, to find that she had come fromsome other island. 

The general appearance of Eimeo is very different from that Otaheite. The latter rising in one steep hilly body, has little low land, exceptsome deep valleys; and the flat border that surrounds the greatestpart of it toward the sea. Eimeo, on the contrary, has hills runningin different directions, which are very steep and rugged, leaving, inthe interspaces, very large valleys, and gently-rising grounds abouttheir sides. These hills, though of a rocky disposition, are, ingeneral, covered, almost to their tops, with trees; but the lowerparts, on the sides, frequently only with fern. At the bottom of theharbour, where we lay, the ground rises gently to the foot of thehills, which run across nearly in the middle of the island; but itsflat border, on each side, at a very small distance from the sea, becomes quite steep. This gives it a romantic cast, which renders it aprospect superior to any thing we saw at Otaheite. The soil, aboutthe low grounds, is a yellowish and pretty stiff mould; but, upon thelower hills, it is blacker and more loose; and the stone that composesthe hills, is, when broken, of a blueish colour, but not verycompact texture, with some particles of _glimmer_ interspersed. Theseparticles seem worthy of observation. Perhaps the reader will thinkdifferently of my judgment, when I add, that, near the station of ourships, were two large stones, or rather rocks, concerning whichthe natives have some superstitious notions. They consider them as_eatooas_, or divinities; saying, that they are brother and sister, and that they came by some supernatural means from Ulieta. 

SECTION VI. 

_Arrival at Huaheine. --Council of the Chiefs. --Omai's Offerings, andSpeech to the Chiefs. --His Establishment in this Island agreedto. --A House built, and Garden planted for him. --Singularity of hisSituation. --Measures taken to insure his Safety. --Damage doneby Cock-roaches on board the Ships. --A Thief detected andpunished. --Fire-works exhibited. --Animals left with Omai. --HisFamily. --Weapons. --Inscription on his House. --His Behaviour onthe Ships leaving the Island. --Summary View of his Conduct andCharacter. --Account of the two New Zealand Youths. _

Having left Eimeo with a gentle breeze and fine weather, at day-break, the next morning we saw Huaheine, extending from S. W. By W. 1/2 W. , to W. By N. At noon, we anchored at the north entrance of Owharreharbour, which is on the west side of the island. The whole afternoonwas spent in warping the ships into a proper birth and mooring. Omaientered the harbour just before us, in his canoe, but did not land. Nor did he take much notice of any of his countrymen, though manycrowded to see him; but far more of them came off to the ships, insomuch that we could hardly work on account of their numbers. Ourpassengers presently acquainted them with what we had done at Eimeo, and multiplied the number of houses and canoes that we had destroyed, by ten at least. I was not sorry for this exaggerated account, as Isaw that it made a great impression upon all who heard it; so thatI had hopes it would induce the inhabitants of this island to behavebetter to us than they had done during my former visits. 

While I was at Otaheite, I had learned that my old friend Oree was nolonger the chief of Huaheine; and that, at this time, he residedat Ulietea. Indeed, he never had been more than regent during theminority of Taireetareea, the present _earee rahie_; but he did notgive up the regency till he was forced. His two sons, Opoony andTowha, were the first who paid me a visit, coming on board before theship was well in the harbour, and bringing a present with them. 

Our arrival brought all the principal people of the island to ourships, on the next morning, being the 13th. This was just whatI wished, as it was high time to think of settling Omai; and thepresence of these chiefs, I guessed, would enable me to do it in themost satisfactory manner. He now seemed to have an inclination toestablish himself at Ulietea; and if he and I could have agreed aboutthe mode of bringing that plan to bear, I should have had no objectionto adopt it. His father had been dispossessed by the men of Bolabola, when they conquered Ulietea, of some land in that island; and I madeno doubt of being able to get it restored to the son in an amicablemanner. For that purpose it was necessary that he should be upon goodterms with those who now were masters of the island; but he was toogreat a patriot to listen to any such thing; and was vain enough tosuppose that I would reinstate him in his forfeited lands by force. This made it impossible to fix him at Ulietea, and pointed out to meHuaheine as the proper place. I, therefore, resolved to avail myselfof the presence of the chief men of the island, and to make thisproposal to them. 

After the hurry of the morning was over, we got ready to pay a formalvisit to Taireetareea, meaning then to introduce this business. Omaidressed himself very properly on the occasion, and prepared a handsomepresent for the chief himself, and another for his _eatooa_. Indeed, after he had got clear of the gang that surrounded him at Otaheite, hebehaved with such prudence as to gain respect. Our landing drew mostof our visitors from the ships; and they, as well as those that wereon shore, assembled in a large house. The concourse of people, on thisoccasion, was very great; and, amongst them, there appeared to be agreater proportion of personable men and women than we had ever seenin one assembly, at any of these new islands. Not only the bulk ofthe people seemed, in general, much stouter and fairer than those ofOtaheite, but there was also a much greater number of men who appearedto be of consequence, in proportion to the extent of the island, mostof whom had exactly the corpulent appearance of the chiefs of Wateeoo. We waited some time for Taireetareea, as I would do nothing till the_earee rahie_ came; but, when he appeared, I found that his presencemight have been dispensed with, as he was not above eight or ten yearsof age. Omai, who stood at a little distance from this circle of greatmen, began with making his offering to the gods, consisting of redfeathers, cloth, &c. Then followed another offering, which was to begiven to the gods by the chief; and after that, several other smallpieces and tufts of red feathers were presented. Each article was laidbefore one of the company, who, I understood, was a priest, andwas delivered with a set speech or prayer, spoken by one of Omai'sfriends, who sat by him, but mostly dictated by himself. In theseprayers, he did not forget his friends in England, nor those who hadbrought him safe back. The _earee rahie no Pretane_, Lord Sandwich, _Toote_, _Tatee_, [1] were mentioned in every one of them. When Omai'sofferings and prayers were finished, the priest took each article, in the same order in which it had been laid before him, and afterrepeating a prayer, sent it to the _morai_, which, as Omai told us, was at a great distance, otherwise the offerings would have been madethere. 

[Footnote 1: Cook and Clerke. ]

These religious ceremonies having been performed, Omai sat down by me, and we entered upon business, by giving the young chief my present, and receiving his in return; and, all things considered, they wereliberal enough on both sides. Some arrangements were next agreed upon, as to the manner of carrying on the intercourse betwixt us; and Ipointed out the mischievous consequences that would attend theirrobbing us, as they had done during my former visits. Omai'sestablishment was then proposed to the assembled chiefs. 

He acquainted them, "that he had been carried by us into our country, where he was well received by the great king and his _earees_, andtreated with every mark of regard and affection while he staid amongstus; that he had been brought back again, enriched, by our liberality, with a variety of articles which would prove very useful to hiscountrymen; and that, besides the two horses which were to remain withhim, several other new and valuable animals had been left at Otaheite, which would soon multiply, and furnish a sufficient number for theuse of all the islands in the neighbourhood. He then signified to themthat it was my earnest request, in return for all my friendly offices, that they would give him a piece of land to build a house upon, and toraise provisions for himself and servants; adding, that if this couldnot be obtained for him in Huaheine, either by gift or by purchase, Iwas determined to carry him to Ulietea, and fix him there. "

Perhaps I have here made a better speech for my friend than heactually delivered; but these were the topics I dictated to him. Iobserved that what he concluded with, about carrying him to Ulietea, seemed to meet with the approbation of all the chiefs; and I instantlysaw the reason. Omai had, as I have already mentioned, vainlyflattered himself that I meant to use force in restoring him to hisfather's lands in Ulietea, and he had talked idly, and without anyauthority from me, on this subject, to some of the present assembly, who dreamed of nothing less than a hostile invasion of Ulietea, and ofbeing assisted by me to drive the Bolabola men out of that island. Itwas of consequence, therefore, that I should undeceive them; and, in order to this, I signified, in the most peremptory manner, that Ineither would assist them in such an enterprise, nor suffer it to beput in execution, while I was in their seas; and that, if Omai fixedhimself in Ulietea, he must be introduced as a friend, and not forcedupon the Bolabola men as their conqueror. 

This declaration gave a new turn to the sentiments of the council. Oneof the chiefs immediately expressed himself to this effect: "That thewhole island of Huaheine, and every thing in it, were mine; and that, therefore, I might give what portion of it I pleased to my friend. "Omai, who, like the rest of his countrymen, seldom sees things beyondthe present moment, was greatly pleased to hear this, thinking, nodoubt, that I should be very liberal, and give him enough. But tooffer what it would have been improper to accept, I considered asoffering nothing at all, and, therefore, I now desired that they wouldnot only assign the particular spot, but also the exact quantity ofland which they would allot for the settlement. Upon this, some chiefswho had already left the assembly, were sent for; and, after a shortconsultation among themselves, my request was granted by generalconsent, and the ground immediately pitched upon, adjoining to thehouse where our meeting was held. The extent, along the shore of theharbour, was about two hundred yards; and its depth, to the footof the hill, somewhat more; but a proportional part of the hill wasincluded in the grant. 

This business being settled to the satisfaction of all parties, I setup a tent ashore, established a post, and erected the observatories. The carpenters of both ships were also set to work to build a smallhouse for Omai, in which he might secure the European commoditiesthat were his property. At the same time, some hands were employed inmaking a garden for his use, planting shaddocks, vines, pine-apples, melons, and the seeds of several other vegetable articles; all ofwhich I had the satisfaction of observing to be in a flourishing statebefore I left the island. 

Omai now began seriously to attend to his own affairs, and repentedheartily of his ill-judged prodigality while at Otaheite. He found atHuaheine, a brother, a sister, and a brother-in-law; the sister beingmarried. But these did not plunder him, as he had lately been by hisother relations. I was sorry, however, to discover that, thoughthey were too honest to do him any injury, they were of too littleconsequence in the island to do him any positive good. They hadneither authority nor influence to protect his person, or hisproperty; and, in that helpless situation, I had reason to apprehendthat he run great risk of being stripped of every thing he had gotfrom us, as soon as he should cease to have us within his reach, toenforce the good behaviour of his countrymen, by an immediate appealto our irresistible power. 

A man who is richer than his neighbours is sure to be envied, bynumbers who wish to see him brought down to their own level. Butin countries where civilization, law, and religion impose theirrestraints, the rich have a reasonable ground of security. And besidesthere being, in all such communities, a diffusion of property, nosingle individual need fear, that the efforts of all the poorersort can ever be united to injure him, exclusively of others who areequally the objects of envy. It was very different with Omai. He wasto live amongst those who are strangers, in a great measure, to anyother principle of action besides the immediate impulse of theirnatural feelings. But, what was his principal danger, he was to beplaced in the very singular situation of being the only rich man inthe community to which he was to belong. And having, by a fortunateconnection with us, got into his possession an accumulated quantity ofa species of treasure which none of his countrymen could create by anyart or industry of their own; while all coveted a share of this enviedwealth, it was natural to apprehend that all would be ready to join inattempting to strip its sole proprietor. 

To prevent this, if possible, I advised him to make a properdistribution of some of his moveables to two or three of the principalchiefs, who, being thus gratified themselves, might be induced totake him under their patronage, and protect him from the injuriesof others. He promised to follow my advice; and I heard, withsatisfaction, before I sailed, that this very prudent step had beentaken. Not trusting, however, entirely to the operations of gratitude, I had recourse to the more forcible motive of intimidation. With thisview, I took every opportunity of notifying to the inhabitants, thatit was my intention to return to their island again, after beingabsent the usual time; and that, if I did not find Omai in the samestate of security in which I was now to leave him, all those whom, Ishould then discover to have been his enemies, might expect to feelthe weight of my resentment. This threatening declaration; will, probably, have no inconsiderable effect; for our successive visits oflate years have taught these people to believe that our ships are toreturn at certain periods; and while they continue to be impressedwith such a notion, which I thought it a fair stratagem to confirm, Omai has some prospect of being permitted to thrive upon his newplantation. 

While we lay in this harbour, we carried ashore the bread remaining inthe bread-room, to clear it of vermin. The number of cock-roaches thatinfested the ship, at this time, is incredible. The damage they did uswas very considerable; and every method devised by us to destroy themproved ineffectual. These animals which, at first, were a nuisance, like all other insects, had now become a real pest, and sodestructive, that few things were free from, their ravages. If foodof any kind was exposed, only for a few minutes, it was covered withthem, and they soon pierced it full of holes, resembling a honey-comb. They were particularly destructive to birds which had been stuffed andpreserved as curiosities, and what was worse, were uncommonly fond ofink, so that the writing on the labels fastened to different articleswere quite eaten out; and the only thing that preserved books fromthem was the closeness of the binding, which prevented these devourersgetting between the leaves. According to Mr Anderson's observations, they were of two sorts, the _blatta orientalis_ and _germanica_. The first of these had been carried home in the ship from her formervoyage, where they withstood the severity of the hard winter in 1776, though she was in dock all the time. The others had only made theirappearance since our leaving New Zealand, but had increased so fast, that they now not only did all the mischief mentioned above, buthad even got amongst the rigging, so that when a sail was loosened, thousands of them fell upon the decks. The orientates, though ininfinite numbers, scarcely came out but in the night, when they madeevery thing in the cabins seem as if in motion, from the particularnoise in crawling about. And, besides their disagreeable appearance, they did great mischief to our bread, which was so bespattered withtheir excrement, that it would have been badly relished by delicatefeeders. 

The intercourse of trade and friendly offices was carried on betweenus and the natives, without being disturbed by any one accident, tillthe evening of the 22d, when a man found means to get into Mr Bayly'sobservatory, and to carry off a sextant unobserved. As soon as I wasmade acquainted with the theft, I went ashore, and got Omai to applyto the chiefs to procure restitution. He did so; but they took nosteps toward it, being more attentive to a _heeva_ that was thenacting, till I ordered the performers of the exhibition to desist. They were now convinced that I was in earnest, and began to make someenquiry after the thief, who was sitting in the midst of them, quiteunconcerned, insomuch that I was in great doubt of his being theguilty person, especially as he denied it. Omai, however, assuring methat he was the man, I sent him on board the ship, and there confinedhim. This raised a general ferment amongst the assembled natives; andthe whole body fled in spite of all my endeavours to stop them. Havingemployed Omai to examine the prisoner, with some difficulty he wasbrought to confess where he had hid the sextant; but, as it was nowdark, we could not find it till day-light the next morning, when itwas brought back unhurt. After this, the natives recovered from theirfright, and began to gather about us as usual. And, as to the thief, he appearing to be a hardened scoundrel, I punished him more severelythan I had ever done any one culprit before. Besides having his headand beard shaved, I ordered both his ears to be cut off and thendismissed him. [2]

[Footnote 2: We cannot suffer this action to be passed over, withoutexpressing indignation at the cruelty and injustice that marked it. Not even the fair reputation of Cook for meekness and humanity oughtto deter any one from affixing the proper term to such conduct. He hadno right to award so severe a treatment, even though he had authorityto take cognizance of the man's former and general character, which, however, it is impossible, on any satisfactory principle, todemonstrate. It was both the duty and the interest of Captain Cook toconform to the established maxims and decisions of the people whomhe visited, which, whatever their own practice had been, would haveproved amply severe, as we have already had occasion to observe; butno superiority of power on his part, could warrant the introduction ofunrecognized, and to these islanders it is probable, quite unheard-ofmodes of punishment. A suspicion, some persons may think a very unfairone, lurks in the mind of the writer, that the captain had rather_forgotten himself_ during this voyage, and that presuming, in somedegree, on his established fame and consequence, be exercised agreater latitude of power than his original caution and sense ofresponsibility would have permitted him to hazard, at an earlierperiod of his career. Such undoubtedly is human nature, and it canby no means be interpreted as an unjust aspersion, that Cook wasnot exempted from its common infirmities. Captain King, as we shallafterwards find, makes a remark on his acquired confidence withrespect to the savages, in the latter part of his professional life, which, though in the most delicate manner imaginable, seems veryreadily to fall in with the suspicion now stated. As might have beenexpected, the over severe, and, at all events, imprudently managedpunishment, failed to operate beneficially on the poor wretch thatwas subjected to it Perhaps it will be discovered to hold universally, that wherever the appearance of revenge characterizes an act ofretributive justice, a feeling of the same principle hardens thebreast of the culprit, besides influencing the speculative judgmentsof those who witness it But it were foolish to expect, that either oneor other will avow the existence of so dangerous a motive. The onlyexcuse that offers itself in. Behalf of Captain Cook's conduct on thisoccasion, is stated in what he immediately mentions of the anarchyexisting in this island. But even that is only a palliation in part, and does not reach to the full amount of the case. Let the readerjudge. --E. ]

This, however, did not deter him from giving us farther trouble; for, in the night between the 24th and 25th, a general alarm was spread, occasioned, as was said, by one of our goats being stolen by thisvery man. On examination, we found that all was safe in that quarter. Probably, the goats were so well guarded, that he could not put hisdesign in execution. But his hostilities had succeeded against anotherobject, and it appeared that he had destroyed and carried off severalvines and cabbage-plants in Omai's grounds; add he publicly threatenedto kill him, and to burn his house as soon as we should leave theisland. To prevent the fellow's doing me and Omai any more mischief, I had him seized, and confined again on board the ship, with a viewof carrying him off the island; and it seemed to give generalsatisfaction to the chiefs, that I meant thus to dispose of him. Hewas from Bolabola; but there were too many of the natives here readyto assist him in any of his designs, whenever he should think ofexecuting them. I had always met with more troublesome people inHuaheine than in any other of the neighbouring islands; and it wasonly fear, and the want of opportunities, that induced them to behavebetter now. Anarchy, seemed to prevail amongst them. Their nominalsovereign the _earee rahie_, as I have before observed, was but achild; and I did not find that there was any one man, or set ofmen who managed the government for him; so that, whenever anymisunderstanding happened between us, I never knew, with sufficientprecision, where to make application, in order to bring about anaccommodation, or to procure redress. The young chiefs mother would, indeed, sometimes exert herself, but I did not perceive that she hadgreater authority than many others. 

Omai's house being nearly finished, many of his moveables were carriedashore on the 26th. Amongst a variety of other useless articles wasa box of toys, which, when exposed to public view, seemed greatly toplease the gazing multitude. But, as to his pots, kettles, dishes, plates, drinking-mugs, glasses, and the whole train of our domesticaccommodations, hardly any one of his countrymen would so much as lookat them. Omai himself now began to think that they were of no mannerof use to him; that a baked hog was more savoury food than a boiledone, that a plantain-leaf made as good a dish or plate as pewter, andthat a cocoa-nut shell was as convenient a goblet as a blackjack. And, therefore, he very wisely disposed of as many of these articlesof English furniture for the kitchen and pantry, as he could findpurchasers for, amongst the people of the ships; receiving from themin return, hatchets and other iron tools, which had a more intrinsicvalue in this part of the world, and added more to his distinguishingsuperiority over those with whom he was to pass the remainder of hisdays. 

In the long list of the presents bestowed upon him in England, fire-works had not been forgot. Some of these we exhibited in theevening of the 28th, before a great concourse of people, who beheldthem with a mixture of pleasure and fear. What remained, after theevening's entertainment, were put in order, and left with Omai, agreeably to their original destination. Perhaps we need not lamentit as a serious misfortune, that the far greater share of this part ofhis cargo, had been already expended in exhibitions at other islands, or rendered useless by being kept so long. 

Between midnight and four in the morning of the 30th, the Bolabolaman, whom I had in confinement, found means to make his escape out' ofthe ship. He carried with him the shackle of the bilbo-bolt that wasabout his leg, which was taken from him, as soon as he got on shore, by one of the chiefs, and given to Omai, who came on board very earlyin the morning, to acquaint me that his mortal enemy was again letloose upon him. Upon enquiry, it appeared that not only the sentryplaced over the prisoner, but the whole watch upon the quarter-deckwhere he was confined, had laid themselves down to sleep. Heseized the opportunity to take the key of the irons out of thebinnacle-drawer, where he had seen it put, and set himself at liberty. This escape convinced me that my people had been very remiss in theirnight duty, which made it necessary to punish those who were nowin fault, and to establish some new regulations to prevent thelike negligence for the future. I was not a little pleased to hear, afterward, that the fellow who escaped had transported himself toUlietea; in this, seconding my views of putting him a second time inirons. [3]

[Footnote 3: Might not so spirited a fellow as this, by propertreatment, have been made a most useful agent? How many talents areoften lost to society, because governments are more necessitated, orat least more accustomed, to punish transgressions, than willing tobe at the pains of rewarding ability and fostering genius! And yet thelatter process, it might not be difficult to prove, would be much lessexpensive than the former. --E. ]

As soon as Omai was settled in his new habitation, I began to thinkof leaving the island; and got every thing off from the shore, thisevening, except the horse and mare, and a goat big with kid, whichwere left in the possession of our friend, with whom we were nowfinally to part. I also gave him a boar and two sows of the Englishbreed; and he had got a sow or two of his own. The horse covered themare while we were at Otaheite; so that I consider the introduction ofa breed of horses into these islands as likely to have succeeded, bythis valuable present. 

The history of Omai will, perhaps, interest a very numerous class ofreaders more than any other occurrence of a voyage, the objectsof which do not, in general, promise much entertainment. Everycircumstance, therefore, which may serve to convey a satisfactoryaccount of the exact situation in which he was left, will be thoughtworth preserving; and the following particulars are added, to completethe view of his domestic establishment. He had picked up at Otaheitefour or five _toutous_; the two New Zealand youths remained with him;and his brother, and some others, joined him at Huaheine; so thathis family consisted already of eight or ten persons, if that can becalled a family to which not a single female as yet belonged, nor Idoubt was likely to belong, unless its master became less volatile. At present, Omai did not seem at all disposed to take unto himself awife. 

The house which we erected for him was twenty-four feet by eighteen, and ten feet high. It was composed of boards, the spoils of ourmilitary operations at Eimeo; and, in building it, as few nails aspossible were used, that there might be no inducement, from the loveof iron, to pull it down. It was settled, that, immediately after ourdeparture, he should begin to build a large house after the fashion ofhis country, one end of which was to be brought over that which we haderected, so as to enclose it entirely for greater security. In thiswork, some of the chiefs promised to assist him; and, if the intendedbuilding should cover the ground which he marked out, it will be aslarge as most upon the island. 

His European weapons consisted of a musket, bayonet, and cartouch-box, a fowling-piece, two pair of pistols, and two or three swords orcutlasses. The possession of these made him quite happy, which wasmy only view in giving him such presents. For I was always of opinionthat he would have been happier without fire-arms, and other Europeanweapons, than with them, as such implements of war, in the hands ofone, whose prudent use of them I had some grounds for mistrusting, would rather increase his dangers than establish his superiority. After he had got on shore every thing that belonged to him, and wassettled in his house, he had most of the officers of both ships, twoor three times, to dinner; and his table was always well supplied withthe very best provisions that the island produced. 

Before I sailed, I had the following inscription cut upon the outsideof his house:--

 _Georgius Tertius, Rex, 2 Novembris, 1777. _ _Naves { Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr. _ _{ Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr. _

On the 2d of November, at four in the afternoon, I took the advantageof a breeze which then sprung up at E. , and sailed out of the harbour. Most of our friends remained on board till the ships were under sail;when, to gratify their curiosity, I ordered five guns to be fired. They then all took their leave, except Omai, who remained till wewere at sea. We had come to sail by a hawser fastened to the shore. Incasting the ship, it parted, being cut by the rocks, and the outer endwas left behind, as those who cast it off did not perceive that itwas broken, so that it became necessary to send a boat to bring iton board. In this boat, Omai went ashore, after taking a veryaffectionate farewell of all the officers. He sustained himself witha manly resolution till he came to me. Then his utmost efforts toconceal his tears failed; and Mr King, who went in the boat, told me, that he wept all the time in going ashore. 

It was no small satisfaction to reflect, that we had brought him safeback to the very spot from which he was taken. And yet, such is thestrange nature of human affairs, that it is probable we left him in aless desirable situation than he was in before his connection withus. I do not by this mean, that because he has tasted the sweets ofcivilized life, he must become more miserable from being obliged toabandon all thoughts of continuing them. I confine myself to thissingle disagreeable circumstance, that the advantages he received fromus have placed him in a more hazardous situation, with respect to hispersonal safety. Omai, from being much caressed in England, lost sightof his original condition; and never considered in what manner hisacquisitions, either of knowledge or of riches, would be estimated byhis countrymen at his return, which were the only things he could haveto recommend him to them now, more than before, and on which he couldbuild either his future greatness or happiness. He seemed even to havemistaken their genius in this respect, and, in some measure, to haveforgotten their customs, otherwise he must have known the extremedifficulty there would be in getting himself admitted as a person ofrank, where there is, perhaps, no instance of a man's being raisedfrom an inferior station by the greatest merit. Rank seems to be thevery foundation of all distinction here, and, of its attendant, power;and so pertinaciously, or rather blindly adhered to, that, unless aperson has some degree of it, he will certainly be despised and hated, if he assumes the appearance of exercising any authority. This wasreally the case, in some measure, with Omai, though his countrymenwere pretty cautious of expressing their sentiments while we remainedamongst them. Had he made a proper use of the presents he broughtwith him from England, this, with the knowledge he had acquired bytravelling so far, might have enabled him to form the most usefulconnections. But we have given too many instances, in the course ofour narrative, of his childish inattention to this obvious means ofadvancing his interest. His schemes seemed to be of a higher thoughridiculous nature, indeed I might say meaner; for revenge, ratherthan a desire of becoming great, appeared to actuate him from thebeginning. This, however, maybe excused, if we consider that itis common to his countrymen. His father was, doubtless, a man ofconsiderable property in Ulietea, when that island was conquered bythose of Bolabola, and, with many others, sought refuge in Huaheine, where he died, and left Omai, with some other children; who, by thatmeans, became totally dependent. In this situation he was taken up byCaptain Furneaux, and carried to England. Whether he really expected, from his treatment there, that any assistance would be given himagainst the enemies of his father and his country, or whether heimagined that his own personal courage and superiority of knowledgewould be sufficient to dispossess the conquerors of Ulietea, isuncertain; but, from the beginning of the voyage, this was hisconstant theme. He would not listen to our remonstrances on so wild adetermination, but flew into a passion if more moderate and reasonablecounsels were proposed for his advantage. Nay, so infatuated andattached to his favourite scheme was he, that he affected to believethese people would certainly quit the conquered island, as soon asthey should hear of his arrival in Otaheite. As we advanced, however, on our voyage, he became more sensible of his error; and, by the timewe reached the Friendly Islands, had even such apprehensions of hisreception at home, that, as I have mentioned in my journal, he wouldfain have staid behind at Tongataboo, under Feenou's protection. Atthese islands, he squandered away much of his European treasure veryunnecessarily; and he was equally imprudent, as I also took notice ofabove, at Tiaraboo, where he could have no view of making friends, ashe had not any intention of remaining there. At Matavai, he continuedthe same inconsiderate behaviour, till I absolutely put a stop to hisprofusion; and he formed such improper connections there, that Otoo, who was at first much disposed to countenance him, afterward openlyexpressed his dislike of him, on account of his conduct. It was not, however, too late to recover his favour; and he might have settled, togreat advantage, in Otaheite, as he had formerly lived several yearsthere, and was now a good deal noticed by Towha, whose valuablepresent, of a very large double canoe, we have seen above. Theobjection to admitting him to some rank would have also been muchlessened, if he had fixed at Otaheite; as a native will always findit more difficult to accomplish such a change of state amongst hiscountrymen, than a stranger who naturally claims respect. But Omairemained undetermined to the last, and would not, I believe, haveadopted my plan of settlement in Huaheine, if I had not so explicitlyrefused to employ force in restoring him to his father's possessions. Whether the remains of his European wealth, which after all hisimprovident waste, was still considerable, will be more prudentlyadministered by him, or whether the steps I took, as alreadyexplained, to insure him protection in Huaheine, shall have provedeffectual, must be left to the decision of future navigators of thisocean, with whom it cannot but be a principal object of curiosity totrace the future fortunes of our traveller. At present, I can onlyconjecture that his greatest danger will arise from the very impoliticdeclarations of his antipathy to the inhabitants of Bolabola. Forthese people, from a principle of jealousy, will, no doubt, endeavourto render him obnoxious to those of Huaheine; as they are at peacewith that island at present, and may easily effect their designs, manyof them living there. This is a circumstance, which, of all others, hemight the most easily have avoided. For they were not only free fromany aversion to him, but the person mentioned before, whom we foundat Tiaraboo as an ambassador, priest, or god, absolutely offered toreinstate him in the property that was formerly his father's. But herefused this peremptorily; and, to the very last, continued determinedto take the first opportunity that offered of satisfying his revengein battle. To this, I guess, he was not a little spurred by the coatof mail he brought from England; clothed in which, and in possessionof some fire-arms, he fancied that he should be invincible. 

Whatever faults belonged to Omai's character, they were more thanoverbalanced by his great good-nature and docile disposition. During the whole time he was with me, I very seldom had reason tobe seriously displeased with his general conduct. His grateful heartalways retained the highest sense of the favours he had received inEngland, nor will he ever forget those who honoured him with theirprotection and friendship, during his stay there. He had a tolerableshare of understanding, but wanted application and perseverance toexert it; so that his knowledge of things was very general, and, inmany instances, imperfect. He was not a man of much observation. Therewere many useful arts, as well as elegant amusements, amongst thepeople of the Friendly Islands, which he might have conveyed to hisown, where they probably would have been readily adopted, as beingso much in their own way. But I never found that he used the leastendeavour to make himself master of any one. This kind of indifferenceis indeed the characteristic foible of his nation. Europeans havevisited them at times for these ten years past, yet we could notdiscover the slightest trace of any attempt to profit by thisintercourse, nor have they hitherto copied after us in any one thing. We are not, therefore, to expert that Omai will be able to introducemany of our arts and customs amongst them, or much improve those towhich they have been long habituated. I am confident, however, thathe will endeavour to bring to perfection the various fruits andvegetables we planted, which will be no small acquisition. But thegreatest benefit these islands are likely to receive from Omai'stravels, will be in the animals that have been left upon them, which, probably, they never would have got, had he not come to England. Whenthese multiply, of which I think there is little doubt, Otaheite andthe Society Islands will equal, if not exceed, any place in the knownword, for provisions. 

Omai's return, and the substantial proofs he brought back with him ofour liberality, encouraged many to offer themselves as volunteersto attend me to _Pretane_. I took every opportunity of expressing mydetermination to reject all such applications. But, notwithstandingthis, Omai, who was very ambitious of remaining the only greattraveller, being afraid lest I might be prevailed upon to put othersin a situation of rivalling him, frequently put me in mind that LordSandwich had told him no others of his countrymen were to come toEngland. 

If there had been the most distant probability of any ship beingagain sent to New Zealand, I would have brought the two youths of thatcountry home with me, as both of them were very desirous of continuingwith us. Tiarooa, the eldest, was an exceedingly well-diposedyoung man, with strong natural sense, and capable of receiving anyinstruction. He seemed to be fully sensible of the inferiority of hisown country to these islands, and resigned himself, though perhapswith reluctance, to end his days in ease and plenty in Huaheine. Butthe other was so strongly attached to us, that he was taken out of theship, and carried ashore by force. He was a witty, smart boy; and, onthat account, much noticed on board. [4]

[Footnote 4: Some particulars respecting the subsequent history ofOmai and the two New Zealanders, are related in the account of CaptainBligh's voyage in 1788. We ought not to anticipate matter whichproperly belongs to another period and subject. It seems right, however, in the present instance, to set the reader's expectations atrest, though the doing so be somewhat afflictive to his feelings. Omai died a natural death about thirty months after Captain Cook'sdeparture, but not till he had the satisfaction of experiencingthe importance of the arms and ammunition he was master of, in asuccessful engagement which his countrymen had with the people ofUlietea and Bolabola. Peace soon followed, but it does not seem thathis exertions on this occasion procured him any additional possessionsor elevation of rank. From the good character, however, which hiscountrymen gave of him, it appeared that he had conducted himself withsuch general propriety as gained their applause. The New Zealandersdid not long survive him, but scarcely any satisfactory information oftheir history could be obtained. --E. ]

SECTION VII. 

_Arrival at Ulietea. --Astronomical Observations. --A Marine deserts, and is delivered up. --Intelligence from Omai. --Instructions to CaptainClerke. --Another Desertion of a Midshipman and a Seaman. --Three ofthe chief Persons of the Island confined on that Account. --A Design toseize Captains Cook and Clerke, discovered. --The two Deserters broughtback, and the Prisoners released. --The Ships sail. --Refreshmentsreceived at Ulietea. --Present and former State of thatIsland. --Account of its dethroned King, and of the late Regent ofHuaheine. _

The boat which carried Omai ashore, never to join us again, havingreturned to the ship, with the remainder of the hawser, we hoisted herin, and immediately stood over for Ulietea, where I intended to touchnext. At ten o'clock at night, we brought-to, till four the nextmorning, when we made sail round the south end of the island, for theharbour of Ohamaneno. We met with calms and light airs of wind, fromdifferent directions, by turns; so that, at noon, we were still aleague from the entrance of the harbour. While we were thus detained, my old friend Oreo, chief of the island, with his son and Pootoe, hisson-in-law, came off to visit us. 

Being resolved to push for the harbour, I ordered all the boats to behoisted out, and sent them a-head to tow, being assisted by a slightbreeze from the southward. This breeze failed too soon, and beingsucceeded by one from the E. , which blew right out of the harbour, wewere obliged to come to an anchor at its entrance at two o'clock, andto warp in, which employed us till night set in. As soon as we werewithin the harbour, the ships were surrounded with canoes filledwith people, who brought hogs and fruit to barter with us for ourcommodities, so that wherever we went we found plenty. 

Next morning, being the 4th, I moored the ship head and stern close tothe north shore, at the head of the harbour; hauled up the cables ondeck, and opened one of the ballast-ports. From this a slight stagewas made to the land, being at the distance of about twenty feet, witha view to get clear of some of the rats that continued to infest us. The Discovery moored alongside the south shore for the same purpose. While this work was going forward, I returned Oreo's visit. Thepresent I made him on the occasion, consisted of a linen gown, ashirt, a red-feathered cap from Tongataboo, and other things of lessvalue. I then brought him and some of his friends on board to dinner. 

On the 6th, we set up the observatories, and got the necessaryinstruments on shore. The two following days we observed the sun'sazimuths, both on board and ashore, with all the compasses, in orderto find the variation; and in the night of the latter, observed anoccultation of _Sigma Capricorni_, by the moon's dark limb. Mr Bayly andI agreed in fixing the time of its happening, at six minutes andfifty-four seconds and a half past ten o'clock. Mr King made it halfa second sooner. Mr Bayly observed with the achromatic telescopebelonging to the board of longitude; Mr King, with the reflectorbelonging also to the board; and I made use of my own reflector ofeighteen inches. There was also an immersion of _Pi Capricorni_ behindthe moon's dark limb, some time before, but it was observed by MrBayly alone. I attempted to trace it with a small achromatic, butfound its magnifying power not sufficient. 

Nothing worthy of note happened till the night between the 12thand 13th, when John Harrison, a marine, who was sentinel at theobservatory, deserted, carrying with him his musket and accoutrements. Having in the morning got intelligence which way he had moved off, aparty was sent after him; but they returned in the evening, after anineffectual enquiry and search. The next day I applied to the chiefto interest himself in this matter. He promised to send a party of hismen after him, and gave me hopes that he should be brought back thesame day. But this did not happen; and I had reason to suspect that nosteps had been taken by him. We had at this time a great number ofthe natives about the ships, and some thefts were committed; theconsequence of which being dreaded by them, very few visitors camenear us the next morning. The chief himself joined in the alarm, andhe and his whole family fled. I thought this a good opportunity tooblige them to deliver up the deserter; and having got intelligencethat he was at a place called Hamoa, on the other side of the island, I went thither with two armed boats, accompanied by one of thenatives; and, in our way, we found the chief, who also embarkedwith me. I landed about a mile and a half from the place, with afew people, and marched briskly up to it, lest the sight of theboat should give the alarm, and allow the man time to escape to themountains. But this precaution was unnecessary, for the natives therehad got information of my coming, and were prepared to deliver him up. 

I found Harrison, with the musket lying before him, sitting betweentwo women, who, the moment that I entered the house, rose up to pleadin his behalf. As it was highly proper to discourage such proceedings, I frowned upon them, and bid them begone. Upon this they burst intotears, and walked off. Paha, the chief of the district, now came witha plantain tree, and a sucking pig, which he would have presentedto me as a peace-offering. I rejected it, and ordered him out of mysight; and having embarked with the deserter on board the first boatthat arrived, returned to the ships. After this, harmony was againrestored. The fellow had nothing to say in his defence, but that thenatives had enticed him away; and this might in part be true, as itwas certain that Paha, and also the two women above-mentioned, hadbeen at the ship the day before he deserted. As it appeared that heremained upon his post till within a few minutes of the time when hewas to have been relieved, the punishment that I inflicted upon himwas not very severe. 

Though we had separated from Omai, we were still near enough to haveintelligence of his proceedings; and I had desired to hear from him. Accordingly, about a fortnight after our arrival at Ulietea, hesent two of his people in a canoe, who brought me the satisfactoryintelligence that he remained undisturbed by the people of the island, and that every thing went well with him, except that his goat had diedin kidding. He accompanied this intelligence with a request, that Iwould send him another goat and two axes. Being happy to have thisadditional opportunity of serving him, the messengers were sent backto Huaheine on the 18th, with the axes and two kids, male and female, which were spared for him out of the Discovery. 

The next day I delivered to Captain Clerke instructions how to proceedin case of being separated from me, after leaving these islands; andit may not be improper to give them a place here. 

_By Captain James Cook, Commander of his Majesty's Sloop theResolution. _

"Whereas the passage from the Society Islands to the northern coast ofAmerica, is of considerable length, both in distance and in time, andas a part of it must be performed in the very depth of winter, whengales of wind and bad weather must be expected, and may possiblyoccasion a separation, you are to take all imaginable care to preventthis. But if, notwithstanding all our endeavours to keep company, youshould be separated from me, you are first to look for me whereyou last saw me. Not seeing me in five days, you are to proceed (asdirected by the instructions of their lordships, a copy of which youhave already received) for the coast of New Albion; endeavouring tofall in with it in the latitude of 45°. 

"In that latitude, and at a convenient distance from the land, you areto cruize for me ten days. Not seeing me in that time, you are to putinto the first convenient port in or to the north of that latitude, torecruit your wood and water, and to procure refreshments. 

"During your stay in port, you are constantly to keep a good look-outfor me. It will be necessary, therefore, to make choice of a station, situated as near the sea-coast as is possible, the better to enableyou to see me when I shall appear in the offing. 

"If I do not join you before the 1st of next April, you are to put tosea, and proceed northward to the latitude 56°; in which latitude, and at a convenient distance from the coast, never exceeding fifteenleagues, you are to cruize for me till the 10th of May. 

"Not seeing me in that time, you are to proceed northward, andendeavour to find a passage into the Atlantic Ocean, through Hudson'sor Baffin's Bays, as directed by the above-mentioned instructions. 

"But if you should fail in finding a passage through either of thesaid bays, or by any other way, as the season of the year may renderit unsafe for you to remain in high latitudes, you are to repairto the harbour of St Peter and St Paul, in Kamtschatka, in order torefresh your people, and to pass the winter. 

"But, nevertheless, if you find that you cannot procure the necessaryrefreshments at the said port, you are at liberty to go where youshall judge most proper; taking care, before you depart, to leave withthe governor an account of your intended destination, to be deliveredto me upon my arrival; and in the spring of the ensuing year, 1779, you are to repair back to the above-mentioned port, endeavouring to bethere by the 10th of May, or sooner. 

"If, on your arrival, you receive no orders from, or account of me, soas to justify your pursuing any other measures than what are pointedout in the before-mentioned instructions, your future proceedings areto be governed by them. 

"You are also to comply with such parts of said instructions as havenot been executed, and are not contrary to these orders. And incase of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these, and the instructions of their lordships into execution, you are to becareful to leave them with the next officer in command, who is herebyrequired to execute them in the best manner he can. 

"Given under my hand, on board the Resolution, at Ulietea, the 18thday of November 1777. 

"J. COOK. 

 "To Captain Charles Clerke, Commander of his Majesty's Sloop the Discovery, "

While we lay moored to the shore we heeled and scrubbed both sides ofthe bottoms of the ships. At the same time we fixed some tin-platesunder the binds, first taking off the old sheathing, and putting in apiece unfilled, over which the plates were nailed. These plates Ihad from the ingenious Mr Pelham, secretary to the commissioners forvictualling his majesty's navy, with a view of trying whether tinwould answer the same end as copper on the bottoms of ships. 

On the 24th, in the morning, I was informed that a midshipman and aseaman, both belonging to the Discovery, were missing. Soon after welearnt from the natives, that they went away in a canoe the precedingevening, and were, at this time, at the other end of the island. Asthe midshipman was known to have expressed a desire to remain at theseislands, it seemed pretty certain that he and his companion had goneoff with this intention; and Captain Clerke set out in quest of themwith two armed boats and a party of marines. His expedition provedfruitless, for he returned in the evening, without having got anycertain intelligence where they were. From the conduct of the natives, Captain Clerke seemed to think that they intended to conceal thedeserters; and, with that view, had amused him with false informationthe whole day, and directed him to search for them in places wherethey were not to be found. The Captain judged right; for the nextmorning we were told that our runaways were at Otaha. As these twowere not the only persons in the ships who wished to end their daysat these favourite islands, in order to put a stop to any furtherdesertion, it was necessary to get them back at all events; and, thatthe natives might be convinced that I was in earnest, I resolved to goafter them myself; having observed, from repeated instances, that theyseldom offered to deceive me with false information. 

Accordingly, I set out the next morning with two armed boats, beingaccompanied by the chief himself. I proceeded as he directed, withoutstopping any where, till we came to the middle of the east side ofOtaha. There we put ashore, and Oreo dispatched a man before us, withorders to seize the deserters, and keep them till we should arrivewith the boats. But when we got to the place where we expected to findthem, we were told that they had quitted this island, and gone overto Bolabola the day before. I did not think proper to follow themthither, but returned to the ships, fully determined, however, to haverecourse to a measure which, I guessed, would oblige the natives tobring them back. 

In the night, Mr Bayly, Mr King, and myself, observed an immersion ofJupiter's third satellite. It happened, by the observation of

 Mr Bayly, at 2^h 37^m 54^s } Mr King, at 2 37 24 } in the morning. Myself, at 2 37 44 }

Mr Bayly and Mr King observed with Dolland's three-and-a-half inchachromatic telescope, and with the greatest magnifying power. Iobserved with a two-feet Gregorian reflector, made by Bird. 

Soon after day-break, the chief, his son, daughter, and son-in-law, came on board the Resolution. The three last I resolved to detaintill the two deserters should be brought back. With this view, CaptainClerke invited them to go on board his ship; and, as soon as theyarrived there, confined them in his cabin. The chief was with me whenthe news reached him. He immediately acquainted me with it, supposingthat this step had been taken without my knowledge, and, consequently, without my approbation. I instantly undeceived him; and then he beganto have apprehensions as to his own situation, and his looks expressedthe utmost perturbation of mind. But I soon made him easy as to this;by telling him, that he was at liberty to leave the ship whenever hepleased, and to take such measures as he should judge best calculatedto get our two men back; that, if he succeeded, his friends on boardthe Discovery should be delivered up, if not, that I was determinedto carry them away with me. I added, that his own conduct, as wellas that of many of his men, in not only assisting these two men toescape, but in being, even at this very time, assiduous in enticingothers to follow them, would justify any step I could take to put astop to such proceedings. 

This explanation of the motives upon which I acted, and which we foundmeans to make Oreo and his people, who were present, fully comprehend, seemed to recover them, in a great measure, from that generalconsternation into which they were at first thrown. But, if relievedfrom apprehensions about their own safety, they continued under thedeepest concern for those who were prisoners. Many of them went underthe Discovery's stern in canoes, to bewail their captivity, which theydid with long and loud exclamations. _Poedooa!_ for so the chief'sdaughter was called, resounded from every quarter; and the womenseemed to vie with each other in mourning her fate with moresignificant expressions of their grief than tears and cries, for therewere many bloody heads upon the occasion. 

Oreo himself did not give way to unavailing lamentations, butinstantly began his exertions to recover our deserters, by dispatchinga canoe to Bolabola, with a message to Opoony, the sovereign of thatisland, acquainting him with what had happened, and requesting him toseize the two fugitives, and send them back. The messenger, who was noless a man than the father of Pootoe, Oreo's son-in-law, before he setout came to receive my commands. I strictly enjoined him not to returnwithout the deserters, and to tell Opoony, from me, that, if they hadleft Bolabola, he must send canoes to bring them back, for I suspectedthat they would not long remain in one place. 

The consequence, however, of the prisoners was so great, that thenatives did not think proper to trust to the return of our people fortheir release; or, at least, their impatience was so great, that ithurried them to meditate an attempt which might have involved them instill greater distress, had it not been fortunately prevented. Betweenfive and six o'clock in the evening, I observed that all their canoesin and about the harbour began to move off, as if some sudden panichad seized them. I was ashore, abreast of the ship at the time, andenquired in vain to find out the cause, till our people called toas from the Discovery, and told us, that a party of the natives hadseized Captain Clerke and Mr Gore, who had walked out a little wayfrom the ships. Struck with the boldness of this plan of retaliation, which seemed to counteract me so effectually in my own way, there wasno time to deliberate. I instantly ordered the people to arm; and inless than five minutes, a strong party, under the command of Mr King, was sent to rescue our two gentlemen. At the same time, two armedboats, and a party under Mr Williamson, went after the flying canoes, to cut off their retreat to the shore. These several detachmentswere hardly out of sight, before an account arrived that we had beenmisinformed, upon which I sent and called them all in. 

It was evident, however, from several corroborating circumstances, that the design of seizing Captain Clerke had really been in agitationamongst the natives. Nay, they made no secret in speaking of it thenext day. But their first and great plan of operations was to havelaid hold of me. It was my custom, every evening, to bathe in thefresh water. Very often I went alone, and always without arms. Expecting me to go as usual this evening, they had determined to seizeme, and Captain Clerke too, if he had accompanied me. But I had, afterconfining Oreo's family, thought it prudent to avoid putting myself intheir power; and had cautioned Captain Clerke and the officers not togo far from the ships. In the course of the afternoon the chief askedme three several times, if I would not go to the bathing-place; andwhen he found, at last, that I could not be prevailed upon, he wentoff with the rest of his people, in spite of all that I could do orsay to stop him. But as I had no suspicion, at this time, of theirdesign, I imagined that some sudden fright had seized them, whichwould, as usual, soon be over. Finding themselves disappointed as tome, they fixed on those who were more in their power. It was fortunatefor all parties that they did not succeed, and not less fortunatethat no mischief was done on the occasion; for not a musket was fired, except two or three to stop the canoes. To that firing, perhaps, Messrs Clerke and Gore owed their safety;[1] for, at that veryinstant, a party of the natives, armed with clubs, were advancingtoward them, and, on hearing the report of the muskets, theydispersed. 

[Footnote 1: Perhaps they owed their safety principally to CaptainClerke's walking with a pistol in his hand, which he once fired. This circumstance is omitted both in Captain Cook's and Mr Andersen'sjournal, but it is here mentioned on the authority of CaptainKing. --D. ]

This conspiracy, as it may be called, was first discovered by a girl, whom one of the officers had brought from Huaheine. She, overhearingsome of the Ulieteans say, that they would seize Captain Clerke and MrGore, ran to acquaint the first of our people that she met with. Thosewho were charged with the execution of the design threatened to killher as soon as we should leave the island, for disappointing them. Being aware of this, we contrived that her friends should come, somedays after, and take her out of the ship, to convey her to a placeof safety, where she might lie concealed till they should have anopportunity of sending her back to Huaheine. 

On the 27th, our observatories were taken down, and every thing we hadashore carried on board; the moorings of the ships were cast off, andwe transported them a little way down the harbour, where they came toan anchor again. Toward the afternoon the natives began to shake offtheir fears, gathering round and on board the ships as usual, and theawkward transactions of the day before seemed to be forgotten on bothsides. 

The following night the wind blew in hard squalls from S. To E. Attended with heavy showers of rain. In one of the squalls, the cableby which the Resolution was riding, parted just without the hawse. We had another anchor ready to let go, so that the ship was presentlybrought up again. In the afternoon the wind became moderate, and wehooked the end of the best small bower-cable, and got it again intothe hawse. 

Oreo, the chief, being uneasy, as well as myself, that no account hadbeen received from Bolabola, set out this evening for that island, and desired me to follow him the next day with the ships. This was myintention, but the wind would not admit of our getting to sea. Butthe same wind which kept us in the harbour, brought Oreo back fromBolabola, with the two deserters. They had reached Otaha the samenight they deserted; but, finding it impossible to get to any of theislands to the eastward (which was their intention) for want of wind, they had proceeded to Bolabola, and from thence to the small islandToobaee, where they were taken by the father of Pootoe, in consequenceof the first message sent to Opoony. As soon as they were on board, the three prisoners were released. Thus ended an affair which hadgiven me much trouble and vexation. Nor would I have exerted myself soresolutely on the occasion, but for the reasons before mentioned, andto save the son of a brother officer from being lost to his country. 

The wind continued constantly between the N. And W. And confined us inthe harbour till eight o'clock in the morning of the 7th of December, when we took the advantage of a light breeze which then sprung up atN. E. , and, with the assistance of all the boats, got out to sea, withthe Discovery in company. 

During the last week we had been visited by people from all partsof the island, who furnished us with a large stock of hogs and greenplantains. So that the time we lay wind-bound in the harbour wasnot entirely lost; green plantains being an excellent substitute forbread, as they will keep good a fortnight or three weeks. Besides thissupply of provisions, we also completed our wood and water. 

The inhabitants of Ulietea seemed, in general, smaller and blackerthan those of the other neighbouring islands, and appeared also lessorderly, which, perhaps, may be considered as the consequence of theirhaving become subject to the natives of Bolabola. Oreo, their chief, is only a sort of deputy of the sovereign of that island; and theconquest seems to have lessened the number of subordinate chiefsresident among them; so that they are less immediately under theinspection of those whose interest it is to enforce due obedience toauthority. Ulietea, though now reduced to this humiliating state, was formerly, as we were told, the most eminent of this cluster ofislands, and, probably, the first seat of government; for, they say, that the present royal family of Otaheite is descended from that whichreigned here before the late revolution. Ooroo, the dethroned monarchof Ulietea, was still alive when we were at Huaheine, where heresides, a royal wanderer, furnishing, in his person, an instance ofthe instability of power; but, what is more remarkable, of the respectpaid by these people to particular families, and to the customs whichhave once conferred sovereignty; for they suffer Ooroo to preserve allthe ensigns which they appropriate to majesty, though he has lost hisdominions. 

We saw a similar instance of this while we were at Ulietea. One of theoccasional visitors I now had was my old friend Oree, the late chiefof Huaheine. He still preserved his consequence; came always at thehead of a numerous body of attendants, and was always provided withsuch presents as were very acceptable. This chief looked much betternow than I had ever seen him during either of my former voyages. Icould account for his improving in health as he grew older, onlyfrom his drinking less copiously of _ava_ in his present station asa private gentleman, than he had been accustomed to do when he wasregent. [2]

[Footnote 2: Captain Cook had seen Oree in 1769, when he commanded theEndeavour; also twice during his second voyage in 1772. --D. ]

SECTION VIII. 

_Arrival at Bolabola. --Interview with Opoony. --Reasons for purchasingMonsieur de Bougainville's Anchor. --Departure from the SocietyIslands. --Particulars about Bolabola. --History of the Conquest ofOtaha and Ulieta. --High Reputation of the Bolabola Men. --Animals leftthere and at Ulietea. --Plentiful Supply of Provisions, and Manner ofsalting Pork on Board. --Various Reflections relative to Otaheite andthe Society Islands. --Astronomical and Nautical Observations madethere. _

As soon as we had got clear of the harbour, we took our leave ofUlietea, and steered for Bolabola. The chief, if not sole object Ihad in view by visiting that island was, to procure from its monarch, Opoony, one of the anchors which Monsieur de Bougainville had lost atOtaheite. This having afterwards been taken up by the natives there, had, as they informed me, been sent by them as a present to thatchief. My desire to get possession of it did not arise, from our beingin want of anchors; but having expended all the hatchets, andother iron tools which we had brought from England, in purchasingrefreshments, we were now reduced to the necessity of creating a freshassortment of trading articles, by fabricating them out of the spareiron we had on board; and in such conversions, and in the occasionaluses of the ships, great part of that had been already expended. Ithought that M. De Bougainville's anchor would supply our want of thisuseful material; and I made no doubt that I should be able to temptOpoony to part with it. 

Oreo, and six or eight men more from Ulietea, took a passage with usto Bolabola. Indeed most of the natives in general, except the chiefhimself, would have gladly taken a passage with us to England. Atsunset, being the length of the south point of Bolabola, we shortenedsail, and spent the night making short boards. At day-break, on the8th, we made sail for the harbour, which is on the west side of theisland. The wind was scant, so that we had to ply up, and it was nineo'clock before we got near enough to send away a boat to sound theentrance, for I had thoughts of running the ships in, and anchoringfor a day or two. 

When the boat returned, the master, who was in her, reported, thatthough at the entrance of the harbour the bottom was rocky, therewas good ground within, and the depth of water twenty-seven andtwenty-five fathoms; and that there was room to turn the ships in, the channel being one-third of a mile broad. In consequence of thisreport, we attempted to work the ships in. But the tide, as well asthe wind, being against us, after making two or three trips, I foundthat it could not be done till the tide should turn in our favour. Upon this I gave up the design of carrying the ships into the harbour;and having ordered the boats to be got ready, I embarked in one ofthem, accompanied by Oreo and his companions, and was rowed in for theisland. 

We landed where the natives directed us, and soon after I wasintroduced to Opoony, in the midst of a great concourse of people. Having no time to lose, as soon as the necessary formality ofcompliments was over, I asked the chief to give me the anchor, andproduced the present I had prepared for him, consisting of a linennight-gown, a shirt, some gauze handkerchiefs, a looking-glass, somebeads and other toys, and six axes. At the sight of these last therewas a general outcry. I could only guess the cause, by Opoony'sabsolutely refusing to receive my present till I should get theanchor. He ordered three men to go and deliver it to me; and, as Iunderstood, I was to send by them what I thought proper in return. With these messengers we set out in our boat for an island, lying atthe north side of the entrance into the harbour, where the anchor hadbeen deposited. I found it to be neither so large nor so perfect as Iexpected. It had originally weighed seven hundred pounds, accordingto the mark that was upon it; but the ring, with part of the shank andtwo palms, were now wanting. I was no longer at a loss to guess thereason of Opoony's refusing my present. He doubtless thought that itso much exceeded the value of the anchor in its present state, thatI should be displeased when I saw it. Be this as it may, I took theanchor as I found it, and sent him every article of the present that Iat first intended. Having thus completed my negociation, I returned onboard, and having hoisted in the boats, made sail from the island tothe north. [1]

[Footnote 1: Here again is a trait of genuine nobility, sufficient, wehave no doubt, to reinstate our commander in the good graces of everyreader. On the other hand, there is something so truly honest onthe part of Opoony and his people in declining the acceptance of thepresent, till Cook had seen the article he was bargaining for, thatwe cannot help giving them high credit for moral attainments. Howforcibly does such a conduct prove the existence of a sense of thelaw, which says, "Do to others, as you would that others should do toyou. " It is curious, that some authors have maintained, that no suchlaw is recognised among mankind till they are made acquainted withdivine revelation. But these persons have confounded together twothings, which are quite distinct, --a sense of the obligation of such alaw, and a disposition and power to obey it. The former may exist, andindeed more generally does exist, without the latter. But we see, bythe present example, that both may operate, where, according to thisopinion, no such thing as either could be found. Here, however, we would not take it upon us to affirm any thing in respect ofthe motives which influenced the obedience. In so far as ourfellow-creatures alone are concerned, it is barely and simply ouractions which ought to be considered. It is the prerogative ofa higher tribunal to judge of the heart and the principles itcontains. --E. ]

While the boats were hoisting in, some of the natives came off inthree or four canoes to see the ships, as they said. They brought withthem a few cocoa-nuts and one pig, which was the only one we got atthe island. I make no doubt, however, that if we had staid till thenext day, we should have been plentifully supplied with provisions;and I think the natives would feel themselves disappointed when theyfound that we were gone. But as we had already a very good stock, bothof hogs and of fruit on board, and very little of any thing left topurchase more, I could have no inducement to defer any longer theprosecution of our voyage. 

The harbour of Bolabola, called Oteavanooa, situated on the west sideof the island, is one of the most capacious that I ever met with; andthough we did not enter it, it was a satisfaction to me that I hadan opportunity of employing my people to ascertain its being a veryproper place for the reception of ships. 

The high double-peaked mountain, which is in the middle of the island, appeared to be barren on the east side; but on the west side, hastrees or bushes on its most craggy parts. The lower grounds, all roundtoward the sea, are covered with cocoa-palms and bread-fruit trees, like the other islands of this ocean; and the many little islets thatsurrounded it on the inside of the reef, add both to the amount of itsvegetable productions and to the number of its inhabitants. 

But still, when we consider its very small extent, being not morethan eight leagues in compass, it is rather remarkable that its peopleshould have attempted, or have been able to atchieve the conquest ofUlietea and Otaha, the former of which islands is, of itself, at leastdouble its size. In each of my three voyages, we had heard much of thewar that produced this great revolution. The result of our enquiries, as to the circumstances attending it, may amuse the reader; and I giveit as a specimen of the history of our friends, in this part of theworld, as related to us by themselves. [2]

[Footnote 2: For this, as for many other particulars about thesepeople, we are indebted to Mr Anderson. --D. ]

Ulietea, and Otaha which adjoins it, lived long in friendship, or, asthe natives express it, were considered as two brothers, inseparableby any interested views. They also admitted the island of Huaheine astheir friend, though not so intimate. Otaha, however, like a traitor, leagued with Bolabola, and they resolved jointly to attack Ulietea;whose people called in their friends of Huaheine to assist themagainst these two powers. The men of Bolabola were encouraged by apriestess, or rather prophetess, who foretold that they should besuccessful; and, as a proof of the certainty of her prediction, shedesired, that a man might be sent to the sea, at a particular place, where, from a great depth, a stone would ascend. He went, accordingly, in a canoe to the place mentioned; and was going to dive to seewhere this stone lay, when, behold, it started up to the surfacespontaneously into his hand! The people were astonished at the sight:The stone was deposited as sacred in the house of the _Eatooa_; and isstill preserved at Bolabola, as a proof of this woman's influencewith the divinity. Their spirits being thus elevated with the hopes ofvictory, the canoes of Bolabola set out to engage those of Ulieteaand Huaheine, which being strongly fastened together with ropes, the encounter lasted long, and would probably, notwithstandingthe prediction and the miracle, have ended in the overthrow of theBolabola fleet, if that of Otaha had not, in the critical moment, arrived. This turned the fortune of the day, and their enemies weredefeated with great slaughter. The men of Bolabola, prosecuting theirvictory, invaded Huaheine two days after, which they knew must beweakly defended, as most of its warriors were absent. Accordingly, they made themselves masters of that island. But many of its fugitiveshaving got to Otaheite, there told their lamentable story; which sogrieved those of their countrymen, and of Ulietea, whom, they met within that island, that they obtained some assistance from them. Theywere equipped with only ten fighting canoes; but, though their forcewas so inconsiderable, they conducted the expedition with so muchprudence, that they landed at Huaheine at night, when dark, and, falling upon the Bolabola men by surprise, killed many of them, forcing the rest to fly. So that, by this means, they got possessionof their island again, which now remains independent, under thegovernment of its own chiefs. Immediately after the defeat of theunited fleets of Ulietea and Huaheine, a proposal was made to theBolabola men by their allies of Otaha, to be admitted to an equalshare of the conquests. The refusal of this broke the alliance; andin the course of the war, Otaha itself, as well as Ulietea, wasconquered; and both now remain subject to Bolabola; the chiefs whogovern them being only deputies of Opoony, the sovereign of thatisland. In the reduction of the two islands, five battles were foughtat different places, in which great numbers were slain on both sides. 

Such was the account we received. I have more than once remarked, how very imperfectly these people recollect the exact dates of pastevents. And with regard to this war, though it happened not manyyears ago, we could only guess at the time of its commencement andits conclusion, from collateral circumstances, furnished by our ownobservation, as the natives could not satisfy our enquiries with anyprecision. The final conquest of Ulietea, which closed the war, weknow had been made before I was there in the Endeavour, in 1769; butwe may infer, that peace had not been very long restored, as we couldthen see marks of recent hostilities having been committed upon thatisland. Some additional light may be thrown upon this enquiry, byattending to the age of Teereetareea, the present chief of Huaheine. His looks shewed that he was not above ten or twelve years old; and wewere informed that his father had been killed in one of the battles. As to the time when the war began, we had no better rule for judgingthan this, that the young people of about twenty years of age, of whomwe made enquiries, could scarcely remember the first battles; andI have already mentioned, that Omai's countrymen, whom we foundat Wateoo, knew nothing of this war; so that its commencement wassubsequent to their voyage. 

Ever since the conquest of Ulietea and Otaha, the Bolabola men havebeen considered by their neighbours as invincible; and such is theextent of their fame, that even at Otaheite, which is almost out oftheir reach, if they are not dreaded, they are, at least, respectedfor their valour. It is said that they never fly in battle, and thatthey always beat an equal number of the other islanders. But, besidesthese advantages, their neighbours seem to ascribe a great deal to thesuperiority of their god, who, they believed, detained us at Ulieteaby contrary winds, as being unwilling that we should visit an islandunder his special protection. 

How high the Bolabola men are now in estimation at Otaheite, may beinferred from Monsieur de Bougainville's anchor having beenconveyed to them. To the same cause we must ascribe the intention oftransporting to their island the Spanish bull. And they had alreadygot possession of a third European curiosity, the male of anotheranimal, brought to Otaheite by the Spaniards. We had been, muchpuzzled, by the imperfect description of the natives, to guess whatthis could be; but Captain Clerke's deserters, when brought back fromBolabola, told me, that the animal had been there shewn to them, andthat it was a ram. It seldom happens but that some good arises outof evil, and if our two men had not deserted, I should not have knownthis. In consequence of their information, at the same time that Ilanded to meet Opoony, I carried ashore a ewe, which we had broughtfrom the Cape of Good Hope; and I hope that by this present I havelaid the foundation for a breed of sheep at Bolabola. I also leftat Ulietea, under the care of Oreo, an English boar and sow, and twogoats. So that not only Otaheite, but all the neighbouring islands, will, in a few years, have their race of hogs considerably improved;and, probably, be stocked with all the valuable animals which havebeen transported hither by their European visitors. 

When once this comes to pass, no part of the world will equal theseislands in variety and abundance of refreshments for navigators. Indeed, even in their present state, I know no place that excels them. After repeated trials in the course of several voyages we find, whenthey are not disturbed by intestine broils, but live in amity withone another, which has been the case for some years past, that theirproductions are in the greatest plenty; and, particularly, the mostvaluable of all the articles, their hogs. 

If we had had a larger assortment of goods, and a sufficient quantityof salt on board, I make no doubt that we might have salted as muchpork as would have served both ships near twelve months. But ourvisiting the Friendly Islands, and our long stay at Otaheite and theneigbourhood, quite exhausted our trading commodities, particularlyour axes, with which alone, hogs, in general, were to be purchased. And we had hardly salt enough to cure fifteen puncheons of meat; ofthese, five were added to our stock of provisions at the FriendlyIslands, and the other ten at Otaheite. Captain Clerke also salted aproportionable quantity for his ship. 

The process was the same that had been adopted by me in my lastvoyage; and it may be worth while to describe it again. The hogs werekilled in the evening; as soon as they were cleaned, they were cut up, the bone taken out, and the meat salted when it was hot. It was thenlaid in such a position as to permit the juices to drain from it, tillthe next morning, when it was again salted, packed into a cask, andcovered with pickle. Here it remained for four or five days, or aweek; after which it was taken out and examined, piece by piece, and if there was any found to be in the least tainted, as sometimeshappened, it was separated from the rest, which was repacked intoanother cask, headed up, and filled with good pickle. In about eightor ten days time it underwent a second examination; but this seemedunnecessary, as the whole was generally found to be perfectly cured. Amixture of bay and of white salt answers the best, but either of themwill do alone. Great care should be taken that none of the large bloodvessels remain in the meat; nor must too great a quantity be packedtogether, at the first salting, lest the pieces in the middle shouldheat, and, by that means, prevent the salt from penetrating them. This once happened to us, when we killed a larger quantity than usual. Rainy sultry weather is unfavourable for salting meat in tropicalclimates. 

Perhaps the frequent visits Europeans have lately made to theseislanders, may be one great inducement to their keeping up a largestock of hogs, as they have had experience enough to know, that, whenever we come, they may be sure of getting from us what they esteema valuable consideration for them. At Otaheite they expect the returnof the Spaniards every day, and they will look for the English two orthree years hence, not only there, but at the other islands. It is tono purpose to tell them that you will not return; they think you must, though not one of them knows, or will give himself the trouble toenquire, the reason of your coming. 

I own I cannot avoid expressing it as my real opinion, that it wouldhave been far better for these poor people, never to have known oursuperiority in the accommodations and arts that make life comfortable, than, after once knowing it, to be again left and abandoned to theiroriginal incapacity of improvement. Indeed, they cannot be restored tothat happy mediocrity in which they lived before we discovered them, if the intercourse between us should be discontinued. It seems to methat it has become in a manner incumbent on the Europeans to visitthem once in three or four years, in order to supply them with thoseconveniences which we have introduced among them, and have given thema predilection for. The want of such occasional supplies will probablybe felt very heavily by them, when it may be too late to go back totheir old less perfect contrivances, which they now despise, and havediscontinued since the introduction of ours. For by the time that theiron tools, of which they are now possessed, are worn out, they willhave almost lost the knowledge of their own. A stone-hatchet is, atpresent, as rare a thing amongst them, as an iron one was eight yearsago; and a chisel of bone or stone is not to be seen. Spike-nails havesupplied the place of these last, and they are weak enough to fancythat they have got an inexhaustible store of them; for these were notnow at all sought after. Sometimes, however, nails much smaller than aspike would still be taken in exchange for fruit. Knives happened, at present, to be in great esteem at Ulietea, and axes and hatchetsremained unrivalled by any other of our commodities at all theislands. With respect to articles of mere ornament, these people areas changeable as any of the polished nations of Europe; so that whatpleases their fancy, while a fashion is in vogue, may be rejected, when another whim has supplanted it. But our iron tools are sostrikingly useful, that they will, we may confidently pronounce, continue to prize them highly; and be completely miserable, if, neither possessing the materials, nor trained up to the art offabricating them, they should cease to receive supplies of what maynow be considered as having become necessary to their comfortableexistence. [3]

[Footnote 3: Captain Cook's reasoning here is irresistibly convincing;yet it is very remarkable that no practical benefit resulted fromit, in favour of the people whose cause he pleads. One can scarcelyaccount, far less apologize, for the extraordinary fact, that nearlyeleven years, from the date of this voyage, had elapsed, before anyBritish vessel touched at Otaheite, and that even then the visit wasan accidental one. Soon afterwards, however, Lieutenant Bligh wasordered to visit it, for the purpose, not of conferring benefitson it, but of procuring the bread-fruit tree, for our West Indiapossessions. Of the changes which had happened in that interval, it would be improper to make any mention in this place. The readernevertheless may be informed, that much of the evil, which CaptainCook had foreseen, really occurred. The want of iron tools especiallywas most severely felt. --E. ]

Otaheite, though not comprehended in the number of what we have calledthe Society Islands, being inhabited by the same race of men, agreeing in the same leading features of character and manners, it wasfortunate, that we happened to discover this principal island beforethe others; as the friendly and hospitable reception we there metwith, of course, led us to make it the principal place of resort, in our successive visits to this part of the Pacific Ocean. By thefrequency of this intercourse, we have had better opportunities ofknowing something about it and its inhabitants, than about the othersimilar but less considerable islands in its vicinity. Of these, however, we have seen enough to satisfy us, that all that we observedand have related of Otaheite, may, with trifling variations, beapplied to them. 

Too much seems to have been already known and published in our formerrelations, about some of the modes of life that made Otaheite soagreeable an abode to many on board our ships; and, if I could now addany finishing strokes to a picture, the outlines of which have beenalready drawn with sufficient accuracy, I should still have hesitatedto make this journal the place for exhibiting a view of licentiousmanners, which could only serve to disgust those for whose informationI write. There are, however, many parts of the domestic, political, and religious institutions of these people, which, after all ourvisits to them, are but imperfectly understood. The foregoingnarrative of the incidents that happened during our stay, willprobably be thought to throw some additional light; and, for farthersatisfaction, I refer to Mr Anderson's remarks. 

Amidst our various subordinate employments, while at these islands, the great objects of our duty were always attended to. No opportunitywas lost of making astronomical and nautical observations; from whichthe following table was drawn up:

 Place. Latitude. Longitude. Variation of Dip of the South. East. The Compass. Needle. Matavai Point, Otaheite, 17° 24-1/4' 210° 22' 28" 5° 34' East 29° 12'

 Owharre Harbour 16° 42-3/4' 208° 52' 24" 5° 13-1/2" East 28° 28' Huaheine, Ohamaneno Harbour 16° 45-1/2' 208° 25' 22" 6° 19' East 29° 5' Ulietea, [Transcriber's Note: It is possible that the compass variation atOwharre Harbour should read 5° 13-1/2' not 5° 13-1/2" (minutes notseconds)]

The longitude of the three several places is deduced from the mean of145 sets of observations made on shore; some at one place, and some atanother; and carried on to each of the stations by the time-keeper. Asthe situation of these places was very accurately settled, during myformer voyages, the above observations were now made chiefly with aview of determining how far a number of lunar observations might bedepended upon, and how near they would agree with those made upon thesame spot in 1769, which fixed Matavai Point to be in 210° 27' 30". The difference, it appears, is only of 5' 2"; and, perhaps, noother method could have produced a more perfect agreement. Withoutpretending to say which of the two computations is the nearest thetruth, the longitude of 210° 22' 28", or, which is the same thing, 208° 25' 22", will be the longitude we shall reckon from with thetime-keeper, allowing it to be losing, on mean time, 1, "69 each day, as found by the mean of all the observations made at these islands forthat purpose. 

On our arrival at Otaheite, the error of the time-keeper in longitudewas, by {Greenwich rate, 1° 18' 58" {Tongataboo rate, 0° 16' 40"

Some observations were also made on the tide; particularly at Otaheiteand Ulietea, with a view of ascertaining its greatest rise at thefirst place. When we were there, in my second voyage, Mr Wales thoughthe had discovered that it rose higher than I had observed it to do, when I first visited Otaheite, in 1769. But the observations we nowmade proved that it did not; that is, that it never rose higherthan twelve or fourteen inches at most. And it was observed to behigh-water nearly at noon, as well at the quadratures, as at the fulland change of the moon. 

To verify this, the following observations were made at Ulietea:

 Day of Water at a stand Mean Time Perpendicular the of rise Month. From to High Water. Inches. 

 November 6. 11h 15m to 12h 20m 11h 48m 5, 5 7. 11 40 1 00 12 20 5, 2 8. 11 35 12 50 12 12 5, 0 9. 11 40 1 16 12 28 5, 5 10. 11 25 1 10 12 18 6, 5 11. 12 00 1 40 12 20 5, 0 12. 11 00 1 05 12 02 5, 7 13. 9 30 11 40 10 35 8, 0 14. 11 10 12 50 12 00 8, 0 15. 9 20 11 30 10 25 9, 2 16. 10 00 12 00 11 00 9, 0 17. 10 45 12 15 11 30 8, 5 18. 10 25 12 10 11 18 9, 0 19. 11 00 1 00 12 00 8, 0 20. 11 30 2 00 12 45 7, 0 21. 11 00 1 00 12 00 8, 0 22. 11 30 1 07 12 18 8, 0 23. 12 00 1 30 12 45 6, 5 24. 11 30 1 40 12 35 5, 5 25. 11 40 1 50 12 45 4, 7 26. 11 00 1 30 12 15 5, 2

Having now finished all that occurs to me, with regard to theseislands, which make so conspicuous a figure in the list of ourdiscoveries, the reader will permit me to suspend the prosecution ofmy journal, while he peruses the following section, for which I amindebted to Mr Anderson. 

SECTION IX. 

_Accounts of Otaheite still imperfect. --The prevailing Winds. --Beautyof the Country. --Cultivation. --Natural Curiosities. --The Personsof the Natives. --Diseases. --General Character. --Love ofPleasure. --Language. --Surgery and Physic. --Articles of Food. --Effectsof drinking Ava. --Times and Manner of Eating. --Connexions with theFemales. --Circumcision. --System of Religion. --Notions about the Souland a future Life. --Various Superstitions. --Traditions aboutthe Creation. --An historical Legend. --Honours paid to theKing. --Distinction of Ranks. --Punishment of Crimes. --Peculiarities ofthe neighbouring Islands. --Names of their Gods. --Names of Islands theyvisit. --Extent of their Navigation. _

To what has been said of Otaheite, in the accounts of the successivevoyages of Captain Wallis, Mons. De Bougainville, and Captain Cook, itwould, at first sight, seem superfluous to add any thing, as it mightbe supposed, that little could be now produced but a repetition ofwhat has been told before. I am, however, far from being ofthat opinion; and will venture to affirm, though a very accuratedescription of the country, and of the most obvious customs of itsinhabitants, has been already given, especially by Captain Cook, thatmuch still remains untouched; that, in some instances, mistakes havebeen made, which later and repeated observation has been able torectify; and that, even now, we are strangers to many of the mostimportant institutions that prevail amongst these people. The truthis, our visits, though frequent, have been but transient; many of ushad no inclination to make enquiries; more of us were unable to directour enquiries properly; and we all laboured, though not to the samedegree, under the disadvantages attending an imperfect knowledgeof the language of those, from whom alone we could receive anyinformation. The Spaniards had it more in their power to surmountthis bar to instruction; some of them having resided at Otaheitemuch longer than any other European visitors. As, with their superioradvantages, they could not but have had an opportunity of obtainingthe fullest information on most subjects relating to this island, their account of it would, probably, convey more authentic andaccurate intelligence, than, with our best endeavours, any of us couldpossibly obtain. But, as I look upon it to be very uncertain, if notvery unlikely, that we shall ever have any communication from thatquarter, I have here put together what additional intelligence, aboutOtaheite, and its neighbouring islands, I was able to procure, eitherfrom, Omai, while on board the ship, or by conversing with the othernatives, while we remained among them. 

The wind, for the greatest part of the year, blows from betweenE. S. E. , and E. N. E. This is the true trade-wind, or what the nativescall _Maaraee_; and it sometimes blows with considerable force. Whenthis is the case, the weather is often cloudy, with showers of rain;but, when the wind is more moderate, it is clear, settled, and serene. If the wind should veer farther to the southward, and become S. E. , orS. S. E. , it then blows more gently, with a smooth sea, and is called_Maooui_. In those months, when the sun is nearly vertical, that is, in December and January, the winds and weather are both very variable;but it frequently blows from W. N. W. , or N. W. This wind is what theycall _Toerou_; and is generally attended by dark, cloudy weather, and frequently by rain, it sometimes blows strong, though generallymoderate; but seldom lasts longer than five or six days withoutinterruption; and is the only wind in which the people of the islandsto leeward come to this in their canoes. If it happens to be stillmore northerly, it blows with less strength, and has the differentappellation of _Era-potaia_; which they feign to be the wife of the_Toerou_; who, according to their mythology, is a male. 

The wind from S. W. , and W. S. W. , is still more frequent than theformer; and, though it is, in general, gentle, and interrupted bycalms, or breezes from the eastward, yet it sometimes blows in brisksqualls. The weather attending it is commonly dark; cloudy, andrainy, with a close, hot air; and often accompanied by a great dealof lightning and thunder. It is called _Etoa_, and often succeeds the_Toerou_; as does also the _Farooa_, which is still more southerly;and, from its violence, blows down houses and trees, especially thecocoa-palms, from their loftiness; but it is only of a short duration. 

The natives seem not to have a very accurate knowledge of thesechanges, and yet pretend to have drawn some general conclusions fromtheir effects; for they say, when the sea has a hollow sound, anddashes slowly on the shore, or rather on the reef without, that itportends good weather, but, if it has a sharp sound, and the wavessucceed each other fast, that the reverse will happen. 

Perhaps there is scarcely a spot in the universe that affords a moreluxuriant prospect than the S. E. Part of Otaheite. The hills are highand steep; and, in many places, craggy. But they are covered tothe very summits with trees and shrubs, in such a manner, that thespectator can scarcely help thinking, that the very rocks possess theproperty of producing and supporting their verdant clothing. The flatland which bounds those hills toward the sea, and the interjacentvalleys also, teem with various productions that grow with the mostexuberant vigour, and at once fill the mind of the beholder with theidea, that no place upon earth can out-do this, in the strength andbeauty of vegetation. Nature has been no less liberal in distributingrivulets, which are found in every valley; and as they approach thesea, often divide into two or three branches, fertilizing the flatlands through which they run. The habitations of the natives arescattered without order upon these flats; and many of them appearingtoward the shore, presented a delightful scene, viewed from our ships;especially as the sea within the reef, which bounds the coast, isperfectly still, and affords a safe navigation at all times for theinhabitants, who are often seen paddling in their canoes indolentlyalong in passing from place to place, or in going to fish. On viewingthese charming scenes, I have often regretted my inability totransmit to those who have had no opportunity of seeing them, such adescription as might, in some measure, convey an impression similarto what must be felt by every one who has been fortunate enough to beupon the spot. 

It is doubtless the natural fertility of the country, combined withthe mildness and serenity of the climate, that renders the nativesso careless in their cultivation, that, in many places, though, overflowing with the richest productions, the smallest traces of itcannot be observed. The cloth-plant, which is raised by seeds broughtfrom the mountains, and the _ava_, or intoxicating pepper, which theydefend from the sun when very young, by covering them with leaves ofthe bread-fruit tree, are almost the only things to which they seem topay any attention, and these they keep very clean. 

I have enquired very carefully into their manner of cultivating thebread-fruit tree, but was always answered that they never planted it. This, indeed, must be evident to every one who will examine the placeswhere the young trees come up. It will be always observed that theyspring from the roots of the old ones, which ran along near thesurface of the ground; so that the bread-fruit trees may be reckonedthose that would naturally cover the plains, even supposing that theisland was not inhabited, in the same manner that the white-barkedtrees, found at Van Diemen's Land, constitute the forests there. Andfrom this we may observe, that the inhabitant of Otaheite, instead ofbeing obliged to plant his bread, will rather be under a necessity ofpreventing its progress; which, I suppose, is sometimes done, to giveroom for trees of another sort, to afford him some variety in hisfood. 

The chief of these are the cocoa-nut and plantain; the first of whichcan give no trouble, after it has raised itself a foot or two abovethe ground; but the plantain requires a little more care; for, afterit is planted, it shoots up, and, in about three months, begins tobear fruit; during which time it gives young shoots, which supply asuccession of fruit. For the old stocks are cut down as the fruit istaken off. 

The products of the island, however, are not so remarkable for theirvariety, as great abundance; and curiosities of any kind are notnumerous. Amongst these we may reckon a pond or lake of fresh waterat the top of one of the highest mountains, to go to and return fromwhich takes three or four days; it is remarkable for its depth, andhas eels of an enormous size in it, which are sometimes caught by thenatives, who go upon this water, in little floats of two or three wildplantain trees fastened together. This is esteemed one of the greatestnatural curiosities of the country; insomuch, that travellers, whocome from the other islands, are commonly asked, amongst the firstthings, by their friends, at their return, if they have seen it? Thereis also a sort of water, of which there is only one small pond uponthe island, as far distant as the lake, and, to appearance, very good, with a yellow sediment at the bottom; but it has a bad taste, andproves fatal to those who drink any quantity, or makes them break outin blotches if they bathe in it. 

Nothing could make a stronger impression, at first sight, on ourarrival here, than the remarkable contrast between the robust make anddark colour of the people of Tongataboo, and a sort of delicacy andwhiteness which distinguish the inhabitants of Otaheite. It was evensome time before that difference could preponderate in favour of theOtaheiteans; and then only, perhaps, because we became accustomedto them, the marks which had recommended the others began to beforgotten. Their women, however, struck us as superior in everyrespect, and as possessing all those delicate characteristics whichdistinguish them from, the other sex in many countries. The beard, which the men here wear long, and the hair, which is not cut so shortas is the fashion at Tongataboo, made also a great difference; and wecould not help thinking that on every occasion they shewed a greaterdegree of timidity and fickleness. The muscular appearance, so commonamongst the Friendly Islanders, and which seems a consequence of theirbeing accustomed to much action, is lost here, where the superiorfertility of their country enables the inhabitants to lead a moreindolent life; and its place is supplied by a plumpness and smoothnessof the skin, which, though perhaps more consonant with our ideas ofbeauty, is no real advantage, as it seems attended with a kind oflanguor in all their motions, not observable in the others. Thisobservation is fully verified in their boxing and wrestling, whichmay be called little better than the feeble efforts of children, ifcompared to the vigour with which these exercises are performed at theFriendly Islands. 

Personal endowments being in great esteem amongst them, they haverecourse to several methods of improving them, according to theirnotions of beauty. In particular, it is a practice, especially amongthe _Erreoes_, or unmarried men of some consequence, to undergo a kindof physical operation to render them fair. This is done by remaininga month or two in the house; during which time they wear a greatquantity of clothes, eat nothing but bread-fruit, to which theyascribe a remarkable property in whitening them. They also speak, asif their corpulence and colour, at other times, depended upontheir food; as they are obliged, from the change of seasons, to usedifferent sorts at different times. 

Their common diet is made up of, at least, nine-tenths of vegetablefood, and, I believe, more particularly the _mahee_, or fermentedbread-fruit, which enters almost every meal, has a remarkable effectupon them, preventing a costive habit, and producing a very sensiblecoolness about them, which could not be perceived in us who fed onanimal food. And it is, perhaps, owing to this temperate course oflife that they have so few diseases among them. 

They only reckon five or six, which might be called chronic, ornational disorders; amongst which are the dropsy and the _fefai_, orindolent swellings before mentioned as frequent at Tongataboo. Butthis was before the arrival of the Europeans; for we have added tothis short catalogue, a disease which abundantly supplies the placeof all the others; and is now almost universal. For this they seem tohave no effectual remedy. The priests, indeed, sometimes give them amedley of simples; but they own that it never cures them. And yetthey allow that in a few cases, nature, without the assistance ofa physician, exterminates the poison of this fatal disease, and aperfect recovery is produced. They say, that if a man is infectedwith it, he will often communicate it to others in the same house, byfeeding out of the same utensils or handling them; and that, in thiscase, they frequently die, while he recovers; though we see no reasonwhy this should happen. 

Their behaviour on all occasions seems to indicate a great opennessand generosity of disposition. Omai, indeed, who, as their countryman, should be supposed rather willing to conceal any of their defects, hasoften said that they are sometimes cruel in punishing their enemies. According to his representation, they torment them very deliberately;at one time tearing out small pieces of flesh from different parts; atanother taking out the eyes; then cutting off the nose; and, lastly, killing them by opening the belly. But this only happens on particularoccasions. If cheerfulness argues a conscious innocence, one wouldsuppose that their life is seldom sullied by crimes. This, however, Irather impute to their feelings, which, though lively, seem in no casepermanent; for I never saw them, in any misfortune, labour under theappearance of anxiety after the critical moment was past. Neitherdoes care ever seem to wrinkle their brow. On the contrary, even theapproach of death does not appear to alter their usual vivacity. Ihave seen them when brought to the brink of the grave by disease, and when preparing to go to battle; but in neither case ever observedtheir countenances overclouded with melancholy or serious reflection. 

Such a disposition leads them to direct all their aims only to whatcan give them pleasure and ease. Their amusements all tend to exciteand continue their amorous passions; and their songs, of which theyare immoderately fond, answer the same purpose. But as a constantsuccession of sensual enjoyments must cloy, we found, that theyfrequently varied them to more refined subjects, and had much pleasurein chaunting their triumphs in war, and their occupations in peace;their travels to other islands, and adventures there; and the peculiarbeauties, and superior advantages of their own island over the rest, or of different parts of it over other less favourite districts. Thismarks, that they receive great delight from music; and though theyrather expressed a dislike to our complicated compositions, yet werethey always delighted with the more melodious sounds produced singlyon our instruments, as approaching nearer to the simplicity of theirown. 

Neither are they strangers to the soothing effects produced byparticular sorts of motion, which, in some cases, seem to allay anyperturbation of mind, with as much success as music. Of this, I metwith a remarkable instance. For on walking one day about MatavaiPoint, where our tents were erected, I saw a man paddling in a smallcanoe, so quickly, and looking about with such eagerness, on eachside, as to command all my attention. At first, I imagined that hehad stolen something from one of the ships, and was pursued; but, onwaiting patiently, saw him repeat his amusement. He went out from theshore, till he was near the place where the swell begins to take itsrise; and, watching its first motion very attentively, paddled beforeit, with great quickness, till he found that it overtook him, andhad acquired sufficient force to carry his canoe before it, withoutpassing underneath. He then sat motionless, and was carried along, atthe same swift rate as the wave, till it landed him upon the beach. Then he started out, emptied his canoe, and went in search of anotherswell. I could not help concluding, that this man felt the mostsupreme pleasure, while he was driven on, so fast and so smoothly, bythe sea; especially as, though the tents and ships were so near, hedid not seem, in the least, to envy, or even to take any notice of, the crowds of his countrymen collected to view them as objects whichwere rare and curious. During my stay, two or three of the nativescame up, who seemed to share his felicity, and always called out, whenthere was an appearance of a favourable swell, as he sometimes missedit, by his back being turned, and looking about for it. By themI understood, that this exercise, which is called _ehorooe_, wasfrequent amongst them; and they have probably more amusements of thissort, which afford them at least as much pleasure as skaiting, whichis the only one of ours, with whose effects I could compare it. 

The language of Otaheite, though doubtless radically the same withthat of New Zealand and the Friendly Islands, is destitute of thatguttural pronunciation, and of some consonants, with which thoselatter dialects abound. The specimens we have already given aresufficient to mark wherein the variation chiefly consists, and toshew, that, like the manners of the inhabitants, it has become softand soothing. During the former voyage, I had collected a copiousvocabulary, which enabled me the better to compare this dialect withthat of the other islands; and, during this voyage, I took everyopportunity of improving my acquaintance with it, by conversing withOmai, before we arrived, and by my daily intercourse with thenatives, while we now remained there. [1] It abounds with beautiful andfigurative expressions, which, were it perfectly known, would, I haveno doubt, put it upon a level with many of the languages that aremost in esteem for their warm and bold images. For instance, theOtaheiteans express their notions of death very emphatically, bysaying, "That the soul goes into darkness; or rather into night. " And, if you seem to entertain any doubt, in asking the question, "if such aperson is their mother?" they immediately reply, with surprise, "Yes, the mother that bore me. " They have one expression, that correspondsexactly with the phraseology of the scriptures, where we read ofthe "yearning of the bowels. " They use it on all occasions, when thepassions give them uneasiness; as they constantly refer pain fromgrief, anxious desire, and other affections, to the bowels, as itsseat; where they likewise suppose all operations of the mind areperformed. Their language admits of that inverted arrangement ofwords, which so much distinguishes the Latin and Greek from mostof our modern European tongues, whose imperfections require a moreorderly construction, to prevent ambiguities. It is so copious, thatfor the bread-fruit alone, in its different states, they have abovetwenty names; as many for the _taro_ root; and about ten for thecocoa-nut. Add to this, that, besides the common dialect, they oftenexpostulate, in a kind of stanza or recitative, which is answered inthe same manner. 

[Footnote 1: See this Vocabulary at the end of Captain Cook's secondvoyage. Many corrections and additions to it were now made by thisindefatigable enquirer; but the specimens of the language of Otaheite, already in the hands of the public, seem sufficient for every usefulpurpose. --D. ]

Their arts are few and simple; yet, if we may credit them, theyperform cures in surgery, which our extensive knowledge in that branchhas not, as yet, enabled us to imitate. In simple fractures, theybind them up with splints; but if part of the substance of the bonebe lost, they insert a piece of wood, between the fractured ends, madehollow like the deficient part. In five or six days, the _rapaoo_, orsurgeon, inspects the wound, and finds the wood partly covered withgrowing flesh. In as many more days, it is generally entirely covered;after which, when the patient has acquired some strength, he bathesin the water, and recovers. We know that wounds will heal over leadenbullets; and, sometimes, though rarely, over other extraneousbodies. But what makes me entertain some doubt of the truth of soextraordinary skill, as in the above instance, is, that in othercases which fell under my own observation, they are far from being sodexterous. I have seen the stump of an arm, which was taken off, afterbeing shattered by a fall from a tree, that bore no marks ofskilful operation, though some allowance be made for their defectiveinstruments. And I met with a man going about with a dislocatedshoulder, some months after the accident, from their being ignorantof a method to reduce it; though this be considered as one of thesimplest operations of our surgery. They know that fractures orluxations of the spine are mortal, but not fractures of the skull; andthey likewise know, from experience, in what parts of the body woundsprove fatal. They have sometimes pointed out those inflicted byspears, which, if made in the direction they mentioned, wouldcertainly have been pronounced deadly by us, and yet these people haverecovered. 

Their physical knowledge seems more confined; and that, probablybecause their diseases are fewer than their accidents. The priests, however, administer the juices of herbs in some cases; and women whoare troubled with after-pains, or other disorders after child-bearing, use a remedy which one would think needless in a hot country. Theyfirst heat stones, as when they bake their food; then they lay a thickcloth over them, upon which is put a quantity of a small plant of themustard kind; and these are covered with another cloth. Upon this theyseat themselves and sweat plentifully, to obtain a cure. The menhave practised the same method for the venereal _lues_, but find itineffectual. They have no emetic medicines. 

Notwithstanding the extreme fertility of the island, a faminefrequently happens, in which it is said many perish. Whether this beowing to the failure of some seasons, to over-population, which mustsometimes almost necessarily happen, or to wars, I have not been ableto determine; though the truth of the fact may fairly be inferred, from the great economy that they observe with respect to theirfood, even when there is plenty. In times of scarcity, after theirbread-fruit and yams are consumed, they have recourse to variousroots, which grow without cultivation upon the mountains. The_patarra_, which is found in vast quantities, is what they use first. It is not unlike a very large potatoe or yam, and good when in itsgrowing state; but when old, is full of hard stringy fibres. They theneat two other roots, one not unlike _taro_; and lastly, the _eohee_. This is of two sorts; one of them possessing deleterious qualities, which obliges them to slice and macerate it in water a night beforethey bake and eat it. In this respect, it resembles the _cassava_ rootof the West Indies; but it forms a very insipid moist paste, in themanner they dress it. However, I have seen them eat it at times whenno such scarcity reigned. Both this and the _patarra_ are creepingplants: the last with ternate leaves. 

Of animal food a very small portion falls at any time to the share ofthe lower class of people, and then it is either fish, sea-eggs, orother marine productions; for they seldom or ever eat pork. The _Ereede hoi_[2] alone is able to furnish pork every day; and inferiorchiefs, according to their riches, once a week, fortnight, or month. Sometimes they are not even allowed that; for, when the island isimpoverished by war or other causes, the chief prohibits his subjectsto kill any hogs; and this prohibition, we were told, is in forcesometimes for several months, or even for a year or two. During thatrestraint the hogs multiply so fast, that there are instances of theirchanging their domestic state, and turning wild. When it is thoughtproper to take off the prohibition, all the chiefs assemble at theking's place of abode, and each brings with him a present of hogs. Theking then orders some of them to be killed, on which they feast;and, after that, every one returns home with liberty to kill what hepleases for his own use. Such a prohibition was actually in force onour last arrival here; at least in all those districts of the islandthat are immediately under the direction of Otoo. And, lest it shouldhave prevented our going to Matavai after leaving Oheitepeha, he senta message to assure us, that it should be taken off as soon as theships arrived there. With respect to us we found it so; but we madesuch a consumption of them, that, I have no doubt, it would be laidon again as soon as we sailed. A similar prohibition is also sometimesextended to fowls. 

[Footnote 2: Mr Anderson, invariably in his manuscript, writes _Ereede hoi_. According to Captain Cook's mode, it is _Eree rahie_. This isone of the numerous instances that perpetually occur, of our people'srepresenting the same word differently. --D. ]

It is also amongst the better sort that the _ava_ is chiefly used. Butthis beverage is prepared somewhat differently, from that which wesaw so much of at the Friendly Islands. For they pour a very smallquantity of water upon the root here, and sometimes roast or bake andbruise the stalks, without chewing it previously to its infusion. Theyalso use the leaves of the plant here, which are bruised, and waterpoured upon them, as upon the root. Large companies do not assembleto drink it in that sociable way which is practised at Tongataboo. But its pernicious effects are more obvious here; perhaps owing to themanner of preparing it, as we often saw instances of its intoxicating, or rather stupifying powers. Some of us, who had been at these islandsbefore, were surprised to find many people, who, when we saw themlast, were remarkable for their size and corpulency, now almostreduced to skeletons; and, upon enquiring into the cause of thisalteration, it was universally allowed to be the use of the _ava_. Theskins of these people were rough, dry, and covered with scales, which, they say, every now and then fall off, and their skin is, as it were, renewed. As an excuse for a practice so destructive, they allege, that it is adopted to prevent their growing too fat; but it evidentlyenervates them, and, in all probability, shortens their days. As itseffects had not been so visible during our former visits, it is notunlikely that this article of luxury had never been so much abused asat this time. If it continues to be so fashionable, it bids fair todestroy great numbers. 

The times of eating at Otaheite are very frequent. Their first meal, or (as it may rather be called) their last, as they go to sleep afterit, is about two o'clock in the morning; and the next is at eight. At eleven, they dine; and again, as Omai expressed it, at two, and atfive; and sup at eight. In this article of domestic life, they haveadopted some customs which are exceedingly whimsical. The women, forinstance, have not only the mortification of being obliged to eat bythemselves, and in a different part of the house from the men, but, by a strange kind of policy, are excluded from a share of most ofthe better sorts of food. They dare not taste turtle, nor fish of thetunny kind, which is much esteemed; nor some particular sorts of thebest plantains; and it is very seldom that even those of the firstrank are suffered to eat pork. The children of each sex also eatapart; and the women generally serve up their own victuals; for theywould certainly starve before any grown man would do them such anoffice. In this, as well as in some other customs relative to theireating, there is a mysterious conduct which we could never thoroughlycomprehend. When we enquired into the reasons of it, we could get noother answer, but that it is right and necessary that it should be so. 

In other customs respecting the females, there seems to be no suchobscurity; especially as to their connexions with the men. If a youngman and woman, from mutual choice, cohabit, the man gives the fatherof the girl such things as are necessary in common life; as hogs, cloth, or canoes, in proportion to the time they are together; and, ifhe thinks that he has not been sufficiently paid for his daughter, hemakes no scruple of forcing her to leave her friend, and to cohabitwith another person who may be more liberal. The man, on his part, isalways at liberty to make a new choice; but, should his consort becomepregnant, he may kill the child; and, after that, either continue hisconnexion with the mother, or leave her. But if he should adopt thechild, and suffer it to live, the parties are then considered asin the married state, and they commonly live together ever after. However, it is thought no crime in the man to join a more youthfulpartner to his first wife, and to live with both. The custom ofchanging their connexions is, however, much more general than thislast; and it is a thing so common, that they speak of it with greatindifference. The _Erreoes_ are only those of the better sort, who, from their fickleness, and their possessing the means of purchasinga succession of fresh connexions, are constantly roaming about; and, from having no particular attachment, seldom adopt the more settledmethod mentioned above. And so agreeable is this licentious plan oflife to their disposition, that the most beautiful of both sexes thuscommonly spend their youthful days, habituated to the practice ofenormities which would disgrace the most savage tribes; but arepeculiarly shocking amongst a people whose general character, in otherrespects, has evident traces of the prevalence of humane and tenderfeelings. [3] When an _Erreoe_ woman is delivered of a child, a pieceof cloth, dipped in water, is applied to the mouth and nose, whichsuffocates it. 

[Footnote 3: That the Caroline Islands are inhabited by the same tribeor nation, whom Captain Cook found, it such immense distances, spread throughout the South Pacific Ocean, has been satisfactorilyestablished in some preceding notes The situation of the Ladrones, orMarianne Islands, still farther north than the Carolines, but atno great distance from them, is favourable, at first sight, to theconjecture, that the same race also peopled that cluster; and, onlooking into Father Le Gobien's history of them, this conjectureappears to be actually confirmed by direct evidence. One of thegreatest singularities of the Otaheite manners, is the existence ofthe society of young men called _Erreoes_, of whom some account isgiven in the preceding paragraph. Now we learn from Father Le Gobien, that such a society exists also amongst the inhabitants of theLadrones. His words are: _Les Urritoes sont parmi eux les jeuns gensqui vivent avec des maitresses, sans vouloir s'engager dans les liensdu mariage_. That there should be young men in the Ladrones, as wellas in Otaheite, _who live with mistresses, without being inclined toenter into the married state_, would not, indeed, furnish the shadowof any peculiar resemblance between them. But that the young men inthe Ladrones, and in Otaheite, whose manners are thus licentious, should be considered as a distinct confraternity, called by aparticular name; and that this name should be the same in both places:this singular coincidence of custom, confirmed by that of language, seems to furnish an irrefragable proof of the inhabitants of bothplaces being the same nation. We know, that it is the general propertyof the Otaheite dialect, to soften the pronunciation of its words. And, it is observable, that, by the omission of one single letter (theconsonant t), our _Arreoys_ (as spelled in Hawkesworth's collection), or _Erreoes_ (according to Mr Anderson's orthography), and the_Urritoes_ of the Ladrones, are brought to such a similitude of sound(the only rule of comparing two unwritten languages), that we maypronounce them to be the same word, without exposing ourselves to thesneers of supercilious criticism. 

One or two more such proofs, drawn from similarity of language, invery significant words, may be assigned. Le Gobien tells us, that thepeople of the Ladrones worship their dead, whom they call _Anitis_. Here, again, by dropping the consonant _n_, we have a word that bearsa strong resemblance to that which so often occurs in Captain Cook'svoyages, when speaking of the divinities of his islands, whom he calls_Eatooas_. And it may be matter of curiosity to remark, that whatis called an _Aniti_, at the Ladrones, is, as we learn from Cantova(_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 309, 310. ) at theCaroline Islands, where dead chiefs are also worshipped, called a_Tahutup_; and that, by softening or sinking the strong soundingletters, at the beginning and at the end of this latter word, the_Ahutu_ of the Carolines, the _Aiti_ of the Ladrones, and the_Eatooa_ of the South Pacific Islands, assume such a similarity inpronunciation (for we can have no other guide), as strongly marks onecommon original. Once more; we learn from Le Gobien, that the Mariannepeople call their chiefs _Chamorris_, or _Chamoris_. And by softeningthe aspirate _Ch_ into _T_, and the harshness of _r_ into _l_ (ofwhich the vocabularies of the different islands give us repeatedinstances), we have the _Tamole_ of the Caroline Islands, and the_Tamolao_, or _Tamaha_, of the Friendly ones. 

If these specimens of affinity of language should be thought tooscanty, some very remarkable instances of similarity of customs andinstitutions will go far to remove every doubt. 1. A division intothree classes, of nobles, of middle rank, and the common people, orservants, was found, by Captain Cook, to prevail, both at the Friendlyand the Society Islands. Father Le Gobien expressly tells us, that thesame distinction prevails at the Ladrones: _Il y a trois états, parmiles insulaires, la noblesse, le moyen, et le menu. _ 2. Numberlessinstances occur in Captain Cook's voyage to prove the great subjectionunder which the people of his islands are to their chiefs. We learnfrom Le Gobien, that it is so also at the Ladrones: _La noblesse estd'un fierté incroyable, et tien le peuple dans un abaisement qu'on nepourroit imaginer en Europe_, &c. 3. The diversions of the nativesat Wateeo, the Friendly, and the Society Islands, have been copiouslydescribed by Captain Cook. How similar are those which Le Gobienmentions in the following words, as prevailing at the Ladrones!--_Ilsse divertissent à danser, courir, sautir, lutter, pour s'exercer, et éprouver leur forces. Ils prennent grand plaisir à raconter lesavantures de leurs ancétres, et à reciter des vers de leurs poëtes. _4. The principal share sustained by the women, in the entertainmentsat Captain Cook's islands, appears sufficiently from a variety ofinstances in this work; and we cannot read what Le Gobien says ofthe practice at the Ladrones, without tracing the strongestresemblance--_Dans leurs assemblées elles se mettent doux ou triezefemmes en rond, debout, sans se remuer. Dans cette attitude elleschantent les vers fabuleux de leurs poëtes avec un agrément, et unejustesse qui plairoit en Europe. L'accord de leur voix est admirable, et ne cede en rien à la musique concertée. Elles ont dans les mainsde petits coquilles, dont elles se servent avec beaucoup de precision. Elles soutiennent leur voix, et animent leur chants avec une actionsi vive, et des gestes si expressives, qu'elles charment ceux quiles voient, et qui les entendent. _ 5. We read in Captain Cook's firstvoyage, that at Otaheite garlands of the fruit of the palm-tree andcocoa-leaves, with other things particularly consecrated to funeralsolemnities, are deposited about the places where they lay their dead;and that provisions and water are also left at a little distance. Howconformable to this is the practice at the Ladrones, as describedby Le Gobien!--_Ils font quelques repas autour du tombeau; car onen eleve toujours un sur le lieu ou le corps est enterré, ou dansle voisinage; on le charge de fleurs, de branches de palmiers, decoquillages, et de tout ce qu'ils ont de plus precieux. _ 6. It is thecustom at Otaheite not to bury the skulls of the chiefs with the restof the bones, but to put them into boxes made for that purpose. Hereagain, we find the same strange custom prevailing at the Ladrones;for Le Gobien expressly tells us, _qui'ls gardent les cranes, en leurmaisons_, that they put these skulls into little baskets (_petitescorbeilles_); and that these dead chiefs are the _Anitis_, to whomtheir priests address their invocations. 7. The people at Otaheite, aswe learn from Captain Cook, in his account of Tee's embalmed corpse, make use of cocoa-nut oil, and other ingredients, in rubbing thedead bodies. The people of the Ladrones, Father Le Gobien tellsus, sometimes do the same--_D'autres frottent les morts d'huileodoriferante. _ 8. The inhabitants of Otaheite believe the immortalityof the soul; and that there are two situations after death, somewhatanalogous to our heaven and hell; but they do not suppose, that theiractions here in the least influence their future state. And in theaccount given in this Voyage of the religious opinions entertained atthe Friendly Islands, we find there exactly the same doctrine. Itis very observable, how conformable to this is the belief of theinhabitants of the Ladrones--_Ils sont persuadés_ (says Le Gobien) _del'immortalité de l'áme. Ils reconnoissent même un Paradis et un Enfer, dont ils se forment des idées assez bizarres. Ce n'est point, seloneux, la vertu ni le crime, qui conduit dans ces lieux là; les bonnesou les mauvaises actions n'y servent de rien. _ 9. One more verysingular instance of agreement shall close this long list. In CaptainCook's account of the New Zealanders, we find that, according to them, the soul of the man who is killed, and whose flesh is devoured, isdoomed to a perpetual fire; while the souls of all who die a naturaldeath, ascend to the habitations of the gods. And, from Le Gobien, welearn that this very notion is adopted by his islanders--_Si on a lemalkeur de mourir de mort violente, on a l'enfer pour leur portage. _

Surely such a concurrence of very characteristic conformities cannotbe the result of mere accident; and, when combined with the specimensof affinity of language mentioned at the beginning of this note, it should seem that we are fully warranted, from premises thusunexceptionable, to draw a certain conclusion, that the inhabitants ofthe various islands discovered or visited by Captain Cook in the SouthPacific Ocean, and those whom the Spaniards found settled upon theLadrones or Mariannes, in the northern hemisphere, carried the samelanguage, customs, and opinions from one common centre, from whichthey had emigrated; and that, therefore, they may be considered asscattered members of the same nation. 

See Pere Le Gobien's _Histoire des Iles Mariannes_, Book ii. Or thesummary of it in _Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes_, T. Ii. P. 492-512, from which the materials for this note have beenextracted. --D. ]

As in such a life, their women must contribute a very large shareof its happiness, it is rather surprising, besides the humiliatingrestraints they are laid under with regard to food, to find them oftentreated with a degree of harshness, or rather brutality, which onewould scarcely suppose a man would bestow on an object for whom he hadthe least affection. Nothing, however, is more common, than to see themen beat them without mercy; and, unless this treatment is the effectof jealousy, which both sexes, at least, pretend to be sometimesinfected with, it will be difficult to account for it. It will beless difficult to admit this as the motive, as I have seen severalinstances where the women have preferred personal beauty to interest;though, I must own, that even in these cases, they seem scarcelysusceptible of those delicate sentiments that are the result ofmutual affection; and, I believe, that there is less Platonic love inOtaheite than in any other country. 

Cutting, or inciding the foreskin, should be mentioned here as apractice adopted amongst them from a notion of cleanliness; and theyhave a reproachful epithet in their language for those who do notobserve that custom. When there are five or six lads pretty well grownup in a neighbourhood, the father of one of them goes to a _Tahoua_, or man of knowledge, and lets him know. He goes with the lads tothe top of the hills, attended by a servant, and seating one of themproperly, introduces a piece of wood underneath the foreskin, anddesires him to look aside at something he pretends is coming; havingthus engaged the young man's attention to another object, he cutsthrough the skin upon the wood with a shark's tooth, generally at onestroke. He then separates, or rather turns back the divided parts; andhaving put on a bandage, proceeds to perform the same operation on theother lads. At the end of five days they bathe, and the bandages beingtaken off, the matter is cleaned away. At the end of five days morethey bathe again, and are well; but a thickness of the prepuce, where it was cut, remaining, they go again to the mountains withthe _Tahoua_ and servant; and a fire being prepared, and some stonesheated, the _Tahoua_ puts the prepuce between two of them, andsqueezes it gently, which removes the thickness. They then returnhome, having their heads, and other parts of their bodies, adornedwith odoriferous flowers; and the _Tahoua_ is rewarded for hisservices by their fathers, in proportion to their several abilities, with presents of hogs and cloth; and if they be poor, their relationsare liberal on the occasion. 

Their religious system is extensive, and, in many instances, singular;but few of the common people have a perfect knowledge of it; thatbeing confined chiefly to their priests, who are pretty numerous. Theydo not seem to pay respect to one god, as possessing pre-eminence; butbelieve in a plurality of divinities, who are all very powerful; andin this case, as different parts of the island, and the other islandsin the neighbourhood, have different ones, the inhabitants of each, nodoubt, think that they have chosen the most eminent, or, at least, onewho is invested with power sufficient to protect them, and to supplyall their wants. If he should not answer their expectations, theythink it no impiety to change; as has very lately happened inTiarabooa, where, in the room of the two divinities formerly honouredthere, Oraa, [4] god of Bolabola, had been adopted, I should suppose, because he is the protector of a people who have been victorious inwar; and as, since they have made this change, they have been verysuccessful themselves against the inhabitants of _Otaheite-nooe_, theyimpute it entirely to _Oraa_, who, as they literally say, fights theirbattles. 

[Footnote 4: We have another instance of the same word beingdifferently pronounced by our people. Captain Cook, as appears above, speaks of _Olla_ as the Bolabola god. --D. ]

Their assiduity in serving their gods is remarkably conspicuous. Notonly the _whattas_, or offering-places of the _morais_, are commonlyloaded with fruits and animals, but there are few houses where you donot meet with a small place of the same sort near them. Many of themare so rigidly scrupulous, that they will not begin a meal withoutfirst laying aside a morsel for the _Eatooa_; and we had anopportunity, during this voyage, of seeing their superstitiouszeal carried to a most pernicious height, in the instance of humansacrifices; the occasions of offering which, I doubt, are toofrequent. Perhaps they have recourse to them when misfortunes occur;for they asked, if one of our men, who happened to be confined, whenwe were detained by a contrary wind, was _taboo_? Their prayers arealso very frequent, which they chaunt, much after the manner of theirsongs in their festive entertainments. And the women, as in othercases, are also obliged to shew their inferiority in religiousobservances; for it is required of them, that they should partlyuncover themselves as they pass the _morais_, or take a considerablecircuit to avoid them. Though they have no notion that their god mustalways be conferring benefits, without sometimes forgetting them, orsuffering evil to befall them, they seem to regard this less than theattempts of some more inauspicious being to hurt them. They tell us, that _Etee_ is an evil spirit, who sometimes does them mischief;and to whom, as well as to their god, they make offerings. But themischiefs they apprehend from any superior invisible beings, areconfined to things merely temporal. 

They believe the soul to be both immaterial and immortal. They saythat it keeps fluttering about the lips during the pangs of death; andthat then it ascends and mixes with, or, as they express it, is eatenby the deity. In this state it remains for some time; after which itdeparts to a certain place, destined for the reception of the soulsof men where it exists in eternal night; or, as they sometimes say, intwilight or dawn. They have no idea of any permanent punishment afterdeath, for crimes that they have committed on earth; for the soulsof good and of bad men are eat indiscriminately by God. But theycertainly consider this coalition with the deity as a kind ofpurification necessary to be undergone before they enter a state ofbliss. For, according to their doctrine, if a man refrain from allconnexion with women some months before death, he passes immediatelyinto his eternal mansion, without such a previous union; as ifalready, by this abstinence, he were pure enough to be exempted fromthe general lot. 

They are, however, far from entertaining those sublime conceptionsof happiness, which our religion, and indeed reason, gives us roomto expect hereafter. The only great privilege they seem to thinkthey shall acquire by death is immortality; for they speak of spiritsbeing, in some measure, not totally divested of those passions whichactuated them when combined with material vehicles. Thus, if souls, who were formerly enemies, should meet, they have many conflicts;though, it should seem, to no purpose, as they are accountedinvulnerable in this invisible state. There is a similar reasoningwith regard to the meeting of man and wife. If the husband dies first, the soul of the wife is known to him on its arrival in the land ofspirits. They resume their former acquaintance, in a spacious house, called _tourooa_, where the souls of the deceased assemble to recreatethemselves with the gods. She then retires with him, to his separatehabitation, where they remain for ever, and have an offspring; which, however, is entirely spiritual, as they are neither married, nor aretheir embraces supposed to be the same as with corporeal beings. 

Some of their notions about the deity are extravagantly absurd: Theybelieve that he is subject to the power of those very spirits to whomhe has given existence; and that, in their turn, they frequently eator devour him, though he possess the power of re-creating himself. They doubtless use this mode of expression, as they seem incapable ofconversing about immaterial things, without constantly referring tomaterial objects to convey their meaning. And in this manner theycontinue the account, by saying, that, in the _tourooa_, the deityenquires if they intend, or not, to destroy him? And that he is notable to alter their determination. This is known to the inhabitants onearth, as well as to the spirits; for when the moon is in its wane, it is said that they are then devouring their _Eatooa_; and that as itincreases he is renewing himself. And to this accident, not only theinferior, but the most eminent gods are liable. They also believe, that there are other places for the reception of souls at death. Thus, those who are drowned in the sea remain there; where they think thatthere is a fine country, houses, and every thing that can make themhappy. But, what is more singular, they maintain, that not only allother animals, but trees, fruit, and even stones, have souls, which atdeath, or upon being consumed or broken, ascend to the divinity, withwhom they first mix, and afterwards pass into the mansion allotted toeach. 

They imagine that their punctual performance of religious officesprocures for them every temporal blessing. And as they believe thatthe animating and powerful influence of the divine spirit isevery where diffused, it is no wonder that they join to this manysuperstitious opinions about its operations. Accordingly, they believethat sudden deaths, and all other accidents, are effected by theimmediate action of some divinity. If a man only stumble against astone and hurt his toe, they impute it to an _Eatooa_; so that theymay be literally said, agreeably to their system, to tread enchantedground. They are startled in the night on approaching a _toopapaoo_, where the dead are exposed, in the same manner that many of ourignorant and superstitious people are with the apprehensions ofghosts, and at the sight of a church-yard; and they have an equalconfidence in dreams, which they suppose to be communications eitherfrom their god, or from the spirits of their departed friends, enabling those favoured with them to foretell future events; but thiskind of knowledge is confined to particular people. Omai pretended tohave his gift. He told us, that the soul of his father had intimatedto him in a dream, on the 26th of July 1776, that he should go onshore at some place within three days; but he was unfortunate in thisfirst attempt to persuade us that he was a prophet; for it was the1st of August before we got into Teneriffe. Amongst them, however, the dreamers possess a reputation little inferior to that of theirinspired priests and priestesses, whose predictions they implicitlybelieve, and are determined by them in all undertakings ofconsequence. The priestess who persuaded Opoony to invade Ulietea, is much respected by him; and he never goes to war without consultingher. They also, in some degree, maintain our old doctrine of planetaryinfluence; at least, they are sometimes regulated in their publiccounsels by certain appearances of the moon; particularly when lyinghorizontally, or much inclined on the convex part, on its firstappearance after the change, they are encouraged to engage in war withconfidence of success. 

They have traditions concerning the creation, which, as might beexpected, are complex and clouded with obscurity. They say, that agoddess, having a lump or mass of earth suspended in a cord, gave it aswing, and scattered about pieces of land, thus constituting Otaheiteand the neighbouring islands, which were all peopled by a man andwoman, originally fixed at Otaheite. This, however, only respectstheir own immediate creation; for they have notions of an universalone before this; and of lands, of which they have now no otherknowledge than what is mentioned in the tradition. Their most remoteaccount reaches to Tatooma and Tapuppa, male and female stones orrocks, who support the congeries of land and water, or our globeunderneath. These produced Totorro, who was killed, and divided intoland; and after him Otaia and Oroo were begotten, who were afterwardmarried, and produced, first, land, and then a race of gods. Otaia iskilled, and Oroo marries a god, her son, called Teorrhaha, whom sheorders to create more land, the animals, and all sorts of food foundupon the earth; as also the sky, which is supported by men calledTeeferei. The spots observed in the moon, are supposed to be grovesof a sort of trees which once grew in Otaheite, and being destroyedby some accident, their seeds were carried up thither by doves, wherethey now flourish. 

They have also many legends, both religious and historical; one ofwhich latter, relative to the practice of eating human flesh, I shallgive the substance of, as a specimen of their method. A long timesince there lived in Otaheite two men, called _Taheeai_, the only namethey yet have for cannibals; none knew from whence they came, or inwhat manner they arrived at the island. Their habitation was inthe mountains, from whence they used to issue, and kill many of thenatives, whom they afterward devoured, and by that means prevented theprogress of population. Two brothers, determined to rid their countryof such a formidable enemy, used a stratagem for their destruction, with success. These still lived farther upward than the _Taheeai_, andin such a situation that they could speak with them without greatlyhazarding their own safety; they invited them to accept of anentertainment that should be provided for them, to which these readilyconsented. The brothers then taking some stones, heated them in afire, and thrusting them into pieces of _mahee_, desired one of the_Taheeai_ to open his mouth; on which one of these pieces was droppedin, and some water poured down, which made a boiling or hissing noise, in quenching the stone, and killed him. They entreated the other todo the same; but he declined it, representing the consequences ofhis companion's eating. However, they assured him that the food wasexcellent, and its effects only temporary; for that the other wouldsoon recover. His credulity was such that be swallowed the bait, andshared the fate of the first. The natives then cut them in pieces, which they buried; and conferred the government of the island on thebrothers, as a reward for delivering them from such monsters. Theirresidence was in the district called Whapaeenoo; and to this day thereremains a bread-fruit tree, once the property of the _Taheeais_. They had also a woman, who lived with them, and had two teeth ofa prodigious size. After they were killed, she lived at the islandOtaha; and when dead, was ranked amongst their deities. She did noteat human flesh, as the men; but, from the size of her teeth, thenatives still call any animal that has a fierce appearance, or isrepresented with large tusks, _Taheeai_. 

Every one must allow that this story is just as natural as that ofHercules destroying the hydra, or the more modern one of Jack thegiant-killer. But I do not find that there is any moral couched underit, any more than under most old fables of the same kind, whichhave been received as truths only during the prevalence of the sameignorance that marked the character of the ages in which they wereinvented. It, however, has not been improperly introduced, as servingto express the horror and detestation entertained here against thosewho feed upon human flesh. And yet, from some circumstances, I havebeen led to think that the natives of these isles were formerlycannibals. Upon asking Omai, he denied it stoutly; yet mentioned afact, within his own knowledge, which almost confirms such an opinion. When the people of Bolabola, one time, defeated those of Huaheine, agreat number of his kinsmen were slain. But one of his relations had, afterward, an opportunity of revenging himself, when the Bolabola menwere worsted in their turn, and cutting a piece out of the thigh ofone of his enemies, he broiled, and eat it. I have also frequentlyconsidered the offering of the person's eye, who is sacrificed, to thechief, as a vestige of a custom which once really existed to a greaterextent, and is still commemorated by this emblematical ceremony. 

The being invested with the _maro_, and the presiding at humansacrifices, seem to be the peculiar characteristics of the sovereign. To these, perhaps, may be added the blowing a conch-shell, whichproduces a very loud sound. On hearing it, all his subjects areobliged to bring food of every sort to his royal residence, inproportion to their abilities. On some other occasions, they carrytheir veneration for his very name to an extravagant and verydestructive pitch. For if, on his accession to the _maro_, any wordsin their language be found to have a resemblance to it in sound, theyare changed for others; and if any man be bold enough not to comply, and continue to use those words, not only he, but all his relations, are immediately put to death. The same severity is exercised towardthose who shall presume to apply this sacred name to any animal. And, agreeably to this custom of his countrymen, Omai used to expresshis indignation, that the English should give the names of prince orprincess to their favourite horses or dogs. But while death is thepunishment for making free with the name of their sovereign, if abusebe only levelled at his government, the offender escapes with theforfeiture of lands and houses. 

The king never enters the house of any of his subjects, but has, inevery district where he visits, houses belonging to himself. And if, at any time, he should be obliged by accident to deviate from thisrule, the house thus honoured with his presence, and every part ofits furniture, is burnt. His subjects not only uncover to him, whenpresent, down to the waist; but if he be at any particular place, apole, having a piece of cloth tied to it, is set up somewhere near, towhich they pay the same honours. His brothers are also entitled to thefirst part of the ceremony; but the women only uncover to the femalesof the royal family. In short, they seem even superstitious in theirrespect to him, and esteem his person little less than sacred. And itis, perhaps, to these circumstances, that he owes the quiet possessionof his dominions. For even the people of Tiaraboo allow him the samehonours as his right; though, at the same time, they look upon theirown chief as more powerful; and say, that he would succeed to thegovernment of the whole island, should the present reigning familybecome extinct. This is the more likely, as Waheiadooa not onlypossesses Tiaraboo, but many districts of Opooreanoo. His territories, therefore, are almost equal in extent to those of Otoo; and he has, besides, the advantage of a more populous and fertile part of theisland. His subjects, also, have given proofs of their superiority, by frequent victories over those of Otaheite-nooe, whom they affectto speak of as contemptible warriors, easily to be worsted, if at anytime their chief should wish to put it to the test. 

The ranks of people, besides the _Eree de hoi_ and his family, arethe _Erees_, or powerful chiefs; the _Manahoone_, or vassals; and the_Teou_, or _Toutou_, servants, or rather slaves. The men of each ofthese, according to the regular institution, form their connexionswith women of their respective ranks; but if with any inferior one, which frequently happens, and a child be born, it is preserved, andhas the rank of the father, unless he happens to be an _Eree_, inwhich case it is killed. If a woman of condition should choose aninferior person to officiate as a husband, the children he has by herare killed. And if a _Teou_ be caught in an intrigue with a womanof the blood-royal, he is put to death. The son of the _Eree de hoi_succeeds his father in title and honours as soon as he is born; but ifhe should have no children, the brother assumes the government at hisdeath. In other families, possessions always descend to the eldestson; but he is obliged to maintain his brothers and sisters, who areallowed houses on his estates. 

The boundaries of the several districts, into which Otaheite isdivided, are, generally, either rivulets, or low hills, which, in manyplaces, jut out into the sea. But the subdivisions into particularproperty, are marked by large stones, which have remained from onegeneration to another. The removal of any of these gives rise toquarrels, which are decided by arms; each party bringing his friendsinto the field. But if any one complain to the _Eree de hoi_, heterminates the difference amicably. This is an offence, however, notcommon; and long custom seems to secure property here as effectuallyas the most severe laws do in other countries. In conformity also toancient practice established amongst them, crimes of a less generalnature are left to be punished by the sufferer, without referringthem to a superior. In this case, they seem to think that the injuredperson will judge as equitably as those who are totally unconcerned;and as long custom has allotted certain punishments for crimes ofdifferent sorts, he is allowed to inflict them, without being amenableto any other person. Thus, if any one be caught stealing, which iscommonly done in the night, the proprietor of the goods may put thethief instantly to death; and if any one should enquire of him afterthe deceased, it is sufficient to acquit him, if he only informs themof the provocation he had to kill him. But so severe a punishment isseldom inflicted, unless the articles that are stolen be reckoned veryvaluable; such as breast-plates and plaited hair. If only cloth, oreven hogs, be stolen, and the thief escape, upon his being afterwarddiscovered, if he promise to return the same number of pieces ofcloth, or of hogs, no farther punishment is inflicted. Sometimes, after keeping out of the way for a few days, he is forgiven, or, atmost, gets a slight beating. If a person kill another in a quarrel, the friends of the deceased assemble, and engage the survivor and hisadherents. If they conquer, they take possession of the house, lands, and goods of the other party; but if conquered, the reverse takesplace. If a _Manahoone_ kill the _Toutou_, or slave of a chief, thelatter sends people to take possession of the lands and house of theformer, who flies either to some other part of the island, or to someof the neighbouring islands. After some months he returns, and findinghis stock of hogs much increased, he offers a large present of these, with some red feathers, and other valuable articles, to the _Toutou_'smaster, who generally accepts the compensation, and permits him torepossess his house and lands. This practice is the height of venalityand injustice; and the slayer of the slave seems to be under nofarther necessity of absconding, than to impose upon the lower classof people, who are the sufferers. For it does not appear that thechief has the least power to punish this _Manahoone_; but the wholemanagement marks a collusion between him and his superior, to gratifythe revenge of the former, and the avarice of the latter. Indeed, weneed not wonder that the killing of a man should be considered asso venial an offence, amongst a people who do not consider it as anycrime at all to murder their own children. When talking to them, aboutsuch instances of unnatural cruelty, and asking, whether the chiefs orprincipal people were not angry, and did not punish them? I was told, that the chief neither could nor would interfere in such cases; andthat every one had a right to do with his own child what he pleased. 

Though the productions, the people, and the customs and manners ofall the islands in the neighbourhood, may, in general, be reckonedthe same as at Otaheite, there are a few differences which should bementioned, as this may lead to an enquiry about more material oneshereafter, if such there be, of which we are now ignorant. 

With regard to the little island Mataia, or Osnaburgh Island, whichlies twenty leagues east of Otaheite, and belongs to a chief of thatplace, who gets from thence a kind of tribute, a different dialectfrom that of Otaheite is there spoken. The men of Mataia also weartheir hair very long; and when they fight, cover their arms with asubstance which is beset with sharks' teeth, and their bodies witha sort of shagreen, being skin of fishes. At the same time theyare ornamented with polished pearl-shells, which make a prodigiousglittering in the sun; and they have a very large one, that coversthem before, like a shield or breast plate. 

The language of Otaheite has many words, and even phrases, quiteunlike those of the islands to the westward of it, which all agree;and this island is remarkable for producing great quantities of thatdelicious fruit we call apples, which are found in none of the others, except Eimeo. It has also the advantage of producing an odoriferouswood, called _eahoi_, which is highly valued at the other isles, wherethere is none; nor even in the south-east peninsula, or Tiaraboo, though joining it. Huaheine and Eimeo, again, are remarkable forproducing greater quantities of yams than the other islands. Andat Mourooa there is a particular bird, found upon the hills, muchesteemed for its white feathers; at which place there is also saidto be some of the apples, though it be the most remote of the SocietyIslands from Otaheite and Eimeo, where they are produced. 

Though the religion of all the islands be the same, each of them hasits particular, or tutelar god; whose names, according to the bestinformation I could receive, are set down in the following list:

 _Gods of the Isles_, Huaheine, _Tanne. _ Ulietea, _Oore. _ Otaha, _Tanne. _ Bolabola, _Oraa. _ Mourooa, _Otoo, ee weiahoo. _ Toobaee, _Tamouee. _ Tabooymanoo, or Saunders's \ Island, which } _Taroa. _ is subject to Huaheine, / Eimeo, _Oroo hadoo. _

 Otaheite-nooe, } _Ooroo. _ Otaheite, { Tiaraboo, } {_Opoonooa_ and whom they have {_Whatooteeree_, { lately changed for Oraa, god of Bolabola. 

 Mataia or Osnaburgh _Tooboo, toobooai, Ry maraiva. _ Island

 The Low Isles, Eastward _Tammaree. _

Besides the cluster of high islands from Mataia to Mourooa inclusive, the people of Otaheite are acquainted with a low uninhabited island, which they name Mopeeha, and seems to be Howe's Island, laid down tothe westward of Mourooa in our late charts of this ocean. To this theinhabitants of the most leeward islands sometimes go. There are alsoseveral low islands, to the north-eastward of Otaheite, which theyhave sometimes visited, but not constantly; and are said to be only atthe distance of two days' sail, with a fair wind. They were thus namedto me:

 Mataeeva, Oanaa, called Oannah, in Dalrymple's letter to Hawkesworth Taboohoe, Awehee, Kaoora, Orootooa, Otavaoo, where are large pearls. 

The inhabitants of these isles come more frequently to Otaheite andthe other neighbouring high islands, from whose natives they differin being of a darker colour, with a fiercer aspect, and differentlypunctured. I was informed, that at Mataeeva, and others of them, it isa custom for the men to give their daughters to strangers who arriveamongst them; but the pairs must be five nights lying near each other, without presuming to proceed farther. On the sixth evening, thefather of the young woman, treats his guest with food, and informs hisdaughter, that she must, that night, receive him as her husband. Thestranger, however, must not offer to express the least dislike, thoughthe bed-fellow allotted to him should be ever so disagreeable; forthis is considered as an unpardonable affront, and is punished withdeath. Forty men of Bolabola, who, incited by curiosity, had roamed asfar as Mataeeva in a canoe, were treated in this manner; one of themhaving incautiously mentioned his dislike of the woman who fell to hislot, in the hearing of a boy, who informed her father. In consequenceof this the Mateevans fell upon them; but these warlike people killedthree times their own number; though with the loss of all theirparty, except five. These hid themselves in the woods, and took anopportunity, when the others were burying their dead, to enter somehouses, where, having provided themselves with victuals and water, they carried them on board a canoe, in which they made their escape;and, after passing Mataia, at which they would not touch, at lastarrived safe at Eimeo. The Bolabolans, however, were sensible enoughthat their travellers had been to blame; for a canoe from Mateeva, arriving some time after at Bolabola, so far were they fromretaliating upon them for the death of their countrymen, that theyacknowledged they had deserved their fate, and treated their visitorskindly. 

These low isles are, doubtless, the farthest navigation which those ofOtaheite and the Society Islands perform at present. It seems to be agroundless supposition, made by Mons. De Bougainville, that they madevoyages of the prodigious extent[5] he mentions; for I found, that itis reckoned a sort of a prodigy, that a canoe, once driven by a stormfrom Otaheite, should have fallen in with Mopeeha, or Howe's Island, though so near, and directly to leeward. The knowledge they haveof other distant islands is, no doubt, traditional; and has beencommunicated to them by the natives of those islands, drivenaccidentally upon their coasts, who, besides giving them the names, could easily inform them of the direction in which the places lie fromwhence they came, and of the number of days they had been upon thesea. In this manner, it may be supposed, that the natives of Wateeoohave increased their catalogue by the addition of Otaheite and itsneighbouring isles, from the people we met with there, and also ofthe other islands these had heard of. We may thus account for thatextensive knowledge attributed by the gentlemen of the Endeavour toTupia in such matters. And, with all due deference to his veracity, I presume that it was, by the same means of information, that he wasable to direct the ship to Oheteroa, without having ever beenthere himself, as he pretended; which, on many accounts, is veryimprobable. [6]

[Footnote 5: See _Bougainville's Voyage autour du Monde_, p. 228, where we are told that these people sometimes navigate at the distanceof more than three hundred leagues. --D. ]

[Footnote 6: Though much of Mr Anderson's account of Otaheite, &c. Bevery similar to what has been given in the preceding relations, yetit must be allowed to possess too great merit to warrant omissionor alteration. He has been fortunate, certainly, in delineating themanners and opinions of the people; and perhaps, on the whole, his information bears more decisive marks of care and intimateacquaintance than any other we possess on the subject. This, it maybe said, is no very high merit; because, having the benefit of prettyextensive labours, he had only to compare a picture with its original, as presented to his notice, and was under no necessity of dividinghis attention among a multiplicity of unconnected objects. Still thisremark is not just, unless it be shewn that he has merely affirmedthe likeness or unlikeness he observed betwixt them, and specified thepeculiarities of resemblance or dissimilarity. In place of doingso, however, he has executed another picture. But such analogicalreasoning is more fanciful than judicious; and even were it correctlyapplicable to the case, it is evident, that no one would be entitledto decide as to the respective merits of the productions, who was notfamiliar with the objects which they represented. Now, the fact is, that Mr Anderson had no opportunity of availing himself of what othershad done before, unless we except the avowedly imperfect delineationsin Hawkesworth's Narrative, from which we can scarcely believe hecould derive material assistance. The reader will understand thisat once, by considering, that neither Cook's account of his secondvoyage, nor the productions of Mr Forster, had been published beforethe commencement of this expedition. It may, however, be imagined, that Cook himself would communicate to Mr Anderson such particularsof his former journal as were likely to aid him in his presentresearches. Even this supposition is exceedingly unnecessary; because, it appears from the Memoir of Cook, in the Biog. Brit. That thatofficer rather received assistance from Mr Anderson during the formernavigation; and we shall afterwards see reason to consider him aspossessed of abilities, and a talent for observation, which renderedhim very independent of others. His description, therefore, is tobe judged an original one, and as such is entitled to the highestdistinction. It may indeed be somewhat chargeable with theexaggerations of a warm fancy, especially as to what is said of thereligious notions of these islanders, which perhaps assume more ofsystem and regularity through the medium of Mr A. 's report, than itis altogether likely would be found to exist in their popular creeds. This is easily understood, without any aspersion on his veracity. For, as it will be allowed that he possessed greater compass of mind, andwas more in the habit of exercising thought than the people whoseopinions he described, so it may thence be readily inferred, that, what to them was confused and unconnected, as is commonly the casewith the superstitions of the illiterate in all countries, hisphilosophical genius, working on obvious and remote analogies, wroughtinto order, and stamped with the semblance, at least, of theoreticalconsistency. We had at one time purposed to offer a few remarkson certain parts of his description, but, on second thoughts, itoccurred, that, on the whole, the subject had received a very ampleshare of attention in the course of these voyages. --E. ]

SECTION X. 

_Progress of the Voyage, after leaving the Society Islands. --ChristmasIsland discovered, and Station of the Ships there. --Boats sentashore. --Great Success in catching Turtle. --An Eclipse of the Sunobserved. --Distress of two Seamen who had lost their Way. --Inscriptionleft in a Bottle. --Account of the Island. --Its Soil. --Trees andPlants. --Birds. --Its Size. --Form. --Situation. --Anchoring Ground. _

After leaving Bolabola, I steered to the northward, close-hauled, withthe wind between N. E. And E. , hardly ever having it to the southwardof E. , till after we had crossed the Line, and had got into N. Latitudes. So that our course, made good, was always to the W. Of N. , and sometimes no better than N. W. 

Though seventeen months had now elapsed since our departure fromEngland, during which, we had not, upon the whole, been unprofitablyemployed, I was sensible, that with regard to the principal object ofmy instructions, our voyage was, at this time, only beginning; and, therefore, my attention to every circumstance that might contributetoward our safety and our ultimate success, was now to be called forthanew. With this view I had examined into the state of our provisionsat the last islands; and, as soon as I had left them, and got beyondthe extent of my former discoveries, I ordered a survey to be takenof all the boatswain's and carpenter's stores that were in the ships, that I might be fully informed of the quantity, state, and conditionof every article; and, by that means, know how to use them to thegreatest advantage. 

Before I sailed from the Society Islands, I lost no opportunity ofenquiring of the inhabitants, if there were any islands in a N. OrN. W. Direction from them; but I did not find that they knew of any. Nor did we meet with any thing that indicated the vicinity of land, till we came to about the latitude of 8° S. , where we began to seebirds, such as boobies, tropic, and men-of-war birds, tern, and someother sorts. At this time our longitude was 205° E. Mendana, in hisfirst voyage in 1568, [1] discovered an island which he named Isla deJesus, in latitude 6° 45' S. , and 1450 leagues from Callao, whichis 200° E. Longitude from Greenwich. We crossed this latitude near ahundred leagues to the eastward of this longitude, and saw there manyof the above-mentioned birds, which are seldom known to go very farfrom land. 

[Footnote 1: See Dalrymple's Collection, vol. I. P. 45. ]

In the night, between the 22d and 23d, we crossed the Line in thelongitude of 203° 15' E. Here the variation of the compass was 6° 30'E. Nearly. 

On the 24th, about half an hour after day-break, land was discoveredbearing N. E. By E. 1/2 E. Upon a nearer approach, it was found to beone of those low islands so common in this ocean, that is, a narrowbank of land inclosing the sea within. A few cocoa-nut trees were seenin two or three places; but, in general, the land had a very barrenappearance. At noon, it extended from N. E. By E. To S. By E. 1/2 E. , about four miles distant. The wind was at E. S. E. , so that we wereunder a necessity of making a few boards, to get up to the lee or westside, where we found from forty to twenty and fourteen fathoms water, over a bottom of fine sand, the least depth about half a mile from, the breakers, and the greatest about one mile. The meeting withsoundings determined me to anchor, with a view to try to get someturtles, for the island seemed to be a likely place to meet with them, and to be without inhabitants. Accordingly we dropped anchor in thirtyfathoms; and then a boat was dispatched to examine whether it waspracticable to land, of which I had some doubt, as the sea broke ina dreadful surf all along the shore. When the boat returned, theofficer, whom I had entrusted with this examination, reported to methat he could see no place where a boat could land, but that there wasgreat abundance of fish in the shoal water, without the breakers. 

At day-break, the next morning, I sent two boats, one from each ship, to search more accurately for a landing-place; and, at the same time, two others to fish at a grappling near the shore. These last returnedabout eight o'clock, with upward of two hundred weight of fish. Encouraged by this success, they were dispatched again afterbreakfast; and I then went in another boat, to take a view ofthe coast and attempt landing, but this I found to be whollyimpracticable. Toward noon, the two boats, sent on the same search, returned. The master, who was in that belonging to the Resolution, reported to me, that about a league and a half to the N. , was a breakin the land, and a channel into the _lagoon_, consequently, that therewas a fit place for landing; and that he had found the same soundingsoff this entrance, as we had where we now lay. In consequence of thisreport the ships weighed anchor, and, after two or three trips, cameto again in twenty fathoms water, over a bottom of fine dark sand, before a small island that lies at the entrance of the _lagoon_, andon each side of which there is a channel leading into it, but only fitfor boats. The water in the _lagoon_ itself is all very shallow. 

On the 26th, in the morning, I ordered Captain Clerke to send aboat, with an officer, to the S. E. Part of the _lagoon_, to look forturtles; and Mr King and I went each in a boat to the N. E. Part. Iintended to have gone to the most easterly extremity, but the windblew too fresh to allow it, and obliged us to land more to leeward, ona sandy flat, where we caught one turtle, the only one that we sawin the _lagoon_. We walked, or rather waded, through the water toan island, where finding nothing but a few birds, I left it, andproceeded to the land that bounds the sea to the N. W. , leaving Mr Kingto observe the sun's meridian altitude. I found this land to be evenmore barren than the island I had been upon; but walking over to thesea-coast, I saw five turtles close to the shore. One of these wecaught, and the rest made their escape. Not seeing any more I returnedon board, as did Mr King soon after, without having seen one turtle. We, however, did not despair of getting a supply; for some of CaptainClerke's officers, who had been ashore on the land to the southwardof the channel leading into the _lagoon_, had been more fortunate, andcaught several there. 

In the morning of the 27th, the pinnace and cutter, under the commandof Mr King, were sent to the S. E. Part of the island, within the_lagoon_, and the small cutter to the northward, where I had been theday before, both parties being ordered upon the same service, to catchturtles. Captain Clerke having had some of his people on shore allnight, they had been so fortunate as to turn between forty and fiftyon the sand, which were brought on board with all expedition this day. And, in the afternoon, the party I had sent northward returned withsix. They were sent back again, and remained there till we left theisland, having in general pretty good success. 

On the 28th, I landed in company with Mr Bayly, on the island whichlies between the two channels into the _lagoon_, to prepare thetelescopes for observing the approaching eclipse of the sun, whichwas one great inducement to my anchoring here. About noon, Mr Kingreturned with one boat and eight turtles, leaving seven behind tobe brought by the other boat, whose people were employed in catchingmore; and, in the evening, the same boat was sent with water andprovisions for them. Mr Williamson now went to superintend thisduty in the room of Mr King, who remained on board to attend theobservation of the eclipse. 

The next day, Mr Williamson dispatched the two boats back to the ship, laden with turtles. At the same time, he sent me a message, desiringthat the boats might be ordered round by sea, as he had found alanding-place on the S. E. Side of the island, where most of theturtles were caught; so that by sending the boats thither, the troublewould be saved of carrying them over the land to the inside of the_lagoon_, as had been hitherto done. The boats were accordinglydispatched to the place which he pointed out. 

On the morning of the 30th, the day when the eclipse was to happen, Mr King, Mr Bayly, and myself, went ashore on the small islandabove-mentioned, to attend the observation. The sky was over-cast tillpast nine o'clock, when the clouds about the sun dispersed long enoughto take its altitude, to rectify the time by the watch we made useof. After this, it was again obscured, till about thirty minutes pastnine, and then we found that the eclipse was begun. We now fixed themicrometers to the telescopes, and observed or measured the uneclipsedpart of the sun's disk. At these observations I continued aboutthree-quarters of an hour before the end, when I left off, being, infact, unable to continue them longer, on account of the great heat ofthe sun, increased by the reflection from the sand. 

The sun was clouded at times; but it was clear when the eclipse ended, the time of which was observed as follows:

 Mr Bayly 0 26 3 By Mr King at 0 26 1 Apparent Time p. M. Myself 0 25 37

Mr Bayly and I observed with the large achromatic telescopes, and MrKing with a reflector. As Mr Bayly's telescope and mine were of thesame magnifying power, I ought not to have differed so much fromhim as I did. Perhaps, it was, in part, if not wholly owing to aprotuberance in the moon, which escaped my notice, but was seen byboth the other gentlemen. 

In the afternoon, the boats and turtling party, at the S. E. Part ofthe island, all returned on board, except a seaman belonging to theDiscovery, who had been missing two days. There were two of them atfirst who had lost their way, but disagreeing about the most probabletrack to bring them back to their companions, they had separated, andone of them joined the party, after having been absent twenty-fourhours, and been in great distress. Not a drop of fresh water could behad, for there is none upon the whole island; nor was there a singlecocoa-nut tree on that part of it. In order to allay his thirst, be had recourse to the singular expedient of killing turtles, anddrinking their blood. His mode of refreshing himself, when weary, of which he said he felt the good effects, was equally whimsical. Heundressed himself, and lay down for some time in the shallow waterupon the beach. [2]

[Footnote 2: The practice is deserving of a better epithet. It ishighly judicious, and may often be adopted with the best effects. Theuse of the cold bath in cases of fever is not materially different;and it is most certain, that washing the body with either cold or warmwater, is one of the best methods of relieving the sense of wearinessconsequent on fatiguing exercise. Some caution is undoubtedly requiredin using it; but on the whole, there is much less danger in theapplication than is commonly imagined. The natural indications arechiefly to be regarded. Thus it is not likely that a person alreadycooled down below the natural standard, so as to feel positively coldor chilly, will run the risk of greater reduction of temperature byimmersion in cold water; and on the other hand, when most warm, in which state such reduction is safest, there is the greatestinclination to have recourse to it. It is advisable to employ frictionwith cloths in most cases, but more especially where perspiration hasbeen brought on, in which state, cold bathing, unless preceded by thatprocess in such a degree as to excite a sense of heat on the surface, is improper, for a reason above assigned, perspiration alwaysoccasioning a reduction of temperature. This subject is an importantone, but could not be discussed here; there seemed, however, some goodend likely to be answered by at least directing attention to it. --E. ]

It was a matter of surprise to every one, how these two men couldcontrive to lose themselves. The land over which they had to travel, from the sea-coast to the _lagoon_, where the boats lay, was not morethan three miles across, nor was there any thing to obstruct theirview, for the country was a flat, with a few shrubs scattered uponit, and from many parts of it, the masts of the ships could easily beseen. But this was a rule of direction they never once thought of;nor did they recollect in what quarter of the island the ships hadanchored, and they were as much at a loss how to get back to them, orto the party they had straggled from, as if they had but justdropped from the clouds. Considering how strange a set of beings thegenerality of seamen are, when on shore, instead of being surprisedthat these two men should thus lose their way, it is rather to bewondered at, that no more of the party were missing. Indeed, oneof those who landed with me was in a similar situation; but he hadsagacity enough to know that the ships were to leeward, and goton board almost as soon as it was discovered that he had been leftbehind. 

As soon as Captain Clerke knew that one of the stragglers was still inthis awkward situation, he sent a party in search of him; but neitherthe man nor the party having come back, the next morning I ordered twoboats into the _lagoon_, to go different ways, in prosecution of thesearch. Not long after, Captain Clerke's party returned with theirlost companion; and my boats having now no object left, I calledthem back by signal. This poor fellow must have suffered far greaterdistress than the other straggler, not only as having been losta longer time, but as we found that he was too squeamish to drinkturtle's blood. 

Having some cocoa-nuts and yams on board, in a state of vegetation, Iordered them to be planted on the little island where we had observedthe eclipse, and some melon-seeds were sown in another place. I alsoleft, on the little island, a bottle containing this inscription:

 _Georgius, Tertius, Rex, 31 Decembris, 1777. _ _Naves {Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr. _ _{Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr. _

On the 1st of January, 1778, I sent boats to bring on board all ourparties from the land, and the turtles they had caught. Before thiswas completed it was late in the afternoon, so that I did not thinkproper to sail till next morning. We got at this island, to bothships, about three hundred turtles, weighing, one with another, aboutninety or a hundred pounds. They were all of the green kind, andperhaps as good as any in the world. We also caught, with hook andline, as much fish as we could consume during our stay. They consistedprincipally of cavallies of different sizes, large and small snappers, and a few of two sorts of rock-fish, one with numerous spots of blue, and the other with whitish streaks scattered about. 

The soil of this island, in some places, is light and black, evidentlycomposed of decayed vegetables, the dung of birds, and sand. Thereare other places again, where nothing but marine productions, such asbroken coral stones and shells are to be seen. These are deposited inlong narrow ridges, lying in a parallel direction with the sea-coast, not unlike a ploughed field, and must have been thrown up by thewaves, though, at this time, they do not reach within a mile of someof these places. This seems to furnish an incontestible proof that theisland has been produced by accessions from the sea, and is in a stateof increase; for not only the broken pieces of coral, but many of theshells, are too heavy and large to have been brought by any birds, from the beach, to the places where they now lie. Not a drop of freshwater was any where found, though frequently dug for. We met withseveral ponds of salt water, which had no visible communication withthe sea, and must, therefore, in all probability, be filled by thewater filtrating through the sand in high tides. One of the lost menfound some salt on the S. E. Part of the island. But though this was anarticle of which we were in want, a man who could lose himself, ashe did, and not know whether he was travelling east, west, north, orsouth, was not to be depended upon as a fit guide to conduct us to theplace. 

There were not the smallest traces of any human being having ever beenhere before us; and, indeed, should any one be so unfortunate as to beaccidentally driven upon the island, or left there, it is hard tosay, that he could be able to prolong existence. There is, indeed, abundance of birds and fish, but no visible means of allaying thirst, nor any vegetable that could supply the place of bread, or correct thebad effects of an animal diet, which, in all probability, would soonprove fatal alone. On the few cocoa-trees upon the island, the numberof which did not exceed thirty, very little fruit was found; and, ingeneral, what was found, was either not fully grown, or had the juicesalt, or brackish. So that a ship touching here, must expect nothingbut fish and turtles, and of these an abundant supply may be dependedupon. 

On some parts of the land were a few low trees. Mr Anderson gave me anaccount also of two small shrubs, and, of two or three small plants, all which we had seen on Palmerston's Island and Otakootaia. Therewas also a species of _sida_ or Indian mallow, a sort of purslain, and another small plant, that seemed, from its leaves, a_mesembryanthemum_, with two species of grass. But each of thesevegetable productions was in so small a quantity, and grew with somuch languor, that one is almost surprised that the species do notbecome extinct. 

Under the low trees above-mentioned, sat infinite numbers of a newspecies of tern, or egg-bird. These are black above and white below, with a white arch on the forehead, and are rather larger than thecommon noddy. Most of them had lately hatched their young, which layunder old ones upon the bare ground. The rest had eggs, of which theyonly lay one, larger than that of a pigeon, bluish and speckled withblack. There were also a good many common boobies, a sort that arealmost like a gannet, and a sooty or chocolate-coloured one, with awhite belly. To this list we must add men-of-war birds, tropic-birds, curlews, sand-pipers, a small land-bird like a hedge-sparrow, land-crabs, small lizards, and rats. 

As we kept our Christmas here, I called this discovery _ChristmasIsland_. I judge it to be about fifteen or twenty leagues incircumference. It seemed to be of a semicircular form, or like themoon in the last quarter, the two horns being the N. And S. Points, which bear from each other nearly N. By E. , and S. By W. , four or fiveleagues distant. This west side, or the little isle at the entranceinto the _lagoon_, upon which we observed the eclipse, lies in thelatitude of 1° 59' N. , and in the longitude of 202° 30' E. , determinedby a considerable number of lunar observations, which differed only7' from the time-keeper, it being so much less. The variation of thecompass was 6° 22-1/2' E. , and the dip of the north end of the needle11° 54'. 

Christmas Island, like most others in this ocean, is bounded by a reefof coral-rocks, which extends but a little way from the shore. Farther out than this reef, on the west side, is a bank of fine sand, extending a mile into the sea. On this bank is good anchorage, inany depth between eighteen and thirty fathoms. In less than thefirst-mentioned depth, the reef would be too near; and, in more thanthe last, the edge of the bank would not be at a sufficient distance. During the time we lay here, the wind blew constantly a fresh gale atE. , or E. By S. , except one or two days. We had, always, a great swellfrom the northward, which broke upon the reef in a prodigious surf. We had found this swell before we came to the island, and it continuedfor some days after we left it. 

SECTION XI. 

_Some Islands discovered. --Account of the Natives of Atooi, who cameoff to the Ships, and their Behaviour on going on board. --One of themkilled. --Precautions used to prevent Intercourse with the Females. --AWatering-place found. --Reception upon landing. --Excursion into theCountry. --A Morai visited and described. --Graves of the Chiefs, and ofthe human Sacrifices, there buried. --Another Island, called Oneeheow, visited. --Ceremonies performed by the Natives, who go off to theShips. --Reasons for believing that they are Cannibals. --A Partysent ashore, who remain two Nights. --Account of what passed onlanding. --The Ships leave, the Islands, and proceed to the North. _

On the 2d of January, at day-break, we weighed anchor, and resumed ourcourse to the N. , having fine weather, and a gentle breeze at E. , andE. S. E. , till we got into the latitude of 7° 45' N. , and the longitudeof 205° E. , where we had one calm day. This was succeeded by a N. E. By E. , and E. N. E. Wind. At first it blew faint, but freshened as weadvanced to the N. We continued to see birds every day of the sortslast mentioned, sometimes in greater numbers than others, and betweenthe latitude of 10° and 11°, we saw several turtles. All these arelooked upon as signs of the vicinity of land. However, we discoverednone till day-break, in the morning of the 18th, when an island madeits appearance, bearing N. E. By E. ; and soon after, we saw moreland bearing N. , and entirely detached from the former. Both had theappearance of being high land. At noon, the first bore N. E. By E. 1/2E. , by estimation about eight or nine leagues distant; and an elevatedhill, near the east end of the other, bore N. 1/2 W. Our latitude, atthis time, was 21° 12' N. , and longitude 200° 41' E. We had now lightairs and calms by turns, so that, at sunset, we were not less thannine or ten leagues from the nearest land. 

On the 19th, at sun-rise, the island first seen, bore E. , severalleagues distant. This being directly to windward, which prevented ourgetting near it, I stood for the other, which we could reach; and, notlong after, discovered a third island in the direction of W. N. W. , asfar distant as land could be seen. We had now a fine breeze at E. ByN. , and I steered for the east end of the second island, which, atnoon, extended from N. 1/2 E. To W. N. W. 1/4 W. , the nearest part beingabout two leagues distant. At this time, we were in some doubt whetheror no the land before us was inhabited; but this doubt was sooncleared up, by seeing some canoes coming off from the shore toward theships. I immediately brought-to, to give them time to join us. Theyhad from three to six men each; and, on their approach, we wereagreeably surprised to find that they spoke the language of Otaheite, and of the other islands we had lately visited. It required but verylittle address to get them to come along-side; but no entreaties couldprevail upon any of them to come on board. I tied some brass medals toa rope, and gave them to those in one of the canoes, who, in return, tied some small mackerel to the rope as an equivalent. This wasrepeated; and some small nails, or bits of iron, which they valuedmore than any other article, were given them. For these they exchangedmore fish and a sweet potatoe, a sure sign that they had some notionof bartering, or, at least, of returning one present for another. Theyhad nothing else in their canoes, except some large gourd shells, anda kind of fishing-net; but one of them offered for sale the pieceof stuff that he wore round his waist, after the manner of the otherislands. These people were of a brown colour; and, though of thecommon size, were stoutly made. There was little difference in thecasts of their colour, but a considerable variation in their features, some of their visages not being very unlike those of Europeans. Thehair of most of them was cropt pretty short, others had it flowingloose, and, with a few, it was tied in a bunch on the crown of thehead. In all it seemed to be naturally black; but most of them hadstained it, as is the practice of the Friendly Islanders, with somestuff which gave it a brown or burnt colour. In general they woretheir beards. They had no ornaments about their persons, nor did weobserve that their ears were perforated; but some were punctured onthe hands, or near the groin, though in a small degree; and the bitsof cloth which they wore, were curiously-stained with red, black, andwhite colours. They seemed very mild, and had no arms of any kind, if we except some small stones, which they had evidently brought fortheir own defence, and these they threw overboard when they found thatthey were not wanted. 

Seeing no signs of an anchoring-place at this eastern extreme of theisland, I bore away to leeward, and ranged along the S. E. Side, at thedistance of half a league from the shore. As soon as we made sail thecanoes left us; but others came off as we proceeded along the coast, bringing with them roasting-pigs, and some very fine potatoes, whichthey had exchanged, as the others had done, for whatever was offeredto them. Several small pigs were purchased for a sixpenny nail, sothat we again found ourselves in a land of plenty, and just atthe time when the turtle, which we had so fortunately procured atChristmas Island, were nearly expended. We passed several villages, some seated near the sea, and others farther up the country. Theinhabitants of all of them crowded to the shore, and collectedthemselves on the elevated places to view the ships. The land uponthis side of the island rises in a gentle slope, from the sea to thefoot of the mountains, which occupy the centre of the country, exceptat one place near the east end, where they rise directly from thesea, and seemed to be formed of nothing but stone, or rocks lying inhorizontal _strata_. We saw no wood but what was up in the interiorpart of the island, except a few trees about the villages, nearwhich, also, we could observe several plantations of plantains andsugar-canes, and spots that seemed cultivated for roots. 

We continued to sound, without striking ground with a line of fiftyfathoms, till we came abreast of a low point, which is about themiddle of the east side of the island, or rather nearer the N. W. End. Here we met with twelve and fourteen fathoms over a rocky bottom. Being past this point, from which the coast trended more northerly, we had twenty, then sixteen, twelve, and, at last, five fathoms overa sandy bottom. The last soundings were about a mile from the shore. Night now put a stop to any farther researches, and we spent itstanding off and on. The next morning we stood in for the land, andwere met by several canoes filled with people, some of whom tookcourage and ventured on board. 

In the course of my several voyages I never before met with thenatives of any place so much astonished, as these people were uponentering a ship. Their eyes were continually flying from object toobject; the wildness of their looks and gestures fully expressingtheir entire ignorance about every thing they saw, and stronglymarking to us, that, till now, they had never been visited byEuropeans, nor been acquainted with any of our commodities, exceptiron; which, however, it was plain, they had only heard of, or hadknown it in some small quantity, brought to them at some distantperiod. They seemed only to understand that it was a substance muchbetter adapted to the purposes of cutting or of boring of holes, thanany thing their own country produced. They asked for it by the nameof _hamaite_, probably referring to some instrument, in the making ofwhich iron could be usefully employed; for they applied that name tothe blade of a knife, though we could be certain that they had noidea of that particular instrument, nor could they at all handle itproperly. For the same reason they frequently called iron by the nameof _toe_, which, in their language, signifies a hatchet, or rather akind of adze. On asking them what iron was, they immediately answered, "We do not know; you know what it is, and we only understand it as_toe_, or _hamaite_. " When we shewed them some beads, they askedfirst, "What they were;" and then "whether they should eat them. "But on their being told that they were to be hung in their ears, they returned them as useless. They were equally indifferent as to alooking-glass, which was offered them, and returned it for the samereason; but sufficiently expressed their desire for _hamaite_ and_toe_, which they wished might be very large. Plates of earthen-ware, china-cups, and other such things, were so new to them, that theyasked if they were made of wood, but wished to have some, thatthey might carry them to be looked at on shore. They were, in somerespects, naturally well-bred; or, at least, fearful of givingoffence, asking whether they should sit down, whether they shouldspit upon the deck, and the like. Some of them repeated a long prayerbefore they came on board; and others afterward sung and made motionswith their hands, such as we had been accustomed to see in the dancesof the islands we had lately visited. There was another circumstancein which they also perfectly resembled those other islanders. Atfirst, on their entering the ship, they endeavoured to steal everything they came near, or rather to take it openly, as what we eithershould not resent, or not hinder. We soon convinced them of theirmistake; and if they, after some time, became less active inappropriating to themselves whatever they took a fancy to, it wasbecause they found that we kept a watchful eye over them. 

At nine o'clock, being pretty near the shore, I sent three armedboats, under the command of Lieutenant Williamson, to look for alanding-place, and for fresh water. I ordered him, that if he shouldfind it necessary to land in search of the latter, not to suffermore than one man to go with him out of the boats. Just as theywere putting off from the ship, one of the natives having stole thebutcher's cleaver, leaped overboard, got into his canoe, and hastenedto the shore, the boats pursuing him in vain. 

The order not to permit the crews of the boats to go on shore wasissued, that I might do every thing in my power to prevent theimportation of a fatal disease into this island, which I knew some ofour men now laboured under, and which, unfortunately, had been alreadycommunicated by us to other islands in these seas. With the same viewI ordered all female visitors to be excluded from the ships. Many ofthem had come off in the canoes. Their size, colour, and features didnot differ much from those of the men; and though their countenanceswere remarkably open and agreeable, there were few traces of delicacyto be seen, either in their faces, or other proportions. The onlydifference in their dress was their having a piece of cloth aboutthe body, reaching from near the middle to half-way down the thighs, instead of the _maro_ worn by the other sex. They would as readilyhave favoured us with their company on board as the men; but I wishedto prevent all connection, which might, too probably, convey anirreparable injury to themselves, and, through their means, to thewhole nation. Another necessary precaution was taken, by strictlyenjoining, that no person known to be capable of propagating theinfection, should be sent upon duty out of the ships. 

Whether these regulations, dictated by humanity, had the desiredeffect or no, time only can discover. I had been equally attentiveto the same object, when I first visited the Friendly Islands, yet Iafterwards found, with real concern, that I had not succeeded. And Iam much afraid that this will always be the case in such voyages asours, whenever it is necessary to have a number of people on shore. The opportunities and inducements to an intercourse between the sexesare then too numerous to be guarded against; and, however confident wemay be of the health of our men, we are often undeceived too late. Itis even a matter of doubt with me, if it be always in the power of themost skilful of the faculty to pronounce, with any certainty, whethera person who has been under their care, in certain stages of thismalady, is so effectually cured, as to leave no possibility of hisbeing still capable of communicating the taint. I think I couldmention some instances which justify my presuming to hazard thisopinion. It is likewise well known, that amongst a number of men, there are, generally, to be found some so bashful as to endeavour toconceal their labouring under any symptoms of this disorder. Andthere are others again, so profligate, as not to care to whom theycommunicate it. Of this last we had an instance at Tongataboo, in thegunner of the Discovery, who had been stationed on shore to managethe trade for that ship. After he knew that he had contracted thisdisease, he continued to have connections with different women, who were supposed not to have already contracted it. His companionsexpostulated with him without effect, till Captain Clerke, hearing ofthis dangerous irregularity of conduct, ordered him on board. [1]

[Footnote 1: One can scarcely help smiling at the mode Dr Kippis usesto express his abhorrence of this man's conduct. It may be seen inhis account of this voyage, given in the Biog. Brit. "If I knew therascal's name, " says he, "I would hang it up, as far as lies in mypower, to everlasting infamy!" Undoubtedly it richly deserved suchtreatment, but there was no necessity for the doctor exhibiting suchkeenness for the office of executioner. --E. ]

While the boats were occupied in examining the coast, we stood onand off with the ships, waiting for their return. About noon, MrWilliamson came back, and reported that he had seen a large pondbehind a beach near one of the villages, which the natives told himcontained fresh water, and that there was anchoring-ground before it. He also reported that he had attempted to land in another place, butwas prevented by the natives, who, coming down to the boats in greatnumbers, attempted to take away the oars, musquets, and, in short, every thing that they could lay hold of, and pressed so thick uponhim, that he was obliged to fire, by which one man was killed. Butthis unhappy circumstance I did not know till after we had left theisland, so that all my measures were directed as if nothing of thekind had happened. Mr Williamson told me, that after the man fell, his countrymen took him up, carried him off, and then retired fromthe boat; but still they made signals for our people to land, which hedeclined. It did not appear to Mr Williamson, that the natives hadany design to kill, or even to hurt, any of his party; but they seemedexcited by mere curiosity, to get from them what they had, being, atthe same time, ready to give in return, any thing of their own. 

After the boats were on board, I dispatched one of them to lie in thebest anchoring-ground; and as soon as she had got to this station, Ibore down with the ships, and anchored in twenty-five fathoms water, the bottom a fine grey sand. The east point of the road, which was thelow point before-mentioned, bore S. 51° E. , the west point N. 65° W. , and the village, behind which the water was said to be, N. E. By E. , distant one mile. But, little more than a quarter of a mile from us, there were breakers, which I did not see till after the Resolution wasplaced. The Discovery anchored to the eastward of us, and fartherfrom the land. The ships being thus stationed, between three and fouro'clock, I went ashore with three armed boats, and twelve marines, to examine the water, and to try the disposition of the inhabitants, several hundreds of whom were assembled on a sandy beach beforethe village; behind it was a narrow valley, the bottom of which wasoccupied by the piece of water. 

The very instant I leaped on shore, the collected body of the nativesall fell flat upon their faces, and remained in that very humbleposture, till, by expressive signs, I prevailed upon them to rise. They then brought a great many small pigs, which they presented to me, with plantain trees, using much the same ceremonies that we had seenpractised on such occasions, at the Society and other islands; and along prayer being spoken by a single person, in which others ofthe assembly sometimes joined. I expressed my acceptance of theirproffered friendship, by giving them, in return, such presents asI had brought with me from the ship for that purpose. When thisintroductory business was finished, I stationed a guard upon thebeach, and got some of the natives to conduct me to the water, whichproved to be very good, and in a proper situation for our purpose. It was so considerable, that it may be called a lake; and it extendedfarther up the country than we could see. Having satisfied myselfabout this very essential point, and about the peaceable dispositionof the natives, I returned on board, and then gave orders that everything should be in readiness for landing and filling our water-casksin the morning, when I went ashore with the people employed in thatservice, having a party of marines with us for a guard, who werestationed on the beach. 

As soon as we landed, a trade was set on foot for hogs and potatoes, which the people of the island gave us in exchange for nails andpieces of iron, formed into something like chisels. We met with noobstruction in watering; on the contrary, the natives assisted ourmen in rolling the casks to and from the pool, and readily performedwhatever we required. Every thing thus going on to my satisfaction, and considering my presence on the spot as unnecessary, I leftthe command to Mr Williamson, who had landed with me, and made anexcursion into the country, up the valley, accompanied by Mr Andersonand Mr Webber; the former of whom was as well qualified to describewith the pen, as the latter was to represent with his pencil, everything we might meet with worthy of observation. A numerous train ofnatives followed us; and one of them, whom I had distinguished for hisactivity in keeping the rest in order, I made choice of as our guide. This man, from time to time, proclaimed our approach; and every onewhom we met, fell prostrate upon the ground, and remained in thatposition till we had passed. This, as I afterward understood, is themode of paying their respect to their own great chiefs. As we rangeddown the coast from the east, in the ships, we had observed at everyvillage one or more elevated white objects, like pyramids or otherobelisks; and one of these, which I guessed to be at least fifty feethigh, was very conspicuous from the ship's anchoring station, andseemed to be at no great distance up this valley. To have a nearerinspection of it, was the principal object of my walk. Our guideperfectly understood that we wished to be conducted to it. But ithappened to be so placed, that we could not get at it, being separatedfrom us by the pool of water. However, there being another of the samekind within our reach, about half a mile off, upon our side of thevalley, we set out to visit that. The moment we got to it, we saw thatit stood in a burying-ground, or _morai_, the resemblance of which, in many respects to those we were so well acquainted with at otherislands in this ocean, and particularly Otaheite, could not but strikeus; and we also soon found, that the several parts that compose it, were called by the same names. It was an oblong space, of considerableextent, surrounded by a wall of stone, about four feet high. The spaceinclosed was loosely paved with smaller stones; and at one end of it, stood what I call the pyramid, but, in the language of the island, isnamed _henananoo_, which appeared evidently to be an exact model ofthe larger one, observed by us from the ships. It was about four feetsquare at the base, and about twenty feet high. The four sides werecomposed of small poles interwoven with twigs and branches, thusforming an indifferent wicker-work, hollow or open within, from bottomto top. It seemed to be rather in a ruinous state; but there weresufficient remaining marks to shew that it had originally been coveredwith a thin light grey cloth, which these people, it would seem, consecrate to religions purposes, as we could see a good deal of ithanging in different parts of the _morai_, and some of it had beenforced upon me when I first landed. On each side of the pyramid werelong pieces of wicker-work, called _hereanee_, in the same ruinouscondition, with two slender poles, inclining to each other, at onecorner, where some plantains were laid upon a board, fixed at theheight of five or six feet. This they called _herairemy_; and informedus, that the fruit was an offering to their god, which makes it agreeexactly with the _whatta_ of Otaheite. Before the _henananoo_ were afew pieces of wood, carved into something like human figures, which, with a stone near two feet high, covered with pieces of cloth, called_hoho_, and consecrated to _Tongarooa_, who is the god of thesepeople, still more and more reminded us of what we used to meet within the _morais_ of the islands we had lately left. Adjoining to these, on the outside of the _morai_, was a small shed, no bigger than adog-kennel, which they called _hareepahoo_; and before it was a grave, where, as we were told, the remains of a woman lay. 

On the farther side of the area of the _morai_, stood a house orshed, about forty feet long, ten broad in the middle, each end beingnarrower, and about ten feet high. This, which, though much longer, was lower than their common dwelling places, we were informed, wascalled _hemanaa_. The entrance into it was at the middle of the side, which was in the _morai_. On the farther side of this house, oppositethe entrance, stood two wooden images, cut out of one piece, withpedestals, in all about three feet high, neither very indifferentlydesigned or executed. These were said to be _Eatooa no Veheina_, orrepresentations of goddesses. On the head of one of them was a carvedhelmet, not unlike those worn, by the ancient warriors; and on that ofthe other, a cylindrical cap, resembling the head-dress at Otaheite, called _tomou_; and both of them had pieces of cloth tied about theloins, and hanging a considerable way down. At the side of each, wasalso a piece of carved wood, with bits of the cloth hung on them, inthe same manner; and between, or before, the pedestals, lay a quantityof fern, in a heap. It was obvious, that this had been depositedthere, piece by piece, and at different times; for there was of it, inall states, from what was quite decayed, to what was still fresh andgreen. 

In the middle of the house, and before the two images, was an oblongspace, inclosed by a low edging of stone, and covered with shreds ofthe cloth so often mentioned. This, on enquiry, we found was the graveof seven chiefs, whose names were enumerated, and the place was called_Heneene_. We had met already with so many striking instances ofresemblance, between the burying-place we were now visiting, and thoseof the islands we had lately come from in the South Pacific, that wehad little doubt in our minds, that the resemblance existed also, inthe ceremonies practised here, and particularly in the horrid one ofoffering human sacrifices. Our suspicions were too soon confirmed bydirect evidence. For, on coming out of the house, just on one sideof the entrance, we saw a small square place, and another still less, near it; and on asking what these were, our guide immediately informedus, that in the one was buried a man who had been sacrificed; a_Taa-ta_ (_Tanata_ or _Tangata_, in this country) _taboo_ (_tafoo_, ashere pronounced); and in the other, a hog, which had also been madean offering to the divinity. At a little distance from these, nearthe middle of the _morai_, were three more of these square inclosedplaces, with two pieces of carved wood at each, and upon them a heapof fern. These, we were told, were the graves of three chiefs; andbefore them was an oblong, inclosed space, to which our conductor alsogave the name of _Tangata taboo_; telling us, so explicitly, that wecould not mistake his meaning, that three human sacrifices had beenburied there; that is, one at the funeral of each chief. It was withmost sincere concern, that I could trace, on such undoubted evidence, the prevalence of these bloody rites, throughout this immense ocean, amongst people disjoined by such a distance, and even ignorant of eachother's existence, though so strongly marked as originally of the samenation. It was no small addition to this concern, to reflect, thatevery appearance led us to believe, that the barbarous practice wasvery general here. The island seemed to abound with such places ofsacrifice as this which we were now visiting, and which appeared tobe one of the most inconsiderable of them, being far less conspicuousthan several others which we had seen, as we sailed along the coast, and particularly than that on the opposite side of the water, inthis valley, the white _henananoo_, or pyramid, of which, we were nowalmost sure, derived its colour only from pieces of the consecratedcloth laid over it. In several parts, within the inclosure of thisburying-ground, were planted trees of the _cordia sebestina_ someof the _morinda citrifolia_, and several plants of the _etee_, or_jeejee_, of Tongataboo, with the leaves of which the _hemanaa_ wasthatched; and, as I observed, that this plant was not made use of inthatching their dwelling-houses, probably it is reserved entirely forreligious purposes. 

Our road to and from the _morai_, which I have described, lay throughthe plantations. The greatest part of the ground was quite flat, withditches full of water intersecting different parts, and roads thatseemed artificially raised to some height. The interspaces were, ingeneral, planted with _taro_, which grows here with great strength, asthe fields are sunk below the common level, so as to contain the waternecessary to nourish the roots. This water probably comes from thesame source, which supplies the large pool from which we filledour casks. On the drier spaces were several spots, where thecloth-mulberry was planted, in regular rows; also growing vigorously, and kept very clean. The cocoa-trees were not in so thriving a state, and were all low, but the plantain-trees made a better appearance, though they were not large. In general, the trees round this village, and which were seen at many of those which we passed before weanchored, are the _cordia sebestina_, but of a more diminutive sizethan the product of the southern isles. The greatest part of thevillage stands near the beach, and consists of above sixty housesthere; but, perhaps, about forty more stand scattered about, fartherup the country, toward the burying-place. 

After we had examined, very carefully, every thing that was to be seenabout the _morai_, and Mr Webber had taken drawings of it, and of theadjoining country, we returned by a different route. I found a greatcrowd assembled at the beach, and a brisk trade for pigs, fowls, androots, going on there, with the greatest good order, though I did notobserve any particular person, who took the lead amongst the rest ofhis countrymen. At noon, I went on board to dinner, and then sentMr King to command the party ashore. He was to have gone upon thatservice in the morning, but was then detained in the ship, to makelunar observations. In the afternoon I landed again, accompanied byCaptain Clerke, with a view to make another excursion up the country. But, before this could be put in execution, the day was too far spent, so that I laid aside my intention for the present, and it so happenedthat I had not another opportunity. At sun-set, I brought every bodyon board, having procured, in the course of the day, nine tons ofwater; and, by exchanges, chiefly for nails and pieces of iron, aboutseventy or eighty pigs, a few fowls, a quantity of potatoes, and afew plantains and _taro_ roots. These people merited our bestcommendations, in this commercial intercourse, never once attemptingto cheat us, either ashore or alongside the ships. Some ofthem, indeed, as already mentioned, at first betrayed a thievishdisposition, or rather they thought, that they had a right to everything they could lay their hands upon; but they soon laid aside aconduct, which, we convinced them, they could not persevere in withimpunity. 

Amongst the articles which they brought to barter this day, we couldnot help taking notice of a particular sort of cloak and cap, which, even in countries where dress is more particularly attended to, mightbe reckoned elegant. The first are nearly of the size and shape ofthe short cloaks worn by the women in England, and by the men inSpain reaching to the middle of the back, and tied loosely before. Theground of them is a net-work, upon which the most beautiful redand yellow feathers are so closely fixed, that the surface might becompared to the thickest and richest velvet, which they resemble, bothas to the feel, and the glossy appearance. The manner of varying themixture is very different, some having triangular spaces of red andyellow, alternately, others a kind of crescent; and some, that wereentirely red, had a broad yellow border, which made them appear, atsome distance, exactly like a scarlet cloak edged with gold lace. Thebrilliant colours of the feathers, in those that happened to be new, added not a little to their fine appearance, and we found that theywere in high estimation with their owners, for they would not, atfirst, part with one of them for any thing that we offered, asking noless a price than a musket. However, some were afterward purchased forvery large nails. Such of them as were of the best sort, were scarce;and it should seem, that they are only used on the occasion of someparticular ceremony, or diversion; for the people who had them, alwaysmade some gesticulations, which we had seen used before by those whosung. 

The cap is made almost exactly like a helmet, with the middle part, orcrest, sometimes of a hand's breadth; and it sits very close upon thehead, having notches to admit the ears. It is a frame of twigs andosiers, covered with a net work, into which are wrought feathers, inthe same manner as upon the cloaks, though rather closer, and lessdiversified, the greater part being red, with some black yellow, or green stripes on the sides, following the curve direction of thecrest. These, probably, complete the dress, with the cloaks, for thenatives sometimes appeared in both together. 

We were at a loss to guess from whence they could get such a quantityof these beautiful feathers, but were soon informed as to one sort, for they afterward brought great numbers of skins of small red birdsfor sale, which were often tied up in bunches of twenty or more, orhad a small wooden skewer run through their nostrils. At the first, those that were bought, consisted only of the skin from behindthe wings forward, but we afterwards got many with the hind part, including the tail and feet. The first, however, struck us at oncewith the origin of the fable formerly adopted, of the birds ofparadise wanting legs, and sufficiently explained that circumstance. Probably the people of the islands east of the Moluccas, from whencethe skins of the birds of paradise are brought, cut off their feet, for the very reason assigned by the people of Atooi, for the likepractice, which was, that they thereby can preserve them with greaterease, without losing any part which they reckon valuable. The red-birdof our island was judged by Mr Anderson to be a species of _merops_, about the size of a sparrow, of a beautiful scarlet colour, with ablack tail and wings, and an arched bill, twice the length of thehead, which, with the feet, was also of a reddish colour. The contentsof the heads were taken out, as in the birds of paradise; but it didnot appear that they used any other method to preserve them, than bysimple drying, for the skins, though moist, had neither a tastenor smell that could give room to suspect the use of antiputrescentsubstances. [2]

[Footnote 2: It is matter of real curiosity to observe, how veryextensively the predilection for red feathers is spread throughoutall the islands of the Pacific Ocean; and the additional circumstance, mentioned in this paragraph, will, probably, be looked upon by thosewho amuse themselves in tracing the wonderful migrations of the samefamily, or tribe, as a confirmation of that hypothesis, (built indeedon other instances of resemblance, ) which considers New Guinea, andits neighbouring East India islands, from whence the Dutch bringtheir birds of Paradise, as originally peopled by the same race, whichCaptain Cook found at every island from New Zealand to this new group, to which Atooi belongs. 

What Mr Sonnerat tells us, about the bird of Paradise, agreesperfectly with the account here given of the preserved red-birds. Speaking of the _Papous_, he proceeds thus: "Ils nous présenterentplusieurs especes d'oiseaux, aussi élégants par leur forme, quebrillants par l'éclat de leur couleurs. La dépouille des oiseaux sertà la parure des Chefs, qui la portent attachée à leurs bonnets enforme d'aigrettes. _Mais en preparant les peaux, ils coupent lespieds_. Les Hollandois, qui trafiquent sur ces cotes, y achetent deces peaux ainsi préparées, les transportent en Perse, à Surate, dansles Indes, où ils les vendent fort chère aux habitans riches, quien font des aigrettes pour leurs turbans, et pour le casque desguerriers, et qui en parent leur chevaux. C'est de là qu'est venuel'opinion, qu'une de ces especes d'oiseaux (l'oiseau de pardis) _n'apoint de pattes_. Les Hollandois ont accrédité ces fables, qui, enjettant du merveilleux sur l'objet dont ils traffiquoient, étoient propres à le rendre plus précieux, et á en rechausser lavaleur. "--Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée, p. 154. --D. ]

In the night, and all the morning, on the 22d, it rained almostcontinually. The wind was at S. E. , S. S. E. , and S. , which brought in ashort, chopping sea; and as there were breakers little more than twocables length from the stern of our ship, her situation was none ofthe safest. The surf broke so high against the shore, that we couldnot land in our boats; but the day was not wholly lost, for thenatives ventured in their canoes, to bring off to the ships hogs androots, which they bartered as before. One of our visitors, on thisoccasion, who offered some fish-hooks to sale, was observed to havea very small parcel, tied to the string of one of them, which heseparated with great care, and reserved for himself, when he partedwith the hook. Being asked what it was, he pointed to his belly, andspoke something of its being dead, at the same time saying, it wasbad, as if he did not wish to answer any more questions about it. Onseeing him so anxious to conceal the contents of this parcel, he wasrequested to open it, which he did with great reluctance and somedifficulty, as it was wrapped up in many folds of cloth. We found thatit contained a thin bit of flesh, about two inches long, which, toappearance, had been dried, but was now wet with salt water. Itstruck us, that it might be human flesh, and that these people might, perhaps, eat their enemies, as we knew that this was the practice ofsome of the natives of the South Sea islands. The question being putto the person who produced it, he answered, that the flesh was partof a man. Another of his countrymen, who stood by him, was then asked, whether it was their custom to eat those killed in battle? and heimmediately answered in the affirmative. 

There were some intervals of fair weather in the afternoon, and thewind then inclined to the E. And N. E. But, in the evening, it veeredback again to S. S. E. , and the rain also returned, and continued allnight. Very luckily, it was not attended with much wind. We had, however, prepared for the worst, by dropping the small bower-anchor, and striking our top-gallant-yards. 

At seven o'clock the next morning, a breeze of wind springing up atN. E. , I took up the anchors, with a view of removing the ship fartherout. The moment that the last anchor was up, the wind veered to theE. , which made it necessary to set all the sail we could, in order toclear the shore; so that, before we had tolerable sea-room, we weredriven some distance to leeward. We made a stretch off, with a viewto regain the road; but having very little wind, and a strong currentagainst us, I found that this was not to be effected. I thereforedispatched Messrs King and Williamson ashore, with three boats, forwater, and to trade for refreshments. At the same time, I sent anorder to Captain Clerke to put to sea after me, if he should seethat I could not recover the road. Being in hopes of finding one, or perhaps a harbour, at the west end of the island, I was the lessanxious about getting back to my former station. But as I had sentthe boats thither, we kept to windward as much as possible, notwithstanding which, at noon, we were three leagues to leeward. Aswe drew near the west end of the island, we found the coast to roundgradually to the N. E. , without forming a creek, or cove, to shelter avessel from the force of the swell, which rolled in from the N. , and broke upon the shore in a prodigious surf, so that all hopes offinding a harbour here vanished. 

Several canoes came off in the morning, and followed us as we stoodout to sea, bartering their roots and other articles. Being veryaverse to believe these people to be cannibals, notwithstanding thesuspicious circumstance which had happened the day before, we tookoccasion now to make some more enquiries about this. A small woodeninstrument, beset with sharks teeth, had been purchased; and from itsresemblance to the saw or knife used by the New Zealanders, to dissectthe bodies of their enemies, it was suspected to have the same usehere. One of the natives being asked about this, immediately gave thename of the instrument, and told us, that it was used to cut out thefleshy part of the belly, when any person was killed. This explainedand confirmed the circumstance above-mentioned, of the person pointingto his belly. The man, however, from whom we now had this information, being asked, if his countrymen eat the part thus cut out? denied itstrongly, but, upon the question being repeated, shewed some degree offear, and swam to his canoe. Just before he reached it, he made signs, as he had done before, expressive of the use of the instrument. And anold man, who sat foremost in the canoe, being then asked whether theyeat the flesh? answered in the affirmative, and laughed, seeminglyat the simplicity of such a question. He affirmed the fact, on beingasked again; and also said, it was excellent food, or, as he expressedit, "savoury eating. "[3]

[Footnote 3: Of this there can be no doubt, if the assertions of thosewho have tried it be entitled to credit. When the reluctance, then, touse it is once overcome, there is no reason to think it would ever beabandoned, if it could be safely and conveniently procured. We haveinstances of this on record. Some persons necessitated, let us allow, to have recourse to it, have continued the practice, where the doingso required the repeated commission of murder. We formerly alluded toinstances of this kind, and we see in the case of the people beforeus, that hunger is not the only motive for so abominable a repast. Admitting even that it were the original one, we should expect thepractice to be relinquished whenever other food was to be had insufficient quantity. But this we know by many proofs is not the case;and perhaps, indeed, it will be found, that this odium is fully asprevalent in savage countries, where nature has been bountiful, asin those where a more stinted hand has inflicted poverty on theinhabitants. The causes, then, and the remedies of this most shockingenormity, are to be looked for in other circumstances than thescarcity or the profusion of food. Here we may be allowed to join inopinion with Dr Robertson. "Human flesh was never used as commonfood in any country, and the various relations concerning peoplewho reckoned it among the stated means of subsistence, flow from thecredulity and mistakes of travellers. The rancour of revenge firstprompted men to this barbarous action. " In addition to his opinion andthat of the authors quoted by him, in his History of America, lib. 4, the reader may advantageously consult Dr Forster's Observations. Ifthe sentiments maintained by these writers be correct, we may expectto find cannibalism in almost every country where the spirit ofrevenge is not curbed by principle, or directed by the authority of awell-organized government. Here the evidence of these voyages andof others which we could mention, must be allowed considerableimportance. There is the strongest reason, indeed, to believe that theinhabitants of all the South Sea islands are now chargeable with thisinhumanity, or are but recently recovered from its dominion. Wemight easily enlarge on this subject, but what has been said, it isprobable, is sufficient to direct the attention of the reader, whichis all we could find, room to do in the narrow compass of a note. But it is probable, that to most persons, the observations of a latenavigator, Captain Krusenstern, will be admitted as decisive of thequestion of fact, without further enquiry. They may have anothereffect too, viz. To destroy that delusion which many persons labourunder as to the innocence and amiableness of mankind in a state ofnature. "Notwithstanding, " says he, "the favourable account in CaptainCook's voyages of the Friendly, the Society, and the Sandwich islands, and the enthusiasm with which Forster undertakes their defence againstall those who should make use of any harsh expression with regardto them, I cannot refrain from declaring the inhabitants of all theislands of this ocean to be savages, but as ranking generally, perhapswith a very trifling exception, with those men who are still onedegree below the brute creation. In a word, they are all cannibals:We need only recollect the islanders who have already been proved tobelong to this class;--for instance, the New Zealanders, the cruelinhabitants of Fidji, the Navigateur, the Mendoza, Washington, theTolomon, and Sandwich islands, the islands of Louisiade and NewCaledonia. The good name which the inhabitants of the Friendly islandshad acquired has suffered very much by the affair of Captain Bligh, and the visit of D'Entrecasteaux, and it may now be maintained, withsome degree of certainty, that they have in this respect the sametaste as their neighbours in the Fidji islands, and the Isles desNavigateurs. " He has more to the same effect, and is particular inshewing how even the Society islanders, whom he admits to be themost humane and civilized of all the natives of this region, arenotwithstanding deformed with horrid crimes, from which the passageto cannibalism is very easy, supposing even that certain suspiciouscircumstances do not warrant the opinion that they are but recentlyemerged from it. And as to the people of New Caledonia, again, of whomCook spoke so highly, he alludes to the more recent information ofD'Entrecasteaux, as giving indisputable proof of their being addictedto the same abominable enormity. --E. ]

At seven o'clock in the evening, the boats returned, with two tons ofwater, a few hogs, a quantity of plantains, and some roots. Mr Kinginformed me, that a great number of the inhabitants were at thewatering or landing place. He supposed that they had come from allparts of the island. They had brought with them a great many fine fathogs to barter, but my people had not commodities with them equal tothe purchase. This, however, was no great loss, for we had alreadygot as many on board as we could well manage for immediate use, and, wanting the materials, we could not have salted them. Mr King alsotold me, that a great deal of rain had fallen ashore, whereas, outat sea, we had only a few showers; and that the surf had run so high, that it was with great difficulty our men landed, and got back intothe boats. 

We had light airs and calms, by turns, with showers of rain, allnight, and at day-break, in the morning of the 24th, we found that thecurrents had carried the ship to the N. W. And N. , so that the west endof the island, upon which we had been, called Atooi by the natives, bore E. , one league distant; another island, called Oreehoua, W. ByS. , and the high land of a third island, called Oneeheow, from S. W. ByW. To W. S. W. Soon after, a breeze sprung up at N. ; and, as I expectedthat this would bring the Discovery to sea, I steered for Oneeheow, in order to take a nearer view of it, and to anchor there, if I shouldfind a convenient place. I continued to steer for it, till past eleveno'clock, at which time we were about two leagues from it. But notseeing the Discovery, and being doubtful whether they could see us, Iwas fearful lest some ill consequence might attend our separatingso far. I therefore gave up the design of visiting Oneeheow for thepresent, and stood back to Atooi, with an intent to anchor again inthe road, to complete our water. At two o'clock in the afternoon, thenortherly wind died away, and was succeeded by variable light airs andcalms, that continued till eleven at night, with which we stretchedto the S. E. , till day-break in the morning of the 25th, when we tackedand stood in for Atooi road, which bore about N. From us; and, soonafter, we were joined by the Discovery. 

We fetched in with the land about two leagues to leeward of the road, which, though so near, we never could recover, for what we gained atone time, we lost at another; so that, by the morning of the 29th, thecurrents had carried us westward, within three leagues of Oneeheow. Being tired with plying so unsuccessfully, I gave up all thoughts ofgetting back to Atooi, and came to the resolution of trying, whetherwe could not procure what we wanted at the other island, which waswithin our reach. With this view, I sent the master in a boat, tosound the coast, to look out for a landing-place, and, if he shouldfind one, to examine if fresh water could be conveniently got inits neighbourhood. To give him time to execute his commission, wefollowed, under an easy sail, with the ships. As soon as we wereabreast, or to the westward of the south point of Oneeheow, we foundthirty, twenty-five, and twenty fathoms water, over a bottom of coralsand, a mile from the shore. 

At ten o'clock the master returned, and reported that he had landed inone place, but could find no fresh water; and that there was anchorageall along the coast. Seeing a village a little farther to leeward, andsome of the islanders, who had come off to the ships, informing us, that fresh water might be got there, I ran down, and came to an anchorbefore it, in twenty-six fathoms water, about three quarters of a milefrom the shore. The S. E. Point of the island bore S. 65° E. , threemiles distant; the other extreme of the island bore N. By E. , abouttwo or three miles distant; a peaked hill, inland, N. E. 1/4 E. ; andanother island, called Tahoora, which was discovered the precedingevening, bore S. 61° W. , distant seven leagues. 

Six or seven canoes had come off to us, before we anchored, bringingsome small pigs and potatoes, and a good many yams and mats. Thepeople in them resembled those of Atooi, and seemed to be equallywell acquainted with the use of iron, which they asked for also bythe names of _hamaite_ and _toe_, parting readily with all theircommodities for pieces of this precious metal. Several more canoessoon reached the ships, after they had anchored; but the natives inthese seemed to have no other object, than to pay us a formal visit. Many of them came readily on board, crouching down upon the deck, andnot quitting that humble posture, till they were desired to get up. They had brought several females with them, who remained alongside inthe canoes, behaving with far less modesty than their countrywomen ofAtooi; and, at times, all joining in a song, not remarkable for itsmelody, though performed in very exact concert, by beating time upontheir breasts with their hands. The men who had come on board didnot stay long; and before they departed, some of them requested ourpermission to lay down, on the deck, locks of their hair. 

These visitors furnished us with an opportunity of agitating again, this day, the curious enquiry, whether they were cannibals; and thesubject did not take its rise from any questions of ours, but froma circumstance that seemed to remove all ambiguity. One of theislanders, who wanted to get in at the gun-room port, was refused, andat the same time asked, whether, if he should come in, we would killand eat him? accompanying this question with signs so expressive, thatthere could be no doubt about his meaning. This gave a proper openingto retort the question as to this practice; and a person behind theother, in the canoe, who paid great attention to what was passing, immediately answered, that if we were killed on shore, they wouldcertainly eat us. He spoke with so little emotion, that it appearedplainly to be his meaning, that they would not destroy us for thatpurpose, but that their eating us would be the consequence of ourbeing at enmity with them. I have availed myself of Mr Anderson'scollections for the decision of this matter, and am sorry to say, that I cannot see the least reason to hesitate in pronouncing it tobe certain, that the horrid banquet of human flesh is as much relishedhere, amidst plenty, as it is in New Zealand. 

In the afternoon, I sent Lieutenant Gore, with three armed boats, tolook for the most convenient landing-place; and, when on shore, tosearch for fresh water. In the evening he returned, having landedat the village above-mentioned, and acquainted me that he had beenconducted to a well half a mile up the country; but, by his account, the quantity of water it contained was too inconsiderable for ourpurpose, and the road leading to it exceedingly bad. 

On the 30th, I sent Mr Gore ashore again, with a guard of marines, anda party to trade with the natives for refreshments. I intended to havefollowed soon after, and went from the ship with that design. But thesurf had increased so much by this time, that I was fearful, if I gotashore, I should not be able to get off again. This really happened toour people who had landed with Mr Gore, the communication between themand the ships, by our own boats, being stopped. In the evening, theymade a signal for the boats, which were sent accordingly; and, notlong after, they returned with a few yams and some salt. A tolerablequantity of both had been procured in the course of the day; but thesurf was so great, that the greatest part of both these articles hadbeen lost in conveying them to the boats. The officer and twenty men, deterred by the danger of coming off, were left ashore all night; and, by this unfortunate circumstance, the very thing happened, which, asI have already mentioned, I wished so heartily to prevent, and vainlyimagined I had effectually guarded against. The violence of the surf, which our own boats could not act against, did not hinder thenatives from coming off to the ships in their canoes. They broughtrefreshments with them, which were purchased in exchange for nails, and pieces of iron-hoops; and I distributed a good many pieces ofribbon, and some buttons, as bracelets, amongst the women in thecanoes. One of the men had the figure of a lizard punctured uponhis breast, and upon those of others were the figures of men badlyimitated. These visitors informed us, that there was no chief, or_Hairee_, of this island; but that it was subject to Teneooneoo, achief of Atooi; which island, they said, was not governed by a singlechief, but that there were many to whom they paid the honour of_moe_, or prostration; and, amongst others, they named, Otaeaio andTerarotoa. Among other things, which these people now brought off, wasa small drum, almost like those of Otaheite. 

About ten or eleven o'clock at night, the wind veered to the S. , andthe sky seemed to forebode a storm. With such appearances, thinkingthat we were rather too near the shore, I ordered the anchors to betaken up, and having carried the ships into forty-two fathoms, cameto again in that safer station. The precaution, however, proved tobe unnecessary; for the wind, soon after, veered to N. E. , from whichquarter it blew a fresh gale, with squalls, attended with very heavyshowers of rain. 

This weather continued all the next day; and the sea ran so high, thatwe had no manner of communication with our party on shore; and eventhe natives themselves durst not venture out to the ships in theircanoes. In the evening, I sent the master in a boat up to the S. E. Head, or point of the island, to try if he could land under it. Hereturned with a favourable report; but it was too late, now, to sendfor our party till the next morning; and thus they had another nightto improve their intercourse with the natives. 

Encouraged by the master's report, I sent a boat to the S. E. Point, as soon as day-light returned, with an order to Mr Gore, that, ifhe could not embark his people from the spot where they now were, tomarch them up to the point. As the boat could not get to the beach, one of the crew swam ashore, and carried the order. On the return ofthe boat, I went myself with the pinnace and launch up to the point, to bring the party on board; taking with me a ram-goat and two ewes, a boar and sow-pig of the English breed, and the seeds of melons, pumpkins, and onions, being very desirous of benefiting these poorpeople, by furnishing them with some additional articles of food. Ilanded with the greatest ease, under the west side of the point, andfound my party already there, with some of the natives in company. Toone of them, whom Mr Gore had observed assuming some command overthe rest, I gave the goats, pigs, and seeds. I should have left thesewell-intended presents at Atooi, had we not been so unexpectedlydriven from it. 

While the people were engaged in filling four water-casks, from asmall stream occasioned by the late rain, I walked a little way upthe country, attended by the man above-mentioned, and followed by twoothers carrying the two pigs. As soon as we got upon a rising ground, I stopped to look round me, and observed a woman, on the opposite sideof the valley where I landed, calling to her countrymen who attendedme. Upon this, the chief began to mutter something which I supposedwas a prayer; and the two men, who carried the pigs, continued to walkround me all the time, making, at least, a dozen circuits before theother had finished his oration. This ceremony being performed; weproceeded, and presently met people coming from all parts, who, onbeing called to by my attendants, threw themselves prostrate on theirfaces, till I was out of sight. The ground, through which I passed, was in a state of nature, very stony, and the soil seemed poor. Itwas, however, covered with shrubs and plants, some of which perfumedthe air, with a more delicious fragrancy than I had met with at anyother of the islands visited by us in this ocean. Our people, who hadbeen obliged to remain so long on shore, gave me the same accountof those parts of the island which they had traversed. They met withseveral salt ponds, some of which had a little water remaining, butothers had none; and the salt that was left in them was so thin, thatno great quantity could have been procured. There was no appearance ofany running stream; and though they found some small wells, in whichthe fresh water was tolerably good, it seemed scarce. The habitationsof the natives were thinly scattered about; and it was supposed, thatthere could not be more than five hundred people upon the island, asthe greatest part were seen at the marketing-place of our party, andfew found about the houses by those who walked up the country. Theyhad an opportunity of observing the method of living amongst thenatives, and it appeared to be decent and cleanly. They did not, however, see any instance of the men and women eating together; andthe latter seemed generally associated in companies by themselves. Itwas found, that they burnt here the oily nuts of the _dooe dooe_ forlights in the night, as at Otaheite; and that they baked their hogsin ovens, but, contrary to the practice of the Society and FriendlyIslands, split the carcases through their whole length. They metwith a positive proof of the existence of the _taboo_ (or, as theypronounce it, the _tafoo_), for one woman fed another who wasunder that interdiction. They also observed some other mysteriousceremonies; one of which was performed by a woman, who took a smallpig, and threw it into the surf, till it was drowned, and then tied upa bundle of wood, which she also disposed of in the same manner. Thesame woman, at another time, beat with a stick upon a man's shoulders, who sat down for that purpose. A particular veneration seemed to bepaid here to owls, which they have very tame; and it was observed tobe a pretty general practice amongst them, to pull out one of theirteeth;[4] for which odd custom, when asked the reason, the only answerthat could be got was, that it was _teeha_, which was also the reasonassigned for another of their practices, the giving a lock of theirhair. 

[Footnote 4: It is very remarkable, that, in this custom, which onewould think is so unnatural, as not to be adopted by two differenttribes, originally unconnected, the people of this island, andDampier's natives on the west side of New Holland, at such an immensedistance, should be found to agree. --D. ]

After the water-casks had been filled and conveyed into the boat, andwe had purchased from the natives a few roots, a little salt, and somesalted fish, I returned on board with all the people, intendingto visit the island the next day. But, about seven o'clock in theevening, the anchor of the Resolution started, and she drove off thebank. As we had a whole cable out, it was some time before the anchorwas at the bows; and then we had the launch to hoist up alongside, before we could make sail. By this unlucky accident, we foundourselves, at day-break next morning, three leagues to the leeward ofour last station; and, foreseeing that it would require more time torecover it than I chose to spend, I made the signal for the Discoveryto weigh and join us. This was done about noon, and we immediatelystood away to the northward, in prosecution of our voyage. Thus, afterspending more time about these islands than was necessary to haveanswered all our purposes, we were obliged to leave them before we hadcompleted our water, and got from them such a quantity of refreshmentsas their inhabitants were both able and willing to have suppliedus with. But, as it was, our ship procured from them provisions, sufficient for three weeks at least; and Captain Clerke, morefortunate than us, got, of their vegetable productions, a supply thatlasted his people upward of two months. The observations I was enabledto make, combined with those of Mr Anderson, who was a very usefulassistant on all such occasions, will furnish materials for the nextsection. 

SECTION XII. 

_The Situation of the Islands now discovered. --TheirNames. --Called the Sandwich Islands. --Atooi described. --TheSoil. --Climate. --Vegetable Productions. --Birds. --Fish. --DomesticAnimals. --Persons of the Inhabitants. --TheirDisposition. --Dress. --Ornaments. --Habitations. --Food. --Cookery. --Amusements. --Manufactures. --Working-tools. --Knowledgeof Iron accounted for. --Canoes. --Agriculture. --Account of one oftheir Chiefs. --Weapons. --Customs agreeing with those of Tongataboo andOtaheite. --Their Language the same. --Extent of this Nation throughoutthe Pacific Ocean. --Reflections on the useful Situation of theSandwich Islands. _

It is worthy of observation, that the islands in the Pacific Ocean, which our late voyages have added to the geography of the globe, have been generally found lying in groups or clusters; the singleintermediate islands, as yet discovered, being few in proportionto the others; though, probably, there are many more of them stillunknown, which serve as steps between the several clusters. Of whatnumber this newly-discovered Archipelago consists, must be left forfuture investigation. We saw five of them, whose names, as given tous by the natives, are Woahoo, Atooi, Oneeheow, Orrehoua, and Tahoora. The last is a small elevated island, lying four or five leagues fromthe S. E. Point of Oneeheow, in the direction of S. , 69° W. We weretold, that it abounds with birds, which are its only inhabitants. Wealso got some information of the existence of a low uninhabited islandin the neighbourhood, whose name is Tammata pappa. Besides thesesix, which we can distinguish by their names, it appeared, that theinhabitants of those with whom we had intercourse, were acquaintedwith some other islands both to the eastward and westward. I named thewhole group the Sandwich Islands, in honour of the Earl of Sandwich. Those that I saw, are situated between the latitude of 21° 30', and22° 15' N. , and between the longitude of 199° 20', and 201° 30' E. 

Of Woahoo, the most easterly of these islands, seen by us, which liesin the latitude of 21° 36', we could get no other intelligence, butthat it is high land, and is inhabited. 

We had opportunities of knowing some particulars about Oneeheow, whichhave been mentioned already. It lies seven leagues to the westwardof our anchoring-place at Atooi; and is not above fifteen leagues incircuit. Its chief vegetable produce is yams, if we may judge fromwhat was brought to us by the natives. They have salt, which they call_patai_, and is produced in salt ponds. With it they cure both fishand pork; and some salt fish, which we got from them, kept very well, and were found to be very good. This island is mostly low land, exceptthe part facing Atooi, which rises directly from the sea to a goodheight; as does also the S. E. Point of it, which terminates in a roundhill. It was on the west side of this point where our ships anchored. 

Of Oreehoua we know nothing more than that it is a small elevatedisland, lying close to the north side of Oneeheow. 

Atooi, which is the largest, being the principal scene of ouroperations, I shall now proceed to lay before my readers whatinformation I was able to collect about it, either from actualobservation, while on shore, or from conversation with itsinhabitants, who were perpetually on board the ships while we lay atanchor; and who, in general, could be tolerably well understood, bythose of us who had acquired an acquaintance with the dialects of theSouth Pacific Islands. It is, however, to be regretted, that we shouldhave been obliged, so soon, to leave a place, which, as far as ouropportunities of knowing reached, seemed to be highly worthy of a moreaccurate examination. 

Atooi, from what we saw of it, is, at least, ten leagues in lengthfrom east to west; from whence its circuit may nearly be guessed, though it appears to be much broader at the east than at the westpoint, if we may judge from the double range of hills which appearedthere. The road, or anchoring-place, which we occupied, is on thesouth-west side of the island, about six miles from the west end, before a village which has the name of Wymoa. As far as we sounded, wefound, that the bank has a fine grey sand at the bottom, and is freefrom rocks; except a little to the eastward of the village, wherethere spits out a shoal, on which are some rocks and breakers; butthey are not far from the shore. This road would be entirely shelteredfrom the trade-wind, if the height of the land, over which it blows, did not alter its direction, and make it follow that of the coast; sothat it blows at N. E. , on one side of the island, and at E. S. E. , orS. E. , on the other, falling obliquely upon the shore. Thus the road, though situated on the lee side of the island, is a little exposed tothe trade-wind; but, notwithstanding this defect, is far from being abad station, and much superior to those which necessity obliges shipsdaily to use, in regions where the winds are both more variable andmore boisterous; as at Teneriffe, Madeira, the Azores, and elsewhere. The landing too is more easy than at most of those places; and, unlessin very bad weather, always practicable. The water to be got in theneighbourhood is excellent, and easy to be conveyed to the boats. But no wood can be cut at any distance, convenient enough to bring itfrom, unless the natives could be prevailed upon to part with the few_etooa_ trees (for so they call the _cordia sebestina_, ) that growabout their villages, or a sort called _dooe dooe_, that grow fartherup the country. 

The land, as to its general appearance, does not, in the least, resemble any of the islands we have hitherto visited within thetropic, on the south side of the _equator_; if we except its hillsnear the centre, which are high, but slope gently to the sea, or lowerlands. Though it be destitute of the delightful borders of Otaheite, and of the luxuriant plains of Tongataboo, covered with trees, whichat once afford a friendly shelter from the scorching sun, and anenchanting prospect to the eye, and food for the natives, which maybe truly said to drop from the trees into their mouths, without thelaborious task of rearing; though, I say, Atooi be destitute of theseadvantages, its possessing a greater quantity of gently-rising land, renders it, in some measure, superior to the above favourite islands, as being more capable of improvement. 

The height of the land within, the quantity of clouds which we saw, during the whole time we staid, hanging over it, and frequently onthe other parts, seems to put it beyond all doubt, that there is asufficient supply of water; and that there are some running streamswhich we did not see, especially in the deep valleys, at the entranceof which the villages commonly stand. From the wooded part to the sea, the ground is covered with an excellent sort of grass, about two feethigh, which grows sometimes in tufts, and, though not very thickat the place where we were, seemed capable of being converted intoplentiful crops of fine hay. But not even a shrub grows naturally onthis extensive space. 

In the break, or narrow valley, through which we had our road to the_morai_, the soil is of a brownish black colour, somewhat loose; butas we advanced upon the high ground, it changed to a reddish brown, more stiff and clayey, though, at this time, brittle from its dryness. It is most probably the same all over the cultivated parts; for, whatadhered to most of the potatoes, bought by us, which, no doubt, camefrom very different spots, was of this sort. Its quality, however, maybe better understood from its products, than from its appearance. Forthe vale, or moist ground, produces _taro_, of a much larger size thanany we had ever seen; and the higher ground furnishes sweet potatoes, that often weigh ten, and sometimes twelve or fourteen pounds; veryfew being under two or three. 

The temperature of the climate may be easily guessed from thesituation of the island. Were we to judge of it from our experience, it might be said to be very variable; for, according to the generallyreceived opinion, it was now the season of the year, when the weatheris supposed to be most settled, the sun being at his greatest annualdistance. The heat was at this time very moderate; and few of thoseinconveniences, which many tropical countries are subject to, eitherfrom heat or moisture, seem to be experienced here, as the habitationsof the natives are quite close; and they salt both fish and pork, which keep well, contrary to what has usually been observed to be thecase, when this operation is attempted in hot countries. Neitherdid we find any dews of consequence, which may, in some measure, beaccounted for, by the lower part of the country being destitute oftrees. 

The rock that forms the sides of the Valley, and which seems to bethe same with that seen by us at different parts of the coast, isa greyish black, ponderous stone; but honey-combed, with somevery minute shining particles, and some spots of a rusty colourinterspersed. The last gives it often a reddish cast, when at adistance. It is of an immense depth, but seems divided into _strata_, though nothing is interposed. For the large pieces always broke offto a determinate thickness, without appearing to have adhered to thosebelow them. Other stones are probably much more various, than inthe southern islands. For, during our short stay, besides the _lapislydius_, which seems common all over the South Sea, we found a speciesof cream-coloured whetstone, sometimes variegated with blacker orwhiter veins, as marble; or in pieces, as _brecciæ_; and commonwriting slate, as well as a coarser sort; but we saw none of them intheir natural state; and the natives brought some pieces of a coarsewhitish pumice-stone. We got also a brown sort of _hæmatites_, which, from being strongly attracted by the magnet, discovered the quantityof metal that it contained, and seems to belong to the secondspecies of Cronstedt, though Linnæus has placed it amongst his_intractabilia_. But its variety could not be discovered; for what wesaw of it, as well as the slates and whetstones, was cut artificially. 

Besides the vegetable articles bought by us as refreshments, amongstwhich were, at least, five or six varieties of plantains, the islandproduces bread-fruit; though it seems to be scarce, as we saw only onetree, which was large, and had some fruit upon it. There are also afew cocoa-palms; yams, as we were told, for we saw none; the _kappe_of the Friendly Islands, or Virginian _arum_; the _etooa_ tree, andsweet-smelling _gardenia_, or _cape jasmine_. We saw several treesof the _dooe dooe_, so useful at Otaheite, as bearing the oily nuts, which are stuck upon a kind of skewer, and burnt as candles. Ourpeople saw them used, in the same manner, at Oneeheow. We were noton shore at Atooi but in the day-time, and then we saw the nativeswearing these nuts, hung on strings, round the neck. There is aspecies of _sida_, or Indian mallow, somewhat altered, by the climate, from what we saw at Christmas Island; the _morinda citrifolia_, which is called _none_; a species of _convolvulus_; the _ava_, orintoxicating pepper; and great numbers of gourds. These last grow toa very large size, and are of a vast variety of shapes, which probablyis effected by art. Upon the dry sand, about the village, grew aplant, that we had never seen in these seas, of the size of a commonthistle, and prickly, like that; but bearing a fine flower, almostresembling a white poppy. This, with another small one, were the onlyuncommon plants, which our short excursion gave us an opportunity ofobserving. 

The scarlet birds, already described, which were brought for sale, were never met with alive; but we saw a single small one, about thesize of a canary-bird, of a deep crimson colour; a large owl; twolarge brown hawks, or kites; and a wild duck. The natives mentionedthe names of several other birds; amongst which we knew the _otoo_, orblueish heron; and the _torata_, a sort of whimbrel, which are knownby the same names at Otaheite; and it is probable, that there are agreat many sorts, judging by the quantity of fine yellow, green, andvery small, velvet-like, black feathers used upon the cloaks, andother ornaments worn by the inhabitants. 

Fish and other marine productions were, to appearance, not various;as, besides the small mackarel, we only saw common mullets; a sort ofa dead white, or chalky colour; a small brownish rock-fish, spottedwith blue; a turtle, which was penned up in a pond; and three or foursorts of fish salted. The few shell-fish that we saw, were chieflyconverted into ornaments, though they neither had beauty nor noveltyto recommend them. 

The hogs, dogs, and fowls, which were the only tame or domesticanimals that we found here, were all of the same kind that we met withat the South Pacific Islands. There were also small lizards, and somerats, resembling those seen at every island at which we had, as yet, touched. 

The inhabitants are of a middling stature, firmly made, with someexceptions, neither remarkable for a beautiful shape, nor for strikingfeatures, which rather express an openness and good-nature, than akeen intelligent disposition. Their visage, especially amongst thewomen, is sometimes round; but others have it long; nor can we saythat they are distinguished as a nation, by any general cast ofcountenance. Their colour is nearly of a nut-brown; and. It may bedifficult to make a nearer comparison, if we take in all the differenthues of that colour; but some individuals are darker. The women havebeen already mentioned as being little more delicate than the men intheir formation; and I may say, that, with a very few exceptions, theyhave little claim to those peculiarities that distinguish the sex inother countries. There is, indeed, a more remarkable equality in thesize, colour, and figure of both sexes, than in most places I havevisited. However, upon the whole, they are far from being ugly, andappear to have few natural deformities of any kind. Their skin is notvery soft, nor shining; perhaps for want of oiling, which is practisedat the southern islands; but their eyes and teeth are, in general, very tolerable. The hair, for the greatest part is straight, though insome frizzling; and though its natural colour be commonly black, itis stained, as at the Friendly and other islands. We saw but fewinstances of corpulence; and these oftener amongst the women than themen; but it was chiefly amongst the latter that personal defects wereobserved, though, if any of them can claim a share of beauty, it wasmost conspicuous amongst the young men. 

They are vigorous, active, and most expert swimmers; leaving theircanoes upon the most trifling occasion, diving under them, andswimming to others, though at a great distance. It was very common tosee women with infants at the breast, when the surf was so high, that they could not land in the canoes, leap overboard, and, withoutendangering their little ones, swim to the shore, through a sea thatlooked dreadful. 

They seem to be blest with a frank cheerful disposition; and were I todraw any comparisons, should say, that they are equally free from thefickle levity which distinguishes the natives of Otaheite, and thesedate east observable amongst many of those of Tongataboo. They seemto live very sociably in their intercourse with one another; and, except the propensity to thieving, which seems innate in most of thepeople we have visited in this ocean, they were exceedingly friendlyto us. And it does their sensibility no little credit, withoutflattering ourselves, that when they saw the various articles of ourEuropean manufacture, they could not help expressing their surprise, by a mixture of joy and concern, that seemed to apply the case as alesson of humility to themselves; and, on all occasions, they appeareddeeply impressed with a consciousness of their own inferiority; abehaviour which equally exempts their national character from thepreposterous pride of the more polished Japanese, and of the ruderGreenlander. It was a pleasure to observe with how much affectionthe women managed their infants, and how readily the men lent theirassistance to such a tender office; thus sufficiently distinguishingthemselves from those savages, who esteem a wife and child as thingsrather necessary, than desirable or worthy of their notice. 

From the numbers which we saw collected at every village, as we sailedpast, it may be supposed, that the inhabitants of this islandare pretty numerous. Any computation, that we make, can be onlyconjectural. But, that some notion may be formed, which shall notgreatly err on either side, I would suppose, that, including thestraggling houses, there might be, upon the whole island, sixty such, villages, as that before which we anchored; and that, allowing fivepersons to each house, there would be, in every village, five hundred;or thirty thousand upon the island. This number is certainly notexaggerated; for we had sometimes three thousand persons at least uponthe beach; when it could not be supposed that above a tenth part ofthe inhabitants were present. 

The common dress both of the women and of the men has been alreadydescribed. The first have often much larger pieces of cloth wrappedround them, reaching from just below the breasts to the hams or lower;and several were seen with pieces thrown loosely about the shoulders, which covered the greatest part of the body; but the children whenvery young are quite naked. They wear nothing upon the head; but thehair in both sexes is cut in different forms; and the general fashion, especially among the women, is to have it long before and shortbehind. The men often had it cut or shaved on each side, in such amanner, that the remaining part, in some measure, resembles the crestof their caps or helmets formerly described. Both sexes, however, seemvery careless about their hair, and have nothing like combs to dressit with. Instances of wearing it in a singular manner were sometimesmet with among the men, who twist it into a number of separateparcels, like the tails of a wig, each about the thickness of afinger; though the greatest part of these, which are so long that theyreach far down the back, we observed were artificially fixed upon thehead over their own hair. [1]

[Footnote 1: The print of Horn Island, which we meet with in MrDalrymple's account of Le Maire and Schouten's voyage, represents someof the natives of that island with such long tails hanging from theirheads as are here described. See Dalrymple's Voyages to the SouthPacific, vol. Ii. P. 58. --D]

It is remarkable, that, contrary to the general practice of theislands we had hitherto discovered in the Pacific Ocean, the people ofthe Sandwich Islands have not their ears perforated; nor have theythe least idea of wearing ornaments in them. Both sexes, nevertheless, adorn themselves with necklaces made of bunches of small black cord, like our hat-string, often above a hundred-fold; exactly like thoseof Wateeoo; only that instead of the two little balls on the middlebefore, they fix a small bit of wood, stone, or shell, about twoinches long, with a broad hook turning forward at its lower part wellpolished. They have likewise necklaces of many strings of very smallshells, or of the dried flowers of the Indian mallow. And sometimes asmall human image of bone, about three inches long, neatly polished, is hung round the neck. The women also wear bracelets of a singleshell, pieces of black wood, with bits of ivory interspersed and wellpolished, fixed by a string drawn very closely through them; or othersof hogs' teeth laid parallel to each other, with the concave partoutward, and the points cut off, fastened together as the former; someof which made only of large boars' tusks are very elegant. The mensometimes wear plumes of the tropic-bird's feathers stuck in theirheads; or those of cocks, fastened round neat polished sticks two feetlong, commonly decorated at the lower part with _oora_; and for thesame purpose, the skin of a white dog's tail is sewed over a stickwith its tuft at the end. They also frequently wear on the head akind of ornament of a finger's thickness or more, covered with redand yellow feathers curiously varied and tied behind; and on the arm, above the elbow, a kind of broad shell-work, grounded upon net-work. 

The men are frequently punctured, though not in any particular part, as the Otaheiteans and those of Tongataboo. Sometimes there are a fewmarks upon their hands or arms, and near the groin; but frequently wecould observe none at all; though a few individuals had more ofthis sort of ornament, than we had usually seen at other places, andingeniously executed in a great variety of lines and figures on thearms and fore-part of the body; on which latter, some of them had thefigure of the _taame_, or breast-plate of Otaheite, though we did notmeet with the thing itself amongst them. Contrary to the custom of theSociety and Friendly Islands, they do not slit or cut off part of the_prepuce_; but have it universally drawn over the _glans_, and tiedwith a string as practised by some of the natives of New Zealand. 

Though they seem to have adopted the mode of living in villages, thereis no appearance of defence or fortification near any of them; and thehouses are scattered about without any order, either with respect totheir distances from each other, or their position in any particulardirection. Neither is there any proportion as to their size; somebeing large and commodious, from forty to fifty feet long, and twentyor thirty broad, while others of them are mere hovels. Their figure isnot unlike oblong corn or hay-stacks; or, perhaps, a better idea maybe conceived of them, if we suppose the roof of a barn placed on theground, in such a manner as to form a high, acute ridge, with twovery low sides hardly discernible at a distance. The gable at each endcorresponding to the sides, makes these habitations perfectly closeall round; and they are well thatched with long grass, which is laidon slender poles disposed with some regularity. The entrance is madeindifferently in the end or side, and is an oblong hole, so low, thatone must rather creep than walk in; and is often shut up by a boardof planks fastened together, which serves as a door, but having nohinges, must be removed occasionally. No light enters the house butby this opening; and though such close habitations may afford acomfortable retreat in bad weather, they seem but ill adapted to thewarmth of the climate. They are, however, kept remarkably clean; andtheir floors are covered with a large quantity of dried grass, overwhich they spread mats to sit and sleep upon. At one end stands a kindof bench about three feet high, on which their household utensils areplaced. The catalogue is not long. It consists of gourd-shells, whichthey convert into vessels that serve as bottles to hold water, and asbaskets to contain their victuals, and other things with covers ofthe same; and of a few wooden bowls and trenchers of different sizes. Judging from what we saw growing, and from what was brought to market, there can be no doubt, that the greatest part of their vegetablefood consists of sweet potatoes, _taro_, and plantains; and thatbread-fruit and yams are rather to be esteemed rarities. Of animalfood they can be in no want; as they have abundance of hogs, which runwithout restraint about the houses; and if they eat dogs, which is notimprobable, their stock of these seemed to be very considerable. Thegreat number of fishing-hooks found amongst them, shewed that theyderive no inconsiderable supply of animal food from the sea. But itshould seem, from their practice of salting fish, that the openness oftheir coast often interrupts the business of catching them; as itmay be naturally supposed, that no set of people would ever think ofpreserving quantities of food artificially, if they could dependupon a daily regular supply of it in its fresh state. This sort ofreasoning, however, will not account for their custom of salting theirpork, as well as their fish, which are preserved in gourd-shells. Thesalt, of which they use a great quantity for this purpose, is of a redcolour, not very coarse, and seems to be much the same with what ourstragglers found at Christmas Island. It has its colour doubtless froma mixture of the mud at the bottom of the part where it is formed; forsome of it that had adhered in lumps, was of a sufficient whitenessand purity. 

They bake their vegetable food with heated stones, as at the southernislands; and from the vast quantity, which we saw dressed at one time, we suspected that the whole village, or, at least, a considerablenumber of people joined in the use of a common oven. We did not seethem dress any animal food at this island; but Mr Gore's party, asalready mentioned, had an opportunity of satisfying themselves, thatit was dressed at Oneeheow in the same sort of ovens, which leaves nodoubt of this being also the practice in Atooi; especially as we metwith no utensil there that could be applied to the purpose of stewingor boiling. The only artificial dish we met with was a _taro_ pudding, which, though a disagreeable mess from its sourness, was greedilydevoured by the natives. They eat off a kind of wooden plates ortrenchers; and the women, as far as we could judge from one instance, if restrained from feeding at the same dish with the men, as atOtaheite, are at least permitted to eat in the same place near them. 

Their amusements seem pretty various; for during our shortstay, several were discovered. The dances at which they used thefeathered-cloaks and caps were not seen; but from the motions whichthey made with their hands on other occasions, when they sung, wecould form some judgment that they are, in some degree at least, similar to those we had met with at the southern islands, though notexecuted so skilfully. Neither had they amongst them either flutes orreeds, and the only two musical instruments which we observed wereof an exceedingly rude kind. One of them does not produce a melodyexceeding that of a child's rattle. It consists of what may be calleda conic cap inverted, but scarcely hollowed at the base above a foothigh, made of a coarse sedge-like plant, the upper part of which, and the edges, are ornamented with beautiful red feathers, and to thepoint, or lower part, is fixed a gourd-shell larger than the fist. Into this is put something to rattle, which is done by holding theinstrument by the small part, and shaking or rather moving it fromplace to place briskly, either to different sides or backward andforward just before the face, striking the breast with the other handat the same time. The other musical instrument (if either of themdeserve that name) was a hollow vessel of wood, like a platter, combined with the use of two sticks, on which one of our gentlemen sawa man performing. He held one of the sticks, about two feet long, aswe do a fiddle with one hand, and struck it with the other, which wassmaller, and resembled a drum-stick, in a quicker or slower measure;at the same time beating with his foot upon the hollow vessel thatlay inverted upon the ground, and thus producing a tune that was byno means disagreeable. This music was accompanied by the vocalperformance of some women, whose song had a pleasing and tendereffect. 

We observed great numbers of small polished rods, about four or fivefeet long, somewhat thicker than the rammer of a musket, with a tuftof long white dog's hair fixed on the small end. These are probablyused in their diversions. We saw a person take one of them in hishand, and holding it up, give a smart stroke, till he brought it intoan horizontal position, striking with the foot on the same side uponthe ground, and with his other hand beating his breast at the sametime. They play at bowls with pieces of whetstone mentioned before, ofabout a pound weight, shaped somewhat like a small cheese, but roundedat the sides and edges, which are very nicely polished; and they haveother bowls of the same sort, made of a heavy reddish, brown clay, neatly glazed over with a composition of the same colour, or of acoarse dark-grey slate. They also use, in the manner that we throwquoits, small flat rounded pieces of the writing slate of the diameterof the bowls, but scarcely a quarter of an inch thick, also wellpolished. From these circumstances, one would be induced to think thattheir games are rather trials of skill than of strength. 

In every thing manufactured by these people, there appears to be anuncommon degree of neatness and ingenuity. Their cloth, which isthe principal manufacture, is made from the _morus papyrifera_; anddoubtless in the same manner as at Otaheite and Tongataboo; forwe bought some of the grooved sticks with which it is beaten. Itstexture, however, though thicker, is rather inferior to that of thecloth of either of the other places; but in colouring or staining it, the people of Atooi display a superiority of taste, by the endlessvariation of figures which they execute. One would suppose, on seeinga number of their pieces, that they had borrowed their patterns fromsome mercer's shop, in which the most elegant productions of Chinaand Europe are collected; besides some original patterns of their own. Their colours, indeed, except the red, are not very bright; but theregularity of the figures and stripes is truly surprising; for, asfar as we know, they have nothing like stamps or prints, to make theimpressions. In what manner they produce their colours, we had notopportunities of learning; but, besides the party coloured sorts, theyhave some pieces of plain white cloth, and others of a single colour, particularly dark-brown and light-blue. In general, the pieces whichthey brought to us were about two feet broad, and four or five yardslong, being the form and quantity that they use for their common dressor _maro_; and even these we sometimes found were composed of piecessewed together; an art which we did not find to the southward, butis strongly, though not very neatly, performed here. There is also aparticular sort that is thin, much resembling oil-cloth; and which isactually either oiled or soaked in some kind of varnish, and seems toresist the action of water pretty well. 

They fabricate a great many white mats, which are strong, with manyred stripes, rhombuses, and other figures, interwoven on one side;and often pretty large. These probably make a part of their dressoccasionally; for they put them on their backs when they offered themto sale. But they make others coarser, plain and strong, which theyspread over their floors to sleep upon. 

They stain their gourd-shells prettily with undulated lines, triangles, and other figures of a black colour; instances of whichwe saw practised at New Zealand. And they seem to possess the art ofvarnishing; for some of these stained gourd-shells are covered witha kind of lacker; and, on other occasions, they use a strong size, orgluey substance, to fasten their things together. Their woodendishes and, bowls, out of which they drink their _ova_, are of the_etooa_-tree, or _cordia_, as neat as if made in our turning-lathe, and perhaps better polished. And amongst their articles of handicraft, may be reckoned small square fans of mat or wicker-work, with handlestapering from them of the same, or of wood; which are neatly wroughtwith small cords of hair, and fibres of the cocoa-nut coir intermixed. The great variety of fishing-hooks are ingeniously made; some of bone, others of wood pointed with bone, and many of pearl shell. Of thelast, some are like a sort that we saw at Tongataboo; and otherssimply curved, as the common sort at Otaheite, as well as the woodenones. The bones are mostly small, and composed of two pieces; and allthe different sorts have a barb, either on the inside, like ours, or on the outside, opposite the same part; but others have both, theouter one being farthest from the point. Of this last sort, one wasprocured nine inches long, of a single piece of bone, which doubtlessbelonged to some large fish. The elegant form and polish of this couldnot certainly be outdone by any European artist, even if he shouldadd all his knowledge in design to the number and convenience ofhis tools. They polish their stones by constant friction, withpumice-stone in water; and such of their working instruments, ortools, as I saw, resembled those of the Southern Islands. Theirhatchets, or rather adzes, were exactly of the same pattern, andeither made of the same sort of blackish stone, or of a clay-colouredone. They have also little instruments, made of a single shark'stooth, some of which are fixed to the fore-part of a dog's jawbone, and others to a thin wooden handle of the same shape; and at the otherend there is a bit of string fastened through a small perforation. These serve as knives occasionally, and are perhaps used in carving. 

The only iron tools, or rather bits of iron, seen amongst them, andwhich they had before our arrival, were a piece of iron hoop, about two inches long, fitted into a wooden handle;[2] and anotheredge-tool, which our people guessed to be made of the point of abroad-sword. Their having the actual possession of these, and theirso generally knowing the use of this metal, inclined some on boardto think that we had not been the first European visitors of theseislands. But it seems to me, that the very great surprise expressedby them on seeing our ships, and their total ignorance of the use offire-arms, cannot be reconciled with such a notion. There are manyways by which such people may get pieces of iron, or acquire theknowledge of the existence of such a metal, without having ever hadan immediate connection with nations that use it. It can hardly bedoubted, that it was unknown to all the inhabitants of this sea, before Magalhaens led the way into it; for no discoverer, immediatelyafter his voyage, ever found any of this metal in their possession;though, in the course of our late voyages, it has been observed, that the use of it was known at several islands, to which no formerEuropean ships had ever, as far as we know, found their way. At allthe places where Mendana touched in his two voyages, it must have beenseen and left; and this would extend the knowledge of it, no doubt, toall the various islands with which those whom he had visited had anyimmediate intercourse. It might even be carried farther; andwhere specimens of this favourite article could not be procured, descriptions might, in some measure, serve to make it known whenafterward seen. The next voyage to the southward of the Line, in whichany intercourse was had with the natives of this ocean, was that ofQuiros, who landed at Sagittaria, the Island of Handsome People, andat Tierra del Espiritu Santo; at all which places, and at those withwhom they had any communication, it must of consequence have been madeknown. To him succeeded, in this navigation, Le Maire and Schouten, whose connections with the natives commenced much farther to theeastward, and ended at Cocos and Horn Islands. It was not surprising, that when I visited Tongataboo, in 1773, I should find a bit of ironthere, as we knew that Tasman had visited it before me; but letus suppose, that he had never discovered the Friendly Islands, ourfinding iron, amongst them would have occasioned much speculation;though we have mentioned before the method by which they had gaineda renewal of their knowledge of this metal, which confirms myhypothesis. For Neeootaboo taboo, or Boscawen's Island, where CaptainWallis's ships left it, and from whence Poulaho received it, liessome degrees to the north-west of Tongataboo. It is well known, thatRoggewein lost one of his ships on the Pernicious Islands; which, fromtheir situation, are probably not unknown to, though not frequentlyvisited by, the inhabitants of Otaheite and the Society Islands. It isequally certain, that these last people had a knowledge of iron, andpurchased it with the greatest avidity, when Captain Wallis discoveredOtaheite; and this knowledge could only have been acquired throughthe medium of those neighbouring islands where it had been originallyleft. Indeed, they acknowledge that this was actually the case; andthey have told us since, that they held it in such estimation beforeCaptain Wallis's arrival, that a chief of Otaheite, who had got twonails into his possession, received no small emolument, by letting outthe use of these to his neighbours for the purpose of boring holes, when their own methods failed, or were thought too tedious. [3] Themen of the Society Islands whom we found at Wateeoo, had been driventhither, long after the knowledge and use of iron had thus beenintroduced amongst their countrymen; and though probably they hadno specimen of it with them, they would naturally, and with ease, communicate at that island their knowledge of this valuable materialby description. From the people of Wateeoo, again, those of Hervey'sIsland might derive that desire to possess some of it, of which we hadproofs during our short intercourse with them. 

[Footnote 2: Captain King, we are told, purchased this, and had it inhis possession at the time of publishing this account. --E. ]

[Footnote 3: A similar instance of profitable revenue, drawn from theuse of nails by the chiefs of the Caroline Islands, is mentioned byFather Cantova: "Si, par hazard, un vaisseau étranger laisse dansleurs Isles quelques vieux morceaux de fer, ils appartiennent dedroit aux Tamoles, qui en font faire des outils, le mieux qu'ilest possible. Ces outils sent un fond le Tamole tire un revenuconsiderable, car il les donne à louage, et ce louage se paye assezchere. "--P. 314. ]

The consideration of these facts sufficiently explains, how theknowledge of iron has been conveyed throughout this ocean to islandswhich never have had an immediate intercourse with Europeans; and itmay easily be conceived, that wherever the history of it only has beenreported, or a very small quantity of it has been left, the greatereagerness will be shewn by the natives to get copious supplies ofit. The application of these particulars to the instance now underconsideration, is obvious. The people of Atooi and Oneeheow, withouthaving ever been visited by Europeans before us, might have receivedit from intermediate islands lying between them and the Ladrones, which have been frequented by the Spaniards almost ever since the dateof Magalhaens's voyage. Or if the distant western situation of theLadrones should render this solution less probable, is there not theextensive continent of America to windward, where the Spaniards havebeen settled for more than two hundred years; during which long periodof time, shipwrecks must have frequently happened on its coasts?It cannot be thought at all extraordinary, that part of such wreckscontaining iron, should, by the easterly trade wind, be, from time totime, cast upon islands scattered about this vast ocean. The distanceof Atooi from America is no argument against this supposition. Buteven if it were, it would not destroy it. This ocean is traversedevery year by Spanish ships; and it is obvious, that, besides theaccident of losing a mast and its appendages, casks with iron hoops, and many other things containing iron, may be thrown or may falloverboard during so long a passage, and thus find their way to land. But these are not mere conjectures and possibilities; for one of mypeople actually did see some wood in one of the houses at Wymoa, whichhe judged to be fir. It was worm-eaten, and the natives gave him tounderstand, that it had been driven ashore by the waves of thesea; and we had their own express testimony, that they had got theinconsiderable specimens of iron, found amongst them, from some placeto the eastward. 

From this digression (if it can be called so) I return to theobservations made during our stay at Atooi; and some account must nowbe given of their canoes. These, in general, are about twenty-fourfeet long, and have the bottom, for the most part, formed of a singlepiece or log of wood, hollowed out to the thickness of an inch, or aninch and a half, and brought to a point at each end. The sides consistof three boards, each about an inch thick, and neatly fitted andlashed to the bottom part. The extremities, both at head and stern, are a little raised, and both are made sharp, somewhat like a wedge;but they flatten more abruptly; so that the two sideboards join eachother side by side, for more than a foot. As they are not more thanfifteen or eighteen inches broad, those that go single (for theysometimes join them as at the other islands) have outriggers, whichare shaped and fitted with more judgment than any I had before seen. They are rowed by paddles, such as we had generally met with; andsome of them have a light triangular sail, like those of the FriendlyIslands, extending to a mast and boom. The ropes used for their boats, and the smaller cords for their fishing-tackle, are strong and wellmade. 

What we saw of their agriculture, furnished sufficient proofs thatthey are not novices in that art. The vale ground has already beenmentioned as one continued plantation of _taro_, and a few otherthings, which have all the appearance of being well attended to. Thepotatoe fields, and spots of sugar-cane, or plantains on the highergrounds, are planted with the same regularity; and always in somedeterminate figure, generally as a square or oblong; but neitherthese, nor the others, are enclosed with any kind of fence, unlesswe reckon the ditches in the low grounds such, which, it is moreprobable, are intended to convey water to the _taro_. The greatquantity and goodness of these articles may also, perhaps, be as muchattributed to skilful culture as to natural fertility of soil, whichseems better adapted to them than to bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees;the few which we saw of these latter not being in a thriving state, which will sufficiently account for the preference given to theculture of the other articles, though more labour be required toproduce them. But, notwithstanding this skill in agriculture, thegeneral appearance of the island shewed, that it was capable of muchmore extensive improvement, and of maintaining, at least, three timesthe number of the inhabitants that are at present upon it; for the fargreater part of it, that now lies quite waste, seemed to be as good asoil as those parts of it that are in cultivation. We must thereforeconclude, that these people, from some cause, which we were not longenough amongst them to be able to trace, do not increase in thatproportion, which would make it necessary to avail themselves ofthe extent of their island, toward raising a greater quantity of itsvegetable productions for their subsistence. 

Though I did not see a chief of any note, there were however several, as the natives informed us, who reside upon Atooi, and to whom theyprostrate themselves as a mark of submission; which seems equivalentto the _moe_, _moea_, paid to the chiefs of the Friendly Islands, andis called here _hamoea_, or _moe_. Whether they were at first afraidto shew themselves, or happened to be absent, I cannot say; but, afterI had left the island, one of these great men made his appearance, andpaid a visit to Captain Clerke, on board the Discovery. He came offin a double canoe; and, like the king of the Friendly Islands, paidno regard to the small canoes that happened to lie in his way, butran against, or over them, without endeavouring in the least to avoidthem. And it was not possible for these poor people to avoid him, forthey could not manage their canoes; it being a necessary mark oftheir submission that they should lie down till he had passed. Hisattendants helped him into the ship, and placed him on the gangway. Their care of him did not cease then; for they stood round him, holding each other by the hands; nor would they suffer any one to comenear him but Captain Clerke himself. He was a young man, clothed fromhead to foot, and accompanied by a young woman, supposed to be hiswife. His name was said to be Tamahano. Captain Clerke made him somesuitable presents; and received from him, in return, a large bowl, supported by two figures of men, the carving of which, both as to thedesign and execution, shewed some degree of skill. This bowl, as ourpeople were told, used to be filled with the _kava_ or _ava_, (as itis called at Otaheite), which liquor they prepare and drink here as atthe other islands in this ocean. Captain Clerke could not prevailupon this great man to go below, nor to move from the place where hisattendants had first fixed him. After staying some time in the ship, he was carried again into his canoe, and returned to the island, receiving the same honours from all the natives as when he came onboard. The next day several messages were sent to Captain Clerke, inviting him to return the visit ashore, and acquainting him thatthe chief had prepared a large present on that occasion. But, beinganxious to get to sea, and join the Resolution, the Captain did notthink it advisable to accept of the invitation. 

The very short and imperfect intercourse which we had with thenatives, put it out of our power to form any accurate judgment of themode of government established amongst them; but, from the generalresemblance of customs, and particularly from what we observed of thehonours paid to their chiefs, it seems reasonable to believe, thatit is of the same nature with that which prevails throughout allthe islands we had hitherto visited; and probably their wars amongstthemselves are equally frequent. This, indeed, might be inferred fromthe number of weapons which we found them possessed of, and from, theexcellent order these were kept in. But we had direct proof of thefact from their own confession; and, as we understood, these warsare between the different districts of their own island, as well asbetween it and their neighbours of Oneeheow and Orrehoua, we needscarcely assign any other cause besides this to account for theappearance already mentioned, of their population bearing noproportion to the extent of their ground capable of cultivation. 

Besides their spears or lances, made of a fine chesnut-colouredwood, beautifully polished, some of which are barbed at one end, andflattened to a point at the other, they have a sort of weapon which wehad never seen before, and not mentioned by any navigator, as used bythe natives of the South Sea. It is somewhat like a dagger, in generalabout a foot and a half long, sharpened at one or both ends, andsecured to the hand by a string. Its use is to stab in close fight;and it seems well adapted to the purpose. Some of these may be calleddouble daggers, having a handle in the middle, with which they arebetter enabled to strike different ways. They have also bows andarrows; but, both from their apparent scarcity and their slender make, it may almost be presumed that they never use them in battle. Theknife or saw, formerly mentioned, with which they dissect the deadbodies, may also be ranked amongst their weapons, as they both strikeand cut with it when closely engaged. It is a small flat woodeninstrument, of an oblong shape, about a foot long, rounded at thecorners, with a handle almost like one sort of the _patoos_ of NewZealand; but its edges are entirely surrounded with sharks' teeth, strongly fixed to it, and pointing outward; having commonly a holein the handle, through which passes a long string, which is wrappedseveral times round the wrist. We also suspected that they use slingson some occasions; for we got some pieces of the _hæmatites_, or blood-stone, artificially made of an oval shape, dividedlongitudinally, with a narrow groove in the middle of the convex part. To this the person, who had one of them, applied a cord of no greatthickness, but would not part with it, though he had no objectionto part with the stone, which must prove fatal, when thrown with anyforce, as it weighed a pound. We likewise saw some oval pieces ofwhetstone, well polished, but somewhat pointed toward each end, nearlyresembling in shape some stones which we had seen at New Caledonia in1774, and used there in their slings. 

What we could learn of their religions institutions, and the manner ofdisposing of their dead, which may properly be considered as closelyconnected, has been already mentioned. And as nothing more stronglypoints out the affinity between the manners of these people and ofthe Friendly and Society Islands, I must just mention some othercircumstances to place this in a strong point of view, and at the sametime to shew how a few of the infinite modifications, of which a fewleading principles are capable, may distinguish any particular nation. The people of Tongataboo inter their dead in a very decent manner, and they also inter their human sacrifices; but they do not offer, orexpose any other animal, or even vegetable, to their gods, as far aswe know. Those of Otaheite do not inter their dead, but expose them towaste by time and putrefaction, though the bones are afterward buried;and as this is the case, it is very remarkable that they should interthe entire bodies of their human sacrifices. They also offer otheranimals and vegetables to their gods; but are by no means attentive tothe state of the sacred places where those solemn rites are performed;most of their _morais_ being in a ruinous condition, and bearingevident marks of neglect. The people of Atooi, again, inter both theircommon dead and human sacrifices, as at Tongataboo; but they resemblethose of Otaheite in the slovenly state of their religious places, andin offering vegetables and animals to their gods. 

The _taboo_ also prevails in Atooi in its full extent, and seeminglywith much more rigour than even at Tongataboo. For the people herealways asked, with great eagerness and signs of fear to offend, whether any particular thing, which they desired to see, or we wereunwilling to shew, was _taboo_, or, as they pronounced the word, _tafoo_? The _maia_, _ruä_, or forbidden articles at the SocietyIslands, though doubtless the same thing, did not seem to be sostrictly observed by them, except with respect to the dead, about whomwe thought them more superstitious than any of the others were. Butthese are circumstances with which we are not as yet sufficientlyacquainted to be decisive about; and I shall only just observe, toshew the similitude in other matters connected with religion, that thepriests, or _tahounas_, here, are as numerous as at the other islands;if we may judge, from our being able, during our short stay, todistinguish several saying their _poore_ or prayer. 

But whatever resemblance we might discover, in the general manners ofthe people of Atooi to those of Otaheite, these, of course, were lessstriking than the coincidence of language, indeed, the languages ofboth places may be said to be almost, word for word, the same. It istrue, that we sometimes remarked particular words to be pronouncedexactly as we had found at New Zealand and the Friendly Islands; but, though all the four dialects are indisputably the same, these people, in general, have neither the strong guttural pronunciation of theformer, nor a less degree of it, which also distinguishes the latter;and they have not only adopted the soft mode of the Otaheitans, inavoiding harsh sounds, but the whole idiom of their language; usingnot only the same affixes and suffixes to their words, but the samemeasure and cadence in their songs; though, in a manner, somewhat lessagreeable. There seems, indeed, at first hearing, some disagreement tothe ear of a stranger; but it ought to be considered, that the peopleof Otaheite, from their frequent connections with the English, had learnt it, in some measure, to adapt themselves to our scantyknowledge of their language, by using not only the most common, buteven corrupted expressions, in conversation with us; whereas, whenthey conversed among themselves, and used the several parts necessaryto propriety of speech, they were scarcely at all understood by thoseamongst us, who had made the greatest proficiency in their vocabulary. A catalogue of words was collected at Atooi by Mr Anderson, wholost no opportunity of making our voyage useful to those who amusethemselves in tracing the migrations of the various tribes or familiesthat have peopled the globe, by the most convincing of all arguments, that drawn from affinity of language. 

How shall we account for this nation's having spread itself, in somany detached islands, so widely disjoined from each other, in everyquarter of the Pacific Ocean! We find it, from New Zealand, in thesouth, as far as the Sandwich Islands to the north! And, in anotherdirection, from Easter Island to the Hebrides! that is, over an extentof sixty degrees of latitude, or twelve hundred leagues, north andsouth! and eighty-three degrees of longitude, or sixteen hundred andsixty leagues east and west! How much farther, in either direction, its colonies reach is not known; but what we know already, inconsequence of this and our former voyage, warrants us in pronouncingit to be, though perhaps not the most numerous, certainly, by far, themost extensive nation upon the earth. [4]

[Footnote 4: See more about the great extent of the colonies of thisnation in the Introductory Preface. ]

Had the Sandwich Islands been discovered at an early period by theSpaniards, there is little doubt that they would have taken advantageof so excellent a situation, and have made use of Atooi, or some otherof the islands, as a refreshing place to the ships that sail annuallyfrom Acapulco for Manilla. They lie almost midway between the firstplace and Guam, one of the Ladrones, which is at present their onlyport in traversing this vast ocean; and it would not have been aweek's sail out of their common route to have touched at them; whichcould have been done without running the least hazard of losing thepassage, as they are sufficiently within the verge of the easterlytrade-wind. An acquaintance with the Sandwich Islands would have beenequally favourable to our Buccaneers, who used sometimes to pass fromthe coast of America to the Ladrones, with a stock of food and waterscarcely sufficient to preserve life. Here they might always havefound plenty, and have been within a month's sure sail of the verypart of California, which the Manilla ship is obliged to make, or elsehave returned to the coast of America, thoroughly refitted, after anabsence of two months. How happy would Lord Anson have been, and whathardships would he have avoided, if he had known that there was agroup of islands half way between America and Tinian, where all hiswants could have been effectually supplied; and in describing which, the elegant historian of that voyage would have presented his readerwith a more agreeable picture than I have been able to draw in thischapter![5]

[Footnote 5: We defer considering the curious subject of the identityand origin of the people that inhabit the South Sea, till otherrelations shall have put the reader in possession of the factsrequisite for the discussion. Of the Sandwich Islands, we shallhereafter probably have mere complete information than is nowgiven. --E. ]

SECTION XIII. 

_Observations made at the Sandwich Islands, on the Longitude, Variation of the Compass and Tides. --Prosecution of theVoyage. --Remarks on the Mildness of the Weather, as far asthe Latitude 44° North. --Paucity of Sea Birds, in the NorthernHemisphere. --Small Sea Animals described. --Arrival on the Coastof America. --Appearance of the Country. --Unfavourable Winds andboisterous Weather. --Remarks on Martin de Aguilar's River, and Juande Fuca's pretended Strait. --An Inlet discovered, where the Shipsanchor. --Behaviour of the Natives. _

After the Discovery had joined us, we stood away to the northward, close hauled, with a gentle gale from the east; and nothing occurring, in this situation, worthy of a place in my narrative, the readerwill permit me to insert here the nautical observations which I hadopportunities of making relative to the islands we had left; and whichwe had been fortunate enough to add to the geography of this part ofthe Pacific Ocean. 

The longitude of the Sandwich Islands was determined by seventy-twosets of lunar observations; some of which were made while we were atanchor in the road of Wymoa; others before we arrived, and after weleft it, and reduced to it by the watch or time-keeper. By the meanresult of these observations, the longitude of the road is

 200° 13' 0" East. Time-keeper / Greenwich rate, 200° 0' 0" \ Ulietea rate, 200° 21' 0" The latitude of the road, by the \ mean of two meridian observations } 21° 56' 15" North. Of the sun /

The observations for the variation of the compass did not agree verywell among themselves. It is true, they were not all made exactlyin the same spot. The different situations, however, could make verylittle difference. But the whole will be seen, by casting an eye onthe following table. 

 Time. Latitude. Longitude. Compass. East Mean variation. Variation. Jan. 18th. A. M. 21° 12' 200° 41' Gregory's 10° 10' 10"\ Knight's 9° 20' 5" } 90° 51' 38" Martin's 10° 4' 40"/

 19th. P. M. 21° 51' 200° 20' Knight's 10° 2' 10"\ 10° 37' 10" Gregory's 11° 12' 30"/

 28th. A. M. 21° 22' 199° 56' Gregory's 9° 1' 20"\ Knight's 9° 1' 25" } 9° 26' 57" Martin's 10° 18' 5"/

 28th. P. M. 21° 36' 199° 50' Gregory's 11° 21' 15"\ Knight's 10° 40' 0" } 11° 12' 50" Martin's 11° 37' 50"/

 Means of the} 21° 29' 200° 12' 10° 17' 11" above }

 On January 18. 21° 12' 200° 41' the north end of the needle dipped 42° 1' 7". 

The tides at the Sandwich Islands are so inconsiderable, that, withthe great surf which broke against the shore, it was hardly possibleto tell, at any time, whether we had high or low water, or whetherit ebbed or flowed. On the south side of Atooi, we generally found acurrent setting to the westward, or north-westward. But when wewere at anchor off Oneeheow, the current set nearly north-west andsouth-east, six hours one way and six the other, and so strong as tomake the ships tend, though the wind blew fresh. This was certainlya regular tide; and, as far as I could judge, the flood came from thenorth-west. 

I now return to the progress of our voyage. On the 7th, being in thelatitude of 29° N. And in the longitude of 200° E. The wind veered toS. E. This enabled us to steer N. E. And E. ; which course we continued, till the 12th, when the wind had veered round by the S. And W. ToN. E. And E. N. E. I then tacked and stood to the northward, our latitudebeing 30° N. And our longitude 206° 15' E. Notwithstanding ouradvanced latitude, and its being the winter season, we had only begun, for a few days past, to feel a sensation of cold in the mornings andevenings. This is a sign of the equal and lasting influence ofthe sun's heat, at all seasons, to 30° on each side the line. Thedisproportion is known to become very great after that. This must beattributed almost entirely to the direction of the rays of the sun, independent of the bare distance, which is by no means equal to theeffect. 

On the 19th, being now in the latitude of 37° N. And in the longitudeof 206° E. The wind veered to S. E. ; and I was enabled again tosteer to the E. Inclining to the N. We had, on the 25th, reached thelatitude of 42° 30', and the longitude of 219°; and then we beganto meet with the rock-weed, mentioned by the writer of Lord Anson'svoyage, under the name of sea-leek, which the Manilla ships generallyfall in with. Now and then a piece of wood also appeared. But if wehad not known that the continent of North America was not far distant, we might, from the few signs of the vicinity of land hitherto metwith, have concluded, that there was none within some thousand leaguesof us. We had hardly seen a bird, or any other oceanic animal, sincewe left Sandwich Islands. 

On the 1st of March, our latitude being now 44° 49' N. , and ourlongitude 228° E. We had one calm day. This was succeeded by a windfrom the N. With which I stood to the E. Close hauled, in order tomake the land. According to the charts, it ought not to have been farfrom us. It was remarkable, that we should still carry with us suchmoderate and mild weather so far to the northward, and so near thecoast of an extensive continent, at this time of the year. The presentseason either must be uncommon for its mildness, or we can assign noreason why Sir Francis Drake should have met with such severe cold, about this latitude, in the month of June. Viscaino, indeed, who wasnear the same place in the depth of winter, says little of the cold, and speaks of a ridge of snowy mountains somewhere on the coast, as athing rather remarkable. [1] Our seeing so few birds, in comparison ofwhat we met with in the same latitudes to the south of the Line, is another singular circumstance, which must either proceed from ascarcity of the different sorts, or from a deficiency of placesto rest upon. From hence, we may conclude, that, beyond 40° in thesouthern hemisphere, the species are much more numerous, and the isleswhere they inhabit also more plentifully scattered about, than anywhere between the coast of California and Japan, in or near thatlatitude. 

[Footnote 1: See Torquemada's Narrative of Viscaino's Expeditionin 1602 and 1603, in the second volume of Vanegas's History ofCalifornia, English translation, from p. 229 to p. 308. --D. ]

During a calm, on the morning of the 2d, some parts of the sea seemedcovered with a kind of slime, and some small sea-animals were swimmingabout. The most conspicuous of which were of the gelatinous or_medusa_ kind, almost globular; and another sort smaller, that hada white or shining appearance, and were very numerous. Some of theselast were taken up, and put into a glass cup with some salt water, inwhich they appeared like small scales or bits of silver, when at rest, in a prone situation. When they began to swim about, which they did, with equal ease, upon their backs, sides, or belly, they emittedthe brightest colours of the most precious gems, according to theirposition with respect to the light. Sometimes they appeared quitepellucid, at other times assuming various tints of blue, from a palesapphirine to a deep violet colour; which were frequently mixed witha ruby or opaline redness; and glowed with a strength sufficient toilluminate the vessel and water. These colours appeared most vividwhen the glass was held to a strong light; and mostly vanished on thesubsiding of the animals to the bottom, when they had a brownish cast. But, with candle light, the colour was, chiefly, a beautiful palegreen, tinged with a burnished gloss; and, in the dark, it had afaint appearance of glowing fire. They proved to be a new species of_oniscus_, and, from their properties, were, by Mr Anderson, (to whomwe owe this account of them), called _oniscus fulgens_; being probablyan animal which has a share in producing some sorts of that lucidappearance, often observed near ships at sea in the night. On the sameday two large birds settled on the water, near the ship. One of thesewas the _procellaria maxima_ (the _quebrantahuessos_), and theother, which was little more than half the size, seemed to be of the_albatross_ kind. The upper part of the wings, and tip of the tail, were black, with the rest white; the bill yellowish; upon the wholenot unlike the sea-gull, though larger. 

On the 6th at noon, being in the latitude of 44° 10' N. , and thelongitude of 234-1/2° E. , we saw two seals and several whales; and atday-break the next morning, the long-looked-for coast of New Albion[2]was seen, extending from N. E. To S. E. , distant ten or twelve leagues. At noon our latitude was 44° 33' N. , and our longitude 235° 20' E. ;and the land extended from N. E. 1/2 N. To S. E. By S. About eightleagues distant. In this situation we had seventy-three fathoms water, over a muddy bottom, and about a league farther off found ninetyfathoms. The land appeared to be of a moderate height, diversifiedwith hills and valleys, and almost every where covered with wood. There was, however, no very striking object on any part of it, exceptone hill, whose elevated summit was flat. This bore E. From us atnoon. At the northern extreme the land formed a point, which I called_Cape Foulweather_, from the very bad weather that we soon after metwith. I judge it to lie in the latitude of 44° 55' N. , and in thelongitude of 235° 54' E. 

[Footnote 2: This part of the west side of North America was so namedby Sir Francis Drake. --D. ]

We had variable light airs and calms till eight o'clock in theevening, when a breeze sprung up at S. W. With it I stood to the N. W. , under an easy sail, waiting for day-light, to range along the coast. But at four, next morning, the wind shifted to N. W. , and blew insqualls, with rain. Our course was N. E. Till near ten o'clock, when, finding that I could make no progress on this tack, and seeingnothing like a harbour, I tacked, and stood off S. W. At this time CapeFoulweather bore N. E. By N. About eight leagues distant. Toward noonthe wind veered more to the westward, and the weather became fairand clear; so that we were enabled to make lunar observations. Havingreduced all those that we had made since the 19th of last month tothe present ones, by the time-keeper, amounting in the whole toseventy-two sets, their mean result determined the longitude to be235° 15' 26" E. , which was 14' 11" less than what the time-keepergave. This longitude is made use of for settling that of the coast;and I have not a doubt of its being within a very few miles of thetruth. 

Our difficulties now began to increase. In the evening the wind cameto the N. W. , blowing in squalls, with hail and sleet; and the weatherbeing thick and hazy, I stood out to sea till near noon the nextday, when I tacked, and stood in again for the land, which madeits appearance at two in the afternoon, bearing E. N. E. The wind andweather continued the same; but, in the evening, the former veeredmore to the W. And the latter grew worse, which made it necessaryto tack and stand off till four the next morning, when I ventured tostand in again. 

At four in the afternoon we saw the island, which, at six, extendedfrom N. E. 1/2 E. To S. E. By S. About eight leagues distant. In thissituation we tacked, and sounded; but a line of a hundred and sixtyfathoms did not reach the ground. I stood off till midnight, thenstood in again; and at half-past six we were within three leaguesof the land, which extended from N. By E. 1/2 E. To S. 1/2 E. ; eachextreme about seven leagues distant. Seeing no signs of a harbour, andthe weather being still unsettled, I tacked, and stretched off S. W. Having then fifty-five fathoms water, over a muddy bottom. 

That part of the land which we were so near when we tacked, is of amoderate height, though in some places it rises higher within. It wasdiversified with a great many rising grounds and small hills; manyof which were entirely covered with tall, straight trees; andothers, which were lower, and grew in spots like coppices; but theinterspaces, and sides of many of the rising grounds, were clear. Thewhole, though it might make an agreeable summer prospect, had now anuncomfortable appearance; as the bare grounds towards the coast wereall covered with snow, which seemed to be of a considerable depthbetween the little hills and rising grounds; and in several places, toward the sea, might easily have been mistaken, at a distance, forwhite cliffs. The snow on the rising grounds was thinner spread; andfarther inland, there was no appearance of any; from whence we might, perhaps, conclude, that what we saw toward the sea, had fallen duringthe night; which was colder than any we had experienced since ourarrival on the coast; and we had sometimes a kind of sleet. The coastseemed every where almost straight, without any opening or inlet; andit appeared to terminate in a kind of white sandy beach; though someon board thought that appearance was owing to the snow. Each extremeof the land that was now before us, seemed to shoot out into a point. The northern one was the same which we had first seen on the 7th; andon that account I called it _Cape Perpetua_. It lies in the latitudeof 44° 6' N. , and in the longitude of 235° 57'E. The southern extremebefore us, I named _Cape Gregory_. [3] Its latitude is 43° 30', and itslongitude 235° 57' E. It is a remarkable point; the land of it risingalmost directly from the sea to a tolerable height, while that on eachside of it is low. 

[Footnote 3: In our calendar, the 7th of March is distinguished by thename of Perpetua M, and the 12th by that of Gregory B. --D. ]

I continued standing off till one in the afternoon. Then I tacked, andstood in, hoping to have the wind off from the land in the night. Butin this I was mistaken; for at five o'clock it began to run to thewest and south-west, which, obliged me once more to stand out to sea. At this time, Cape Perpetua bore N. E. By N. ; and the farthest land wecould see to the south of Cape Gregory bore S. By E. , perhaps ten ortwelve leagues distant. If I am right in this estimation, its latitudewill be 43° 10', and its longitude 235° 55' E. , which is nearly thesituation of Cape Blanco, discovered or seen by Martin d'Aguilar, onthe 19th of January, 1603. It is worth observing, that in the verylatitude where we now were, geographers have been pleased to place alarge entrance or strait, the discovery of which they take upon themto ascribe to the same navigator; whereas nothing more is mentioned inthe account of his voyage, than his having seen, in this situation, a large river, which he would have entered, but was prevented by thecurrents. [4]

[Footnote 4: See the History of California, Eng. Trans. Vol. Ii. P. 292. --D. ]

The wind, as I have observed, had veered to S. W. In the evening; butit was very unsettled, and blew in squalls, with snow showers. In oneof these, at midnight, it shifted at once to W. N. W. And soon increasedto a very hard gale, with heavy squalls, attended with sleet orsnow. There was no choice now; and we were obliged to stretch to thesouthward, in order to get clear of the coast. This was done undercourses and two close-reefed top-sails; being rather more sail thanthe ships could safely bear; but it was necessary to carry it to avoidthe more pressing danger of being forced on shore. This gale continuedtill eight o'clock in the morning of the 18th; when it abated, andI stood in again for the land. We had been forced a considerable waybackward; for at the time of our tacking, we were in the latitude of42° 45', and in the longitude of 233° 30'. 

The wind continued at W. And N. W. ; storms, moderate weather, andcalms, succeeding each other by turns, till the morning of the 21st;when, after a few hours calm, a breeze sprung up at S. W. This bringingwith it fair weather, I steered north-easterly, in order to fallin with the land, beyond that part of it where we had already sounprofitable been tossed about for the last fortnight. In the evening, the wind veered to the westward; and at eight o'clock the nextmorning, we saw the land, extending from N. E. To E. Nine leaguesdistant. At this time we were in the latitude of 47° 5' N. And in thelongitude of 235° 10' E. 

I continued to stand to the north, with a fine breeze at W. And W. N. W. Till near seven o'clock in the evening, when I tacked to wait forday-light. At this time we were in forty-eight fathoms water, andabout four leagues from the land, which extended from N. To S. E. 1/2 E. And a small round hill, which had the appearance of being anisland, bore N. 3/4 E. , distant six or seven leagues, as I guessed; itappears to be of a tolerable height, and was but just to be seen fromthe deck. Between this island or rock, and the northern extreme of theland, there appeared to be a small opening, which flattered us withthe hopes of finding an harbour. These hopes lessened as we drewnearer; and at last we had some reason to think that the opening wasclosed by low land. On this account I called the point of land to thenorth of it _Cape Flattery_. It lies in the latitude of 48° 15' N. , and in the longitude of 235° 3' E. There is a round hill of a moderateheight over it; and all the land upon this part of the coast is of amoderate and pretty equal height, well covered with wood, and hada very pleasant and fertile appearance. It is in this very latitudewhere we now were, that geographers have placed the pretended straitof Juan de Fuca. But we saw nothing like it; nor is there the leastprobability that ever any such thing existed. [5]

[Footnote 5: See Michael Locke's apocryphal account of Juan de Fucaand his pretended strait, in Purchas, vol. Iii. P. 849-852, and manylater Collections. --D. ]

I stood off to the southward till midnight, when I tacked, and steeredto the N. W. With a gentle breeze at S. W. Intending to stand in for theland as soon as day-light should appear. But, by that time, we werereduced to two courses and close-reefed top-sails, having a very hardgale, with rain, right on shore; so that, instead of running in forthe land, I was glad to get an offing, or to keep that which wehad already got. The south-west wind was, however, but of shortcontinuance; for in the evening it veered again to the west. Thushad we perpetually strong west and north-west winds to encounter. Sometimes, in an evening, the wind would become moderate, and veer tothe southward; but this was always a sure prelude to a storm, whichblew the hardest at S. S. E. And was attended with rain and sleet. Itseldom lasted above four or six hours, before it was succeeded byanother gale from the N. W. Which, generally, brought with it fairweather. It was, by the means of these southerly blasts, that we wereenabled to get to the north-west at all. 

At length, at nine o'clock in the morning of the 29th, as we werestanding to the N. E. We again saw the land, which, at noon, extendedfrom N. W. By W. To E. S. E. The nearest part about six leagues distant. Our latitude was now 49° 29' N. And our longitude 232° 29' E. Theappearance of the country differed much from that of the parts whichwe had before seen; being full of high mountains, whose summits werecovered with snow. But the valleys between them, and the grounds onthe sea coast, high as well as low, were covered to a considerablebreadth with high, straight trees, that formed a beautiful prospectas of one vast forest. The south-east extreme of the land formed a lowpoint off which are many breakers, occasioned by sunken rocks. On thisaccount it was called _Point Breakers_. It lies in the latitude of 49°15' N. , and in the longitude of 233° 20' E. , and the other extremein about the latitude of 50°, and the longitude of 232°. I named thislast _Woody Point_. It projects pretty much out to the S. W. And ishigh land. Between these two points the shore forms a large bay, whichI called _Hope Bay_; hoping, from the appearance of the land, to findin it a good harbour. The event proved that we were not mistaken. 

As we drew nearer the coast, we perceived the appearance of twoinlets; one in the N. W. , and the other in the N. E. Corner of the bay. As I could not fetch the former, I bore up for the latter; and passedsome breakers, or sunken rocks, that lay a league or more from theshore. We had nineteen and twenty fathoms water half a league withoutthem; but as soon as we had passed them, the depth increased tothirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, with a sandy bottom; and farther inwe found no ground with the greatest length of line. Notwithstandingappearances, we were not yet sure that there were any inlets; butas we were in a deep bay, I had resolved to anchor, with a view toendeavour to get some water, of which, by this time, we were in greatwant. At length, as we advanced, the existence of the inlet was nolonger doubtful. At five o'clock we reached the west point of it, where we were becalmed for some time. While in this situation, Iordered all the boats to be hoisted out to tow the ships in. But thiswas hardly done, before a fresh breeze sprung up again at N. W. Withwhich we were enabled to stretch up into an arm of the inlet, that wasobserved by us to run into the N. E. There we were again becalmed, andobliged to anchor in eighty-five fathoms water, and so near the shoreas to reach it with a hawser. The wind failed the Discovery beforeshe got within the arm, where she anchored, and found only seventyfathoms. 

We no sooner drew near the inlet than we found the coast to beinhabited; and at the place where we were first becalmed, three canoescame off to the ship. In one of these were two men, in another six, and in the third ten. Having come pretty near us, a person in one ofthe two last stood up, and made a long harangue, inviting us to land, as we guessed, by his gestures. At the same time he kept strewinghandfuls of feathers towards us;[6] and some of his companions threwhandfuls of a red dust or powder in the same manner. The person whoplayed the orator, wore the skin of some animal, and held in each handsomething which rattled as he kept shaking it. After tiring himselfwith his repeated exhortations, of which we did not understand a word, he was quiet; and then others took it, by turns, to say something, though they acted their part neither so long, nor with so muchvehemence, as the other. We observed, that two or three had their hairquite strewed over with small white feathers; and others had largeones stuck into different parts of the head. After the tumultuousnoise had ceased, they lay at a little distance from the ship, andconversed with each other in a very easy manner; nor did they seem toshew the least surprise or distrust. Some of them, now and then, gotup, and said something after the manner of their first harangues; andone sung a very agreeable air, with a degree of softness and melodywhich we could not have expected; the word _haela_ being oftenrepeated as the burden of the song. The breeze which soon after sprungup, bringing us nearer to the shore, the canoes began to come off ingreater numbers; and we had at one time thirty-two of them near theship, carrying from three to seven or eight persons each, both menand women. Several of these stood up in their canoes, haranguing andmaking gestures, after the manner of our first visitors. One canoe wasremarkable for a singular head, which had a bird's eye and bill, of anenormous size, painted on it; and a person, who was in it, who seemedto be a chief, was no less remarkable for his uncommon appearance;having many feathers hanging from his head, and being painted in anextraordinary manner. [7] He held in his hand a carved bird of wood, aslarge as a pigeon, with which he rattled as the person first mentionedhad done; and was no less vociferous in his harangue, which wasattended with some expressive gestures. 

[Footnote 6: The natives of this coast, twelve degrees farthersouth, also brought feathers as presents to Sir Francis Drake onhis arrival. --See an account of his voyage in _Campbell's edit. OfHarris_, vol. I. P. 18--D. And in this collection, vol. X. --E. ]

[Footnote 7: Viscaino met with natives on the coast of California, while he was in the harbour of San Diego, _who were painted orbesmeared with black and white, and had their heads loaded withfeathers_. --History of California, vol. Ii. P. 272. --D. ]

Though our visitors behaved very peaceably, and could not be suspectedof any hostile intention, we could not prevail upon any of them tocome on board. They shewed great readiness, however, to part with anything they had, and took from us whatever we offered them in exchange, but were more desirous of iron than of any other of our articles ofcommerce; appearing to be perfectly acquainted with the use of thatmetal. Many of the canoes followed us to our anchoring-place; anda group, of about ten or a dozen of them, remained alongside theResolution most part of the night. 

These circumstances gave us a reasonable ground of hope, that weshould find this a comfortable station to supply all our wants, and tomake us forget the hardships and delays experienced during a constantsuccession of adverse winds and boisterous weather, almost ever sinceour arrival upon the coast of America. 

CHAPTER IV. 

TRANSACTIONS AMONGST THE NATIVES OF NORTH AMERICA; DISCOVERIES ALONGTHAT COAST AND THE EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, NORTHWARD TO ICY CAPE;AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. 

SECTION I. 

_The Ships enter the Sound, and moor in a Harbour. --Intercourse withthe Natives. --Articles brought to barter. --Thefts committed. --TheObservatories erected, and Carpenters set to work. --Jealousy of theInhabitants of the Sound to prevent other Tribes having Intercoursewith the Ships. --Stormy and rainy Weather. --Progress round theSound. --Behaviour of the Natives at their Villages. --Their Manner ofdrying fish, &c. --Remarkable Visit from Strangers, and introductoryCeremonies. --A second Visit to one of the Villages. --Leave to cutGrass, purchased. --The Ships sail. --Presents given and received atparting. _

The ships having happily found so excellent shelter in an inlet, thecoasts of which appeared to be inhabited by a race of people, whoseinoffensive behaviour promised a friendly intercourse, the nextmorning, after coming to anchor, I lost no time in endeavouring tofind a commodious harbour where we might station ourselves during ourcontinuance in the Sound. Accordingly, I sent three armed boats, underthe command of Mr King, upon this service; and soon after, I wentmyself, in a small boat, on the same search. I had very little troublein finding what we wanted. On the N. W. Of the arm we were now in, andnot far from the ships, I met with a convenient snug cove well suitedto our purpose. Mr King was equally successful; for he returned aboutnoon, with an account of a still better harbour, which he had seenand examined, lying on the N. W. Side of the land. But as it would haverequired more time to carry the ships thither, than to the covewhere I had been, which was immediately within our reach, this reasonoperated to determine my choice in favour of the latter situation. Butbeing apprehensive, that we should not be able to transport our shipsto it, and to moor them properly, before night came on, I thoughtit best to remain where we were till next morning; and, that no timemight be lost, I employed the remainder of the day to some usefulpurposes, ordering the sails to be unbent, the top-masts to be struck, and the fore-mast of the Resolution to be unrigged, in order to fix anew bib, one of the old ones being decayed. 

A great many canoes, filled with the natives, were about the ships allday, and a trade commenced betwixt us and them, which was carriedon with the strictest honesty on both sides. The articles which theyoffered to sale were skins of various animals, such as bears, wolves, foxes, deer, rackoons, pole-cats, martins, and, in particular, of thesea-otters, which are found at the islands E. Of Kamtschatka. Besidesthe skins in their native shape, they also brought garments made ofthem, and another sort of cloathing made of the bark of a tree, orsome plant like hemp; weapons, such as bows, arrows, and spears;fish-hooks, and instruments of various kinds; wooden-vizors of manydifferent monstrous figures; a sort of woollen stuff, or blanketing;bags filled with red ochre; pieces of carved work, beads, andseveral other little ornaments of thin brass and iron, shaped like ahorse-shoe, which they hang at their noses; and several chisels, orpieces of iron, fixed to handles. From their possessing which metals, we could infer that they had either been visited before by somecivilized nation, or had connections with tribes on their continent, who had communication with them. But the most extraordinary of all thearticles which they brought to the ships for sale, were human skulls, and hands not yet quite stripped of the flesh, which they made ourpeople plainly understand they had eaten; and, indeed, some of themhad evident marks that they had been upon the fire. We had but toomuch reason to suspect, from this circumstance, that the horridpractice of feeding on their enemies is as prevalent here, as we hadfound it to be at New Zealand and other South Sea Islands. For thevarious articles which they brought, they took in exchange knives, chisels, pieces of iron and tin, nails, looking-glasses, buttons, orany kind of metal. Glass-beads they were not fond of, and cloth ofevery sort they rejected. 

We employed the next day in hauling our ships into the cove, wherethey were moored head and stern, fastening our hawsers to the treeson shore. On heaving up the anchor of the Resolution, we found, notwithstanding the great depth of water in which it was let go, that there were rocks at the bottom. These had done some considerabledamage to the cable; and the hawsers that were carried out to warp theship into the cove also got foul of rocks, from which it appearedthat the whole bottom was strewed with them. The ship being again veryleaky in her upper works, I ordered the carpenters to go to work tocaulk her, and to repair such other defects as, on examination, wemight discover. 

The fame of our arrival brought a great concourse of the natives toour ships in the course of this day. We counted above a hundred canoesat one time, which might be supposed to contain, at an average, fivepersons each; for few of them had less than three on board; greatnumbers had seven, eight, or nine, and one was manned with no lessthan seventeen. Amongst these visitors, many now favoured us withtheir company for the first time, which we could guess, from theirapproaching the ships with their orations and other ceremonies. Ifthey had any distrust or fear of us at first, they now appeared tohave laid it aside; for they came on board the ships, and mixed withour people with the greatest freedom. We soon discovered, by thisnearer intercourse, that they were as light-fingered as any of ourfriends in the islands we had visited in the course of the voyage. And they were far more dangerous thieves; for, possessing sharpiron-instruments, they could cut a hook from a tackle, or any otherpiece of iron from a rope, the instant that our backs were turned. Alarge hook, weighing between twenty and thirty pounds, several smallerones, and other articles of iron, were lost in this manner. And, asto our boats, they stripped them of every bit of iron that was worthcarrying away, though we had always men left in them as a guard. Theywere dexterous enough in effecting their purposes; for one fellowwould contrive to amuse the boat-keeper, at one end of a boat, whileanother was pulling out the iron-work at the other. If we missed athing immediately after it had been stolen, we found little difficultyin detecting the thief, as they were ready enough to impeach oneanother. But the guilty person generally relinquished his prize withreluctance, and sometimes we found it necessary to have recourse toforce. 

The ships being securely moored, we began our other necessary businessthe next day. The observatories were carried ashore, and placed uponan elevated rock on one side of the cove, close to the Resolution. Aparty of men, with an officer, was sent to cut wood, and to clear aplace for the conveniency of watering. Others were employed to brewspruce-beer, as pine-trees abounded here. The forge was also set up, to make the iron-work wanting for the repairs of the fore-mast. For, besides one of the bibs being defective, the larboard trestle-tree andone of the cross-trees were sprung. 

A considerable number of the natives visited us daily; and every nowand then we saw new faces. On their first coming, they generally wentthrough a singular mode of introducing themselves. They would paddle, with all their strength, quite round both ships, a chief, or otherprincipal person in the canoe, standing up with a spear, or some otherweapon, in his hand, and speaking, or rather hollowing, all the time. Sometimes the orator of the canoe would have his face covered with amask, representing either a human visage, or that of some animal;and, instead of a weapon, would hold a rattle in his hand, as beforedescribed. After making this circuit round the ships, they would comealongside, and begin to trade without further ceremony. Very often, indeed, they would first give us a song, in which all in the canoejoined, with a very pleasing harmony. 

During these visits, they gave us no other trouble than to guardagainst their thievish tricks. But, in the morning of the 4th, wehad a serious alarm. Our party on shore, who were employed in cuttingwood, and filling water, observed, that the natives all around themwere arming themselves in the best manner they could; those, who werenot possessed of proper weapons, preparing sticks, and collectingstones. On hearing this, I thought it prudent to arm also; but, beingdetermined to act upon the defensive, I ordered all our workmen toretreat to the rock, upon which we had placed our observatories, leaving the natives in quiet possession of the ground where they hadassembled, which was within a stone's throw of the Resolution's stern. Our fears were ill-grounded; these hostile preparations were notdirected against us, but against a body of their own countrymen, whowere coming to fight them; and our friends of the Sound, on observingour apprehensions, used their best endeavours to convince us that thiswas the case. We could see that they had people looking out on eachpoint of the cove, and canoes frequently passed between them and themain body assembled near the ships. At length, the adverse party, inabout a dozen large canoes, appeared off the S. Point of thecove, where they stopped, and lay drawn up in a line of battle, anegotiation having commenced. Some people in canoes, in conducting thetreaty, passed between the two parties, and there was some speaking onboth sides. At length, the difference, whatever it was, seemed to becompromised; but the strangers were not allowed to come alongside theships, nor to have any trade or intercourse with us. Probably we werethe cause of the quarrel; the strangers, perhaps, being desirous toshare in the advantages of a trade with us, and our first friends, theinhabitants of the Sound, being determined to engross us entirely tothemselves. We had proofs of this on several other occasions, nay, itappeared, that even those who lived in the Sound were not united inthe same cause; for the weaker were frequently obliged to give way tothe stronger party, and plundered of every thing, without attemptingto make the least resistance. 

We resumed our work in the afternoon, and the next day rigged thefore-mast; the head of which being rather too small for the cap, thecarpenter went to work, to fix a piece on one side, to fill up thevacant space. In cutting into the mast-head for this purpose, andexamining the state of it, both cheeks were found to be so rotten, that there was no possibility of repairing them, and it becamenecessary to get the mast out, and to fix new ones upon it. It wasevident, that one of the cheeks had been defective at the first, andthat the unsound part had been cut out, and a piece put in, which hadnot only weakened the mast-head, but had, in a great measure, beenthe occasion of rotting every other part of both cheeks. Thus, when wewere almost ready to put to sea, we had all our work to do over again;and, what was still more provoking, an additional repair was to beundertaken, which would require some time to be completed. But, asthere was no remedy, we immediately set about it. It was fortunatefor the voyage, that these defects were discovered, when we were in aplace, where the materials requisite were to be procured. For, amongstthe drift-wood, in the cove where the ships lay, were some smallseasoned trees very fit for our purpose. One of these was pitchedupon, and the carpenters began, without loss of time, to make out ofit two new cheeks. 

In the morning of the 7th, we got the fore-mast out, and hauled itashore, and the carpenters of the ships were set to work upon it. Someparts of the lower standing rigging having been found to be very muchdecayed, as we had time now to put them in order, while the carpenterswere repairing the fore-mast, I ordered a new set of main-rigging tobe fitted, and a more perfect set of fore-rigging to be selected outof the best parts of the old. 

From the time of our putting into the Sound till now, the weather hadbeen exceedingly fine, without either wind or rain. That comfort, atthe very moment when the continuance of it would have been of mostservice, was withdrawn. In the morning of the 8th, the wind freshenedat S. E. , attended with thick hazy weather and rain. In the afternoonthe wind increased; and, toward the evening, it blew very hard indeed. It came, in excessively heavy squalls, from over the high land on theopposite shore, right into the cove, and, though the ships werevery well moored, put them in some danger. These tempestuous blastssucceeded each other pretty quick, but they were of short duration, and in the intervals between them we had a perfect calm. According tothe old proverb, Misfortunes seldom come single; the mizen was nowthe only mast on board the Resolution that remained rigged, with itstop-mast up. The former was so defective, that it could not supportthe latter during the violence of the squalls, but gave way at thehead under the rigging. About eight o'clock the gale abated; but therain continued with very little intermission for several days; and, that the carpenters might be enabled to proceed in their labours, while it prevailed, a tent was erected over the fore-mast, where theycould work with some degree of convenience. 

The bad weather which now came on, did not, however, hinder thenatives from visiting us daily; and, in such circumstances, theirvisits were very advantageous to us. For they frequently brought us atolerable supply of fish, when we could not catch any ourselves withhook and line; and there was not a proper place near us where we coulddraw a net. The fish which they brought us were either sardines, orwhat resembled them much; a small kind of bream; and sometimes smallcod. 

On the 11th, notwithstanding the rainy weather, the main-rigging wasfixed and got over head; and our employment, the day after, was totake down the mizen-mast, the head of which proved to be so rotten, that it dropped off while in the slings. In the evening we werevisited by a tribe of natives whom we had never seen before, and who, in general, were better-looking people than most of our old friends, some of whom attended them. I prevailed upon these visitors to go downinto the cabin for the first time, and observed, that there was not asingle object that fixed the attention of most of them for a moment;their countenances marking, that they looked upon all our noveltieswith the utmost indifference. This, however, was not withoutexception; for a few of the company shewed a certain degree ofcuriosity. 

In the afternoon of the next day, I went into the woods with aparty of our men, and cut down a tree for a mizen-mast. On the dayfollowing, it was brought to the place where the carpenters wereemployed upon the fore-mast. In the evening the wind, which had been, for some time, westerly, veered to S. E. , and increased to a very hardgale, with rain, which continued till eight o'clock the next morning, when it abated, and veered again to the W. 

The fore-mast being by this time finished, we hauled it alongside; butthe bad weather prevented our getting it in till the afternoon; andwe set about rigging it with the greatest expedition, while thecarpenters were going on with the mizen-mast on shore. They had madevery considerable progress in it on the 16th, when they discoveredthat the stick upon which they were at work was sprung, or wounded, owing, as supposed, to some accident in cutting it down. So that alltheir labour was thrown away, and it became necessary to get anothertree out of the woods, which employed all hands above half a day. During these various operations, several of the natives, who wereabout the ships, looked on with an expressive silent surprise, whichwe did not expect; from their general indifference and inattention. 

On the 18th, a party of strangers, in six or eight canoes, came intothe cove, where they remained, looking at us, for some time, and thenretired, without coming alongside either ship. We supposed, that ourold friends, who were more numerous at this time about us, than thesenew visitors, would not permit them to have any intercourse withus. It was evident, upon this and several other occasions, that theinhabitants of the adjoining parts of the Sound engrossed us entirelyto themselves; or if, at any time, they did not hinder strangers fromtrading with us, they contrived to manage the trade for them in such amanner, that the price of their commodities was always kept up; whilethe value of ours was lessening every day. We also found, that many ofthe principal natives, who lived near us, carried on a trade withmore distant tribes, in the articles they had procured from us. For weobserved that they would frequently disappear for four or five days ata time, and then return with fresh cargoes of skins and curiosities, which our people were so passionately fond of, that they alwayscame to a good market. But we received most benefit from such ofthe natives as visited us daily. These, after disposing of all theirlittle trifles, turned their attention to fishing; and we neverfailed to partake of what they caught. We also got from these people aconsiderable quantity of very good animal oil, which they had reservedin bladders. In this traffic some would attempt to cheat us, by mixingwater with the oil; and, once or twice, they had the address to carrytheir imposition so far, as to fill their bladders with mere water, without a single drop of oil. It was always better to bear withthese tricks, than to make them the foundation of a quarrel; for ourarticles of traffic consisted, for the most part, of mere trifles; andyet we were put to our shifts to find a constant supply even of these. Beads, and such other toys, of which I had still some left, were inlittle estimation. Nothing would go down with our visitors but metal;and brass had, by this time, supplanted iron, being so eagerly soughtafter, that before we left this place, hardly a bit of it was left inthe ships, except what belonged to our necessary instruments. Wholesuits of clothes were stripped of every button; bureaus of theirfurniture; and copper-kettles, tin-cannisters, candle-sticks, andthe like, all went to wreck; so that our American friends here got agreater medley and variety of things from us, than any other nationwhom we had visited in the course of the voyage. 

After a fortnight's bad weather, the 19th proving a fair day, weavailed ourselves of it, to get up the top-masts and yards, and to fixup the rigging. And, having now finished most of our heavy work, I setout the next morning to take a view of the Sound. I first went to theW. Point, where I found a large village, and, before it, a very snugharbour, in which was from nine to four fathoms water, over a bottomof fine sand. The people of this village, who were numerous, and tomost of whom I was well known, received me very courteously; every onepressing me to go into his house, or rather his apartment; for severalfamilies live under the same roof. I did not decline the invitations, and my hospitable friends, whom I visited, spread a mat for me to sitdown upon, and shewed me every other mark of civility. In most of thehouses were women at work, making dresses of the plant or bark beforementioned, which they executed exactly in the same manner that the NewZealanders manufacture their cloth. Others were occupied in openingsardines. I had seen a large quantity of them brought on shore fromcanoes, and divided by measure amongst several people, who carriedthem up to their houses, where the operation of curing them bysmoke-drying is performed. They hang them on small rods, at first, about a foot from the fire; afterward they remove them higher andhigher, to make room for others, till the rods, on which the fishhang, reach the top of the house. When they are completely dried, theyare taken down and packed close in bales, which they cover withmats. Thus they are kept till wanted; and they are not a disagreeablearticle of food. Cod, and other large fish, are also cured in thesame manner by them; though they sometimes dry these in the open air, without fire. 

From this village I proceeded up the west side of the Sound. For aboutthree miles, I found the shore covered with small islands, which areso situated as to form several convenient harbours, having variousdepths of water, from thirty to seven fathoms, with a good bottom. Twoleagues within the Sound, on this west side, there runs in an arm inthe direction of N. N. W. ; and two miles farther, is another nearly inthe same direction, with a pretty large island before it. I had notime to examine either of these arms; but have reason to believe, thatthey do not extend far inland, as the water was no more than brackishat their entrances. A mile above the second arm, I found the remainsof a village. The logs or framings of the houses were standing; butthe boards that had composed their sides and roofs did not exist. Before this village were some large fishing wears; but I saw nobodyattending them. These wears were composed of pieces of wicker-workmade of small rods, some closer than others, according to the size ofthe fish intended to be caught in them. These pieces of wicker-work(some of whose _superficies_ are, at least, twenty feet by twelve), are fixed up edgewise in shallow water, by strong poles or pickets, that stand firm in the ground. Behind this ruined village is a plainof a few acres extent, covered with the largest pine-trees that I eversaw. This was more remarkable, as the elevated ground, on most otherparts of this west side of the Sound, was rather naked. 

From this place, I crossed over to the other, or east side of theSound, passing an arm of it that runs in N. N. E. , to appearance notfar. I now found, what I had before conjectured, that the land, underwhich the ships lay, was an island; and that there were many smallerones lying scattered in the Sound on the west side of it. Oppositethe north end of our large island, upon the main land, I observed avillage, and there I landed. The inhabitants of it were not so politeas those of the other I had just visited. But this cold receptionseemed, in a great measure, if not entirely, owing to one surly chief, who would not let me enter their houses, following me wherever I went;and several times, by expressive signs, marking his impatience thatI should be gone. I attempted in vain to sooth him by presents, butthough he did not refuse them, they did not alter his behaviour. Someof the young women, better pleased with us than was their inhospitablechief, dressed themselves expeditiously in their best apparel, and, assembling in a body, welcomed us to their village, by joining in asong, which was far from harsh or disagreeable. 

The day being now far spent, I proceeded for the ships, round thenorth end of the large island; meeting, in my way, with several canoesladen with sardines, which had been just caught, somewhere in the eastcorner of the Sound. When I got on board, I was informed, that, whileI was absent, the ships had been visited by some strangers, in twoor three large canoes, who, by signs, made our people understand thatthey had come from the S. E. , beyond the bay. They brought severalskins, garments, and other articles, which they bartered. But whatwas most singular, two silver table-spoons were purchased fromthem, which, from their peculiar shape, we supposed to be of Spanishmanufacture. One of these strangers wore them round his neck, byway of ornament. These visitors also appeared to be more plentifullysupplied with iron than the inhabitants of the Sound. 

The mizen-mast being finished, it was got in, and rigged, on the 21st;and the carpenters were set to work to make a new fore-top-mast, toreplace the one that had been carried away some time before. 

Next morning, about eight o'clock, we were visited by a number ofstrangers, in twelve or fourteen canoes. They came into the cove fromthe southward, and as soon as they had turned the point of it, theystopped, and lay drawn up in a body above half an hour, about two orthree hundred yards from the ships. At first, we thought, that theywere afraid to come nearer; but we were mistaken in this, and theywere only preparing an introductory ceremony. On advancing toward theships, they all stood up in their canoes, and began to sing. Someof their songs, in which the whole body joined, were in a slow, andothers in quicker time; and they accompanied their notes with themost regular motions of their hands; or beating in concert, with theirpaddles, on the sides of the canoes, and making other very expressivegestures. At the end of each song, they remained silent a fewseconds, and then began again, sometimes pronouncing the word _hooee!_forcibly, as a chorus. After entertaining us with this specimen oftheir music, which we listened to with admiration, for above half anhour, they came alongside the ships, and bartered what they had todispose of. Some of our old friends of the Sound were now found tobe amongst them, and they took the whole management of the trafficbetween us and the strangers, much to the advantage of the latter. 

Our attendance on these visitors being finished, Captain Clerke andI went, in the forenoon, with two boats, to the village at the westpoint of the Sound. When I was there before, I had observed, thatplenty of grass grew near it; and it was necessary to lay in aquantity of this, as food for the few goats and sheep which werestill left on board. The inhabitants received us with the samedemonstrations of friendship which I had experienced before; and themoment we landed, I ordered some of my people to begin their operationof cutting. I had not the least imagination, that the natives couldmake any objection to our furnishing ourselves with what seemed to beof no use to them, but was necessary for us. However, I was mistaken;for, the moment that our men began to cut, some of the inhabitantsinterposed, and would not permit them to proceed, saying they must"_makook_, " that is, must first buy it. I was now in one of thehouses; but as soon as I heard of this, I went to the field, where Ifound about a dozen of the natives, each of whom laid claim to somepart of the grass that grew in this place. I bargained with them forit, and having completed the purchase, thought that we were now atliberty to cut wherever we pleased. But here, again, it appeared, thatI was under a mistake; for the liberal manner in which I had paidthe first pretended proprietors, brought fresh demands upon me fromothers; so that there did not seem to be a single blade of grass, thathad not a separate owner, and so many of them were to be satisfied, that I very soon emptied my pockets. When they found that I reallyhad nothing more to give, their importunities ceased, and we werepermitted to cut where-ever we pleased, and as much as we chose tocarry away. 

Here I must observe, that I have no where, in my several voyages, metwith any uncivilized nation, or tribe, who had such strict notionsof their having a right to the exclusive property of every thing thattheir country produces, as the inhabitants of this Sound. At first, they wanted our people to pay for the wood and water that they carriedon board; and had I been upon the spot, when these demands weremade, I should certainly have complied with them. Our workmen, in myabsence, thought differently, for they took but little notice of suchclaims; and the natives, when they found that we were determinedto pay nothing, at last ceased to apply. But they made a merit ofnecessity, and frequently afterward took occasion to remind us, thatthey had given us wood and water out of friendship. [1]

[Footnote 1: Similar to the behaviour of the natives of Nootka, onthis occasion, was that of another tribe of Indians, farther north, inlatitude 57° 18', to the Spaniards, who had preceded Captain Cook onlythree years, in a voyage to explore the coast of America, northward ofCalifornia. See the journal of that voyage, writ by the second pilotof the fleet, and published by the Honourable Mr Daines Barrington, towhom the literary world owes so many obligations. --_Miscellanies_, p. 505, 506. --D. ]

During the time I was at this village, Mr Webber, who had attended methither, made drawings of every thing that was curious, both withinand without doors. I had also an opportunity of inspecting morenarrowly, the construction of the houses, household furniture, andutensils, and the striking peculiarities of the customs and modes ofliving of the inhabitants. These shall be described in another place, in the best manner I can, calling in to my assistance the observationsof Mr Anderson. When we had completed all our operations at thisvillage, the natives and we parted very good friends, and we got backto the ships in the afternoon. 

The three following days were employed in getting ready to put tosea; the sails were bent, the observatories and instruments, brewingvessels, and other things, were moved from the shore; some smallspars, for different uses, and pieces of timber, which might beoccasionally sawn into boards, were prepared and put on board; andboth ships were cleared, and put into a sailing condition. 

Every thing being now ready, in the morning of the 26th, I intended tohave put to sea; but both wind and tide being against us, was obligedto wait till noon, when the S. W. Wind was succeeded by a calm, andthe tide turning in our favour, we cast off the moorings, and withour boats towed the ships out of the cove. After this, we had variablelight airs and calms, till four in the afternoon, when a breezesprung up northerly, with very thick, hazy weather. The mercury in thebarometer fell unusually low, and we had every other fore-runner ofan approaching storm, which we had reason to expect would be fromthe southward. This made me hesitate a little, as night was at hand, whether I should venture to sail, or wait till the next morning. Butmy anxious impatience to proceed upon the voyage, and the fear oflosing this opportunity of getting out of the Sound, making a greaterimpression on my mind, than any apprehension of immediate danger, Idetermined to put to sea at all events. 

Our friends, the natives, attended us, till we were almost out of theSound; some on board the ships, and others in their canoes. One oftheir chiefs, who had, some time before, attached himself to me, wasamongst the last who left us. Having, before he went, bestowed uponhim a small present, I received in return a beaver-skin, of muchgreater value. This called upon me to make some addition to mypresent, which pleased him so much, that he insisted upon myacceptance of the beaver-skin cloak which he then wore; and of whichI knew he was particularly fond. Struck with this instance ofgenerosity, and desirous that he should be no sufferer by hisfriendship to me, I presented to him a new broad sword, with a brasshilt, the possession of which made him completely happy. He, and alsomany others of his countrymen, importuned us much to pay them anothervisit; and, by way of encouragement, promised to lay in a good stockof skins. I made no doubt, that whoever comes after me to this place, will find the natives prepared accordingly, with no inconsiderablesupply of an article of trade, which, they could observe, we wereeager to possess; and which we found could be purchased to greatadvantage. [2]

[Footnote 2: Captain King, as we shall afterwards find, proposes aplan for the establishment of a fur-trade with this coast of America. To this he was incited by the experience of the value of thesearticles in the Chinese market. In fact, a settlement for the purposeof carrying on this trade was commenced in 1786, by an association ofBritish merchants resident in India. It was soon afterwards seizedon by the Spaniards who pretended a prior right. But they, as we havealready mentioned, vol. Xv. P. 157, abandoned all claim to this Soundin 1790; and in 1795, it was formally taken possession of, in name ofhis Britannic Majesty. --E. ]

Such particulars about the country, and its inhabitants, as came toour knowledge during our short stay, and have not been mentionedin the course of the narrative, will furnish materials for the twofollowing sections. 

SECTION II. 

_The Name of the Sound, and Directions for Sailing into it. --Accountof the adjacent Country. --Weather. --Climate. --Trees. --Other VegetableProductions. --Quadrupeds, whose Skins were brought forSale. --Sea Animals. --Description of a Sea Otter. --Birds. --WaterFowl. --Fish. --Shell-fish, &c. --Reptiles. --Insects. --Stones, &c. --Persons of the Inhabitants. --Their Colour. --Common Dress andOrnaments. --Occasional Dresses, and monstrous Decorations ofwooden Masks. --Their general Dispositions. --Songs. --MusicalInstruments. --Their Eagerness to possess Iron and other Metals. _

On my arrival in this inlet, I had honoured it with the name of KingGeorge's Sound; but I afterward found, that it is called Nootka by thenatives. The entrance is situated in the east corner of Hope Bay, inthe latitude of 49° 33' N. , and in the longitude of 233° 12' E. The east coast of that bay, all the way from Breaker's Point to theentrance of the Sound, is covered by a chain of sunken rocks, thatseemed to extend some distance from the shore; and, near the Sound, are some islands and rocks above water. 

We enter this Sound between two rocky points, that lie E. S. E. , andW. N. W. From each other, distant between three and four miles. Withinthese points the Sound widens considerably, and extends in, to thenorthward, four leagues at least, exclusive of the several branchestoward its bottom, the termination of which we had not an opportunityto ascertain. But, from the circumstance of finding that the waterfreshened where our boats crossed their entrance, it is probable thatthey had almost reached its utmost limits. And this probability isincreased by the hills that bounded it toward the land, being coveredwith thick snow, when those toward the sea, or where we lay, had not aspeck remaining on them, though, in general, they were much higher. Inthe middle of the Sound are a number of islands of various sizes. Thedepth of water in the middle of the Sound, and even close home to someparts of its shore, is from forty-seven to ninety fathoms, and perhapsmore. The harbours, and anchoring-places within its circuit, arenumerous; but we had no time to survey them. The cove in which ourships lay is on the east side of the Sound, and on the east side ofthe largest of the islands. It is covered from the sea, but has littleelse to recommend it, being exposed to the S. E. Winds, which we foundto blow with great violence; and the devastation they make sometimeswas apparent in many places. 

The land bordering upon the sea-coast is of a middling height andlevel; but within the Sound, it rises almost every-where into steephills, which agree in their general formation, ending in round orblunted tops, with some sharp, though not very prominent, ridges ontheir sides. Some of these hills may be reckoned high, while others ofthem are of a very moderate height; but even the highest are entirelycovered to their tops with the thickest woods; as well as every flatpart toward the sea. There are sometimes spots upon the sides of someof the hills which are bare; but they are few, in comparison ofthe whole, though they sufficiently point out the general rockydisposition of these hills. Properly speaking, they have no soil uponthem, except a kind of compost, produced from rotten mosses and trees, of the depth of two feet or more. Their foundations are, therefore, tobe considered as nothing more than stupendous rocks, of a whitishor grey cast, where they have been exposed to the weather; but, when broken, they appeared to be of a blueish grey colour, like thatuniversal sort which were found at Kerguelen's Land. The rocky shoresare a continued mass of this; and the little coves, in the Sound, havebeaches composed of fragments of it, with a few other pebbles. Allthese coves are furnished with a great quantity of fallen wood lyingin them, which is carried in by the tide; and with rills of freshwater, sufficient for the use of a ship, which seem to be suppliedentirely from the rains, and fogs that hover about the tops of thehills. For few springs can be expected in so rocky a country, and thefresh water found farther up the Sound, most probably arose from themelting of the snow; there being no room to suspect, that any largeriver falls into the Sound, either from strangers coming down it, orfrom any other circumstance. The water of these rills is perfectlyclear, and dissolves soap easily. 

The weather, during our stay, corresponded pretty nearly with thatwhich we had experienced off the coast. That is, when the wind was anywhere between N. And W. , the weather was fine and clear; but if tothe southward of W. , hazy with rain. The climate, as far as we had anyexperience of it, is infinitely milder than that on the east coastof America, under the same parallel of latitude. The mercury in thethermometer never, even in the night, fell lower than 42°, andvery often, in the day, it rose to 60°. No such thing as frost wasperceived in any of the low ground; on the contrary, vegetation hadmade a considerable progress, for I met with grass that was alreadyabove a foot long. 

The trees which chiefly compose the woods, are the Canadian pine, white cypress, _cypressus thyoides_, the wild pine, with two orthree other sorts of pine less common. The two first make up almosttwo-thirds of the whole; and, at a distance, might be mistaken for thesame tree, as they both run up into pointed spire-like tops, butthey are easily distinguished on coming nearer from their colour, thecypress being of a much paler green, or shade, than the other. Thetrees, in general, grow with great vigour, and are all of a largesize. 

There is but little variety of other vegetable productions, though, doubtless, several had not yet sprung up at the early season when wevisited the place, and many more might be hid from the narrow sphereof our researches. About the rocks, and verge of the woods, we foundstrawberry-plants, some raspberry, currant, and gooseberry bushes, which were all in a most flourishing state, with a few smallblack alder-trees. There are, likewise, a species of sow-thistle, goose-grass, some crow's-foot, which has a very fine crimson flower, and two sorts of _anthericum_, one with a large orange flower, and theother with a blue one. We also found, in these situations, some wildrose-bushes, which were just budding, a great quantity of youngleeks, with, triangular leaves, a small sort of grass, and somewater-cresses, which grow about the sides of the rills, besides greatabundance of _andromeda_. Within the woods, besides two sorts ofunderwood shrubs unknown to us, are mosses and ferns. Of the firstof which, are seven or eight different sorts, of the last, not abovethree or four, and the species of both, are mostly such as are commonto Europe and America. 

As the season of the year was unfavourable to our gaining muchknowledge of the vegetable productions of this country, so our ownsituation while there, put it out of our power to learn much aboutits animals. For as the want of water made it necessary that weshould enter the Sound at first, unforeseen accidents which happenedafterward, though they lengthened our stay, were rather unfavourableto our obtaining any knowledge of this kind. The emergency of thecase required, that every person should be constantly employed in thenecessary business of the ships, which was the capital object, as theseason was advancing very fast, and the success of the voyage dependedupon their diligence and alacrity in expediting the various tasksassigned to them. Hence it happened, that excursions of every kind, either on the land, or by water, were never attempted. And as we layin a cove on an island, no other animals were ever seen alive inthe woods there, than two or three racoons, martins, and squirrels. Besides these, some of our people who, one day, landed on thecontinent, near the S. E. Side of the entrance of the sound, observedthe prints of a bear's feet near the shore. The account, therefore, that we can give of the quadrupeds, is taken from the skins whichthe natives brought to sell; and these were often so mutilated withrespect to the distinguishing parts, such as the paws, tails, andheads, that it was impossible even to guess at the animals to whomthey belonged, though others were so perfect, or at least so wellknown, that they left no room to doubt about them. 

Of these the most common were bears, deer, foxes, and wolves. Thebear-skins were in great numbers, few of them very large, but, ingeneral, of a shining black colour. The deer-skins were scarcer, and they seem to belong to that sort called the fallow-deer by thehistorians of Carolina, though Mr Pennant thinks it quite a differentspecies from, ours, and distinguishes it by the name of Virginiandeer. [1] The foxes are in great plenty, and of several varieties, some of their skins being quite yellow, with a black tip to the tail, others of a deep or reddish yellow, intermixed with black, and a thirdsort of a whitish grey or ash-colour, also intermixed with black. Ourpeople used to apply the name of fox or wolf indiscriminately, whenthe skins were so mutilated as to leave room for a doubt. But we got, at last, an entire wolf's skin with the head on, and it was grey. Besides the common sort of martin, the pine-martin is also here, andanother, whose skin is of a lighter brown colour than either, withcoarser hair, but is not so common, and is, perhaps, only a merevariety arising from age, or some other accidental circumstance. Theermine is also found at this place, but is rare and small, nor isthe hair remarkably fine, though the animal appeared to be perfectlywhite, except an inch or more at the tip of the tail. The racoons andsquirrels are of the common sort; but the latter is rather smallerthan ours, and has a deeper rusty colour running along the back. 

[Footnote 1: See Virginian deer. Pennant's Hist. Quad. Vol. I. No. 46, and Arctic Zool. No. 6. ]

We were clear as to the existence of all the animals alreadymentioned, but there are two others besides, which we could notdistinguish with sufficient certainty. Of the first of these we sawnone of the skins, but what were dressed or tanned like leather. Thenatives wear them on some occasions; and from the size as well asthe thickness, they were generally concluded to belong to the elk, ormouse-deer, though some of them perhaps might belong to the buffalo. The other animal, which seems by no means rare, was guessed to be aspecies of the wild cat or lynx. The length of the skins, without thehead, which none of them had, was about two feet two inches. They arecovered with a very fine wool or fur, of a very light-brown or whitishyellow colour, intermixed with long hairs, which on the back, wherethey are shortest, are blackish; on the sides, where they are longer, of a silver white; and on the belly, where they are longest, of thecolour of the wool, but the whitish, or silver hairs, are often sopredominant, that the whole animal acquires a cast of that kind. Thetail is only three inches long, and has a black tip. The whole skinbeing, by the natives, called _wanshee_, that, most probably, is theirname for this animal. Hogs, dogs, and goats, have not as yet foundtheir way to this place. Nor do the natives seem to have any knowledgeof our brown rats, to which, when they saw them on board the ships, they applied the name they give to squirrels. And though they calledour goats _eineetla_, this, most probably, is their name for a youngdeer or fawn. 

The sea-animals seen off the coast, were whales, porpoises, and seals. The last of these seem only of the common sort, judging from theskins which we saw here, their colour being either silvery, yellowish, plain, or spotted with black. The porpoise is the _phocena_. I havechosen to refer to this class the sea-otter, as living mostly in thewater. It might have been sufficient to have mentioned, that thisanimal abounds here, as it is fully described in different books, taken from the accounts of the Russian adventurers in theirexpeditions eastward from Kamtschatka, if there had not been a smalldifference in one that we saw. We, for some time, entertained doubts, whether the many skins which the natives brought, really belonged tothis animal, as our only reason for being of that opinion, was foundedon the size, colour, and fineness of the fur, till a short whilebefore our departure, when a whole one, that had been just killed, was purchased from some strangers who came to barter; and of this MrWebber made a drawing. It was rather young, weighing only twenty-fivepounds, of a shining or glossy black colour, but many of the hairsbeing tipt with white, gave it a greyish cast at first sight. The face, throat, and breast were of a yellowish white, or verylight-brown colour, which, in many of the skins, extended the wholelength of the belly. It had six cutting teeth in each jaw, two ofthose of the lower jaw being very minute, and placed without, atthe base of the two middle ones. In these circumstances, it seems todisagree with those found by the Russians, and also in not having theouter toes of the hind feet skirted with a membrane. There seemed alsoa greater variety in the colour of the skins, than is mentioned bythe describers of the Russian sea-otters. These changes of colourcertainly take place at different gradations of life. The veryyoung ones had brown hair, which was coarse, with very little furunderneath; but those of the size of the entire animal, which cameinto our possession, and just described, had a considerable quantityof that substance, and both in that colour and state the sea-ottersseem to remain, till they have attained their full growth. After that, they lose the black colour, and assume a deep brown or sooty colour, but have then a greater quantity of very fine fur, and scarcely anylong hairs. Others, which we suspected to be still older, were ofa chesnut-brown; and a few skins were seen that had even acquired aperfectly yellow colour. The fur of these animals, as mentioned inthe Russian accounts, is certainly softer and finer than that of anyothers we know of; and, therefore, the discovey of this part of thecontinent of North America, where so valuable an article of commercemay be met with, cannot be a matter of indifference. [2]

[Footnote 2: Mr Coxe, on the authority of Mr Pallas, informs us, thatthe old and middle-aged sea-otters' skins are sold at Kiachta, by theRussians to the Chinese, from 80 to 180 rubles a skin, that is, from16l. To 20l. Each. --See _Coxe's Russian Discoveries_, p. 13. --D. ]

Birds, in general, are not only rare as to the different species, but very scarce as to numbers; and these few are so shy, that, in allprobability, they are continually harassed by the natives, perhaps toeat them as food, certainly to get possession of their feathers, whichthey use as ornaments. Those which frequent the woods, are crows andravens, not at all different from our English ones, a blueish jay ormagpie, common wrens, which are the only singing bird that we heard, the Canadian or migrating thrush, and a considerable number ofbrown eagles, with white heads and tails, which, though they seemprincipally to frequent the coast, come into the Sound in bad weather, and sometimes perch upon the trees. Amongst some other birds, ofwhich the natives either brought fragments, or dried skins, we coulddistinguish a small species of hawk, a heron, and the _alcyon_, orlarge-crested American king-fisher. There are also some, which, Ibelieve, are not mentioned, or at least vary, very considerably, fromthe accounts given of them by any writers who have treated professedlyon this part of natural history. The two first of these are _species_of wood-peckers. One less than a thrush, of a black colour above, with white spots on the wings, a crimson head, neck, and breast, and ayellowish olive-coloured belly, from which last circumstance it might, perhaps, not improperly be called the yellow-bellied wood-pecker. The other is a larger, and much more elegant bird, of a dusky browncolour, on the upper part, richly waved with black, except about thehead, the belly of a reddish cast, with round black spots, a blackspot on the breast, and the under-side of the wings and tail of aplain scarlet colour, though blackish above, with a crimson streakrunning from the angle of the mouth, a little down the neck on eachside. The third and fourth, are a small bird of the finch kind, aboutthe size of a linnet, of a dark dusky colour, whitish below, with ablack head and neck, and white bill; and a sand-piper, of the size ofa small pigeon, of a dusky brown colour, and white below, except thethroat and breast, with a broad white band across the wings. There arealso humming-birds, which yet seem to differ from the numerous sortsof this delicate animal already known, unless they be a mere varietyof the _trochilus colubris_ of Linnæus. These, perhaps, inhabit moreto the southward, and spread northward as the season advances; becausewe saw none at first, though, near the time of our departure, thenatives brought them to the ships in great numbers. 

The birds which frequent the waters and the shores, are not morenumerous than the others. The quebrantahuessos, gulls, and shags, wereseen off the coast, and the two last also frequent the Sound. They areof the common sorts, the shags being our cormorant or water-crow. Wesaw two sorts of wild-ducks; one black, with a white head, which werein considerable flocks, the other white, with a red bill, but of alarger size; and the greater _lumme_, or diver, found in our northerncountries. There were also seen, once or twice, some swans flyingacross the Sound to the northward, but we knew nothing of theirhaunts. On the shores, besides the sand-piper, described above, wefound another, about the size of a lark, which bears a great affinityto the burre, and a plover differing very little from our commonsea-lark. 

Fish are more plentiful in quantity than birds, though the variety isnot very great; and yet, from several circumstances, it is probable, that even the variety is considerably increased at certain seasons. The principal sorts, which we found in great numbers, are the commonherring, but scarcely exceeding seven inches in length; a smallersort, which is the same with the anchovy, or sardine, though ratherlarger; a white, or silver-coloured bream, and another of a gold-browncolour, with many narrow longitudinal blue stripes. The herrings andsardines, doubtless, come in large shoals, and only at stated seasons, as is common with that sort of fish. The bream of both sorts, maybe reckoned the next to these in quantity; and the full-grown onesweighed, at least, a pound. The other fish, which are all scarce, are a small brown kind of _sculpin_, such as is found on the coastof Norway, another of a brownish red cast, frost-fish, a large one, somewhat resembling the bull-head, with a tough skin, destitute ofscales; and now and then, toward the time of our leaving the Sound, the natives brought a small brownish cod, spotted with white, and ared fish of the same size, which some of our people said they had seenin the strait of Magalhaens, besides another differing little fromthe hake. There are also considerable numbers of those fish called the_chimæræ_, or little sea-wolves, by some, which is akin to, and aboutthe size of, the _pezegallo_, or elephant-fish. Sharks, likewise, sometimes frequent the Sound, for the natives have some of their teethin their possession; and we saw some pieces of ray, or scate, whichseemed to have been pretty large. The other marine animals that oughtto be mentioned here, are a small cruciated _medusa_, or blubber, star-fish, which differ somewhat from the common ones, two small sortsof crabs, and two others which the natives brought, one of them ofa thick, tough, gelatinous consistence, and the other a sort ofmembranaceous tube or pipe, both which are probably taken fromthe rocks. And we, also, purchased from them once a very largecuttle-fish. 

There is abundance of large muscles about the rocks, many sea-ears, and we often saw shells of pretty large plain _chamæ_. The smallersorts are some _trochi_ of two species, a curious _murex_, ruggedwilks, and a snail, all which are, probably, peculiar to this place, at least I do not recollect to have seen them in any country near thesame latitude in either hemisphere. There are, besides these, somesmall plain cockles, limpets; and some strangers, who come into theSound, wore necklaces of a small blueish _volute_ or _panamæ_. Many ofthe muscles are a span in length, and some having pretty large pearls, which, however, are both badly shaped and coloured. We may conclude, that there is red coral in the Sound, or somewhere upon the coast, some thick pieces, or branches, having been seen in the canoes of thenatives. 

The only animals of the reptile kind observed here, and found in thewoods, were brown snakes two feet long, with whitish stripes on theback and sides, which are harmless, as we often saw the natives carrythem alive in their hands; and brownish water-lizards, with a tailexactly like that of an eel, which frequented the small standing poolsabout the rocks. 

The insect tribe seem to be more numerous. For though the season, which is peculiarly fitted to their appearing abroad, was onlybeginning, we saw four or five different sorts of butterflies, noneof which were uncommon, a good many humble-bees, some of our commongooseberry moths, two or three sorts of flies, a few beetles, and somemusquitoes, which, probably, may be more numerous and troublesome ina country so full of wood, during the summer, though at this time theydid little mischief. 

As to the mineral substances in this country, though we found bothiron and copper here, there is little reason to believe that either ofthem belong to the place. Neither were the ores of any metal seen, if we except a coarse, red, earthy, or ochry substance, used by thenatives in painting themselves, which probably may contain a littleiron, with a white and a black pigment used for the same purpose. Butwe did not procure specimens of them, and therefore cannot positivelydetermine what are their component parts. 

Besides the stone or rock that constitutes the mountains and shores, which sometimes contains pieces of very coarse _quartz_, we foundamongst the natives, things made of a hard black _granite_, though notremarkably compact or fine grained, a greyish whetstone, the commonoil-stone of our carpenters, in coarser and finer pieces, and someblack bits which are little inferior to the hone-stone. The nativesalso use the transparent leafy _glimmer_, or Muscovy glass, a brownleafy or martial sort, and they sometimes brought to us pieces ofrock-crystal, tolerably transparent. The two first are, probably, found near the spot, as they seemed to be in considerable quantities;but the latter seems to be brought from a greater distance, or is veryscarce; for our visitors always parted with it reluctantly. Some ofthe pieces were octangular, and had the appearance of being formedinto that shape by art. 

The persons of the natives are, in general, under the common stature;but not slender in proportion, being commonly pretty full or plump, though not muscular. Neither doth the soft fleshiness seem ever toswell into corpulence; and many of the older people are rather spareor lean. The visage of most of them is round and full, and sometimesalso broad, with high prominent cheeks; and, above these, the face isfrequently much depressed, or seems fallen in quite across betweenthe temples; the nose also flattening at its base, with pretty widenostrils, and a rounded point. The forehead rather low, the eyessmall, black, and rather languishing than sparkling; the mouth round, with large round thickish lips, the teeth tolerably equal and wellset, but not remarkably white. They have either no beards at all, which was most commonly the case, or a small thin one upon the pointof the chin, which does not arise from any natural defect of hair onthat part, but from plucking it out more or less; for some of them, particularly the old men, have not only considerable beards all overthe chin, but whiskers or mustachios, both on the upper lip, andrunning from thence toward the lower jaw obliquely downward. [3] Theireye-brows are also scanty, and always narrow; but the hair of the headis in great abundance, very coarse and strong, and, without a singleexception, black, straight, and dank, or hanging down over theshoulders. The neck is short, the arms and body have no particularmark of beauty or elegance in their formation, but are rather clumsy;and the limbs in all are very small in proportion to the other parts, and crooked or ill-made, with large feet badly shaped, and projectingancles. Their last defect seems in a great measure to arise fromtheir sitting so much on their hams or knees, both in their canoes andhouses. 

[Footnote 3: One of the most curious singularities observable in thenatural history of the human species, is the supposed defect inthe habit and temperature of the bodies of the American Indians, exemplified in their having no beards, while they are furnished witha profusion of hair on their heads. M. De Paw, the ingenious authorof Recherches sur les Americains, Dr Robertson, in his History ofAmerica, and, in general, the writers for whose authority we ought tohave the highest deference, adopt this as an indisputable matterof fact. May we not be permitted to request those who espouse theirsentiments, to reconsider the question, when we can produce CaptainCook's evidence on the opposite side, at least so far as relates tothe American tribe, whom he had intercourse with at Nootka? Nor isCaptain Cook singular in his report. What he saw on the sea coast, Captain Carver also met with amongst the American Indians far up inthe country. His words are as follow:--"From minute enquiries, and acurious inspection, I am able to declare (however respectable I mayhold the authority of these historians in other points), that theirassertions are erroneous, and proceeding from a want of a thoroughknowledge of the customs of the Indians. After the age of puberty, their bodies, in their natural state, are covered in the same manneras those of the Europeans. The men, indeed, esteem a beard veryunbecoming, and take great pains to get rid of it, nor is there anyever to be perceived on their faces, except when they grow old, andbecome inattentive to appearances. --The Naudowesses, and the remotenations, pluck them out with bent pieces of hard wood, formed into akind of nippers, whilst those who have communication with Europeans, procure from them wire, which they twist into a screw or worm;applying this to the part, they press the rings together, and witha sudden twitch, draw out all the hairs that are inclosed inthem. "--_Carver's Travels_, p. 224, 225. The remark made by MrMarsden, who also quotes Carver, is worth attending to, that the visoror mask of Montezuma's armour, preserved at Brussels, has remarkablylarge whiskers; and that those Americans could not have imitatedthis ornament, unless nature had presented them with the model. From Captain Cook's observation on the west coast of North America, combined with Carver's in the inland parts of that continent, andconfirmed by the Mexican vizor as above, there seems abundant reasonto agree with Mr Marsden, who thus modestly expresses himself: "Wereit not for the numerous and very respectable authorities, from whichwe are assured that the natives of America are naturally beardless, Ishould think that the common opinion on that subject had been hastilyadopted; and that their appearing thus at a mature age, was only theconsequence of an early practice, similar to that observed among theSumatrans. Even now, I must confess, that it would remove some smalldegree of doubt from my mind, could it be ascertained that no suchcustom prevails. "--_Marsden's History of Sumatra_, p. 39, 40. --D. ]

Their colour we could never positively determine, as their bodies wereincrusted with paint and dirt; though, in particular cases, when thesewere well rubbed off, the whiteness of the skin appeared almost toequal that of Europeans; though rather of that pale effete cast whichdistinguishes those of our southern nations. Their children, whoseskins had never been stained with paint, also equalled ours inwhiteness. During their youth, some of them have no disagreeable look, if compared to the generality of the people, but this seems to beentirely owing to the particular animation attending that periodof life; for, after attaining a certain age, there is hardly anydistinction. Upon the whole, a very remarkable sameness seems tocharacterize the countenances of the whole nation; a dull phlegmaticwant of expression, with very little variation, being strongly markedin all of them. 

The women are nearly of the same size, colour, and form with themen, from whom it is not easy to distinguish them, as they possess nonatural delicacies sufficient to render their persons agreeable; andhardly any one was seen, even amongst those who were in the prime oflife, who had the least pretensions to be called handsome. 

Their common dress is a flaxen garment, or mantle, ornamented onthe upper edge by a narrow strip of fur, and, at the lower edge, byfringes or tassels. It passes under the left arm, and is tied over theright shoulder, by a string before and one behind, near its middle, bywhich means both arms are left free, and it hangs evenly, covering theleft side, but leaving the right open, except from the loose part ofthe edges falling upon it, unless when the mantle is fastened by agirdle (of coarse matting or woollen) round the waist, which is oftendone. Over this, which reaches below the knees, is worn a small cloakof the same substance, likewise fringed at the lower part. In shapethis resembles a round dish-cover, being quite close, except in themiddle, where there is a hole just large enough to admit the head, andthen, resting upon the shoulders, it covers the arms to the elbows, and the body as far as the waist. Their head is covered with a cap, of the figure of a truncated cone, or like a flower-pot, made of finematting, having the top frequently ornamented with a round or pointedknob, or bunch of leather tassels, and there is a string that passesunder the chin, to prevent its blowing off. 

Besides the above dress, which is common to both sexes, the menfrequently throw over their other garments the skin of a bear, wolf, or sea-otter, with the hair outward, and tie it as a cloak near theupper part, wearing it sometimes before and sometimes behind. In rainyweather, they throw a coarse mat about their shoulders. They havealso woollen garments, which, however, are little in use. The hair iscommonly worn hanging down loose; but some, when they have no cap, tieit in a bunch on the crown of the head. Their dress, upon the whole, is convenient, and would, by no means be inelegant, were it keptclean. But as they rub their bodies constantly over with a red paint, of a clayey or coarse ochry substance, mixed with oil, their garments, by this means, contract a rancid offensive smell, and a greasynastiness; so that they make a very wretched dirty appearance, andwhat is still worse, their heads and their garments swarm with vermin, which, so depraved is their taste for cleanliness, we used to see thempick off with great composure and eat. 

Though their bodies are always covered with red paint, their faces areoften stained with a black, a brighter red, or a white colour, byway of ornament. The last of these gives them a ghastly, disgustingaspect. They also strew the brown martial _mica_ upon the paint, whichmakes it glitter. The ears of many of them are perforated in the lobe, where they make a pretty large hole, and two others higher up on theouter edge. In these holes they hang bits of bone, quills fixed upon aleathern thong, small shells, bunches of woollen tassels, or pieces ofthin copper, which our beads could never supplant. The _septum_ of thenose, in many, is also perforated, through which they draw a piece ofsoft cord; and others wear, at the same place, small thin pieces ofiron, brass, or copper, shaped almost like a horse-shoe, the narrowopening of which receives the _septum_, so as that the two points maygently pinch it, and the ornament thus hangs over the upper lip. The rings of our brass buttons, which they eagerly purchased, wereappropriated to this use. About their wrists they wore braceletsor bunches of white bugle beads, made of a conic shelly substance, bunches of thongs, with tassels, or a broad black shining hornysubstance, of one piece. And about their ancles they also frequentlywear many folds of leathern thongs, or the sinews of animals twistedto a considerable thickness. 

Thus far of their ordinary dress and ornaments; but they have somethat seem to be used only on extraordinary occasions, either when theyexhibit themselves as strangers, in visits of ceremony, or when theygo to war. Amongst the first may be considered the skins of animals, such as wolves or bears, tied on in the usual manner, but ornamentedat the edges with broad borders of fur, or of the woollen stuffmanufactured by them, ingeniously wrought with various figures. Theseare worn either separately, or over their own common garments. Onsuch occasions, the most common head-dress is a quantity of withe, orhalf-beaten bark, wrapped about the head, which, at the same time, hasvarious large feathers, particularly those of eagles, stuck in it, or is entirely covered, or we may say, powdered with small whitefeathers. The face, at the same time, is variously painted, having itsupper and lower parts of different colours, the strokes appearing likefresh gashes, or it is besmeared with a kind of tallow, mixed withpaint, which is afterward formed into a great variety of regularfigures, and appears like carved work. Sometimes, again, the hair isseparated into small parcels, which are tied at intervals of about twoinches, to the end, with thread, and others tie it together behind, after our manner, and stick branches of the _cypressus thyoides_ init. Thus dressed, they have a truly savage and incongruous appearance, but this is much heightened when they assume, what may be called, their monstrous decorations. These consist of an endless variety ofcarved wood masks or vizors, applied on the face, or to the upper partof the head or forehead. Some of these resemble human faces, furnishedwith hair, beards, and eye-brows; others, the heads of birds, particularly of eagles and quebrantahuessos, and many, the heads ofland and sea-animals, such as wolves, deer, and porpoises, and others. But, in general, these representations much exceed the natural size, and they are painted, and often strewed with pieces of the foliaceous_mica_, which makes them glitter, and, serves to augment theirenormous deformity. They even exceed this sometimes, and fix on thesame part of the head large pieces of carved work, resembling theprow of a canoe, painted in the same manner, and projecting to aconsiderable distance. So fond are they of these disguises, that Ihave seen one of them put his head into a tin kettle he had gotfrom us, for want of another sort of mask. Whether they use theseextravagant masquerade ornaments on any particular religious occasion, or diversion, or whether they be put on to intimidate their enemieswhen they go to battle, by their monstrous appearance, or as decoyswhen they go to hunt animals, is uncertain. But it may be concluded, that, if travellers or voyagers, in an ignorant and credulous age, when many unnatural or marvellous things were supposed to exist, hadseen a number of people decorated in this manner, without being ableto approach so near as to be undeceived, they would readily havebelieved, and, in their relations, would have attempted to make othersbelieve, that there existed a race of beings, partaking of the natureof man and beast, more especially, when, besides the heads of animalson the human shoulders, they might have seen the whole bodies of theirmen-monsters covered with quadrupeds' skins. [4]

[Footnote 4: The reflection in the text may furnish the admirers ofHerodotus, in particular, with an excellent apology for some of hiswonderful tales of this sort. --D. ]

The only dress amongst the people of Nootka, observed by us, thatseems peculiarly adapted to war, is a thick leathern mantle doubled, which, from its size, appears to be the skin of an elk or buffalo, tanned. This they fasten on, in the common manner, and it is socontrived, that it may reach up, and cover the breast quite tothe throat, falling, at the same time, almost to the heels. It is, sometimes, ingeniously painted in different compartments; and is notonly sufficiently strong to resist arrows, but, as they informed us bysigns, even spears cannot pierce it, so that it may be considered astheir coat of mail, or most complete defensive armour. Upon the sameoccasion, they sometimes wear a kind of leathern cloak, coveredwith rows of dried hoofs of deer, disposed horizontally, appended byleathern thongs, covered with quills, which, when they move, make around rattling noise, almost equal to that of many small bells. Itseems doubtful, however, whether this part of their garb be intendedto strike terror in war, or is only to be considered as belonging totheir eccentric ornaments on ceremonious occasions. For we saw one oftheir musical entertainments, conducted by a man dressed in this sortof cloak, with his mask on, and shaking his rattle. 

Though these people cannot be viewed without a kind of horror, whenequipped in such extravagant dresses, yet, when divested of them, and beheld in their common habit and actions, they have not theleast appearance of ferocity in their countenances; and seem, onthe contrary, as observed already, to be of a quiet, phlegmatic, andinactive disposition, destitute, in some measure, of that degree ofanimation and vivacity that would render them agreeable as socialbeings. If they are not reserved, they are far from being loquacious;but their gravity is, perhaps, rather a consequence of the dispositionjust mentioned, than of any conviction of its propriety, or theeffect of any particular mode of education. For, even in the greatestparoxysms of their rage, they seem unable to express it sufficiently;either with warmth of language, or significancy of gestures. 

Their orations, which are made either when engaged in any altercationor dispute, or to explain their sentiments publicly on otheroccasions, seem little more than short sentences, or rather singlewords, forcibly repeated, and constantly in one tone and degree ofstrength, accompanied only with a single gesture, which they use atevery sentence, jerking their whole body a little forward, by bendingthe knees, their arms hanging down by their sides at the same time. 

Though there is but too much reason, from their bringing to sale humanskulls and bones, to infer that they treat their enemies with a degreeof brutal cruelty, this circumstance rather marks a general agreementof character with that of almost every tribe of uncivilized man, inevery age, and in every part of the globe, than that they are to bereproached with any charge of peculiar inhumanity. We had no reason tojudge unfavourably of their disposition in this respect. They seem tobe a docile, courteous, good-natured people; but, notwithstanding thepredominant phlegm of their tempers, quick in resenting what they lookupon as an injury, and, like most other passionate people, as soonforgetting it. I never found that these fits of passion went fartherthan the parties immediately concerned, the spectators not troublingthemselves about the quarrel, whether it was with any of us, oramongst their own body, and preserving as much indifference as if theyhad not known any thing about it. I have often seen one of them raveand scold, without any of his countrymen paying the least attentionto his agitation; and when none of us could trace the cause, or theobject of his displeasure. In such cases they never discover the leastsymptom of timidity, but seem determined, at all events, to punish theinsult. For, even with respect to us, they never appeared to be underthe least apprehension of our superiority; but when any differencehappened, were just as ready to avenge the wrong, as amongstthemselves. 

Their other passions, especially their curiosity, appear in somemeasure to lie dormant. For few expressed any desire to see or examinethings wholly unknown to them; and which, to those truly possessedof that passion, would have appeared astonishing. They were alwayscontented to procure the articles they knew and wanted, regardingevery thing else with great indifference; nor did our persons, apparel, and manners, so differ from their own, or even theextraordinary size and construction of our ships, seem to exciteadmiration, or even engage attention. 

One cause of this may be their indolence, which seems considerable. But, on the other hand, they are certainly not wholly unsusceptibleof the tender passions; if we may judge from their being so fond ofmusic, which is mostly of the grave or serious, but truly patheticsort. They keep the exactest concert in their songs, which are oftensung by great numbers together, as those already mentioned, with whichthey used to entertain us in their canoes. These are generally slowand solemn; but the music is not of that confined sort foundamongst many rude nations, for the variations are very numerous andexpressive, and the cadence or melody powerfully soothing. Besidestheir full concerts, sonnets of the same grave cast were frequentlysung by single performers, who keep time by striking the handagainst the thigh. However, the music was sometimes varied, from itspredominant solemnity of air; and there were instances of stanzasbeing sung in a more gay and lively strain, and even with a degree ofhumour. 

The only instruments of music (if such they may be called) which I sawamongst them, were a rattle, and a small whistle, about an inch long, incapable of any variation, from having but one hole. They use therattle when they sing; but upon what occasions they use the whistleI know not, unless it be when they dress themselves like particularanimals, and endeavour to imitate their howl or cry. I once saw oneof them dressed in a wolf's skin, with the head over his own, andimitating that animal by making a squeaking noise with one of thesewhistles, which he had in his mouth. The rattles are, for the mostpart, made in the shape of a bird, with a few pebbles in the belly;and the tail is the handle. They have others, however, that bearrather more resemblance to a child's rattle. 

In trafficking with us, some of them would betray a knavishdisposition, and carry off our goods without making any return. But, in general, it was otherwise; and we had abundant reason to commendthe fairness of their conduct. However, their eagerness to possessiron and brass, and, indeed, any kind of metal, was so great, thatfew of them could resist the temptation to steal it, whenever anopportunity offered. The inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, asappears from a variety of instances in the course of this voyage, rather than be idle, would steal any thing that they could lay theirhands upon, without ever considering, whether it could be of use tothem or no. The novelty of the object, with them, was a sufficientmotive for their endeavouring, by any indirect means, to getpossession of it; which marked that, in such cases, they were ratheractuated by a childish curiosity, than by a dishonest disposition, regardless of the modes of supplying real wants. The inhabitants ofNootka, who invaded our property, cannot have such apology made forthem. They were thieves in the strictest sense of the word; for theypilfered nothing from us, but what they knew could be converted to thepurposes of private utility, and had a real value according to theirestimation of things. And it was lucky for us, that nothing wasthought valuable by them, but the single articles of our metals. Linen, and such like things, were perfectly secure from theirdepredations, and we could safely leave them hanging out ashore allnight, without watching. The same principle which prompted our Nootkafriends to pilfer from us, it was natural to suppose, would producea similar conduct in their intercourse with each other. And, accordingly, we had abundant reason to believe, that stealing ismuch practised amongst them, and that it chiefly gives rise to theirquarrels, of which we saw more than one instance. 

SECTION III. 

_Manner of Building the Homes in Nootka Sound. --Inside of themdescribed. --Furniture and Utensils. --Wooden Images. --Employmentsof the Men. --Of the Women. --Food, Animal and Vegetable. --Manner ofpreparing it. --Weapons. --Manufactures and Mechanic Arts. --Carvingand Painting. --Canoes. --Implements for Fishing and Hunting. --IronTools. --Manner of procuring that Metal. --Remarks on their Language, and a Specimen of it. --Astronomical and Nautical Observations made inNootka Sound. _

The two towns or villages, mentioned in the course of my journal, seemto be the only inhabited part of the Sound. The number of inhabitantsin both might be pretty exactly computed from the canoes that wereabout the ships the second day after our arrival. They amounted toabout a hundred; which, at a very moderate allowance, must, upon anaverage, have held five persons each. But as there were scarcely anywomen, very old men, children, or youths amongst them at that time, I think it will rather be rating the number of the inhabitants of thetwo towns too low, if we suppose they could be less than four timesthe number of our visitors, that is, two thousand in the whole. 

The village at the entrance of the Sound stands on the side of arising ground, which has a pretty steep ascent from the beach to theverge of the wood, in which space it is situated. 

The houses are disposed in three ranges or rows, rising graduallybehind each other, the largest being that in front, and the othersless, besides a few straggling, or single ones, at each end. Theseranges are interrupted or disjoined at irregular distances, bynarrow paths, or lanes, that pass upward; but those which run in thedirection of the houses, between the rows, are much broader. Thoughthere be some appearance of regularity in this disposition, thereis none in the single houses, for each of the divisions, made by thepaths, may be considered either as one house, or as many, therebeing no regular or complete separation, either without or within, todistinguish them by. They are built of very long and broad planks[1], resting upon the edges of each other, fastened or tied by withesof pine bark here and there, and have only slender posts, or ratherpoles, at considerable distances on the outside, to which they alsoare tied, but within are some larger poles placed aslant. The heightof the sides and ends of these habitations, is seven or eight feet;but the back part is a little higher, by which means, the planks thatcompose the roof slant forward, and are laid on loose, so as to bemoved about, either to be put close to exclude the rain, or, in fairweather, to be separated, to let in the light and carry out thesmoke. They are, however, upon the whole, miserable dwellings, andconstructed with little care or ingenuity. For, though the side-planksbe made to fit pretty closely in some places, in others they arequite open, and there are no regular doors into them, the only wayof entrance being either by a hole, where the unequal length of theplanks has accidentally left an opening, or, in some cases, the planksare made to pass a little beyond each other, or overlap, about twofeet asunder, and the entrance is in this space. There are also holes, or windows, in the sides of the houses to look out at; but without anyregularity of shape or disposition; and these have bits of mat hungbefore them, to prevent the rain getting in. 

[Footnote 1: The habitations of the natives, more to the north uponthis coast, where Behring's people landed in 1741, seem to resemblethose of Nootka. Muller describes them thus: "Ces cabanes étoient debois revetu de planches bien unies, et même enchainées en quelquesendroits. "--Muller, _Découvertes_, p. 255. --D. ]

On the inside, one may frequently see from one end to the other ofthese ranges of building without interruption. For though, in general, there be the rudiments, or rather vestiges, of separations on eachside, for the accommodation of different families, they are such as donot intercept the sight; and often consist of no more than pieces ofplank, running from the side toward the middle of the house; so that, if they were complete, the whole might be compared to a long stable, with a double range of stalls, and a broad passage in the middle. Close to the sides, in each of these parts, is a little bench ofboards, raised five or six inches higher than the rest of the floor, and covered with mats on which the family sit and sleep. These benchesare commonly seven or eight feet long, and four or five broad. Inthe middle of the floor, between them, is the fire-place, which hasneither hearth nor chimney. In one house, which was in the end of amiddle range, almost quite separated from the rest by a high closepartition, and the most regular, as to design, of any that I saw, there were four of these benches, each of which held a single family, at a corner, but without any separation by boards, and the middle partof the house appeared common to them all. 

Their furniture consists chiefly of a great number of chests and boxesof all sizes, which are generally piled upon each other, close to thesides or ends of the house, and contain their spare garments, skins, masks, and other things which they set a value upon. Some of these aredouble, or one covers the other as a lid, others have a lid fastenedwith thongs, and some of the very large ones have a square hole, orscuttle, cut in the upper part, by which the things are put in andtaken out. They are often painted black, studded with the teeth ofdifferent animals, or carved with a kind of freeze-work, and figuresof birds or animals, as decorations. Their other domestic utensilsare mostly square and oblong pails or buckets to hold water and otherthings, round wooden cups and bowls, and small shallow wooden troughs, about two feet long, out of which they eat their food, and baskets oftwigs, bags of matting, &c. Their fishing implements, and other thingsalso, lie or hang up in different parts of the house, but without theleast order, so that the whole is a complete scene of confusion;and the only places that do not partake of this confusion are thesleeping-benches, that have nothing on them but the mats, which arealso cleaner, or of a finer sort, than those they commonly have to siton in their boats. 

The nastiness and stench of their houses are, however, at least equalto the confusion. For as they dry their fish within doors, they alsogut them there, which, with their bones and fragments, thrown down atmeals, and the addition of other sorts of filth, lie every wherein heaps, and are, I believe, never carried away till it becomestroublesome, from their size, to walk over them. In a word, theirhouses are as filthy as hog-sties; every thing in and about themstinking of fish, train-oil, and smoke. 

But, amidst all the filth and confusion that are found in the houses, many of them are decorated with images. These are nothing more thanthe trunks of very large trees, four or five feet high, set up singly, or by pairs, at the upper end of the apartment, with the front carvedinto a human face; the arms and hands cut out upon the sides, andvariously painted; so that the whole is a truly monstrous figure. The general name of these images is _Klumma_; and the names of twoparticular ones, which stood abreast of each other, three or fourfeet asunder, in one of the houses, were _Natchkoa_ and _Matseeta_. MrWebber's view of the inside of a Nootka house, in which theseimages are represented, conveys a more perfect idea of them than anydescription. A mat, by way of curtain, for the most part, hung beforethem, which the natives were not willing, at all times, to remove;and when they did unveil them, they seemed to speak of them in a verymysterious manner. It should seem, that they are at times accustomedto make offerings to them; if we can draw this inference from theirdesiring us, as we interpreted their signs, to give something to theseimages, when they drew aside the mats that covered them. [2] It wasnatural, from these circumstances, for us to think, that they wererepresentatives of their gods, or symbols of some religious orsuperstitious object: and yet we had proofs of the little realestimation they were in; for, with a small quantity of iron or brass, I could have purchased all the gods (if their images were such) in theplace. I did not see one that was not offered to me; and I actuallygot two or three of the very smallest sort. 

[Footnote 2: It should seem, that Mr Webber was obliged to repeat hisofferings pretty frequently before he could be permitted to finish hisdrawing of these images. The following account is in his own words:"After having made a general view of their habitations, I sought foran inside, which might furnish me with sufficient matter to conveya perfect idea of the mode in which these people live. Such was soonfound. While I was employed, a man approached me with a large knifein his hand, seemingly displeased, when he observed that my eyes werefixed on two representations of human figures, which were placed atone end of the apartment, carved on planks, of a gigantic proportion, and painted after their custom. However, I took as little notice ofhim as possible, and proceeded; to prevent which, he soon providedhimself with a mat, and placed it in such a manner as to hinder myhaving any longer a sight of them. Being pretty certain that I couldhave no future opportunity to finish my drawing, and the object beingtoo interesting to be omitted, I considered that a little briberymight probably have some effect. Accordingly, I made an offer of abutton from my coat, which, being of metal, I thought they would bepleased with. This, instantly, produced the desired effect. For themat was removed, and I was left at liberty to proceed as before. Scarcely had I seated myself, and made a beginning, when he returned, and renewed his former practice, continuing it till I had parted withevery single button; and when he saw that he had completely strippedme, I met with no farther obstruction. "--D. ]

The chief employment of the men seems to be that of fishing, andkilling land or sea animals for the sustenance of their families; forwe saw few of them doing any thing in the houses; whereas the womenwere occupied in manufacturing their flaxen or woollen garments, andin preparing the sardines for drying; which they also carry up fromthe beach in twig-baskets, after the men have brought them in theircanoes. The women are also sent in the small canoes to gather muscles, and other shell-fish, and perhaps on some other occasions; for theymanage these with as much dexterity as the men; who, when in thecanoes with them, seem to pay little attention to their sex, byoffering to relieve them from the labour of the paddle; nor indeeddo they treat them with any particular respect or tenderness in othersituations. The young men appeared to be the most indolent or idle setin this community; for they were either sitting about, in scatteredcompanies, to bask themselves in the sun, or lay wallowing in the sandupon the beach, like a number of hogs, for the same purpose, withoutany covering. But this disregard of decency was confined to the men. The women were always properly clothed, and behaved with the utmostpropriety; justly deserving all commendation for a bashfulness andmodesty becoming their sex; but more meritorious in them, as the menseem to have no sense of shame. It is impossible, however, that weshould have been able to observe the exact mode of their domesticlife and employments, from a single visit (as the first was quitetransitory) of a few hours. For it may be easily supposed, that, onsuch an occasion, most of the labour of all the inhabitants of thevillage would cease upon our arrival, and an interruption be giveneven to the usual manner of appearing in their houses, during theirmore remiss or sociable hours, when left to themselves. We were muchbetter enabled to form some judgment of their disposition, and, insome measure, even of their method of living, from the frequent visitsso many of them paid us at our ships in their canoes; in which, itwould seem, they spend a great deal of time, at least in the summerseason. For we observed, that they not only eat and sleep frequentlyin them, but strip off their clothes and lay themselves along tobask in the sun, in the same manner as we had seen practised at theirvillage. Their canoes of the larger sort are, indeed, sufficientlyspacious for that purpose, and perfectly dry; so that, under shelterof a skin, they are, except in rainy weather, much more comfortablehabitations than their houses. 

Though their food, strictly speaking, may be said to consist of everything animal or vegetable that they can procure, the quantity of thelatter bears an exceeding small proportion to that of the former. Their greatest reliance seems to be upon the sea, as affording fish, muscles, and smaller shell-fish, and sea-animals. Of the first, the principal are herrings and sardines; the two species of bream, formerly mentioned, and small cod. But the herrings and sardines arenot only eaten fresh, in their season, but likewise serve as stores, which, after being dried and smoked, are preserved, by being sewedup in mats, so as to form large bales, three or four feet square. Itseems that the herrings also supply them with another grand resourcefor food; which is a vast quantity of roe, very curiously prepared. Itis strewed upon, or as it were incrustated about small branches ofthe Canadian pine. They also prepare it upon a long narrow sea-grass, which grows plentifully upon the rocks, under water. This _caviare_, if it may be so called, is kept in baskets or bags of mat, and usedoccasionally, being first dipped in water. It may be considered as thewinter bread of these people, and has no disagreeable taste. They alsoeat the roe of some other fish, which, from the size of its grains, must be very large; but it has a rancid taste and smell. It does notappear that they prepare any other fish in this manner, to preservethem for any length of time. For though they split and dry a few ofthe bream and _chimæræ_, which are pretty plentiful, they do not smokethem as the herrings and sardines. 

The next article, on which they seem to depend for a large proportionof their food, is the large muscle; great abundance of which are foundin the Sound. These are roasted in their shells, then stuck uponlong wooden-skewers, and taken off occasionally as wanted; being eatwithout any other preparation, though they often dip them in oil as asauce. The other marine productions, such as the smaller shell-fish, though they contribute to increase the general stock, are by no meansto be looked upon as a standing or material article of their food, when compared to those just mentioned. 

Of the sea-animals, the most common that we saw in use amongst them asfood is the porpoise; the fat or rind of which, as well as the flesh, they cut in large pieces, and having dried them, as they do theherrings, eat them without any farther preparation. They also preparea sort of broth from this animal, in its fresh state, in a singularmanner, putting pieces of it in a square wooden vessel or bucket, withwater, and then throwing heated stones into it. This operationthey repeat till they think the contents are sufficiently stewed orseethed. They put in the fresh, and take out the other stones, witha cleft stick, which serves as tongs; the vessel being always placednear the fire for that purpose. This is a pretty common dish amongstthem, and, from its appearance, seems to be strong, nourishing food. The oil which they procure from these and other sea-animals, is alsoused by them in great quantities; both supping it alone, with a largescoop or spoon made of horn, or mixing it with other food, as sauce. 

It may also be presumed, that they feed upon other sea-animals, suchas seals, sea-otters, and whales; not only from the skins of thetwo first being frequent amongst them, but from the great number ofimplements of all sorts intended to destroy these different animals;which clearly points out their dependence upon them; though perhapsthey do not catch them in great plenty, at all seasons; which seemedto be the case while we lay there, as no great number of fresh skins, or pieces of the flesh, were seen. 

The same might, perhaps, be said of the land-animals, which, thoughdoubtless the natives sometimes kill them, appeared to be scarce atthis time; as we did not see a single piece of the flesh belongingto any of them; and though their skins be in tolerable plenty, it isprobable that many of these are procured by traffic from other tribes. Upon the whole, it seems plain, from a variety of circumstances, thatthese people procure almost all their animal food from the sea, if weexcept a few birds, of which the gulls or sea-fowl, which they shootwith their arrows, are the most material. 

As the Canadian pine-branches and sea-grass, on which the fish roe isstrewed, may be considered as their only winter vegetables; so, asthe spring advances, they make use of several others as they come inseason. The most common of these, which we observed, were two sorts ofliliaceous roots, one simply tunicated, the other granulated uponits surface, called _mahkatte_ and _koohquoppa_, which have a mildsweetish taste, and are mucilaginous, and eaten raw. The next, whichthey have in great quantities, is a root called _aheita_, resembling, in taste, our liquorice; and another fern root, whose leaves were notyet disclosed. They also eat, raw, another small, sweetish, insipidroot, about the thickness of _sarsaparilla_; but we were ignorant ofthe plant to which it belongs; and also of another root, which is verylarge and palmated, which we saw them dig tip near the Village, andafterward eat it. It is also probable, that, as the season advances, they have many others, which we did not see. For, though there be noappearance of cultivation amongst them, there are great quantities ofalder, gooseberry, and currant bushes, whose fruits they may eat intheir natural state, as we have seen them eat the leaves of the last, and of the lilies, just as they were plucked from the plant. It must, however, be observed, that one of the conditions which they seem torequire, in all food, is, that it should be of the bland, or lessacrid kind; for they would not eat the leek or garlic, though theybrought vast quantities to sell, when they understood we were fondof it. Indeed, they seemed to have no relish for any of our food;and when offered spirituous liquors, they rejected them as somethingunnatural and disgusting to the palate. 

Though they sometimes eat small marine animals in their fresh state, raw, it is their common practice to roast or broil their food; forthey are quite ignorant of our method of boiling; unless we allow thatof preparing their porpoise broth is such; and indeed their vesselsbeing all of wood, they are quite insufficient for this purpose. 

Their manner of eating is exactly consonant to the nastiness of theirhouses and persons; for the troughs and platters, in which they puttheir food, appear never to have been washed from the time they werefirst made, and the dirty remains of a former meal are only sweepedaway by the succeeding one. They also tear every thing solid, ortough, to pieces, with their hands and teeth; for, though they makeuse of their knives to cut off the larger portions, they have not, asyet, thought of reducing these to smaller pieces and mouthfuls by thesame means, though obviously more convenient and cleanly. But theyseem to have no idea of cleanliness; for they eat the roots whichthey dig from the ground, without so much as shaking off the soil thatadheres to them. 

We are uncertain if they have any set time for meals; for we have seenthem eat at all hours in their canoes. And yet, from seeing severalmesses of the porpoise broth preparing toward noon, when we visitedthe village, I should suspect that they make a principal meal aboutthat time. 

Their weapons are bows and arrows, slings, spears, short truncheonsof bone, somewhat like the _patoo patoo_ of New Zealand, and a smallpick-axe, not unlike the common American _tomahawk_. The spear hasgenerally a long point, made of bone. Some of the arrows are pointedwith iron; but most commonly their points were of indented bone. Thetomahawk is a stone, six or eight inches long, pointed at one end, andthe other end fixed into a handle of wood. This handle resemblesthe head and neck of the human figure; and the stone is fixed in themouth, so as to represent an enormously large tongue. To make theresemblance still stronger, human hair is also fixed to it. Thisweapon they call _taaweesh_, or _tsuskeeah_. They have another stoneweapon called _seeaik_, nine inches or a foot long, with a squarepoint. 

From the number of stone weapons and others, we might almost conclude, that it is their custom to engage in close fight; and we had tooconvincing proofs that their wars are both frequent and bloody, fromthe vast number of human sculls which they brought to sell. 

Their manufactures and mechanic arts are far more extensive andingenious, whether we regard the design or the execution, than couldhave been expected from the natural disposition of the people, andthe little progress that civilization has made amongst them in otherrespects. The flaxen and woollen garments, with which they coverthemselves, must necessarily engage their first care; and are the mostmaterial of those that can be racked under the head of manufactures. The former of these are made of the bark of a pine-tree, beat into ahempen state. It is not spun, but, after being properly prepared, isspread upon a stick, which is fastened across to two others that standupright. It is disposed in such a manner, that the manufacturer, whosits on her hams at this simple machine, knots it across with smallplaited threads, at the distance of half an inch from each other. Though, by this method, it be not so close or firm as cloth that iswoven, the bunches between the knots make it sufficiently imperviousto the air, by filling the interstices; and it has the additionaladvantage of being softer and more pliable. The woollen garments, though probably manufactured in the same manner, have the strongestresemblance to woven cloth. But the various figures, which are veryartificially inserted in them, destroy the supposition of their beingwrought in a loom; it being extremely unlikely that these peopleshould be so dexterous as to be able to finish such a complex work, unless immediately by their hands. They are of different degrees offineness; some resembling our coarsest rugs or blankets; and othersalmost equal to our finest sorts, or even softer, and certainlywarmer. The wool, of which they are made, seems to be taken fromdifferent animals, as the fox and brown _lynx_; the last of which isby far the finest sort, and, in its natural state, differs little fromthe colour of our coarser wools; but the hair, with which the animalis also covered, being intermixed, its appearance, when wrought, issomewhat different. The ornamental parts or figures in these garments, which are disposed with great taste, are commonly of a differentcolour, being dyed, chiefly either of a deep brown or of a yellow; thelast of which, when it is new, equals the best in our carpets as tobrightness. 

To their taste or design in working figures upon their garments, corresponds their fondness for carving in every thing they make ofwood. Nothing is without a kind of freeze-work, or the figure of someanimal upon it; but the most general representation is that of thehuman face, which is often cut out upon birds, and the other monstrousfigures mentioned before; and even upon their stone and theirbone weapons. The general design of all these things is perfectlysufficient to convey a knowledge of the object they are intended torepresent; but the carving is not executed with the nicety that adexterous artist would bestow even upon an indifferent design. Thesame, however, cannot be said of many of the human masks and heads;where they shew themselves to be ingenious sculptors. They not onlypreserve, with great exactness, the general character of their ownfaces, but finish the more minute parts with a degree of accuracy inproportion, and neatness in execution. The strong propensity of thispeople to works of this sort, is remarkable, in a vast variety ofparticulars. Small whole human figures; representations of birds, fish, and land and sea-animals; models of their household utensils andof their canoes, were found amongst them in great abundance. 

The imitative arts being nearly allied, no wonder that, to their skillin working figures in their garments, and carving them in wood, theyshould add that of drawing them in colours. We have sometimes seen thewhole process of their whale-fishery painted on the caps they wear. This, though rudely executed, serves, at least, to shew, that, thoughthere be no appearance of the knowledge of letters amongst them, theyhave some notion of a method of commemorating and representing actionsin a lasting way, independently of what may be recorded in their songsand traditions. They have also other figures painted on some of theirthings; but it is doubtful if they ought to be considered as symbols, that have certain established significations, or only the merecreation of fancy and caprice. 

Their canoes are of a simple structure; but, to appearance, wellcalculated for every useful purpose. Even the largest, which carrytwenty people or more, are formed of one tree. Many of them are fortyfeet long, seven broad, and about three deep. From the middle, towardeach end, they become gradually narrower, the after-part, or stern, ending abruptly or perpendicularly, with a small knob on the top; butthe fore-part is lengthened out, stretching forward and upward, endingin a notched point or prow, considerably higher than the sides of thecanoe, which run nearly in a straight line. For the most part theyare without any ornament; but some have a little carving, and aredecorated by setting seals' teeth on the surface, like studs, as istheir practice on their masks and weapons. A few have, likewise, akind of additional head or prow, like a large cut-water, which ispainted with the figure of some animal. They have no seats, nor anyother supporters, on the inside, than several round sticks, littlethicker than a cane, placed across, at mid depth. They are very light, and their breadth and flatness enable them to swim firmly, without anout-rigger, which none of them have; a remarkable distinction betweenthe navigation of all the American nations and that of the southernparts of the East Indies, and the islands in the Pacific Ocean. Theirpaddles are small and light; the shape, in some measure, resemblingthat of a large leaf, pointed at the bottom, broadest in the middle, and gradually losing itself in the shaft, the whole being aboutfive feet long. They have acquired great dexterity in managing thesepaddles, by constant use; for sails are no part of their art ofnavigation. 

Their implements for fishing and hunting, which are both ingeniouslycontrived, and well made, are nets, hooks and lines, harpoons, gigs, and an instrument like an oar. This last is about twenty feet long, four or five inches broad, and about half an inch thick. Each edge, for about two-thirds of its length, (the other third being itshandle, ) is set with sharp bone-teeth, about two inches long. Herringsand sardines, and such other small fish as come in shoals, areattacked with this instrument; which is struck into the shoal, and thefish are caught either upon or between the teeth. Their hooks are madeof bone and wood, and rather inartificially; but the harpoon, withwhich they strike the whales and lesser sea-animals, shew a greatreach of contrivance. It is composed of a piece of bone, cut into twobarbs, in which is fixed the oval blade of a large muscle-shell, inwhich is the point of the instrument. To this is fastened about two orthree fathoms of rope; and to throw this harpoon, they use a shaft ofabout twelve or fifteen feet long, to which the line or rope is madefast; and to one end of which the harpoon is fixed, so as to separatefrom the shaft, and leave it floating upon the water as a buoy, whenthe animal darts away with the harpoon. 

We can say nothing as to the manner of their catching or killingland-animals, unless we may suppose that they shoot the smaller sortswith their arrows, and engage bears, or wolves and foxes, with theirspears. They have, indeed, several nets, which are probably appliedto that purpose;[3] as they frequently threw them over their heads, to shew their use, when they brought them to us for sale. They also, sometimes, decoy animals, by covering themselves with a skin, andrunning about upon all-fours, which they do very nimbly, as appearedfrom the specimens of their skill, which they exhibited to us, making a kind of noise, or neighing, at the same time; and on theseoccasions, the masks or carved heads, as well as the real dried headsof the different animals, are put on. 

[Footnote 3: One of the methods of catching sea-otters, when ashoreat Kamptschatka, is with nets. --See _Coxe's Russian Discoveries_, p. 13. --D. ]

As to the materials, of which they make their various articles, itis to be observed, that every thing of the rope kind is formed eitherfrom thongs of skins and sinews of animals, or from the same flaxensubstance of which their mantles are manufactured. The sinews oftenappeared to be of such a length, that it might be presumed they couldbe of no other animal than the whale. And the same may be said ofthe bones of which they made their weapons already mentioned; such astheir bark-beating instruments, the points of their spears, and thebarbs of their harpoons. 

Their great dexterity in works of wood, may, in some measure, beascribed to the assistance they receive from iron tools. For, as faras we know, they use no other; at least we saw only one chisel ofbone. And though originally their tools must have been of differentmaterials, it is not improbable that many of their improvements havebeen made since they acquired a knowledge of that metal, which nowis universally used in their various wooden works. The chisel and theknife are the only forms, as far as we saw, that iron assumes amongstthem. The chisel is a long flat piece, filled into a handle of wood. Astone serves for a mallet, and a piece of fish-skin for a polisher. I have seen some of these chisels that were eight or ten inches long, and three or four inches broad, but, in general, they were smaller. The knives are of various sizes; some very large; and their blades arecrooked, somewhat like our pruning-knife, but the edge is on the backor convex part. Most of them that we saw were about the breadth andthickness of an iron-hoop, and their singular form marks that theyare not of European make. Probably they are imitations of their ownoriginal instruments, used for the same purposes. They sharpen theseiron tools upon a coarse slate whetstone, and likewise keep the wholeinstrument constantly bright. 

Iron, which they call _seekemaile_, (which name they also give to tinand all white metals, ) being familiar to these people, it was verynatural for us to speculate about the mode of its being conveyed tothem. Upon our arrival in the Sound, they immediately discovered aknowledge of traffic, and an inclination for it; and we were convincedafterward, that they had not received this knowledge from a cursoryinterview with any strangers, but, from their method, it seemed to bean established practice, of which they were fond, and in which theywere also well skilled. With whom they carry on this traffic, may, perhaps, admit of some doubt. For though we found amongst them thingsdoubtless of European manufacture, or at least derived, from somecivilized nation, such as iron and brass, it by no means appearsthat they receive them immediately from these nations. For we neverobserved the least sign of their having seen ships like ours before, nor of their having traded with such people. Many circumstancesserve to prove this almost beyond a doubt. They were earnest in theirenquiries, by signs, on our arrival, if we meant to settle amongstthem, and if we came as friends; signifying, at the same time, thatthey gave the wood and water freely, from friendship. This not onlyproves, that they considered the place as entirely their property, without fearing any superiority; but the enquiry would have been anunnatural one, on a supposition that any ships had been here before;had trafficked, and supplied themselves with wood and water; and hadthen departed; for, in that case, they might reasonably expect wewould do the same. They, indeed, expressed no marks of surprise atseeing our ships. But this, as I observed before, may be imputed totheir natural indolence of temper, and want of curiosity. Nor werethey even startled at the report of a musquet; till one day, upontheir endeavouring to make us sensible, that their arrows and spearscould not penetrate the hide-dresses, one of our gentlemen shot amusquet-ball through one of them, folded six times. At this they wereso much staggered, that they plainly discovered their ignorance of theeffect of fire-arms. This was very often confirmed afterward, when weused them at their village and other places to shoot birds, the mannerof which plainly confounded them; and our explanations of the use ofshot and ball were received with the most significant marks of theirhaving no previous ideas on this matter. 

Some account of a Spanish voyage to this coast, in 1774, or 1775, had reached England before I sailed; but the foregoing circumstancessufficiently prove that these ships had not been at Nootka. [4] Besidesthis, it was evident, that iron was too common here; was in too manyhands; and the uses of it were too well known, for them to have hadthe first knowledge of it so very lately; or indeed at any earlierperiod, by an accidental supply from a ship. Doubtless, from thegeneral use they make of this metal, it maybe supposed to come fromsome constant source, by way of traffic, and that not of a very latedate; for they are as dexterous in using their tools as the longestpractice can make them. The most probable way, therefore, by which wecan suppose that they get their iron, is by trading for it with otherIndian tribes, who either have immediate communication with Europeansettlements upon that continent, or receive it, perhaps, throughseveral intermediate nations. The same might be said of the brass andcopper found amongst them. 

[Footnote 4: We now know that Captain Cook's conjecture was wellfounded. It appears, from the Journal of this Voyage, already referredto, that the Spaniards had intercourse with the natives of this coastonly in three places, in latitude 41° 7'; in latitude 47° 21'; and inlatitude 57° 18'. So that they were not within two degrees of Nootka;and it is most probable that the people there never heard of theseSpanish ships. --D. ]

Whether these things be introduced by way of Hudson's Bay and Canada, from the Indians, who deal with our traders, and so successivelyacross from one tribe to the other; or whether they be brought fromthe north-western parts of Mexico in the same manner, perhaps cannotbe easily determined. But it should seem, that not only the rudematerials, but some articles in their manfactured state, find theirway hither. The brass ornaments for noses, in particular, are soneatly made, that I am doubtful whether the Indians are capableof fabricating them. The materials, certainly, are European; as noAmerican tribes have been found, who knew the method of making brass;though copper has been commonly met with, and, from its softness, might be fashioned into any shape, and also polished. If our tradersto Hudson's Bay and Canada do not use such articles in their trafficwith the natives, they must have been introduced at Nootka from thequarter of Mexico, from whence, no doubt, the two silver table-spoons, met with here, were originally derived. It is most probable, however, that the Spaniards are not such eager traders, nor have formed suchextensive connections with the tribes north of Mexico, as to supplythem with quantities of iron, from which they can spare so much to thepeople here. [5]

[Footnote 5: Though the two silver table-spoons, found at NootkaSound, most probably came from the Spaniards in the south, there seemsto be sufficient grounds for believing that the regular supply of ironcomes from a different quarter. It is remarkable, that the Spaniards, in 1775, found at _Puerto de la Trinidad_, in latitude 41°7', _arrowspointed with copper or iron, which they understood were procuredfrom the north_. Mr Daines Barrington, in a note at this part of theSpanish journal, p. 20, says "I should conceive, that the copper andiron here mentioned, must have originally been bartered at our fortsin Hudson's Bay. "--D. ]

Of the political and religious institutions established amongstthem, it cannot be supposed that we should learn much. This we couldobserve, that there are such men as chiefs, who are distinguished bythe name or title of _Acweek_, and to whom the others are, in somemeasure, subordinate. But I should guess, the authority of eachof these great men extends no farther than the family to which hebelongs, and who own him as their head. These _Acweeks_ were notalways elderly men; from which I concluded that this title came tothem by inheritance. 

I saw nothing that could give the least insight into their notionsof religion, besides the figures before mentioned, called by them_Klumma_. Most probably these were idols; but as they frequentlymentioned the word _acweek_, when they spoke of them, we may, perhaps, be authorised to suppose, that they are the images of some of theirancestors, whom they venerate as divinities. But all this is mereconjecture; for we saw no act of religious homage paid to them; norcould we gain any information, as we had learned little more of theirlanguage than to ask the names of things, without being able to holdany conversation with the natives, that might instruct us as to theirinstitutions or traditions. 

In drawing up the preceding account of the people of this Sound, Ihave occasionally blended Mr Anderson's observations with my own;but I owe every thing to him. That relates to their language; and thefollowing remarks are in his own words. 

"Their language is by no means harsh or disagreeable, fartherthan proceeds from their using the _k_ and _h_ with more force, orpronouncing them with less softness than we do; and, upon the whole, it abounds rather with what we may call labial and dental, than withguttural sounds. The simple sounds, which we have not heard them use, and which, consequently, may be reckoned rare, or wanting in theirlanguage, are those represented by the letters _b, d, f, g, r, _ and_v_. But, on the other hand, they have one, which is very frequent, and not used by us. It is formed, in a particular manner, by clashingthe tongue partly against the roof of the mouth with considerableforce, and may be compared to a very coarse or harsh method oflisping. It is difficult to represent this sound by any composition ofour letters, unless somehow from _lszthl_. This is one of their mostusual terminations, though we sometimes found it in the beginning ofwords. The next most general termination is composed of _tl_; and manywords end with _z_ and _ss_. A specimen or two of each of these ishere put down:

 _Opulszthl_, The sun. _Onulszthl_, The moon. _Kahsheetl_, Dead. _Teeshcheetl_, To throw a stone. _Kooomitz_, A human scull. _Quahmiss_, Fish roe. 

"They seem to take so great a latitude in their mode of speaking, thatI have sometimes observed four or five different terminations ofthe same word. This is a circumstance very puzzling at first to astranger, and marks a great imperfection in their language. 

"As to the composition of it, we can say very little; having beenscarcely able to distinguish the several parts of speech. It can onlybe inferred, from their method of speaking, which is very slow anddistinct, that it has few prepositions or conjunctions; and, as faras we could discover, is destitute of even a single interjection, toexpress admiration or surprise. From its having few conjunctions, it may be conceived, that these being thought unnecessary, as beingunderstood, each single word with them will also express a great deal, or comprehend several simple ideas; which seems to be the case. But, for the same reason, the language will be defective in other respects;not having words to distinguish or express differences which reallyexist, and hence not sufficiently copious. This was observed to bethe case in many instances, particularly with respect to the namesof animals. The relation or affinity it may bear to other languages, either on this or on the Asiatic continent, I have not been ablesufficiently to trace for want of proper specimens to compare itwith, except those of the Esquimaux and Indians about Hudson's Bay;to neither of which it bears the least resemblance. On the other hand, from the few Mexican words I have been able to procure, there is themost obvious agreement, in the very frequent terminations of the wordsin _l_, _tl_, or _z_, throughout the language. "[6]

[Footnote 6: May we not, in confirmation of Mr Anderson's remark, observe, that _Opulszthl_, the Nootka name of the Sun; and_Vitziputzli_, the name of the Mexican Divinity, have no very distantaffinity in sound?--D. ]

The large vocabulary of the Nootka language, collected by Mr Anderson, shall be reserved for another place, [7] as its insertion here wouldtoo much interrupt our narration. At present I only select theirnumerals, for the satisfaction of such of our readers as love tocompare those of different nations in different parts of the world:

 _Tsawack_, One. _Akkla_, Two. _Katsitsa_, Three. _Mo_, or _Moo_, Four. _Sochah_, Five. _Nofpo_, Six. _Atstepoo_, Seven. _Atlaquolthl_, Eight. _Tsawaquulthl_, Nine. _Haeeoo_, Ten. 

[Footnote 7: It will be found at the end of the voyage. ]

Were I to affix a name to the people of Nootka, as a distinct nation, I would call them _Wakashians_; from the word _wakash_, which wasvery frequently in their mouths. It seemed to express applause, approbation, and friendship. For when they appeared to be satisfied, or well pleased with any thing they saw, or any incident thathappened, they would, with one voice, call out, _wakash! wakash!_I shall take my leave of them, with remarking, that, differing soessentially, as they certainly do, in their persons, their customs, and language, from the inhabitants of the islands in the PacificOcean, we cannot suppose their respective progenitors to have beenunited in the same tribe, or to have had any intimate connection, whenthey emigrated from their original settlements, into the places wherewe now find their descendants. 

My account of the transactions in Nootka Sound would be imperfect, without adding the astronomical and nautical observations made by us, while the ships were in that station. 

 _Latitude. _

 The latitude of the \ Sun 49° 36' 1", 15"' observatory, by } Stars / South 49 36 8, 36 / \ North 49 36 10, 30 ________________ The mean of these means 49 36 6, 47 north. 

 _Longitude. _

 | Twenty sets \ | taken on the | 233° 26' 18", 7"' | 21st and 23d | | of March. / | The longitude, by / Ninety-three \ lunar observations. \ taken at the } 233 18 6, 6 | observatory /

 | Twenty-four \ | taken on the | 233 7 16, 7 | 1st, 2d, and | | 3d of May. / The mean of these means 233 17 14, 0 East. 

 But by reducing each set, taken | before we arrived in the Sound, | and after we left it, by the time- \ 233° 17' 30", 5"' keeper, and adding them up / with those made on the spot, | the mean of the 137 sets, will be |

 Longitude by the / Greenwich rate 235° 46' 51", 0"' time-keeper \ Ulietea rate 333 59 24, 0

From the results of the last fifteen days observations of equalaltitudes of the sun, the daily rate of the time-keeper was losing, on mean time, 7"; and on the 16th of April, she was too slow for meantime by 16^h 0^m 58", 45. There was found an irregularity in her rategreater than at any time before. It was thought proper to reject thefirst five days, as the rate in them differed so much from that of thefifteen following; and even in these, each day differed from anothermore than usual. 

 _Variation of the Compass. _

 /A. M. \ Observatory / 15° 57' 48-1/2" \ April 4. { } { } 15° 49' 25" East. \PM / Mean of four Needles\ 15 41 2 /

 5. /A. M. \ On board the ship / 9° 50 49 \ { } { } 19 44 47-1/2 6. \P. M. / Mean of four Needles\ 19 38 46 /

The variation found on board the ship ought to be taken for the trueone; not only as it agreed with what we observed at sea, but becauseit was found that there was something ashore that had a considerableeffect upon the compasses; in some places more than others. At onespot, on the west point of the Sound, the needle was attracted 113/4points from its proper direction. 

 _Inclination of the Dipping Needle. _

 April 5th. /Marked \End North \ 71° 26' 22-1/2"\ On board with { } } } 71° 40' 22-1/2" balanced needle. \Unmarked /and dipping / 71 54 22-1/2 /

 The Same needle /Marked \End North \ 72 3 45 \ at the { } } } 70 0 0 observatory. \Unmarked /and dipping / 71 56 15 /

 /Marked \End North \ 71 58 20 \ 18th ditto { } } } 72 7 15 \Unmarked /and dipping / 72 16 10 /

 5th. Spare needle /Marked \End North \ 72 32 30 \ at the { } } } 72 49 15 observatory \Unmarked /and dipping / 73 6 0 /

 /Marked \End North \ 72 55 0 \ 18th ditto { } } } 73 11 45 \Unmarked /and dipping / 73 28 30 /

 22d. Spare /Marked \End North \ 73 28 38 \ needle on { } } } 73 11 0 board \Unmarked /and dipping / 72 53 30 /

 Hence the mean dip, with both needles, on shore, was 72 32 3-1/4

 On board 72 25 45-1/4

This is as near as can be expected; and shews, that whatever it wasthat affected the compasses, whether on board or ashore, it had noeffect upon the dipping needles. 

_Tides. _

It is high water on the days of the new and full moon at 12^h 20^m. The perpendicular rise and fall, eight feet nine inches; which is tobe understood of the day-tides, and those which happen two or threedays after the full and new moon. The night-tides, at this time, risenear two feet higher. This was very conspicuous during the spring-tideof the full moon, which happened soon after our arrival; and it wasobvious, that it would be the same in those of the new moon, though wedid not remain here long enough to see the whole of its effect. 

Some circumstances, that occurred daily, relating to this, deserveparticular notice. In the cove, where we got wood and water, was agreat deal of drift wood thrown ashore; a part of which we had toremove to come at the water. It often happened, that large pieces oftrees, which we had removed in the day out of the reach of the thenhigh water, were found, the next morning, floated again in our way;and all our spouts, for conveying down the water, thrown out of theirplaces, which were immoveable during the day-tides. We also found, that wood, which we had split up for fuel, and had deposited beyondthe reach of the day-tide, floated away during the night. Some ofthese circumstances happened every night or morning, for three orfour days in the height of the spring-tides; during which time we wereobliged to attend every morning-tide, to remove the large logs out ofthe way of watering. 

I cannot say whether the flood-tide falls into the Sound from thenorth-west, south-west, or south-east. I think it does not comefrom the last quarter; but this is only conjecture, founded upon thefollowing observations: The south-east gales, which we had in theSound, were so far from increasing the rise of the tide, that theyrather diminished it; which would hardly have happened, if the floodand wind had been in the same direction. 

SECTION IV. 

_A Storm, after sailing from Nootka Sound. --Resolution springsa Leak. --Pretended Strait of Admiral de Fonte passedunexamined. --Progress along the Coast of America. --Behring'sBay. --Kaye's Island. --Account of it. --The Ships come to anAnchor. --Visited by the Natives. --Their Behaviour. --Fondness forBeads and Iron. --Attempt to plunder the Discovery. --Resolution's Leakstopped. --Progress up the Sound. --Messrs Gore and Roberts sent toexamine its Extent. --Reasons against a Passage to the North throughit. --The Ships proceed down it to the open Sea. _

Having put to sea on the evening of the 26th, as before related, withstrong signs of an approaching storm, these signs did not deceiveus. We were hardly out of the Sound, before the wind, in an instant, shifted from north-east to south-east by east, and increased to astrong gale, with squalls and rain, and so dark a sky, that wecould not see the length of the ship. Being apprehensive, from theexperience I had since our arrival on this coast, of the wind veeringmore to the south, which would put us in danger of a lee-shore, we gotthe tacks on board, and stretched off to the south-west, under allthe sail that the ships could bear. Fortunately, the wind veeredno farther southerly than south-east; so that at day-light the nextmorning we were quite clear of the coast. 

The Discovery being at some distance a-stern, I brought-to till shecame up, and then bore away, steering north-west; in which direction Isupposed the coast to lie. The wind was at south-east, blew veryhard, and in squalls, with thick hazy weather. At half-past one inthe afternoon, it blew a perfect hurricane; so that I judged it highlydangerous to run any longer before it, and therefore brought theships to, with their heads to the southward, under the foresails andmizen-stay-sails. At this time the Resolution sprung a leak, which, atfirst, alarmed us not a little. It was found to be under the starboardbuttock; where, from the bread-room, we could both hear and see thewater rush in; and, as we then thought, two feet under water. But inthis we were happily mistaken; for it was afterward found to be evenwith the water-line, if not above it, when the ship was upright. Itwas no sooner discovered, than the fish-room was found to be full ofwater, and the casks in it afloat; but this was, in a great measure, owing to the water not finding its way to the pumps through the coalsthat lay in the bottom of the room. For, after the water was baledout, which employed us till midnight, and had found its way directlyfrom the leak to the pumps, it appeared that one pump kept it under, which gave us no small satisfaction. In the evening, the wind veeredto the south, and its fury, in some degree, ceased. On this we setthe main-sail, and two topsails close-reefed, and stretched to thewestward. But at eleven o'clock the gale again increased, and obligedus to take in the topsails, till five o'clock the next morning, whenthe storm began to abate, so that we could bear to set them again. 

The weather now began to clear up, and being able to see severalleagues round us, I steered more to the northward. At noon, thelatitude, by observation, was 50° 1'; longitude 229° 26'. [1] I nowsteered N. W. By N. , with a fresh gale at S. S. E. And fair weather. Butat nine in the evening, it began again to blow hard, and in squalls, with rain. With such weather, and the wind between S. S. E. And S. W. Icontinued the same course till the 30th, at four in the morning, whenI steered N. By W. In order to make the land. I regretted very muchindeed that I could not do it sooner; for this obvious reason, thatwe were now passing the place where geographers[2] have placed thepretended strait of Admiral de Fonte. For my own part, I give nocredit to such vague and improbable stories, that carry their ownconfutation along with them. Nevertheless, I was very desirous ofkeeping the American coast aboard, in order to clear up this pointbeyond dispute. But it would have been highly imprudent in me to haveengaged with the land in weather so exceedingly tempestuous, or tohave lost the advantage of a fair wind by waiting for better weather. This same day, at noon, we were in the latitude of 53° 22', and in thelongitude of 225° 14'. 

[Footnote 1: As in the remaining part of this chapter, the latitudeand longitude are very frequently set down, the former beinginvariably North, and the latter East, the constant repetition of thetwo words, _North_ and _East_, has been omitted, to avoid unnecessaryprecision. ]

[Footnote 2: See de Lisle's _Générale des Découvertes de l'Amiral deFonte_, &c. Paris, 1752; and many other maps. ]

The next morning, being the 1st of May, seeing nothing of the land, I steered north-easterly, with a fresh breeze at S. S. E. And S. , withsqualls, and showers of rain and hail. Our latitude at noon 54° 43', and our longitude 224° 44'. At seven in the evening, being in thelatitude of 55° 20', we got sight of the land, extending from N. N. E. To E. , or E. By S. About twelve or fourteen leagues distant. An hourafter, I steered N. By W. ; and at four the next morning, the coastwas seen from N. By W. To S. E. The nearest part about six leaguesdistant. [3]

[Footnote 3: This must be very near that part of the American coastwhere Tscherikow anchored in 1741, for Muller places its latitudein 56°. Had this Russian navigator been so fortunate as to proceed alittle farther northward along the coast, he would have found, as wenow learn from Captain Cook, bays, and harbours, and islands, wherehis ship might have been sheltered, and his people protected inlanding. For the particulars of the misfortunes he met with here, twoboats' crews, which he sent ashore, having never returned, probablycut off by the natives, see _Muller's Découvertes de Russes_, p. 248, 254. The Spaniards, in 1775, found two good harbours on this partof the coast; that called _Guadalupe_, in latitude 57° 11', and theother, _De los Remedios_, in latitude 57° 18'. --D. ]

At this time the northern point of an inlet, or what appeared to beone, bore E. By S. It lies in the latitude of 56°; and from it tothe northward, the coast seemed to be much broken, forming bays orharbours every two or three leagues, or else appearances much deceivedus. At six o'clock, drawing nearer the land, I steered N. W. By N. , this being the direction of the coast; having a fresh gale at S. E. With some showers of hail, snow, and sleet. Between eleven and twelveo'clock, we passed a group of small islands, lying under the mainland, in the latitude of 56° 48'; and off, or rather to the northwardof the south point of a large bay. An arm of this bay, in the northernpart of it, seemed to extend in toward the north, behind a roundelevated mountain that lies between it and the sea. This mountain Icalled _Mount Edgcumbe_; and the point of land that shoots out from it_Cape Edgcumbe_. The latter lies in the latitude of 57° 3', and inthe longitude of 224° 7'; and at noon it bore north 20° W. Six leaguesdistant. 

The land, except in some places close to the sea, is all of aconsiderable height, and hilly; but Mount Edgcumbe far out-tops allthe other hills. It was wholly covered with snow; as were also allthe other elevated hills; but the lower ones, and the flatter spots, bordering upon the sea, were free from it, and covered with wood. 

As we advanced to the north, we found the coast from Cape Edgcumbeto trend north and north-easterly for six or seven leagues, and thereform a large bay. In the entrance of that bay are some islands; forwhich reason I named it the _Bay of Islands_. It lies in the latitudeof 57° 20';[4] and seemed to branch into several arms, one of whichturned to the south, and may probably communicate with the bay on theeast side of Cape Edgcumbe, and make the land of the Cape an island. At eight o'clock in the evening, the Cape bore S. E. 1/2 S. ; the Bayof Islands N. 53° E. ; and another inlet, before which are also someislands, bore N. 52° E. Five leagues distant. I continued to steerN. N. W. 1/2 W. And N. W. By W. As the coast trended, with a fine gale atN. E. And clear weather. 

[Footnote 4: It should seem, that, in this very bay, the Spaniards, in1775, found their port which they call _De los Remedios_. The latitudeis exactly the same; and their journal mentions its being protectedby a long ridge of high islands. See Miscellanies, by the HonourableDaines Barrington, p. 503, 504. --D. ]

At half-an-hour past four in the morning, on the 3d, Mount Edgcumbebore S. 54° E. ; a large inlet, N. 50° E. , distant six leagues; andthe most advanced point of the land, to the N. W. Lying under a veryhigh-peaked mountain, which obtained the name of _Mount Fairweather_, bore N. 32° W. The inlet was named _Cross Sound_, as being firstseen on that day, so marked in our calendar. It appeared to branch inseveral arms, the largest of which turned to the northward. The S. E. Point of this Sound is a high promontory, which obtained the name of_Cross Cape_. It lies in the latitude of 57° 57', and its longitudeis 223° 21'. At noon it bore S. E. ; and the point under the peakedmountain, which was called _Cape Fairweather_, N. By W. 1/4 W. , distant thirteen leagues. Our latitude at this time was 58° 17', andour longitude 222° 14'; and we were distant from the shore three orfour leagues. In this situation we found the variation of the compassto be from 24° 11' to 26° 11' E. 

Here the N. E. Wind left us, and was succeeded by light breezes fromthe N. W. Which lasted for several days. I stood to the S. W. And W. S. W. Till eight o'clock the next morning, when we tacked, and stood towardthe shore. At noon, the latitude was 58° 22', and the longitude 220°45'. Mount Fairweather, the peaked mountain over the Cape of the samename, bore N. 63° E. ; the shore under it twelve leagues distant. Thismountain, which lies in the latitude of 58° 52', and in the longitudeof 222°, and five leagues inland, is the highest of a chain, or rathera ridge of mountains, that rise at the N. W. Entrance of Cross Sound, and extend to the N. W. In a parallel direction with the coast. Thesemountains were wholly covered with snow, from the highest summit downto the sea-coast; some few places excepted, where we could perceivetrees rising, as it were, out of the sea; and which, therefore, wesupposed, grew on low land, or on islands bordering upon the shore ofthe continent. [5] At five in the afternoon, our latitude beingthen 58° 53', and our longitude 220° 52', the summit of an elevatedmountain appeared above the horizon, bearing N. , 26° W. , and, aswas afterwards found, forty leagues distant. We supposed it to beBeering's Mount St Elias; and it stands by that name in our chart. 

[Footnote 5: According to Muller, Beering fell in with the coast ofNorth America in latitude 58° 28', and he describes its aspect thus:"_L'aspect du pays étoit affrayaut par ses hautes montagnes couvertesde niege. _" The chain or ridge of mountains covered with snow, mentioned here by Captain Cook, in the same latitude, exactly agreeswith what Beering met with. See Muller's _Voyages et Découvertes deRusses_, p. 248-254. --D. ]

This day we saw several whales, seals, and porpoises; many gulls, andseveral flocks of birds, which had a black ring about the head; thetip of the tail, and the upper part of the wings, with a black band;and the rest bluish above and white below. We also saw a brownishduck, with a black or deep-blue head and neck, sitting upon the water. 

Having but light winds, with some calms, we advanced slowly; so thaton the 6th at noon we were only in the latitude of 59° 8', and inthe longitude of 220° 19'. Mount Fairweather bore S. 63° E. And MountElias N. 30° W. ; the nearest land about eight leagues distant. In thedirection of N. 47° E. From this station, there was the appearanceof a bay, and an island off the S. Point of it that was covered withwood. It is here where I suppose Commodore Beering to have anchored. The latitude, which is 59° 18', corresponds pretty well with the mapof his voyage, [6] and the longitude is 221° E. Behind the bay, (whichI shall distinguish by the name of Beering's Bay, in honour of itsdiscoverer, ) or rather to the south of it, the chain of mountainsbefore mentioned is interrupted by a plain of a few leagues extent;beyond which the sight was unlimited; so that there is either a levelcountry or water behind it. In the afternoon, having a few hours calm, I took this opportunity to sound, and found seventy fathoms water, over a muddy bottom. The calm was succeeded by a light breeze from theN. , with which we stood to the westward; and at noon the next day, wewere in the latitude of 59° 27', and the longitude of 219° 7'. In thissituation, Mount Fairweather bore S. 70° E. ; Mount St Elias N. 1/2W. ; the westernmost land in sight N. 52° W. ; and our distance fromthe shore four or five leagues; the depth of water being eighty-twofathoms over a muddy bottom. From this station we could see a bay(circular to appearance) under the high land, with low wood-land oneach side of it. 

[Footnote 6: Probably Captain Cook means Muller's map, prefixed to hisHistory of the Russian Discoveries. --D. ]

We now found the coast to trend very much to the west, inclininghardly any thing to the north; and as we had the wind mostly from thewestward, and but little of it, our progress was slow. On the 9that noon, the latitude was 59° 30', and the longitude 217°. In thissituation the nearest land was nine leagues distant; and Mount StElias bore N. , 30° E, nineteen leagues distant. This mountain liestwelve leagues inland in the latitude of 60° 27', and in the longitudeof 219°. It belongs to a ridge of exceedingly high mountains, thatmay be reckoned a continuation of the former, as they are only dividedfrom them by the plain above mentioned. They extend as far to the westas the longitude of 217°; where, although they do not end, they losemuch of their height, and become more broken and divided. 

At noon on the 10th, our latitude was 59° 51', and our longitude215° 56', being no more than three leagues from, the coast of thecontinent, which extended from E. 1/2 N. , to N. W. 1/2 W. , as far asthe eye could reach. To the westward of this last direction was anisland that extended from N. , 52° W. , to S. , 85° W. , distant sixleagues. A point shoots out from the main toward the N. E. End ofthe island, bearing, at this time, N. , 30° W. , five or six leaguesdistant. This point I named _Cape Suckling_. The point of the cape islow; but within it, is a tolerably high hill, which is disjoined fromthe mountains by low land; so that, at a distance, the cape looks likean island. On the north side of Cape Suckling is a bay that appearedto be of some extent, and to be covered from most winds. To this bay Ihad some thoughts of going, to stop our leak, as all our endeavours todo it at sea had proved ineffectual. With this view, I steered forthe cape; but as we had only variable light breezes, we approachedit slowly. However, before night, we were near enough to see some lowland spitting out from the cape to the north-west, so as to coverthe east part of the bay from the south wind. We also saw some smallislands in the bay, and elevated rocks between the cape and thenorth-east end of the island. But still there appeared to be a passageon both sides of these rocks; and I continued steering for them allnight, having from forty-three to twenty-seven fathoms water over amuddy bottom. 

At four o'clock next morning, the wind, which had been mostly at N. E. , shifted to N. This being against us, I gave up the design of goingwithin the island, or into the bay, as neither could be done withoutloss of time. I therefore bore up for the west end of the island. Thewind blew faint, and at ten o'clock it fell calm. Being not far fromthe island, I went in a boat, and landed upon it, with a view ofseeing what lay on the other side; but finding it farther to the hillsthan I expected, and the way being steep and woody, I was obliged todrop the design. At the foot of a tree, on a little eminence not farfrom the shore, I left a bottle with a paper in it, on which wereinscribed the names of the ships, and the date of our discovery. Andalong with it, I inclosed two silver two-penny pieces of his majesty'scoin, of the date 1772. These, with many others, were furnished me bythe Reverend Dr Kaye;[7] and, as a mark of my esteem and regard forthat gentleman, I named the island, after him, _Kaye's Island_. It iseleven or twelve leagues in length, in the direction of N. E. And S. W. ;but its breadth is not above a league, or a league and a half, in anypart of it. The S. W. Point, which lies in the latitude of 59° 49', and the longitude of 216° 58', is very remarkable, being a nakedrock, elevated considerably above the land within it. There is also anelevated rock lying off it, which, from some points of view, appearslike a ruined castle. Toward the sea, the island terminates in a kindof bare-sloping cliffs, with a beach, only a few paces across totheir foot, of large pebble stones, intermixed in some places with abrownish clayey sand, which the sea seems to deposit after rollingin, having been washed down from the higher parts, by the rivulets ortorrents. The cliffs are composed of a bluish stone or rock, in a softor mouldering state, except in a few places. There are parts of theshore interrupted by small vallies and gullies. In each of these, arivulet or torrent rushes down with considerable impetuosity; thoughit may be supposed that they are only furnished from the snow, andlast no longer than till it is all melted. These vallies are filledwith pine-trees, which grow down close to the entrance, but only toabout half way up the higher or middle part of the island. The woodypart also begins, every-where, immediately above the cliffs, and iscontinued to the same height with the former; so that the island iscovered, as it were, with a broad girdle of wood, spread upon itsside, included between the top of the cliffy shore; and the higherparts in the centre. The trees, however, are far from being of anuncommon growth; few appearing to be larger than one might grasp roundwith his arms, and about forty or fifty feet high; so that the onlypurpose they could answer for shipping, would be to make top-gallantmasts, and other small things. How far we may judge of the size of thetrees which grow on the neighbouring continent, it may be difficultto determine. But it was observed, that none larger than those we sawgrowing, lay upon the beach amongst the drift-wood. The pine-treesseemed all of one sort; and there was neither the Canadian pine, norcypress, to be seen. But there were a few which appeared to be thealder, that were but small, and had not yet shot forth their leaves. Upon the edges of the cliffs, and on some sloping ground, the surfacewas covered with a kind of turf, about half a foot thick, which seemedcomposed of the common moss; and the top, or upper part of the island, had almost the same appearance as to colour; but whatever coveredit seemed to be thicker. I found amongst the trees some currant andhawberry bushes; a small yellow-flowered violet; and the leavesof some other plants not yet in flower, particularly one which MrAnderson supposed to be the _heracleum_ of Linnæus, the sweet herb, which Steller, who attended Beering, imagined the Americans here dressfor food, in the same manner as the natives of Kamtschatka. 

[Footnote 7: Then sub-almoner and chaplain to his majesty, afterwardsDean of Lincoln. --D. ]

We saw, flying about the wood, a crow; two or three of thewhite-headed eagles mentioned at Nootka; and another sort full aslarge, which appeared also of the same colour, or blacker, and hadonly a white breast. [8] In the passage from the ship to the shore, we saw a great many fowls sitting upon the water, or flying aboutin flocks or pairs; the chief of which were a few quebrantaheuses, divers, ducks, or large peterels, gulls, shags, and burres. The diverswere of two sorts; one very large, of a black colour, with a whitebreast and belly; the other smaller, and with a longer and morepointed bill, which seemed to be the common guillemot. The ducks werealso of two sorts; one brownish, with a black or deep blue head andneck, and is perhaps the stone-duck described by Steller. The othersfly in larger flocks, but are smaller than these, and are of a dirtyblack colour. The gulls were of the common sort, and those which flyin flocks. The shags were large and black, with a white spot behindthe wings as they flew; but probably only the larger water cormorant. There was also a single bird seen flying about, to appearance of thegull kind, of a snowy white colour, with black along part of the upperside of its wings. I owe all these remarks to Mr Anderson. At theplace where we landed, a fox came from the verge of the wood, and eyedus with very little emotion, walking leisurely without any signs offear. He was of a reddish-yellow colour, like some of the skins webought at Nootka, but not of a large size. We also saw two or threelittle seals off shore; but no other animals or birds, nor the leastsigns of inhabitants having ever been upon the island. 

[Footnote 8: This species is in the Leverian Museum, and described byMr Latham, in his Synopsis of Birds, vol. I. P. 33, No. 72, under thename of the _White-bellied Eagle_. ]

I returned on board at half past two in the afternoon; and, with alight breeze easterly, steered for the S. W. Point of the island, whichwe got round by eight o'clock, and then stood for the westernmost landnow in sight, which, at this time, bore N. W. 1/2 N. On the N. W. Sideof the N. E. End of Kaye's Island, lies another island, stretching S. E. And N. W. About three leagues, to within the same distance of the N. W. Boundary of the bay above mentioned, which is distinguished by thename of _Comptroller's Bay_. 

Next morning, at four o'clock, Kaye's Island was still in sight, bearing E. 1/4 S. At this time, we were about four or five leaguesfrom the main; and the most western part in sight bore N. W. 1/2 N. We had now a fresh gale at E. S. E. , and as we advanced to the N. W. , weraised land more and more westerly, and, at last, to the southward ofW. ; so that, at noon, when the latitude was 61° 11", and the longitude213° 28', the most advanced land bore from us S. W. By W. 1/2 W. At thesame time, the E. Point of a large inlet bore W. N. W. , three leaguesdistant. 

From Comptroller's Bay to this point, which I named _CapeHinchingbroke_, the direction of the coast is nearly E. And W. Beyondthis, it seemed to incline to the southward; a direction so contraryto the modern charts founded upon the late Russian discoveries, thatwe had reason to expect that, by the inlet before us, we should finda passage to the N. ; and that the land to the W. And S. W. Was nothingbut a group of islands. Add to this, that the wind was now at S. E. , and we were threatened with a fog and a storm; and I wanted to getinto some place to stop the leak, before we encountered another gale. These reasons induced me to steer for the inlet, which we had nosooner reached, than the weather became so foggy, that we could notsee a mile before us, and it became necessary to secure the ships insome place, to wait for a clearer sky. With this view, I hauled closeunder Cape Hinchingbroke, and anchored before a small cove, a littlewithin the cape, in eight fathoms water, a clayey bottom, and about aquarter of a mile from the shore. 

The boats were then hoisted out, some to sound, and others to fish. The seine was drawn in the cove; but without success, for it was torn. At some short intervals, the fog cleared away, and gave us a sightof the lands around us. The cape bore S. By W. 1/2 W. , one leaguedistant; the W. Point of the inlet S. W. By W. , distant five leagues;and the land on that side extended as far as W. By N. Between thispoint and N. W. By W. , we could see no land; and what was in the lastdirection seemed to be at a great distance. The westernmost point wehad in sight on the N. Shore, bore N. N. W. 1/2 W. , two leagues distant. Between this point, and the shore under which we were at anchor, is abay about three leagues deep; on the S. E. Side of which there are twoor three coves, such as that before which we had anchored, and in themiddle some rocky islands. 

To these islands Mr Gore was sent in a boat, in hopes of shootingsome eatable birds. But he had hardly got to them, before about twentynatives made their appearance in two large canoes; on which he thoughtproper to return to the ships, and they followed him. They would notventure alongside, but kept at some distance, hollowing aloud, andalternately clasping and extending their arms; and, in a short time, began a kind of song exactly after the manner of those at Nootka. Their heads were also powdered with feathers. One man held out a whitegarment, which we interpreted as a sign of friendship; and anotherstood up in the canoe, quite naked, for almost a quarter of an hour, with his arms stretched out like a cross, and motionless. The canoeswere not constructed of wood, as at King George's or Nootka Sound. Theframe only, being slender laths, was of that substance; the outsideconsisting of the skins of seals, or of such like animals. Thoughwe returned all their signs of friendship, and, by every expressivegesture, tried to encourage them to come alongside, we could notprevail. Some of our people repeated several of the common words ofthe Nootka language, such as _seekemaile_, and _mahook_; but they didnot seem to understand them. After receiving some presents, which werethrown to them, they retired toward that part of the shore from whencethey came; giving us to understand by signs, that they would visit usagain the next morning. Two of them, however, each in a smallcanoe, waited upon us in the night; probably with a design to pilfersomething, thinking we should be all asleep; for they retired as soonas they found themselves discovered. 

During the night, the wind was at S. S. E. , blowing hard and in squalls, with rain, and very thick weather. At ten o'clock next morning, thewind became more moderate, and the weather being somewhat clearer, we got under sail, in order to look out for some snug place, wherewe might search for, and stop the leak; our present station being toomuch exposed for this purpose. At first I proposed to have gone up thebay, before which we had anchored; but the clearness of the weathertempted me to steer to the northward, farther up the great inlet, asbeing all in our way. As soon as we had passed the N. W. Point of thebay above mentioned, we found the coast on that side to turn shortto the eastward. I did not follow it, but continued our course to thenorth, for a point of land which we saw in that direction. 

The natives who visited us the preceding evening, came off again inthe morning, in five or six canoes; but not till we were under sail;and although they followed us for some time, they could not get upwith us. Before two in the afternoon, the bad weather returned again, with so thick a haze, that we could see no other land besides thepoint just mentioned, which we reached at half past four, and found itto be a small island, lying about two miles from the adjacent coast, being a point of land, on the east side of which we discovered a finebay, or rather harbour. To this we plied up, under reefed topsailsand courses. The wind blew strong at S. E. , and in excessivelyhard squalls, with rain. At intervals, we could see land in everydirection; but in general the weather was so foggy, that we could seenone but the shores of the bay into which we were plying. In passingthe island, the depth of water was twenty-six fathoms, with a muddybottom. Soon after, the depth increased to sixty and seventy fathoms, a rocky bottom; but in the entrance of the bay, the depth was fromthirty to six fathoms; the last very near the shore. At length, ateight o'clock, the violence of the squalls obliged us to anchor inthirteen fathoms, before we had got so far into the bay as I intended;but we thought ourselves fortunate that we had already sufficientlysecured ourselves at this hour; for the night was exceedingly stormy. 

The weather, bad as it was, did not hinder three of the natives frompaying us a visit. They came off in two canoes; two men in one, andone in the other, being the number each could carry. For they werebuilt and constructed in the same manner with those of the Esquimaux;only in the one were two holes for two men to sit in, and in the otherbut one. Each of these men had a stick, about three feet long, withthe large feathers or wing of birds tied to it. These they frequentlyheld up to us, with a view, as we guessed, to express their pacificdisposition. [9]

[Footnote 9: Exactly corresponding to this, was the manner ofreceiving Beering's people, at the Schumagin Islands, on this coast, in 1741. Muller's words are--"On sait ce que c'est que le _Calumet_, que les Americans septentrionaux présentent en signe de paix. Ceux-cien tenoient de pareils en main. C'étoient des bâtons avec _ailes defaucon_ attachées au bout"--Decouvertes, p. 268. --D. ]

The treatment these men met with, induced many more to visit us, between one and two the next morning, in both great and small canoes. Some ventured on board the ship; but not till some of our peoplehad stepped into their boats. Amongst those who came on board, was agood-looking middle-aged man, whom we afterward found to be the chief. He was cloathed in a dress made of the sea-otter's skin; and had onhis head such a cap as is worn by the people of King George's Sound, ornamented with sky-blue glass beads, about the size of a large pea. He seemed to set a much higher value upon these, than upon our whiteglass beads. Any sort of beads, however, appeared to be in highestimation with these people; and they readily gave whatever they hadin exchange for them, even their fine sea-otter skins. But here I mustobserve, that they set no more value upon these than upon other skins, which was also the case at King George's Sound, till our people seta higher price upon them; and even after that, the natives of bothplaces would sooner part with a dress made of these, than with onemade of the skins of wild-cats or of martins. 

These people were also desirous of iron; but they wanted pieces eightor ten inches long at least, and of the breadth of three or fourfingers. For they absolutely rejected small pieces. Consequently, theygot but little from us; iron having, by this time, become rather ascarce article. The points of some of their spears or lances were ofthat metal; others were of copper, and a few of bone; of which thepoints of their darts, arrows, &c. Were composed. I could not prevailopen the chief to trust himself below the upper deck; nor did he andhis companions remain long on board. But while we had their company, it was necessary to watch them narrowly, as they soon betrayed athievish disposition. At length, after being about three at fourhours alongside the Resolution, they all left her, and went to theDiscovery; none having been there before, except one man, who, at thistime, came from her, and immediately returned thither in companywith the rest. When I observed this, I thought this man had met withsomething there, which he knew would please his countrymen better thanwhat they met with at our ship. But in this I was mistaken, as willsoon appear. 

As soon as they were gone, I sent a boat to sound the head of thebay. For, as the wind was moderate, I had thoughts of laying the shipashore, if a convenient place could be found where I might begin ouroperations to stop the leak. It was not long before all the Americansleft the Discovery, and instead of returning to us, made their waytoward our boat employed as above. The officer in her seeing, this, returned to the ship, and was followed by all the canoes. The boat'screw had no sooner come on board, leaving in her two of their numberby way of a guard, than some of the Americans stepped into her. Somepresented their spears before the two men; others cast loose the ropewhich fastened her to the ship; and the rest attempted to tow heraway. But the instant they saw us preparing to oppose them, they lether go, stepped out of her into their canoes, and made signs to usto lay down our arms, having the appearance of being as perfectlyunconcerned as if they had done nothing amiss. This, though rather amore daring attempt, was hardly equal to what they had meditated onboard the Discovery. The man who came and carried all his countrymenfrom the Resolution to the other ship had first been on board of her, where, after looking down all the hatchways, and seeing nobody but theofficer of the watch, and one or two more, he no doubt thought theymight plunder her with ease, especially as she lay at some distancefrom us. It was unquestionably with this view, that they all repairedto her. Several of them, without any ceremony, went on board; drewtheir knives; made signs to the officer and people on deck to keepoff; and began to look about them for plunder. The first thingthey met with was the rudder of one of the boats, which they threwover-board to those of their party who had remained in the canoes. Before they had time to find another object that pleased theirfancy, the crew were alarmed, and began to come upon deck armed withcutlasses. On seeing this, the whole company of plunderers sneaked offinto their canoes, with as much deliberation and indifference as theyhad given up the boat; and they were observed describing to those whohad not been on board, how much longer the knives of the ship's crewwere than their own. It was at this time, that my boat was on thesounding duty, which they must have seen; for they proceeded directlyfor her, after their disappointment at the Discovery. I have not theleast doubt, that their visiting us so very early in the morning waswith a view to plunder; on a supposition, that they should find everybody asleep. 

May we not, from these circumstances, reasonably infer, that thesepeople are unacquainted with fire-arms? For, certainly, if theyhad known any thing of their effect, they never would have dared toattempt taking a boat from under ship's guns, in the face of above ahundred men; for most of my people were looking at them, at the veryinstant they made the attempt. However, after all these tricks, wehad the good fortune to leave them as ignorant, in this respect, as wefound them. For they neither heard nor saw a musquet fired, unless atbirds. 

Just as we were going to weigh the anchor, to proceed farther up thebay, it began to blow and to rain as hard as before; so that wewere obliged to veer away the cable again, and lay fast. Toward theevening, finding that the gale did not moderate, and that it might besome time before an opportunity offered to get higher up, I came to aresolution to heel the ship where we were; and, with this view, mooredher with a kedge-anchor and hawser. In heaving the anchor out of theboat, one of the seamen, either through ignorance or carelessness, orboth, was carried over-board by the buoy-rope, and followed theanchor to the bottom. It is remarkable, that, in this very criticalsituation, he had presence of mind to disengage himself, and come upto the surface of the water, where he was taken up, with one of hislegs fractured in a dangerous manner. 

Early the next morning, we gave the ship a good heel to port, in orderto come at, and stop the leak. On ripping off the sheathing, it wasfound to be in the seams, which were very open, both in and under thewale, and, in several places, not a bit of oakum in them. While thecarpenters were making good these defects, we filled all our emptywater-casks, at a stream hard by the ship. The wind was now moderate, but the weather was thick and hazy, with rain. 

The natives, who left us the preceding day, when the bad weather cameon, paid us another visit this morning. Those who came first, werein small canoes; others, afterward, arrived in large boats; in one ofwhich were twenty women, and one man, besides children. 

In the evening of the 16th, the weather cleared up, and we then foundourselves surrounded on every side by land. Our station was onthe east side of the Sound, in a place, which in the chart isdistinguished by the name of _Snug Corner Bay_. And a very snug placeit is. I went, accompanied by some of the officers, to view the headof it, and we found that it was sheltered from all winds, with a depthof water from even to three fathoms over a muddy bottom. The land, near the shore, is low, part clear, and part wooded. The clear groundwas covered, two or three feet thick, with snow; but very little layin the woods. The very summits of the neighbouring hills were coveredwith wood; but those farther inland seemed to be naked rocks, buriedin snow. 

The leak being stopped, and the sheathing made good over it, at fouro'clock in the morning of the 17th, we weighed, and steered to thenorth-westward, with a light breeze at E. N. E. ; thinking, if thereshould be any passage to the north through this inlet, that it must bein that direction. Soon after we were under sail, the natives, inboth great and small canoes, paid us another visit, which gave usan additional opportunity of forming a more perfect idea of theirpersons, dress, and other particulars, which shall be afterwarddescribed. Our visitors seemed to have no other business, but togratify their curiosity; for they entered into no sort of traffic withus. After we had got over to the N. W. Point of the arm in which we hadanchored, we found that the flood-tide came into the inlet through thesame channel by which we had entered. Although this circumstance didnot make wholly against a passage, it was, however, nothing in itsfavour. After passing the point above mentioned, we met with a gooddeal of foul ground, and many sunken rocks, even out in the middle ofthe channel, which is here five or six leagues wide. At this time thewind failed us, and was succeeded by calms and light airs from everydirection; so that we had some trouble to extricate ourselves from thethreatening danger. At length, about one o'clock, with the assistanceof our boats, we got to an anchor, under the eastern shore, inthirteen fathoms water, and about four leagues to the north of ourlast station. In the morning, the weather had been very hazy; but itafterward cleared up, so as to give us a distinct view of all the landround us, particularly to the northward, where it seemed to close. This left us but little hopes of finding a passage that way, or, indeed, in any other direction, without putting out again to sea. 

To enable me to form a better judgment, I dispatched Mr Gore, withtwo armed boats, to examine the northern arm; and the master, with twoother boats, to examine another arm that seemed to take an easterlydirection. Late in the evening they both returned. The masterreported, that the arm he had been sent to, communicated with thatfrom which we had last come; and that one side of it was only formedby a group of islands. Mr Gore informed me, that he had seen theentrance of an arm, which, he was of opinion, extended a long way tothe N. E. ; and that, probably by it, a passage might be found. On theother hand, Mr Roberts, one of the mates, whom I had sent with Mr Goreto sketch out the parts they had examined, was of opinion, that theysaw the head of this arm. The disagreement of these two opinions, and the circumstance already mentioned of the flood-tide entering theSound from the south, rendered the existence of a passage this wayvery doubtful. And, as the wind in the morning had become favourablefor getting out to sea, I resolved to spend no more time in searchingfor a passage in a place that promised so little success. Besidesthis, I considered, that, if the land on the west should prove to beislands, agreeably to the late Russian Discoveries, [10] we couldnot fail of getting far enough to the north, and that in good time, provided we did not lose the season in searching places, where apassage was not only doubtful, but improbable. We were now upwardof five hundred and twenty leagues to the westward of any part ofBaffin's, or of Hudson's Bay. And whatever passage there may be, itmust be, or, at least, part of it, must lie to the north of latitude72°. [11] Who could expect to find a passage or strait of such extent?

[Footnote 10: Captain Cook seems to take his ideas of these from MrStæhlin's map, prefixed to the account of the Northern Archipelago, published by Dr Maty. London, 1774. --D. ]

[Footnote 11: On what evidence Captain Cook formed his judgment as tothis, is mentioned in the Introduction. --D. ]

Having thus taken my resolution, next morning at three o'clock, weweighed, and with a gentle breeze at north, proceeded to the southwarddown the inlet, and met with the same broken ground, as on thepreceding day. However, we soon extricated ourselves from it, andafterward never struck ground with a line of forty fathoms. Anotherpassage into this inlet was now discovered to the S. W. Of that bywhich we came in, which enabled us to shorten our way out to sea. Itis separated from the other by an island, extending eighteen leaguesin the direction of N. E. And S. W. ; to which I gave the name of_Montagu Island_. 

In this S. W. Channel are several islands. Those that lie in theentrance, next the open sea, are high and rocky. But those within arelow ones; and being entirely free from snow, and covered with wood andverdure, on this account they were called _Green Islands_. 

At two in the afternoon, the wind veered to the S. W. , and S. W. By S. , which reduced us to the necessity of plying. I first stretched overto within two miles of the eastern, shore, and tacked in fifty-threefathoms water. In standing back to Montagu Island, we discovered aledge of rocks, some above, and others under water, lying three milesto the north of the northern point of Green Islands. Afterward, someothers were seen in the middle of the channel farther out than theislands. These rocks made unsafe plying in the night (though not verydark); and, for that reason, we spent it standing off and on, underMontagu Island; for the depth of water was too great to come to ananchor. 

At day-break, the next morning, the wind came more favourable, and westeered for the channel between Montagu Island and the Green Islands, which is between two and three leagues broad, and from thirty-four toseventeen fathoms deep. We had but little wind all the day, and, ateight o'clock in the evening, it was a dead calm, when we anchored intwenty-one fathoms water, over a muddy bottom, about two miles fromthe shore of Montagu's Island. The calm continued till ten o'clock thenext morning, when, it was succeeded by a small breeze from the north, with which we weighed; and, by six o'clock in the evening, we wereagain in the open sea, and found the coast trending west by south, asfar as the eye could reach. 

SECTION V. 

_The Inlet called Prince William's Sound. --Its Extent. --Persons ofthe Inhabitants described. --Their Dress. --Incision of theUnder-lip. --Various other Ornaments. --Their Boats. --Weapons, fishing, and hunting Instruments. --Utensils. --Tools. --Uses Iron isapplied to. --Food. --Language, and a Specimen ofit. --Animals. --Birds. --Fish. --Iron and Beads, whence received. _

To the inlet, which we had now left, I gave the name of _PrinceWilliam's Sound_. To judge of this Sound from what we saw of it, it occupies, at least, a degree and a half of latitude, and two oflongitude, exclusive of the arms or branches, the extent of which isnot known. 

The natives, who came to make us several visits while we were in theSound, were generally not above the common height, though many of themwere under it. They were square, or strongly-chested, and the mostdisproportioned part of their body seemed to be their heads, whichwere very large, with thick, short necks, and large, broad orspreading faces, which, upon the whole, were flat. Their eyes, thoughnot small, scarcely bore a proportion to the size of their faces; andtheir noses had full, round points, hooked, or turned up at the tip. Their teeth were broad, white, equal in size, and evenly set. Theirhair was black, thick, straight, and strong, and their beards, ingeneral, thin, or wanting; but the hairs about the lips of those whohave them, were stiff or bristly, and frequently of a brown colour. And several of the elderly men had even large and thick, but straightbeards. 

Though, in general, they agree in the make of their persons, andlargeness of their heads, there is a considerable variety in theirfeatures; but very few can be said to be of the handsome sort, thoughtheir countenance commonly indicates a considerable share of vivacity, good-nature, and frankness. And yet some of them had an air ofsullenness and reserve. Some of the women have agreeable faces; andmany are easily distinguishable from the men by their features, which are more delicate; but this should be understood chiefly of theyoungest sort, or middle-aged. The complexion of some of the women, and of the children, is white; but without any mixture of red. Andsome of the men, who were seen naked, had rather a brownish or swarthycast, which could scarcely be the effect of any stain; for they do notpaint their bodies. 

Their common dress (for men, women, and children are cloathed alike), is a kind of close frock, or rather robe; reaching generally to theancles, though sometimes only to the knees. At the upper part is ahole just sufficient to admit the head, with sleeves that reach to thewrist. These frocks are made of the skins of different animals; themost common of which are those of the sea-otter, grey fox, racoon, andpine-martin, with many of seal-skins, and, in general, they are wornwith the hairy side outward. Some also have these frocks made of theskins of fowls, with only the down remaining on them, which they glueon other substances. And we saw one or two woollen garments like thoseof Nootka. At the seams, where the different skins are sewed together, they are commonly ornamented with tassels or fringes of narrow thongs, cut out of the same skins. A few have a kind of cape, or collar, andsome a hood; but the other is the most common form, and seems to betheir whole dress in good weather. When it rains, they put over thisanother frock, ingeniously made from the intestines of whales, or someother large animal, prepared so skilfully, as almost to resembleour gold-beater's leaf. It is made to draw tight round the neck; itssleeves reach as low as the wrist, round which they are tied with astring; and its skirts, when they are in their canoes, are drawn overthe rim of the hole in which they sit, so that no water can enter. Atthe same time, it keeps the men entirely dry upward. For no water canpenetrate through it, any more than through a bladder. It must be keptcontinually moist or wet, otherwise it is apt to crack or break. This, as well as the common frock made of the skins, bears a greatresemblance to the dress of the Greenlanders, as described byCrantz. [1]

[Footnote 1: Crantz's History of Greenland, vol. I. P. 136-138. Thereader will find in Crantz many very striking instances, in which theGreenlanders, and Americans of Prince William's Sound, resemble eachother, besides those mentioned in this Section by Captain Cook. Thedress of the people of Prince William's Sound, as described by CaptainCook, also agrees with that of the inhabitants of Schumagin's Islands, discovered by Beering in 1741. Muller's words are, "Leur habillementétoit de boyaux de baleines pour le haut du corps, et de peaux dechiens-marins pour le bas. "--_Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274. ]

In general, they do not cover their legs or feet; but a few havea kind of skin-stockings, which reach half-way up the thigh; andscarcely any of them are without mittens for the hands, made ofthe skins of bears' paws. Those who wear any thing on their heads, resembled, in this respect, our friends at Nootka, having hightruncated conic caps, made of straw, and sometimes of wood, resemblinga seal's head well painted. 

The men commonly wear the hair cropt round the neck and forehead; butthe women allow it to grow long, and most of them tie a small lock ofit on the crown, or a few club it behind, after our manner. Both sexeshave the ears perforated with several holes, about the outer and lowerpart of the edge, in which they hang little bunches of beads, made ofthe same tubulous shelly substance used for this purpose by those ofNootka. The _septum_ of the nose is also perforated, through whichthey frequently thrust the quill-feathers of small birds, or littlebending ornaments, made of the above shelly substance, strung on astiff string or cord, three or four inches long, which give thema truly grotesque appearance. But the most uncommon and unsightlyornamental fashion, adopted by some of both sexes, is their having theunder-lip slit, or cut, quite through, in the direction of the mouth, a little below the swelling part. This incision, which is made evenin the sucking children, is often above two inches long, and either byits natural retraction, when the wound is fresh, or by the repetitionof some artificial management, assumes the true shape of lips, andbecomes so large as to admit the tongue through. This happened to bethe case, when the first person having this incision was seen byone of the seamen, who called out, that the man had two mouths, and, indeed, it does not look unlike it. In this artificial mouth theystick a flat narrow ornament, made chiefly out of a solid shell orbone, cut into little narrow pieces, like small teeth, almost down tothe base or thickest part, which has a small projecting bit at eachend that supports it when put into the divided lip, the cut part thenappearing outward. Others have the lower lip only perforated intoseparate holes, and then the ornament consists of as many distinctshelly studs, whose points are pushed through these holes, and theirheads appear within the lip, as another row of teeth immediately undertheir own. 

These are their native ornaments. But we found many beads of Europeanmanufacture among them, chiefly of a pale-blue colour, which they hangin their ears, about their caps, or join to their lip-ornaments, whichhave a small hole drilled in each point to which they are fastened, and others to them, till they hang sometimes as low as the point ofthe chin. But, in this last case, they cannot remove them so easily;for, as to their own lip-ornaments, they can take them out with theirtongue, or suck them in, at pleasure. They also wear bracelets of theshelly-beads, or others of a cylindrical shape, made of a substancelike amber, with such also as are used in their ears and noses. And sofond are they, in general, of ornament, that they stick any thing intheir perforated lip; one man appearing with two of our iron nailsprojecting from it like prongs; and another endeavouring to put alarge brass button into it. 

The men frequently paint their faces of a bright red, and of a blackcolour, and sometimes of a blue, or leaden colour, but not in anyregular figure; and the women, in some measure, endeavoured to imitatethem, by puncturing or staining the chin with black, that comes to apoint in each cheek; a practice very similar to which is in fashionamongst the females of Greenland, as we learn from Crantz. Theirbodies are not painted, which may be owing to the scarcity of propermaterials; for all the colours which they brought to sell in bladders, were in very small quantities. Upon the whole, I have no where seensavages who take more pains than these people do, to ornament, orrather to disfigure, their persons. 

Their boats or canoes are of two sorts, the one being large and open, and the other small and covered. I mentioned already, that in one ofthe large boats were twenty women, and one man, besides children. I attentively examined and compared the construction of this, withCrantz's description of what he calls the great, or women's boat inGreenland, and found that they were built in the same manner, partslike parts, with no other difference than in the form of the head andstern; particularly of the first, which bears some resemblance to thehead of a whale. The framing is of slender pieces of wood, over whichthe skins of seals, or of other larger sea-animals, are stretched, tocompose the outside. It appeared also, that the small canoes of thesepeople are made nearly of the same form, and of the same materialswith those used by the Greenlanders and Esquimaux; at least thedifference is not material. Some of these, as I have before observed, carry two men. They are broader in proportion to their length, thanthose of the Esquimaux, and the head or fore-part curves somewhat likethe head of a violin. 

The weapons, and instruments for fishing and hunting, are the verysame that are made use of by the Esquimaux and Greenlanders; and itis unnecessary to be particular in my account of them, as they are allvery accurately described by Crantz. I did not see a single one withthese people that he has not mentioned, nor has he mentioned, one thatthey have not. For defensive armour they have a kind of jacket, orcoat of mail, made of thin laths, bound together with sinews, whichmakes it quite flexible, though so close as not to admit an arrow ordart. It only covers the trunk of the body, and may not be improperlycompared to a woman's stays. 

As none of these people lived in the bay where we anchored, or whereany of us landed, we saw none of their habitations, and I had not timeto look after them. Of their domestic utensils, they brought in theirboats some round and oval shallow dishes of wood, and others of acylindrical shape much deeper. The sides were made of one piece, bentround, like our chip-boxes, though thick, neatly fastened with thongs, and the bottoms fixed in with small wooden pegs. Others were smaller, and of a more elegant shape, somewhat resembling a large ovalbutterboat, without a handle, but more shallow, made from a piece ofwood, or horny substance. These last were sometimes neatly carved. They had many little square bags, made of the same gut with theirouter frocks, neatly ornamented with very minute red feathersinterwoven with it, in which were contained some very fine sinews, andbundles of small cord, made from them, most ingeniously plaited. Theyalso brought many chequered baskets, so closely wrought as to holdwater; some wooden models of their canoes; a good many little images, four or five inches long, either of wood, or stuffed, which werecovered with a bit of fur, and ornamented with pieces of small quillfeathers, in imitation of their shelly beads, with hair fixed ontheir heads. Whether these might be mere toys for children, or heldin veneration, as representing their deceased friends, and applied tosome superstitious purpose, we could not determine. But they have manyinstruments made of two or three hoops, or concentric pieces of wood, with a cross-bar fixed in the middle, to hold them by. To these arefixed a great number of dried barnacle-shells, with threads, whichserve as a rattle, and make a loud noise; when they shake them. Thiscontrivance seems to be a substitute for the rattling-bird at Nootka;and perhaps both of them are employed on the same occasions. [2]

[Footnote 2: The rattling-ball found by Steller, who attended Beeringin 1741, at no great distance from this Sound, seems to be for asimilar use. See Muller, p, 256. --D. ]

With what tools they make their wooden utensils, frames of boats, andother things, is uncertain; as the only one seen amongst them was akind of stone-adze, made almost after the manner of those of Otaheite, and the other islands of the South Sea. They have a great many ironknives; some of which are straight, others a little curved, and somevery small ones, fixed in pretty long handles, with the blades bentupward, like some of our shoe-makers' instruments. But they have stillknives of another sort, which are sometimes near two feet long, shapedalmost like a dagger, with a ridge in the middle. These they wear insheaths of skins, hung by a thong round the neck, under their robe, and they are, probably, only used as weapons; the other knives beingapparently applied to other purposes. Every thing they have, however, is as well and ingeniously made, as if they were furnished with themost complete tool-chest; and their sewing, plaiting of sinews, andsmall work on their little bags, may be put in competition with themost delicate manufactures found in any part of the known world. Inshort, considering the otherwise uncivilized or rude slate inwhich these people are, their northern situation, amidst a countryperpetually covered with snow, and the wretched materials they haveto work with, it appears, that their invention and dexterity, in allmanual works, are at least equal to that of any other nation. 

The food which we saw them eat, was dried fish, and the flesh of someanimal, either broiled or roasted. Some of the latter that was bought, seemed to be bear's flesh, but with a fishy taste. They also eatthe larger sort of fern root, mentioned at Nootka, either baked, ordressed in some other way; and some of our people saw them eatfreely of a substance which they supposed to be the inner part of thepine-bark. Their drink is most probably water; for in their boats theybrought snow in the wooden vessels, which they swallowed by mouthfuls. Perhaps it could be carried with less trouble in these open vessels, than water itself. Their method of eating seems decent and cleanly;for they always took care to separate any dirt that might adhere totheir victuals. And though they sometimes did eat the raw fat of somesea-animal, they cut it carefully into mouthfuls, with their smallknives. The same might be said of their persons, which, to appearance, were always clean and decent, without grease or dirt; and the woodenvessels, in which their victuals are probably put, were kept inexcellent order, as well as their boats, which were neat, and freefrom lumber. 

Their language seems difficult to be understood at first; not from anyindistinctness or confusion in their words and sounds, but from thevarious significations they have. For they appeared to use the verysame word, frequently, on very different occasions; though doubtlessthis might, if our intercourse had been of longer duration, have beenfound to be a mistake on our side. The only words I could obtain, andfor them I am indebted to Mr Anderson, [3] were those that follow; thefirst of which was also used at Nootka, in the same sense; thoughwe could not trace an affinity between the two dialects in any otherinstance. 

[Footnote 3: We are also indebted to him for many remarks inthis Section, interwoven with those of Captain Cook, as throwingconsiderable light on many parts of his journal. --D. ]

 Akashou, _What's the name of that?_ Namuk, _An ornament for the ear. _ Lukluk, _A brown shaggy skin, perhaps a bear's. _ Aa, _Yes. _ Natooneshuk, _The skin of a sea-otter. _ Keeta, _Give me something. _ Naema, _Give me something in exchange_, or _barter_. 

 / _Of_, or _belonging to me. --Will_ Ooonaka, { _you barter for this that belongs_ \ _to me_?

 Manaka, Ahleu, _A spear. _ Weena, _or_ Veena, _Stranger--calling to one. _ Keelashuk, _Guts of which they make jackets. _ Tawuk, _Keep it. _

 / _A piece of white bear's skin_, or Amilhtoo, { _perhaps the hair that covered_ \ _it. _

 Whaehai, _Shall I keep it? do you give it me?_ Yaut, _I'll go_; or _shall I go?_ Chilke, _One. _ Taiha, _Two. _ Tokke, _Three. _ (Tinke, ) Chukelo, [4] _Four?_ Koeheene, _Five?_ Takulai, _Six?_ Keichilho, _Seven?_ Klu, _or_ Kliew, _Eight?_

[Footnote 4: With regard to these numerals, Mr Anderson observes, that the words corresponding to ours, are not certain after passing_three_; and therefore he marks those, about whose position he isdoubtful, with a point of interrogation. --D. ]

As to the animals of this part of the continent, the same must beunderstood as of those at Nootka; that is, that the knowledge we haveof them is entirely taken from the skins which the natives brought tosell. These were chiefly of seals; a few foxes; the whitish cat, or_lynx_; common and pine-martins; small ermines; bears; racoons; andsea-otters. Of these, the most common were the martin, racoon, andsea-otter skins, which composed the ordinary dress of the natives; butthe skins of the first, which in general were of a much lighter brownthan those at Nootka, were far superior to them in fineness; whereasthe last, which, as well as the martins, were far more plentiful thanat Nootka, seemed greatly inferior in the fineness and thickness oftheir fur, though they greatly exceeded them in size, and were almostall of the glossy black sort, which is doubtless the colour mostesteemed in those skins. Bear and seal skins were also pretty common, and the last were in general white, very beautifully spotted withblack, or sometimes simply white; and many of the bears here were of abrown, or sooty colour. 

Besides these animals, which were all seen at Nootka, there are someothers in this place which we did not find there; such as the whitebear, of whose skins the natives brought several pieces, and someentire skins of cubs, from which their size could not be determined. We also found the wolverene, or quickhatch, which had very brightcolours; a larger sort of ermine than the common one, which is thesame as at Nootka, varied with a brown colour, and with scarcely anyblack on its tail. The natives also brought the skin of the head ofsome very large animal; but it could not be positively determined whatit was; though, from the colour and shagginess of the hair, and itsunlikeness to any land animal, we judged it might probably be that ofthe large male ursine seal, or sea-bear. But one of the most beautifulskins, and which seems peculiar to this place, as we never saw itbefore, is that of a small animal about ten inches long, of a brownor rusty colour on the back, with a great number of obscure whitishspecks, and the sides of a blueish ash colour, also with a few ofthese specks. The tail is not above a third of the length, of itsbody, and is covered with hair of a whitish colour at the edges. Itis no doubt the same with those called spotted field mice, by MrStæhlin, [5] in his short account of the New Northern Archipelago. Butwhether they be really of the mouse kind, or a squirrel, we could nottell, for want of perfect skins; though Mr Anderson was inclinedto think that it is the same animal described under the name of the_Casan_ marmot, by Mr Pennant. The number of skins we found here, points out the great plenty of these several animals just mentioned;but it is remarkable, that we neither saw the skins of the mouse norof the common deer. 

[Footnote 5: In his account of Kodjak, p. 32 and 34. ]

Of the birds mentioned at Nootka, we found here only the white-headedeagle, the shag, the _alcyon_, or great kingfisher, which had veryfine bright colours, and the humming-bird, which came frequently andflew about the ship, while at anchor, though it can scarcely live herein the winter, which must be very severe. The water-fowls were geese, a small sort of duck, almost like that mentioned at Kerguelen's Land;another sort which none of us knew; and some of the black seapyes, with red bills, which we found at Van Diemen's Land and New Zealand. Some of the people who went on shore, killed a grouse, a snipe, andsome plover. But though, upon the whole, the water-fowls were prettynumerous, especially the ducks and geese, which frequent the shores, they were so shy, that it was scarcely possible to get within shot; sothat we obtained a very small supply of them as refreshment. The duckmentioned above is as large as the common wild-duck, of a deep blackcolour, with a short pointed tail, and red feet. The bill is white, tinged with red toward the point, and has a large black spot, almostsquare, near its base, on each side, where it is also enlarged ordistended. And on the forehead is a large triangular while spot, withone still larger on the back part of the neck. The female has muchduller colours, and none of the ornaments of the bill, except the twoblack spots, which are obscure. 

There is likewise a species of diver here, which seems peculiar tothe place. It is about the size of a partridge, has a short, black, compressed bill, with the head and upper part of the neck of a brownblack, the rest of a deep brown, obscurely waved with black, exceptthe under-part, which is entirely of a blackish cast, very minutelyvaried with white; the other (perhaps the female) is blacker above, and whiter below. A small land bird, of the finch kind, about the sizeof a yellow-hammer, was also found; but was suspected to be oneof those which change their colour with the season, and with theirmigrations. At this time, it was of a dusky brown colour, with areddish tail, and the supposed male had a large yellow spot on thecrown of the head, with some varied black on the upper part of theneck; but the last was on the breast of the female. 

The only fish we got were some torsk and halibut, which were chieflybrought by the natives to sell; and we caught a few sculpins aboutthe ship, with some purplish star-fish, that had seventeen or eighteenrays. The rocks were observed to be almost destitute of shell-fish;and the only other animal of this tribe seen, was a red crab, coveredwith spines of a very large size. 

The metals we saw were copper and iron; both which, particularly thelatter, were in such plenty, as to constitute the points of most ofthe arrows and lances. The ores, with which they painted themselves, were a red, brittle, unctuous ochre, or iron-ore, not much unlikecinnabar in colour; a bright blue pigment, which we did not procure;and black-lead. Each of these seems to be very scarce, as they broughtvery small quantities of the first and last, and seemed to keep themwith great care. 

Few vegetables of any kind were seen; and the trees which chiefly grewhere, were the Canadian and spruce-pine, and some of them tolerablylarge. 

The beads and iron found amongst these people, left no room to doubt, that they must have received them from some civilized nation. We werepretty certain, from circumstances already mentioned, that we were thefirst Europeans with whom they had ever communicated directly; andit remains only to be decided, from what quarter they had got ourmanufactures by intermediate conveyance. And there cannot be theleast doubt of their having received these articles, through theintervention of the more inland tribes, from Hudson's Bay, or thesettlements on the Canadian lakes; unless it can be supposed, (which, however, is less likely, ) that the Russian traders, from Kamtschatka, have already extended their traffic thus far; or at least that thenatives of their most easterly fox islands communicate along the coastwith those of Prince William's Sound. [6]

[Footnote 6: There is a circumstance mentioned by Muller, in hisaccount of Beering's voyage to the coast of America in 1741, whichseems to decide this question. His people found iron at the SchumaginIslands, as may be fairly presumed from the following quotation:"Un seul homme avoit un couteau pendu à sa ceinture, qui parut fortsingulier à nos gens par sa figure. Il étoit long de huit pouces, etfort épais, et large à l'endroit où devoit être la pointe. On ne pentsavoir quel étoit l'usage de cet outil. " _Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274. 

If there was iron amongst the natives on this part of the Americancoast, prior to the discovery of it by the Russians, and before therewas any traffic with them carried on from Kamtschatka, what reasoncan there be to make the least doubt of the people of Prince William'sSound, as well as those of Schumagin's Islands, having got thismetal from the only probable source, the European settlements on thenorth-east coast of this continent?--D. ]

As to the copper, these people seem to procure it themselves, or atmost it passes through few hands to them; for they used to express itsbeing in a sufficient quantity amongst them, when they offered anyto barter, by pointing to their weapons; as if to say, that having somuch of this metal of their own, they wanted no more. 

It is, however, remarkable, if the inhabitants of this Sound besupplied with European articles, by way of the intermediate traffic tothe east coast, that they should, in return, never have given tothe more inland Indians any of their sea-otter skins, which wouldcertainly have been seen, some time or other, about Hudson's Bay. But, as far as I know, that is not the case; and the only method ofaccounting for this, must be by taking into consideration the verygreat distance, which, though it might not prevent European goodscoming so far, as being so uncommon, might prevent the skins, whichare a common article, from passing through more than two or threedifferent tribes, who might use them for their own cloathing, andsend others, which they esteemed less valuable, as being of their ownanimals, eastward, till they reach the traders from Europe. 

SECTION VI. 

_Progress along the Coast. --Cape Elizabeth. --Cape StHermogenes. --Accounts of Beering's Voyage very defective. --PointBanks--Cape Douglas. --Cape Bede. --Mount St Augustin. --Hopes of findinga Passage up an Inlet. --The Ships proceed up it. --Indubitable Marksof its being a River. --Named Cook's River. --The Ships return downit. --Various Visits from the Natives. --Lieutenant King lands, andtakes Possession of the Country. --His Report. --The Resolutionruns aground on a Shoal. --Reflections on the Discovery of Cook'sRiver. --The considerable Tides in it accounted for. _

After leaving Prince William's Sound, I steered to the S. W. , with agentle breeze at N. N. E. ; which, at four o'clock, the next morning, was succeeded by a calm, and soon after, the calm was succeeded bya breeze from S. W. This freshening, and veering to N. W. , we stillcontinued to stretch to the S. W. , and passed a lofty promontory, situated in the latitude of 59° 10', and the longitude of 207° 45'. As the discovery of it was connected with the Princess Elizabeth'sbirth-day, I named it _Cape Elizabeth_. Beyond it we could see noland; so that, at first, we were in hopes that it was the westernextremity of the continent; but not long after, we saw our mistake, for fresh land appeared in sight, bearing W. S. W. 

The wind, by this time, had increased to a very strong gale, andforced us to a good distance from the coast. In the afternoon ofthe 22d, the gale abated, and we stood to the northward for CapeElizabeth, which at noon, the next day, bore W. , ten leagues distant. At the same time, a new land was seen, bearing S. 77° W. , which wassupposed to connect Cape Elizabeth with the land we had seen to thewestward. 

The wind continued at W. , and I stood to the southward till noon thenext day, when we were within three leagues of the coast which we haddiscovered on the 23d. It here formed a point that bore W. N. W. At thesame time more land was seen extending to the southward, as far asS. S. W. , the whole being twelve or fifteen leagues distant. On it wasseen a ridge of mountains covered with snow, extending to the N. W. , behind the first land, which we judged to be an island, from the veryinconsiderable quantity of snow that lay upon it. This point of landis situated in the latitude of 58° 15', and in the longitude of 207°42'; and by what I can gather from the account of Beering's voyage, and the chart that accompanies it in the English edition, [1] Iconclude, that it must be what he called Cape St Hermogenes. But theaccount of that voyage is so very much abridged, and the chart soextremely inaccurate, that it is hardly possible, either by the one orby the other, or by comparing both together, to find out any oneplace which that navigator either saw or touched at. Were I to form ajudgment of Beering's proceedings on this coast, I should suppose thathe fell in with the continent near Mount Fairweather. But I am by nomeans certain, that the bay to which I have given his name, is theplace where he anchored. Nor do I know, that what I called Mount StElias, is the same conspicuous mountain to which he gave that name. And as to his Cape St Elias, I am entirely at a loss to pronouncewhere it lies. [2]

[Footnote 1: Captain Cook means Muller's, of which a translation hadbeen published in London some time before be sailed. --D. ]

[Footnote 2: Mr Coxe, who has been at considerable pains inendeavouring to reconcile the accounts of Muller and Steller, and incomparing them with the journals of Cook and Vancouver, is induced toconjecture that Beering first discovered the continent of Americain the neighbourhood of Kaye's Island, and not where Captain Cookassigns. This is a very probable opinion, as might easily be shewn, but not without anticipating matter that belongs to another voyage. It is enough just now to hint at the circumstance, lest the remarks ofCook, always well entitled to respect, should be too much confided inby the reader. No man's judgment is to be disparaged, because of anerror committed, where so little information has been given for itsguidance. --E. ]

On the N. E. Side of Cape St Hermogenes, the coast turned toward theN. W. , and appeared to be wholly unconnected with the land seen byus the preceding day. In the chart above mentioned, there is herea space, where Beering is supposed to have seen no land. This alsofavoured the later account published by Mr Stæhlin, who makes Cape StHermogenes, and all the land that Beering discovered to the S. W. Ofit, to be a cluster of islands; placing St Hermogenes amongst thosewhich are destitute of wood. What we now saw seemed to confirm this, and every circumstance inspired us with hopes of finding here apassage northward, without being obliged to proceed any farther to theS. W. 

We were detained off the Cape, by variable light airs and calms, tilltwo o'clock the next morning, when a breeze springing up at N. E. Westeered N. N. W. Along the coast; and soon found the land of Cape StHermogenes to be an island, about six leagues in circuit, separatedfrom the adjacent coast by a channel only one league broad. A leagueand a half to the north of this island, lie some rocks above water; onthe N. E. Side of which we had from thirty to twenty fathoms. 

At noon, the island of St Hermogenes bore S. 1/2 E. Eight leaguesdistant; and the land to the N. W. Of it extended from S. 1/2 W. Tonear W. In this last direction it ended in a low point, now fiveleagues distant, which was called _Point Banks_. The latitude of theship, at this time, was 58° 41', and its longitude 207° 44'. In thissituation, the land, which was supposed to connect Cape Elizabeth withthis S. W. Land, was in sight, bearing N. W. 1/2 N. I steered directlyfor it; and, on a nearer approach, found it to be a group of highislands and rocks, entirely unconnected with any other land. Theyobtained the name of _Barren Isles_, from their very naked appearance. Their situation is in the latitude of 59°, and in a line with CapeElizabeth and Point Banks; three leagues distant from the former, andfive from the latter. 

I intended going through one of the channels that divide theseislands; but meeting with a strong current setting against us, Ibore up, and went to the leeward of them all. Toward the evening, theweather, which had been hazy all day, cleared up, and we got sightof a very lofty promontory, whose elevated summit, forming twoexceedingly high mountains, was seen above the clouds. This promontoryI named _Cape Douglas_, in honour of my very good friend, Dr Douglas, canon of Windsor. [3] It is situated in the latitude of 58° 56', andin the longitude of 206° 10'; ten leagues to the westward of BarrenIsles, and twelve from Point Banks, in the direction of N. W. By W. 1/2W. 

[Footnote 3: The reader of course is aware, that this gentleman, afterwards successively Bishop of Carlisle and Salisbury, is theperson to whom we are indebted for the original edition of thisvoyage, as we have elsewhere mentioned. --E. ]

Between this point and Cape Douglas, the coast seemed to form a largeand deep bay; which, from some smoke that had been seen on PointBanks, obtained the name of _Smokey Bay_. 

At day-break, the next morning, being the 26th, having got to thenorthward of the Barren Isles, we discovered more land, extendingfrom Cape Douglas to the north. It formed a chain of mountains of vastheight; one of which, far more conspicuous than the rest, was named_Mount St Augustin_. The discovery of this land did not discourageus, as it was supposed to be wholly unconnected with the land of CapeElizabeth. For, in a N. N. E. Direction, the sight was unlimited byevery thing but the horizon. We also thought that there was a passageto the N. W. , between, Cape Douglas and Mount St Augustin. In short, it was imagined, that the land on our larboard, to the N. Of CapeDouglas, was composed of a group of islands, disjoined by so manychannels, any one of which we might make use of according as the windshould serve. 

With these flattering ideas, having a fresh-gale at N. N. E. , we stoodto the N. W. Till eight o'clock, when we clearly saw, that what we hadtaken for islands were summits of mountains, every where connected bylower land, which the haziness of the horizon had prevented us fromseeing at a greater distance. This land was every where covered withsnow, from the tops of the hills down to the very sea-beach; and hadevery other appearance of being part of a great continent. I was nowfully persuaded that I should find no passage by this inlet; and mypersevering in the search of it here, was more to satisfy other peoplethan to confirm my own opinion. 

At this time Mount St Augustin bore N. , 40 W. , three or fourleagues distant. This mountain is of a conical figure, and of veryconsiderable height; but it remains undetermined whether it be anisland or part of the continent. Finding that nothing could be doneto the W. , we tacked, and stood over to Cape Elizabeth, under whichwe fetched at half-past five in the afternoon. On the N. Side of CapeElizabeth, between it and a lofty promontory, named Cape Bede, [4] is abay, in the bottom of which there appeared to be two snug harbours. Westood well into this bay, where we might have anchored in twenty-threefathoms water; but as I had no such view, we tacked and stood to thewestward, with the wind at N. A very strong gale, attended by rain, and thick hazy weather. 

[Footnote 4: In naming this and Mount St Augustin, Captain Cook wasdirected by our Calendar. --D. ]

The next morning the gale abated; but the same weather continued tillthree o'clock in the afternoon, when it cleared up. Cape Douglas boreS. W. By W. ; Mount St Augustin W. 1/2 S. ; and Cape Bede S. , 15° E. , five leagues distant. In this situation, the depth of water was fortyfathoms, over a rocky bottom. From Cape Bede, the coast trendedN. E. By E. With a chain of mountains inland, extending in the samedirection. The land on the coast was woody; and there seemed to beno deficiency of harbours. But, what was not much in our favour, wediscovered low land in the middle of the inlet, extending from N. N. E. To N. E. By E. 1/2 E. However, as this was supposed to be an island, it did not discourage us. About this time we got a light breezesoutherly, and I steered to the westward of this low land; nothingappeared to obstruct us in that direction. Our soundings during thenight were from thirty to twenty-five fathoms. 

On the 28th, in the morning, having but very little wind, andobserving the ship to drive to the southward, in order to stop her, Idropped a kedge-anchor, with an eight-inch hawser bent to it. But, in bringing the ship up, the hawser parted near the inner end; and welost both it and the anchor. For although we brought the ship up withone of the bowers, and spent most of the day in sweeping for them, itwas to no effect. By an observation, we found our station to be in thelatitude of 59° 51'; the low land above mentioned extended from N. E. To S. , 75° E. , the nearest part two leagues distant. The land on thewestern shore was about seven leagues distant, and extended from S. 35° W. , to N. 7° E. ; so that the extent of the inlet was now reducedto three points and a half of the compass; that is, from N. 1/2 E. To N. E. Between these two points no land was to be seen. Here was astrong tide setting to the southward out of the inlet. It was the ebb, and ran between three and four knots in an hour; and it was low waterat ten o'clock. A good deal of sea-weed, and some drift-wood, werecarried out with the tide. The water, too, had become thick like thatin rivers; but we were encouraged to proceed, by finding it as saltat low water as the ocean. The strength of the flood-tide was threeknots, and the stream ran up till four in the afternoon. 

As it continued calm all day, I did not move till eight o'clock in theevening; when, with a light breeze at E. , we weighed, and stood tothe N. , up the inlet. We had not been long under sail, before the windveered to the N. , increasing to a fresh gale, and blowing in squalls, with rain. This did not, however, hinder us from plying up as longas the flood continued; which was till near five o'clock the nextmorning. We had soundings from thirty-five to twenty-four fathoms. Inthis last depth we anchored about two leagues from the eastern shore, in the latitude of 60° 8'; some low land, that we judged to be anisland, lying under the western shore, extended from N. 1/2 W. To N. W. By N. , distant three or four leagues. 

The weather had how become fair and tolerably clear, so that wecould see any land that might lie within our horizon; and in a N. N. E. Direction, no land, nor any thing to obstruct our progress, wasvisible. But on each side was a ridge of mountains, rising one behindanother, without the least separation. I judged it to be low water, bythe shore, about ten o'clock; but the ebb ran down till near noon. The strength of it was four knots and a half; and it fell, upon aperpendicular, ten feet three inches, that is; while we lay at anchor;so that there is reason to believe that this was not the greatestfall. On the eastern shore we now saw two columns of smoke; a suresign that there were inhabitants. 

At one in the afternoon we weighed, and plied up under double-reefedtop-sails and courses, having a very strong gale at N. N. E. Nearlyright down the inlet. We stretched over to the western shore, andfetched within two leagues of the south end of the low land, or islandbefore mentioned, under which I intended to have taken shelter tillthe gale should cease. But falling suddenly into twelve fathoms water, from upward of forty, and seeing the appearance of a shoal ahead, spitting out from the low land, I tacked, and stretched back to theeastward, and anchored under that shore in nineteen fathoms water, over a bottom of small pebble stones. 

Between one and two in the morning of the 30th, we weighed again withthe first of the flood, the gale having, by this time quite abated, but still continuing contrary; so that we plied up till near seveno'clock, when the tide being done, we anchored in nineteen fathoms, under the same shore as before. The N. W. Part of it, forming a bluffpoint, bore N. , 20° E. , two leagues distant; a point on the othershore opposite to it, and nearly of the same height, bore N. , 36° W. ;our latitude, by observation, 60° 37'. 

About noon, two canoes, with a man in each, came off to the ship fromnear the place where we had seen the smoke the preceding day. Theylaboured very hard in paddling across the strong tide, and hesitateda little before they would come quite close; but upon signs beingmade to them, they approached. One of them talked a great deal to nopurpose; for we did not understand a word he said. He kept pointingto the shore, which we interpreted to be an invitation to go thither. They accepted a few trifles from me, which I conveyed to them from thequarter-gallery. These men, in every respect, resembled the people wehad met with in Prince William's Sound, as to their persons and dress. Their canoes were also of the same construction. One of our visitorshad his face painted jet black, and seemed to have no beard; but theother, who was more elderly, had no paint, and a considerable beard, with a visage much like the common sort of the Prince William'speople. There was also smoke seen upon the flat western shore thisday, from whence we may infer that these lower spots and islands arethe only inhabited places. 

When the flood made we weighed, and then the canoes left us. I stoodover to the western shore, with a fresh gale at N. N. E. , and fetchedunder the point above-mentioned. This, with the other on the oppositeshore, contracted the channel to the breadth of four leagues. Throughthis channel ran a prodigious tide. It looked frightful to us, whocould not tell whether the agitation of the water was occasioned bythe stream, or by the breaking of the waves against rocks or sands. Aswe met with no shoal, it was concluded to be the former; but, in theend, we found ourselves mistaken. I now kept the western shore aboard, it appearing to be the safest. Near the shore we had a depth ofthirteen fathoms; and two or three miles off, forty and upwards. Ateight in the evening, we anchored under a point of land which boreN. E. , three leagues distant, in fifteen fathoms water. Here we layduring the ebb, which ran near five knots in the hour. 

Until we got thus far, the water had retained the same degree ofsaltness at low as at high water; and at both periods was as salt asthat in the ocean. But now the marks of a river displayed themselves. The water taken up this ebb, when at the lowest, was found to be veryconsiderably fresher than any we had hitherto tasted; insomuch thatI was convinced that we were in a large river, and not in a strait, communicating with the northern seas. But as we had proceeded thusfar, I was desirous of having stronger proofs; and therefore weighedwith the next flood in the morning of the 31st, and plied higher up, or rather drove up with the tide; for we had but little wind. 

About eight o'clock, we were visited by several of the natives, inone large and several small canoes. The latter carried only one personeach; and some had a paddle, with a blade at each end, after themanner of the Esquimaux. In the large canoes, were men, women, andchildren. Before they reached the ship, they displayed a leathernfrock, upon a long pole, as a sign, as we understood it, of theirpeaceable intentions. This frock they conveyed into the ship, in return for some trifles which I gave them. I could observe nodifference between the persons, dress, ornaments, and boats of thesepeople, and those of Prince William's Sound, except that the smallcanoes were rather of a less size, and carried only one man. Weprocured from them some of their fur dresses, made of the skins ofsea-otters, martins, hares, and other animals; a few of their darts, and a small supply of salmon and halibut. In exchange for these theytook old clothes, beads, and pieces of iron. We found that they werein possession of large iron knives, and of sky-blue glass beads, suchas we had found amongst the natives of Prince William's Sound. Theselatter they seemed to value much, and consequently those which we nowgave them. But their inclination led them especially to ask for largepieces of iron; which metal, if I was not much mistaken, they calledby the name of _goone_; though, like their neighbours in PrinceWilliam's Sound, they seemed to have many significations to one word. They evidently spoke the same language; as the words _keeta_, _naema_, _oonaka_, and a few others of the most common we heard in that Sound, were also frequently used by this new tribe. After spending abouttwo hours between the one ship and the other, they all retired to thewestern shore. 

At nine o'clock, we came to an anchor, in sixteen fathoms water, abouttwo leagues from the west shore, and found the ebb already begun. Atits greatest strength, it ran only three knots in the hour, and fell, upon a perpendicular, after we had anchored, twenty-one feet. Theweather was misty, with drizzling rain, and clear, by turns. Atthe clear intervals, we saw an opening between the mountains on theeastern shore, bearing east from the station of the ships, with lowland, which we supposed to be islands lying between us and the mainland. Low land was also seen to the northward, that seemed to extendfrom the foot of the mountains on the one side to those on the other;and at low water we perceived large shoals stretching out from thislow land, some of which were at no great distance from us. From theseappearances we were in some doubt whether the inlet did not take aneasterly direction through the above opening; or whether that openingwas only a branch of it, and the main channel continued its northerndirection through the low land now in sight. The continuation anddirection of the chain of mountains on each side of it, stronglyindicated the probability of the latter supposition. 

To determine this point, and to examine the shoals, I dispatched twoboats under the command of the master, and as soon as the flood-tidemade, followed with the ships; but as it was a dead calm, and thetide strong, I anchored, after driving about ten miles in an eastdirection. At the lowest of the preceding ebb, the water at thesurface, and for near a foot below it, was found to be perfectlyfresh; retaining, however, a considerable degree of saltness ata greater depth. Besides this, we had now many other, and but tooevident proofs of being in a great river; such as low shores; verythick and muddy water; large trees, and all manner of dirt andrubbish, floating up and down with the tide. In the afternoon, thenatives, in several canoes, paid us another visit; and trafficked withour people for some time, without ever giving us reason to accuse themof any act of dishonesty. 

At two o'clock next morning, being the 1st of June, the masterreturned, and reported, that he found the inlet, or rather river, contracted to the breadth of one league, by low land on each side, through which it took a northerly direction. He proceeded threeleagues through this narrow part, which he found navigable for thelargest ships, being from twenty to seventeen fathoms deep. Theleast water, at a proper distance from the shore and shoals, was tenfathoms; and this was before he entered the narrow part. While the ebbor stream run down, the water was perfectly fresh; but after the floodmade it became brackish; and toward high water, very much so, even ashigh up as he went. He landed upon an island, which lies between thisbranch and the eastern one; and upon it saw some currant bushes, withthe fruit already set; and some other fruit-trees and bushes, unknownto him. The soil appeared to be clay, mixed with sand. About threeleagues beyond the extent of his search, or to the northward of it, he observed there was another separation in the eastern chain ofmountains, through which he supposed the river took a N. E. Direction;but it seemed rather more probable that this was only another branch, and that the main channel kept its northern direction, between the tworidges or chains of mountains before mentioned. He found that thesetwo ridges, as they extended to the north, inclined more and more toeach other, but never appeared to close; nor was any elevated landseen between them, only low land, part woody, and part clear. 

All hopes of finding a passage were now given up. But as the ebb wasalmost spent, and we could not return against the flood, I thought Imight as well take the advantage of the latter to get a nearer viewof the eastern branch; and by that means finally to determine, whetherthe low land on the east side of the river was an island, as we hadsupposed, or not. With this purpose in view, we weighed with the firstbreeze of the flood, and having a faint breeze at N. E. Stood overfor the eastern shore, with boats ahead, sounding. Our depth was fromtwelve to five fathoms; the bottom a hard gravel, though the water wasexceedingly muddy. At eight o'clock a fresh breeze sprung up at east, blowing in an opposite direction to our course; so that I despaired ofreaching the entrance of the river, to which we were plying up, beforehigh water. But thinking, that what the ships could not do might bedone by boats, I dispatched two, under the command of Lieutenant King, to examine the tides, and to make such other observations as mightgive us some insight into the nature of the river. 

At ten o'clock, finding the ebb began, I anchored in nine fathomswater, over a gravelly bottom. Observing the tide to be too strong forthe boats to make head against it, I made a signal for them to returnon board, before they had got half way to the entrance of the riverthey were sent to examine, which bore from us S. 80° E. , three leaguesdistant. The principal information gained by this tide's work, wasthe determining that all the low land, which we had supposed to bean island or islands, was one continued tract, from the banks of thegreat river to the foot of the mountains, to which it joined; and thatit terminated at the south entrance of this eastern branch, which Ishall distinguish by the name of _River Turnagain_. On the north sideof this river, the low land again begins, and stretches out from thefoot of the mountains down to the banks of the great river; so that, before the river Turnagain, it forms a large bay, on the south sideof which we were now at anchor, and where we had from twelve to fivefathoms, from half-flood to high water. 

After we had entered the bay, the flood set strong into the riverTurnagain, and ebb came out with still greater force; the waterfalling, while we lay at anchor, twenty feet upon a perpendicular. These circumstances convinced me, that no passage was to be expectedby this side-river anymore than by the main branch. However, as thewater, during the ebb, though very considerably fresher, had still astrong degree of saltness, it is but reasonable to suppose, that boththese branches are navigable by ships much farther than we examinedthem; and that by means of this river, and its several branches, avery extensive inland communication lies open. We had traced it ashigh as the latitude of 61° 30', and the longitude of 210°; which isseventy leagues or more from its entrance, without seeing the leastappearance of its source. 

If the discovery of this great river, [5] which promises to vie withthe most considerable ones already known to be capable of extensiveinland navigation, should prove of use either to the present or to anyfuture age, the time we spent in it ought to be the less regretted. But to us, who had a much greater object in view, the delay thusoccasioned was an essential loss. The season was advancing apace. Weknew not how far we might have to proceed to the south; and we werenow convinced, that the continent of North America extended farther tothe west, than from the modern most reputable charts we had reason toexpect. This made the existence of a passage into Baffin's or Hudson'sBay less probable, or at least shewed it to be of greater extent. It was a satisfaction to me, however, to reflect, that, if I had notexamined this very considerable inlet, it would have been assumed, byspeculative fabricators of geography, as a fact, that it communicatedwith the sea to the north, or with Baffin's or Hudson's Bay to theeast; and been marked, perhaps, on future maps of the world, withgreater precision, and more certain signs of reality, than theinvisible, because imaginary, Straits of de Fuca and de Fonte. 

[Footnote 5: Captain Cook having here left a blank which he had notfilled up with any particular name, Lord Sandwich directed, with thegreatest propriety, that it should be called _Cook's River_. --D. 

Some readers may require to be informed, that, for reasons mentionedin the account of his voyage, Captain Vancouver has called it _Cook'sInlet_. --E. ]

In the afternoon, I sent Mr King again, with two armed boats, withorders to land on the north-eastern point of the low land, on thesouth-east side of the river; there to display the flag; to takepossession of the country and river in his majesty's name; and to buryin the ground a bottle, containing some pieces of English coin of theyear 1772, and a paper, on which was inscribed the names of our ships, and the date of our discovery. In the mean time, the ships were gotunder sail, in order to proceed down the river. The wind still blewfresh, easterly; but a calm ensued, not long after we were under way;and the flood-tide meeting us off the point where Mr King landed, (andwhich thence got the name of _Point Possession_, ) we were obliged todrop anchor in six fathoms water, with the point bearing S. , two milesdistant. 

When Mr King returned, he informed me, that as he approached theshore, about twenty of the natives made their appearance, with theirarms extended; probably to express thus their peaceable disposition, and to shew that they were without weapons. On Mr King's, and thegentlemen with him, landing, with musquets in their hands, they seemedalarmed, and made signs, expressive of their request to lay them down. This was accordingly done; and then they suffered the gentlemen towalk up to them, and appeared to be cheerful and sociable. They hadwith them a few pieces of fresh salmon, and several dogs. Mr Law, surgeon of the Discovery, who was one of the party, having boughtone of the latter, took it down toward the boat, and shot it dead, intheir sight. This seemed to surprise them exceedingly; and as if theydid not think themselves safe in such company, they walked away; butit was soon after discovered, that their spears, and other weapons, were hid in the bushes close behind them. Mr King also informed me, that the ground was swampy, and the soil poor, light, and black. Itproduced a few trees and shrubs; such as pines, alders, birch, andwillows; rose and currant bushes; and a little grass; but they saw nota single plant in flower. 

We weighed anchor as soon as it was high water, and, with a faintbreeze, southerly, stood over to the west shore, where the return ofthe flood obliged us to anchor early next morning. Soon after, severallarge, and some small canoes, with natives, came off, who barteredtheir skins; after which they sold their garments, till many of themwere quite naked. Amongst others, they brought a number of white hareor rabbit skins; and very beautiful reddish ones of foxes; but therewere only two or three skins of otters. They also sold us some piecesof salmon and halibut. They preferred iron to every thing else offeredto them in exchange. The lip ornaments did not seem so frequentamongst them as at Prince William's Sound; but they had more of thosewhich pass through the nose, and in general these were also muchlonger. They had, however, a greater quantity of a kind of white andred embroidered work on some parts of their garments, and on otherthings, such as their quivers and knife-cases. 

At half-past ten, we weighed with the first of the ebb, and having agentle breeze at south, plied down the river; in the doing of which, by the inattention and neglect of the man at the lead, the Resolutionstruck, and stuck fast on a bank, that lies nearly in the middle ofthe river, and about two miles above the two projecting bluff pointsbefore mentioned. This bank was, no doubt, the occasion of that verystrong rippling, or agitation of the stream, which we had observedwhen turning up the river. There was not less than twelve feet depthof water about the ship, at the lowest of the ebb, but other parts ofthe bank were dry. As soon as the ship came aground, I made a signalfor the Discovery to anchor. She, as I afterward understood, had beennear ashore on the west side of the bank. As the flood-tide camein, the ship floated off, soon after five o'clock in the afternoon, without receiving the least damage, or giving us any trouble; and, after standing over to the west shore into deep water, we anchored towait for the ebb, as the wind was still contrary. 

We weighed again with the ebb, at ten o'clock at night; and, betweenfour and five next morning, when the tide was finished, once more castanchor, about two miles below the bluff point, on the west shore, innineteen fathoms water. A good many of the natives came off when wewere in this station, and attended upon us all the morning. Theircompany was very acceptable; for they brought with them a largequantity of very fine salmon, which they exchanged for such triflesas we had to give them. Most of it was split ready for drying; andseveral hundred weight of it was procured for the two ships. 

In the afternoon, the mountains, for the first time since our enteringthe river, were clear of clouds; and we discovered a volcano in oneof those on the west side. It is in the latitude of 60° 23'; and it isthe first high mountain to the north of Mount St Augustin. The volcanois on that side of it that is next the river, and not far from thesummit. It did not now make any striking appearance, emitting only awhite smoke, but no fire. 

The wind remaining southerly, we continued to tide it down the river;and on the 5th, in the morning, coming to the place where we had lostour kedge-anchor, made an attempt to recover it, but without success. Before we left this place, six canoes came off from the east shore;some conducted by one, and others by two men. They remained at alittle distance from the ships, viewing them with a kind of silentsurprise, at least half an hour, without exchanging a single wordwith us, or with one another. At length they took courage, and camealongside; began to barter with our people; and did not leave us tillthey had parted with every thing they brought with them, consistingof a few skins and some salmon. And here it may not be improper toremark, that all the people we had met with, in this river, seemed, byevery striking instance of resemblance, to be of the same nation withthose who inhabit Prince William's Sound, but differing essentiallyfrom those of Nootka, or King George's Sound, both in their personsand language. The language of these is rather more guttural; but, like the others, they speak strongly and distinct, in words which seemsentences. 

I have before observed, that they are in possession of iron; that is, they have the points of their spears and knives of this metal; andsome of the former are also made of copper. Their spears are likeour spontoons; and their knives, which they keep in sheaths, are ofa considerable length. These, with a few glass beads, are the onlythings we saw amongst them that were not of their own manufacture. I have already offered my conjectures from whence they derive theirforeign articles; and shall only add here, that if it were probablethat they found their way to them from such of their neighbours withwhom the Russians may have established a trade, I will be bold to say, the Russians themselves have never been amongst them; for if thathad been the case, we should hardly have found them clothed in suchvaluable skins as those of the sea-otter. 

There is not the least doubt, that a very beneficial fur-trade mightbe carried on with the inhabitants of this vast coast. But unlessa northern passage should be found practicable, it seems rather tooremote for Great Britain to receive any emolument from it. It must, however, be observed, that the most valuable, or rather the onlyvaluable skins I saw on this west side of America, were those of thesea-otter. All their other skins seemed to be of an inferior quality;particularly those of their foxes and martins. It must also beobserved, that most of the skins which we purchased were made up intogarments. However, some of these were in good condition; but otherswere old and ragged enough; and all of them very lousy. But as thesepoor people make no other use of skins but for clothing themselves, it cannot be supposed that they are at the trouble of dressing moreof them than are necessary for this purpose. And, perhaps, this is thechief use for which they kill the animals; for the sea and the riversseem to supply them with their principal articles of food. It would, probably, be much otherwise, were they once habituated to a constanttrade with foreigners. This intercourse would increase their wants, byintroducing them to an acquaintance with new luxuries; and, in orderto be enabled to purchase these, they would be more assiduous inprocuring skins, which they would soon discover to be the commoditymost sought for; and a plentiful supply of which, I make no doubt, would be had in the country. 

It will appear, from what has been said occasionally of the tide, that it is considerable in this river, and contributes very much tofacilitate the navigation of it. It is high-water in the stream, onthe days of the new and full moon, between two and three o'clock; andthe tide rises, upon a perpendicular, between three and four fathoms. The reason of the tide's being greater here than at other parts ofthis coast, is easily accounted for. The mouth of the river beingsituated in a corner of the coast, the flood that comes from the oceanis forced into it by both shores, and by that means swells the tide toa great height. 

The variation of the compass was 25° 40' E. 

SECTION VII. 

_Discoveries after leaving Cook's River. --Island ofSt Hermogenes. --Cape Whitsunday. --Cape Greville. --CapeBarnabas. --Two-headed Point. --Trinity Island. --Beering's FoggyIsland. --A beautiful Bird described. --Kodiak and the SchumaginIslands. --A Russian Letter brought on Board by a Native. --Conjecturesabout it. --Rock Point. --Halibut Island. --A VolcanoMountain. --Providential Escape. --Arrival of the Ships atOonalaschka. --Intercourse with the Natives there. --Another RussianLetter. --Samganoodha Harbour described. _

As soon as the ebb tide made in our favour, we weighed, and, with alight breeze, between W. S. W. , and S. S. W. , plied down the river, tillthe flood obliged us to anchor again. At length, about one o'clocknext morning, a fresh breeze sprung up at W. , with which we got undersail, and, at eight, passed the Barren Islands, and stretched awayfor Cape St Hermogenes. At noon, this cape bore S. S. E. , eight leaguesdistant; and the passage between the island of that name, and the mainland, bore S. For this passage I steered, intending to go through it. But soon after the wind failed us, and we had baffling light airsfrom the eastward, so that I gave up my design of carrying the shipsbetween the island and the main. 

At this time we saw several columns of smoke on the coast of thecontinent, to the northward of the passage; and, most probably, theywere meant as signals to attract us thither. Here the land forms abay, or perhaps a harbour, off the N. W. Point of which lies alow, rocky island. There are also some other islands of the sameappearance, scattered along the coast, between this place and PointBanks. 

At eight in the evening, the island of St Hermogenes extended from S. 1/2 E. To S. S. E. 1/4 E. , and the rocks that lie on the N. Side ofit bore S. E. , three miles distant. In this situation, we had fortyfathoms water over a bottom of sand and shells. Soon after, on puttingover hooks and lines, we caught several halibut. 

At midnight, being past the rocks, we bore up to the southward, and, at noon, St Hermogenes bore N. , four leagues distant. At this time, the southernmost point of the main land, within or to the westward ofSt Hermogenes, lay N. 1/2 W. , distant five leagues. This promontory, which is situated in the latitude of 58° 15', and in the longitude of207° 24', was named, after the day, _Cape Whitsunday_. A large bay, which lies to the W. Of it, obtained the name of _Whitsuntide Bay_. The land on the E. Side of this bay, of which Cape Whitsunday is themost southern point, and Point Banks the northern one, is, in allrespects, like the island of St Hermogenes, seemingly destitute ofwood, and partly free from snow. It was supposed to be covered with amossy substance, that gave it a brownish cast. There were some reasonsto think it was an island. If this be so, the last-mentioned bay isonly the strait or passage that separates it from the main land. [1]

[Footnote 1: Such seems to be the opinion of Arrowsmith, as indicatedby his map of America, 1804. That map, however, is far from beingminute or satisfactory as to this part of the voyage. The chart ofthe Russian and English discoveries, which Mr Coxe has inserted in hiswork so often alluded to, is perhaps a better guide. But indeed bothare faulty. The reader need not be informed that the geography of thisregion is still very imperfect. --E. ]

Between one and two in the afternoon, the wind, which had been atN. E. , shifted at once to the southward. It was unsettled till six, when it fixed at S. , which was the very direction of our course, sothat we were obliged to ply up the coast. The weather was gloomy, andthe air dry, but cold. We stood to the eastward till midnight, thentacked, and stood in for the land; and, between seven and eight in themorning of the 8th, we were within four miles of it, and not morethan half a league from some sunken rocks, which bore W. S. W. In thissituation we tacked in thirty-five fathoms water, the island of StHermogenes bearing N. 20° E. , and the southernmost land in sight, S. 

In standing in for this coast, we crossed the mouth of WhitsuntideBay, and saw land all round the bottom of it, so that either the landis connected, or else the points lock in, one behind another. I ammore inclined to think, that the former is the case, and that theland, east of the bay, is a part of the continent. Some small islandslie on the west of the bay. The sea-coast to the southward of it israther low, with projecting rocky points, between which are small baysor inlets. There was no wood, and but little snow upon the coast; butthe mountains, which lie at some distance inland, were wholly coveredwith the latter. We stood off till noon, then tacked, and stood infor the land. The latitude, at this time, was 57° 52-1/2'; Cape StHermogenes bore N. 30° W. , eight leagues distant, and the southernmostpart of the coast in sight; the same that was seen before, bore S. W. , ten leagues distant. The land here forms a point, which was named_Cape Greville_. It lies in the latitude of 57° 33', and in thelongitude of 207° 15', and is distant fifteen leagues from Cape StHermogenes, in the direction of S. 17° W. 

The three following days we had almost constant misty weather, withdrizzling rain, so that we seldom had a sight of the coast. The windwas S. E. By S. , and S. S. E. , a gentle breeze, and the air raw and cold. With this wind and weather, we continued to ply up the coast, makingboards of six or eight leagues each. The depth of water was fromthirty to fifty-five fathoms, over a coarse, black sandy bottom. 

The fog clearing up, with the change of the wind to S. W. , in theevening of the 12th, we had a sight of the land bearing W. , twelveleagues distant. We stood in for it early next morning. At noon wewere not above three miles from it; an elevated point, which obtainedthe name of _Cape Barnabas_, lying in the latitude of 57° 13', boreN. N. E. 1/2 E. , ten miles distant, and the coast extended from N. 42°E. , to W. S. W. The N. E. Extreme was lost in a haze, but the point tothe S. W. , whose elevated summit terminated in two round hills, onthat account was called _Two-headed Point_. This part of the coast, in which are several small bays, is composed of high hills and deepvalleys, and in some places we could see the tops of other hills, beyond those that form the coast, which was but little encumbered withsnow, but had a very barren appearance. Not a tree or bush was to beseen upon it; and, in general, it had a brownish hue, probably theeffect of a mossy covering. 

I continued to ply to the S. W. By W. , as the coast trended, and, atsix in the evening, being midway between Cape Barnabas and Two-headedPoint, and two leagues from the shore, the depth of water wassixty-two fathoms. From this station, a low point of land made itsappearance beyond Two-headed Point, bearing S. 69° W. , and, withoutit, other land that had the appearance of an island, bore S. 59° W. 

At noon, on the 13th, being in latitude 56° 49', Cape St Barnabas boreN. 52° E. , Two-headed Point, N. 14° W. , seven or eight miles distant, and the coast of the continent extended as far as S. 72 1/2 W. , andthe land seen the preceding evening, and supposed to be an island, nowappeared like two islands. From whatever quarter Two-headed Pointwas viewed, it had the appearance of being an island, or else it is apeninsula, on each side of which the shore forms a bay. The windstill continued westerly, a gentle breeze, the weather rather dull andcloudy, and the air sharp and dry. 

We were well up with the southernmost land next morning, and found itto be an island, which was named _Trinity Island_. Its greatest extentis six leagues in the direction of E. And W. Each end is elevatednaked land, and in the middle it is low, so that, at a distance, fromsome points of view, it assumes the appearance of two islands. It liesin the latitude of 56° 36', and in the longitude of 205°, and betweentwo and three leagues from the continent, which space is interspersedwith small islands and rocks, but there seemed to be good passageenough, and also safe anchorage. At first we were inclined to think, that this was Beering's _Foggy Island_, [2] but its situation so nearthe main does not suit his chart. 

[Footnote 2: _Tumannoi-ostrow_, c'est-à-dire, _L'isleNebuleuse_. --Muller, p. 261. ]

At eight in the evening, we stood in for the land, till we were withina league of the above-mentioned small islands. The westernmost part ofthe continent now in sight, being a low point facing Trinity Island, and which we called _Cape Trinity_, now bore W. N. W. In this situation, having tacked in fifty-four fathoms water, over a bottom of blacksand, we stood over for the island, intending to work up between itand the main. The land to the westward of Two-headed Point, is not somountainous as it is to the N. E. Of it, nor does so much snow lie uponit. There are, however, a good many hills considerably elevated, butthey are disjoined by large tracts of flat land that appeared to beperfectly destitute of wood, and very barren. 

As we were standing over toward the island, we met two men in a smallcanoe, paddling from it to the main. Far from approaching us, theyseemed rather to avoid it. The wind now began to incline to theS. , and we had reason to expect, that it would soon be at the S. E. Experience having taught us, that a south-easterly wind was heregenerally, if not always, accompanied by a thick fog, I was afraid toventure through between the island and the continent, lest the passageshould not be accomplished before night, or before the thick weathercame on, when we should be obliged to anchor, and by that means losethe advantage of a fair wind. These reasons induced me to stretch outto sea, and we passed two or three rocky islets that lie near the eastend of Trinity Island. At four in the afternoon, having weathered theisland, we tacked, and steered west-southerly, with a fresh gale atS. S. E. , which, before midnight, veered to the S. E. , and was, as usual, attended with misty, drizzling, rainy weather. 

By the course we steered all night, I was in hopes of falling in withthe continent in the morning. And, doubtless, we should have seen it, had the weather been in the least clear, but the fog prevented. Seeingno land at noon, and the gale increasing, with a thick fog and rain, Isteered W. N. W. , under such sail as we could easily haul the wind with, being fully sensible of the danger of running before a strong galein a thick fog, in the vicinity of an unknown coast. It was, however, necessary to run some risk when the wind favoured us; for clearweather, we had found, was generally accompanied with winds from thewest. 

Between two and three in the afternoon, land was seen through the fog, bearing N. W. , not more than three or four miles distant. Upon this, we immediately hauled up south, close to the wind. Soon after, the twocourses were split, so that we had others to bring to the yards, andseveral others of our sails received considerable damage. At nine, thegale abated, the weather cleared up, and we lost sight of the coastagain, extending from W. By S. To N. W. , about four or five leaguesdistant. On sounding, we found a hundred fathoms water, over a muddybottom. Soon after, the fog returned, and we saw no more of the landall night. 

At four next morning, the fog being now dispersed, we found ourselvesin a manner surrounded by land; the continent, or what was supposedto be the continent, extending from W. S. W. To N. E. By N. , and someelevated land bearing S. E. 1/2 S. , by estimation eight or nine leaguesdistant. The N. E. Extreme of the main was the same point of land thatwe had fallen in with during the fog, and we named it _Foggy Cape_. Itlies in latitude 56° 31'. At this time, having had but little wind allnight, a breeze sprung up at N. W. With this we stood to the southward, to make the land, seen in that direction, plainer. 

At nine o'clock, we found it to be an island of about nine leaguesin compass, lying in the latitude of 56° 10', and in the longitude of202° 46'; and it is distinguished in our chart by the name of _FoggyIsland_, having reason to believe, from its situation, that it is thesame which had that name given to it by Beering. At the same time, three or four islands, lying before a bay, formed by the coast of themain land; bore N. By W. ; a point, with three or four pinnacle rocksupon it, which was called _Pinnacle Point_, bore N. W. By W. ; and acluster of small islets, or rocks, lying about nine leagues from thecoast, S. S. E. 

At noon, when our latitude was 56° 9', and our longitude 201° 45', these rocks bore S. 58' E. , ten miles distant; Pinnacle Point, N. N. W. , distant seven leagues; the nearest part of the main land N. W. By W. , six leagues distant; and the most advanced land to the S. W. , which hadthe appearance of being an island, bore W. , a little southerly. Inthe afternoon, we had little or no wind, so that our progress wasinconsiderable. At eight in the evening, the coast extended from S. W. To N. N. E. , the nearest part about eight leagues distant. 

On the 17th, the wind was between W. And N. W. , a gentle breeze, andsometimes almost calm. The weather was clear, and the air sharpand dry. At noon, the continent extended from S. W. To N. By E. , thenearest part seven leagues distant. A large group of islands lyingabout the same distance from the continent, extended from S. 26° W. ToS. 52° W. 

It was calm great part of the 18th, and the weather was clear andpleasant. We availed ourselves of this, by making observations for thelongitude and variation. The latter was found to be 21° 27' E. Therecan be no doubt that there is a continuation of the continent betweenTrinity Island and Foggy Cape, which the thick weather prevented usfrom seeing. For some distance to the S. W. , of that cape, this countryis more broken or rugged than any part we had yet seen, both withrespect to the hills themselves, and to the coast, which seemed fullof creeks, or small inlets, none of which appeared to be of any greatdepth. Perhaps, upon a closer examination, some of the projectingpoints between these inlets will be found to be islands. Every parthad a very barren aspect, and was covered with snow, from the summitsof the highest hills, down to a very small distance from the seacoast. 

Having occasion to send a boat on board the Discovery, one of thepeople in her shot a very beautiful bird of the hawk kind. It issomewhat less than a duck, and of a black colour, except the fore-partof the head, which is white, and from above and behind each eye arisesan elegant yellowish-white crest, revolved backward as a ram's horn. The bill and feet are red. It is, perhaps, the _alca monochroa_ ofSteller, mentioned in the history of Kamtschatka. [3] I think the firstof these birds was seen by us a little to the southward of Cape StHermogenes. From that time, we generally saw some of them every day, and sometimes in large flocks. Besides these, we daily saw most ofthe other sea-birds, that are commonly found in other northern oceans, such as gulls, shags, puffins, sheerwaters, and sometimes ducks, geese, and swans. And seldom a day passed without seeing seals, whales, and ether large fish. 

[Footnote 3: P. 158. Eng. Trans. --The Tufted Aek. --_Pennant's Arct. Zool. _ ii. N°. 432. ]

In the afternoon, we got a light breeze of wind southerly, whichenabled us to steer W. , for the channel that appeared between theislands and the continent; and, at day-break next morning, we wereat no great distance from it, and found several other islands, within those already seen by us, of various extent both in height andcircuit. But between these last islands, and those before seen, thereseemed to be a clear channel, for which I steered, being afraid tokeep the coast of the continent aboard, lest we should mistake somepoint of it for an island, and, by that means, be drawn into someinlet, and lose the advantage of the fair wind, which at this timeblew. 

I therefore kept along the southernmost chain of islands, and at noonwe were in the latitude of 55° 18', and in the narrowest part of thechannel, formed by them and those which lie along the continent, whereit is about a league and a half, or two leagues over. The largestisland in this group was now on our left, and is distinguished bythe name of _Kodiak_, [4] according to the information we afterwardsreceived. I left the rest of them without names. I believe them to bethe same that Beering calls Schumagin's Islands, [5] or those which hecalled by that name, to be a part of them, for this group is prettyextensive. We saw islands as far to the southward as an island couldbe seen. They commence in the longitude of 200° 15' E. , and extenda degree and a half, or two degrees, to the westward. I cannot beparticular, as we could not distinguish all the islands from the coastof the continent. Most of these islands are of a good height, very barren and rugged, abounding with rocks and steep cliffs, andexhibiting other romantic appearances. There are several snug baysand coves about them, streams of fresh water run from their elevatedparts, some drift-wood was floating around, but not a tree or bush wasto be seen growing on the land. A good deal of snow still lay onmany of them, and the parts of the continent, which shewed themselvesbetween the innermost islands, were quite covered with it. [6]

[Footnote 4: See an account of Kodiac, in Stæhlin's New NorthernArchipelago, p. 30-39. ]

[Footnote 5: See Muller's _Découvertes des Russes_, p. 262-277. ]

[Footnote 6: Coxe's work maybe advantageously consulted forinformation respecting the islands now mentioned. But few persons, itis presumed, feel so interested about them, as to desire any additionto the text. Besides, though a connected account of this archipelagomight be either amusing or necessary, it is obvious that detachednotices would have little value to commend them to attention. --E. ]

At four in the afternoon, we had passed all the islands that lay tothe southward of us; the southernmost, at this time, bearing S. 5°E. , and the westernmost point of land now in sight, S. 82° W. Forthis point we steered, and passed between it and two or three elevatedrocks that lie about a league to the east of it. 

Some time after we had got through this channel, in which we foundforty fathoms water, the Discovery, now about two miles astern, firedthree guns, and brought-to, and made a signal to speak with us. Thisalarmed me not a little; and, as no apparent danger had been remarkedin the passage through the channel, it was apprehended that someaccident, such as springing a leak, must have happened. A boat wasimmediately sent to her, and in a short time returned with CaptainClerke. I now learned from him, that some natives, in three or fourcanoes, who had been following the ship for some time, at length gotunder his stern. One of them then made many signs, taking off his cap, and bowing, after the manner of Europeans. A rope being handed downfrom the ship, to this he fastened a small thin wooden case or box, and having delivered this safe, and spoken something, and made somemore signs, the canoes dropped astern, and left the Discovery. No oneon board her had any suspicion that the box contained any thing, tillafter the departure of the canoes, when it was accidentally opened, and a piece of paper was found, folded up carefully, upon whichsomething was written in the Russian language, as was supposed. Thedate 1778 was prefixed to it, and, in the body of the written note, there was a reference to the year 1776. Not learned enough to decypherthe alphabet of the writer, his numerals marked sufficiently thatothers had preceded us in visiting this dreary part of the globe, whowere united to us by other ties besides those of our common nature;and the hopes of soon meeting with some of the Russian traders couldnot but give a sensible satisfaction to those who had, for such alength of time, been conversant with the savages of the Pacific Ocean, and of the continent of North America. 

Captain Clerke was, at first, of opinion, that some Russians had beenshipwrecked here, and that these unfortunate persons, seeing our shipspass, had taken this method to inform us of their situation. Impressedwith humane sentiments, on such an occasion, he was desirous ofour stopping till they might have time to join us. But no such ideaoccurred to me. It seemed obvious, that if this had been the case, itwould have been the first step taken by such shipwrecked persons, inorder to secure to themselves, and to their companions, the reliefthey could not but be solicitous about, to send some of their body offto the ships in the canoes. For this reason, I rather thought that thepaper contained a note of information, left by some Russian trader, who had lately been amongst these islands, to be delivered to the nextof their countrymen who should arrive; and that the natives, seeingour ships pass, and supposing us to be Russians, had resolved to bringoff the note, thinking it might induce us to stop. Fully convinced ofthis, I did not stay to enquire any farther into the matter, butmade sail, and stood away to the westward, along the coast; perhapsI should say along the islands, for we could not pronounce, withcertainty, whether the nearest land, within us, was continent orislands. If not the latter, the coast here forms some tolerably largeand deep bays. 

We continued to run all night with a gentle breeze at N. E. , and, attwo o'clock next morning, some breakers were seen within us, at thedistance of about two miles. Two hours after, others were seen a-head, and on our larboard bow, and between us and the land, they wereinnumerable. We did but just clear them, by holding a south course. These breakers were occasioned by rocks, some of which were abovewater. They extend seven leagues from the land, and are verydangerous, especially in thick weather, to which this coast seemsmuch subject. At noon, we had just got on their outside, and, byobservation, we were in the latitude of 54° 44', and in the longitudeof 198°. The nearest land, being an elevated bluff point, which wascalled _Rock Point_, bore N. , seven or eight leagues distant; thewesternmost part of the main, or what was supposed to be the main, bore N. 80° W. ; and a round hill, without, which was found to bean island, and was called _Halibut-Head_, bore S. 64° W. , thirteenleagues distant. 

On the 21st at noon, having made but little progress, on account offaint winds and calms, Halibut-Head, which lies in the latitude of 54°27', and in the longitude of 197°, bore N. 24° W. , and the island onwhich it is, and called _Halibut Island_, extended from N. By E. ToN. W. By W. , two leagues distant. This island is seven or eight leaguesin circuit, and, except the head, the land of it is low and verybarren. There are several small islands near it, all of the sameappearance, but there seemed to be a passage between them and themain, two or three leagues broad. [7]

[Footnote 7: So Arrowsmith's map has it. The chart in Coxe's work, 4thedition, does not mention Halibut Island. --E. ]

The rocks and breakers, before mentioned, forced us so far from thecontinent, that we had but a distant view of the coast between RockPoint and Halibut Island. Over this and the adjoining islands we couldsee the main land covered with snow, but particularly some hills, whose elevated tops were seen, towering above the clouds, to amost stupendous height. The most south-westerly of these hills wasdiscovered to have a _volcano_, which continually threw up vastcolumns of black smoke. It stands not far from the coast, and in thelatitude of 54° 48', and in the longitude of 195° 45'. It is alsoremarkable from its figure, which is a complete cone, and the volcanois at the very summit. We seldom saw this (or indeed any other ofthese mountains) wholly clear of clouds. At times, both base andsummit would be clear, when a narrow cloud, sometimes two or three, one above another, would embrace the middle like a girdle, which, withthe column of smoke, rising perpendicular to a great height out of itstop, and spreading before the wind into a tail of vast length, made avery picturesque appearance. It may be worth remarking, that thewind, at the height to which the smoke of this volcano reached, movedsometimes in a direction contrary to what it did at sea, even when itblew a fresh gale. 

In the afternoon, having three hours calm, our people caught upwardsof a hundred halibuts, some of which weighed a hundred pounds, andnone less than twenty pounds. This was a very seasonable refreshmentto us. In the height of our fishing, which was in thirty-fivefathoms water, and three or four miles from the shore, a small canoe, conducted by one man, came to us from the large island. On approachingthe ship, be took off his cap, and bowed, as the other had done, who visited the Discovery the preceding day. It was evident that theRussians must have a communication and traffic with these people, not only from their acquired politeness, but from the note beforementioned. But we had now a fresh proof of it; for our present visitorwore a pair of green cloth breeches, and a jacket of black cloth orstuff, under the gut-shirt or frock of his own country. He had nothingto barter, except a grey fox skin, and some fishing implements orharpoons, the heads of the shafts of which, for the length of a footor more, were neatly made of bone, as thick as a walking cane, andcarved. He had with him a bladder full of something, which we supposedto be oil, for he opened it, took a mouthful, and then fastened itagain. 

His canoe was of the same make with those we had seen before, butrather smaller. He used a double bladed-paddle, as did also thosewho had visited the Discovery. In his size and features, he exactlyresembled those we saw in Prince William's Sound, and in the GreatRiver, but he was quite free from paint of any kind, and had theperforation of his lips made in an oblique direction, without anyornament in it. He did not seem to understand any of the wordscommonly used by our visitors in the Sound, when repeated to him. But, perhaps, our faulty pronunciation, rather than his ignorance of thedialect, may be inferred from this. 

The weather was cloudy and hazy, with now and then sunshine, till theafternoon of the 22d, when the wind came round to the S. E. , and, asusual, brought thick rainy weather. Before the fog came on, no part ofthe main land was in sight, except the volcano, and another mountainclose by it. I continued to steer W. Till seven in the evening, when, being apprehensive of falling in with the land in thick weather, wehauled the wind to the southward, till two o'clock next morning, and then bore away W. We made but little progress, having the windvariable, and but little of it, till at last it fixed in the westernboard, and at five in the afternoon, having a gleam of sunshine, wesaw land bearing N. 59° W. , appearing in hillocks like islands. 

At six in the morning of the 24th, we got a sight of the continent, and at nine it was seen extending from N. E. By E. To S. W. By W. 1/2W. , the nearest part about four leagues distant. The land to theS. W. Proved to be islands, the same that had been seen the precedingevening. But the other was a continuation of the continent, withoutany islands to obstruct our view of it. In the evening, being aboutfour leagues from the shore, in forty-two fathoms water, having littleor no wind, we had recourse to our hooks and lines, but only two orthree small cod were caught. 

The next morning we got a breeze easterly, and what was uncommon withthis wind, clear weather, so that we not only saw the volcano, butother mountains, both to the east and west of it, and all the coastof the main land under them, much plainer than at any time before. Itextended from N. E. By N. To N. W. 1/2 W. , where it seemed to terminate. Between this point and the islands without it, there appeared a largeopening, for which I steered, till we raised land beyond it. Thisland, although we did not perceive that it joined the continent, madea passage through the opening very doubtful. It also made it doubtful, whether the land which we saw to the S. W. , was insular or continental, and, if the latter, it was obvious that the opening would be a deepbay or inlet, from which, if once we entered it with an easterly wind, it would not be so easy to get out. Not caring, therefore, to trusttoo much to appearances, I steered to the southward. Having thus gotwithout all the land in sight, I then steered west, in which directionthe islands lay, for such we found this land to be. 

By eight o'clock we had passed three of them, all of a good height. More of them were now seen to the westward, the south-westernmost partof them bearing W. N. W. The weather, in the afternoon, became gloomy, and at length turned to a mist, and the wind blew fresh at E. Itherefore, at ten at night, hauled the wind to the southward tillday-break, when we resumed our course to the W. 

Day-light availed us little, for the weather was so thick, that wecould not see a hundred yards before us; but as the wind was nowmoderate, I ventured to run. At half-past four, we were alarmed athearing the sound of breakers on our larboard bow. On heavingthe lead, we found twenty-eight fathoms water, and the next cast, twenty-five. I immediately brought the ship to, with her head to thenorthward, and anchored in this last depth, over a bottom of coarsesand, calling to the Discovery, she being close by us, to anchor also. 

A few hours after, the fog having cleared away a little, it appearedthat we had escaped very imminent danger. We found ourselves threequarters of a mile from the N. E. Side of an island, which extendedfrom S. By W. 1/2 W. To N. By E. 1/2 E. , each extreme about a leaguedistant. Two elevated rocks, the one bearing S. By E. , and the otherE. By S. , were about half a league each from us, and about the samedistance from each other. There were several breakers about them, andyet Providence had, in the dark, conducted the ships through, betweenthese rocks, which I should not have ventured in a clear day, and tosuch an anchoring-place, that I could not have chosen a better. 

Finding ourselves so near land, I sent a boat to examine whatit produced. In the afternoon she returned, and the officer, whocommanded her, reported, that it produced some tolerable good grass, and several other small plants, one of which was like purslain, andeat very well, either in soups or as a sallad. There was no appearanceof shrubs or trees, but on the beach were a few pieces of drift wood. It was judged to be low water between ten and eleven o'clock, and wefound, where we lay at anchor, that the flood-tide came from the E. OrS. E. 

In the night, the wind blew fresh at S. , but was more moderate towardthe morning, and the fog partly dispersed. Having weighed at seveno'clock, we steered to the northward, between the island under whichwe had anchored, and another small one near it. The channel is notabove a mile broad; and before we were through it, the wind failed, and we were obliged to anchor in thirty-four fathoms water. We had nowland in every direction. That to the S. , extended to the S. W. , ina ridge of mountains, but our sight could not determine whether itcomposed one or more islands. We afterward found it to be only oneisland, and known by the name of _Oonalashka_. Between it, and theland to the N. , which had the appearance of being a group of islands, there seemed to be a channel, in the direction of N. W. By N. On apoint, which bore W. From the ship, three quarters of a mile distant, were several natives and their habitations. To this place we saw themtow in two whales, which we supposed they had just killed. A few ofthem, now and then, came off to the ships, and bartered a few triflingthings with our people, but never remained above a quarter of an hourat a time. On the contrary, they rather seemed shy, and yet we couldjudge that they were no strangers to vessels, in some degree, likeours. They behaved with a degree of politeness uncommon to savagetribes. 

At one o'clock in the afternoon, having a light breeze at N. E. , andthe tide of flood in our favour, we weighed, and steered for thechannel above-mentioned, in hopes, after we were through, of findingthe land trend away to the northward, or, at least, a passage out tosea to the W. For we supposed ourselves, as it really happened, to beamongst islands, and not in an inlet of the continent. We had not beenlong under sail, before the wind veered to the N. , which obliged usto ply. The soundings were from forty to twenty-seven fathoms, over abottom of sand and mud. In the evening, the ebb making against us, weanchored about three leagues from our last station, with the passagebearing N. W. 

At day-break the next morning, we weighed, with a light breeze at S. , which carried us up to the passage, when it was succeeded by variablelight airs from all directions. But as there run a rapid tide in ourfavour, the Resolution got through before the ebb made. The Discoverywas not so fortunate. She was carried back, got into the race, and hadsome trouble to get clear of it. As soon as we were through, the landon one side was found to trend W. And S. W. , and that on the other sideto trend N. This gave us great reason to hope, that the continent hadhere taken a new direction, which was much in our favour. Being inwant of water, and perceiving that we run some risk of driving aboutin a rapid tide, without wind to govern the ship, I stood for aharbour, lying on the S. Side of the passage, but we were very soondriven past it, and, to prevent being forced back through the passage, came to an anchor in twenty-eight fathoms water, pretty near thesouthern shore, out of the reach of the strong tide. And yet, evenhere, we found it to run full five knots and a half in the hour. 

While we lay here, several of the natives came off to us, each in acanoe, and bartered a few fishing implements for tobacco. One of them, a young man, overset his canoe, while along-side of one of our boats. Our people caught hold of him, but the canoe went adrift, and, beingpicked up by another, was carried ashore. The youth, by this accident, was obliged to come into the ship; and he went down into my cabin, upon the first invitation, without expressing the least reluctance oruneasiness. His dress was an upper garment, like a shirt, made of thelarge gut of some sea-animal, probably the whale, and an under garmentof the same shape, made of the skins of birds, dressed with thefeathers on, and neatly sewed together, the feathered side being worenext his skin. It was mended or patched with pieces of silk-stuff, andhis cap was ornamented with two or three sorts of glass beads. His ownclothes being wet, I gave him others, in which he dressed himself withas much ease as I could have done. From his behaviour, and that ofsome others, we were convinced that these people were no strangers toEuropeans, and to some of their customs. But there was something inour ships that greatly excited their curiosity; for such as could notcome off in canoes, assembled on the neighbouring hills to look atthem. [8]

[Footnote 8: Of Oonalashka, Unalashka, or Aghunalaska, for it is knownby these three names, Mr Coxe has presented several interestingenough notices. The Russians were no strangers to it previous to thisvoyage. --E. ]

At low water, having weighed and towed the ship into the harbour, weanchored there in nine fathoms water, over a bottom of sand and mud. The Discovery got in soon after. A launch was now sent for water, anda boat to draw the seine, but we caught only four trout, and a fewother small fish. 

Soon after we anchored, a native of the island brought on board suchanother note as had been given to Captain Clerke. He presented itto me, but it was written in the Russian language, which, as alreadyobserved, none of us could read. As it could be of no use to me, andmight be of consequence to others, I returned it to the bearer, anddismissed him with a few presents, for which he expressed his thanks, by making several low bows as he retired. 

In walking, next day, along the shore, I met with a group of nativesof both sexes, seated on the grass, at a repast, consisting of rawfish, which they seemed to eat with as much relish as we should aturbot, served up with the richest sauce. By the evening, we hadcompleted our water, and made such observations as the time andweather would permit. I have taken notice of the rapidity of the tidewithout the harbour, but it was inconsiderable within. It was lowwater at noon, and high water at half-past six in the evening, and thewater rose, upon a perpendicular, three feet four inches, but therewere marks of its sometimes rising a foot higher. 

Thick fogs, and a contrary-wind, detained us till the 2d of July, which afforded an opportunity of acquiring some knowledge of thecountry and of its inhabitants. The result of our observations willbe mentioned in another place. At present I shall only describe theharbour. 

It is called, by the natives, _Samganoodha_, and is situated on thenorth side of Oonalashka, in the latitude of 58° 55', in the longitudeof 193° 30'; and in the strait, or passage, that separates this islandfrom those that lie to the north of it, and whose position before theharbour shelters it from the winds that blow from that quarter. Itruns in S. By W. , about four miles, and is about a mile broad at theentrance, narrowing toward the head, where its breadth is not above aquarter of a mile, and where ships can lie land-locked, in seven, six, and four fathoms water. Great plenty of good water may be easily got, but not a single stick of wood of any size. 

SECTION VIII. 

_Progress Northward, after leaving Oonalashka. --The IslandsOonella and Acootan. --Ooneemak. --Shallowness of the Water alongthe Coast--Bristol Bay. --Round Island. --Calm Point. --CapeNewenham. --Lieutenant Williamson lands, and his Report. --BristolBay, and its Extent. --The Ships obliged to return on account ofShoals. --Natives come off to the Ships. --Death of Mr Anderson; hisCharacter; and Island named after him. --Point Rodney. --Sledge Island, and Remarks on Landing there. --King's Island. --Cape Prince of Wales, the Western Extreme of America. Course Westward. --Anchor in a Bay onthe Coast of Asia. _

Having put to sea with a light breeze, at S. S. E. , we steered to theN. , meeting with nothing to obstruct us in this course. For, as Iobserved before, the island of Oonalashka on the one side, trendedS. W. , and on the other, no land was to be seen in a direction morenortherly than N. E. , the whole of which laud was a continuation of thesame group of islands which we had fallen in with on the 25th of June. That which lies before Samganoodha, and forms the N. E. Side of thepassage through which we came, is called _Oonella_, and is about sevenleagues in circumference. Another island to the N. E. Of it, is called_Acootan_, which is considerably larger than Oonella, and hath in itsome very high mountains which were covered with snow. It appeared, that we might have gone very safely between, these two islands andthe continent, the S. W. Point of which opened off the N. E. Point ofAcootan, in the direction of N. 60° E. ; and which proved to be thesame point of land we had seen when we quitted the coast of thecontinent, on the 25th of June, to go without the islands. It iscalled by the people of these parts _Ooneemak_, and lies in thelatitude of 54° 30', and in the longitude of 192° 30'. Over the cape, which of itself is high land, is a round elevated mountain, at thistime entirely covered with snow. 

At six in the evening, this mountain bore E. 2° N. , and at eight wehad no land in sight. Concluding, therefore, that the coast of thecontinent had now taken a north-easterly direction, I ventured tosteer the same course till one o'clock the next morning, when thewatch on deck thought they saw land a-head. Upon this we wore, andstood to the S. W. For two hours, and then resumed our course to theE. N. E. 

At six o'clock, land was seen a-head, bearing S. E. , about five leaguesdistant. As we advanced, we raised more and more land, all connected, and seemingly in the direction of our course. At noon, it extendedfrom S. S. W. To E. , the nearest part five or six leagues distant; Ourlatitude at this time was 55° 21', and our longitude 195° 18'. Thiscoast is on the N. W. Side of the volcano mountain, so that we musthave seen it, if the weather had been tolerably clear. 

At six in the evening, after having run eight leagues upon an E. ByN. Course from noon, we sounded, and found forty-eight fathoms, overa bottom of black sand. Being at this time four leagues from the land, the eastern part in sight bore E. S. E. , and appeared as a high roundhummock, seemingly detached from the main. 

Having continued to steer E. N. E. All night, at eight in the morning ofthe 4th, the coast was seen from S. S. W. To E. By S. ; and at times wecould see high land, covered with snow behind it. Soon after it fellcalm, and being in thirty fathoms water, we put over hooks and lines, and caught a good number of cod-fish. At noon, having now a breezefrom the east, and the weather being clear, we found ourselves sixleagues from the land, which extended from S. By W. To E. By S. Thehummock, seen the preceding evening, bore S. W. By S. Ten leaguesdistant. Our latitude was now 55° 50', and our longitude 197° 3'. Agreat hollow swell, from W. S. W. , assured us that there was no mainland near in that direction. I stood to the N. Till six in theafternoon, when the wind having veered to S. E. , enabled us to steerE. N. E. The coast lay in this direction, and at noon, the next day, wasabout four leagues distant. 

On the 6th and 7th, the wind being northerly, we made but littleprogress. At eight in the evening of the latter, we were in nineteenfathoms water, and about three or four leagues from the coast, which, on the 8th, extended from S. S. W. To E. By N. , and was all lowland, with a ridge of mountains behind it, covered with snow. It isprobable, that this low coast extends, some distance, to the S. W. ; andthat such places as we sometimes, took for inlets or bays, are onlyvalleys between the mountains. 

On the morning of the 9th, with a breeze at N. W. , we steered E. By N. , to get nearer the coast. At noon, we were in the latitude of 57° 49', and in the longitude of 201° 33', and about two leagues from the land, which extended from S. By E. To E. N. E. ; being all a low coast, withpoints shooting out in some places, which, from the deck, appearedlike islands; but, from the mast-head, low land was seen to connectthem. In this situation, the depth of water was fifteen fathoms, thebottom a fine black sand. 

As we had advanced to the N. E. , we had found the depth of watergradually decreasing, and the coast trending more and more northerly. But the ridge of mountains behind it continued to lie in the samedirection as those more westerly; so that the extent of the lowland, between the foot of the mountains and the sea-coast, insensiblyincreased. Both high and low grounds were perfectly destitute of wood;but seemed to be covered with a green turf, except the mountains, which were covered with snow. Continuing to steer along the coast, with a gentle breeze, westerly, the water gradually shoaled fromfifteen to ten fathoms, though we were at the distance of eight or tenmiles from the shore. At eight in the evening, an elevated mountain, which had been in sight for some time, bore S. E. By E. , twenty-oneleagues distant. Some other mountains, belonging to the same chain, and much farther distant, bore E. 3° N. The coast extended as far asN. E. 1/2 N. , where it seemed to terminate in a point, beyond which wehoped and expected, that it would take a more easterly direction. But, soon after, we discovered low land, extending from behind this point, as far as N. W. By W. , where it was lost in the horizon; and behind itwas high land, that appeared in detached hills. 

Thus the fine prospect we had of getting to the north vanished in amoment. I stood on till nine o'clock, for so long it was light, andthen the point above mentioned bore N. E. 1/2 E. , about three milesdistant. Behind this point is a river, the entrance of which seemedto be a mile broad; but I can say nothing as to its depth. The waterappeared to be discoloured, as upon shoals, but a calm would havegiven it the same aspect. It seemed to have a winding direction, through the great flat that lies between the chain of mountains to theS. E. , and the hills to the N. W. It must abound with salmon, as we sawmany leaping in the sea before the entrance; and some were foundin the maws of cod which we had caught. The entrance of this river, distinguished by the name of _Bristol River_, lies in the latitude of58° 27', and in the longitude of 201° 55'. [1]

[Footnote 1: Mr Arrowsmith lays down this river, but without namingit. Mr Coxe does neither. Both of them specify Bristol Bay. Mr A. 'sdelineation of the coast of the peninsular projection, correspondsextremely well with Captain Cook's description. --E. ]

Having spent the night in making short boards, at day-break on themorning of the 10th, we made sail to the W. S. W. , with a gentle breezeat N. E. At eleven o'clock, we thought the coast to the N. W. Terminatedin a point, bearing N. W. By W. ; and as we had now deepened the waterfrom nine to fourteen fathoms, I steered for the point, ordering theDiscovery to keep ahead. But before she had run a mile, she made asignal for shoal water. At that instant we had the depth of sevenfathoms; and before we could get the ship's head the other way, hadless than five; but the Discovery had less than four. 

We stood back to the N. E. Three or four miles; but finding there wasa strong tide or current setting to the W. S. W. , that is toward theshoal, we anchored in ten fathoms, over a bottom of fine sand. Twohours after we had anchored, the water had fallen two feet and upward;which proved, that it was the tide of ebb that came from, the riverabove mentioned. We also examined some of the water which we had takenup, and found that it was not half so salt as common sea-water. Thisfurnished another proof that we were before a large river. 

At four in the afternoon, the wind shifting to S. W. , we weighed, andstood to the southward, with boats ahead, sounding; and passed overthe south end of the shoal in six fathoms water. We then got intothirteen and fifteen; in which last depth we anchored, at half-pasteight; some part of the chain of mountains, on the S. E. Shore, insight, bearing S. E. 1/2 S. , and the westernmost land, on the othershore, N. W. We had, in the course of the day, seen high land, bearingN. 60° W. , by estimation twelve leagues distant. 

Having weighed next morning, at two o'clock, with a light breezeat S. W. By W. , we plied to windward till nine; when, judging theflood-tide to be now made against us, we came to an anchor intwenty-four fathoms. We lay here till one, when the fog, which hadprevailed this morning, dispersing, and the tide making in our favour, we weighed, and plied to the S. W. In the evening, the wind was veryvariable, and we had some thunder. We had heard none before since ourarrival upon the coast; and this was at a great distance. 

The wind having settled again in the S. W. Quarter, in the morning ofthe 12th, we stood to the N. W. , and at ten saw the continent. At noon, it extended from N. E. By N. , to N. W. 1/4 W. ; and an elevated hill boreN. N. W. , ten leagues distant. This proved to be an island, which, from its figure, obtained the name of _Round Island_. It lies in thelatitude of 58° 37', and in the longitude of 200° 6', and seven milesfrom the continent. In the evening, at nine, having stood to thenorthward to within three leagues of the shore, we tacked in fourteenfathoms water; the extremes of the coast bearing E. S. E. 1/2 E. And W. The wind veering to the N. W. Enabled us to make a good stretch alongshore till two o'clock in the morning, when we got all at once intosix fathoms water, being at this time two leagues from the shore. After edging off a little, our depth gradually increased, and atnoon we had twenty fathoms, when the latitude was 53° 13', and thelongitude 199°. Round Island bore N. , 5° E. ; and the west extreme ofthe coast N. , 16° W. , seven leagues distant. It is an elevated point, which obtained the name of _Calm Point_, from our having calm weatherwhen off it. To the N. W. Of Round Island are two or three hillocksthat appeared like islands; and it is possible they may be such; forwe had but a distant view of the coast in this place. [2]

[Footnote 2: Both Round Island and Calm Point are named by Coxe;Arrowsmith marks them, but has omitted the names. --E. ]

During the 14th and 15th our progress was slow, having little wind, and sometimes so thick a fog, that we could not see the length of theship. The soundings were from fourteen to twenty-six fathoms; and wehad tolerable success in fishing, catching cod, and now and then a fewflat fish. At five in the morning of the 16th, the fog having clearedup, we found ourselves nearer the land than we expected. Calm Pointbore N. , 72° E. , and a point eight leagues from it, in the directionof W. , bore N. , 30° E. , three miles distant. Between these two points, the coast forms a bay, in some parts of which the land was hardlyvisible from the mast-head. There is also a bay on the N. W. Side ofthis last point, between it and an elevated promontory, which at thistime bore N. , 36° W. Sixteen miles distant. At nine, I sent LieutenantWilliamson to this promontory, with orders to land, and see whatdirection the coast took beyond it, and what the country produced;for from the ships it had but a barren appearance. We found here theflood-tide setting strongly to the N. W. Along the coast. At noon itwas high water, and we anchored in twenty-four fathoms, four leaguesdistant from the shore. At five in the afternoon, the tide making inour favour, we weighed, and drove with it, for there was no wind. 

Soon after, Mr Williamson returned; and reported, that he had landedon the point, and having climbed the highest hill, found, thatthe farthest part of the coast in sight bore nearly north. He tookpossession of the country in his majesty's name; and left on the hilla bottle, in which was inscribed, on a piece of paper, the names ofthe ships, and the date of the discovery. The promontory, to whichhe gave the name of _Cape Newenham_, is a rocky point, of tolerableheight, situated in the latitude of 58° 42', and in the longitudeof 197° 36'. Over, or within it, are two elevated hills, rising onebehind the other. The innermost, or easternmost, is the highest. Thecountry, as far as Mr Williamson could see, produces neither tree norshrub. The hills are naked; but on the lower grounds grew grass andother plants, very few of which were in flower. He saw no other animalbut a doe and a fawn; and a dead sea-horse or cow upon the beach. Ofthese animals we had lately seen a great many. 

As the coast takes a northerly direction from Cape Newenham, that Capefixes the northern limit of the great bay and gulf lying before theriver Bristol, which, in honour of the Admiral, Earl of Bristol, wasnamed _Bristol Bay_. _Cape Ooneemak_ is the south limit of this bay;and is distant eighty-two leagues from Cape Newenham, in the directionof S. S. W. [3]

[Footnote 3: Cape Newenham is mentioned by Arrowsmith, but not byCoxe; both have Shoal Ness, soon to be spoken of. --E. ]

About eight in the evening, a light breeze springing up, which fixedat S. S. E. , we steered N. W. And N. N. W. , round Cape Newenham, which, atnoon next day, bore S. By E. , distant four leagues. At this time themost advanced land to the northward bore N. , 30° E. ; our depth ofwater was seventeen fathoms, and the nearest shore 3-1/2 leaguesdistant. We had but little wind all the afternoon; so that, at ten atnight, we had only made three leagues upon a north course. 

We steered N. By W. Till eight the next morning, when, our depth ofwater decreasing suddenly to five and seven fathoms, we brought-to, till a boat from each ship was sent ahead to sound, and then steeredN. E. After them; and at noon we had deepened the water to seventeenfathoms. At this time, Cape Newenham bore S. , 9° E. , distant eleven ortwelve leagues; the N. E. Extreme of the land in sight N. , 66° E. ; andthe nearest shore about four or five leagues distant. Our latitude, byobservation, was 59° 16'. 

Between this latitude and Cape Newenham, the coast is composed ofhills and low land, and appeared to form several bays. A little beforeone o'clock, the boats ahead made the signal for meeting with shoalwater. It seems they had only two fathoms; and at the same time theships were in six fathoms. By hauling a little more to the northward, we continued in much the same depth till between five and six o'clock, when the boats meeting with less and less water, I made the signalto the Discovery, she being then ahead, to anchor, which we did soonafter. In bringing our ship up, the cable parted at the clinch, whichobliged us to come-to with the other anchor. We rode in six fathomswater, a sandy bottom, and about four or five leagues from themain land; Cape Newenham bearing S. , seventeen leagues distant. Thefarthest hills we could see to the north, bore N. E. By E. ; but therewas low land stretching out from the high land as far as N. By E. Without this was a shoal of sand and stones, that was dry at half ebb. 

I had sent the two masters, each in a boat, to sound between thisshoal and the coast. On their return, they reported, that there was achannel, in which they found six and seven fathoms water; but that itwas narrow and intricate. At low water, we made an attempt to get ahawser round the lost anchor, but did not succeed then. However, being determined not to leave it behind me, as long as there was aprobability of recovering it, I persevered in my endeavours, and atlast succeeded in the evening of the 20th. 

While we were thus employed, I ordered Captain Clerke to send hismaster in a boat to look for a passage in the S. W. Quarter. He did so;but no channel was to be found in that direction; nor did there appearto be any way to get clear of these shoals, but to return by the trackwhich had brought us in. For although, by following the channelwe were in, we might probably have got farther down the coast; andthough, possibly, this channel might have led us at last to the north, clear of the shoals, still the attempt would have been attended withvast risk; and if we should not have succeeded, there would have beena considerable loss of time that could ill be spared. These reasonsinduced me to return by the way in which we came; and so get withoutthe shoals. 

A number of lunar observations, made by Mr King and myself on thisand the four preceding days, and all reduced to the ship's presentstation, gave the longitude

 197° 45' 48" By the time-keeper it was 197 26 48 Our latitude was 59 37 30 Variation by the \ A. M. 23° 34' 3" \ mean of three } P. M. 22 19 40 / mean 22° 56' 51" E. Compasses, /

The northernmost part of the coast that we could see from thisstation, I judged to lie in the latitude of 60°. It seemed to form alow point, which obtained the name of _Shoal-Ness_. 

The tide of flood sets to the north, and the ebb to the south. Itrises and falls, upon a perpendicular, five or six feet; and I reckonit to be high-water on the full and change days at eight o'clock. 

Having weighed at three in the morning on the 21st, with a lightbreeze at N. N. W. , we steered back to the southward, having three boatsahead to direct us. But, notwithstanding this precaution, we foundmore difficulty in returning than we had in advancing; and at lastwere obliged to anchor, to avoid running upon a shoal, which hadonly a depth of five feet. While we lay here, twenty-seven men of thecountry, each in a canoe, came off to the ships, which they approachedwith great caution, hollowing and opening their arms as they advanced. This, we understood, was to express their pacific intentions. Atlength, some approached near enough to receive a few trifles that werethrown to them. This encouraged the rest to venture alongside; anda traffic presently commenced between them and our people; who gotdresses of skins, bows, arrows, darts, wooden vessels, &c. ; ourvisitors taking in exchange for these whatever was offered them. Theyseemed to be the same sort of people that we had of late met with allalong this coast; wore the same kind of ornaments in their lips andnoses; but were far more dirty, and not so well clothed. They appearedto be wholly unacquainted with people like us; they knew not the useof tobacco; nor was any foreign article seen in their possession, unless a knife may be looked upon as such. This, indeed, was only apiece of common iron fitted in a wooden handle, so as to answer thepurpose of a knife. They, however, knew the value and use of thisinstrument so well, that it seemed to be the only article they wishedfor. Most of them had their hair shaved or cut short off, leaving onlya few locks behind, or on one side. For a covering for the head theywore a hood of skins, and a bonnet which appeared to be of wool. Onepart of their dress, which we got from them, was a kind of girdle, very neatly made of skin, with trappings depending from it, andpassing between the legs, so as to conceal the adjoining parts. Bythe use of such a girdle, it should seem that they sometimes go naked, even in this high latitude; for they would hardly wear it under theirother clothing. 

The canoes were made of skins, like all the others we had lately seen;only with this difference, that these were broader, and the hole inwhich the man sits was wider than in any I had before met with. Ourboats returning from sounding seemed to alarm them, so that they allleft us sooner than probably they would otherwise have done. 

It was the 22d in the evening before we got clear of these shoals, andthen I durst not venture to steer to the westward in the night, butspent it off Cape Newenham; and at day-break, next morning, steeredto the N. W. , ordering the Discovery to lead. Before we had run twoleagues, our depth of water decreased to six fathoms. Fearing, ifwe continued this course, that we should find less and less water, Ihauled to the southward; the wind being at east, a fresh breeze. Thiscourse brought us gradually. Into eighteen fathoms, and having thatdepth, I ventured to steer a little westerly; and afterward west, whenwe at last found twenty-six fathoms water. 

On the 24th at noon, we were, by observation in the latitude of 58°7', and in the longitude of 194° 22'. Three leagues to the westwardof this station we had twenty-eight fathoms water, and then steeredW. N. W. , the water gradually deepening to thirty-four fathoms. Iwould have steered more northerly, but the wind having veered in thatdirection, I could not. 

The 25th, in the evening, having a very thick fog, and but littlewind, we dropped anchor in thirty fathoms water. Our latitude was now58° 29', and our longitude 191° 37'. At six, the next morning, theweather clearing up a little, we weighed, and, with a small breezeat east, steered north, our soundings being from twenty-eight totwenty-five fathoms. After running nine leagues upon this course, the wind returned back to the north, which obliged us to steer morewesterly. 

The weather continued for the most part foggy till toward noon on the28th, when we had a few hours clear sunshine; during which we madeseveral lunar observations. The mean result of them, reduced tonoon, when the latitude was 59° 55', gave 190° 6' longitude; and thetime-keeper gave 189° 59'. The variation of the compass was 18° 40'E. Continuing our westerly course, the water having now deepened tothirty-six fathoms, at four o'clock next morning we discovered land, bearing N. W. By W. , six leagues distant. We stood toward it tillhalf-past ten, when we tacked in twenty-four fathoms water, being atthis time a league from the land, which bore N. N. W. It was the S. E. Extremity, and formed a perpendicular cliff of considerable height; onwhich account it was called _Point Upright_, and lies in the latitudeof 60° 17', and in the longitude of 187° 30'. More land was seen tothe westward of the point; and, at a clear interval, we saw anotherelevated portion of land in the direction of W. By S. ; and thisseemed to be entirely separated from the other. Here we met with anincredible number of birds, all of the awk kind before described. 

We had baffling light winds all the afternoon, so that we made butlittle progress; and the weather was not clear enough to enable us todetermine the extent of the land before us. We supposed it to be oneof the many islands laid down by Mr Stæhlin, in his map of the NewNorthern Archipelago; and we expected every moment to see more ofthem. [4]

[Footnote 4: The opinion here given, we shall find, is afterwardscorrected; and the land in question proved to be a discovery unknownto the Russians. --E. ]

At four in the afternoon of the 30th, Point Upright bore N. W. By N. , six leagues distant. About this time, a light breeze springing up atN. N. W. , we stood to the N. E. Till four o'clock next morning, when thewind veering to the eastward, we tacked, and stood to the N. W. Soonafter the wind came to S. E. ; and we steered N. E. By N. ; which coursewe continued, with soundings from thirty-five to twenty fathoms, tillnext day at noon. At this time we were in the latitude of 60° 58', andin the longitude of 191°. The wind now veering to N. E. , I first madea stretch of ten leagues to the N. W. ; and then, seeing no land in thatdirection, I stood back to the eastward about fifteen leagues, andmet with nothing but pieces of drift-wood. The soundings were fromtwenty-two to nineteen fathoms. 

Variable, light winds, with showers of rain, prevailed all the 2d; butfixing in the S. E. Quarter in the morning of the 3d, we resumed ourcourse to the northward. At noon, we were, by observation, in thelatitude of 62° 34', our longitude was 192°, and our depth of watersixteen fathoms. 

Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who had been lingering under a consumptionfor more than twelve months, expired between three and four thisafternoon. He was a sensible young man, an agreeable companion, wellskilled in his own profession, and had acquired considerable knowledgein other branches of science. The reader of this Journal will haveobserved how useful an assistant I had found him in the course of thevoyage; and had it pleased God to have spared his life, the public, I make no doubt, might have received from him such communications, onvarious parts of the natural history of the several places we visited, as would have abundantly shewn that he was not unworthy of thiscommendation. [5] Soon after he had breathed his last, land was seen tothe westward, twelve leagues distant. It was supposed to be an island;and, to perpetuate the memory of the deceased, for whom I had a verygreat regard, I named it _Anderson's Island_. The next day, I removedMr Law, the surgeon of the Discovery, into the Resolution, andappointed Mr Samuel, the surgeon's first mate of the Resolution, to besurgeon of the Discovery. 

[Footnote 5: Mr Anderson's Journal seems to have been discontinued forabout two months before his death; the last date in his MSS. Being ofthe 3d of June. --D. 

The Biographia Britannica informs us, that Mr Anderson left his papersto Sir Joseph Banks; but that the Admiralty took possession of thelarger part of them, and, for what reason is not mentioned, retainedthem. Such parts, however, it is said, as related solely to naturalhistory, were delivered by Captain King to the Baronet, who bearstestimony "to the excellence of Mr A. 's character, the utility of hisobservations, and to the great probability, that, if he had survived, he would have given to the world something which would have done himcredit. " Much of this commendatory opinion might be inferred fromwhat has been published of Mr A. 's labours, which constitute noinconsiderable portion, either in bulk or value, of Captain Cook'scommunications. --E. ]

On the 4th, at three in the afternoon, land was seen, extending fromN. N. E. To N. W. We stood on toward it till four o'clock, when, beingfour or five miles from it, we tacked; and, soon after, the windfalling, we anchored in thirteen fathoms water, over a sandy bottom;being about two leagues from the land, and, by our reckoning, in thelatitude of 64° 27', and in the longitude of 194° 18'. At intervals, we could see the coast extending from E. To N. W. , and a pretty highisland, bearing W. By N. Three leagues distant. 

The land before us, which we supposed to be the continent of America, appeared low next the sea; but, inland, it swelled into hills, whichrise, one behind another, to a considerable height. It had a greenishhue, but seemed destitute of wood, and free from snow. While we layat anchor, we found that the flood-tide came from the east, and set tothe west, till between ten and eleven o'clock. From that time till twothe next morning, the stream set to the eastward, and the water fellthree feet. The flood ran both stronger and longer than the ebb;from which I concluded, that, besides the ebb, there was a westerlycurrent. 

At ten in the morning of the 5th, with the wind at S. W. , we ran down, and anchored between the island and the continent, in seven fathomswater. Soon after I landed upon the island, accompanied by Mr King andsome others of the officers. I hoped to have had from it a view ofthe coast and sea to the westward; but the fog was so thick in thatdirection, that the prospect was not more extensive than fromthe ship. The coast of the continent seemed to take a turn to thenorthward, at a low point, named _Point Rodney_, which bore from theisland N. W. 1/2 W. , three or four leagues distant; but the high land, which took a more northerly direction, was seen a great way farther. 

This island, which was named _Sledge Island_, and lies in the latitudeof 64° 30', and in the longitude of 193° 57', is about four leagues incircuit. The surface of the ground is composed chiefly of largeloose stones, that are, in many places, covered with moss and othervegetables, of which there were above twenty or thirty differentsorts, and most of them in flower. But I saw neither shrub nor tree, either upon this island or on the continent. On a small low spot, nearthe beach where we landed, was a good deal of wild purslain, pease, long-wort, &c. ; some of which we took on board for the pot. We saw onefox, a few plovers, and some other small birds; and we met with somedecayed huts that were partly built below ground. People had latelybeen on the island; and it is pretty clear, that they frequently visitit for some purpose or other, as there was a beaten path from theone end to the other. We found, a little way from the shore wherewe landed, a sledge, which occasioned this name being given to theisland, it seemed to be such a one as the Russians in Kamtschatka makeuse of to convey goods from place to place over the ice or snow. Itwas ten feet long, twenty inches broad, and had a kind of rail-workon each side, and was shod with bone. The construction of it wasadmirable, and all the parts neatly put together; some with woodenpins, but mostly with thongs or lashings of whalebone, which made methink it was entirely the workmanship of the natives. 

At three o'clock the next morning we weighed, and proceeded to thenorth-westward, with a light southerly breeze. We had an opportunityto observe the sun's meridian altitude for the latitude; and to getaltitudes, both in the forenoon and afternoon, to obtain the longitudeby the time-keeper. As we had but little wind, and variable withal, we advanced but slowly; and at eight in the evening, finding the shipssettle fast toward the land into shoal water, I anchored in sevenfathoms, about two leagues from the coast. Sledge Island bore S. , 51°E. , ten leagues distant, and was seen over the south point of the mainland. 

Soon after we had anchored, the weather, which had been misty, clearing up, we saw high land extending from N. , 40° E. , to N. , 30° W. , apparently disjoined from the coast, under which we were atanchor, which seemed to trend away N. E. At the same time, an islandwas seen bearing N. , 81° W. , eight or nine leagues distant. Itappeared to have no great extent, and was named _King's Island_. Werode here till eight o'clock next morning, when we weighed, and stoodto the N. W. The weather clearing up toward the evening, we got sightof the N. W. Land, extending from N. By W. To N. W. By N. , distant aboutthree leagues. We spent the night making short boards, the weatherbeing misty and rainy, with little wind; and, between four and fiveof the morning of the 8th, we had again a sight of the N. W. Land; andsoon after, on account of a calm, and a current driving us toward theshore, we found it necessary to anchor in twelve fathoms water, abouttwo miles from the coast. Over the western extreme is an elevatedpeaked hill, situated in latitude 65° 36', and in longitude 192° 18'. A breeze at N. E. Springing up at eight o'clock, we weighed, and stoodto the S. E. , in hopes of finding a passage between the coast on whichwe had anchored on the 6th in the evening, and this N. W. Land. But wesoon got into seven fathoms water, and discovered low land connectingthe two coasts, and the high land behind it. 

Being now satisfied that the whole was a continued coast, I tacked, and stood away for its N. W. Part, and came to an anchor under it inseventeen fathoms water. The weather at this time was very thick withrain; but at four next morning it cleared up, so that we could seethe land about us. A high steep rock or island bore W. By S. ; anotherisland to the N. Of it; and much larger, bore W. By N. ; the peakedhill above mentioned S. E. By E. ; and the point under it, S. , 32° E. Under this hill lies some low land, stretching out towards the N. W. , the extreme point of which bore N. E. By E. , about three milesdistant. Over and beyond it some high land was seen, supposed to be acontinuation of the continent. 

This point of land, which I named _Cape Prince of Wales_, is the moreremarkable, by being the western extremity of all America hithertoknown. It is situated in the latitude of 65° 45', and in the longitudeof 191° 45'. The observations by which both were determined, thoughmade in sight of it, were liable to some small error, on account ofthe haziness of the weather. We thought we saw some people upon thecoast; and probably we were not mistaken, as some elevations, likestages, and others like huts, were seen at the same place. We saw thesame things on the continent within Sledge Island, and on some otherparts of the coast. 

It was calm till eight o'clock in the morning, when a faint breeze atnorth springing up, we weighed. But we had scarcely got our sails set, when it began to blow and rain very hard, with misty weather. The windand current being in contrary directions, raised such a sea that itfrequently broke into the ship. We had a few minutes sunshine at noon;and from the observation then obtained, we fixed the above-mentionedlatitude. 

Having plied to windward till two in the afternoon, with littleeffect, I bore up for the island we had seen to the westward, proposing to come to an anchor under it till the gale should cease. But on getting to this land, we found it composed of two smallislands, each not above three or four leagues in circuit, andconsequently they could afford us little shelter. Instead ofanchoring, therefore, we continued to stretch to the westward; and ateight o'clock, land was seen in that direction, extending from N. N. W. To W. By S. , the nearest part six leagues distant. I stood on tillten, and then made a board to the eastward, in order to spend thenight. 

At day-break in the morning of the 10th, we resumed our course to thewest for the land we had seen the preceding evening. At eleven minutesafter seven, when the longitude, by the time-keeper, was 189° 24', itextended from S. 72° W. To N. 41° E. Between the S. W. Extreme, and apoint which bore W. , two leagues distant, the shore forms a large bay, in which we anchored at ten o'clock in the forenoon, about two milesfrom the north shore, in ten fathoms water, over a gravelly bottom. The south part of the bay bore S. 58° W. , the north point N. 43° E. , the bottom of the bay N. 60° W. , two or three leagues distant, and. The two islands we had passed the preceding day, N. 72° E. , distantfourteen leagues. 

SECTION IX. 

_Behaviour of the Natives, the Tschutski, on seeingthe Ships. --Interview with some of them. --TheirWeapons. --Persons. --Ornaments. --Clothing. --Winter and SummerHabitations. --The Ships cross the Strait, to the Coast ofAmerica. --Progress Northward. --Cape Mulgrave. --Appearance of Fields ofIce. --Situation of Icy Cape. --The Sea blocked up with Ice. --Sea-horseskilled, and used as Provisions. --These Animals described. --Dimensionsof one of them. --Cape Lisburne. --Fruitless Attempt to get through theIce at a Distance from the Coast. --Observations on the Formation ofthin Ice. --Arrival on the Coast of Asia. --Cape North. --The Prosecutionof the Voyage deferred to the ensuing Year. _

As we were standing into this bay, we perceived on the north shore avillage, and some people, whom the sight of the ships seemed to havethrown into confusion or fear. We could plainly see persons runningup the country with burdens upon their backs. At these habitationsI proposed to land; and accordingly went with three armed boats, accompanied by some of the officers. About thirty or forty men, eacharmed with a spontoon, a bow, and arrows, stood drawn up on a risingground close by the village. As we drew near, three of them came downtoward the shore, and were so polite as to take off their caps, and tomake us low bows. We returned the civility; but this did not inspirethem with sufficient confidence to wait for our landing, for themoment we put the boats ashore, they retired. I followed them alone, without any thing in my hand; and by signs and gestures prevailed onthem to stop, and to receive some trifling presents. In return forthese they gave me two fox-skins, and a couple of sea-horse teeth. Icannot say whether they or I made the first present; for it appearedto me that they had brought down with them these things for this verypurpose, and that they would have given them to me, even though I hadmade no return. 

They seemed very fearful and cautious, expressing their desire bysigns, that no more of our people should be permitted to come up. On my laying my hand on the shoulder of one of them, he started backseveral paces. In proportion as I advanced, they retreated backward, always in the attitude of being ready to make use of their spears, while those on the rising ground stood ready to support them withtheir arrows. Insensibly, myself and two or three of my companions, got in amongst them. A few beads distributed to those about us, sooncreated a kind of confidence, so that they were not alarmed when afew more of our people joined us, and, by degrees, a sort of trafficbetween us commenced. In exchange for knives, beads, tobacco, andother articles, they gave us some of their clothing, and a few arrows. But nothing that we had to offer could induce them to part with aspear or a bow. These they held in constant readiness, never oncequitting them, except at one time, when four or five persons laidtheirs down, while they gave us a song and a dance. And even then, they placed them in such a manner, that they could lay hold of them inan instant, and, for their security, they desired us to sit down. 

The arrows were pointed either with bone or stone, but very few ofthem had barbs, and some had a round blunt point. What use thesemay be applied to I cannot say, unless it be to kill small animals, without damaging the skin. The bows were such as we had seen on theAmerican coast, and like those that were used by the Esquimaux. The spears, or spontoons, were of iron or steel; and of Europeanor Asiatic workmanship, in which no little pains had been taken toornament them with carving, and inlayings of brass, and of a whitemetal. Those who stood ready with bows and arrows in their hands, had the spear slung over their right shoulder by a leathern strap. Aleathern quiver, slung over their left shoulder, contained arrows;and some of these quivers were extremely beautiful, being made of redleather, on which was very neat embroidery, and other ornaments. 

Several other things, and in particular their clothing, shewed thatthey were possessed of a degree of ingenuity, far surpassing what onecould expect to find amongst so northern a people. All the Americanswe had seen since our arrival on that coast, were rather low ofstature, with round chubby faces, and high cheek-bones. The people wenow were amongst, far from resembling them, had long visages, and werestout and well-made. In short, they appeared to be a quite differentnation. We saw neither women nor children of either sex, nor anyaged, except one man, who was bald-headed, and he was the only one whocarried no arms. The others seemed to be picked men, and rather underthan above the middle age. The old man had a black mark across hisface, which I did not see in any others. All of them had their earsbored, and some had glass beads hanging to them. These were the onlyfixed ornaments we saw about them, for they wear none to the lips. This is another thing in which they differ from the Americans we hadlately seen. 

Their clothing consisted of a cap, a frock, a pair of breeches, a pairof boots, and a pair of gloves, all made of leather, or of the skinsof deer, dogs, seals, &c. And extremely well dressed, some with thehair or fur on, but others without it. The caps were made to fit thehead very close; and besides these caps, which most of them wore, we got from them some hoods, made of skins of dogs, that were largeenough to cover both head and shoulders. Their hair seemed to beblack; but their heads were either shaved, or the hair cut close off, and none of them wore any beard. Of the few articles which they gotfrom us, knives and tobacco were what they valued most. 

We found the village composed both of their summer and their winterhabitations. The latter are exactly like a vault, the floor of whichis sunk a little below the surface of the earth. One of them which Iexamined was of an oval form, about twenty feet long, and twelve ormore high. The framing was composed of wood and the ribs of whales, disposed in a judicious manner, and bound together with smallermaterials of the same sort. Over this framing is laid a covering ofstrong coarse grass, and that again is covered with earth, so that, on the outside, the house looks like a little hillock, supported by awall of stone, three or four feet high, which is built round the twosides and one end. At the other end, the earth is raised sloping, towalk up to the entrance, which is by a hole in the top of the roofover that end. The floor was boarded, and under it a kind of cellar, in which I saw nothing but water. And at the end of each house wasa vaulted room, which I took to be a store-room. These store-roomscommunicated with the house, by a dark passage, and with the open air, by a hole in the roof, which was even with the ground one walked upon;but they cannot be said to be wholly under ground, for one end reachedto the edge of the hill, along which they were made, and which wasbuilt up with stone. Over it stood a kind of sentry-box, or tower, composed of the large bones of large fish. 

The summer huts were pretty large and circular, being brought to apoint at the top. The framing was of slight poles and bones, coveredwith the skins of sea-animals. I examined the inside of one. There wasa fire-place just within the door, where lay a few wooden vessels, allvery dirty. Their bed-places were close to the side, and took up abouthalf the circuit. Some privacy seemed to be observed; for therewere several partitions made with skins. The bed and bedding were ofdeer-skins, and most of them were dry and clean. 

About the habitations were erected several stages, ten or twelve feethigh, such as we had observed on some parts of the American coast. They were wholly composed of bones, and seemed intended for dryingtheir fish and skins, which were thus placed beyond the reach of theirdogs, of which they had a great many. These dogs are of the fox kind, rather large, and of different colours, with long soft hair likewool. They are, probably, used in drawing their sledges in winter. Forsledges they have, as I saw a good many laid up in one of the winterhuts. It is also not improbable, that dogs may constitute a part oftheir food. Several lay dead that had been killed that morning. 

The canoes of these people are of the same sort with those of theNorthern Americans, some, both of the large and of the small ones, being seen lying in a creek under the village. 

By the large fish-bones, and of other sea-animals, it appeared thatthe sea supplied them with the greatest part of their subsistence. Thecountry appeared to be exceedingly barren, yielding neither tree norshrub, that we could see. At some distance westward, we observed aridge of mountains covered with snow that had lately fallen. 

At first, we supposed this land to be a part of the island ofAlaschka, laid down in Mr Stæhlin's map before-mentioned. But from thefigure of the coast, the situation of the opposite shore of America, and from the longitude, we soon began to think that it was, moreprobably, the country of the Tschutski, or the eastern extremity ofAsia, explored by Beering in 1728. But to have admitted this, withoutfarther examination, I must have pronounced Mr Stæhlin's map, andhis account of the new northern archipelago, to be either exceedinglyerroneous, even in latitude, or else to be a mere fiction; a judgmentwhich I had no right to pass upon a publication so respectablyvouched, without producing the clearest proofs. [1]

[Footnote 1: If the account of Beering's voyage had been accuratelygiven, Captain Cook need not have hesitated about the situationor nature of the place he now visited. Captain Billings afterwardsanchored in the same bay on his voyage to complete the discoveries ofCook, as related in Mr Coxe's work. Still, however, our acquaintancewith this part of Asia is very imperfect. Captain Cook, it may beproper to remark here, had the merit of ascertaining the vicinity ofthe two continents, which had been but vaguely conjectured before histime. --E. ]

After a stay of between two and three hours with these people, wereturned to our ships, and soon after, the wind veering to the south, we weighed anchor, stood out of the bay, and steered to the N. E. , between the coast and the two islands. The next day, at noon, theformer extended from S. 80° W. To N. 84° W. , the latter bore S. 40°W. , and the peaked mountain, over Cape Prince of Wales, bore S. 36°E. , with land extending from it as far as S. 75° E. The latitude ofthe ship was 66° 5-1/4', the longitude 191° 19', our depth of watertwenty-eight fathoms, and our position nearly in the middle of thechannel between the two coasts, each being seven leagues distant. 

From this station we steered east, in order to get nearer the Americancoast. In this course the water shoaled gradually, and there beinglittle wind, and all our endeavours to increase our depth tailing, Iwas obliged at last to drop anchor in six fathoms, the only remedy wehad left to prevent the ships driving into less. The nearest part ofthe western land bore W. , twelve leagues distant, the peaked hillover Cape Prince of Wales, S. 16° W. , and the northernmost part ofthe American continent in sight, E. S. E. , the nearest part about fourleagues distant. After we had anchored, I sent a boat to sound, andthe water was found to shoal gradually toward the land. While we layat anchor, which was from six to nine in the evening, we found littleor no current, nor could we perceive that the water either rose orfell. 

A breeze of wind springing up at N. , we weighed, and stood to thewestward, which course soon brought us into deep water, and, duringthe 12th, we plied to the N. , both coasts being in sight, but we keptnearest to that of America. 

At four in the afternoon of the 13th, a breeze springing up at S. , Isteered N. E. By N. , till four o'clock next morning, when, seeing noland, we directed our course E. By N. , and between nine and ten, land, supposed to be a continuation of the continent, appeared. It extendedfrom E. By S. To E. By N. , and soon after we saw more land, bearingN. By E. Coming pretty suddenly into thirteen fathoms water, at twoin the afternoon, we made a trip off till four, when we stood in againfor the land, which was seen soon after, extending from N. To S. E. , the nearest part three or four leagues distant. The coast here forms apoint, named _Point Mulgrave_, which lies in the latitude of 67° 45', and in the longitude of 194° 51'. The land appeared very low next thesea; but, a little back, it rises into hills of a moderate height. Thewhole was free from snow, and, to appearance, destitute of wood. I nowtacked, and bore away N. W. By W. , but soon after, thick weather withrain coming on, and the wind increasing, I hauled more to the west. 

Next morning, at two o'clock, the wind veered to S. W. By S. ; and blewa strong gale, which abated at noon; and the sun shining out, we foundourselves, by observation, in the latitude of 68° 18'. I now steeredN. E. , till six o'clock the next morning, when I steered two pointsmore easterly. In this run, we met with several sea-horses andflights of birds, some like sand-larks, and others no bigger thanhedge-sparrows. Some shags were also seen, so that we judged ourselvesto be not far from land. But as we had a thick fog, we could notexpect to see any; and, as the wind blew strong, it was not prudentto continue a course which was most likely to bring us to it. From thenoon of this day, to six o'clock in the morning of the following, Isteered E. By N. , which course brought us into sixteen fathoms water. I now steered N. E. By E. , thinking, by this course, to deepen ourwater. But, in the space of six leagues, it shoaled to eleven fathoms, which made me think it proper to haul close to the wind that nowblew at west. Toward noon, both sun and moon were seen clearly atintervals, and we got some flying observations for the longitude, which, reduced to noon, when the latitude was 70° 33', gave 197° 41'. The time-keeper, for the same time, gave 198°, and the variation was35° 1' 22" E. We had, afterward, reason to believe, that the observedlongitude was within a very few miles of the truth. 

Some time before noon, we perceived a brightness in the northernhorizon, like that reflected from ice, commonly called the blink. It was little noticed, from a supposition that it was improbable weshould meet with ice so soon. And yet the sharpness of the air, andgloominess of the weather, for two or three days past, seemed toindicate some sudden change. About an hour after, the sight of alarge field of ice, left us no longer in doubt about the cause of thebrightness of the horizon. At half-past two, we tacked, close tothe edge of the ice, in twenty-two fathoms water, being then in thelatitude of 70° 41', not being able to stand on any farther. For theice was quite impenetrable, and extended from W. By N. To E. By N. Asfar as the eye could reach. Here were abundance of sea-horses, some inthe water, but far more upon the ice. I had thoughts of hoisting outthe boats to kill some, but the wind freshening, I gave up the design, and continued to ply to the southward, or rather to the westward, forthe wind came from that quarter. 

We gained nothing; for, on the 18th at noon, our latitude was 70° 44', and we were near five leagues farther to the eastward. We were, atthis time, close to the edge of the ice, which was as compact as awall, and seemed to be ten or twelve feet high at least. But, farthernorth, it appeared much higher. Its surface was extremely rugged; andhere and there, we saw upon it pools of water. 

We now stood to the southward; and, after running six leagues, shoaledthe water to seven fathoms, but it soon deepened to nine fathoms. Atthis time, the weather, which had been hazy, clearing up a little, wesaw land extending from S. To S. E. By E. , about three or four milesdistant. The eastern extreme forms a point, which was much encumberedwith ice, for which reason it obtained the name of _Icy Cape_. Itslatitude is 70° 29', and its longitude 198° 20'. The other extreme ofthe land was lost in the horizon, so that there can be no doubt of itsbeing a continuation of the American continent. The Discovery beingabout a mile astern, and to leeward, found less water than we did, and tacking on that account, I was obliged to tack also, to preventseparation. 

Our situation was now more and more critical. We were in shoal water, upon a lee-shore, and the main body of the ice to windward, drivingdown upon us. It was evident, that if we remained much longer betweenit and the land, it would force us ashore, unless it should happento take the ground before us. It seemed nearly to join the land toleeward; and the only direction that was open, was to the S. W. Aftermaking a short board to the northward, I made the signal for theDiscovery to tack, and tacked myself at the same time. The wind provedrather favourable, so that we lay up S. W. And S. W. By W. 

At eight in the morning of the 19th, the wind veering back to W. , Itacked to the northward, and, at noon, the latitude was 70° 6', andthe longitude 195° 42'. In this situation, we had a good deal ofdrift-ice about us; and the main ice was about two leagues to the N. At half-past one, we got in with the edge of it. It was not so compactas that which we had seen to the northward; but it was too close, andin too large pieces, to attempt forcing the ships through it. On theice lay a prodigious number of sea-horses; and, as we were in want offresh provisions, the boats from each ship were sent to get some. 

By seven o'clock in the evening, we had received, on board theResolution, nine of these animals, which, till now, we had supposedto be sea-cows; so that we were not a little disappointed, especiallysome of the seamen, who, for the novelty of the thing, had beenfeasting their eyes for some days past. Nor would they have beendisappointed now, nor have known the difference, if we had nothappened to have one or two on board, who had been in Greenland, anddeclared what animals these were, and that no one ever eat of them. But, notwithstanding this, we lived upon them as long as they lasted;and there were few on board who did not prefer them to our salt meat. 

The fat; at first, is as sweet as marrow; but in a few days it growsrancid, unless it be salted, in which state it will keep much longer. The lean flesh is coarse, black, and has rather a strong taste; andthe heart is nearly as well tasted as that of a bullock. The fat, whenmelted, yields a good deal of oil, which burns very well in lamps; andtheir hides, which are very thick, were very useful about our rigging. The teeth or tusks of most of them were, at this time, very small;even some of the largest and oldest of these animals had them notexceeding six inches in length. From this we concluded, that they hadlately shed their old teeth. 

They lie, in herds of many hundreds, upon the ice, huddling one overthe other like swine, and roar or bray very loud, so that, in thenight or in foggy weather, they gave us notice of the vicinity of theice before we could see it. We never found the whole herd asleep, somebeing always upon the watch. These, on the approach of the boat, would wake those next to them, and the alarm being thus graduallycommunicated, the whole herd would be awake presently. But they wereseldom in a hurry to get away, till after they had once been fired at. Then they would tumble one over the other, into the sea, in the utmostconfusion. And if we did not, at the first discharge, kill those wefired at, we generally lost them, though mortally wounded. Theydid not appear to us to be that dangerous animal some authorshave described, not even when attacked. They are rather more so toappearance than in reality. Vast numbers of them would follow, andcome close up to the boats. But the flash of a musket in the pan, or even the bare pointing of one at them, would send them down in aninstant. The female will defend the young one to the very last, andat the expense of her own life, whether in the water, or upon the ice. Nor will the young one quit the dam, though she be dead; so that, ifyou kill one, you are sure of the other. The dam, when in the water, holds the young one between her fore-fins. 

Mr Pennant, in his _Synopsis Quadr. _ p. 835, [2] has given a very gooddescription of this animal under the name of _Arctic Walrus_, but Ihave no where seen a good drawing of one. Why they should be calledsea-horses is hard to say, unless the word be a corruption of theRussian name _Morse_, for they have not the least resemblance of ahorse. This is, without doubt, the same animal that is found in theGulf of St Laurence, and there called Sea-cow. It is certainly morelike a cow than a horse; but this likeness consists in nothing but thesnout. In short, it is an animal like a seal, but incomparably larger. The dimensions and weight of one, which was none of the largest, wereas follows:--

 Feet. Inches. 

 Length from the snout to the tail 9 4 Length of the neck, from the snout to the shoulder-bone 2 6 Height of the shoulder 5 0

 Length of the fins { Fore 2 4 { Hind 2 6

 Breadth of the fins { Fore 1 2-1/2 { Hind 2 0

 Snout { Breadth 0 5-1/2 { Depth 1 3

 Circumference of the neck close to the ears 2 7 Circumference of the body at the shoulder 7 10 Circumference near the hind fins 5 6 From the snout to the eyes 0 7

 lbs. Weight of the carcase, without the head, skin, or entrails 854 Head 41-1/2 Skin 205

[Footnote 2: Mr Pennant, since Captain Cook wrote this, has describedthis animal in a work which he calls Arctic Zoology. We refer thereader to N° 72. Of that work. --D. ]

I could not find out what these animals feed upon. There was nothingin the maws of those we killed. 

It is worth observing, that for some days before this date, we hadfrequently seen flocks of ducks flying to the southward. They were oftwo sorts, the one much larger than the other, the largest were ofa brown colour; and, of the small sort, either the duck or drake wasblack and white, and the other brown. Some said they saw geese also. Does not this indicate that there must be land to the north, wherethese birds find shelter, in the proper season, to breed, and fromwhence they were now returning to a warmer climate?

By the time that we had got our sea-horses on board, we were, in amanner, surrounded with the ice, and had no way left to clear it, butby standing to the southward, which was done till three o'clock nextmorning, with a gentle breeze westerly, and for the most part, thick, foggy weather. The soundings were from twelve to fifteen fathoms. Wethen tacked, and stood to the north till ten o'clock, when the windveering to the northward, we directed our course to the S. W. And W. Attwo in the afternoon, we fell in with the main ice, along the edge ofwhich we kept, being partly directed by the roaring of the sea-horses, for we had a very thick fog. Thus we continued sailing till nearmidnight, when we got in amongst the loose ice, and heard the surge ofthe sea upon the main ice. 

The fog being very thick, and the wind easterly, I now hauled to thesouthward; and, at ten o'clock the next morning, the fog clearingaway, we saw the continent of America, extending from S. By E. ToE. By S. , and at noon, from S. W. 1/2 S. To E. , the nearest part fiveleagues distant. At this time we were in the latitude of 69° 32', and in the longitude of 195° 48'; and as the main ice was at no greatdistance from us, it is evident that it now covered a part of the sea, which, but a few days before, had been clear, and that it extendedfarther to the S. , than where we first fell in with it. It must not beunderstood, that I supposed any part of this ice which we had seento be fixed; on the contrary, I am well assured, that the whole was amoveable mass. 

Having but little wind in the afternoon, I sent the master in a boat, to try if there was any current, but he found none. I continued tosteer in for the American land, until eight o'clock, in order to get anearer view of it, and to look for a harbour; but seeing nothing likeone, I stood again to the N. , with a light breeze westerly. At thistime, the coast, extended from S. W. To E. , the nearest part four orfive leagues distant. The southern extreme seemed to form a point, which was named _Cape Lisburne_. It lies in the latitude of 69° 5', and in the longitude of 194° 42', and appeared to be pretty high land, even down to the sea. But there may be low land under it, which wemight not see, being not less than ten leagues distant from it. Everywhere else, as we advanced northward, we had found a low coast, fromwhich the land rises to a middle height. The coast now before us waswithout snow, except in one or two places, and had a greenish hue. Butwe could not perceive any wood upon it. 

On the 22d, the wind was southerly, and the weather mostly foggy, with some intervals of sunshine. At eight in the evening it fell calm, which continued till midnight, when we heard the surge of the seaagainst the ice, and had several loose pieces about us. A light breezenow sprung up at N. E. , and as the fog was very thick, I steered tothe southward to clear the ice. At eight o'clock next morning, the fogdispersed, and I hauled to the westward. For, finding that I could notget to the north near the coast, on account of the ice, I resolved totry what could be done at a distance from it; and as the wind seemedto be settled at north, I thought it a good opportunity. 

As we advanced to the west, the water deepened gradually totwenty-eight fathoms, which was the most we had. With the northerlywind the air was raw, sharp, and cold, and we had fogs, sunshine, showers of snow and sleet, by turns. At ten in the morning of the26th, we fell in with the ice. At noon, it extended from N. W. To E. By N. , and appeared to be thick and compact. At this time, we were, byobservation, in the latitude 69° 36', and in the longitude of 184°; sothat it now appeared we had no better prospect of getting to the northhere, than nearer the shore. 

I continued to stand to the westward, till five in the afternoon, whenwe were in a manner embayed by the ice, which appeared high, and veryclose in the N. W. And N. E. Quarters, with a great deal of loose iceabout the edge of the main field. At this time we had baffling lightwinds, but it soon fixed at S. , and increased to a fresh gale, with showers of rain. We got the tack aboard, and stretched to theeastward, this being the only direction in which the sea was clear ofice. 

At four in the morning of the 27th, we tacked and stood to the W. , and, at seven in the evening, we were close in with the edge of theice, which lay E. N. E. , and W. S. W. , as far each way as the eye couldreach. Having but little wind, I went with the boats to examine thestate of the ice. I found it consisting of loose pieces, of variousextent, and so close together, that I could hardly enter the outeredge with a boat; and it was as impossible for the ships to enter it, as if it had been so many rocks. I took particular notice, that it wasall pure transparent ice, except the upper surface, which was a littleporous. It appeared to be entirely composed of frozen snow, and tohave been all formed at sea. For setting aside the improbability, orrather impossibility, of such huge masses floating out of rivers, inwhich there is hardly water for a boat, none of the productions ofthe land were found incorporated, or fixed in it, which must haveunavoidably been the case, had it been formed in rivers, either greator small. The pieces of ice that formed the outer edge of the field, were from forty or fifty yards in extent, to four or five; and Ijudged, that the larger pieces reached thirty feet, or more, underthe surface of the water. It also appeared to me very improbable, thatthis ice could have been the production of the preceding winter alone. I should suppose it rather to have been the production of a great manywinters. Nor was it less improbable, according to my judgment, thatthe little that remained of the summer could destroy the tenth part ofwhat now subsisted of this mass, for the sun had already exerted uponit the full influence of his rays. Indeed I am of opinion, that thesun contributes very little toward reducing these great masses. Foralthough that luminary is a considerable while above the horizon, itseldom shines out for more than a few hours at a time, and often isnot seen for several days in succession. It is the wind, or rather thewaves raised by the wind, that brings down the bulk of these enormousmasses, by grinding one piece against another, and by undermining andwashing away those parts that lie exposed to the surge of the sea. This was evident, from our observing, that the upper surface of manypieces had been partly washed away, while the base or under partremained firm for several fathoms round that which appeared abovewater, exactly like a shoal round an elevated rock. We measured thedepth of water upon one, and found it to be fifteen feet, so that theships might have sailed over it. If I had not measured this depth, I would not have believed that there was a sufficient weight of iceabove the surface to have sunk the other so much below it. Thus itmay happen, that more ice is destroyed in one stormy season, than isformed in several winters, and an endless accumulation is prevented. But that there is always a remaining store, every one who has beenupon the spot will conclude, and none but closet-studying philosopherswill dispute. [3]

[Footnote 3: These observations of Captain Cook, in addition to someremarks which were formerly given on the subject, seem conclusiveagainst the supposition of such large masses of ice being the productof rivers, as has not unfrequently been maintained. They may, however, have proceeded from land in another way, being occasioned by theconsolidation of snow into such masses as were of sufficient weightto separate from the declivities where they had been formed. Thisundoubtedly may sometimes happen; but the explanation of their originformerly offered, seems much more entitled to consideration, as agenerally operating cause. The last remark which Captain Cook makes, appears to have been levelled at some would-be-wise heads, who hadhazarded reflections about the possibility of some time or otherfinding an open sea in high latitudes. But, however illiberallystated, it is in all probability just, though for a reason unknown toCook. The chemical reader will perceive we allude to the circumstanceof the absorption of heat that takes places during the liquefactionof ice, in consequence of which the temperature of the surroundingatmosphere is reduced so much, as to prevent any more of the ice beingdissolved. A contrary operation, as is now well known, takes placeduring the congelation of water, and heat is evolved. Thus then thecold of winter is moderated. And so, on the whole, the temperatureis kept more uniform, than, without such adjustment, would be thecase. --E. ]

A thick fog, which came on while I was thus employed with the boats, hastened me aboard, rather sooner than I could have wished, with onesea-horse to each ship. We had killed more, but could not wait tobring them with us. The number of these animals, on all the ice thatwe had seen, is almost incredible. We spent the night standing off andon amongst the drift ice; and at nine o'clock the next morning, the fog having partly dispersed, boats from each ship were sent forsea-horses. For, by this time, our people began to relish them, andthose we had procured before were all consumed. At noon, our latitudewas 69° 17', our longitude 183°, the variation by the morningazimuths, 25° 56' E. , and the depth of water twenty-five fathoms. Attwo o'clock, having got on board as much marine beef as was thoughtnecessary, and the wind freshening at S. S. E. , we took on board theboats, and stretched to the S. W. But not being able to weather the iceupon this tack, or to go through it, we made a board to the east, till eight o'clock, then resumed our course to the S. W. , and beforemidnight were obliged to tack again, on account of the ice. Soonafter, the wind shifted to the N. W. , blowing a stiff gale, and westretched to the S. W. , close hauled. 

In the morning of the 29th, we saw the main ice to the northward, andnot long after, land bearing S. W. By W. Presently after this, moreland shewed itself, bearing W. It shewed itself in two hills likeislands, but afterward the whole appeared connected. As we approachedthe land, the depth of water decreased very fast; so that at noon, when we tacked, we had only eight fathoms, being three miles from thecoast, which extended from S. , 30° E. , to N. , 60° W. This last extremeterminated in a bluff point, being one of the hills above mentioned. 

The weather at this time was very hazy, with drizzling rain; butsoon after it cleared, especially to the southward, westward, andnorthward. This enabled us to have a pretty good view of the coast, which, in every respect, is like the opposite one of America; thatis, low land next the sea, with elevated land farther back. It wasperfectly destitute of wood, and even snow; but was, probably, coveredwith a mossy substance, that gave it a brownish cast. In the lowground, lying between the high land and the sea, was a lake, extending to the S. E. , farther than we could see. As we stood off, thewesternmost of the two hills before mentioned came open off the bluffpoint, in the direction of N. W. It had the appearance of being anisland; but it might be joined to the other by low land, though we didnot see it. And if so, there is a two-fold point, with a bay betweenthem. This point, which is steep and rocky, was named _Cape North_. Its situation is nearly in the latitude of 68° 56', and in thelongitude of 180° 51'. The coast beyond it must take a very westerlydirection; for we could see no land to the northward of it, though thehorizon was there pretty clear. Being desirous of seeing more ofthe coast to the westward, we tacked again at two o'clock in theafternoon, thinking we could weather Cape North. But finding we couldnot, the wind freshening, a thick fog coming on, with much snow, andbeing fearful of the ice coming down upon us, I gave up the design Ihad formed of plying to the westward, and stood off shore again. 

The season was now so far advanced, and the time when the frost isexpected to set in so near at hand, that I did not think it consistentwith prudence, to make any farther attempts to find a passage into theAtlantic this year, in any direction, so little was the prospect ofsucceeding. My attention was now directed toward finding out someplace where we might supply ourselves with wood and water; and theobject uppermost in my thoughts was, how I should spend the winter, soas to make some improvements in geography and navigation, and, at thesame time, be in a condition to return to the north, in farther searchof a passage, the ensuing summer. 

SECTION X. 

_Return from Cape North, along the Coast of Asia. --Views of theCountry. --Burner's Island. --Cape Serdze Kamen, the Northern Limitof Beering's Voyage. --Pass the East Cape of Asia. --Description andSituation of it. --Observations on Muller. --The Tschutski. --Bayof Saint Laurence. --Two other Bays, and Habitations of theNatives. --Beering's Cape Tschukotskoi. --Beering's Position of thisCoast accurate. --Island of Saint Laurence. --Pass to theAmerican Coast. --Cape Darby. --Bald Head. --Cape Denbigh, on aPeninsula. --Besborough Island. --Wood and Water procured. --Visitsfrom the Natives. --Their Persons and Habitations. --Produce of theCountry. --Marks that the Peninsula had formerly been surrounded bythe Sea. --Lieutenant King's Report. --Norton Sound. --Lunar Observationsthere. --Stæhlin's Map proved to be erroneous, --Plan of futureOperations. _

After having stood off till we got into eighteen fathoms water, Ibore up to the eastward, along the coast, which, by this time; it waspretty certain, could only be the continent of Asia. As the windblew fresh, with a very heavy fall of snow, and a thick mist, it wasnecessary to proceed with great caution. I therefore brought-to for afew hours in the night. 

At day-break, on the 30th, we made sail, and steered such a course asI thought would bring us in with the land, being in a great measureguided by the lead. For the weather was as thick as ever, and itsnowed incessantly. At ten, we got sight of the coast, bearing S. W. , four miles distant; and presently after, having shoaled the water toseven fathoms, we hauled off. At this time, a very low point, or spit, bore S. S. W. , two or three miles distant; to the E. Of which thereappeared to be a narrow channel, leading into some water that we sawover the point. Probably the lake before mentioned communicates herewith the sea. 

At noon, the mist dispersing for a short interval, we had a tolerablygood view of the coast, which extended from S. E. To N. W. By W. Someparts appeared higher than others; but in general it was very low, with high land farther up the country. The whole was now covered withsnow, which had lately fallen quite down to the sea. I continued torange along the coast at two leagues distance, till ten at night, when we hauled off; but we resumed our course next morning, soon afterday-break, when we got sight of the coast again, extending from W. To S. E. By S. At eight, the eastern part bore S. , and proved to be anisland, which at noon bore S. W. 1/2 S. , four or five miles distant. Itis about four or five miles in circuit, of a middling height, with asteep, rocky coast, situated about three leagues from the main, inthe latitude of 67° 45', and distinguished in the chart by the name of_Burney's Island_. 

The inland country hereabout is full of hills, some of which are ofa considerable height. The land was covered with snow, except a fewspots upon the sea-coast, which still continued low, but less so thanfarther westward. For the two preceding days, the mean height of themercury in the thermometer had been very little above the freezingpoint, and often below it; so that the water in the vessels upon thedeck was frequently covered with a sheet of ice. 

I continued to steer S. S. E. , nearly in the direction of the coast, till five in the afternoon, when land was seen bearing S. , 50° E. , which we presently found to be a continuation of the coast, and hauledup for it. Being abreast of the eastern land at ten at night, and indoubts of weathering it, we tacked, and made a board to the westward, till past one the next morning, when we stood again to the east, andfound that it was as much as we could do to keep our distance from thecoast, the wind being exceedingly unsettled, varying continuallyfrom N. To N. E. At half an hour past eight, the eastern extreme abovementioned bore S. By E. , six or seven miles distant. At the same time, a head-land appeared in sight, bearing E. By S. , 1/2 S. ; and, soonafter, we could trace the whole coast lying between them, and a smallisland at some distance from it. 

The coast seemed to form several rocky points, connected by a lowshore, without the least appearance of a harbour. At some distancefrom the sea, the low land appeared to swell into a number of hills. The highest of these were covered with snow, and, in other respects, the whole country seemed naked. At seven in the evening, two points ofland, at some distance beyond the eastern head, opened off it, in thedirection of S. , 37° E. I was now well assured, of what I had believedbefore, that this was the country of the Tschutski, or the N. E. Coastof Asia; and that thus far Beering proceeded in 1728; that is, to thishead, which Muller says is called _Serdze Kamen_, on account of arock upon it, shaped like a heart. But I conceive, that Mr Muller'sknowledge of the geography of these parts is very imperfect. There aremany elevated rocks upon this cape, and possibly some one or other ofthem may have the shape or a heart. It is a pretty lofty promontory, with a steep rocky cliff facing the sea, and lies in the latitude of67° 3', and in the longitude of 188° 11'. To the eastward of it, thecoast is high and bold; but to the westward it is low, and trendsN. N. W. , and N. W. By W. , which is nearly its direction all the wayto Cape North. The soundings are every where the same at the samedistance from the shore, which is also the case on the oppositeshore of America. The greatest depth we found in ranging along itwas twenty-three fathoms. And, in the night, or in foggy weather, thesoundings are no bad guide in sailing along either of these shores. 

At eight o'clock in the morning of the 2d, the most advanced landto the S. E. , bore S. , 25° E. , and from this point of view had theappearance of being an island. But the thick snow showers, whichsucceeded one another pretty, fast, and settled upon the land, hidgreat part of the coast at this time from our sight. Soon after, thesun, whose face we had not seen for near five days, broke out at theintervals between the showers, and, in some measure, freed the coastfrom the fog, so that we had a sight of it, and found the whole to beconnected. The wind still continued at north, the air was cold, andthe mercury in the thermometer never rose above 35°, and was sometimesas low as 30°. At noon the observed latitude was 66° 37', Cape SerdzeKamen bore N. , 52° W. , thirteen leagues distant; the southernmostpoint of land in sight S. , 41° E. , the nearest part of the coast twoleagues distant, and our depth of water twenty-two fathoms. 

We had now fair weather and sunshine, and as we ranged alongthe coast, at the distance of four miles, we saw several of theinhabitants, and some of their habitations, which looked like littlehillocks of earth. In the evening we passed the _Eastern Cape_, or thepoint above mentioned, from which the coast changes its direction, andtrends S. W. It is the same point of land which we had passed on the11th of August. They who believed implicitly in Mr Stæhlin's map, thenthought it the east point of his island Alaschka; but we had, bythis time, satisfied ourselves, that it is no other than the easternpromontory of Asia, and probably the proper _Tschukotskoi Noss_, though the promontory, to which Beering gave that name, is farther tothe S. W. 

Though Mr Muller, in his map of the Russian Discoveries, places theTschukotskoi Noss nearly in 75° of latitude, and extends it somewhatto the eastward of this cape, it appears to me, that he had nogood authority for so doing. Indeed, his own accounts, or ratherDeshneff's, [1] of the distance between the Noss, and the river Anadir, cannot be reconciled with this very northerly position. But as I hopeto visit these parts again, I shall leave the discussion of this pointtill then. In the mean time, I must conclude, as Beering did beforeme, that this is the most eastern point of Asia. It is a peninsula ofconsiderable height, joined to the continent by a very low, and, toappearance, narrow neck of land. It shews a steep rocky clift next thesea, and off the very point are some rocks like spires. It is situatedin the latitude of 66° 6', and in the longitude of 190° 22', and isdistant from Cape Prince of Wales, on the American coast, thirteenleagues, in the direction of N. , 53° W. The land about this promontoryis composed of hills and vallies. The former terminate at the sea insteep rocky points, and the latter in low shores. The hills seemed tobe naked rocks; but the vallies had a greenish hue, but destitute oftree or shrub. [2]

[Footnote 1: Avec le vent le plus favorable, on peut aller par mer decette pointe (des Tschukotschis), jusqu' à l'Anadir en trois fois24 heures; et par terre le chemin ne peut guère etre pluslong. --_Muller_, p. 13. --D. ]

[Footnote 2: Deshnef's voyage in 1648, is considered the only oneprevious to this of Cook, in which the north-eastern extremity of Asiawas doubled. Some account of it is given in Coxe's work. Others havepretended to this achievement, but there is not evidence to warrantbelief of the fact. Beering, indeed, in 1728, got as far north as67° 18'; but as he immediately returned, and made no progress on theAsiatic coast, he is not entitled to this merit, although the extentof his discovery, as to the separation of the two continents, hasprocured him the honour of giving a name to the Strait which dividesthem. --E. ]

After passing the cape, I steered S. W. 1/2 W. , for the northern pointof St Laurence Bay, in which we had anchored on the 10th of lastmonth. We reached it by eight o'clock next morning, and saw some ofthe inhabitants at the place where I had seen them before, as well asseveral others on the opposite side of the bay. None of them, however, attempted to come off to us, which seemed a little extraordinary, as the weather was favourable enough; and those whom we had latelyvisited had no reason, that I know of, to dislike our company. Thesepeople must be the Tschutski; a nation that, at the time Mr Mullerwrote, the Russians had not been able to conquer. And, from the wholeof their conduct with us, it appears that they have not, as yet, brought them under subjection; though it is obvious that they musthave a trade with the Russians, either directly, or by means of someneighbouring nation, as we cannot otherwise account for their being inpossession of the spontoons, in particular, of which we took notice. 

This bay of St Laurence[3] is, at least, five leagues broad at theentrance, and four leagues deep, narrowing towards the bottom, where it appeared to be tolerably well sheltered from the sea-winds, provided there be a sufficient depth of water for ships. I did notwait to examine it, although I was very desirous of finding an harbourin those parts, to which I might resort next spring. But I wanted onewhere wood might be got, and I knew that none was to be found here. From the south point of this bay, which lies in the latitude of 65°30', the coast trends W. By S. , for about nine leagues, and thereforms a deep bay, or river, or else the land there is so low that wecould not see it. 

[Footnote 3: Captain Cook gives it this name, having anchored in iton St Laurence's day, August 10. It is remarkable, that Beering sailedpast this very place on the 10th of August 1728; on which account, theneighbouring island was named by him after the same Saint. --D. 

But Dr Douglas seems to err in this observation. At least, accordingto Mr Coxe's account, it would appear, that it was the island of StLaurence, which we shall immediately find Captain Cook afterwards fellin with, and not the bay so named, which Beering passed on the 10thAugust. This, however, is a trivial correction, if even the imperfectrelation we possess of Beering's progress could prove it to beone. --E. ]

At one in the afternoon, in the direction of our course, we saw whatwas first taken for a rock; but it proved to be a dead whale, whichsome natives of the Asiatic coast had killed, and were towing ashore. They seemed to conceal themselves behind the fish to avoid being seenby us. This was unnecessary, for we pursued our course, without takingany notice of them. 

At day-break on the 4th, I hauled to the N. W. , in order to get anearer view of the inlet seen the preceding day; but the wind, soonafter, veering to that direction, I gave up the design; and steered tothe southward along the coast, past two bays, each about two leaguesdeep. The northernmost lies before a hill, which is remarkable bybeing rounder than any other upon the coast. And there is an islandlying before the other. It may be doubted, whether there be asufficient depth for ships in either of these bays, as we always metwith shoal water, when we edged in for the shore. The country here isexceedingly hilly and naked. In several places on the low ground, nextthe sea, were the dwellings of the natives; and near all of them wereerected stages of bones, such as before described. These may be seenat a great distance, on account of their whiteness. 

At noon the latitude was 64° 31', and the longitude 188° 45'; thesouthernmost point of the main in sight bore S. , 48° W. , and thenearest shore about three or four leagues distant. By this time, thewind had veered again to the N. , and blew a gentle breeze. The weatherwas clear, and the air cold. I did not follow the direction of thecoast, as I found that it look a westerly direction toward the Gulfof Anadir, into which I had no inducement to go, but steered to thesouthward, in order to get a sight of the island of St Laurence, discovered by Beering, which accordingly shewed itself, and at eighto'clock in the evening, it bore S. , 20° E. , by estimation, elevenleagues distant. At the same time, the southernmost point of the mainland bore S. , 83° W. , distant twelve leagues. I take this to bethe point which Beering calls the east point of Suchotski, or _CapeTschukotskoi_; a name which he gave it, and with propriety, because itwas from this part of the coast that the natives came off to him, whocalled themselves of the nation of Tschutski. I make its latitude tobe 64° 13', and its longitude 186° 36'. 

In justice to the memory of Beering, I must say, that he hasdelineated the coast very well, and fixed the latitude and longitudeof the points better than could be expected from the methods he hadto go by. This judgment is not formed from Mr Muller's account ofthe voyage, or the chart prefixed to his book; but from Dr Campbell'saccount of it in his edition of Harris's collection, and a map theretoannexed, which is both more circumstantial and accurate than that ofMr Muller. 

The more I was convinced of my being now upon the coast of Asia, themore I was at a loss to reconcile Mr Stæhlin's map of the New NorthernArchipelago with my observations; and I had no way to account for thegreat difference, but by supposing, that I had mistaken some part ofwhat he calls the island of Alaschka for the American continent, andhad missed the channel that separates them. Admitting even this, therewould still have been a considerable difference. It was with me amatter of some consequence, to clear up this point the present season, that I might have but one object in view the next. And, as thesenorthern isles are represented by him as abounding with wood, I wasin hopes, if I should find them, of getting a supply of that article, which we now began to be in great want of on board. 

With these views, I steered over for the American coast; and, at fivein the afternoon the next day, saw land bearing S. 1/4 E. , whichwe took to be Anderson's Island, or some other land near it, andtherefore did not wait to examine it. On the 6th, at four in themorning, we got sight of the American coast near Sledge Island; andat six, the same evening, this island bore N. , 6° E. , ten leaguesdistant; and the easternmost land in sight N. , 49° E. If any part ofwhat I had supposed to be American coast could possibly be the islandof Alaschka, it was that now before us; and in that case, I must havemissed the channel between it and the main, by steering to the west, instead of the east, after we first fell in with it. I was not, therefore, at a loss where to go, in order to clear up these doubts. 

At eight in the evening of the 7th, we had got close in with the land, Sledge Island bearing N. 85° W. , eight or nine leagues distant;and the eastern part of the coast N. 70° E. , with high land in thedirection of E. By N. , seemingly at a great distance beyond thepoint. At this time we saw a light ashore, and two canoes, filled withpeople, coming off toward us. I brought-to, that they might have timeto come up. But it was to no purpose; for, resisting all the signs offriendship we could exhibit, they kept at the distance of a quarter ofa mile; so that we left them, and pursued our course along the coast. 

At one in the morning of the 8th, finding the water shoal pretty fast, we dropped anchor in ten fathoms, where we lay until day-light, andthen resumed our course along the coast, which we found to trend E. , and E. 1/2 S. At seven in the evening, we were abreast of a point, lying in the latitude of 64° 21', and in the longitude of 197°, beyondwhich the coast takes a more northerly direction. At eight, thispoint, which obtained the name of _Cape Darby_, bore S. 62° W. ; thenorthernmost land in sight, N. 32° E. , and the nearest shore threemiles distant. In this situation we anchored in thirteen fathomswater, over a muddy bottom. 

Next morning, at day-break, we weighed, and sailed along the coast. Two islands, as we supposed them to be, were at that time seen, theone bearing S. 70° E. , and the other E. Soon after, we found ourselvesupon a coast covered with wood; an agreeable sight, to which of latewe had not been accustomed. As we advanced to the north, weraised land in the direction of N. E. 1/2 N. , which proved to be acontinuation of the coast we were upon. We also saw high land over theislands, seemingly at a good distance beyond them. This was thoughtto be the continent, and the other land the island of Alaschka. But itwas already doubtful, whether we should find a passage between them;for the water shoaled insensibly as we advanced further to the north. In this situation, two boats were sent to sound before the ships, andI ordered the Discovery to lead, keeping nearly in the mid-channel, between the coast on our larboard, and the northernmost island on ourstarboard. Thus we proceeded till three in the afternoon, when, havingpassed the island, we had not more than three fathoms and a half ofwater, and the Resolution, at one time, brought the mud up from thebottom. More water was not to be found in any part of the channel, for, with the ships and boats, we had tried it from side to side. 

I therefore thought it high time to return, especially as the wind wasin such a quarter that we must ply back. But what I dreaded most wasthe wind increasing, and raising the sea into waves, so as to put theships in danger of striking. At this time, a head-land on the westshore, which is distinguished by the name of _Bald Head_, bore N. ByW. , one league distant. The coast beyond it extended as far as N. E. ByN. , where it seemed to end in a point, behind which the coast of thehigh land, seen over the islands, stretched itself, and some thoughtthey could trace where it joined. On the west side of Bald Head, theshore forms a bay, in the bottom of which is a low beach, where we sawa number of huts or habitations of the natives. 

Having continued to ply back all night, by day-break the next morningwe had got into six fathoms water. At nine o'clock, being about aleague from the west shore, I took two boats, and landed, attended byMr King, to seek wood and water. We landed where the coast projectsout into a bluff head, composed of perpendicular _strata_ of a rock ofa dark-blue colour, mixed with quartz and glimmer. There joins to thebeach a narrow border of land, now covered with long grass, and wherewe met with some _angelica_. Beyond this, the ground rises abruptly. At the top of this elevation, we found a heath, abounding with avariety of berries; and further on, the country was level, and thinlycovered with small spruce-trees, and birch and willows no bigger thanbroom-stuff. We observed tracks of deer and foxes on the beach; onwhich also lay a great quantity of drift-wood, and there was no wantof fresh water. I returned on board, with an intention to bring theships to an anchor here; but the wind then veering to N. E. , which blewrather on this shore, I stretched over to the opposite one, in theexpectation of finding wood there also, and anchored at eight o'clockin the evening, under the south end of the northernmost island, sowe then supposed it to be; but, next morning, we found it to be apeninsula, united to the continent by a low neck of land, on each sideof which the coast forms a bay. We plied into the southernmost, andabout noon anchored in five fathoms water, over a bottom of mud; thepoint of the peninsula, which obtained the name of _Cape Denbigh_, bearing N. 68° W. , three miles distant. 

Several people were seen upon the peninsula, and one man came off in asmall canoe. I gave him a knife, and a few beads, with which he seemedwell pleased. Having made signs to him to bring us something to eat, he immediately left us, and paddled toward the shore. But meetinganother man coming off, who happened to have two dried salmon, he gotthem from him; and on returning to the ship, would give them to nobodybut me. Some of our people thought that he asked for me under the nameof _Capitane_; but in this they were probably mistaken. He knew whohad given him the knife and beads, but I do not see how he could knowthat I was the captain. Others of the natives soon after came off, andexchanged a few dry fish, for such trifles as they could get, or wehad to give them. They were most desirous of knives, and they had nodislike to tobacco. 

After dinner, Lieutenant Gore was sent to the peninsula, to see ifwood and water were there to be got, or rather water; for the wholebeach round the bay seemed to be covered with drift-wood. At the sametime, a boat was sent from each ship, to sound round the bay; and, atthree in the afternoon, the wind freshening at N. E. , we weighed, inorder to work farther in. But it was soon found to be impossible, on account of the shoals, which extended quite round the bay, to thedistance of two or three miles from the shore, as the officers, whohad been sent to sound, reported. We, therefore, kept standing offand on with the ships, waiting for Mr Gore, who returned about eighto'clock, with the launch laden with wood. 

He reported, that there was but little fresh water; and that woodwas difficult to be got at, by reason of the boats grounding at somedistance from the beach. This being the case, I stood back to theother shore; and, at eight o'clock the next morning, sent all theboats, and a party of men with an officer, to get wood from the placewhere I had landed two days before. We continued for a while tostand on and off with the ships; but, at length, came to an anchor inone-fourth less than five fathoms, half a league from the coast, thesouth point of which bore S. 26° W. ; and Bald Head, N. 60° E. , nine leagues distant. Cape Denbigh bore S. 72° E. , twenty-six milesdistant; and the island under the east shore, to the southward ofCape Denbigh, named _Besborough Island_, S. 52° E. , fifteen leaguesdistant. 

As this was a very open road, and consequently not a safe station, I resolved not to wait to complete water, as that would require sometime; but only to supply the ships with wood, and then to go in searchof a more convenient place for the other article. We took off thedrift-wood that lay upon the beach; and as the wind blew alongshore, the boats could sail both ways, which enabled us to make greatdispatch. 

In the afternoon, I went ashore, and walked a little into the country, which, where there was no wood, was covered with heath and otherplants, some of which produce berries in abundance. All the berrieswere ripe, the hurtle-berries too much so, and hardly a single plantwas in flower. The underwood, such as birch, willows, and alders, rendered it very troublesome walking amongst the trees, which were allspruce, and none of them above six or eight inches in diameter. Butwe found some lying upon the beach more than twice this size. All thedrift-wood in these northern parts was fir. I saw not a stick of anyother sort. 

Next day, a family of the natives came near to the place where we weretaking off wood. I know not how many there were at first; but I sawonly the husband, the wife, and their child; and a fourth person whobore the human shape, and that was all; for he was the most deformedcripple I had ever seen or heard of. The other man was almost blind;and neither he nor his wife were such good-looking people as we hadsometimes seen amongst the natives of this coast. The under-lipsof both were bored; and they had in their possession some suchglass-beads as I had met with before amongst their neighbours. Butiron was their beloved article. For four knives, which we had made outof an old iron hoop, I got from them near four hundred pounds weightof fish, which they had caught on this or the preceding day. Some weretrout, and the rest were, in size and taste, somewhat between a mulletand a herring. I gave the child, who was a girl, a few beads; on whichthe mother burst into tears, then the father, then the cripple, andat last, to complete the concert, the girl herself. But this musiccontinued not long. [4] Before night, we had got the ships, amplysupplied with wood; and had carried on board about twelve tons ofwater to each. 

[Footnote 4: Captain King has communicated the following account ofan interview with the same family: "On the 12th, while I attended thewooding party, a canoe, full of natives, approached us; and, beckoningthem to land, an elderly man and woman came on shore. I gave the womana small knife, making her understand, that I would give, her a muchlarger one for some fish. She made signs to me to follow her. I hadproceeded with them about a mile, when the man, in crossing a stonybeach, fell down, and cut his foot very much. This made me stop; uponwhich the woman pointed to the man's eyes, which, I observed, werecovered with a thick, white film. He afterward kept close to his wife, who apprised him of the obstacles in his way. The woman had a littlechild on her back, covered with the hood of her jacket; and which Itook for a bundle till I heard it cry. At about two miles distant wecame to their open skin boat, which was turned on its side, the convexpart towards the wind, and served for their house. I was now made toperform a singular operation on the man's eyes. First, I was directedto hold my breath; afterwards, to breathe on the diseased eyes; and, next, to spit on them. The woman then took both my hands, and pressingthem to his stomach, held them there for some time, while she relatedsome calamitous history of her family; pointing sometimes to herhusband, sometimes to a frightful cripple belonging to the family, andsometimes to her child. I purchased all the fish they had, consistingof very fine salmon, salmon-trout, and mullet; which were deliveredmost faithfully to the man I sent for them. The man was about fivefeet two inches high, and well made; his colour of a light copper; hishair black and short, and with little beard. He had two holes in hisunder-lip, but no ornaments in them. The woman was short and squat, with a plump round face; wore a deer-skin jacket, with a large hood, and had on wide boots. The teeth of both were black, and seemed as ifthey had been filed down level with the gums. The woman was puncturedfrom the lip to the chin. "--D. ]

On the 14th, a party of men were sent on shore to cut brooms, whichwe were in want of, and the branches of spruce trees for brewing beer. Toward noon, every body was taken on board; for the wind freshening, had raised such a surf on the beach, that the boats could not continueto land without great difficulty. Some doubts being still entertained, whether the coast we were now upon belonged to an island or theAmerican continent; and the shallowness of the water putting it outof our power to determine this with our ships, I sent Lieutenant King, with two boats under his command, to make such searches as might leaveno room for a variety of opinions on the subject. [5] Next day, theships removed over to the bay, which is on the S. E. Side of CapeDenbigh, where we anchored in the afternoon. Soon after, a few of thenatives came off in their small canoes, and bartered some dried salmonfor such trifles as our people had to give them. 

[Footnote 5: Captain King has been so good as to communicate hisinstructions on this occasion, and the particulars of the fatigue heunderwent, in carrying them into execution:

"You are to proceed to the northward as far as the extreme point wesaw on Wednesday last, or a little further, if you think it necessary;land there, and endeavour, from the heights, to discover whether theland you are then upon, supposed to be the island of Alaschka, isreally an island, or joins to the land on the east, supposed to be thecontinent of America. If the former, you are to satisfy yourself withthe depth of water in the channel between them, and which way theflood-tide comes. But if you find the two lands connected, lose notime in sounding; but make the best of your way back to the ship, which you will find at anchor near the point of land we anchored underon Friday last. If you perceive any likelihood of a change of weatherfor the worse, you are, in that case, to return to the ship, althoughyou have not performed the service you are sent upon; and, at anyrate, you are not to remain longer upon it than four or five days;but the sooner it is done the better. If any unforeseen or unavoidableaccident should force the ships off the coast, so that they cannotreturn at a reasonable time, the rendezvous is at the harbour ofSamganoodha; that is, the place where we last completed our water. 

 "JAMES COOK. "

"_To Lieutenant King_. "

"Our cutter being hoisted out, and the signal made for theDiscovery's, at eight o'clock at night on the 14th, we set out. It wasa little unlucky that the boats' crews had been much fatigued duringthe whole day in bringing things from the shore. They pulled stoutly, without rest or intermission, toward the land, till one o'clock in themorning of the 15th. I wanted much to have gone close to it, tohave had the advantage of the wind, which had, very regularly in theevening, blown from the land, and in the day-time down the Sound, fromthe N. N. E. , and was contrary to our course; but the men were at thistime too much fatigued to press them farther. We, therefore, set oursails, and stood across the bay, which the coast forms to the west ofBaldhead, and steered for it. But, as I expected, by three o'clock, the wind headed us; and, as it was in vain to endeavour to fetchBaldhead with our sails, we again took to the oars. The Discovery'sboat, (being a heavy king's-built cutter, while ours was one fromDeal, ) had, in the night-time, detained us very much, and now we soonpulled out of sight of her; nor would I wait, being in great hopes toreach the extreme point that was in sight time enough to ascend theheights before dark, as the weather was at this time remarkably clearand fine, and we could see to a great distance. By two o'clock we hadgot within two miles of Baldhead, under the lee of the high land, andin smooth water; but, at the moment our object was nearly attained, all the men but two were so overcome with fatigue and sleep, that myutmost endeavours to make them put on were ineffectual. They at lengthdropped their oars, quite exhausted, and fell asleep in the bottom ofthe boat. Indeed, considering that they had set out fatigued, and hadnow been sixteen hours out of the eighteen since they left the ship, pulling in a poppling sea, it was no wonder that their strength andspirits should be worn out for want of sleep and refreshments. The twogentlemen who were with me and myself, were now obliged to lay hold ofthe oars; and, by a little after three, we landed between the Baldheadand a projecting point to the eastward. "--D. ]

At day-break, on the 16th, nine men, each in his canoe, paid us avisit. They approached the ship with some caution; and evidentlycame with no other view than to gratify their curiosity. They drew upabreast of each other, under our stern, and gave us a song; while oneof their number beat upon a kind of drum, and another made a thousandantic motions with his hands and body. There was, however, nothingsavage either in the song or in the gestures that accompanied it. Noneof us could perceive any difference between these people, either as totheir size or features, and those whom we had met with on every otherpart of the coast, King George's Sound excepted. Their clothing, whichconsisted principally of deer-skins, was made after the same fashion;and they observed the custom of boring their under-lips, and fixingornaments to them. 

The dwellings of these people were seated close to the beach. Theyconsist simply of a sloping roof, without any side-walls, composed oflogs, and covered with grass and earth. The floor is also laid withlogs; the entrance is at one end; the fire-place just within it, and asmall hole is made near the door to let out the smoke. 

After breakfast, a party of men were sent to the peninsula for broomsand spruce. At the same time, half the remainder of the people ineach ship had leave to go and pick berries. These returned on board atnoon, when the other half went on the same errand. The berries to begot here were wild currant-berries, hurtle-berries, partridge-berries, and heath-berries. I also went ashore myself, and walked over partof the peninsula. In several places there was very good grass; andI hardly saw a spot on which some vegetable was not growing. Thelow land which connects this peninsula with the continent is full ofnarrow creeks; and abounds with ponds of water, some of which werealready frozen over. There were a great many geese and bustards; butso shy, that it was not possible to get within musket-shot of them. Wealso met with some snipes, and on the high ground were partridges oftwo sorts. Where there was any wood, musquitoes were in plenty. Someof the officers, who travelled farther than I did, met with a few ofthe natives of both sexes, who treated them with civility. 

It appeared to me, that this peninsula must have been an island inremote times; for there were marks of the sea having flowed over theisthmus. And even now, it appeared to be kept out by a bank ofsand, stones, and wood, thrown up by the waves. By this bank, it wasevident, that the land was here encroaching upon the sea, and it waseasy to trace its gradual formation. 

About seven, in the evening, Mr King returned from his expedition; andreported, that he proceeded with the boats about three or four leaguesfarther than the ships had been able to go; that he then landed on thewest side; that, from the heights, he could see the two coasts join, and the inlet to terminate in a small river or creek, before whichwere banks of sand or mud; and every where shoal water. The land, too, was low and swampy for some distance to the northward; then it swelledinto hills; and the complete junction of those, on each side of theinlet, was easily traced. 

From the elevated spot on which Mr King surveyed the Sound, he coulddistinguish many extensive valleys, with rivers running through them, well wooded, and bounded by hills of a gentle ascent and moderateheight. One of these rivers to the N. W. Appeared to be considerable;and from its direction, he was inclined to think, that it emptieditself into the sea at the head of the bay. Some of his people, whopenetrated beyond this into the country, found the trees larger thefarther they advanced. [6]

[Footnote 6: Here Mr Arrowsmith's map is to be preferred, asaccurately following the description Captain King has given. Severalnames are omitted by Mr Coxe, and his delineation of the coast israther unsatisfactory. --E. ]

In honour of Sir Fletcher Norton, [7] Speaker of the House of Commons, and Mr King's nearest relation, I named this inlet _Norton Sound_. Itextends to the northward as far as the latitude of 64° 55'. The bay, in which we were now at anchor, lies on the S. E. Side of it; and iscalled by the natives _Chacktoole_. It is but an indifferent station, being exposed to the south and south-west winds. Nor is there aharbour in all this Sound. But we were so fortunate as to have thewind from the N. And N. E. All the time, with remarkable fine weather. This gave us an opportunity to make no less than seventy-seven sets oflunar observations between the 6th and 7th inclusive. The mean resultof these made the longitude of the anchoring-place, on the west sideof the Sound, to be

 197° 13' Latitude 64 31 Variation of the compass 25 45 east. Dip of the needle 76 25

[Footnote 7: Afterwards Lord Grantley. ]

Of the tides, it was observed, that the night-flood rose about two orthree feet, and that the day-flood was hardly perceivable. 

Having now fully satisfied myself, that Mr Stæhlin's map must beerroneous; and having restored the American continent to that spacewhich he had occupied with his imaginary island of Alaschka, it washigh time to think of leaving these northern regions, add to retire tosome place during the winter, where I might procure refreshments formy people, and a small supply of provisions. Petropaulowska, or theharbour of St Peter and St Paul, in Kamtschatka, did not appear likelyto furnish either the one or the other for so large a number of men. I had, besides, other reasons for not repairing thither at this time. The first, and on which all the others depended, was the great dislikeI had to lie inactive for six or seven months; which would have beenthe necessary consequence of wintering in any of these northern parts. No place was so conveniently within our reach, where we couldexpect to have our wants relieved, as the Sandwich Islands. To them, therefore, I determined to proceed. But, before this could be carriedinto execution, a supply of water was necessary. With this view Iresolved to search the American coast for a harbour, by proceedingalong it to the southward, and thus endeavour to connect the surveyof this part of it with that lying immediately to the north of CapeNewenham. If I failed in finding a harbour there my plan was thento proceed to Samganoodha, which was fixed upon as our place ofrendezvous, in case of separation. 

SECTION XI. 

_Discoveries after leaving Norton Sound. --Stuart's Island. --CapeStephens. --Point Shallow-Water. --Shoals on the AmericanCoast. --Clerke's Island. --Gore's Island. --Pinnacle Island. --Arrival atOonalashka. --Intercourse with the Natives and Russian Traders. --Chartsof the Russian Discoveries, communicated by Mr Ismyloff. --TheirErrors pointed out. --Situation of the Islands visited by theRussians. --Account of their Settlement at Oonalashka. --Of the Nativesof the Island. --Their Persons. --Dress. --Ornaments. --Food. --Housesand domestic Utensils. --Manufactures. --Manner of producingFire. --Canoes. --Fishing and Hunting Implements. --Fishes, and SeaAnimals. --Sea and Water Fowls, and Land Birds. --Land Animals andVegetables. --Manner of burying the Dead. --Resemblance of theNatives on this Side of America to the Greenlanders andEsquimaux. --Tides. --Observations for determining the Longitude ofOonalashka. _

Having weighed, on the 17th in the morning, with a light breezeat east, we steered to the southward, and attempted to pass withinBesborough Island; but though it lies six or seven miles from thecontinent, were prevented by meeting with shoal water. As we had butlittle wind all the day, it was dark before we passed the island; andthe night was spent under an easy sail. 

We resumed our course, at day-break on the 18th, along the coast. At noon, we had no more than five fathoms water. At this time thelatitude was 63° 37'. Besborough, Island now bore N. , 42° E. ; thesouthernmost land in sight, which proved also to be an island, S. , 66°W. ; the passage between it and the main S. , 40° W. ; and the nearestland about two miles distant. I continued to steer for this passage, until the boats, which were ahead, made the signal for having no morethan three fathoms water. On this we hauled without the island; andmade the signal for the Resolution's boat to keep between the shipsand the shore. 

This island, which obtained the name of _Stuart's Island_, lies in thelatitude of 63° 35', and seventeen leagues from. Cape Denbigh, in thedirection of S. , 27° W. It is six or seven leagues in circuit. Someparts of it are of a middling height; but, in general, it is low; withsome rocks lying off the western part. The coast of the continent is, for the most part, low land; but we saw high land up the country. Itforms a point, opposite the island, which was named _Cape Stephens_, and lies in latitude 63° 33', and in longitude 197° 41'. Somedrift wood was seen upon the shores, both of the island and of thecontinent; but not a tree was perceived growing upon either. One mightanchor, upon occasion, between the N. E. Side of this island andthe continent, in a depth of five fathoms, sheltered from westerly, southerly, and easterly winds. But this station would be whollyexposed to the northerly winds, the land, in that direction, being attoo great distance to afford any security. Before we reached Stuart'sIsland, we passed two small islands, lying between us and the main;and as we ranged along the coast, several people appeared upon theshore, and, by signs, seemed to invite us to approach them. 

As soon as we were without the island, we steered S. By W. , for thesouthernmost point of the continent in sight, till eight o'clock inthe evening, when, having shoaled the water from six fathoms to lessthan four, I tacked, and stood to the northward, into five fathoms, and then spent the night plying off and on. At the time we tacked, thesouthernmost point of land, the same which is mentioned above, and wasnamed _Point Shallow-Water_, bore S. 1/2 E. , seven leagues distant. 

We resumed our course to the southward at day-break next morning, butshoal water obliged us to haul more to the westward. At length, we gotso far advanced upon the bank, that we could not hold a N. N. W. Course, meeting sometimes with only four fathoms. The wind blowing fresh atE. N. E. It was high time to look for deep water, and to quit a coast, upon which we could no longer navigate with any degree of safety. Itherefore hauled the wind to the northward, and gradually deepened thewater to eight fathoms. At the same time we hauled the wind, we wereat least twelve leagues, from the continent, and nine to the westwardof Stuart's Island. No land was seen to the southward of PointShallow-Water, which I judge to lie in the latitude of 63°. So that, between this latitude and Shoal Ness, in latitude 60°, the coast isentirely unexplored. Probably, it is accessible only to boats, or verysmall vessels; or at least, if there be channels for large vessels, itwould require some time to find them; and I am of opinion, that theymust be looked for near the coast. From the mast-head, the sea withinus appeared to be chequered with shoals; the water was very muchdiscoloured and muddy, and considerably fresher than at any of theplaces where we had lately anchored. From this I inferred, that aconsiderable river runs into the sea in this unknown part. [1]

[Footnote 1: Mr Arrowsmith has filled up the coast betwixt the twopoints now mentioned, and supplied it also with rivers, according tothe conjecture of Captain Cook. But it is obvious, that this is notsufficient authority; and therefore, unless better be given, Mr Coxeseems to have done more correctly, in indicating the space by a dottedline, the usual mark of an unexplored region. --E. ]

As soon as we got into eight fathoms water, I steered to the westward, and afterward more southerly, for the land discovered on the 5th, which, at noon the next day, bore S. W. By W. , ten or eleven leaguesdistant. At this time we had a fresh gale at north, with showers ofhail and snow at intervals, and a pretty high sea; so that we gotclear of the shoals but just in time. As I now found that the landbefore us lay too far to the westward to be Anderson's Island, I namedit _Clerke's Island_. It lies in the latitude of 63° 15', and in thelongitude of 190° 30'. It seemed to be a pretty large island, in whichare four or more hills, all connected by low ground; so that, at adistance, it looks like a group of islands. Near its east part lies asmall island, remarkable by having upon it three elevated rocks. Notonly the greater island, but this small spot, was inhabited. [2]

[Footnote 2: It is somewhat singular, that neither Arrowsmith nor Coxementions Anderson's Island. The former, on additional authority, hasmarked but one island in the position specified, under the name ofEivoogiena, or Clerke's Island. --E. ]

We got up to the northern point of Clerke's Island about six o'clock, and having ranged along its coast till dark, brought-to during thenight. At day-break, next morning, we stood in again for the coast, and continued to range along it in search of a harbour till noon;when, seeing no likelihood of succeeding, I left it, and steeredS. S. W. For the land which we had discovered on the 29th of July, having a fresh gale at north, with showers of sleet and snow. Iremarked, that as soon as we opened the channel which separatesthe two continents, cloudy weather, with snow showers, immediatelycommenced; whereas, all the time we were in Norton Sound, we had, with the same wind, clear weather. Might not this be occasioned bythe mountains to the north of that place attracting the vapours, andhindering them to proceed any farther?

At day-break, in the morning of the 23d, the land above mentionedappeared in sight, bearing S. W. , six or seven leagues distant. Fromthis point of view it resembled a group of islands; but it proved tobe but one, of thirty miles in extent, in the direction of N. W. AndS. E. ; the S. E. End being Cape Upright, already taken notice of. Theisland is but narrow; especially at the low necks of land that connectthe hills. I afterward found, that it was wholly unknown to theRussians; and therefore, considering it as a discovery of our own, I named it _Gore's Island_. It appeared to be barren, and withoutinhabitants; at least we saw none. Nor did we see so many birds aboutit as when we first discovered it. But we saw some sea-otters; ananimal which we had not met with to the northward of this latitude. [3]Four leagues from Cape Upright, in the direction of S. , 72° W. , liesa small island, whose elevated summit terminates in several pinnacledrocks. On this account it was named _Pinnacle Island_. At two inthe afternoon, after passing Cape Upright, I steered S. E. By S. , forSamganoodha, with a gentle breeze at N. N. W. , being resolved to spendno more time in searching for a harbour amongst islands, which I nowbegan to suspect had no existence; at least not in the latitude andlongitude where modern map-makers have thought proper to place them. In the evening of the 24th, the wind veered to S. W. And S. , andincreased to a fresh gale. 

[Footnote 3: Mr Arrowsmith, as in the case of the island mentioned inthe last note, has given the native name to this island, viz. Matwi, retaining also, however, the name of Gore. --E. ]

We continued to stretch to the eastward, till eight o'clock in themorning of the 25th, when, in the latitude of 191° 10', we tackedand stood to the west; and soon after, the gale increasing, we werereduced to two courses, and close-reefed main top-sails. Not longafter, the Resolution sprung a leak, under the starboard buttock, which filled the spirit-room with water before it was discovered; andit was so considerable as to keep one pump constantly employed. Wedurst not put the ship upon the other tack for fear of getting uponthe shoals that lie to the N. W. Of Cape Newenham; but continuedstanding to the west till six in the evening of the 26th, when we woreand stood to the eastward, and then the leak no longer troubled us. This proved that it was above the water line, which was no smallsatisfaction. The gale was now over, but the wind remained at S. AndS. W. For some days longer. 

At length, on the 2d of October, at day-break, we saw the island ofOonalashka, bearing S. E. But as this was to us a new point of view, and the land was obscured by a thick haze, we were not sure of oursituation till noon, when the observed latitude determined it. Asall harbours were alike to me, provided they were equally safe andconvenient, I hauled into a bay, that lies ten miles to the westwardof Samganoodha, known by the name of _Egoochshac_; but we found verydeep water; so that we were glad to get out again. The natives, manyof whom lived here, visited us at different times, bringing with themdried salmon and other fish, which they exchanged with the seamen fortobacco. But, a few days before, every ounce of tobacco that was inthe ship had been distributed among them; and the quantity was nothalf sufficient to answer their demands. Notwithstanding this, soimprovident a creature is an English sailor, that they were as profusein making their bargains, as if we had now arrived at a port inVirginia; by which means, in less than eight and forty hours, thevalue of this article of barter was lowered above a thousand per cent. 

At one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d, we anchored in Samganoodhaharbour; and the next morning the carpenters of both ships were set towork to rip off the sheathing of and under the wale, on the starboardside abaft. Many of the seams were found quite open; so that it wasno wonder that so much water had found its way into the ship. Whilewe lay here, we cleared the fish and spirit rooms, and the after-hold;disposing things in such a manner, that in case we should happen tohave any more leaks of the same nature, the water might find its wayto the pumps. And besides this work, and completing our water, wecleared the fore-hold to the very bottom, and took in a quantity ofballast. 

The vegetables which we had met with when we were here before, werenow mostly in a state of decay; so that we were but little benefitedby the great quantities of berries every where found ashore. In orderto avail ourselves as much as possible of this useful refreshment, one third of the people, by turns, had leave to go and pick them. Considerable quantities of them were also procured from the natives. If there were any seeds of the scurvy, in either ship, these berries, and the use of spruce beer, which they had to drink every other day, effectually eradicated them. 

We also got plenty of fish; at first mostly salmon, both fresh anddried, which the natives brought us. Some of the fresh salmon was inhigh perfection; but there was one sort, which we called hook-nosed, from the figure of its head, that was but indifferent. We drew theseine several times, at the head of the bay; and caught a goodmany salmon-trout, and once a halibut that weighed two hundred andfifty-four pounds. The fishery failing, we had recourse to hooks andlines. A boat was sent out every morning, and seldom returned withouteight or ten halibut; which was more than sufficient to serve allour people. The halibut was excellent, and there were few who did notprefer them to salmon. Thus we not only procured a supply of fishfor present consumption, but had some to carry with us to sea. Thisenabled us to make a considerable saving of our provisions, which wasan object of no small importance. 

On the 8th, I received, by the hands of an Oonalashka man, namedDerramoushk, a very singular present, considering the place. It was arye loaf, or rather a pye made in, the form of a loaf, for it inclosedsome salmon, highly seasoned with pepper. This man had the likepresent for Captain Clerke, and a note for each of us, written in acharacter which none of us could read. It was natural to suppose, that this present was from some Russians now in our neighbourhood; andtherefore we sent, by the same hand, to these our unknown friends, a few bottles of rum, wine, and porter; which we thought would be asacceptable as anything we had besides; and we soon knew that inthis we had not been mistaken. I also sent, along with Derramoushk, Corporal Lediard, of the marines, an intelligent man, with orders, that if he met with any Russians, he should endeavour to make themunderstand that we were English, the friends and allies of theirnation. [4]

[Footnote 4: We must be allowed to notice some particulars in thehistory of this remarkable enough man, well known, it is probable, to most readers, who have been interested in the operations of theAfrican Association, but, perhaps, not immediately recognised inthe humble situation of a corporal of marines. Some years after thisvoyage, viz. In 1786, Lediard, by birth an American, resolved on apedestrian excursion across his native continent; for which purpose, he, first of all, fixed on travelling to Siberia, whence he expectedto be able to obtain a passage to its north-west coast. Sir JosephBanks, and other gentlemen, favouring his project, subscribed a sum ofmoney, not much exceeding fifty pounds, to enable him to put it intoexecution. He proceeded to Hamburgh; from thence to Copenhagen; and, as the gulf of Bothnia was not frozen over, actually walked round itsshores by the way of Tornea, till he arrived at Petersburgh, in thebeginning of March 1787. Here he remained till May, when he obtainedpermission to go with a convoy of military stores, intended forCaptain Billings, formerly his ship-mate in Cook's voyage, and nowwaiting for it to commence his own examination of the Americancoast, &c. With this convoy, Lediard, in the month of August, reachedIrkutsk, in Siberia, at which place, after having gone to Yakutsk, where he met with Billings, he purposed to remain a part of thewinter, till an opportunity occurred of going to Ochotsk, from whichhis passage to America seemed very practicable. So far, then, hehad to congratulate himself on his success. But his enterprise wasspeedily interrupted, and all his hopes frustrated, by an order fromthe empress; in consequence of which he was arrested, and, under theguard of an officer and two soldiers, hurried off in a sledge forMoscow, without being suffered to carry with him either his clothes, his money, or his papers. The reason of this extraordinary conduct hasnot been explained in the communication made by Sir Joseph Banksto the Biographia Britannica, from which we have collected theseparticulars. We are told, however, that the disappointed adventurerwas successively conveyed from Moscow to Moialoff, in White Russia, and Tolochin, in Poland; at which last place, he was informed, thatthe empress had directed he should never enter her dominions againwithout her express permission. During the whole of his route, sincehe had been made a prisoner, he suffered extreme hardship from illhealth, fatigue, and mortification. At last he reached Konigsberg;and, to use his own words, in a letter to his patron, after "amiserable journey, in a miserable country, in a miserable season, inmiserable health, and with a miserable purse, " arrived in England. The ardour of his mind, however, was still entire; and he appearedas ready as ever to engage in any service, however perilous, whichpromised to gratify his own curiosity, and was recommended by menwhose judgment he respected. Accordingly, almost immediately on hisreturn, it was proposed to him to undertake the first speculativeexcursion which the society alluded to projected. On this occasion itwas, as is noticed by the ingenious Mr Forster, in his valuable Essayon Decision of Character, that he surprised the official person, who put the Question to him, "When he would be ready for his Africanjourney?" by instantly answering, "To-morrow!" It may be doubted, if his acquirements were altogether equally well suited to thisundertaking, as his undaunted spirit and enterprising disposition. These, indeed, promised interest; and no one could hesitate tobelieve, that he would zealously employ every faculty he possessed inaccomplishing the objects committed to him. It was appointed him totraverse the continent of Africa from east to west, in the latitude ofthe river Niger. But this he never accomplished; as, on his arrival atCairo, he was seized with a bilious disorder, which terminated in hisdeath. So much, it seemed but justice to record in this place, of theperson now employed by Captain Cook. --E. ]

On the 10th, Lediard returned with three Russian seamen, or furriers, who, with some others, resided at Egoochshac, where they had adwelling-house, some store-houses, and a sloop of about thirty tonsburthen. One of these men was either master or mate of this vessel, another of them wrote a very good hand and understood figures, andthey were all three well-behaved intelligent men, and very readyto give me all the information I could desire. But for want of aninterpreter, we had some difficulty to understand each other. Theyappeared to have a thorough knowledge of the attempts that had beenmade by their countrymen to navigate the Frozen Ocean, and ofthe discoveries which had been made from Kamtschatka, by Beering, Tscherikoff, and Spanberg. But they seemed to know no more ofLieutenant Syndo, or Synd, than his name. [5] Nor had they the leastidea what part of the world Mr Stæhlin's map referred to, when it waslaid before them. When I pointed out Kamtschatka, and some other knownplaces, upon that map, they asked, whether I had seen the islandsthere laid down; and on my answering in the negative, one of themput his finger upon a part of this map, where a number of islands arerepresented, and said, that he had cruized there for land, but nevercould find any. I then laid before them my own chart, and found thatthey were strangers to every part of the American coast, except whatlies opposite this island. One of these men said, that he had beenwith Beering in his American voyage, but must then have been veryyoung, for he had not now, at the distance of thirty-seven years, theappearance of being aged. Never was there greater respect paid tothe memory of any distinguished person, than by these men to that ofBeering. [6] The trade in which they are engaged is very beneficial;and its being undertaken and extended to the eastward of Kamtschatka, was the immediate consequence of the second voyage of that ablenavigator, whose misfortunes proved to be the source of much privateadvantage to individuals, and of public utility to the Russian nation. And yet, if his distresses had not accidentally carried him to die inthe island which bears his name, and from whence the miserable remnantof his ship's crew brought back sufficient specimens of its valuablefurs, probably the Russians never would have undertaken any futurevoyages, which could lead them to make discoveries in this sea, towardthe coast of America. Indeed, after his time, government seems to havepaid less attention to this; and we owe what discoveries have beensince made, principally to the enterprising spirit of private traders, encouraged, however, by the superintending care of the court ofPetersburg. The three Russians having remained with me all night, visited Captain Clerke next morning, and then left us, very wellsatisfied with the reception they had met with, promising to returnin a few days, and to bring with them a chart of the islands lyingbetween Oonalashka and Kamtschatka. 

[Footnote 5: See the little that is known of Synd's voyage, accompanied with a chart, in Mr Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 300. --D. ]

[Footnote 6: This may be considered as a very decisive testimony tothe truth of the character given of him in Mr Coxe's publication. We are indebted to the same work for ample evidence in proof of thefollowing remarks of Captain Cook--E. ]

On the 14th, in the evening, while Mr Webber and I were at a villageat a small distance from Samganoodha, a Russian landed there, who, Ifound, was the principal person amongst his countrymen in this and theneighbouring islands. His name was Erasim Gregorioff Sin Ismyloff. He arrived in a canoe carrying three persons, attended by twenty orthirty other canoes, each conducted by one man. I took notice, thatthe first thing they did after landing, was to make a small tent forIsmyloff, of materials which they brought with them, and then theymade others for themselves, of their canoes and paddles, which theycovered with grass; so that the people of the village were at notrouble to find them lodging. Ismyloff having invited us into histent, set before us some dried salmon and berries, which, I wassatisfied, was the best cheer he had. He appeared to be a sensibleintelligent man; and I felt no small mortification in not being ableto converse with him, unless by signs, assisted by figures and othercharacters, which however were a very great help. I desired to seehim on board the next day; and accordingly he came, with all hisattendants. Indeed, he had moved into our neighbourhood, for theexpress purpose of waiting upon us. 

I was in hopes to have had by him, the chart which his threecountrymen had promised, but I was disappointed. However, he assuredme I should have it; and he kept his word. I found that he was verywell acquainted with the geography of these parts, and with all thediscoveries that had been made in them by the Russians. On seeing themodern maps, he at once pointed out their errors. He told me, hehad accompanied Lieutenant Syndo, or Synd as he called him, in hisexpedition to the north; and, according to his account, they did notproceed farther than the Tschukotskoi Noss, or rather than the bayof St Laurence, for he pointed on our chart to the very place where Ilanded. From thence, he said, they went to an island in latitude 63°, upon which they did not land, nor could he tell me its name. But Ishould guess it to be the same to which I gave the name of Clerke'sIsland. To what place Synd went after that, or in what manner he spentthe two years, during which, as Ismyloff said, his researches lasted, he either could not or would not inform us. Perhaps he did notcomprehend our enquiries about this; and yet, in almost every otherthing, we could make him understand us. This created a suspicion, that he had not really been in that expedition, notwithstanding hisassertion. 

Both Ismyloff and the others affirmed, that they knew nothing of thecontinent of America to the northward; and that neither LieutenantSynd, nor any other Russian, had ever seen it. They call it bythe same name which Mr Stæhlin gives to his great island, that isAlaschka. Stachtan Nitada, as it is called in the modern maps, is aname quite unknown to these people, natives of the islands as well asRussians; but both, of them know it by the name of America. From whatwe could gather from Ismyloff and his countrymen, the Russianshave made several attempts to get a footing upon that part of thiscontinent that lies contiguous to Oonalashka and the adjoiningislands, but have always been repulsed by the natives, whom theydescribe as a very treacherous people. They mentioned two or threecaptains, or chief men, who had been murdered by them; and some of theRussians shewed us wounds which, they said, they had received there. 

Some other information which we got from Ismyloff is worth recording, whether true or false. He told us, that in the year 1773, anexpedition had been made into the Frozen Sea in sledges, over theice, to three large islands that lie opposite the mouth of the riverKovyma. We were in some doubt, whether he did not mean the sameexpedition of which Muller gives an account; and yet he wrote down theyear, and marked the islands on the chart. [7] But a voyage which hehimself had performed, engaged our attention more than any other. Hesaid, that on the 12th of May, 1771, he sailed from Bolscheretzk, ina Russian vessel, to one of the Kuril islands, named Mareekan, in thelatitude of 47°, where there is a harbour, and a Russian settlement. From this island, he proceeded to Japan, where be seems to have madebut a short stay. For when the Japanese came to know that he and hiscompanions were Christians, they made signs for them to be gone; butdid not, so far as we could understand him, offer any insult or force. From Japan, he got to Canton, and from thence to France, in a Frenchship. From France, he travelled to Petersburgh, and was afterward sentout again to Kamtschatka. What became of the vessel in which he firstembarked, we could not learn, nor what was the principal object ofthe voyage. His not being able to speak one word of French, made thisstory a little suspicious. He did not even know the name of any one ofthe most common things that must have been in use every day, while hewas on board the ship, and in France. And yet he seemed clear as tothe times of his arriving at the different places, and of his leavingthem, which he put down in writing. [8]

[Footnote 7: The latest expedition of this kind, taken notice of by MrMuller, was in 1724. But in justice to Mr Ismyloff, it may be properto mention, which is done on the authority of a MS. Communicated byMr Pennant, and the substance of which has been published by MrCoxe, that, so late as 1768, the Governor of Siberia sent three youngofficers over the ice in sledges to the islands opposite the mouth ofthe Kovyma. There seems no reason for not supposing, that a subsequentexpedition of this sort might also be undertaken in 1773. Mr Coxe, p. 324, places the expedition on sledges in 1764, but Mr Pennant's MS. May be depended upon. --D. ]

[Footnote 8: There is nothing at all unlikely in the voyage now spokenof. According to Captain Krusenstern, whose information is in allprobability quite unexceptionable, the Kuril islands and Jesso havebeen often visited by Russian merchants since 1741, when Spanbergand Walton reached the coast of Japan; though without any positiveadvantage, he says, accruing either to science or commerce from theirvisits. --E. ]

The next morning, he would fain have made me a present of a sea-otterskin, which, he said, was worth eighty rubles at Kamtschatka. However, I thought proper to decline it; but I accepted of some dried fish, andseveral baskets of the lily, or _saranne_ root, which is described atlarge in the History of Kamtschatka. [9] In the afternoon, Mr Ismyloff, after dining with Captain Clerke, left us with all his retinue, promising to return in a few days. Accordingly, on the 19th, he madeus another visit, and brought with him the charts before-mentioned, which he allowed me to copy, and the contents of which furnish matterfor the following observations:--

There were two of them, both manuscripts, and bearing every mark ofauthenticity. The first comprehended the _Penschinskian Sea_, thecoast of Tartary, as low as the latitude of 41°, the Kuril islands, and the peninsula of Kamtschatka. Since this map had been made, Wawseelee Irkecchoff, captain of the fleet, explored, in 1758, thecoast of Tartary, from Okotsk, and the river Amur, to Japan, or 41°of latitude. Mr Ismyloff also informed us, that great part of thesea-coast of the peninsula of Kamtschatka had been corrected byhimself, and described the instrument he made use of, which must havebeen a _theodolite_. He also informed us, that there were only twoharbours fit for shipping, on all the east coast of Kamtschatka, viz. The bay of _Awatska_, and the river _Olutora_, in the bottom of thegulf of the same name, that there was not a single harbour upon itswest coast, and that _Yamsk_ was the only one on all the west side ofthe Penschinskian Sea, except Okotsk, till we come to the river Amur. The Kuril islands afford only one harbour, and that is on the N. E. Side of Mareekan, in the latitude of 47-1/2°, where, as I have beforeobserved, the Russians have a settlement. 

[Footnote 9: English translation, p. 83, 84. ]

The second chart was to me the most interesting; for it comprehendedall the discoveries made by the Russians to the eastward ofKamtschatka, toward America, which, if we exclude the voyage ofBeering and Tscherikoff, will amount to little or nothing. The part ofthe American coast, with which the latter fell in, is marked in thischart, between the latitude of 58° and 58-1/2°, and 75° of longitudefrom Okotsk, or, 218-1/2° from Greenwich; and the place where theformer anchored, in 59-1/2° of latitude, and 63-1/2° of longitude fromOkotsk, or 207° from Greenwich. To say nothing of the longitude, which may be erroneous from many causes, the latitude of the coast, discovered by these two navigators, especially the part of itdiscovered by Tscherikoff, differs considerably from the accountpublished by Mr Muller, and his chart. Indeed, whether Muller'schart, or this now produced by Mr Ismyloff, be most erroneous in thisrespect, it may be hard to determine, though it is not now a pointworth discussing. But the islands that lie dispersed between 52° and55° of latitude, in the space between Kamtschatka and America, deservesome notice. According to Mr Ismyloff's account, neither the numbernor the situation of these islands is well ascertained. He struck outabout one-third of them, assuring me they had no existence, and healtered the situation of others considerably, which, he said, wasnecessary, from his own observations. And there was no reason to doubtabout this. As these islands lie all nearly under the same parallel, different navigators, being misled by their different reckonings, might easily mistake one island, or group of islands, for another, andfancy they had made a new discovery, when they had only found old onesin a different position from that assigned to them by their formervisitors. 

The islands of St Macarius, St Stephen, St Theodore, St Abraham, Seduction Island, and some others, which are to be found in MrMuller's chart, had no place in this now produced to us; nay, both MrIsmyloff, and the others, assured me, that they had been several timessought for in vain. And yet it is difficult to believe how Mr Muller, from whom subsequent map-makers have adopted them, could place them inthis chart without some authority. Relying, however, on the testimonyof these people, whom I thought competent witnesses, I have left themout of my chart, and made such corrections amongst the other islandsas I was told was necessary. I found there was wanting anothercorrection; for the difference of longitude, between the Bay ofAwatska, and the harbour of Samganoodha, according to astronomicalobservations, made at these two places, is greater by five degreesand a half, than it is by the chart. This error I have supposed tobe infused throughout the whole, though it may not be so in reality. There was also an error in the latitude of some places, but thishardly exceeded a quarter of a degree. 

I shall now give some account of the islands, beginning with thosethat lie nearest to Kamtschatka, and reckoning the longitude fromthe harbour of Petropaulowska, in the Bay of Awatska. The first is_Beering's Island_, in 55° of latitude, and 6° of longitude. Tenleagues from the south end of this, in the direction of E. By S. , orE. S. E. , lies _Meidenoi Ostroff_, or the Copper Island. The next islandis _Atakou_, laid down in 52° 45' of latitude, and in 15° or 16° oflongitude. This island is about eighteen leagues in extent, in thedirection of E. And W. , and seems to be the same land which Beeringfell in with, and named _Mount St John_. But there are no islandsabout it, except two inconsiderable ones, lying three or four leaguesfrom the east end, in the direction of E. N. E. 

We next come to a group, consisting of six or more islands, two ofwhich, _Atghka_ and _Amluk_ are tolerably large, and in each of themis a good harbour. The middle of this group lies in the latitude of52° 30', and 28° of longitude from Awatska, and its extent, E. And W. , is four degrees. These are the isles that Mr Ismyloff said were to beremoved four degrees to the E. , which was done. And in the situationthey have in my chart, was a group, consisting of ten small islands, which, I was told, were wholly to be struck out, and also two islandslying between them and the group to which Oonalashka belongs. In theplace of these two, an island called Amoghta (which in the chart wassituated in the latitude of 51° 45', and 4° of longitude to the W. )was brought. 

Nothing more need be said to shew how erroneous the situation of manyof these islands may be, and for which I am in nowise accountable. Butthe position of the largest group, of which Oonalashka is one of theprincipal islands, and the only one in which there is a harbour, isnot liable to any such errors. Most of these islands were seen byus, and consequently their latitude and longitude were pretty exactlydetermined, particularly the harbour of Samganoodha in Oonalashka, which must be looked upon as a fixed point. This group of islandsmaybe said to extend as far as Halibut Isles, which are forty leaguesfrom Oonalashka toward the E. N. E. Within these isles, a passage wasmarked in Ismyloff's chart, communicating with Bristol Bay, whichconverts about fifteen leagues of the coast, that I had supposed tobelong to the continent, into an island, distinguished by the name of_Ooneemak_. This passage might easily escape us, as we were informed, that it is very narrow, shallow, and only to be navigated through withboats, or very small vessels. [10]

[Footnote 10: This passage is marked on all the modern maps, no doubton the somewhat scanty authority here given. With respect to most ofthe islands now alluded to, the opinion entertained of their utterinsignificance, will account for and perhaps justify the sparingsolicitude we have used to ascertain their number and position. Someless suspicious data than are to be met with in the accounts of earlyRussian voyages, would be requisite, to induce much attention to asubject of even greater importance. --E. ]

It appeared by the chart, as well as by the testimony of Ismyloff andthe other Russians, that this is as far as their countrymen have madeany discoveries, or have extended themselves, since Beering's time. They all said, that no Russians had settled themselves so far to theeast as the place where the natives gave the note to Captain Clerke, which Mr Ismyloff, to whom I delivered it, on perusing it, said, hadbeen written at Oomanak. It was, however, from him that we got thename of _Kodiak_, the largest of Schumagin's Islands; for it had noname upon the chart produced by him. [11] The names of all the otherislands were taken from it, and we wrote them down as pronounced byhim. He said, they were all such as the natives themselves calledtheir islands by; but, if so, some of the names seem to have beenstrangely altered. It is worth observing, that no names were put tothe islands which Ismyloff told us were to be struck out of thechart, and I considered this as some confirmation that they have noexistence. 

[Footnote 11: A Russian ship had been at Kodiak in 1776, as appearsfrom a MS. Obligingly communicated by Mr Pennant. --D. ]

I have already observed, that the American continent is here calledby the Russians, as well as by the islanders, Alaschka; which name, though it properly belong only to the country adjoining to Oonemak, isused by them when speaking of the American continent in general, whichthey know perfectly well to be a great land. 

This is all the information I got from these people, relating to thegeography of this part of the world; and I have reason to believe thatthis was all the information they were able to give. For they assuredme, over and over again, that they knew of no other islands, besidesthose which were laid down upon this chart; and that no Russian hadever seen any part of the continent of America to the northward, except that which lies opposite the country of the Tschutskis. 

If Mr Stæhlin was not grossly imposed upon, what could induce himto publish a map so singularly erroneous, and in which many of theseislands are jumbled together in regular confusion, without the leastregard to truth; and yet he is pleased to call it _a very accuratelittle map_. [12] Indeed, it is a map to which the most illiterate ofhis illiterate sea-faring countrymen would have been ashamed to sethis name. 

[Footnote 12: Stæhlin's New Northern Archipelago, p. 15. ]

Mr Ismyloff remained with us till the 21st, in the evening, when hetook his final leave. To his care I intrusted a letter to the LordsCommissioners of the Admiralty, in which was inclosed a chart ofall the northern coasts I had visited. He said there would be anopportunity of sending it to Kamtschatka, or Okotsk, the ensuingspring, and that it would be at Petersburg the following winter. Hegave me a letter to Major Behm, governor of Kamtschatka, whoresides at Bolscheretsk, and another to the commanding officer, at Petropaulowska. Mr Ismyloff seemed to have abilities that mightentitle him to a higher station in life, than that in which we foundhim. He was tolerably well versed in astronomy, and in the most usefulbranches of the mathematics. I made him a present of an Hadley'soctant; and though, probably, it was the first he had ever seen, hemade himself acquainted, in a very short time, with most of the usesto which that instrument can be applied. 

In the morning of the 22d, we made an attempt to get to sea, withthe wind at S. E. , which miscarried. The following afternoon, we werevisited by one Jacob Ivanovitch Soposnicoff, a Russian, who commandeda boat, or small vessel, at Oomanak. This man had a great share ofmodesty, and would drink no strong liquor, of which the rest of hiscountrymen, whom we had met with here, were immoderately fond. Heseemed to know more accurately what supplies could be got at theharbour of Petropaulowska, and the price of the different articles, than Mr Ismyloff. But, by all accounts, every thing we should wantat that place was very scarce, and bore a high price. Flour, forinstance, was from three to five roubles the pood, [13] and deer fromthree to five roubles each. This man told us that he was to be atPetropaulowska in May next, and, as I understood, was to have thecharge of my letter. He seemed to be exceedingly desirous of havingsome token from me to carry to Major Behm, and to gratify him, I senta small spying-glass. 

[Footnote 13: 36 lb. ]

After we became acquainted with these Russians, some of our gentlemen, at different times, visited their settlement on the island, wherethey always met with a hearty welcome. This settlement consisted of adwelling-house and two store-houses. And, besides the Russians, therewas a number of the Kamtschadales, and of the natives, as servants, or slaves, to the former. Some others of the natives, who seemedindependent of the Russians, lived at the same place. Such of themas belonged to the Russians were all males, and they are taken, orperhaps purchased, from their parents when young. There was, at thistime, about twenty of these, who could be looked upon in no otherlight than, as children. They all live in the same house; the Russiansat the upper end, the Kamtschadales in the middle, and the natives atthe lower end, where is fixed a large boiler for preparing their food, which consists chiefly of what the sea produces, with the addition ofwild roots and berries. There is little difference between the firstand last table, besides what is produced by cookery, in which theRussians have the art to make indifferent things palatable. I have eatwhale's flesh of their dressing, which I thought very good; and theymade a kind of pan-pudding of salmon roe, beaten up fine, and fried, that is no bad _succedaneum_ for bread. They may, now and then, tastereal bread, or have a dish in which flour is an ingredient; but thiscan only be an occasional luxury. If we except the juice of berrieswhich they sip at their meals, they have no other liquor besides purewater; and it seems to be very happy for them that they have nothingstronger. 

As the island supplies them with food, so it does, in a great measure, with clothing. This consists chiefly of skins, and is, perhaps, thebest they could have. The upper garment is made like our waggoner'sfrock, and reaches as low as the knee. Besides this, they wear awaistcoat or two, a pair of breeches, a fur cap, and a pair of boots, the soles and upper leathers of which are of Russian leather, but thelegs are made of some kind of strong gut. Their two chiefs, Ismyoffand Ivanovitch, wore each a calico frock, and they, as well as someothers, had shirts, which were of silk. These, perhaps, were the onlypart of their dress not made amongst themselves. 

There are Russians settled upon all the principal islands betweenOonalashka and Kamtschatka, for the sole purpose of collecting furs. Their great object is the sea-beaver or otter. I never heard themenquire after any other animal; though those, whose skins are ofinferior value, are also made part of their cargoes. I never thoughtto ask how long they have had a settlement upon Oonalashka, and theneighbouring isles; but to judge from the great subjection the nativesare under, this cannot be of a very late date. [14] All these furriersare relieved, from time to time, by others. Those we met with arrivedhere from Okotsk, in 1776, and are to return in 1781; so that theirstay at the island will be four years at least. [15]

[Footnote 14: The Russians began to frequent Oonalashka in 1762. See_Coxe's Russian Discoveries_, ch. Viii. P. 80. --D. ]

[Footnote 15: Captain Cook says nothing of the condition of thesefurriers, and probably indeed knew nothing of it. According toKrusenstern, who cannot be supposed to seek for occasion to censurehis countrymen, it is wretched in the extreme. He himself admits thathis transcript, though softened down from his original notes made atthe time, will nevertheless expose him to the anger of a number ofpersons for whom, in other respects, he entertains the highest regard. But one may question if any of the accounts that have been given ofthe African slave-trade produce greater horror than this modifieddescription occasions. The reader must not imagine that the physicaldifficulties of the climate constitute the misery of these deludedbeings. These are certainly very formidable, and of themselves presenta sufficient barrier to the enjoyment of any thing bearing the shapeof comfort. But evils of another sort, arising from avarice and theabuse of power, are so galling, as would induce a man "to fly fromeven the most beautiful and the best-gifted country, " if hisresidence in it subjected him to their tyranny. The agents of theRussian-American Company, as the reader will instantly divine, arechargeable with the enormous barbarity and injustice to which theseremarks apply; and the fearless seaman does not scruple to exposethem to public indignation, in consequence. We shall communicate afew particulars, referring those who desire more information on thesubject to the work itself. The persons who engage in the Company'sservice, we are informed, are vagabonds and adventurers, --but notcriminals, be it remembered, --to whom the fabulous reports of thestate of affluence to be easily attained, which are industriouslycirculated, operate as an incentive to sail to America in thecondition of Promiischleniks, a word originally signifying any whocarry on a trade, but here, as it is the only occupation, restrictedto those who collect furs. Their misery commences with their voyage, which is generally performed in vessels so exceedingly crowded, that alarge proportion of the passengers are necessitated to sleep upon thedeck, which, in such a climate, it is obvious, must expose them toalmost certain disease and death. This last, indeed, is the mostdesirable destiny they can experience, as those who have themisfortune to survive are subjected to almost incalculable calamitiesfrom the want of proper food and clothing, under the rigours of theclimate, and the still more relentless severity of their task-masters. From the treatment which the sick receive, we may perhaps, with someexercise of imagination, infer, what the mode of life must be, of those whom superior force of constitution preserves in health. Speaking of a particular case which he had an opportunity ofwitnessing, Captain K. Says, "We went to visit the sick, and it isimpossible for me to describe the shocking, the disgusting state inwhich we found them; nearly all appeared to labour under incurablescorbutic and venereal sores, although they had been ten months onshore, and had enjoyed the assistance of the surgeon of St Peter andSt Paul. Even of this they were now about to be deprived, and on thepoint of being removed, by a long and tedious navigation, to placeswhere they must either forego all surgical attendance, or obtain itfrom people totally unskilled in the practice. I was curious to learnon what food the sick were kept, and was shewn two casks of salt meatdestined for them. I requested to see a piece of it; but, on openingthe cask, so disgusting and pestilential a smell took possessionof the hold as compelled me instantly to quit it. Two tons of thisstinking salt meat, and some sacks of mouldy black biscuit, were theonly nourishing provisions on board for twenty invalids, for, to thisnumber, (out of seventy, ) they actually amounted before the Maria (thevessel they were on board) left St Peter and St Paul (for Kodiak). "Was not the practice said to have been adopted at Jaffa by anextraordinary character, to be esteemed for mercifulness in comparisonof this? Train oil and the flesh of the sea-lion, with a mixture ofrye-meal and water, form the choicest provisions of those who arewell, either on board a ship or on shore; these, it must be owned, arequite suitable to the iron rule of the agent, under whom there canbe neither personal property nor individual security, because he issubject to no law, and there are no courts of justice in Kodiak, orany other of the company's possessions. Few of these wretched outcastsever again reach Russian ground, very few indeed attain the objectof their wishes (we dare not say hopes) to return to Europe. Disease, disappointment, innumerable sufferings, continual drunkenness, theonly solace in which, for obvious reasons, they are indulged, bringthem speedily to the end of their unhappy existence, and leave avacant stage for the miseries of new victims. Should a remnant havea more lengthened career, and having, by infinite pain and trouble, amassed a little property, get back to Ochotsk, thinking to returnhome and spend their days in comfort with their relatives, they arebeset by fresh and perhaps still more aggravated vexations. Theycannot leave that place, it seems, till they have closed accounts withthe agents, and, as this is frequently protracted, no doubt withthe most diabolical design, they become idle, spend what they hadacquired, run into debt, (for sufficient credit is allowed them), and at last are necessitated to revert to their former slavery withperhaps far less ability than formerly, and with no other expectationof relief than what is afforded by the certainty of their dissolution. It is impossible to contemplate this distressing picture a momentlonger. Let us leave it. --E. ]

It is now time to give some account of the native inhabitants. To allappearance, they are the most peaceable, inoffensive people, I evermet with. And, as to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to themost civilized nation upon earth. But, from what I saw of theirneighbours, with whom the Russians have no connection, I doubt whetherthis was their original disposition, and rather think that it has beenthe consequence of their present state of subjection. Indeed, if someof our gentlemen did not misunderstand the Russians, they had beenobliged to make some severe examples, before they could bring theislanders into any order. If there were severities inflicted at first, the best apology for them is, that they have produced the happiestconsequences, and, at present, the greatest harmony subsists betweenthe two nations. The natives have their own chiefs in each island, andseem to enjoy liberty and property unmolested. But whether or no theyare tributaries to the Russians, we could never find out. There wassome reason to think that they are. [16]

[Footnote 16: See the particulars of hostilities between the Russiansand the natives, in Coxe, as cited above. --D. 

It will readily be inferred from what has already been mentioned ofthe conduct of the Russian agents towards their own countrymen, thatthe circumstance of the unfortunate islanders, who are also subjectedto their sway, cannot be very eligible. A single quotation from thework referred to, will answer every purpose we can have in view inalluding to them in this place. "The chief agent of the AmericanCompany is the boundless despot over an extent of country, which, comprising the Aleutic islands, stretches from 57 to 61 degreesof latitude, and from 130 to 190 degrees of east longitude. Thepopulation of the islanders annually decreasing, and the wretchedcondition of the Russians living there, sufficiently proves, that, from their first migration to these islands and to the Americancoast, up to the present moment, the Company's possessions have beenentrusted to people, who were, indeed, zealous for its own advantage, but frequently more so for that of a few subordinate agents. " ALieutenant Davidoff, he gives us to understand, had collected somevery important notices respecting these possessions of the Company, and had imparted to him a fragment of them relative to thesituation of the islanders and their conquerors. This however isnot communicated, apparently for a reason mentioned, viz. That thisofficer proposed publishing on the subject when he returned to StPetersburg; and that though unfortunately he lost his life in theNeva before that took place, his manuscript, which was in the hands ofAdmiral Schischkoff, will be printed by the Admiralty. We shall wonderif it be so, concluding as to its contents from what is already madeknown. Though it is possible, indeed, to imagine, that it may be madeuse of as a testimony against the bad management and inhuman conductof the agents of the Company, in order to justify the interference ofthe legislature in their concerns, which certainly appears to be muchwanted. Altogether, it is obvious then, that the statement of matterswhich Captain Cook has given in the text, applies to a golden age, in comparison of what we are assured was lately existing in theseregions. What changes have been wrought by the representations ofKrusenstern we have not heard. --E. ]

These people are rather low of stature, but plump and well-shaped, with rather short necks, swarthy chubby faces, black eyes, smallbeards, and long, straight, black hair, which the men wear loosebehind and cut before, but the women tie up in a bunch. 

Their dress has been occasionally mentioned. Both sexes wear the samein fashion, the only difference is in the materials. The women's frockis made of seal-skin, and that of the men, of the skins of birds, bothreaching below the knee. This is the whole dress of the women. Butover their frock, the men wear another made of gut, which resistswater, and has a hood to it, which draws over the head. Some of themwear boots, and all of them have a kind of oval snouted cap, made ofwood, with a rim to admit the head. These caps are dyed with green andother colours; and round the upper part of the rim are stuck the longbristles of some sea-animal, on which are strung glass-beads, and onthe front is a small image or two made of bone. 

They make use of no paint; but the women puncture their facesslightly; and both men and women bore the under-lip, to which theyfix pieces of bone. But it is as uncommon, at Oonalashka, to see a manwith this ornament, as to see a woman without it. Some fix beads tothe upper-lip, under the nostrils; and all of them hang ornaments intheir ears. 

Their food consists of fish, sea-animals, birds, roots, and berries, and even of sea-weed. They dry large quantities of fish in summer, which they lay up in small huts for winter use; and probably theypreserve roots and berries for the same time of scarcity. They eatalmost every thing raw. Boiling and broiling were the only methods ofcookery that I saw them make use of; and the first was probably learntfrom the Russians. Some have got little brass-kettles; and those whohave not, make one of a flat stone, with sides of clay, not unlike astanding pye. 

I was once present, when the chief of Oonalashka made his dinner ofthe raw head of a large halibut, just caught. Before any was givento the chief, two of his servants eat the gills, without any otherdressing, besides squeezing out the slime. This done, one of them cutoff the head of the fish, took it to the sea and washed it, then camewith it, and sat down by the chief, first pulling up some grass, upona part of which the head was laid, and the rest was strewed before thechief. He then cut large pieces of the cheeks, and laid thesewithin the reach of the great man, who swallowed them with as muchsatisfaction as we should do raw oysters. When he had done, theremains of the head were cut in pieces, and given to the attendants, who tore off the meat with their teeth, and gnawed the bones like somany dogs. 

As these people use no paint, they are not so dirty in their personsas the savages who thus besmear themselves; but they are full as lousyand filthy in their houses. Their method of building is as follows:They dig in the ground an oblong square pit, the length of whichseldom exceeds fifty feet, and the breadth twenty; but in general thedimensions are smaller. Over this excavation they form the roof ofwood which the sea throws ashore. This roof is covered first withgrass, and then with earth, so that the outward appearance is like adunghill. In the middle of the roof, toward each end, is left a squareopening, by which the light is admitted; one of these openings beingfor this purpose only, and the other being also used to go in and outby, with the help of a ladder, or rather a post, with steps cut init. [17] In some houses there is another entrance below; but this isnot common. Round the sides and ends of the huts, the families, (forseveral are lodged together) have their separate apartments, wherethey sleep, and sit at work, not upon benches, but in a kind ofconcave trench, which is dug all round the inside of the house, andcovered with mats; so that this part is kept tolerably decent. Butthe middle of the house, which is common to all the families, isfar otherwise. For, although it be covered with dry grass, it is areceptacle for dirt of every kind, and the place for the urine trough;the stench of which is not mended by raw hides, or leather beingalmost continually steeped in it. Behind and over the trench, areplaced the few effects they are possessed of, such as their cloathing, mats, and skins. 

[Footnote 17: Mr Coxe's description of the habitations of the nativesof Oonalashka, and the other Fox Islands, in general, agrees withCaptain Cook's. See _Russian Discoveries_, p. 149. See also _Histoiredes differents Peuples soumis à la Domination des Russes_, par M. Levesque, tom. I. P. 40, 41. --D. ]

Their household furniture consists of bowls, spoons, buckets, pigginsor cans, matted-baskets, and perhaps a Russian kettle or pot. Allthese utensils are very neatly made, and well formed; and yet we sawno other tools among them but the knife and the hatchet, that is, a small flat piece of iron, made like an adze, by fitting it into acrooked wooden handle. These were the only instruments we met withthere made of iron. For although the Russians live amongst them, wefound much less of this metal in their possession, than we had metwith in the possession of other tribes on the American continent, whohad never seen, nor perhaps had any intercourse with, the Russians. Probably a few beads, a little tobacco, and snuff, purchase all theyhave to spare. There are few, if any of them, that do not both smokeand chew tobacco, and take snuff; a luxury that bids fair to keep themalways poor. 

They did not seem to wish for more iron, or to want any otherinstruments, except sewing-needles, their own being made of bone. Withthese they not only sew their canoes, and make their clothes, butalso very curious embroidery. Instead of thread they use the fibresof sinews, which they split to the thickness which each sort of workrequires. All sewing is performed by the women. They are the tailors, shoe-makers, and boat-builders, or boat-coverers; for the men, mostprobably, construct the frame of wood over which the skins are sewed. They make mats and baskets of grass, that are both beautiful andstrong. Indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in most of theirwork, that shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance. 

I saw not a fire-place in any one of their houses; they are lighted aswell as heated, by lamps, which are simple, and yet answer the purposevery well. They are made of a flat stone, hollowed on one side like aplate, and about the same size, or rather larger. In the hollow partthey put the oil, mixed with a little dry grass, which serves thepurpose of a wick. Both men and women frequently warm their bodiesover one of these lamps, by placing it between their legs, under theirgarments, and sitting thus over it for a few minutes. 

They produce fire both by collision and by attrition; the former bystriking two stones one against another, on one of which a good dealof brimstone is first rubbed. The latter method is with two pieces ofwood; one of which is a stick of about eighteen inches in length, andthe other a flat piece. The pointed end of the slick they press uponthe other, whirling it nimbly round as a drill; thus producing fire ina few minutes. This method is common in many parts of the world. It ispractised by the Kamtschadales, by these people, by the Greenlanders, by the Brazilians, by the Otaheiteans, by the New Hollanders, andprobably by many other nations. Yet some learned and ingenious menhave founded an argument on this custom to prove, that this and thatnation are of the same extraction. But accidental agreements, in a fewparticular instances, will not authorise such a conclusion; nor willa disagreement, either in manners or customs, between two differentnations, of course, prove that they are of different extraction. Icould support this opinion by many instances besides the one justmentioned. [18]

[Footnote 18: We formerly hazarded some observations, on this subject, which may properly claim regard, if the concurrent opinion of Cookbe any commendation. It is rare with him to venture on theoreticconjectures; but his truly excellent remarks, so indicative of candidand unbiassed enquiry, may justly serve as the basis of very extensivereasoning. His professional career, in short, may be considered asa course of experimental investigations, from which there results asystem of philosophy of no ordinary interest or importance. Can onehelp regretting, that he did not live, like Newton, to deduce thelegitimate consequences of his own discoveries? But, alas! how rapidlyare we now approaching to the last suggestions of his sagaciousmind!--E. ]

No such thing as an offensive or even defensive weapon was seenamongst the natives of Oonalashka. We cannot suppose that the Russiansfound them in such a defenceless state; it is more probable that, fortheir own security, they have disarmed them. Political reasons toomay have induced the Russians not to allow these islanders to haveany large canoes; for it is difficult to believe they had none suchoriginally, as we found them amongst all their neighbours. However, we saw none here but one or two belonging to the Russians. The canoesmade use of by the natives are the smallest we had any where seenupon the American coast, though built after the same manner, with somelittle difference in the construction. The stern of these terminatesa little abruptly; the head is forked, the upper point of the forkprojecting without the under one, which is even with the surfaceof the water. Why they should thus construct them is difficult toconceive; for the fork is apt to catch hold of every thing that comesin the way; to prevent which, they fix a piece of small stick frompoint to point. In other respects, their canoes are built after themanner of those used by the Greenlanders and Esquimaux; the framingbeing of slender laths, and the covering of seal-skins. They are abouttwelve feet long, a foot and a half broad in the middle, and twelve orfourteen inches deep. Upon occasion, they can carry two persons; oneof whom is stretched at full length in the canoe, and the other sitsin the seat, or round hole, which is nearly in the middle. Round thishole is a rim or hoop of wood, about which is sewed gut-skin, that canbe drawn together, or opened like a purse, with leathern thongs fittedto the outer edge. The man seats himself in this place, draws the skintight round his body over his gut-frock, and brings the ends of thethongs or purse-string, over the shoulder to keep it in its place. The sleeves of his frock are tied tight round his wrists, and it beingclose round his neck, and the hood drawn over his head, where it isconfined by his cap, water can scarcely penetrate either to his body, or into the canoe. If any should, however, insinuate itself, theboatman carries a piece of spunge, with which he dries it up. He usesthe double-bladed paddle, which is held with both hands in the middle, striking the water with a quick regular motion, first on one sideand then on the other. By this means the canoe is impelled at agreat rate, and in a direction as straight as a line can be drawn. Insailing from Egoochshak to Samganoodha, two or three canoes kept waywith the ship, though she was going at the rate of seven miles anhour. 

Their fishing and hunting implements lie ready upon the canoes, understraps fixed for the purpose. They are all made, in great perfection, of wood and bone, and differ very little from those used by theGreenlanders, as they are described by Crantz. The only difference isin the point of the missile dart, which, in some we saw here, isnot above an inch long; whereas Crantz says, that those of theGreenlanders are a foot and a half in length. Indeed, these darts, aswell as some others of their instruments, are so curious, that theydeserve a particular description; but, as many of them were broughtaway on board the ships, this can be done at any time, if thoughtnecessary. These people are very expert in striking fish, both in thesea, and in rivers. They also make use of hooks and lines, nets andwears. The hooks are composed of bone, and the lines of sinews. 

The fishes which are common to other northern seas, are found here;such as whales, grampusses, porpoises, swordfish, halibut, cod, salmon, trout, seals, flat-fish; several other sorts of small fish;and there may be many more that we had no opportunity of seeing. Halibut and salmon seem to be in the greatest plenty, and on them theinhabitants of these isles subsist chiefly; at least, they were theonly sort of fish, except a few cod, which we observed to be laid upfor their winter store. To the north of 60°, the sea is, in a manner, destitute of small fish of every kind; but then whales are morenumerous. 

Seals and that whole tribe of sea-animals, are not so numerous asin many other seas. Nor can this be thought strange, since there ishardly any part of the coast, on either continent, nor any ofthe islands lying between them, that is not inhabited, and whoseinhabitants hunt these animals for their food and clothing. Sea-horsesare, indeed, in prodigious numbers about the ice; and the sea-otteris, I believe, no where found but in this sea. We sometimes saw ananimal, with a head like a seal's, that blew after the manner ofwhales. It was larger than a seal, and its colour was white, with somedark spots. Probably this was the sea-cow, or _manati_. 

I think I may venture to assert, that sea and water fowls are neitherin such numbers, nor in such variety, as with us in the northern partsof the Atlantic Ocean. There are some, however, here, that I donot remember to have seen any where else; particularly the _alcamonochroa_ of Steller, before mentioned; and a black and white duck, which I conceive to be different from the stone-duck described byKrascheninicoff. [19] All the other birds seen by us are mentioned bythis author, except some that we met with near the ice; and most, ifnot all, of these, are described by Martin in his voyage to Greenland. It is a little extraordinary, that penguins, which are common in manyparts of the world, should not be found in this sea. Albatrosses tooare so very scarce, that I cannot help thinking that this is not theirproper climate. 

[Footnote 19: History of Kamtschatka. Eng. Trans. P. 160. ]

The few land birds that we met with are the same with those in Europe;but there may be many others which we had no opportunity of knowing. Avery beautiful bird was shot in the woods at Norton Sound, which, Iam told, is sometimes found in England, and known by the name ofChatterer. Our people met with other small birds there, but in nogreat variety and abundance; such as the wood pecker, the bullfinch, the yellow finch, and a small bird called a tit-mouse. 

As our excursions and observations were confined wholly to thesea-coast, it is not to be expected, that we could know much of theanimals or vegetables of the country. Except musquitoes, there arefew other insects; nor reptiles, that I saw, but lizards. There are nodeer upon Oonalashka, or upon any other of the islands. Nor have theyany domestic animals, not even dogs. Foxes and weasels were the onlyquadrupeds we saw; but they told us, that they had hares also, andthe _marmottas_ mentioned by Krascheninicoff. [20] Hence it is evident, that the sea and rivers supply the greatest share of food to theinhabitants. They are also obliged to the sea for all the wood madeuse of for building, and other necessary purposes; for not a stickgrows upon any of the islands, nor upon the adjacent coast of thecontinent. 

[Footnote 20: History of Kamtschatka, p. 99. ]

The learned tell us, that the seeds of plants are, by various means, conveyed from one part of the world to another, even to islands in themidst of great oceans, and far remote from any other land. How comesit to pass, that there are no trees growing on this part of thecontinent of America, nor any of the islands lying near it? They arecertainly as well situated for receiving seeds, by all the variousways I have heard of, as any of those coasts are that abound in wood. May not nature have denied to some soil the power of raising trees, without the assistance of art? As to the drift-wood upon the shores ofthe islands, I have no doubt that it comes from America. For althoughthere may be none on the neighbouring coast, enough may grow fartherup the country, which torrents in the spring may break loose, andbring down to the sea. And not a little may be conveyed from the woodycoasts, though they lie at a greater distance. [21]

[Footnote 21: More extensive observations than what Cook's timeallowed him to make, would be requisite to determine the questionswhich he has just now started. Besides, it is fair to remark, thatthere is some reason for demurring at one of the premises, with whichhe sets out, viz. That the islands, he speaks of, are as well situatefor receiving seeds, as any of the coasts are that abound in wood. At least, before admitting it, we ought to be assured of the equalvicinity of sources from which these seeds might be received, thepredominance or occasional alteration of currents fit for theirconveyance, &c. On the other hand, what is conjectured about thevariety of soils, is so obvious, as to need no pointing out. Withrespect to the drift-wood, it may be right to state, by way ofcorroborating a supposition hazarded by Cook, that there is reason tobelieve, that much of the internal parts of North America, and eventhe declivities, though not the summits of most of the high ranges ofmountains traversing it, either have been, or are, well coveredwith trees. Here, it is worth while to allude to a very singularcircumstance mentioned in the account of Lewis and Clarke's Travels tothe Source of the Missouri, &c. Viz. That a great number of the trunksof trees of the pine genus were found standing erect, and with theirroots fixed, but in a state of decay, in the bottom of the Columbiariver, on the west coast. It is difficult to explain this, but on thesupposition of some considerable change in the course of the river;and it is sufficiently obvious, that such changes, which we know haveoften occurred elsewhere, might soon occasion the removal of treesfrom their original situation to any distance. We cannot spare time orroom to carry on the investigation of the subject; but no readercan be at a loss to estimate the probable results of the fact nowmentioned. To some persons, however, it may be necessary to mention, that the Missouri itself is a striking instance of both changeabilityof course, and a corresponding operation in transporting trees, &c. ;the latter circumstance being apparently both the cause and the effectof the former. Thus we are informed in the work already referredto, that at the place where the party embarked on the last-mentionedriver, its current, which was extremely rapid, brought down greatquantities of drift-wood, that its bottom was full of logs of trees, and that the course of the water was frequently varying from theeffects of sand-bars, &c. Of its own formation. For an obvious reason, it is to be wished, that Cook had mentioned to what species of treesthe drift-wood he found had belonged. How rarely are even intelligentpersons quite aware of the importance of the facts which are presentedto them; and how much has been lost, or which is, in fact, the samething, not gained to science, in consequence of the carelessness withwhich they have been examined!--E. ]

There are a greater variety of plants at Oonalashka, and most of themwere in flower the latter end of June. Several of them are such aswe find in Europe, and in other parts of America, particularlyin Newfoundland; and others of them, which are also met with inKamtschatka, are eat by the natives both there and here. Of these, Krascheninicoff has given us descriptions. The principal one is the_saranne_, or lily root, which is about the size of a root of garlic, round, made up of a number of small cloves, and grains likegroats. When boiled, it is somewhat like saloop; the taste is notdisagreeable, and we found means to make some good dishes with it. Itdoes not seem to be in great plenty; for we got none but what Ismyloffgave us. We must reckon amongst the food of the natives, some otherwild roots; the stalk of a plant resembling _angelica_, and berriesof several different sorts; such as bramble-berries, cran-berries, hurtle-berries, heath-berries, a small red berry, which, inNewfoundland, is called partridge-berry, and another brown berry, unknown to us. This has somewhat of the taste of a sloe, but is unlikeit in every other respect. It is very astringent, if eaten in anyquantity. Brandy might be distilled from it. Captain Clerke attemptedto preserve some; but they fermented, and became as strong as if theyhad been steeped in spirits. 

There were a few other plants, which we found serviceable, but arenot made use of by either Russians or natives. Such as wild purslain, pea-tops, a kind of scurvy-grass, cresses, and some others. All thesewe found very palatable, dressed either in soups or in sallads. On thelow ground, and in the vallies, is plenty of grass, which grows verythick, and to a great length. I am of opinion, that cattle mightsubsist at Oonalashka all the year round, without being housed. Andthe soil, in many places, seemed capable of producing grain, roots, and vegetables. But, at present, the Russian traders, and the natives, seem satisfied with what nature brings forth. 

Native sulphur was seen amongst the inhabitants of the island; but Ihad no opportunity of learning where they got it. We found also ochre, a stone that gives a purple colour, and another that gives a very goodgreen. It may be doubted, whether this last is known. In its naturalstate, it is of a greyish green colour, coarse and heavy. It easilydissolves in oil; but when put into water it entirely loses itsproperties. It seemed to be scarce in Oonalashka; but we were told, that it was in greater plenty on the island Oonemak. As to thestones about the shore and hills, I saw nothing in them that wasuncommon. [22]

[Footnote 22: Very probably the stone that gave a green colour wasan ore of copper; but the scanty description renders it difficult toascertain the species. The other, which is said to have given a purplecolour, may also have contained the same metal. --E. ]

The people of Oonalashka bury their dead on the summits of hills, andraise a little hillock over the grave. In a walk into the country, one of the natives, who attended me, pointed out several of thesereceptacles of the dead. There was one of them, by the side of theroad leading from the harbour to the village, over which was raised aheap of stones. It was observed, that every one who passed it, addedone to it. I saw in the country several stone-hillocks, that seemedto have been raised by art. Many of them were apparently of greatantiquity. 

What their notions are of the Deity, and of a future state, I knownot. I am equally unacquainted with their diversions; nothing havingbeen seen that could give us an insight into either. 

They are remarkably cheerful and friendly amongst each other, andalways behaved with great civility to us. The Russians told us, thatthey never had any connections with their women, because they were notChristians. Our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them hadreason to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged theiraddresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by adistemper that is not unknown here. The natives of this island arealso subject to the cancer, or a complaint like it, which thosewhom it attacks are very careful to conceal. They do not seem tobe long-lived. I no where saw a person, man or woman, whom I couldsuppose to be sixty years of age; and but very few who appeared tobe above fifty. Probably their hard way of living may be the means ofshortening their days. 

I have frequently had occasion to mention, from the time of ourarrival in Prince William's Sound, how remarkably the natives, on thisnorth-west side of America, resemble the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, in various particulars of person, dress, weapons, canoes, and thelike. However, I was much less struck with this, than with theaffinity which we found subsisting between the dialects of theGreenlanders and Esquimaux, and those of Norton's Sound andOonalashka. This will appear from a table of corresponding words whichI put together. 

It must he observed, however, with regard to the words which wecollected on this side of America, that too much stress is not to belaid upon their being accurately represented; for, after Mr Anderson'sdeath, we had few who took much pains about such matters; and I havefrequently found, that the same words written down by two or morepersons, from the mouth of the same native, on being comparedtogether, differed not a little. But still, enough is certain, towarrant this judgment, that there is great reason to believe, thatall these nations are of the same extraction; and if so, there can belittle doubt of there being a northern communication of some sort, by sea, between this west side of America and the east side, throughBaffin's Bay, which communication, however, may be effectually shutup against ships by ice, and other impediments. Such, at least, was myopinion at this time. [23]

[Footnote 23: This subject has been alluded to in the Introduction, and will in all probability receive consideration in the course ofthis Collection. It is unnecessary, therefore, to enter upon it inthis place. We shall merely mention a few particulars. The west coastof Greenland has not been explored beyond 72° latitude. Little ornothing, that can be relied on, is known concerning the sea of Davisor Baffin's Bay; the latter, indeed, being generally considered asimaginary, and having no other evidence for its existence, than theassertions, of a man conceived unworthy of credit. The whole distancefrom the coast of that bay, as commonly laid down, to the point whereHearne saw the sea, viz. In 69° latitude, being about sixty degreesof longitude, is totally unknown. The same thing is to be said ofboth the space betwixt the last mentioned spot, and that at whichMackenzie's river is conceived to enter, which is denominated theArctic Sea, amounting to upwards of twenty degrees more, and alsoof about an equal space betwixt this last position and Icy Cape, thehighest point at which Captain Cook arrived in this voyage. If anypassage do exist, it is certain, that it must be beyond 69° latitude, as high as which, it has been indubitably proved by the labours ofCook, Mackenzie, and Hearne, that the continent of America is unbrokenby any navigable passage from sea to sea. Above that latitude, itis not only possible, but also even probable, that the Arctic Sea, supposing it to be the same which Mackenzie and Hearne saw, and thatit is equally low down, or nearly so, throughout the other spacesalluded to, may, in some peculiarly mild seasons, admit the passageof canoes, if not of larger vessels. The circumstance of a much higherlatitude having been actually navigated in the Atlantic Ocean, mightseem to warrant such an opinion, and would, of course, justify somerenewed attempts in such an enterprise, were it not, that it has beenproved by the present voyage, that the ice extends lower down in thePacific Ocean, and that there is no small reason to believe, thatGreenland forms an integral part of the American continent. Still, however, in every view of the subject, there does appear encouragementto make some experiments of the nature of Hearne's and Mackenzie's, particularly towards the east of the track explored by the former; andit is even extremely probable, that some marine co-operation in thedirection of both Hudson's Bay and Davis' Strait, would facilitate andsecure some discovery of more utility, than a mere improvement of ourmaps. But it is improper to disburden imagination on such a subject inthis place. --E. ]

I shall now quit these northern regions, with a few particularsrelative to the tides and currents upon the coast, and an account ofthe astronomical observations made by us in Samganoodha harbour. 

The tide is no where considerable but in the great river. [24]

[Footnote 24: Cook's River. ]

The flood comes from the south or south-east, every where followingthe direction of the coast to the north-westward. Between NortonSound and Cape Prince of Wales, we found a current setting to thenorth-west, particularly off the cape and within Sledge Island. Butthis current extended only a little way from the coast, nor was iteither consistent or uniform. To the north of Cape Prince of Wales, we found neither tide nor current, either on the American or on theAsiatic coast, though several times looked for. This gave rise to anopinion entertained by some on board our ships, that the two coastswere connected, either by land or by ice; which opinion received somestrength, by our never having any hollow waves from the north, and byour seeing ice almost the whole way across. 

The following are the results of the several observations made ashore, during our stay in the harbour of Samganoodha. 

 The latitude, by the mean of several observed meridian altitudes of the sun, 53° 5' 0" By the mean of 20 sets \ of lunar observations, } 193 47 45 / with the sun east of the } The longitude { moon / \By the mean of 14 sets, \ with the sun and stars } 193 11 45 west of the moon / ------------- The mean of these 193 29 45 The longitude assumed 193 30 0

 By the mean of equal altitudes of the sun, taken on the 12th, 14th, 17th, and 21st, the time-keeper was found to be losing on mean time 8", 8 each day; and, on the last of these days, was too slow for mean time 13^h 46^m 43^s, 98. Hence the time-keeper must have been too slow on the 4th, the day after our arrival, by 13^h 44^m 26^s, 62; and the longitude, by Greenwich rate, will be 13^h 23^m 53^s, 8 200 58 27

 By King George's (or Nootka) Sound rate, 12^h 56^m 40^s, 4 194 10 6

 The 30th of June, the time-keeper, by the same rate, gave 193 12 0

 The error of the time-keeper, at that time, was 0 18 0 W. 

 At this time, its error was 0 39 54 E. 

 The error of the time-keeper, between our leaving Samganoodha, and our return to it again, was 0 57 54

 On the 12th of October, the variation /A. M. 20° 17' 2"\ Mean 19° 59' By the mean of three compasses, \P. M. 19 41' 27 / 15" East. 

 Dip of the needle / Unmarked end \Dipping, /68° 45'\ Face / 69° 30' \ Marked end / face East \69 55 / West \ 69 17

 Mean of the dip of the north end of the needle 62° 23' 30". 

SECTION XII. 

_Departure from Oonalashka, and future Views, --The IslandAmoghta. --Situation of a remarkable Rock. --The Strait betweenOonalashka and Oonella repassed. --Progress to the South. --MelancholyAccident on board the Discovery. --Mowee, one of the SandwichIslands, discovered. --Intercourse with the Natives. --Visit fromTerreeoboo. --Another Island, called Owhyhee, discovered. --TheShips ply to windward to get round it. --An Eclipse of the Moonobserved. --The Crew refuse to drink Sugar-cane Beer. --Cordagedeficient in Strength. --Commendation of the Natives of Owhyhee. --TheResolution gets to Windward of the Island. --Her Progress downthe South-East Coast. --Views of the Country, and Visits from theNatives. --The Discovery joins. --Slow Progress Westward. --KarakakooaBay examined by Mr Bligh. --Vast Concourse of the Natives. --The Shipsanchor in the Bay. _

In the morning of Monday the 26th, we put to sea from Samganoodhaharbour; and, as the wind was southerly, stood away to the westward. 

My intention was now to proceed to Sandwich Islands, there to spenda few of the winter months, in case we should meet with the necessaryrefreshments, and then to direct our course to Kamtschatka, so as toendeavour to be there by the middle of May, the ensuing summer. Inconsequence of this resolution, I gave Captain Clerke orders how toproceed, in case of separation; appointing Sandwich Islands for thefirst place of rendezvous, and the harbour of Petropaulowska, inKamtschatka, for the second. 

Soon after we were out of the harbour, the wind veered to the S. E. AndE. S. E. , which, by the evening, carried us as far as the western partof Oonalashka, where we got the wind at S. With this we stretched tothe westward, till seven o'clock the next morning, when we wore, andstood to the E. The wind, by this time, had increased in such a manneras to reduce us to our three courses. It blew in very heavy squalls, attended with rain, hail, and snow. 

At nine o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the island of Oonalashkabore S. E. , four leagues distant. We then wore and stood to thewestward. The strength of the gale was now over, and toward eveningthe little wind that blew insensibly veered round to the E. , where itcontinued but a short time before it got to N. E. , and increased to avery hard gale with rain. I steered first to the southward, and as thewind inclined to the N. And N. W. , I steered more westerly. 

On the 29th, at half past six in the morning, we saw land extendingfrom E. By S. To S. By W. , supposed to be the island Amoghta. Ateight, finding that we could not weather the island, as the wind hadnow veered, to the westward, I gave over plying, and bore away forOonalashka, with a view of going to the northward and eastward of thatisland, not daring to attempt a passage to the S. E. Of it, in so harda gale of wind. At the time we bore away, the land extended from E. By S. 1/2 S. To S. S. W. , four leagues distant. The longitude by thetime-keeper was 191° 17', and the latitude 53° 38'. This will give avery different situation to this island from that assigned to it uponthe Russian map. But it must be remembered, that this is one of theislands which Mr Ismyloff said was wrong placed. Indeed, it is a doubtif this be Amoghta;[1] for after Ismyloff had made the correction, noland appeared upon the map in this latitude; but, as I have observedbefore, we must not look for accuracy in this chart. 

[Footnote 1: On the chart of Krenitzen's and Levasheff's voyage in1768 and 1769, which we find in Mr Coxe's book, p. 251, an islandcalled Amuckta, is laid down, not very far from the place assigned toAmoghta by Captain Cook. --D. ]

At eleven o'clock, as we were steering to the N. E. , we discoveredan elevated rock, like a tower, bearing N. N. E. 1/2 E. , four leaguesdistant. It lies in the latitude of 53° 57', and in the longitude of191° 2', and hath no place in the Russian map. [2] We must have passedvery near it in the night. We could judge of its steepness from thiscircumstance, that the sea, which now run very high, broke no wherebut against it. At three in the afternoon, after getting a sight ofOonalashka, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind, not having time toget through the passage before night. At day-break the next morning, we bore away under courses, and close-reefed top-sails, having a veryhard gale at W. N. W. , with heavy squalls, attended with snow. At noon, we were in the middle of the Strait, between Oonalashka, and Oonella, the harbour of Samganoodha bearing S. S. E. , one league distant. Atthree in the afternoon, being through the Strait, and clear of theisles, Cape Providence bearing W. S. W. , two or three leagues distant, we steered to the southward, under double-reefed top-sails andcourses, with the wind at W. N. W. , a strong gale, and fair weather. 

[Footnote 2: Though this rock had no place in the Russian mapproduced by Ismyloff, it has a place in the chart of Krenitzen's andLevasheff's voyage above referred to. That chart also agrees withCaptain Cook's, as to the general position of this group of islands. The singularly indented shores of the island of Oonalashka arerepresented in both charts much alike. These circumstances are worthattending to, as the more modern Russian maps of this Archipelago areso wonderfully erroneous. --D. ]

On Monday, the 2d of November, the wind veered to the southward; and, before night, blew a violent storm, which obliged us to bring to. TheDiscovery fired several guns, which we answered; but without knowingon what occasion they were fired. At eight o'clock, we lost sight ofher, and did not see her again till eight the next morning. At ten, she joined us; and, as the height of the gale was now over, and thewind had veered back to W. N. W. , we made sail, and resumed our courseto the southward. 

The 6th, in the evening, being in the latitude of 42° 12', and in thelongitude of 201° 26'", the variation was 17° 15' E. The next morning, our latitude being 41° 20', and our longitude 202°, a shag, orcormorant, flew several times round the ship. As these birds areseldom, if ever, known to fly far out of sight of land, I judgedthat some was not far distant. However, we could see none. In theafternoon, there being but little wind, Captain Clerke came on board, and informed me of a melancholy accident that happened on board hisship, the second night after we left Samganoodha. The main tack gaveway, killed one man, and wounded the boatswain, and two or three more. In addition to this misfortune, I now learned, that, on the evening ofthe 2d, his sails and rigging received considerable damage; and thatthe guns which he fired were the signal to bring to. '

On the 8th, the wind was at N. ; a gentle breeze with clear weather. Onthe 9th, in the latitude of 39-1/2°, we had eight hours calm. Thiswas succeeded by the wind from, the S. , attended with fair weather. Availing ourselves of this, as many of our people as could handle aneedle, were set to work to repair the sails; and the carpenters wereemployed to put the boats in order. 

On the 12th at noon, being then in the latitude of 38° 14', and in thelongitude of 206° 17', the wind returned back to the northward; and, on the 15th, in the latitude of 33° 30', it veered to the E. At thistime, we saw a tropic-bird, and a dolphin, the first that we hadobserved during the passage. On the 17th, the wind veered to thesouthward, where it continued till the afternoon of the 19th, when asquall of wind and rain brought it at once round by the W. To the N. This was in the latitude of 32° 26', and in the longitude of 207° 30'. 

The wind presently increased to a very strong gale, attended withrain, so as to bring us under double-reefed top-sails. In loweringdown the main top-sail to reef it, the wind tore it quite out of thefoot rope, and it was split in several other parts. This sail had onlybeen brought to the yard the day before, after having had a repair. The next morning we got another top-sail to the yard. This gale provedto be the forerunner of the trade-wind, which, in, latitude 25°, veered to E. And E. S. E. 

I continued to steer to the southward till day-light in the morningof the 25th, at which time we were in the latitude of 20° 55'. I nowspread the ships, and steered to the W. In the evening we joined, and at midnight brought-to. At day-break, next morning, land was seenextending from S. S. E. To W. We made sail, and stood for it. At eight, it extended from S. E. 1/2 S. To W. , the nearest part two leaguesdistant. It was supposed that we saw the extent of the land to theeast, but not to the west. We were now satisfied, that the group ofthe Sandwich Islands had been only imperfectly discovered; as thoseof them which we had visited in our progress northward, all lie to theleeward of our present station. 

In the country was an elevated saddle hill, whose summit appearedabove the clouds. From this hill, the land fell in a gentle slope, andterminated in a steep rocky coast, against which the sea broke in adreadful surf. Finding that we could not weather the island, I boreup, and ranged along the coast to the westward. It was not long beforewe saw people on several parts of the shore, and some houses andplantations. The country seemed to be both well wooded and watered, and running streams were seen falling into the sea in various places. 

As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions atthese islands; and experience having taught me that I could have nochance to succeed in this if a free trade with the natives were to beallowed; that is, if it were left to every man's discretion totrade for what he pleased, and in the manner he pleased; for thissubstantial reason, I now published an order, prohibiting all personsfrom trading, except such as should be appointed by me and CaptainClerke; and even these were enjoined to trade only for provisions andrefreshments. Women were also forbidden to be admitted into the ships, except under certain restrictions. But the evil I meant to prevent bythis regulation, I soon found, had already got amongst them. 

At noon, the coast extended from S. , 81° E. , to N. 56° W. ; a low flat, like an isthmus, bore S. , 42° W. ; the nearest shore three or fourmiles distant; the latitude was 20° 59', and the longitude 203° 50'. Seeing some canoes coming off to us, I brought-to. As soon as they gotalongside, many of the people, who conducted them, came into the ship, without the least hesitation. We found them to be of the same nationwith the inhabitants of the islands more to leeward, which we hadalready visited; and, if we did not mistake them, they knew of ourhaving been there. Indeed, it rather appeared too evident; for thesepeople had got amongst them, the venereal distemper; and, as yet, Iknew of no other way of its reaching them but by an intercourse withtheir neighbours since our leaving them. 

We got from our visitors a quantity of cuttle-fish for nails andpieces of iron. They brought very little fruit and roots; but told usthat they had plenty or them on their island, as also hogs and fowls. In the evening, the horizon being clear to the westward, we judgedthe westernmost land in sight to be an island, separated from that offwhich we now were. Having no doubt that the people would return to theships next day, with the produce of their country, I kept plying offall night, and in the morning stood close in shore. At first, only afew of the natives visited us; but, toward noon, we had the companyof a good many, who brought with them bread-fruit, potatoes, tarro, or eddy roots, a few plantains, and small pigs; all of which theyexchanged for nails and iron tools. Indeed, we had nothing else togive them. We continued trading with, them till four o'clock in theafternoon, when, having disposed of all their cargoes, and not seeminginclined to fetch more, we made sail, and stood off shore. 

While we were lying-to, though the wind blew fresh, I observed thatthe ships drifted to the east, consequently there must have beena current setting in that direction. This encouraged me to ply towindward, with a view to get round the east end of the island, and sohave the whole lee-side before us. In the afternoon of the 30th, beingoff the N. E. End of the island, several canoes came off to the ships. Most of these belonged to a chief, named Terreeoboo, who came in oneof them. He made me a present of two or three small pigs; and we got, by barter, from the other people, a little fruit. After a stayof about two hours they all left us, except six or eight of theircompany, who chose to remain on board. A double-sailing canoe camesoon after to attend upon them, which we towed astern all night. In the evening, we discovered another island to windward, which thenatives call _Owhyhee_. The name of that, off which we had been forsome days, we were also told is _Mowee_. 

On the 1st of December, at eight in the morning, Owhyhee extended fromS. , 22' E, to S. 12° W. ; and Mowee from N. 41° to N. 83° W. Findingthat we could fetch Owhyhee, I stood for it; and our visitors fromMowee not choosing to accompany us, embarked in their canoe, and wentashore. At seven in the evening, we were close up with the north sideof Owhyhee; where we spent the night, standing off and on. 

In the morning of the 2d, we were surprised to see the summits of themountains on Owhyhee covered with snow. They did not appear to be ofany extraordinary height; and yet, in some places, the snow seemed tobe of a considerable depth, and to have lain there some time. As wedrew near the shore, some of the natives came off to us. They were alittle shy at first; but we soon enticed some of them on board; and atlast prevailed upon them to return to the island, and bring off whatwe wanted. Soon after they reached the shore, we had company enough;and few coming empty-handed, we got a tolerable supply of small pigs, fruit, and roots. We continued trading with them till six in theevening; when we made sail, and stood off, with a view of plying towindward round the island. 

In the evening of the 4th, we observed an eclipse of the moon. Mr Kingmade use of a night-telescope, a circular aperture being placed atthe object end, about one-third of the size of the common aperture. I observed with the telescope of one of Ramsden's sextants; which, Ithink, answers this purpose as well as any other. The following timesare the means, as observed by us both:

 Longitude. 6^h 3' 25" beginning of the eclipse 204° 40' 45" 8 27 25 end of the eclipse 204 25 15 ------------ Mean 204 35 0

The _penumbra_ was visible at least ten minutes before the beginningand after the end of the eclipse. I measured the uneclipsed part ofthe moon with one of Ramsden's sextants, several times before, at, andafter the middle of the eclipse; but did not get the middle so nearas might have been effected by this method. Indeed, these observationswere made only as an experiment, without aiming at much nicety. I alsomeasured mostly one way; whereas I ought to have brought alternatelythe reflected and direct images on contrary sides with respect to eachother; reading the numbers off the quadrant, in one case, to the leftof the beginning of the divisions; and, in the other case, to theright hand of the same. It is evident, that half the sum of these twonumbers must be the true measurement, independent of the error of thequadrant; and this is the method that I would recommend. 

But I am well assured, that it might have been observed much nearer;and that this method maybe useful when neither the beginning nor endof an eclipse can be observed, which may often happen. 

Immediately after the eclipse was over, we observed the distance ofeach limb of the moon from _Pollux_ and _alpha Arietis_; the one beingto the east, and the other to the west. An opportunity to observe, under all these circumstances, seldom happens; but when it does, itought not to be omitted; as, in this case, the local errors to whichthese observations are liable, destroy each other; which, in all othercases, would require the observations of a whole moon. The followingare the results of these observations:

 Myself with / _a Arietis_ - 204° 22' 07" \ mean 204° 21' 5" \ _Pollux_ - 204 20 4 /

 Mr King with / _a Arietis_ - 204 27 45 \ mean 204 18 29 \ _Pollux_ - 204 9 12 / ----------- Mean of the two means 204 19 47

 The time-keeper, at 4^h 30', to which time all the \ 204 04 45 lunar observations are reduced /

The current which I have mentioned, as setting to the eastward, hadnow ceased; for we gained but little by plying. On the 6th, in theevening, being about five leagues farther up the coast, and near theshore, we had some traffic with the natives. But, as it had furnishedonly a trifling supply, I stood in again next morning, when we hada considerable number of visitors; and we lay-to, trading with them, till two in the afternoon. By that time, we had procured pork, fruit, and roots, sufficient for four or five days. We then made sail, andcontinued to ply to windward. 

Having procured a quantity of sugar-cane; and having, upon a trial, made but a few days before, found, that a strong decoction of itproduced a very palatable beer, I ordered some more to be brewed forour general use. But when the cask was now broached, not one of mycrew-would even so much as taste it. As I had no motive in preparingthis beverage, but to save our spirit for a colder climate, I gavemyself no trouble, either by exerting authority, or by having recourseto persuasion, to prevail upon them to drink it; knowing that therewas no danger of the scurvy, so long as we could get a plentifulsupply of other vegetables. But, that I might not be disappointed inmy views, I gave orders that no grog should be served in either ship. I myself, and the officers, continued to make use of the sugar-canebeer whenever we could get materials for brewing it. A few hops, ofwhich we had some on board, improved it much. It has the taste ofnew malt beer; and I believe no one will doubt of its being verywholesome. And yet my inconsiderate crew alleged that it was injuriousto their health. 

They had no better reason to support a resolution, which they took onour first arrival in King George's Sound, not to drink the spruce-beermade there. But, whether from a consideration that it was not thefirst time of their being required to use that liquor, or from someother reason, they did not attempt to carry their purpose into actualexecution; and I had never heard of it till now, when they renewedtheir ignorant opposition to my best endeavours to serve them. Everyinnovation whatever on board a ship, though ever so much tothe advantage of seamen, is sure to meet with their highestdisapprobation. Both portable soup, and sour krout, were, at first, condemned as stuff unfit for human beings. Few commanders haveintroduced into their ships more novelties, as useful varieties offood and drink, than I have done. Indeed, few commanders have had thesame opportunities of trying such experiments, or been driven tothe same necessity of trying them. It has, however, been, in a greatmeasure, owing to various little deviations from established practice, that I have been able to preserve my people, generally speaking, fromthat dreadful distemper, the scurvy, which has, perhaps, destroyedmore of our sailors, in their peaceful voyages, than have fallen bythe enemy in military expeditions. [3]

[Footnote 3: So much for the effect of ignorance and prejudice. Onerequires the strong evidence of such a careful observer as CaptainCook to be convinced of their existence, in such intense degree, amonga set of people, accustomed, from the nature of their profession, towitness the vast variety of different manners and modes of life indifferent countries; though every notion we could form of their habitsand tempers might lead us to infer _a priori_, the obstinacy withwhich they would resist any innovation on their established practices. Probably, however, when left to themselves, they readily enough fallin with changes; and hence it may often be more judicious to puttemptations in their way, in order to obtain a salutary purpose, thanto recommend or enforce it as conducive to their welfare. It is easyto understand, on the common principles of human nature, that theformer method will generally prove most efficient; whereas thelatter, because it implies a kind of restraint, will, consequently, bedisliked, and opposed or evaded. Sailors, on the whole, perhaps, bearthe greatest resemblance to children of any of the full-grown species. It is of some consequence to know how to treat them as such. A littlecoaxing and flattery is a very necessary ingredient in any thingintended for them; and often it may be extremely politic to seem torefuse, or to be averse to give them what we are at the same timereally anxious they should have. But it is easy to prescribe in suchcases!--E. ]

I kept at some distance from the coast, till the 13th, when I stoodin again, six leagues farther to windward than we had as yet reached;and, after having some trade with the natives who visited us, returnedto sea. I should have got near the shore again on the 15th, for asupply of fruit or roots, but the wind happening to be at S. E. By S. , and S. S. E. , I thought this a good time to stretch to the eastward, inorder to get round, or, at least, to get a sight of the S. E. End ofthe island. The wind continued at S. E. By S. , most part of the 16th. It was variable between S. And E, on the 17th; and on the 18th, it wascontinually veering from one quarter to another; blowing, sometimes, in hard squalls, and, at other times, calm, with thunder, lightning, and rain. In the afternoon, we had the wind westerly for a fewhours; but in the evening it shifted to E. By S. , and we stood to thesouthward, close hauled, under an easy sail, as the Discovery was atsome distance astern. At this time the S. E. Point of the island boreS. W. By S. , about five leagues distant; and I made no doubt that Ishould be able to weather it. But at one o'clock, next morning, itfell calm, and we were left to the mercy of a north-easterly swell, which impelled us fast towards the land; so that, long beforeday-break, we saw lights upon the shore, which was not more than aleague distant. The night was dark, with thunder, lightning, and rain. 

At three o'clock, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from the S. E. ByE. , blowing in squalls, with rain. We stood to the N. E. , thinking itthe best tack to clear the coast; but, if it had been day-light, we should have chosen the other. At day-break, the coast was seenextending from N. By W. , to S. W. By W. ; a dreadful surf breakingupon the shore, which was not more than half a league distant. It wasevident that we had been in the most imminent danger. Nor were we yetin safety, the wind veering more easterly; so that, for some time, wedid but just keep our distance from the coast. What made our situationmore alarming, was the leach-rope of the main top-sail giving way, which was the occasion of the sail's being rent in two; and the twotop-gallant sails gave way in the same manner, though not half wornout. By taking a favourable opportunity, we soon got others to theyards, and then we left the land astern. The Discovery, by being atsome distance to the north, was never near the land, nor did we seeher till eight o'clock. 

On this occasion, I cannot help observing, that I have always found, that the bolt-ropes to our sails have not been of sufficient strengthor substance. This at different times, has been the source of infinitetrouble and vexation, and of much expence of canvas, ruined by theirgiving way. I wish also, that I did not think there is room forremarking, that the cordage and canvas, and, indeed, all the otherstores made use of in the navy, are not of equal goodness with those, in general, used in the merchant service. 

It seems to be a very prevalent opinion, amongst naval officers of allranks, that the king's stores are better than any others, and that noships are so well fitted out as those of the navy. Undoubtedly theyare in the right, as to the quantity; but, I fear, not as to thequality of the stores. This, indeed, is seldom tried; for things aregenerally condemned, or converted to some other use, by such time asthey are half worn out. It is only on such voyages as ours, that wehave an opportunity of making the trial, as our situation makes itnecessary to wear every thing to the very utmost. [4]

[Footnote 4: Captain Cook may, in part, be right in his comparison ofsome cordage used in the king's service, with what is used in thatof the merchants; especially in time of war, when part of the cordagewanted in the navy is, from necessity, made by contract. But it iswell known, that there is no better cordage than what is made in theking's yards. This explanation of the preceding paragraph has beensubjoined, on the authority of a naval officer of distinguished rank, and great professional ability, who has, at the same time, recommendedit as a necessary precaution, that ships fitted out on voyages ofdiscovery, should be furnished with no cordage, but what is made inthe king's yards; and, indeed, that every article of their store, ofevery kind, should be the best that can be made. --D. ]

As soon as day-light appeared, the natives ashore displayed a whiteflag, which we conceived to be a signal of peace and friendship. Someof them ventured out after us; but the wind freshening, and it notbeing safe to wait, they were soon left astern. 

In the afternoon, after making another attempt to weather the easternextreme, which, failed, I gave it up, and run down to the Discovery. Indeed, it was of no consequence to get round the island; for we hadseen its extent to the S. E. , which was the thing I aimed at; and, according to the information which we had got from the natives, thereis no other island to the windward of this. However, as we wereso near the S. E. End of it, and as the least shift of wind, in ourfavour, would serve to carry us round, I did not wholly give up theidea of weathering it, and therefore continued to ply. 

On the 20th, at noon, this S. E. Point bore S. , three leagues distant;the snowy hills W. N. W. , and we were about four miles from the nearestshore. In the afternoon, some of the natives came off in their canoes, bringing with them a few pigs and plantains. The latter were veryacceptable, having had no vegetables for some days; but the supply wenow received was so inconsiderable, being barely sufficient for oneday, that I stood in again the next morning, till within three or fourmiles of the land, where we were met by a number of canoes, laden withprovisions. We brought-to, and continued trading with the peoplein them, till four in the afternoon, when, having got a pretty goodsupply, we made sail, and stretched off to the northward. 

I had never met with a behaviour so free from reserve and suspicion, in my intercourse with any tribes of savages, as we experienced in thepeople of this island. It was very common for them to send up into theship the several articles they brought off for barter; afterward, theywould come in themselves, and make their bargains on the quarter-deck. The people of Otaheite, even after our repeated visits, do not care toput so much confidence in us. I infer from this, that those of Owhyheemust be more faithful in their dealings with one another, than theinhabitants of Otaheite are. For, if little faith were observedamongst themselves, they would not be so ready to trust strangers. It is also to be observed, to their honour, that they had neveronce attempted to cheat us in exchanges, nor to commit a theft. Theyunderstand trading as well as most people; and seemed to comprehendclearly the reason of our plying upon the coast. For, though theybrought off provisions in great plenty, particularly pigs, yet theykept up their price; and, rather than dispose of them for less thanthey thought they were worth, would take them on shore again. [5]

[Footnote 5: The reader is desired to pay particular attention to thehigh testimony borne by Cook to the characters of these islanders. Itis a circumstance too singularly interesting not to give rise to somepainful reflections, that, on apparently good grounds, he should haveentertained the best opinion of those very people, from whom he wasdestined shortly afterwards to receive the greatest of injuries. However that event is to be explained, it seems very fair that hisevidence in their favour obtain full regard, and that they, therefore, be entitled to any benefits it may be supposed to confer. --E. ]

On the 22d, at eight in the morning, we tacked to the southward, witha fresh breeze at E. By N. At noon, the latitude was 20° 28' 30"; andthe snowy peak bore S. W. 1/2 S. We had a good view of it the precedingday, and the quantity of snow seemed to have increased, and to extendlower down the hill. I stood to the S. E. Till midnight, then tackedto the N. Till four in the morning, when we returned to the S. E. Tack;and, as the wind was at N. E. By E. , we had hopes of weathering theisland. We should have succeeded, if the wind had not died away, andleft us to the mercy of a great swell, which carried us fast towardthe land, which was not two leagues distant. At length, we got ourhead off, and some light puffs of wind, which came with showersof rain, put us out of danger. While we lay, as it were, becalmed, several of the islanders came off with hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots. Out of one canoe we got a goose, which was about the size of a Muscovyduck. Its plumage was dark-grey, and the bill and legs black. 

At four in the afternoon, after purchasing every thing that thenatives had brought off, which was full as much as we had occasionfor, we made sail, and stretched to the N. , with the wind at E. N. E. Atmidnight, we tacked, and stood to the S. E. Upon a supposition that theDiscovery would see us tack, the signal was omitted; but she did notsee us, as we afterwards found, and continued standing to the N. ;for at day-light next morning she was not in sight. At this time theweather being hazy we could not see far, so that it was possible theDiscovery might be following us; and, being past the N. E. Part of theisland, I was tempted to stand on, till, by the wind veering to N. E. , we could not weather the land upon the other tack. Consequently wecould not stand to the N, to join, or look for, the Discovery. Atnoon, we were, by observation, in latitude of 19° 55', and in thelongitude of 205° 3'; the S. E. Point of the island bore S. By E. 1/4E, six leagues distant; the other extreme bore N, 60° W. , and wewere two leagues from the nearest shore. At six in the evening, thesouthernmost extreme of the island bore S. W. , the nearest shore sevenor eight miles distant; so that we had now succeeded in gettingto windward of the island, which we had aimed at with so muchperseverance. 

The Discovery, however, was not yet to be seen. But the wind, as wehad it, being very favourable for her to follow us, I concluded, thatit would not be long before she joined us. I therefore kept cruizingoff this S. E. Point of the island, which lies in the latitude of19° 34', and in the longitude of 205° 6', till I was satisfied thatCaptain Clerke could not join me here. I now conjectured, that he hadnot been able to weather the N. E. Part of the island, and had gone toleeward, in order to meet me that way. 

As I generally kept from five to ten leagues from the land, no canoes, except one, came off to us till the 28th, when we were visited by adozen or fourteen. The people who conducted them brought, as usual, the produce of the island. I was very sorry that they had taken thetrouble to come so far. For we could not trade with them, ourold stock not being, as yet, consumed; and we had found, by lateexperience, that the hogs could not be kept alive, nor the rootspreserved from putrefaction, many days. However, I intended not toleave this part of the island before I got a supply, as it would notbe easy to return to it again, in case it should be found necessary. 

We began to be in want on the 30th, and I would have stood in nearthe shore, but was prevented by a calm; but a breeze springing up atmidnight from S. And S. W. , we were enabled to stand in for the land atday-break. At ten o'clock in the morning, we were met by the islanderswith fruit and roots; but, in all the canoes, were only three smallpigs. Our not having bought those which had been lately broughtoff, may be supposed to be the reason of this very scanty supply. Webrought-to for the purposes of trade; but, soon after, our marketingwas interrupted by a very hard rain, and, besides, we were rather toofar from the shore. Nor durst I go nearer; for I could not depend uponthe wind's remaining where it was for a moment; the swell also beinghigh, and setting obliquely upon the shore, against which it brokein a frightful surf. In the evening the weather mended; the night wasclear, and it was spent in making short boards. 

Before day-break, the atmosphere was again loaded with heavy clouds, and the new year was ushered in with very hard rain, which continued, at intervals, till past ten o'clock. The wind was southerly; a lightbreeze with some calms, when the rain ceased and the sky cleared, andthe breeze freshened. Being, at this time, about five miles from theland, several canoes arrived with fruit and roots, and, at last, some hogs were brought off. We lay to, trading with, them till threeo'clock in the afternoon, when, having a tolerable supply, we madesail, with a view of proceeding to the N. W. , or lee-side of theisland, to look for the Discovery. It was necessary, however, the windbeing at S. , to stretch first to the eastward, till midnight, whenthe wind came more favourable, and we went upon the other tack. For several days past, both wind and weather had been exceedinglyunsettled, and there fell a great deal of rain. 

The three following days were spent in running down the S. E. Side ofthe island. For, during the nights, we stood off and on; and part ofeach day was employed in lying-to, in order to furnish an opportunityto the natives of trading with us. They sometimes came on board, while we were five leagues from the shore. But, whether from a fearof losing their goods in the sea, or from the uncertainty of a market, they never brought much with them. The principal article procured wassalt, which was extremely good. 

On the 5th in the morning, we passed the south point of the island, which lies in the latitude of 18° 54', and beyond it we found thecoast to trend N. 60° W. On this point stands a pretty large village, the inhabitants of which thronged off to the ship with hogs and women. It was not possible to keep the latter from coming on board, and nowomen I ever met with were less reserved. Indeed it appeared to me, that they visited us with no other view, than to make a surrender oftheir persons. As I had now got a quantity of salt, I purchased nohogs but such as were fit for salting, refusing all that were undersize. However, we could seldom get any above fifty or sixty poundsweight. It was happy for us, that we had still some vegetables onboard, for we now received few such productions. Indeed this part ofthe country, from its appearance, did not seem capable of affordingthem. Marks of its having been laid waste by the explosion of avolcano, every where presented themselves; and though we had as yetseen nothing like one upon the island, the devastation that it hadmade in this neighbourhood, was visible to the naked eye. 

This part of the coast is sheltered from the reigning winds, but wecould find no bottom to anchor upon, a line of an hundred and sixtyfathoms not reaching it, within the distance of half a mile from theshore. The islanders having all left us, toward the evening, we rana few miles down the coast, and then spent the night standing off andon. 

The next morning, the natives visited us again, bringing with them thesame articles of commerce as before. Being now near the shore, I sentMr Bligh, the master, in a boat to sound the coast, with orders toland, and to look for fresh water. Upon his return, he reported, that, at two cables' lengths from the shore, he had found no soundings witha line of one hundred and sixty fathoms; that, when he landed, hefound no stream or spring, but only rain-water, deposited in holesupon the rocks, and even that was brackish from the spray of the sea, and that the surface of the country was entirely composed of slags andashes, with a few plants interspersed. Between ten and eleven wesaw with pleasure the Discovery coming round the south point of theisland, and at one in the afternoon she joined us. Captain Clerke thencoming on board, informed me, that he had cruised four or five dayswhere we were separated, and then plied round the east side of theisland, but that, meeting with unfavourable winds, he had been carriedto some distance from the coast. He had one of the islanders on boardall this time, who had remained there from choice, and had refused toquit the ship, though opportunities had offered. 

Having spent the night standing off and on, we stood in again the nextmorning, and when we were about a league from the shore, many of thenatives visited us. At noon, the observed latitude was 19° 1', and thelongitude, by the time-keeper, was 203° 26', the island extending fromS. 74° E. To N. 13° W. , the nearest part two leagues distant. 

At day-break on the 8th, we found that the currents, during thenight, which we spent in plying, had carried us back considerably towindward; so that we were now off the S. W. Point of the island. Therewe brought-to, in order to give the natives an opportunity of tradingwith us. At noon our observed latitude was 19° 1', and our longitude, by the time-keeper, was 203° 13', the S. W. Point of the island N. 30°E. , two miles distant. 

We spent the night as usual, standing off and on. It happened, thatfour men and ten women who had come on board the preceding day, stillremained with us. As I did not like the company of the latter, I stoodin shore towards noon, principally with a view to get them out of theship; and some canoes coming off, I took that opportunity of sendingaway our guests. 

We had light airs from N. W. And S. W. , and calms, till eleven in themorning of the 10th, when the wind freshened at W. N. W. , which, with astrong current setting to the S. E. , so much retarded us, that, in theevening, between seven and eight o'clock, the S. Point of the islandbore N. 10-1/2° W. , four leagues distant. The south snowy hill nowbore N. 1-1/2° E. 

At four in the morning of the 11th, the wind having fixed at W. , Istood in for the land, in order to get some refreshments. As we drewnear the shore, the natives began to come off. We lay to, or stood onand off, trading with them all the day, but got a very scanty supplyat last. Many canoes visited us, whose people had not a single thingto barter, which convinced us, that this part of the island must bevery poor, and that we had already got all that they could spare. Wespent the 12th plying off and on, with a fresh gale at W. A mile fromthe shore and to the N. E. Of the S. Point of the island, having triedsoundings, we found ground at fifty-five fathoms depth, the bottom afine sand. At five in the evening, we stood to the S. W. , with the windat W. N. W. , and soon after midnight we had a calm. 

At eight o'clock next morning, having got a small breeze at S. S. E. , westeered to the N. N. W. , in for the land. Soon after, a few canoes camealong-side with some hogs, but without any vegetables, which articleswe most wanted. We had now made some progress; for at noon the S. Point of the island bore S. 86-1/2° E. , the S. W. Point N. 13° W. , thenearest shore two leagues distant; latitude, by observation, 18° 56', and our longitude, by the time-keeper, 203° 40'. We had got the lengthof the S. W. Point of the island in the evening, but the wind nowveering to the westward and northward, during the night we lost allthat we had gained. Next morning, being still off the S. W. Point ofthe island, some canoes came off; but they had nothing that we werein want of. We had now neither fruit nor roots, and were under anecessity of making use of some of our sea-provisions. At length, somecanoes from the northward brought us a small supply of hogs and roots. 

We had variable light airs next to a calm, the following day, tillfive in the afternoon, when a small breeze at E. N. E. Springing up, we were at last enabled to steer along shore to the northward. Theweather being fine, we had plenty of company this day, and abundanceof every thing. Many of our visitors remained with us on board allnight, and we towed their canoes astern. 

At day-break on the 16th, seeing the appearance of a bay, I sent MrBligh, with a boat from each ship, to examine it, being at this timethree leagues off. Canoes now began to arrive from all parts; so thatbefore ten o'clock, there were no fewer than a thousand about the twoships, most of them crowded with people, and well laden with hogs andother productions of the island. We had the most satisfying proof oftheir friendly intentions; for we did not see a single person who hadwith him a weapon of any sort. Trade and curiosity alone had broughtthem off. Among such numbers as we had at times on board, it is nowonder that some should betray a thievish disposition. One of ourvisitors took out of the ship a boat's rudder. He was discovered, but too late to recover it. I thought this a good opportunity to shewthese people the use of fire-arms; and two or three muskets, and asmany four-pounders, were fired over the canoe, which carried offthe rudder. As it was not intended that any of the shot should takeeffect, the surrounding multitude of natives seemed rather moresurprised than frightened. 

In the evening Mr Bligh returned, and reported, that he had founda bay in which was good anchorage, and fresh water in a situationtolerably easy to be come at. Into this bay I resolved to carry theships, there to refit, and supply ourselves with every refreshmentthat the place could afford. As night approached, the greater part ofour visitors retired to the shore, but numbers of them requested ourpermission to sleep on board. Curiosity was not the only motive, atleast with some; for, the next morning, several things were missing, which determined me not to entertain so many another night. 

At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, we anchored in the bay, (which iscalled by the natives _Karakakooa_, ) in thirteen fathoms water, overa sandy bottom, and about a quarter of a mile from the N. E. Shore. In this situation, the S. Point of the bay bore S. By W. , and theN. Point W. 1/2 N. We moored with the stream-anchor and cable to thenorthward, unbent the sails, and struck yards and top-masts. The shipscontinued to be much crowded with natives, and were surrounded by amultitude of canoes. I had no where, in the course of my voyage, seenso numerous a body of people assembled at one place. For, besidesthose who had come off to us in canoes, all the shore of the bay wascovered with spectators, and many hundreds were swimming roundthe ships like shoals of fish. We could not but be struck with thesingularity of this scene; and perhaps there were few on board whonow lamented our having failed in our endeavours to find a northernpassage homeward last summer. To this disappointment we owed ourhaving it in our power to revisit the _Sandwich Islands_, and toenrich our voyage with a discovery which, though the last, seemed, inmany respects, to be the most important that had hitherto been made byEuropeans, throughout the extent of the Pacific Ocean. [6]

[Footnote 6: Thus ends Captain Cook's journal of his proceedings, andthe visible satisfaction which pervades the concluding sentences, asis noticed in the Biog. Brit. , must strike the mind of every reader. They indicate the high value which our navigator attached to this lastdiscovery, now so irrevocably, but so painfully, associated with thehonours of his name; whilst, in his unapprehending confidence, and thewonted calmness of his style, we see the agency of that beneficent lawin our system, by which we are preserved ignorant of the evils thatevery hour and moment of our time may bring over us. Nor ought weto omit remarking as something peculiar, that Cook's allusion to thepresent comfortable opinion and feelings of his associates on thefailure of their labours in the northern hemisphere, founded, nodoubt, on the general expression of satisfaction, serves as a materialaggravation, in the way of contrast, to our conceptions of theirsubsequent distress and grief, under the calamity of his mostafflicting death. --E. ]

CHAPTER V. 

CAPTAIN KING'S JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON RETURNING TO THESANDWICH ISLANDS. [1]

SECTION I. 

_Description of Karakakooa Bay. --Vast Concourse of the Natives. --Powerof the Chiefs over the inferior People. --Visit from Koah, a Priest andWarrior. --The Morai at Kakooa described. --Ceremonies at the Landingof Captain Cook. --Observatories erected. --Powerful Operation of theTaboo. --Method of Salting Pork in Tropical Climates. --Society ofPriests discovered. --Their Hospitality and Munificence. --Reception ofCaptain Cook. --Artifice of Koah. --Arrival of Terreoboo, King of theIsland. --Returned by Captain Cook. _

[Footnote 1: The reader is informed once for all, that the notes tothe remainder of this voyage, to which no signature is attached, are to be considered as forming a part of Captain King's ownpublication. --E. ]

Karakakooa Bay is situated on the west side of the island of Owhyhee, in a district called Akona. It is about a mile in depth, and boundedby two low points of land, at the distance of half a league, andbearing S. S. E. And N. N. W. From each other. On the north point, whichis flat and barren, stands the village of Kowrowa; and in the bottomof the bay, near a grove of tall cocoa-nut trees, there is anothervillage of a more considerable size, called Kakooa; between them runsa high rocky cliff, inaccessible from the sea shore. On the southside, the coast, for about a mile inland, has a rugged appearance;beyond which the country rises with a gradual ascent, and isoverspread with cultivated enclosures and groves of cocoa-nut trees, where the habitations of the natives are scattered in great numbers. The shore, all round the bay, is covered with a black coral rock, which makes the landing very dangerous in rough weather, except at thevillage of Kakooa, where there is a fine sandy beach, with a _morai_, or burying-place, at one extremity, and a small well of fresh water atthe other. This bay appearing to Captain Cook a proper place to refitthe ships, and lay in an additional supply of water and provisions, we moored on the north side, about a quarter of a mile from the shore, Kowrowa bearing W. N. W. 

As soon as the inhabitants perceived our intention of anchoring inthe bay, they came off from the shore in astonishing numbers, andexpressed their joy by singing and shouting, and exhibiting a varietyof wild and extravagant gestures. The sides, the decks, and rigging ofboth ships were soon completely covered with them, and a multitudeof women and boys, who had not been able to get canoes, came swimminground us in shoals, many of whom not finding room on board, remainedthe whole day playing in the water. 

Among the chiefs who came on board the Resolution, was a youngman, called Pareea, whom we soon perceived to be a person of greatauthority. On presenting himself to Captain Cook, he told him, thathe was _Jakanee_[2] to the king of the island, who was at that timeengaged on a military expedition at Mowee, and was expected to returnwithin three or four days. A few presents from Captain Cook attachedhim entirely to our interests, and he became exceedingly useful tous in the management of his countrymen, as we had soon occasion toexperience. For we had not been long at anchor, when it was observedthat the Discovery had such a number of people hanging on one side, asoccasioned her to heel considerably; and that the men were unable tokeep off the crowds which continued pressing into her. Captain Cook, being apprehensive that she might suffer some injury, pointed out thedanger to Pareea, who immediately went to their assistance, clearedthe ship of its encumbrances, and drove away the canoes thatsurrounded her. 

[Footnote 2: We afterward met with several others of the samedenomination; but whether it be an office, or some degree of affinity, we could never learn with certainty. ]

The authority of the chiefs over the inferior people appeared fromthis incident to be of the most despotic kind. A similar instanceof it happened the same day on board the Resolution, where the crowdbeing so great, as to impede the necessary business of the ship, wewere obliged to have recourse to the assistance of Kaneena, another oftheir chiefs, who had likewise attached himself to Captain Cook. The inconvenience we laboured under being made known, he immediatelyordered his countrymen to quit the vessel; and we were not a littlesurprised to see them jump overboard, without a moment's hesitation, all except one man, who, loitering behind, and shewing someunwillingness to obey, Kaneena took him up in his arms, and threw himinto the sea. 

Both these chiefs were men of strong and well-proportioned bodies, and of countenances remarkably pleasing; Kaneena especially, whoseportrait Mr Webber has drawn, was one of the finest men I ever saw. He was about six feet high, had regular and expressive features, withlively, dark eyes; his carriage was easy, firm, and graceful. 

It has been already mentioned, that, during our long cruise off thisisland, the inhabitants had always behaved with great fairness andhonesty in their dealings, and had not shewn the slightest propensityto theft, which appeared to us the more extraordinary, because thosewith whom we had hitherto held any intercourse, were of the lowestrank, either servants or fishermen. We now found the case exceedinglyaltered. The immense crowd of islanders, which blocked up every partof the ships, not only afforded frequent opportunity of pilferingwithout risk of discovery, but our inferiority in number held fortha prospect of escaping with impunity in case of detection. Anothercircumstance, to which we attributed this alteration in theirbehaviour, was the presence and encouragement of their chiefs;for, generally tracing the booty into the possession of some menof consequence, we had the strongest reason to suspect that thesedepredations were committed at their instigation. 

Soon after the Resolution had got into her station, our two friends, Pareea and Kaneena, brought on board a third chief, named Koah, who, we were told, was a priest, and had been in his youth a distinguishedwarrior. He was a little old man, of an emaciated figure, his eyesexceedingly sore and red, and his body covered with a white leprousscurf, the effects of an immoderate use of the _ava_. Being led intothe cabin, he approached Captain Cook with great veneration, and threwover his shoulders a piece of red cloth, which he had brought alongwith him. Then stepping a few paces back, he made an offering of asmall pig which he held in his hand, whilst he pronounced a discoursethat lasted for a considerable time. This ceremony was frequentlyrepeated during our stay at Owhyhee, and appeared to us, from manycircumstances, to be a sort of religious adoration. Their idols wefound always arrayed with red cloth, in the same manner as was doneto Captain Cook, and a small pig was their usual offering to the_Eatooas_. Their speeches, or prayers, were uttered too with areadiness and volubility that indicated them to be according to someformulary. 

When this ceremony was over, Koah dined with Captain Cook, eatingplentifully of what was set before him, but, like the rest of theinhabitants of the islands in these seas, could scarcely be prevailedon to taste a second time our wine or spirits. In the evening, CaptainCook, attended by Mr Bayly and myself, accompanied him on ashore. Welanded at the beach, and were received by four men, who carried wandstipt with dog's hair, and marched before us, pronouncing with a loudvoice a short sentence, in which we could only distinguish the word_Orono_. [3] The crowd, which had been collected on the shore, retiredat our approach; and not a person was to be seen, except a few lyingprostrate on the ground, near the huts of the adjoining village. 

[Footnote 3: Captain Cook generally went by this name amongst thenatives of Owhyhee, but we could never learn its precise meaning. Sometimes they applied it to an invisible being, who, they said, lived in the heavens. We also found that it was a title belonging to apersonage of great rank and power in the island, who resembles prettymuch the Delai Lama of the Tartars, and the ecclesiastical emperor ofJapan. ]

Before I proceed to relate the adoration that was paid to CaptainCook, and the peculiar ceremonies with which he was received on thisfatal island, it will be necessary to describe the _morai_, situated, as I have already mentioned, at the south side of the beach at_Kakooa_. It was a square solid pile of stones, about forty yardslong, twenty broad, and fourteen in height. The top was flat, and wellpaved, and surrounded by a wooden rail, on which were fixed the scullsof the captives, sacrificed on the death of their chiefs. In thecentre of the area, stood a ruinous old building of wood, connectedwith a rail, on each side, by a stone wall, which divided the wholespace into two parts. On the side next the country were five poles, upward of twenty feet high, supporting an irregular kind of scaffold;on the opposite side, toward the sea, stood two small houses, with acovered communication. 

We were conducted by Koah to the top of this pile by an easy ascent, leading from the beach to the N. W. Corner of the area. At theentrance, we saw two large wooden images, with features violentlydistorted, and a long piece of carved wood, of a conical forminverted, rising from the top of their heads, the rest was withoutform, and wrapped round with red cloth. We were here met by a tallyoung man, with a long beard, who presented Captain Cook to theimages, and after chanting a kind of hymn, in which he was joined byKoah, they led us to that end of the _morai_ where the five poles werefixed. At the foot of them were twelve images ranged in a semicircularform, and before the middle figure stood a high stand or table, exactly resembling the _whatta_[4] of Otaheite, on which lay a putridhog, and under it pieces of sugar-cane, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, plantains, and sweet potatoes. Koah having placed the captain underthis stand, took down the hog, and held it toward him; and afterhaving a second time addressed him in a long speech, pronounced withmuch vehemence and rapidity, he let it fall on the ground, and led himto the scaffolding, which they began to climb together, not withoutgreat risk of falling. At this time we saw, coming in solemnprocession, at the entrance of the top of the _morai_, ten mencarrying a live hog, and a large piece of red cloth. Being advanceda few paces, they stopped, and prostrated themselves; and Kaireekeea, the young man above-mentioned, went to them and received the cloth, carried it to Koah, who wrapped it round the captain, and afterwardoffered him the hog, which was brought by Kaireekeea with the sameceremony. 

[Footnote 4: See Captain Cook's former voyage. ]

Whilst Captain Cook was aloft in this awkward situation, swathedround with red cloth, and with difficulty keeping his hold amongst thepieces of rotten scaffolding, Kaireekeea and Koah began their office, chanting sometimes in concert, and sometimes alternately. This lasteda considerable time; at length Koah let the hog drop, when he andthe captain descended together. He then led him to the images beforementioned, and having said something to each in a sneering tone, snapping his fingers at them as he passed, he brought him to that inthe centre, which, from its being covered with red cloth, appearedto be in greater estimation than the rest. Before this figure heprostrated himself, and kissed it, desiring Captain Cook to do thesame, who suffered himself to be directed by Koah throughout the wholeof this ceremony. 

We were now led back into the other division of the _morai_, wherethere was a space, ten or twelve feet square, sunk about three feetbelow the level of the area. Into this we descended, and Captain Cookwas seated between two wooden idols, Koah supporting one of his arms, whilst I was desired to support the other. At this time arrived asecond procession of natives, carrying a baked hog and a pudding, somebread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other vegetables. When they approachedus, Kaireekeea put himself at their head, and presenting the pig toCaptain Cook in the usual manner, began the same kind of chant asbefore, his companions making regular responses. We observed, that, after every response, their parts became gradually shorter, till, toward the close, Kaireekeea's consisted of only two or three words, which the rest answered by the word _orono_. 

When this offering was concluded, which lasted a quarter of an hour, the natives sat down fronting us, and began to cut up the bakedhog, to peel the vegetables, and break the cocoa-nuts, whilst othersemployed themselves in brewing the _ava_, which is done by chewing it, in the same manner as at the Friendly Islands. Kaireekeea then tookpart of the kernel of a cocoa-nut, which he chewed, and wrapping itin a piece of cloth, rubbed with it the captain's face, head, hands, arms, and shoulders. The _ava_ was then handed round, and after wehad tasted it, Koah and Pareea began to pull the flesh of the hog inpieces, and to put it into our mouths. I had no great objection tobeing fed by Pareea, who was very cleanly in his person, but CaptainCook, who was served by Koah, recollecting the putrid hog, could notswallow a morsel; and his reluctance, as may be supposed, was notdiminished, when the old man, according to his own mode of civility, had chewed it for him. 

When this last ceremony was finished, which Captain Cook put an endto as soon as he decently could, we quitted the _morai_, afterdistributing amongst the people some pieces of iron and other trifles, with which they seemed highly gratified. The men with wands conductedus to the boats, repeating the same words as before. The people againretired, and the few that remained, prostrated themselves as we passedalong the shore. We immediately went on board, our minds full of whatwe had seen, and extremely well satisfied with the good disposition ofour new friends. The meaning of the various ceremonies with whichwe had been received, and which, on account of their novelty andsingularity, have been related at length, can only be the subjectof conjectures, and those uncertain and partial; they were, however, without doubt, expressive of high respect on the part of the natives;and, as far as related to the person of Captain Cook, they seemedapproaching to adoration. 

The next morning, I went on shore with a guard of eight marines, including the corporal and lieutenant, having orders to erect theobservatory in such a situation as might best enable me to superintendand protect the waterers, and the other working parties that were tobe on shore. As we were viewing a spot conveniently situated for thispurpose, in the middle of the village, Pareea, who was always readyto shew both his power and his good-will, offered to pull down somehouses that would have obstructed our observations. However, wethought it proper to decline this offer, and fixed on a field of sweetpotatoes adjoining to the _morai_, which was readily granted us; andthe priests, to prevent the intrusion of the natives, immediatelyconsecrated the place, by fixing their wands round the wall by whichit was enclosed. 

This sort of religious interdiction they call _taboo_, a word we heardoften repeated, during our stay amongst these islanders, and foundto be of very powerful and extensive operation. A more particularexplanation of it will be given in the general account of theseislands, under the article of religion; at present it is onlynecessary to observe, that it procured us even more privacy than wedesired. No canoes ever presumed to land near us; the natives sat onthe wall, but none offered to come within the _tabooed_ space, till hehad obtained our permission. But though the men, at our request, wouldcome across the field with provisions, yet not all our endeavourscould prevail on the women to approach us. Presents were tried, butwithout effect; Pareea and Koah were tempted to bring them, but invain; we were invariably answered, that the _Eatooa_ and _Terreeoboo_(which was the name of their king) would kill them. This circumstanceafforded no small matter of amusement to our friends on board, wherethe crowds of people, and particularly of women, that continued toflock thither, obliged them almost every hour to clear the vessel, inorder to have room to do the necessary duties of the ship. On theseoccasions, two or three hundred women were frequently made to jumpinto the water at once, where they continued swimming and playingabout, till they could again procure admittance. 

From the 19th to the 24th, when Pareea and Koah left us to attendTerreeoboo, who had landed on some other part of the island, nothingvery material happened on board. The caulkers were set to work onthe sides of the ships, and the rigging was carefully overhauled andrepaired. The salting of hogs for sea-store was also a constant, and one of the principal objects of Captain Cook's attention. As thesuccess we met with in this experiment, during our present voyage, wasmuch more complete than it had been in any former attempt of the samekind, it may not be improper to give an account of the detail of theoperation. 

It has generally been thought impracticable to cure the flesh ofanimals by salting in tropical climates, the progress of putrefactionbeing so rapid, as not to allow time for the salt to take (as theyexpress it) before the meat gets a taint, which prevents the effect ofthe pickle. We do not find that experiments, relative to this subject, have been made by the navigators of any nation before Captain Cook. Inhis first trials, which were made in 1774, during his second voyage tothe Pacific Ocean, the success he met with, though very imperfect, wasyet sufficient to convince him of the error of the received opinion. As the voyage, in which he was now engaged, was likely to beprotracted a year beyond the time for which the ships had beenvictualled, he was under the necessity of providing, by some suchmeans, for the subsistence of the crews, or of relinquishingthe further prosecution of his discoveries. He therefore lost noopportunity of renewing his attempts, and the event answered his mostsanguine expectations. 

The hogs which we made use of for this purpose, were of various sizes, weighing from four to twelve stone. [5] The time of slaughtering wasalways in the afternoon; and as soon as the hair was scalded off, andthe entrails removed, the hog was divided into pieces of four or eightpounds each, and the bones of the legs and chine taken out, and, inthe larger sort, the ribs also. Every piece then being carefully wipedand examined, and the veins cleared of the coagulated blood, they werehanded to the salters, whilst the flesh remained still warm. Afterthey had been well rubbed with salt, they were placed in a heap on astage raised in the open air, covered with planks, and pressed withthe heaviest weights we could lay on them. In this situation theyremained till the next evening, when they were again well wiped andexamined, and the suspicious parts taken away. They were then put intoa tub of strong pickle, where they were always looked over onceor twice a day, and if any piece had not taken the salt, which wasreadily discovered by the smell of the pickle, they were immediatelytaken out, re-examined, and the sound pieces put to fresh pickle. This, however, after the precautions before used, seldom happened. After six days, they were taken out, examined for the last time, andbeing again slightly pressed, they were packed in barrels, with a thinlayer of salt between them. I brought home with me some barrels ofthis pork, which was pickled at Owhyhee in January, 1779, and wastasted by several persons in England about Christmas, 1780, and foundperfectly sound and wholesome. [6]

[Footnote 5: 14 lb. ]

[Footnote 6: Since these papers were prepared for the press, I havebeen informed by Mr Vancouver, who was one of my midshipmen in theDiscovery, and was afterward appointed lieutenant of the Martin sloopof war, that he tried the method here recommended, both with Englishand Spanish pork, during a cruize on the Spanish Main, in the year1782, and succeeded to the utmost of his expectations. He alsomade the experiment at Jamaica with the beef served by thevictualling-office to the ships, but not with the same success, whichhe attributes to the want of the necessary precautions in killing andhandling the beasts; to their being hung up and opened before theyhad sufficient time to bleed, by which means the blood-vessels wereexposed to the air, and the blood condensed before it had time toempty itself, and to their being hard driven and bruised. He adds, that having himself attended to the killing of an ox, which wascarefully taken on board the Martin, he salted a part of it, which, atthe end of the week, was found to have taken the salt completely, and he has no doubt would have kept for any length of time; but theexperiment was not tried. ]

I shall now return to our transactions on shore at the observatory, where we had not been long settled before we discovered, in ourneighbourhood, the habitation of a society of priests, whose regularattendance at the _morai_ had excited our curiosity. Their huts stoodround a pond of water, and were surrounded by a grove of cocoa-nuttrees, which separated them from the beach and the rest of thevillage, and gave the place an air of religious retirement. On myacquainting Captain Cook with these circumstances, he resolved to paythem a visit; and, as he expected to be received in the same manneras before, he brought Mr Webber with him to make a drawing of theceremony. 

On his arrival at the beach, he was conducted to a sacred buildingcalled _Harre-no-Orono_, or the house of _Orono_, and seated beforethe entrance, at the foot of a wooden idol, of the same kind withthose on the _morai_. I was here again made to support one of hisarms; and, after wrapping him in red cloth, Kaireekeea, accompanied bytwelve priests, made an offering of a pig with the usual solemnities. The pig was then strangled, and a fire being kindled, it was throwninto the embers, and after the hair was singed off, it was againpresented, with a repetition of the chanting in the manner described. The dead pig was then held for a short time under the captain'snose, after which it was laid, with a cocoa-nut, at his feet, and theperformers sat down. The _ava_ was then brewed, and handed round; afat hog, ready dressed, was brought in, and we were fed as before. 

During the rest of the time we remained in the bay, whenever CaptainCook came on shore, he was attended by one of these priests, who wentbefore him, giving notice that the _Orono_ had landed, and orderingthe people to prostrate themselves. The same person, also, constantlyaccompanied him on the water, standing in the bow of the boat, with awand in his hand, and giving notice of his approach to the natives whowere in canoes, on which they immediately left off paddling, and laydown on their faces till he had passed. Whenever he stopped at theobservatory, Kaireekeea and his brethren immediately made theirappearance with hogs, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, &c. And presented themwith the usual solemnities. It was on these occasions that some ofthe inferior chiefs frequently requested to be permitted to make anoffering to the _Orono_. When this was granted, they presented thehog themselves, generally with evident marks of fear in theircountenances, whilst Kaireekeea and the priests chanted theiraccustomed hymns. 

The civilities of this society were not, however, confined to mereceremony and parade. Our party on shore received from them, every day, a constant supply of hogs and vegetables, more than sufficient for oursubsistence; and several canoes, loaded with provisions, were sent tothe ships with the same punctuality. No return was ever demanded, oreven hinted at in the most distant manner. Their presents were madewith a regularity, more like the discharge of a religious duty, thanthe effect of mere liberality; and when we enquired at whose chargeall this munificence was displayed, we were told, it was at theexpence of a great man called Kaoo, the chief of the priests, andgrandfather to Kaireekeea, who was at that time absent attending theking of the island. 

As every thing relating to the character and behaviour of this peoplemust be interesting to the reader, on account of the tragedy that wasafterwards acted here, it will be proper to acquaint him, that wehad not always so much reason to be satisfied with the conduct of thewarrior chiefs, or _Earees_, as with that of the priests. In all ourdealings with the former, we found them sufficiently attentive totheir own interests; and besides their habit of stealing, which mayadmit of some excuse, from the universality of the practice amongstthe islanders of these seas, they made use of other artificesequally dishonourable. I shall only mention one instance, in whichwe discovered, with regret, our friend Koah to be a party principallyconcerned. As the chiefs, who brought us presents of hogs, were alwayssent back handsomely rewarded, we had generally a greater supply thanwe could make use of. On these occasions, Koah, who never failed inhis attendance on us, used to beg such as we did not want, andthey were always given to him. It one day happened, that a pig waspresented us by a man whom Koah himself introduced as a chief, who wasdesirous of paying his respects, and we recollected the pig to bethe same that had been given to Koah just before. This leading us tosuspect some trick, we found, on further enquiry, the pretendedchief to be an ordinary person; and on connecting this with othercircumstances, we had reason to suspect, that it was not the firsttime we had been the dupes of the like imposition. 

Things continued in this state till the 24th, when we were a good dealsurprised to find that no canoes were suffered to put off from theshore, and that the natives kept close to their houses. After severalhours suspense, we learned that the bay was _tabooed_, and allintercourse with us interdicted, on account of the arrival ofTerreeoboo. As we had not foreseen an accident of this sort, the crewsof both ships were obliged to pass the day without their usual supplyof vegetables. The next morning, therefore, they endeavoured, both bythreats and promises, to induce the natives to come along-side; and assome of them were at last venturing to put off, a chief was observedattempting to drive them away. A musket was immediately fired overhis head, to make him desist, which had the desired effect, andrefreshments were soon after purchased, as usual. In the afternoon, Terreeoboo arrived, and visited the ships in a private manner, attended only by one canoe, in which were his wife and children. Hestaid on board till near ten o'clock, when he returned to the villageof Kowrowa. 

The next day, about noon, the king, in a large canoe, attended bytwo others, set out from the village, and paddled toward the ships ingreat state. Their appearance was grand and magnificent. In the firstcanoe was Terreeoboo and his chiefs, dressed in their rich featheredcloaks and helmets, and armed with long spears and daggers; in thesecond, came the venerable Kaoo, the chief of the priests, and hisbrethren, with their idols displayed on red cloth. These idols werebusts of a gigantic size, made of wicker-work, and curiously coveredwith small feathers of various colours, wrought in the same mannerwith their cloaks. Their eyes were made of large pearl oysters, with ablack nut fixed in the centre; their mouths were set with a double rowof the fangs of dogs, and, together with the rest of their features, were strangely distorted. The third canoe was filled with hogs andvarious sorts of vegetables. As they went along, the priests inthe centre-canoe sung their hymns with great solemnity; and, afterpaddling round the ships, instead of going on board, as was expected, they made toward the shore at the beach where we were stationed. [7]

[Footnote 7: The presents were made to Captain Cook after he went onshore. ]

As soon as I saw them approaching, I ordered out our little guard toreceive the king; and Captain Cook, perceiving that he was going onshore, followed him, and arrived nearly at the same time. We conductedthem into the tent, where they had scarcely been seated, when theking rose up, and in a very graceful manner threw over the captain'sshoulders the cloak he himself wore, put a feathered helmet upon hishead, and a curious fan into his hand. He also spread at his feet fiveor six other cloaks, all exceedingly beautiful, and of the greatestvalue. His attendants then brought four very large hogs, withsugar-canes, cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit; and this part of theceremony was concluded by the king's exchanging names with CaptainCook, which, amongst all the islanders of the Pacific Ocean, isesteemed the strongest pledge of friendship. A procession of priests, with a venerable old personage at their head, now appeared, followedby a long train, of men leading large hogs, and others carryingplantains, sweet potatoes, &c. By the looks and gestures ofKaireekeea, I immediately knew the old man to be the chief of thepriests before mentioned, on whose bounty we had so long subsisted. Hehad a piece of red cloth in his hands, which he wrapped round CaptainCook's shoulders, and afterwards presented him with a small pig inthe usual form. A seat was then made for him, next to the king, afterwhich, Kaireekeea and his followers began their ceremonies, Kaoo andthe chiefs joining in the responses. 

I was surprised to see, in the person of this king, the same infirmand emaciated old man, that came on board the Resolution when we wereoff the north-east side of the island of Mowee; and we soon discoveredamongst his attendants, most of the persons who at that time hadremained with us all night. Of this number were the two younger sonsof the king, the eldest of whom was sixteen years of age, andhis nephew Maiha-Maiha, whom at first we had some difficulty inrecollecting, his hair being plastered over with a dirty brown pasteand powder, which was no mean heightening to the most savage face Iever beheld. 

As soon as the formalities of the meeting were over. Captain Cookcarried Terreeoboo, and as many chiefs as the pinnace could hold, onboard the Resolution. They were received with every mark of respectthat could be shewn them; and Captain Cook, in return for thefeathered cloak, put a linen shirt on the king, and girt his ownhanger round him. The ancient Kaoo, and about half a dozen old chiefs, remained on shore, and took up their abode at the priests' houses. During all this time, not a canoe was seen in the bay, and the nativeseither kept within their huts, or lay prostrate on the ground. Beforethe king left the Resolution, Captain Cook obtained leave for thenatives to come and trade with the ships as usual; but the women, forwhat reason we could not learn, still continued under the effects ofthe _taboo_; that is, were forbidden to stir from home, or to have anycommunication with us. 

SECTION II. 

_Farther Account of Transactions with the Natives. --TheirHospitality. --Propensity to Theft. --Description of a BoxingMatch. --Death of one of our Seamen. --Behaviour of the Priests athis funeral. --The Wood Work and Images on the Morai purchased. --TheNatives inquisitive about our Departure. --Their Opinion about theDesign of our Voyage. --Magnificent Presents of Terreeoboo to CaptainCook. --The Ships leave the Island. --The Resolution damaged in a Gale, and obliged to return. _

The quiet and inoffensive behaviour of the natives having taken awayevery apprehension of danger, we did not hesitate to trust ourselvesamongst them at all times, and in all situations. The officers of bothships went daily up the country, in small parties, or even singly, and frequently remained out the whole night. It would be endless torecount all the instances of kindness and civility which we receivedupon those occasions. Wherever we went, the people flocked about us, eager to offer every assistance in their power, and highly gratified, if their services were accepted. Various little arts were practised toattract our notice, or to delay our departure. The boys and girls ranbefore, as we walked through their villages, and stopped us at everyopening, where there was room to form a group for dancing. At onetime, we were invited to accept a draught of cocoa-nut milk, or someother refreshment, under the shade of their huts; at another, we wereseated within a circle of young women, who exerted all their skill andagility to amuse us with songs and dances. 

The satisfaction we derived from their gentleness and hospitality was, however, frequently interrupted by the propensity to stealing, whichthey have in common with all the other islanders of these seas. Thiscircumstance was the more distressing, as it sometimes obliged usto have recourse to acts of severity, which we should willingly haveavoided, if the necessity of the case had not absolutely called forthem. Some of their most expert swimmers were one day discovered underthe ships, drawing out the filling nails of the sheathing, whichthey performed very dexterously by means of a short stick, with aflint-stone fixed in the end of it. To put a stop to this practice, which endangered the very existence of the vessels, we at first firedsmall shot at the offenders; but they easily got out of our reach bydiving under the ship's bottom. It was therefore found necessary tomake an example, by flogging one of them on board the Discovery. 

About this time, a large party of gentlemen, from both ships, set outon an excursion into the interior parts of the country, with a view ofexamining its natural productions. An account of this journey will begiven in a subsequent part of our narrative. It is, therefore, only necessary at present to observe, that it afforded Kaoo a freshopportunity of shewing his attention and generosity. For as soon as hewas informed of their departure, he sent a large supply of provisionsafter them, together with orders, that the inhabitants of the countrythrough which they were to pass, should give them every assistance intheir power. And, to complete the delicacy and disinterestedness ofhis conduct, even the people he employed could not be prevailed onto accept the smallest present. After remaining out six days, ourofficers returned, without having been able to penetrate above twentymiles into the island, partly from want of proper guides, and partlyfrom the impracticability of the country. 

The head of the Resolution's rudder being found exceedingly shaken, and most of the pintles either loose or broken, it was unhung, andsent on shore on the 27th in the morning, to undergo a thoroughrepair. At the same time the carpenters were sent into the country, under conduct of some of Kaoo's people, to cut planks for the headrail-work, which was also entirely decayed and rotten. 

On the 28th, Captain Clerke, whose ill health confined him, for themost part, on board, paid Terreeoboo, his first visit, at his hut onshore. He was received with the same formalities as were observedwith Captain Cook; and, on his coming away, though the visit was quiteunexpected, he received a present of thirty large hogs, and as muchfruit and roots as his crew could consume in a week. 

As we had not yet seen any thing of their sports or athleticexercises, the natives, at the request of some of our officers, entertained us this evening with a boxing-match. Though these gameswere much inferior, as well in point of solemnity and magnificence, as in the skill and powers of the combatants, to what we had seenexhibited at the Friendly Islands; yet, as they differed in someparticulars, it may not be improper to give a short account of them. We found a vast concourse of people assembled on a level spot ofground, at a little distance from our tents. A long space was leftvacant in the midst of them, at the upper end of which sat the judges, under three standards, from which hung slips of cloth of variouscolours, the skins of two wild geese, a few small birds, and bunchesof feathers. When the sports were ready to begin, the signal was givenby the judges, and immediately two combatants appeared. They cameforward slowly, lifting up their feet very high behind, and drawingtheir hands along the soles. As they approached, they frequentlyeyed each other from head to foot, in a contemptuous manner, castingseveral arch looks at the spectators, straining their muscles, andusing a variety of affected gestures. Being advanced within reach ofeach other, they stood with both arms held out straight before theirfaces, at which part all their blows were aimed. They struck, in whatappeared to our eyes an awkward manner, with a full swing of the arm;made no attempt to parry, but eluded their adversary's attack by aninclination of the body, or by retreating. The battle was quicklydecided; for if either of them was knocked down, or even fell byaccident, he was considered as vanquished, and the victor expressedhis triumph by a variety of gestures, which usually excited, as wasintended, a loud laugh among the spectators. He then waited for asecond antagonist, and, if again victorious, for a third, till hewas at last, in his turn, defeated. A singular rule observed in thesecombats is, that whilst any two are preparing to fight, a third personmay step in, and choose either of them for his antagonist, when theother is obliged to withdraw. Sometimes three or four followed eachother in this manner, before the match was settled. When the combatproved longer than usual, or appeared too unequal, one of the chiefsgenerally stepped in, and ended it by putting a stick between thecombatants. The same good humour was preserved throughout, which webefore so much admired in the Friendly Islanders. As these games weregiven at our desire, we found it universally expected that we shouldhave borne our part in them; but our people, though much pressed bythe natives, turned a deaf ear to their challenge, remembering fullwell the blows they got at the Friendly Islands. 

This day died William Watman, a seaman of the gunner's crew; an eventwhich I mention the more particularly, as death had hitherto been veryrare amongst us. He was an old man, and much respected on account ofhis attachment to Captain Cook. He had formerly served as a marinetwenty-one years; after which, he entered as a seaman on board theResolution in 1772, and served with. Captain Cook in his voyagetoward the South Pole. At their return, he was admitted into Greenwichhospital, through the captain's interest, at the same time withhimself; and being resolved to follow throughout the fortunes of hisbenefactor, he also quitted it along with him, on his being appointedto the command of the present expedition. During the voyage, he hadbeen frequently subject to slight fevers, and was a convalescent whenwe came into the bay, where, being sent on shore for a few days, he conceived himself perfectly recovered, and, at his own desire, returned on board; but the day following, he had a paralytic stroke, which in two days more carried him off. 

At the request of the king of the island, he was buried on the_morai_, and the ceremony was performed with as much solemnity as oursituation permitted. Old Kaoo and his brethren were spectators, andpreserved the most profound silence and attention, whilst the servicewas reading. When we began to fill up the grave, they approachedit with great reverence, threw in a dead pig, some cocoa-nuts, andplantains; and, for three nights afterward, they surrounded it, sacrificing hogs, and performing their usual ceremonies of hymns andprayers, which continued till day-break. 

At the head of the grave we erected a post, and nailed upon ita square piece of board, on which was inscribed the name of thedeceased, his age, and the day of his death. This they promised not toremove; and we have no doubt but that it will be suffered to remain aslong as the frail materials of which it is made will permit. 

The ships being in great want of fuel, the captain desired me, on the2d of February, to treat with the priests, for the purchase of therail that surrounded the top of the _morai_. I must confess, I had, at first, some doubt about the decency of this proposal, and wasapprehensive, that even the bare mention of it might be considered, bythem, as a piece of shocking impiety. In this, however, I found myselfmistaken. Not the smallest surprise was expressed at the application, and the wood was readily given, even without stipulating for any thingin return. Whilst the sailors were taking it away, I observed one ofthem carrying off a carved image; and, on farther enquiry, I foundthat they had conveyed to the boats the whole semicircle. [1] Thoughthis was done in the presence of the natives, who had not shewn anymark of resentment at it, but had even assisted them in the removal. I thought it proper to speak to Kaoo on the subject, who appeared veryindifferent about the matter, and only desired, that we would restorethe centre image I have mentioned before, which he carried into one ofthe priests houses. 

[Footnote 1: See description of the _morai_ in the preceding Section. ]

Terreeoboo and his chiefs had for some days past been very inquisitiveabout the time of our departure. This circumstance had excited in me agreat curiosity to know what opinion this people had formed of us, andwhat were their ideas respecting the cause and objects of our voyage. I took some pains to satisfy myself on these points; but could neverlearn any thing farther, than that they imagined we came from somecountry where provisions had failed; and that our visit to them wasmerely for the purpose of filling our bellies. Indeed, the meagreappearance of some of our crew, the hearty appetites with which we satdown to their fresh provisions, and our great anxiety to purchase, and carry off, as much as we were able, led them, naturally enough, tosuch a conclusion. To these may be added, a circumstance which puzzledthem exceedingly, our having no women with us; together with our quietconduct and unwarlike appearance. It was ridiculous enough to see themstroking the sides, and patting the bellies of the sailors, (who werecertainly much improved in the sleekness of their looks during ourshort stay in the island), and telling them, partly by signs, andpartly by words, that it was time for them to go; but if they wouldcome again the next bread-fruit season, they should be better able tosupply their wants. [2] We had now been sixteen days in the bay; and ifour enormous consumption of hogs and vegetables be considered, it neednot be wondered that they should wish to see us take our leave. Itis very probable, however, that Terreeoboo had no other view in hisenquiries at present, than a desire of making sufficient preparationfor dismissing us with presents suitable to the respect and kindnesswith which he had received us. For, on our telling him we shouldleave the island on the next day but one, we observed, that a sort ofproclamation was immediately made, through the villages, to requirethe people to bring in their hogs and vegetables, for the king topresent to the _Orono_, on his departure. 

[Footnote 2: Let the reader keep this intimation in mind, when hecomes to judge of the melancholy transactions which issued in thedeath of Cook. It is most clear, that these people were disposed tobe on good terms with their visitors; but that they were equallysensible, on the other hand, of the burden which so many half-starvedguests had imposed on their hospitality. Even this, however, it wouldseem, they were willing to bear, provided only they had had time tomake arrangements to do so, in a manner consistent with their ownnotions of good cheer. It is perfectly easy then to understand, thatwhen, instead of the necessary absence of the strangers till the nextseason of plenty, there elapsed a few days only, as we shall find, itwas impossible for them to form any other conception of the natureor object of the visit, than what served to give a very differentdirection to their feelings. And yet perhaps we shall be induced tobelieve, that all their surprise and uneasiness would have quietlysubsided, if an unfortunate, and, in fact, merely partial altercationhad not excited it beyond its original intensity, and produced amomentary determination to get rid by any means of such troublesomeencroachers. --E. ]

We were this day much diverted, at the beach, by the buffooneries ofone of the natives. He held in his hand an instrument, of the sortdescribed in the last volume; some bits of sea-weed were tied roundhis neck, and round each leg a piece of strong netting, about nineinches deep, on which a great number of dogs' teeth were looselyfastened in rows. His style of dancing was entirely burlesque, andaccompanied with strange grimaces, and pantomimical distortions ofthe face, which, though at times inexpressibly ridiculous, yet, on thewhole, was without much meaning or expression. Mr Webber thought itworth his while to make a drawing of this person, as exhibiting atolerable specimen of the natives; the manner in which the _maro_is tied; the figure of the instrument before mentioned, and of theornaments round the legs, which, at other times, we also saw used bytheir dancers. 

In the evening, we were again entertained with wrestling andboxing-matches; and we displayed, in return, the few fireworks we hadleft. Nothing could be better calculated to excite the admirationof these islanders, and to impress them with an idea of our greatsuperiority, than an exhibition of this kind. Captain Cook has alreadydescribed the extraordinary effects of that which was made at Hapaee;and though the present was, in every respect, infinitely inferior, yetthe astonishment of the natives was not less. 

I have before mentioned, that the carpenters, from both ships, hadbeen sent up the country, to cut planks, for the head rail-work of theResolution. This was the third day since their departure; and havingreceived no intelligence from them, we began to be very anxious fortheir safety. We were communicating our apprehensions to old Kaoo, whoappeared as much concerned as ourselves, and were concerting measureswith him, for sending after them, when they arrived all safe. They hadbeen obliged to go farther into the country than was expected, before they met with trees fit for their purpose; and it was thiscircumstance, together with the badness of the roads, and thedifficulty of bringing back the timber, which had detained them solong. They spoke in high terms of their guides, who both supplied themwith provisions, and guarded their tools with the utmost fidelity. 

The next day being fixed for our departure, Terreeoboo invited CaptainCook and myself to attend him on the 3d, to the place where Kaooresided. On our arrival, we found the ground covered with parcels ofcloth; a vast quantity of red and yellow feathers, tied to the fibresof cocoa-nut husks; and a great number of hatchets, and other piecesof iron-ware, that had been got in barter from us. At a littledistance from these lay an immense quantity of vegetables, of everykind, and near them was a large herd of hogs. At first, we imaginedthe whole to be intended as a present for us, till Kaireekeea informedme, that it was a gift, or tribute, from the people of that districtto the king; and, accordingly, as soon as we were seated, theybrought all the bundles, and laid them severally at Terreeoboo's feet;spreading out the cloth, and displaying the feathers, and iron-ware, before him. The king seemed much pleased with this mark of their duty;and having selected about a third part of the iron-ware, the sameproportion of feathers, and a few pieces of cloth, these were setaside, by themselves; and the remainder of the cloth, together withall the hogs and vegetables, were afterward presented to Captain Cookand myself. We were astonished at the value and magnitude of thispresent, which far exceeded every thing of the kind we had seen, either at the Friendly or Society Islands. Boats were immediately sentto carry them on board; the large hogs were picked out, to be saltedfor sea-store; and upward of thirty smaller pigs, and the vegetables, were divided between the two crews. 

The same day, we quitted the _morai_, and got the tents andastronomical instruments on board. The charm of the _taboo_ was nowremoved; and we had no sooner left the place, than the natives rushedin, and searched eagerly about, in expectation of finding somethingof value, that we might have left behind. As I happened to remain thelast on shore, and waited for the return of the boat, several camecrowding about me, and having made me sit down by them, began tolament our separation. It was, indeed, not without difficulty I wasable to quit them. And here, I hope I may be permitted to relate atrifling occurrence, in which I was principally concerned. Having hadthe command of the party on shore, during the whole time w were inthe bay, I had an opportunity of becoming better acquainted with thenatives, and of being better known to them, than those whose dutyrequired them to be generally on board. As I had every reason to besatisfied with their kindness, in general, so I cannot too often, nortoo particularly, mention the unbounded and constant friendship oftheir priests. 

On my part, I spared no endeavours to conciliate their affections, andgain their esteem; and I had the good fortune to succeed so far, that, when the time of our departure was made known, I was stronglysolicited to remain behind, not without offers of the most flatteringkind. When I excused myself, by saying, that Captain Cook wouldnot give his consent, they proposed, that I should retire into themountains, where, they said, they would conceal me, till after thedeparture of the ships; and on my farther assuring them, that thecaptain would not leave the bay without me, Terreeoboo and Kaoowaited upon Captain Cook, whose son they supposed I was, with a formalrequest, that I might be left behind. The captain, to avoid giving apositive refusal, to an offer so kindly intended, told them, that hecould not part with me at that time, but that he should return to theisland next year, and would then endeavour to settle the matter totheir satisfaction. 

Early in the morning of the 4th, we unmoored, and sailed out of thebay, with the Discovery in company, and were followed by a greatnumber of canoes. Captain Cook's design was to finish the survey ofOwhyhee, before he visited the other islands, in hopes of meeting witha road better sheltered than the bay we had just left; and in case ofnot succeeding here, he purposed to take a view of the south-east partof Mowee, where the natives informed us we should find an excellentharbour. 

We had calm weather all this and the following day, which made ourprogress to the northward very slow. We were accompanied by a greatnumber of the natives in their canoes; and Terreeoboo gave a freshproof of his friendship to Captain Cook, by a large present of hogsand vegetables, that was sent after him. 

In the night of the 5th, having a light breeze off the land, we madesome way to the northward; and in the morning of the 6th, havingpassed the westernmost point of the island, we found ourselves abreastof a deep bay, called by the natives Toe-yah-yah. We had great hopesthat this bay would furnish us with a safe and commodious harbour, as we saw, to the north-east, several fine streams of water, and thewhole had the appearance of being well sheltered. These observationsagreeing with the accounts given us by Koah, who accompanied CaptainCook, and had changed his name, out of compliment to us, intoBritannee, the pinnace was hoisted out, and the master, with Britanneefor his guide, was sent to examine the bay, whilst the ships worked upafter them. 

In the afternoon, the weather became gloomy, and the gusts of wind, that blew off the land, were so violent, as to make it necessary totake in all the sails, and bring-to, under the mizen stay-sail. Allthe canoes left us, at the beginning of the gale; and Mr Bligh, onhis return, had the satisfaction of saving an old woman, and two men, whose canoe had been overset by the violence of the wind, as they wereendeavouring to gain the shore. Besides these distressed people, wehad a great many women on board, whom the natives had left behind, intheir hurry to shift for themselves. 

The master reported to Captain Cook, that he had landed at the onlyvillage he saw, on the north side of the bay, where he was directedto some wells of water; but found they would by no means answer ourpurpose; that he afterward proceeded farther into the bay, whichruns inland to a great depth, and stretches toward the foot of avery conspicuous high mountain, situated on the north-west end of theisland; but that, instead of meeting with safe anchorage, as Britanneehad taught him to expect, he found the shores low and rocky, and aflat bed of coral rocks running along the coast, and extending upwardof a mile from the land; on the outside of which the depth of waterwas twenty fathoms, over a sandy bottom; and that, in the mean time, Britannee had contrived to slip away, being afraid of returning, as weimagined, because his information had not proved true and successful. 

In the evening, the weather being more moderate, we again made sail;but, about midnight, it blew so violently, as to split both the foreand main topsails. On the morning of the 7th, we bent fresh sails, and had fair weather, and a light breeze. At noon, the latitude, byobservation, was 20° 1' N. , the W. Point of the island bearing S. , 7°E. , and the N. W. Point N. , 38° E. As we were, at this time, four orfive leagues from the shore, and the weather very unsettled, noneof the canoes would venture out, so that our guests were obliged toremain with us, much, indeed, to their dissatisfaction; for they wereall sea-sick, and many of them had left young children behind them. 

In the afternoon, though the weather was still squally, we stood infor the land, and being about three leagues from it, we saw a canoe, with two men paddling towards us, which we immediately conjecturedhad been driven off the shore by the late boisterous weather; andtherefore stopped the ship's way, in order to take them in. These poorwretches were so entirely exhausted with fatigue, that had not one ofthe natives on board, observing their weakness, jumped into the canoeto their assistance, they would scarcely have been able to fasten itto the rope we had thrown out for that purpose. It was with difficultywe got them up the ship's side, together with a child, about fouryears old, which they had lashed under the thwarts of the canoe, whereit had lain with only its head above water. They told us, they hadleft the shore the morning before, and had been from that timewithout food or water. The usual precautions were taken in givingthem victuals; and the child being committed to the care of one of thewomen, we found them all next morning perfectly recovered. 

At midnight, a gale of wind came on, which obliged us to double reefthe topsails, and get down the top-gallant yards. On the 8th, atday-break, we found that the foremast had again given way, the fishes, which were put on the head, in King George's, or Nootka Sound, on thecoast of America, being sprung, and the parts so very defective, asto make it absolutely necessary to replace them, and, of course, tounstep the mast. In this difficulty, Captain Cook was for some time indoubt, whether he should run the chance of meeting with a harbour inthe islands to leeward, or return to Karakakooa. That bay was notso remarkably commodious, in any respect, but that a better mightprobably be expected, both for the purpose of repairing the masts, and for procuring refreshments, of which, it was imagined, that theneighbourhood of Karakakooa had been already pretty well drained. Onthe other hand, it was considered as too great a risk to leave aplace that was tolerably sheltered, and which, once left, could not beregained, for the mere hopes of meeting with a better; the failure ofwhich might, perhaps, have left us without resource. 

We, therefore, continued standing on toward the land, in order to givethe natives an opportunity of releasing their friends on board fromtheir confinement; and at noon, being within a mile of the shore, afew canoes came off to us, but so crowded with people, that there wasnot room in them for any of our guests; we therefore hoisted out thepinnace to carry them on shore; and the master, who went with them, had directions to examine the south coasts of the bay for water; butreturned, without finding any. 

The winds being variable, and a current setting strong to thenorthward, we made but little progress in our return; and at eighto'clock in the evening of the 9th, it began to blow very hard from thesouth-east, which obliged us to close reef the topsails; and at two inthe morning of the 10th, in a heavy squall, we found ourselves closein with the breakers, that lie to the northward of the west pointof Owhyhee. We had just room to haul off, and avoid them, and firedseveral guns to apprise the Discovery of the danger. 

In the forenoon the weather was more moderate, and a few canoes cameoff to us; from which we learnt that the late storms had done muchmischief, and that several large canoes had been lost. During theremainder of the day we kept beating to windward; and, before night, we were within a mile of the bay; but, not choosing to run on whileit was dark, we stood off and on till day-light next morning, when wedropt anchor nearly in the same place as before. 

SECTION III. 

_Suspicious Behaviour of the Natives, on our Return to KarakakooaBay. --Theft on Board the Discovery and its Consequences. --ThePinnace attacked, and the Crew obliged to quit her. --Captain Cook'sObservations on the Occasion. --Attempt at the Observatory. --The Cutterof the Discovery stolen. --Measures taken by Captain Cook for itsRecovery. --Goes on Shore to invite the King on Board--The King beingstopped by his Wife and the Chiefs, a Contest arises. --News arrives ofone of the Chiefs being killed by one of our People. --Ferment on thisOccasion. --One of the Chiefs threatens Captain Cook, and is shot byhim. --General Attack by the Natives. --Death of Captain Cook. Accountof the Captain's Services, and a Sketch of his Character. _[1]

[Footnote 1: Every reader must feel so deeply interested in thesubject of this section, that he will naturally desire to possessevery information as to all the facts and circumstances in which itwas involved. Captain King's narrative, it may be conceived, islikely to have every claim to implicit confidence, and to require noadditional statement in order to the most satisfactory convictionof every mind. Such an opinion is only partially correct; and it isevident, that the latter assertion is not a necessary inference fromthe former. The narrative may be imperfect, though quite consistentwith truth, so far as it goes; and perhaps it cannot be carefullyread, without producing an impression somewhat unfavourable tothe notion of its completeness. This might be pointed out, as weproceeded, in the usual manner of notes. But a moment's reflectionwill suggest, that such interference in a case of the kind would provedestructive of the general and proper effect of the relation, andat the same time appear unjust towards the describer. A much bettermethod, and one more likely to obtain attention, presents itself. Thatis, to insert the circumstantial narrative of the whole transaction, which was drawn up by Mr Samwell, surgeon of the Discovery, andcommunicated, with the highest approbation and credit, in theBiographia Britannica, after having been separately published, by theadvice of the editor of that work, for two years, without experiencingany objection or a single impeachment. This, therefore, will be givenat the end of the section; and will be found so extremely interesting, as to justify its reception in an entire form. Its length, however, and minuteness, in addition to reasons already mentioned, willpreclude both room and occasion for any other notice of thesubject. --E. ]

We were employed the whole of the 11th, and part of the 12th, ingetting out the foremast, and sending it with the carpenters, onshore. Besides the damage which the head of the mast had sustained, wefound the heel exceedingly rotten, having a large hole up the middleof it, capable of holding four or five cocoa nuts. It was not, however, thought necessary to shorten it; and, fortunately, the logsof red toa-wood, which had been cut at Eimeo for anchor-stocks, werefound fit to replace the sprung part of the fishes. As these repairswere likely to take up several days, Mr Bayly and myself got theastronomical apparatus on shore, and pitched our tents on the _morai_;having with us a guard of a corporal and six marines. We renewedour friendly correspondence with the priests, who, for the greatersecurity of the workmen and their tools, _tabooed_ the place where themast lay, sticking their wands round it, as before. The sail-makerswere also sent on shore, to repair the damages which had taken placein their department during the late gales. They were lodged in a houseadjoining to the _morai_ that was lent us by the priests. Such wereour arrangements on shore. I shall now proceed to the account of thoseother transactions with the natives, which led, by degrees, to thefatal catastrophe of the 14th. 

Upon coming to anchor, we were surprised to find our reception verydifferent from what it had been on our first arrival; no shouts, nobustle, no confusion; but a solitary bay, with only here and there acanoe, stealing close along the shore. The impulse of curiosity, whichhad before operated to so great a degree, might now indeed be supposedto have ceased; but the hospitable treatment we had invariably metwith, and the friendly footing on which we parted, gave us some reasonto expect, that they would again have flocked about us with great joyon our return. 

We were forming various conjectures upon the occasion of thisextraordinary appearance, when our anxiety was at length relieved bythe return of a boat, which had been sent on shore, and brought usword, that Terreeoboo was absent, and had left the bay under the_taboo_. Though this account appeared very satisfactory to most ofus, yet others were of opinion, or rather, perhaps, have been led, bysubsequent events, to imagine, that there was something, at thistime, very suspicious in the behaviour of the natives; and that theinterdiction of all intercourse with us, on pretence of the king'sabsence, was only to give him time to consult with his chiefs in whatmanner it might be proper to treat us. Whether these suspicions werewell founded, or the account given by the natives was the truth, wewere never able to ascertain. For, though it is not improbable thatour sudden return, for which they could see no apparent cause, and thenecessity of which we afterward found it very difficult to make themcomprehend, might occasion some alarm; yet the unsuspicious conductof Terreeoboo, who, on his supposed arrival, the next morning, cameimmediately to visit Captain Cook, and the consequent return of thenatives to their former friendly intercourse with us, are strongproofs, that they neither meant nor apprehended any change of conduct. 

In support of this opinion, I may add the account of another accident, precisely of the same kind which happened to us on our first visit, the day before the arrival of the king. A native had sold a hog onboard the Resolution, and taken the price agreed on, when Pareea, passing by advised the man not to part with the hog, without anadvanced price. For this he was sharply spoken to, and pushed away;and the _taboo_ being soon after laid on the bay, we had at firstno doubt but that it was in consequence of the offence given to thechief. Both these accidents serve to shew, how very difficult it isto draw any certain conclusion from the actions of people, with whosecustoms, as well as language, we are so imperfectly acquainted; at thesame time, some idea may be formed from them, of the difficulties, at the first view, perhaps, not very apparent, which those have toencounter, who, in all their transactions with these strangers, haveto steer their course amidst so much uncertainty, where a triflingerror may be attended with even the most fatal consequences. Howevertrue or false our conjectures may be, things went on in their usualquiet course till the afternoon of the 13th. 

Toward the evening of that day, the officer, who commanded thewatering-party of the Discovery, came to inform me, that severalchiefs had assembled at the well near the beach, driving away thenatives, whom he had hired to assist the sailors in rolling down thecasks to the shore. He told me, at the same time, that he thoughttheir behaviour extremely suspicious, and that they meant to give himsome farther disturbance. At his request, therefore, I sent a marinealong with him, but suffered him to take only his side-arms. In ashort time the officer returned, and, on his acquainting me, thatthe islanders had armed themselves with stones, and were grown verytumultuous I went myself to the spot, attended by a marine, with hismusket. Seeing us approach, they threw away their stones; and, on myspeaking to some of the chiefs, the mob were driven away, and thosewho chose it were suffered to assist in filling the casks. Having leftthings quiet here, I went to meet Captain Cook, whom I saw coming onshore in the pinnace. I related to him what had just passed; and heordered me, in case of their beginning to throw stones, or behaveinsolently, immediately to fire a ball at the offenders. I accordinglygave orders to the corporal, to have the pieces of the sentinelsloaded with ball, instead of small shot. 

Soon after our return to the tents, we were alarmed by a continuedfire of muskets from the Discovery, which we observed to be directedat a canoe that we saw paddling toward the shore in great haste, pursued by one of our small boats. We immediately concluded that thefiring was in consequence of some theft, and Captain Cook orderedme to follow him with a marine armed, and to endeavour to seize thepeople as they came on shore. Accordingly, we ran toward the placewhere we supposed the canoe would land, but were too late; the peoplehaving quitted it, and made their escape into the country before ourarrival. 

We were at this time ignorant that the goods had been alreadyrestored; and as we thought it probable, from the circumstances we hadat first observed, that they might be of importance, were unwilling torelinquish our hopes of recovering them. Having, therefore, enquiredof the natives, which way the people had fled, we followed them tillit was near dark, when, judging ourselves to be about three miles fromthe tents, and suspecting that the natives, who frequently encouragedus in the pursuit, were amusing us with false information, we thoughtit in vain to continue our search any longer, and returned to thebeach. 

During our absence, a difference of a more serious and unpleasantnature had happened. The officer, who had been sent in the small boat, and was returning on board, with the goods which had been restored, observing Captain Cook and me engaged in the pursuit of the offenders, thought it his duty to seize the canoe, which was left drawn up on theshore. Unfortunately, this canoe belonged to Pareea, who, arrivingat the same moment from on board the Discovery, claimed his property, with many protestations of his innocence. The officer refusing to giveit up, and being joined by the crew of the pinnace, which was waitingfor Captain Cook, a scuffle ensued, in which Pareea was knocked down, by a violent blow on the head, with an oar. The natives, who werecollected about the spot, and had hitherto been peaceable spectators, immediately attacked our people with such a shower of stones, asforced them to retreat, with great precipitation, and swim off to arock, at some distance from the shore. The pinnace was immediatelyransacked by the islanders; and, but for the timely interposition ofPareea, who seemed to have recovered from the blow, and forgot it atthe same instant, would soon have been entirely demolished. Havingdriven away the crowd, he made signs to our people, that they mightcome and take possession of the pinnace, and that he would endeavourto get back the things which had been, taken out of it. After theirdeparture, he followed them in his canoe, with a midshipman's cap, andsome other trifling articles of the plunder, and, with much apparentconcern at what had happened, asked, if the Orono would kill him, andwhether he would permit him to come on board the next day? On beingassured that he would be well received, he joined noses (as theircustom is) with the officers, in token of friendship, and paddled overto the village of Kowrowa. 

When Captain Cook was informed of what had passed, he expressed muchuneasiness at it; and, as we were returning on board, "I am afraid, "said he, "that these people will oblige me to use some violentmeasures; for, " he added, "they must not be left to imagine that theyhave gained an advantage over us. " However, as it was too late to takeany steps this evening, he contented himself with giving orders, thatevery man and woman on board should be immediately turned out of theship. As soon us this order was executed, I returned on shore; and ourformer confidence in the natives being now much abated, by the eventsof the day, I posted a double guard on the _morai_, with orders tocall me, if they saw any men lurking about the beach. At about eleveno'clock, five islanders were observed creeping round the bottom ofthe _morai_; they seemed very cautious in approaching us; and at last, finding themselves discovered, retired out of sight. About midnight, one of them venturing up close to the observatory, the sentinel firedover him; on which the men, fled, and we passed the remainder of thenight without farther disturbance. 

Next morning, at day-light, I went on board the Resolution forthe time-keeper; and, in my way, was hailed by the Discovery, andinformed, that their cutter had been stolen, during the night, fromthe buoy where it was moored. 

When I arrived on board, I found the marines arming, and Captain Cookloading his double-barrelled gun. Whilst I was relating to himwhat had happened to us in the night, he interrupted me, with someeagerness, and acquainted me with the loss of the Discovery's cutter, and with the preparations he was making for its recovery. It had beenhis usual practice, whenever any thing of consequence was lost atany of the islands in this ocean, to get the king, or some of theprincipal _Erees_, on board, and to keep them as hostages, till it wasrestored. This method, which had been always attended with success, he meant to pursue on the present occasion; and, at the same time, hadgiven orders to stop all the canoes that should attempt to leave thebay, with an intention of seizing and destroying them, if he could notrecover the cutter by peaceable means. Accordingly, the boats of bothships, well manned and armed, were stationed across the bay; and, before I left the ship, some great guns had been fired at two largecanoes that were attempting to make their escape. 

It was between seven and eight o'clock when we quitted the shiptogether; Captain Cook in the pinnace, having Mr Phillips and ninemarines with him; and myself in the small boat. The last orders Ireceived from him, were, to quiet the minds of the natives on ourside of the bay, by assuring them they should not be hurt; to keep mypeople together, and to be on my guard. We then parted; the captainwent toward Kowrowa, where the king resided; and I proceeded to thebeach. My first care, on going ashore, was to give strict orders tothe marines to remain within the tent; to load their pieces with ball, and not to quit their arms. Afterward I took a walk to the huts of oldKaoo and the priests, and explained to them, as well as I could, theobject of the hostile preparations, which had exceedingly alarmedthem. I found that they had already heard of the cutter's beingstolen; and I assured them, that though Captain Cook was resolved torecover it, and to punish the authors of the theft, yet that they, andthe people of the village on our side, need not be under the smallestapprehension of suffering any evil from us. I desired the priests toexplain this to the people, and to tell them not to be alarmed, but tocontinue peaceable and quiet. Kaoo asked me, with great earnestness, if Terreeoboo was to be hurt; I assured him he was not; and both, he and the rest of his brethren seemed much satisfied with thisassurance. 

In the mean time, Captain Cook having called off the launch, which wasstationed at the north point of the bay, and taken it along with him, proceeded to Kowrowa, and landed with the lieutenant and nine marines. He immediately marched into the village, where he was received withthe usual marks of respect; the people prostrating themselves beforehim, and bringing their accustomed offerings of small hogs. Findingthat there was no suspicion of his design, his next step was toenquire for Terreeoboo, and the two boys, his sons, who had been hisconstant guests on board the Resolution. In a short time, the boysreturned, along with the natives, who had been sent in search ofthem, and immediately led Captain Cook to the house where the kinghad slept. They found the old man just awoke from sleep; and, aftera short conversation about the loss of the cutter, from which CaptainCook was convinced that he was in no wise privy to it, he invited himto return in the boat, and spend the day on board the Resolution. Tothis proposal the king readily consented, and immediately got up toaccompany him. 

Things were in this prosperous train, the two boys being alreadyin the pinnace, and the rest of the party having advanced near thewater-side, when an elderly woman, called Kanee-kabareea, the motherof the boys, and one of the king's favourite wives, came after him, and, with many tears and entreaties, besought him not to go on board. At the same time, two chiefs, who came along with her, laid hold ofhim, and, insisting that he should go no farther, forced him to sitdown. The natives, who were collecting in prodigious numbers along theshore, and had probably been alarmed by the firing of the great guns, and the appearances of hostility in the bay, began to throng roundCaptain Cook and their king. In this situation, the lieutenant ofmarines, observing that his men were huddled close together in thecrowd, and thus incapable of using their arms, if any occasion shouldrequire it, proposed to the captain to draw them up along the rocks, close to the waters edge; and the crowd readily making way for themto pass they were drawn up in a line, at the distance of about thirtyyards from the place where the king was sitting. 

All this time, the old king remained on the ground, with the strongestmarks of terror and dejection in his countenance; Captain Cook, not willing to abandon the object for which he had come on shore, continuing to urge him, in the most pressing manner, to proceed;whilst, on the other hand, whenever the king appeared inclined tofollow him, the chiefs, who stood round him, interposed, at firstwith prayers and entreaties, but afterward had recourse to force andviolence, and insisted on his staying where he was. Captain Cook, therefore, finding that the alarm had spread too generally, andthat it was in vain to think any longer of getting him off withoutbloodshed, at last gave up the point; observing to Mr Phillips, thatit would be impossible to compel him to go on board, without the riskof killing a great number of the inhabitants. 

Though the enterprise, which had carried Captain Cook on shore, hadnow failed, and was abandoned, yet his person did not appear to havebeen in the least danger, till an accident happened which gave a fatalturn to the affair. The boats, which had been stationed across thebay, having fired at some canoes that were attempting to get out, unfortunately had killed a chief of the first rank. The news of hisdeath arrived at the village where Captain Cook was, just as he hadleft the king, and was walking slowly toward the shore. The fermentit occasioned was very conspicuous; the women and children wereimmediately sent off; and the men put on their war-mats, and armedthemselves with spears and stones. One of the natives, having in hishands a stone, and a long iron pike, (which they call a _pahooa_, )came up to the captain, flourishing his weapon, by way of defiance, and threatening to throw the stone. The captain desired him to desist;but the man persisting in his insolence, he was at length provoked tofire a load of small shot. The man having his mat on, which the shotwere not able to penetrate, this had no other effect than to irritateand encourage them. Several stones were thrown at the marines; and oneof the _Erees_ attempted to stab Mr Phillips with his _pahooa_, butfailed in the attempt, and received from him a blow with the butt endof his musket. Captain Cook now fired his second barrel, loaded withball, and killed one of the foremost of the natives. A general attackwith stones immediately followed, which was answered by a discharge ofmusketry from the marines, and the people in the boats. The islanders, contrary to the expectations of every one, stood the fire with greatfirmness; and, before the marines had time to reload, they broke inupon them with dreadful shouts and yells. What followed was a scene ofthe utmost horror and confusion. 

Four of the marines were cut off among the rocks in their retreat, andfell a sacrifice to the fury of the enemy; three more were dangerouslywounded; and the lieutenant, who had received a stab between theshoulders with a _pahooa_, having fortunately reserved his fire, shotthe man who had wounded him, just as he was going to repeat his blow. Our unfortunate commander, the last time he was seen distinctly, wasstanding at the water's edge, and calling out to the boats to ceasefiring, and to pull in. If it be true, as some of those who werepresent have imagined, that the marines and boatmen had fired withouthis orders, and that he was desirous of preventing any furtherbloodshed, it is not improbable, that his humanity, on this occasion, proved fatal to him: For it was remarked, that whilst he faced thenatives, none of them had offered him any violence, but that havingturned about to give his orders to the boats, he was stabbed in theback, and fell with his face into the water. On seeing him fall, theislanders set up a great shout, and his body was immediately draggedon shore, and surrounded, by the enemy, who, snatching the dagger outof each other's hands, shewed a savage eagerness to have a share inhis destruction. 

Thus fell our great and excellent commander. After a life of so muchdistinguished and successful enterprise, his death, as far as regardshimself, cannot be reckoned premature, since he lived to finish thegreat work for which he seems to have been designed, and was ratherremoved from the enjoyment, than cut off from the acquisition ofglory. How sincerely his loss was felt and lamented by those who hadso long found their general security in his skill and conduct, andevery consolation, under their hardships, in his tenderness andhumanity, it is neither necessary nor possible for me to describe;much less shall I attempt to paint the horror with which we werestruck, and the universal dejection and dismay which followed sodreadful and unexpected a calamity. The reader will not be displeasedto turn from so sad a scene, to the contemplation of his character andvirtues, whilst I am paying my last tribute to the memory of adear and honoured friend, in a short history of his life and publicservices. 

Captain James Cook was born near Whitby, in Yorkshire, on the 27thof October, 1728; and, at an early age, was put apprentice to ashopkeeper in a neighbouring village. His natural inclination nothaving been consulted on this occasion, he soon quitted the counterfrom disgust, and bound himself, for nine years, to the master of avessel in the coal trade. At the breaking out of the war, in 1755, he entered into the king's service, on board the Eagle, at that timecommanded by Captain Hamer, and afterward by Sir Hugh Palliser, whosoon discovered his merit, and introduced him on the quarter-deck. 

In the year 1758, we find him master of the Northumberland, theflag-ship of Lord Colville, who had then the command of the squadronstationed on the coast of America. It was here, as I have often heardhim say, that, during a hard winter, he first read Euclid, and appliedhimself to the study of mathematics and astronomy, without any otherassistance than what a few books, and his own industry, afforded him. At the same time that he thus found means to cultivate and improvehis mind, and to supply the deficiencies of an early education, he wasengaged in most of the busy and active scenes of the war in America. At the siege of Quebec, Sir Charles Saunders committed to his chargethe execution of services of the first importance in the navaldepartment. He piloted the boats to the attack of Montmorency;conducted the embarkation to the Heights of Abraham; examined thepassage, and laid buoys for the security of the large ships inproceeding up the river. The courage and address with which heacquitted himself in these services, gained him the warm friendship ofSir Charles Saunders and Lord Colville, who continued to patronize himduring the rest of their lives, with the greatest zeal and affection. At the conclusion of the war, he was appointed, through therecommendation of Lord Colville and Sir Hugh Palliser, to survey theGulf of St Laurence and the coasts of Newfoundland. In this employmenthe continued till the year 1767, when he was fixed on by Sir EdwardHawke to command an expedition to the South Seas, for the purpose ofobserving the transit of Venus, and prosecuting discoveries in thatpart of the globe. From this period, as his services are too wellknown to require a recital here, so his reputation has proportionablyadvanced to a height too great to be affected by my panegyrick. Indeed, he appears to have been most eminently and peculiarlyqualified for this species of enterprise. The earliest habits of hislife, the course of his services, and the constant application ofhis mind, all conspired to fit him for it, and gave him a degree ofprofessional knowledge, which can fall to the lot of very few. 

The constitution of his body was robust, inured to labour, and capableof undergoing the severest hardships. His stomach bore, withoutdifficulty, the coarsest and most ungrateful food. Indeed, temperancein him was scarcely a virtue; so great was the indifference with whichbe submitted to every kind of self-denial. The qualities of his mindwere of the same hardy, vigorous kind with those of his body. Hisunderstanding was strong and perspicuous. His judgment, in whateverrelated to the services he was engaged in, quick and sure. His designswere bold and manly; and both in the conception, and in the mode ofexecution, bore evident marks of a great original genius. His couragewas cool and determined, and accompanied with an admirable presence ofmind in the moment of danger. His manners were plain and unaffected. His temper might, perhaps, have been justly blamed, as subject tohastiness and passion, had not these been disarmed by a dispositionthe most benevolent and humane. 

Such were the outlines of Captain Cook's character; but its mostdistinguishing feature was, that unremitting perseverance in thepursuit of his object, which was not only superior to the oppositionof dangers, and the pressure of hardships, but even exempt from thewant of ordinary relaxation. During the long and tedious voyages inwhich he was engaged, his eagerness and activity were never in theleast abated. No incidental temptation could detain him for a moment;even those intervals of recreation, which sometimes unavoidablyoccurred, and were looked for by us with a longing, that persons, whohave experienced the fatigues of service, will readily excuse, weresubmitted to by him with a certain impatience, whenever they couldnot be employed in making further provision for the more effectualprosecution of his designs. 

It is not necessary here to enumerate the instances in which thesequalities were displayed, during the great and important enterprisesin which he was engaged. I shall content myself with stating theresult of those services, under the two principal heads to which theymaybe referred, those of geography and navigation, placing each in aseparate and distinct point of view. 

Perhaps no science ever received greater additions from the labours ofa single man, than geography has done from those of Captain Cook. Inhis first voyage to the South Seas, he discovered the Society Islands;determined the insularity of New Zealand; discovered the straits whichseparate the two islands, and are called after his name; and made acomplete survey of both. He afterward explored the eastern coast ofNew Holland, hitherto unknown; an extent of twenty seven degrees oflatitude, or upward of two thousand miles. 

In his second expedition, he resolved the great problem of a southerncontinent, having traversed that hemisphere, between the latitudesof 40° and 70°, in such a manner as not to leave a possibility of itsexistence, unless near the Pole, and out of the reach of navigation. During this voyage be discovered New Caledonia, the largest island inthe Southern Pacific, except New Zealand; the island of Georgia; andan unknown coast, which he named Sandwich Land, the _Thule_ of thesouthern hemisphere; and having twice visited the tropical seas, hesettled the situations of the old, and made several new discoveries. 

But the voyage we are now relating is distinguished, above all therest, by the extent and importance of its discoveries. Besides severalsmaller islands in the Southern Pacific, he discovered, to the northof the equinoctial line, the group called the Sandwich Islands; which, from their situation and productions, bid fairer for becoming anobject of consequence, in the system of European navigation, thanany other discovery in the South Sea. He afterward explored what hadhitherto remained unknown of the western coast of America; from thelatitude of 43° to 70° N. , containing an extent of three thousand fivehundred miles; ascertained the proximity of the two great continentsof Asia and America; passed the straits between them, and surveyedthe coast, on each side, to such a height of northern latitude, as todemonstrate the impracticability of a passage in that hemisphere, fromthe Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, either by an eastern or a westerncourse. In short, if we except the sea of Amur, and the JapaneseArchipelago, which still remain imperfectly known to Europeans, he hascompleted the hydrography of the habitable globe. 

As a navigator, his services were not, perhaps, less splendid;certainly not less important and meritorious. The method which hediscovered, and so successfully pursued, of preserving the health ofseamen, forms a new æra in navigation; and will transmit his name tofuture ages amongst the friends and benefactors of mankind. 

Those who are conversant in naval history need not be told, at howdear a rate the advantages which have been sought through the mediumof long voyages at sea, have always been purchased. That dreadfuldisorder, which is peculiar to this service, and whose ravageshave marked the tracks of discoverers with circumstances almost tooshocking to relate, must, without exercising an unwarrantable tyrannyover the lives of our seamen, have proved an insuperable obstacle tothe prosecution of such enterprises. It was reserved for CaptainCook to shew the world, by repeated trials, that voyages might beprotracted to the unusual length of three, or even four years, inunknown regions, and under every change and rigour of climate, notonly without affecting the health, but even without diminishing theprobability of life in the smallest degree. The method he pursued hasbeen fully explained by himself in a paper which was read beforethe Royal Society in the year 1776;[2] and whatever improvements theexperience of the present age has suggested, are mentioned in theirproper places. 

[Footnote 2: Sir Godfrey Copley's gold medal was adjudged to him onthis occasion. ]

With respect to his professional abilities, I shall leave them tothe judgment of those who are best acquainted with the nature of theservices in which he was engaged. They will readily acknowledge, that, to have conducted three expeditions of so much danger and difficulty, of so unusual a length, and in such a variety of situation, withuniform and invariable success, must have required not only athorough and accurate knowledge of his business, but a powerful andcomprehensive genius, fruitful in resources, and equally ready in theapplication of whatever the higher and inferior calls of the servicerequired. 

Having given the most faithful account I have been able to collect, both from my own observation and the relations of others, of the deathof my ever-honoured friend, and also of his character and services, I shall now leave his memory to the gratitude and admiration ofposterity; accepting with, a melancholy satisfaction, the honour whichthe loss of him hath procured me, of seeing my name joined with his;and of testifying that affection and respect for his memory, which, whilst he lived, it was no less my inclination, than my constantstudy, to shew him. [3]

[Footnote 3: We shall not easily find a more excellent specimen ofbiographical eulogium than what Captain King has now given us. It doesjustice to his subject--and this, be it remembered, is a merit ofthe highest kind; and it does justice to himself, to his own senseof propriety and principle, which, in the warmth of their friendship, professed admirers are too apt to sacrifice at the shrine of departedworth. The style is suitable to the sentiments, possessing a dignifiedsimplicity, and an apparent rectitude of aim, which it is impossiblenot to consider, as, in a great degree, resulting from intimacywith the truly great character whom it so forcibly recommends to ouresteem, and which, therefore, may be held as no mean illustration ofthe efficacy of those virtues which so eminently adorned him. In thisrespect, then, Cook was peculiarly fortunate, were there no otherrecord to which posterity might appeal--more fortunate, by much, indeed, than many, whose lives have been blazoned by vain-glorioushistorians. We appeal, therefore, to the feelings of every reader, whether this very circumstance, so providentially directed towards theperpetuity of his fame, does not indicate the real superiority of sucha man as Cook over the mass of vulgar conquerors, whom, unfortunatelyfor the world, it has been so much and so long the fashion to admire?Shall we ever witness the time, when the wanton destroyers of ourspecies, under whatever name or trappings they vaunt themselves, shallinherit the abhorrence and the curses of humanity; and when the onlyclaim to applause that shall be sanctioned, must be founded, likethat of our navigator, on the ability and the disposition to conferbenefits on society? It has often been regretted, as is said in theBiographia Britannica, that a monument has not yet been erected tothe memory of Captain Cook in Westminster Abbey. The uneasiness is notsuperfluous, in so far as the honour of our country is concerned, towhich, perhaps, his exertions have really contributed as much as thoseof almost any individual whose greatness is there embalmed; but to thereputation of Cook, a monument in Westminster Abbey, we agree withthe work alluded to, would be of little or no consequence. "His famestands upon a wider base, and will survive the comparatively perishingmaterials of brass, or stone, or marble. The name of Cook will be heldin honour, and recited with applause, so long as the records of humanevents shall continue in the earth. "--E. 

The following particulars, respecting the death of Captain Cook, are taken from Mr Samwell's Narrative, as given in the BiographiaBritannica; to which, also, we are indebted for the most minute andsatisfactory account of this illustrious man ever yet published, andto which, therefore, we refer the more inquisitive reader. 

"On the 6th of February, we were overtaken by a gale of wind; and thenext night, the Resolution had the misfortune of springing the headof her foremast, in such a dangerous manner, that Captain Cook wasobliged to return to Keragegooah, [1] in order to have it repaired; forwe could find no other convenient harbour on the island. The samegale had occasioned much distress among some canoes that had paid us avisit from the shore. One of them, with two men and a child on board, was picked up by the Resolution, and rescued from destruction; themen, having toiled hard all night in attempting to reach the land, were so much exhausted that they could hardly mount the ship's side. When they got upon the quarter-deck, they burst into tears, andseemed much affected with the dangerous situation from which they hadescaped; but the little child appeared lively and cheerful. One ofthe Resolution's boats was also so fortunate as to save a man and twowomen, whose canoe had been upset by the violence of the waves. Theywere brought on board, and, with the others, partook of the kindnessand humanity of Captain Cook. 

"On the morning of Wednesday, the 10th, we were within a few miles ofthe harbour; and were soon joined by several canoes, in which appearedmany of our old acquaintance, who seemed to have come to welcome usback. Among them was Coo, aha, a priest; he had brought a small pigand some cocoa nuts in his hand, which, after having chaunted afew sentences, he presented to Captain Clerke. He then left us, and hastened on board the Resolution, to perform the same friendlyceremony before Captain Cook. Having but light winds all that day, we could not gain the harbour. In the afternoon, a chief of the firstrank, and nearly related to Kariopoo, paid us a visit on board theDiscovery. His name was Ka, mea, mea: He was dressed in a very richfeathered cloak, which he seemed to have brought for sale, but wouldpart with it for nothing except iron daggers. These the chiefs, sometime before our departure, had preferred to every other article; for, having received a plentiful supply of hatchets and other tools, theybegan to collect a store of warlike instruments. Kameamea procurednine daggers for his cloak; and, being pleased with his reception, heand his attendants slept on board that night. 

"In the morning of the 11th of February, the ships anchored again inKeragegooah bay, and preparation was immediately made for landingthe Resolution's foremast. We were visited but by few of the Indians, because there were but few in the bay. On our departure, thosebelonging to other parts had repaired to their several habitations, and were again to collect from various quarters before we couldexpect to be surrounded by such multitudes as we had once seen in thatharbour. In the afternoon, I walked about a mile into the country tovisit an Indian friend, who had, a few days before, come near twentymiles, in a small canoe, to see me, while the ship lay becalmed. Asthe canoe had not left us long before a gale of wind came on, I wasalarmed for the consequence; however, I had the pleasure to find thatmy friend had escaped unhurt, though not without some difficulties. Itake notice of this short excursion, merely because it afforded mean opportunity of observing that there appeared no change in thedisposition or behaviour of the inhabitants. I saw nothing that couldinduce me to think that they were displeased with our return, orjealous of the intention of our second visit. On the contrary, thatabundant good-nature, which had always characterised them, seemedstill to glow in every bosom, and to animate every countenance. [2] Thenext day, February the 12th, the ships were put under a taboo by thechiefs; a solemnity, it seems, that was requisite to be observed, before Kariopoo, the king, paid his first visit to Captain Cook, afterhis return. He waited upon him the same day, on board the Resolution, attended by a large train, some of which bore the presents designedfor Captain Cook; who received him in his usual friendly manner, andgave him several articles in return. This amicable ceremony beingsettled, the taboo was dissolved; matters went on in the usual train;and the next day, February the 13th, we were visited by the natives ingreat numbers. The Resolution's mast was landed, and the astronomicalobservatories erected on their former situation. I landed, withanother gentleman, at the town of Kavaroah, where we found a greatnumber of canoes, just arrived from different parts of the island, and the Indians busy in erecting temporary huts on the beach for theirresidence during the stay of the ships. On our return on board theDiscovery, we learned, that an Indian had been detected in stealingthe armourer's tongs from the forge; for which he received a prettysevere flogging, and was sent out from the ship. Notwithstanding theexample made of this man, in the afternoon another had the audacityto snatch the tongs and a chisel from the same place, with which hejumped overboard, and swam for the shore. The master and a midshipmanwere instantly dispatched after him in the small cutter. The Indian, seeing himself pursued, made for a canoe; his countrymen took him onboard, and paddled as swift as they could towards the shore; we firedseveral muskets at them, but to no effect, for they soon got out ofthe reach of our shot. Pareah, one of the chiefs, who was at that timeon board the Discovery, understanding what had happened, immediatelywent ashore, promising to bring back the stolen goods. Our boat wasso far distanced, in chacing the canoe which had taken the thief onboard, that he had time to make his escape into the country. CaptainCook, who was then ashore, endeavoured to intercept his landing; butit seems that he was led out of the way by some of the natives, whohad officiously intruded themselves as guides. As the master wasapproaching near the landing-place, he was met by some of the Indiansin a canoe. They had brought back the tongs and chisel, together withanother article that we had not missed, which happened to be the lidof the water-cask. Having recovered these things, he was returning onboard, when he was met by the Resolution's pinnace, with five men inher, who, without any orders, had come from the observatories to hisassistance. Being thus unexpectedly reinforced, he thought himselfstrong enough to insist upon having the thief, or the canoe which tookhim in, delivered up as reprisals. With that view he turned back; andhaving found the canoe on the beach, he was preparing to launch itinto the water, when Pareah made his appearance, and insisted upon hisnot taking it away, as it was his property. The officer not regardinghim, the chief seized upon him, pinioned his arms behind, and held himby the hair of his head; on which one of the sailors struck him withan oar. Pareah instantly quitted the officer, snatched the oar out ofthe man's hand, and snapped it in two across his knee. At lengththe multitude began to attack our people with stones. They made someresistance, but were soon overpowered, and obliged to swim for safetyto the small cutter, which lay farther out than the pinnace. Theofficers, not being expert swimmers, retreated to a small rock in thewater, where they were closely pursued by the Indians. One man darteda broken oar at the master, but his foot slipping at the time, hemissed him, which fortunately saved that officer's life. At last, Pareah interfered, and put an end to their violence. The gentlemen, knowing that his presence was their only defence against the fury ofthe natives, entreated him to stay with them till they could get offin the boats; but that he refused, and left them. The master wentto seek assistance from the party at the observatories; but themidshipman chose to remain in the pinnace. He was very rudely treatedby the mob, who plundered the boat of every thing that was loose onboard, and then began to knock her to pieces for the sake of theiron work; but Pareah fortunately returned in time to preventher destruction. He had met the other gentleman on his way to theobservatories, and, suspecting his errand, had forced him to return. He dispersed the crowd again, and desired the gentlemen to return onboard. They represented that all their oars had been taken out of theboat; on which he brought some of them back, and the gentlemen wereglad to get off, without farther molestation. They had not proceededfar, before they were overtaken by Pareah, in a canoe. He deliveredthe midshipman's cap, which had been taken from him in the scuffle, joined noses with them, in token of reconciliation, and was anxiousto know if Captain Cook would kill him for what had happened. Theyassured him of the contrary, and made signs of friendship to him inreturn. He then left them, and paddled over to the town of Kavaroah, and that was the last time we ever saw him. Captain Cook returned onboard soon after, much displeased with the whole of this disagreeablebusiness; and the same night sent a lieutenant on board the Discoveryto learn the particulars of it, as it had originated in that ship. Itwas remarkable, that in the midst of the hurry and confusionattending this affair, Kanynah (a chief who had always been on termsparticularly friendly with us) came from the spot where it happened, with a hog to sell on board the Discovery; it was of an extraordinarylarge size, and he demanded for it a pahowa, or dagger, of an unusuallength. He pointed to us, that it must be as long as his arm. CaptainClerke not having one of that length, told him, he would get one madefor him by the morning; with which being satisfied, he left thehog, and went ashore without making any stay with us. It will notbe altogether foreign to the subject, to mention a circumstance thathappened to-day on board the Resolution. An Indian chief asked CaptainCook at his table if he was a _Tata Toa_, which mean's a fighting man, or a soldier. Being answered in the affirmative, he desired to see hiswounds; Captain Cook held out his right-hand, which had a scarupon it, dividing the thumb from the finger the whole length of themetacarpal bones. The Indian being thus convinced of his being a Toa, put the same question to another gentleman present, but he happened tohave none of those distinguishing marks; the chief then said, that hehimself was a Toa, and shewed the scars of some wounds he had receivedin battle. Those who were on duty at the observatories were disturbed, during the night, with shrill and melancholy sounds, issuing fromthe adjacent villages, which they took to be the lamentations of thewomen. Perhaps the quarrel between us might have filled their mindswith apprehensions for the safety of their husbands; but, be that asit may, their mournful cries struck the sentinels with unusual awe andterror. 

"To widen the breach between us, some of the Indians, in the night, took away the Discovery's large cutter, which lay swamped at the buoyof one of her anchors; they had carried her off so quietly, that wedid not miss her till the morning, Sunday, February the 14th. CaptainClerke lost no time in waiting upon Captain Cook, to acquaint him withthe accident; he returned on board, with orders for the launch andsmall cutter to go, under the command of the second lieutenant, andlie off the east point of the bay, in order to intercept all canoesthat might attempt to get out, and, if he found it necessary, to fireupon them. At the same time, the third lieutenant of the Resolution, with the launch and small cutter, was sent on the same service, to theopposite point of the bay; and the master was dispatched in the largecutter in pursuit of a double canoe, already under sail, making thebest of her way out of the harbour. He soon came up with her, and byfiring a few muskets, drove her on shore, and the Indians left her;this happened to be the canoe of Omea, a man who bore the title ofOrono. He was on board himself, and it would have been fortunate ifour people had secured him, for his person was held as sacred as thatof the king. During this time, Captain Cook was preparing to go ashorehimself, at the town of Kavaroah, in order to secure the person ofKariopoo, before he should have time to withdraw himself to anotherpart of the island, out of our reach. This appeared the most effectualstep that could be taken on the present occasion for the recovery ofthe boat. It was the measure he had invariably pursued, in similarcases, at other islands in these seas, and it had always been attendedwith the desired success; in fact, it would be difficult to point outany other mode of proceeding on these emergencies, likely to attainthe object in view. [3] We had reason to suppose, that the king and hisattendants had fled when the alarm was first given; in that case, itwas Captain Cook's intention to secure the large canoes which werehauled up on the beach. He left the ship about seven o'clock, attendedby the lieutenant of marines, a serjeant, corporal, and seven privatemen; the pinnace's crew were also armed, and under the command of MrRoberts. As they rowed towards the shore, Captain Cook ordered thelaunch to leave her station at the west point of the bay, in order toassist his own boat. This is a circumstance worthy of notice; forit clearly shews, that he was not unapprehensive of meeting withresistance from the natives, or unmindful of the necessary preparationfor the safety of himself and his people. I will venture to say, thatfrom the appearance of things just at that time, there was notone, beside himself, who judged that such precaution was absolutelyrequisite; so little did his conduct on the occasion bear the marks ofrashness, or a precipitate self-confidence! He landed with the marinesat the upper end of the town of Kavaroah; the Indians immediatelyflocked round as usual, and shewed him the customary marks ofrespect, by prostrating themselves before him. There were no signs ofhostilities, or much alarm among them. Captain Cook, however, did notseem willing to trust to appearances, but was particularly attentiveto the disposition of the marines, and to have them kept clear of thecrowd. He first enquired for the king's sons, two youths who were muchattached to him, and generally his companions on board. Messengersbeing sent for them, they soon came to him, and informing him thattheir father was asleep at a house not far from them, he accompaniedthem thither, and took the marines along with them. As he passedalong, the natives every where prostrated themselves before him, andseemed to have lost no part of that respect they had always shewn tohis person. He was joined by several chiefs, among whom was Kanynah, and his brother Koohowrooah. They kept the crowd in order, accordingto their usual custom; and, being ignorant of his intention incoming on shore, frequently asked him, if he wanted any hogs or otherprovisions; he told them that he did not, and that his business wasto see the king. When he arrived at the house, he ordered some of theIndians to go in and inform Kariopoo, that he waited without to speakwith him. They came out two or three times, and instead of returningany answer from the king, presented some pieces of red cloth to him, which made Captain Cook suspect that he was not in the house; hetherefore desired the lieutenant of marines to go in. The lieutenantfound the old man just awaked from sleep, and seemingly alarmed at themessage; but he came out without hesitation. Captain Cook took him bythe hand, and in a friendly manner asked him to go on board, to whichhe very readily consented. Thus far matters appeared in a favourabletrain, and the natives did not seem much alarmed or apprehensiveof hostility on our side, at which Captain Cook expressed himselfa little surprised, saying, that as the inhabitants of that townappeared innocent of stealing the cutter, he should not molest them, but that he must get the king on board. Kariopoo sat down before hisdoor, and was surrounded by a great crowd; Kanynah and his brotherwere both very active in keeping order among them. In a little time, however, the Indians were observed arming themselves with long spears, clubs, and daggers, and putting on thick mats, which they use asarmour. This hostile appearance increased, and became more alarming, on the arrival of two men in a canoe from the opposite side of thebay, with the news of a chief, called Kareemoo, having been killed byone of the Discovery's boats. In their passage across, they had alsodelivered this account to each of the ships. Upon that information, the women who were sitting upon the beach at their breakfasts, andconversing familiarly with our people in the boats, retired, anda confused murmur spread through the crowd. An old priest came toCaptain Cook, with a cocoa-nut in his hand, which he held out to himas a present, at the same time singing very loud. He was often desiredto be silent, but in vain; he continued importunate and troublesome, and there was no such thing as getting rid of him or his noise; itseemed as if he meant to divert their attention from his countrymen, who were growing more tumultuous, and arming themselves in everyquarter. Captain Cook being at the same time surrounded by a greatcrowd, thought his situation rather hazardous; he therefore orderedthe lieutenant of marines to march his small party to the water-side, where the boats lay within a few yards of the shore; the Indiansreadily made a lane for them to pass, and did not offer to interruptthem. The distance they had to go might be about fifty or sixty yards;Captain Cook followed, having hold of Kariopoo's hand, who accompaniedhim very willingly; he was attended by his wife, two sons, and severalchiefs. The troublesome old priest followed, making the same savagenoise. Keowa, the younger son, went directly into the pinnace, expecting his father to follow, but just as he arrived at thewater-side, his wife threw her arms about his neck, and, with theassistance of two chiefs, forced him to sit down by the side of adouble canoe. Captain Cook expostulated with them, but to no purpose;they would not suffer the king to proceed, telling him, that he wouldbe put to death if he went on board the ship. Kariopoo, whose conductseemed entirely resigned to the will of others, hung down his head, and appeared much distressed. 

"While the king was in this situation, a chief, well known to us, of the name of Coho, was observed lurking near, with an iron dagger, partly concealed under his cloak, seemingly, with the intentionof stabbing Captain Cook, or the lieutenant of marines. The latterproposed to fire at him, but Captain Cook would not permit it. Cohoclosing upon them, obliged the officer to strike him with his piece, which made him retire. Another Indian laid hold of the serjeant'smusquet, and endeavoured to wrench it from him, but was prevented bythe lieutenant's making a blow at him. Captain Cook, seeing the tumultincrease, and the Indians growing more daring and resolute, observed, that if he were to take the king off by force, he could not do itwithout sacrificing the lives of many of his people. He then paused alittle, and was on the point of giving his orders to reimbark, when aman threw a stone at him, which he returned with a discharge of smallshot (with which one barrel of his double piece was loaded. ) Theman having a thick mat before him, received little or no hurt; hebrandished his spear, and threatened to dart it at Captain Cook, whobeing still unwilling to take away his life, instead of firing withball, knocked him down with his musket. He expostulated strongly withthe most forward of the crowd, upon their turbulent behaviour. He hadgiven up all thoughts of getting the king on board, as it appearedimpracticable; and his care was then only to act on the defensive, andto secure a safe embarkation for his small party, which was closelypressed by a body of several thousand people. Keowa, the king's son, who was in the pinnace, being alarmed on hearing the first fire, was, at his own entreaty, put on shore again; for even at that time, MrRoberts, who commanded her, did not apprehend that Captain Cook'sperson was in any danger; otherwise he would have detained the prince, which, no doubt, would have been a great check on the Indians. Oneman was observed, behind a double canoe, in the action of dartinghis spear at Captain Cook, who was forced to fire at him in his owndefence, but happened to kill another close to him, equally forward inthe tumult; the serjeant observing that he had missed the man he aimedat, received orders to fire at him, which he did, and killed him. Bythis time, the impetuosity of the Indians was somewhat repressed;they fell back in a body, and seemed staggered; but being pushed onby those behind, they returned to the charge, and poured a volley ofstones among the marines, who, without waiting for orders, returned itwith a general discharge of musquetry, which was instantly followed bya fire from the boats. At this Captain Cook was heard to express hisastonishment; he waved his hand to the boats, called to them to ceasefiring, and to come nearer in to receive the marines. Mr Robertsimmediately brought the pinnace as close to the shore as he could, without grounding, notwithstanding the showers of stones that fellamong the people; but ----, the lieutenant, who commanded in thelaunch, instead of pulling in to the assistance of Captain Cook, withdrew his boat farther off, at the moment that every thing seems tohave depended upon the timely exertions of those in the boats. Byhis own account, he mistook the signal; but be that as it may, thiscircumstance appears to me to have decided the fatal turn of theaffair, and to have removed every chance which remained with CaptainCook, of escaping with his life. The business of saving the marinesout of the water, in consequence of that, fell altogether upon thepinnace; which thereby became so much crowded, that the crew were, ina great measure, prevented from using their fire-arms, or giving whatassistance they otherwise might have done, to Captain Cook; so thathe seems, at the most critical point of time, to have wanted theassistance of both boats, owing to the removal of the launch. For, notwithstanding that they kept up a fire on the crowd, from thesituation to which they removed in that boat, the fatal confusionwhich ensued on her being withdrawn, to say the least of it, must haveprevented the full effect, that the prompt co-operation of the twoboats, according to Captain Cook's orders, must have had, towards thepreservation of himself and his people. [4] At that time, it was to theboats alone, that Captain Cook had to look for his safety; for, whenthe marines had fired, the Indians rushed among them, and forced theminto the water, where four of them were killed; their lieutenant waswounded, but fortunately escaped, and was taken up by the pinnace. Captain Cook was then the only one remaining on the rock; he wasobserved making for the pinnace, holding his left hand against theback of his head, to guard it from the stones, and carrying hismusquet under the other arm. An Indian was seen following him, but with caution and timidity; for he stopped once or twice, as ifundetermined to proceed. At last he advanced upon him unawares, andwith a large club, [5] or common stake, gave him a blow on the back ofthe head, and then precipitately retreated. The stroke seemed to havestunned Captain Cook; he staggered a few paces, then fell on his handand one knee, and dropped his musquet. As he was rising, and before hecould recover his feet, another Indian stabbed him in the back of theneck with an iron dagger. He then fell into a bite of water aboutknee deep, where others crowded upon him, and endeavoured to keep himunder: but struggling very strongly with them, he got his head up, andcasting his look towards the pinnace, seemed to solicit assistance. Though the boat was not above five or six yards distant from him, yetfrom the crowded and confused state of the crew, it seems, it was notin their power to save him. The Indians got him under again, but indeeper water; he was, however, able to get his head up once more, andbeing almost spent in the struggle, he naturally turned to the rock, and was endeavouring to support himself by it, when a savage gave hima blow with a club, and he was seen alive no more. They hauled him uplifeless on the rocks, where they seemed to take a savage pleasure inusing every barbarity to his dead body, snatching the daggers out ofeach other's hands, to have the horrid satisfaction of piercing thefallen victim of their barbarous rage. 

"I need make no reflection on the great loss we suffered on thisoccasion, or attempt to describe what we felt. It is enough to say, that no man was ever more beloved or admired; and it is truly painfulto reflect, that he seems to have fallen a sacrifice merely for wantof being properly supported; a fate, singularly to be lamented, ashaving fallen to his lot, who had ever been conspicuous for his careof those under his command, and who seemed, to the last, to pay asmuch attention to their preservation, as to that of his own life. Ifany thing could have added to the shame and indignation universallyfelt on this occasion, it was to find, that his remains had beendeserted, and left exposed on the beach, although they might havebeen brought off. It appears, from the information of four or fivemidshipmen, who arrived on the spot at the conclusion of the fatalbusiness, that the beach was then almost entirely deserted by theIndians, who at length had given way to the fire of the boats, anddispersed through the town; so that there seemed no great obstacleto prevent the recovery of Captain Cook's body; but the lieutenantreturned on board without making the attempt. It is unnecessary todwell longer on this painful subject, and to relate the complaintsand censures that fell on the conduct of the lieutenant. It will besufficient to observe, that they were so loud as to oblige CaptainClerke publicly to notice them, and to take the depositions of hisaccusers down in writing. The captain's bad state of health andapproaching dissolution, it is supposed, induced him to destroy thesepapers a short time before his death. It is a painful task, to beobliged to notice circumstances, which seem to reflect upon thecharacter of any man. A strict regard to truth, however, compelled meto the insertion of these facts, which I have offered merely asfacts, without presuming to connect with them any comment of my own;esteeming it the part of a faithful historian, 'to extenuate nothing, nor set down aught in malice. ' The fatal accident happened at eighto'clock in the morning, about an hour after Captain Cook landed. Itdid not seem, that the king, or his sons, were witnesses to it; butit is supposed that they withdrew in the midst of the tumult. Theprincipal actors were the other chiefs, many of them the king'srelations and attendants; the man who stabbed him with the dagger wascalled Nooah. I happened to be the only one who recollected his personfrom having on a former occasion mentioned his name in the journal Ikept. I was induced to take particular notice of him, more from hispersonal appearance than any other consideration, though he was ofhigh rank, and a near relation of the king; he was stout and tall, with a fierce look and demeanour, and one who united in his figure thetwo qualities of strength and agility, in a greater degree, than everI remembered to have seen before in any other man. His age might beabout thirty, and by the white scurf on his skin, and his sore eyes, he appeared to be a hard drinker of kava. He was a constant companionof the king, with whom I first saw him, when he paid a visit toCaptain Clerke. The chief who first struck Captain Cook with the club, was called Karimano, craha, but I did not know him by his name. Thesecircumstances I learnt of honest Kaireekea, the priest, who added, that they were both held in great esteem on account of that action;neither of them came near us afterwards. When the boats left theshore, the Indians carried away the dead body of Captain Cook andthose of the marines, to the rising ground, at the back of the town, where we could plainly see them with our glasses from the ships. Thismost melancholy accident appears to have been altogether unexpectedand unforeseen, as well on the part of the natives as ourselves. Inever saw sufficient reason to induce me to believe, that there wasany thing of design, or a pre-concerted plan, on their side, or thatthey purposely sought to quarrel with us; thieving, which gave riseto the whole, they were equally guilty of, in our first and secondvisits. It was the cause of every misunderstanding that happenedbetween us; their petty thefts were generally overlooked, butsometimes slightly punished; the boat, which they at last venturedto take away, was an object of no small magnitude to people in oursituation, who could not possibly replace her, and therefore notslightly to be given up. We had no other chance of recovering her, but by getting the person of the king into our possession; on ourattempting to do that, the natives became alarmed for his safety, andnaturally opposed those whom they deemed his enemies. In the suddenconflict that ensued, we had the unspeakable misfortune of losingour excellent commander, in the manner already related. It is in thislight the affair has always appeared to me, as entirely accidental, and not in the least owing to any previous offence received, orjealousy of our second visit entertained by the natives. Pareah seemsto have been the principal instrument in bringing about this fataldisaster. We learnt afterwards, that it was he who had employed somepeople to steal the boat; the king did not seem to be privy to it, oreven apprized of what had happened, till Captain Cook landed. Itwas generally remarked, that, at first, the Indians shewed greatresolution in facing our fire-arms; but it was entirely owing toignorance of their effect. They thought that their thick mats woulddefend them from a ball, as well as from a stone; but being soonconvinced of their error, yet still at a loss to account how suchexecution was done among them, they had recourse to a stratagem, which, though it answered no other purpose, served to shew theiringenuity and quickness of invention. Observing the flashes of themusquets, they naturally concluded, that water would counteract theireffect, and therefore, very sagaciously, dipped their mats, or armour, in the sea, just as they came on to face our people; but finding thislast resource to fail them, they soon dispersed, and left the beachentirely clear. It was an object they never neglected, even at thegreatest hazard, to carry off their slain; a custom, probably owing tothe barbarity with which they treat the dead body of an enemy, and thetrophies they make of his bones. "[6]]

[Footnote 1: It is proper to take notice, that Mr Samwell spells thenames of several persons and places differently from what is donein the history of the voyage. For instance, Karakakooa, hecalls Ke, rag, e, goo, ah; Terreeoboo, Kariopoo; Kowrowa, Kavaroah;Kaneecabareea, Kaneekapo berei; Mahai mahai, Ka, mea, mea. ]

[Footnote 2: Mr King relates, that our voyagers, upon coming toanchor, were surprised to find their reception very different fromwhat it had been on their first arrival. He acknowledges, however, that the unsuspicious conduct of Terreeoboo, who, the next morning, came immediately to visit Captain Cook, and the consequent return ofthe natives to their former friendly intercourse with the English, arestrong proofs, that they neither meant nor apprehended any change ofconduct. "Things, " says Mr King, "went on in their usual quiet coursetill the afternoon of the 13th. "]

[Footnote 3: Mr King acknowledges, that he was always fearful, thatthe degree of confidence which Captain Cook had acquired from hislong and uninterrupted course of success, in his transactions with thenatives of these seas, might, at some unlucky moment, put him too muchoff his guard. ]

[Footnote 4: I have been informed, on the best authority, that, inthe opinion of Captain Philips, who commanded the marines, and whosejudgment must be of the greatest weight, it is extremely doubtfulwhether any thing could successfully have been done to preserve thelife of Captain Cook, even if no mistake had been committed on thepart of the launch. ]

[Footnote 5: I have heard one of the gentlemen who were presentsay, that the first injury he received was from a dagger, as it isrepresented in the voyage; but, from the account of many others, whowere also eye-witnesses, I am confident, in saying, that he was firststruck with a club. I was afterwards confirmed in this, by Kaireekea, the priest, who particularly mentioned the name of the man who gavehim the blow, as well as that of the chief, who afterwards struck himwith the dagger. This is a point not worth disputing about; I mentionit, as being solicitous to be accurate in this account, even incircumstances, of themselves, not very material. ]

[Footnote 6: Samwell's Narrative of the Death of Captain James Cook, p. 2-20. ]

SECTION IV. 

_Transactions at Owhyhee subsequent to the Death of CaptainCook. --Gallant Behaviour of the Lieutenant of Marines. --DangerousSituation of the Party at the Morai. --Bravery of one of theNatives. --Consultation respecting future Measures. --Demand of theBody of Captain Cook. --Evasive and insidious Conduct of Koah andthe Chiefs. --Insolent Behaviour of the Natives. --Promotionof Officers. --Arrival of two Priests with Part of theBody. --Extraordinary Behaviour of two Boys. --Burning of the Villageof Kakooa. --Unfortunate Destruction of the Dwellings of thePriests. --Recovery of the Bones of Captain Cook. --Departure fromKarakakooa Bay. _

It has been already stated, that four of the marines, who attendedCaptain Cook, were killed by the islanders on the spot. The rest, withMr Phillips, their lieutenant, threw themselves into the water, andescaped, under cover of a smart fire from the boats. On this occasion, a remarkable instance of gallant behaviour, and of affection for hismen, was shewn by that officer; for he had scarcely got into the boat, when, seeing one of the marines, who was a bad swimmer, struggling inthe water, and in danger of being taken by the enemy, he immediatelyjumped into the sea to his assistance, though much wounded himself;and, after receiving a blow on the head from a stone, which had nearlysent him to the bottom, be caught the man by the hair, and brought himsafe off. 

Our people continued for some time to keep up a constant fire from theboats (which, during the whole transaction, were not more than twentyyards from the land, ) in order to afford their unfortunate companions, if any of them should still remain alive, an opportunity of escaping. These efforts, seconded by a few guns that were fired at the same timefrom the Resolution, having forced the natives at last to retire, asmall boat, manned by five of our young midshipmen, pulled toward theshore, where they saw the bodies, without any signs of life, lyingon the ground; but judging it dangerous to attempt to bring them off, with so small a force, and their ammunition being nearly expended, they returned to the ships, leaving them in possession of theislanders, together with ten stands of arms. 

As soon as the general consternation, which the news of this calamityoccasioned throughout both crews, had a little subsided, theirattention was called to our party at the _morai_, where the mastand sails were on shore, with a guard of only six marines. It isimpossible for me to describe the emotions of my own mind, during thetime these transactions had been carrying on at the other side of thebay. Being at the distance of only a short mile from the village ofKowrowa, we could see distinctly an immense crowd collected on thespot where Captain Cook had just before landed. We heard the firingof the musketry, and could perceive some extraordinary bustle andagitation in the multitude. We afterwards saw the natives flying, the boats retire from the shore, and passing and repassing, in greatstillness, between the ships. I must confess, that my heart soonmisgave me. Where a life so dear and valuable was concerned, it wasimpossible not to be alarmed, by appearances both new and threatening. But, besides this, I knew that a long and uninterrupted course ofsuccess, in his transactions with the natives of these seas, had giventhe captain a degree of confidence, that I was always fearful might, at some unlucky moment, put him too much off his guard; and I now sawall the dangers to which that confidence might lead, without receivingmuch consolation from considering the experience that had given riseto it. [1]

[Footnote 1: This is a very happy reflection, and implies adiscriminating power and good sense, of which, it is justice to histalents to say, Captain King has exhibited no few or inconsiderableexamples. --E. ]

My first care, on hearing the muskets fired, was, to assure thepeople, who had assembled in considerable numbers round the wall ofour consecrated field, and seemed equally at a loss with ourselves howto account for what they had seen and heard, that they should not bemolested; and that, at all events, I was desirous of continuing onpeaceable terms with them. We remained in this posture till the boatshad returned on board, when Captain Clerke, observing through histelescope, that we were surrounded by the natives, and apprehendingthey meant to attack us, ordered two four-pounders to be fired atthem. Fortunately, these guns, though well aimed, did no mischief, and yet gave the natives a convincing proof of their power. One ofthe balls broke a cocoa-nut tree in the middle, under which a partyof them were sitting; and the other shivered a rock that stood in anexact line with them. As I had just before given them the strongestassurances of their safety, I was exceedingly mortified at this act ofhostility; and, to prevent a repetition of it, immediately dispatcheda boat to acquaint Captain Clerke, that, at present, I was on themost friendly terms with the natives; and that, if occasion shouldhereafter arise for altering my conduct toward them, I would hoista jack, as a signal for him to afford us all the assistance in hispower. 

We expected the return of the boat with the utmost impatience; and, after remaining a quarter of an hour under the most torturing anxietyand suspense, our fears were at length confirmed by the arrival of MrBligh, with orders to strike the tents as quickly as possible, and tosend the sails that were repairing on board. Just at the same moment, our friend Kaireekeea, having also received intelligence of the deathof Captain Cook, from a native who had arrived from the other sideof the bay, came to me, with great sorrow and dejection in hiscountenance, to enquire if it was true. 

Our situation was, at this time, extremely critical and important; notonly our own lives, but the event of the expedition, and the return ofat least one of the ships, being involved in the same common danger. We had the mast of the Resolution, and the greatest part of our sails, on shore, under the protection of only six marines: Their loss wouldhave been irreparable; and though the natives had not as yet shewn thesmallest disposition to molest us, yet it was impossible to answerfor the alteration which the news of the transaction at Kowrowa mightproduce. I therefore thought it prudent to dissemble my belief ofthe death of Captain Cook, and to desire Kaireekeea to discouragethe report; lest either the fear of our resentment, or the successfulexample of their countrymen, might lead them to seize the favourableopportunity, which at this time offered itself, of giving us a secondblow. At the same time I advised him to bring old Kaoo and the rest ofthe priests, into a large house that was close to the _morai_; partlyout of regard to their safety, in case it should have been foundnecessary to proceed to extremities; and, partly, to have him near us, in order to make use of his authority with the people, if it could beinstrumental in preserving peace. 

Having placed the marines on the top of the _morai_, which formeda strong and advantageous post, and left the command with Mr Bligh, giving him the most positive directions to act entirely on thedefensive, I went on board the Discovery, in order to represent toCaptain Clerke the dangerous situation of our affairs. As soon as Iquitted the spot, the natives began to annoy our people with stones;and I had scarcely reached the ship, before I heard the firing of themarines. I therefore returned instantly on shore, where I found thingsgrowing every moment more alarming. The natives were arming, andputting on their mats; and their numbers increased very fast. I couldalso perceive several large bodies marching toward us, along the cliffwhich separates the village of Kakooa from the north side of the bay, where the village of Kowrowa is situated. 

They began at first to attack us with stones, from behind the wallsof their enclosures; and finding no resistance on our part, theysoon grew more daring. A few resolute fellows, having crept along thebeach, under cover of the rocks, suddenly made their appearance at thefoot of the _morai_, with a design, as it seemed, of storming it onthe side next the sea, which was its only accessible part; and werenot dislodged, till after they had stood a considerable number ofshot, and seen one of their party fall. 

The bravery of one of these assailants well deserves to beparticularly mentioned; for, having returned to carry off hiscompanion, amidst the fire of our whole party, a wound which hereceived made him quit the body and retire; but, in a few minutes, heagain appeared, and being again wounded, he was obliged a secondtime to retreat. At this moment I arrived at the _morai_, and saw himreturn the third time, bleeding and faint; and being informed of whathad happened, I forbade the soldiers to fire, and he was suffered tocarry off his friend; which he was just able to perform, and then felldown himself, and expired. 

About this time a strong reinforcement from both ships having landed, the natives retreated behind their walls; which, giving me access toour friendly priests, I sent one of them to endeavour to bring theircountrymen to some terms, and to propose to them, that if they woulddesist from throwing stones, I would not permit our men to fire. Thistruce was agreed to; and we were suffered to launch the mast, andcarry off the sails, and our astronomical apparatus, unmolested. Assoon as we had quitted the _morai_, they took possession of it, andsome of them threw a few stones, but without doing us any mischief. 

It was half an hour past eleven o'clock when I got on board theDiscovery, where I found no decisive plan had been adopted for ourfuture proceedings. The restitution of the boat, and the recovery ofthe body of Captain Cook, were the objects which, on all hands, weagreed to insist on; and it was my opinion that some vigorous stepsshould be taken, in case the demand of them was not immediatelycomplied with. 

Though my feelings, on the death of a beloved and honoured friend, maybe suspected to have had some share in this opinion, yet there werecertainly other reasons, and those of the most serious kind, that hadconsiderable weight with me. The confidence which their success inkilling our chief, and forcing us to quit the shore, must naturallyhave inspired; and the advantage, however trifling, which they hadobtained over us the preceding day, would, I had no doubt, encouragethem to make some further dangerous attempts; and the more especially, as they had little reason, from what they had hitherto seen, to dreadthe effects of our fire-arms. Indeed, contrary to the expectationsof every one, this sort of weapon had produced no signs of terror inthem. On our side, such was the condition of the ships, and the stateof discipline amongst us, that had a vigorous attack been made onus in the night, it would have been impossible to answer for theconsequences. 

In these apprehensions, I was supported by the opinion of most of theofficers on board; and nothing seemed to me so likely to encourage thenatives to make the attempt, as the appearance of our being inclinedto an accommodation, which they could only attribute to weakness orfear. 

In favour of more conciliatory measures, it was justly urged, thatthe mischief was done, and irreparable; that the natives had astrong claim to our regard, on account of their former friendship andkindness; and the more especially, as the late melancholy accident didnot appear to have arisen from any premeditated design; that, onthe part of Terreeoboo, his ignorance of the theft, his readiness toaccompany Captain Cook on board, and his having actually sent histwo sons into the boat, must free him from the smallest degree ofsuspicion; that the conduct of his women and the _Erees_ might easilybe accounted for, from the apprehensions occasioned by the armed forcewith which Captain Cook came on shore, and the hostile preparationsin the bay; appearances so different from the terms of friendship andconfidence, in which both parties had hitherto lived, that the armingof the natives was evidently with a design to resist the attempt, which they had some reason to imagine would be made, to carry offtheir king by force, and was naturally to be expected from a peoplefull of affection and attachment to their chiefs. 

To these motives of humanity, others of a prudential nature wereadded; that we were in want of water and other refreshments; thatour foremast would require six or eight days work before it couldbe stepped; that the spring was advancing apace; and that the speedyprosecution of our next northern expedition ought now to be our soleobject; that, therefore, to engage in a vindictive contest with theinhabitants, might not only lay us under the imputation of unnecessarycruelty, but would occasion an unavoidable delay in the equipment ofthe ships. 

In this latter opinion Captain Clerke concurred; and though I wasconvinced, that an early display of vigorous resentment would moreeffectually have answered every object both of prudence and humanity, I was not sorry that the measures I had recommended were rejected. For, though the contemptuous behaviour of the natives, and theirsubsequent opposition to our necessary operations on shore, arising, I have no doubt, from a misconstruction of our lenity, compelled us atlast to have recourse to violence in our own defence; yet I am not sosure that the circumstances of the case would, in the opinion ofthe world, have justified the use of force on our part in the firstinstance. Cautionary rigour is at all times invidious; and has thisadditional objection to it, that the severity of a preventive course, when it best succeeds, leaves its expediency the least apparent. 

During the time we were thus engaged, in concerting some plan forour future conduct, a prodigious concourse of natives still keptpossession of the shore; and some of them came off in canoes, andhad the boldness to approach, within pistol-shot of the ships, and toinsult us by various marks of contempt and defiance. It was with greatdifficulty we could restrain the sailors from the use of their armson these occasions; but as pacific measures had been, resolved on, thecanoes were suffered to return unmolested. In pursuance of this plan, it was determined, that I should proceed toward the shore, with theboats of both ships, well manned and armed; with a view to bring thenatives to a parley, and, if possible, to obtain a conference withsome of the chiefs. 

If this attempt succeeded, I was to demand the dead bodies, andparticularly that of Captain Cook; to threaten them with our vengeancein case of a refusal; but by no means to fire, unless attacked; andnot to land on any account whatever. These orders were delivered to mebefore the whole party, and in the most positive manner. 

I left the ships about four o'clock in the afternoon; and, as weapproached the shore, I perceived every indication of a hostilereception. The whole crowd of natives was in motion; the women andchildren retiring; the men putting on their war-mats, and armingthemselves with long spears and daggers. We also observed, that sincethe morning they had thrown up stone breast-works along the beachwhere Captain Cook had landed, probably in expectation of an attack atthat place; and as soon as we were within reach, they began to throwstones at us with slings, but without doing any mischief. Concluding, therefore, that all attempts to bring them to a parley would be invain, unless I first gave them some ground for mutual confidence, Iordered the armed boats to stop, and went on in the small boat alone, with a white flag in my hand, which, by a general cry of joy from thenatives, I had the satisfaction to find was instantly understood. Thewomen immediately returned from the side of the hill, whither they hadretired; the men threw off their mats, and all sat down togetherby the water-side, extending their arms, and inviting me to come onshore. 

Though this behaviour was very expressive of a friendly disposition, yet I could not help entertaining some suspicions of its sincerity. But when I saw Koah, with a boldness and assurance altogetherunaccountable, swimming off toward the boat, with a white flag in hishand, I thought it necessary to return this mark of confidence, andtherefore received him into the boat, though armed; a circumstancewhich did not tend to lessen my suspicions. I must confess I had longharboured an unfavourable opinion of this man. The priests had alwaystold us that he was of a malicious disposition, and no friend of ours;and the repeated detections of his fraud and treachery had convincedus of the truth of their representations. Add to all this, theshocking transaction of the morning, in which he was seen acting aprincipal part, made me feel the utmost horror at finding myself sonear him; and as he came up to me, with feigned tears, and embracedme, I was so distrustful of his intentions, that I could not helptaking hold of the point of the _pahooah_, which he held in his hand, and turning it from me. I told him, that I had come to demand thebody of Captain Cook; and to declare war against them, unless itwas instantly restored. He assured me this should be done as soon aspossible; and that he would go himself for that purpose; and, afterbegging of me a piece of iron, with as much assurance as if nothingextraordinary had happened, he leaped into the sea, and swam ashore, calling out to his countrymen that we were all friends again. 

We waited near an hour, with great anxiety, for his return; duringwhich time the rest of the boats had approached so near the shoreas to enter into conversation with a party of the natives, at somedistance from us; by whom they were plainly given to understand, thatthe body had been cut to pieces, and carried up the country; but ofthis circumstance I was not informed till our return to the ships. 

I began now to express some impatience at Koah's delay; upon which thechiefs pressed me to come on shore; assuring me, that if I would gomyself to Terreeoboo, the body would certainly be restored to me. Whenthey found they could not prevail on me to land, they attempted, undera pretence of wishing to converse with more ease, to decoy our boatamong some rocks, where they would have had it in their power to cutus off from the rest. It was no difficult matter to see through theseartifices; and I was, therefore, strongly inclined to break off allfurther communication with them, when a chief came to us, who wasthe particular friend of Captain Clerke, and of the officers of theDiscovery, on board which ship he had sailed when we last left thebay, intending to take his passage to _Mowee_. He told us, that hecame from Terreeoboo, to acquaint us, that the body was carried up thecountry; but that it should be brought to us the next morning. Thereappeared a great deal of sincerity in his manner; and being asked ifhe told a falsehood, he hooked his two fore-fingers together, which isunderstood amongst these islanders as the sign of truth; in the use ofwhich they are very scrupulous. 

As I was now at a loss in what manner to proceed, I sent Mr Vancouverto acquaint Captain Clerke with all that had passed; that my opinionwas they meant not to keep their word with us; and were so far frombeing sorry at what had happened, that, on the contrary, they werefull of spirits and confidence on account of their late success, andsought only to gain time, till they could contrive some scheme forgetting us into their power. Mr Vancouver came back with orders for meto return on board; having given the natives to understand, that, if the body was not brought the next morning, the town should bedestroyed. 

When they saw that we were going off, they endeavoured to provoke usby the most insulting and contemptuous gestures. Some of our peoplesaid they could distinguish several of the natives parading aboutin the clothes of our unfortunate comrades; and among them a chief, brandishing Captain Cook's hanger, and a woman holding the scabbard. Indeed, there can be no doubt but that our behaviour had given them amean opinion of our courage, for they could have but little notion ofthe motives of humanity that directed it. 

In consequence of the report I made to Captain Clerke, of what Iconceived to be the present temper and disposition of the islanders, the most effectual measures were taken to guard against any attackthey might make in the night. The boats were moored with top-chains;additional sentinels were posted on both ships; and guard-boats werestationed to row round them, in order to prevent the natives fromcutting the cables. During the night we observed a prodigious numberof lights on the hills, which made some of us imagine they wereremoving their effects back into the country, in consequence of ourthreats. But I rather believe them to have been sacrifices that wereperforming on account of the war in which they imagined themselvesabout to be engaged; and, most probably, the bodies of our slaincountrymen were at that time burning. We afterwards saw fires of thesame kind, as we passed the island of Morotoi; and which, we were toldby some natives then on board, were made on account of the war theyhad declared against a neighbouring island. And this agrees with whatwe learned amongst the Friendly and Society Isles, that, previousto any expedition against an enemy, the chiefs always endeavoured toanimate and inflame the courage of the people by feasts and rejoicingsin the night. 

We remained the whole night undisturbed, except by the howlings andlamentations which were heard on shore; and early the next morningKoah came alongside the Resolution, with a present of cloth and asmall pig, which he desired leave to present to me. I have mentionedbefore, that I was supposed, by the natives, to be the son of CaptainCook; and as he, in his lifetime, had always suffered them to believeit, I was probably considered as the chief after his death. As soon asI came on deck, I questioned, him about the body; and on his returningme nothing but evasive answers, I refused to accept his presents;and was going to dismiss him, with some expressions of anger andresentment, had not Captain Clerke, judging it best, at all events, tokeep up the appearance of friendship, thought it more proper that heshould be treated with the usual respect. 

This treacherous fellow came frequently to us, during the course ofthe forenoon, with some trifling present or other; and, as I alwaysobserved him eyeing every part of the ship with great attention, Ilook care he should see we were well prepared for our defence. 

He was exceedingly urgent, both with Captain Clerke and myself, to goon shore, laying all the blame of the detention of the bodies on theother chiefs; and assuring us that every thing might be settled toour satisfaction by a personal interview with Terreeoboo. However, his conduct was too suspicious to make it prudent to comply with thisrequest; and indeed a fact came afterward to our knowledge, whichproved the entire falsehood of his pretences: For we were told, that, immediately after the action, in which Captain Cook was killed, theold king had retired to a cave in the steep part of the mountain thathangs over the bay, which was accessible only by the help of ropes, and where he remained for many days, having his victuals let down tohim by cords. 

When Koah returned from the ships, we could perceive that hiscountrymen, who had been collected, by break of day, in vast crowds onthe shore, thronged about him with great eagerness; as if to learn theintelligence he had acquired, and what was to be done in consequenceof it. It is very probable, that they expected we should attempt toput our threats in execution; and they seemed fully resolved to standtheir ground. During the whole morning we heard conchs blowing indifferent parts of the coast; large parties were seen marching overthe hills; and, in short, appearances were so alarming, that wecarried out a stream-anchor, to enable us to haul the ship abreastof the town, in case of an attack; and stationed boats off the northpoint of the bay, to prevent a surprise from that quarter. 

The breach of their engagement to restore the bodies of the slain, andthe warlike posture in which they at this time appeared, occasionedfresh debates amongst us concerning the measures next to be pursued. It was at last determined, that nothing should be suffered tointerfere with the repair of the mast, and the preparations for ourdeparture; but that we should, nevertheless, continue our negotiationsfor the recovery of the bodies. 

The greatest part of the day was taken up in getting the fore-mastinto a proper situation on deck, for the carpenters to work upon it;and in making the necessary alterations in the commissions of theofficers. The command of the expedition having devolved on CaptainClerke, he removed on board the Resolution, appointed Lieutenant Goreto be captain of the Discovery, and promoted Mr Harvey, a midshipman, who had been with Captain Cook in his two last voyages, to the vacantlieutenancy. During the whole day we met with no interruption from thenatives; and at night the launch was again moored with a top-chain;and guard-boats stationed round both ships as before. 

About eight o'clock, it being very dark, a canoe was heard paddlingtoward the ship; and as soon as it was seen both the sentinels ondeck fired into it. There were two persons in the canoe, and theyimmediately roared out "_Tinnee!_" which was the way in which theypronounced my name, and said they were friends, and had somethingfor me belonging to Captain Cook. When they came on board, they threwthemselves at our feet, and appeared exceedingly frightened. Luckily, neither of them was hurt, notwithstanding the balls of both pieces hadgone through the canoe. One of them was the person, whom I have beforementioned under the name of the _Taboo man_, who constantly attendedCaptain Cook with the circumstances of ceremony I have alreadydescribed; and who, though a man of rank in the island, could scarcelybe hindered from performing for him the lowest offices of a menialservant. After lamenting, with abundance of tears, the loss of the_Orono_, he told us, that he had brought us a part of his body. Hethen presented to us a small bundle, wrapped up in cloth, which hebrought under his arm; and it is impossible to describe the horrorwhich seized us, on finding in it a piece of human flesh, about nineor ten pounds weight. This, he said, was all that remained of thebody; that the rest was cut to pieces, and burnt; but that the headand all the bones, except what belonged to the trunk, were in thepossession of Terreeoboo and the other _Erees_; that what we saw hadbeen allotted to Kaoo, the chief of the priests, to be made use ofin some religious ceremony; and that he had sent it as a proof of hisinnocence and attachment to us. 

This afforded an opportunity of informing ourselves whether they werecannibals; and we did not neglect it. We first tried, by many indirectquestions, put to each of them apart, to learn in what manner the restof the bodies had been disposed of; and finding them very constant inone story, that, after the flesh had been cut off, it was all burnt, we at last put the direct question, whether they had not eat some ofit? They immediately shewed as much horror at the idea as any Europeanwould have done; and asked, very naturally, if that was the customamongst us? They afterward asked us, with great earnestness andapparent apprehension, "When the _Orono_ would come again; and what hewould do to them on his return?" The same enquiry was frequently madeafterward by others; and this idea agrees with the general tenor oftheir conduct toward him, which shewed that they considered him as abeing of a superior nature. 

We pressed our two friendly visitors to remain on board till morning, but in vain. They told us, that if this transaction should come to theknowledge of the king, or chiefs, it might be attended with the mostfatal consequences to their whole society; in order to prevent whichthey had been obliged to come off to us in the dark; and that the sameprecaution would be necessary in returning on shore. They informedus farther, that the chiefs were eager to revenge the death of theircountrymen; and particularly cautioned us against trusting Koah, who, they said, was our mortal and implacable enemy; and desired nothingmore ardently than an opportunity of fighting us; to which the blowingof the conchs, we heard in the morning, was meant as a challenge. 

We learned from these men, that seventeen of their countrymen werekilled in the first action at Kowrowa, of whom five were chiefs;and that Kaneena and his brother, our very particular friends, wereunfortunately of that number. Eight, they said, were killed at theobservatory, three of whom were also of the first rank. 

About eleven o'clock our two friends left us, and took the precautionto desire, that our guard-boat might attend them, till they had passedthe Discovery, lest they should again be fired upon, which might alarmtheir countrymen on shore, and expose them to the danger ofbeing discovered. This request was complied with; and we had thesatisfaction to find, that they got safe and undiscovered to land. 

During the remainder of this night, we heard the same loud howlingand lamentations, as in the preceding one. Early in the morning, we received another visit from Koah. I must confess, I was a littlepiqued to find, that notwithstanding the most evident marks oftreachery in his conduct, and the positive testimony of our friendsthe priests, he should still be permitted to carry on the same farce, and to make us at least appear to be the dupes of his hypocrisy. Indeed our situation was become extremely awkward and unpromising;none of the purposes for which this pacific course of proceeding hadbeen adopted, having hitherto been in the least forwarded by it. Nosatisfactory answer whatever had been given to our demands; we did notseem to be at all advanced toward a reconciliation with the islanders;they still kept in force on the shore, as if determined to resistany attempts we might make to land; and yet the attempt was becomeabsolutely necessary, as the completing our supply of water would notadmit of any longer delay. 

However, it must be observed, in justice to the conduct of CaptainClerke, that it was very probable, from the great number of thenatives, and from the resolution with which they seemed to expect us, an attack could not have been made without some danger; and that theloss of a very few men might have been severely felt by us, during theremaining course of our voyage. Whereas the delaying the execution ofour threats, though on the one hand it lessened their opinion of ourpower, had the effect of causing them to disperse on the other. Forthis day, about noon, finding us persist in our inactivity, greatbodies of them, after blowing their conchs, and using every mode ofdefiance, marched off over the hills, and never appeared afterward. Those, however, who remained, were not the less daring and insolent. One man had the audacity to come within musket-shot a-head of theship; and, after slinging several stones at us, he waved CaptainCook's hat over his head, whilst his countrymen on shore were exultingand encouraging his boldness. Our people were all in a flame at thisinsult, and coming in a body on the quarter-deck, begged they mightno longer be obliged to put up with these repeated provocations; andrequested me to obtain permission for them from Captain Clerke, toavail themselves of the first fair occasion of revenging the death oftheir commander. On my acquainting him with what was passing, he gaveorders for some great guns to be fired at the natives on shore; andpromised the crew, that if they should meet with any molestation atthe watering-place the next day, they should then be left at libertyto chastise them. 

It is somewhat remarkable, that before we could bring our guns tobear, the islanders had suspected our intentions, from the stir theysaw in the ship, and had retired behind their houses and walls. We were therefore obliged to fire, in some measure, at random;notwithstanding which, our shot produced all the effects that couldhave been desired; for, soon after, we saw Koah paddling toward us, with extreme haste, and on his arrival we learned, that some peoplehad been killed, and amongst the rest, Maiha-maiha, a principal chief, and a near relation of the king. [2]

[Footnote 2: The word _matee_ is commonly used, in the language ofthese islands, to express either killing or wounding; and we wereafterwards told, that this chief had only received a slight blow onthe face from a stone, which had been struck by one of the balls. ]

Soon after the arrival of Koah, two boys swam off from, the _morai_toward the ships, having each a long spear in his hand; and afterthey had approached pretty near, they began to chant a song in a verysolemn manner, the subject of which, from their often mentioningthe word _Orono_, and pointing to the village where Captain Cook waskilled, we concluded to be the late calamitous disaster. Having sungin a plaintive strain for about twelve or fifteen minutes, during thewhole of which time they remained in the water, they went on board theDiscovery and delivered their spears, and after making a short stay, returned on shore. Who sent them, or what was the object of thisceremony, we were never able to learn. 

At night, the usual precautions were taken for the security of theships; and as soon as it was dark, our two friends, who had visitedus the night before, came off again. They assured us, that though theeffects of our great guns, this afternoon, had terrified the chiefsexceedingly, they had by no means laid aside their hostile intentions, and advised us to be on our guard. 

The next morning, the boats of both ships were sent ashore for water, and the Discovery was warped close to the beach, in order to coverthat service. We soon found that the intelligence which the priestshad sent us, was not without foundation; and that the natives wereresolved to take every opportunity of annoying us, when, it could bedone without much risk. 

Throughout all this group of islands, the villages, for the most part, are situated near the sea; and the adjacent ground is enclosed withstone walls, about three feet high. These, we at first imagined, wereintended for the division of property; but we now discovered, thatthey served, and probably were principally designed, for a defenceagainst invasion. They consist of loose stones, and the inhabitantsare very dexterous in shifting them with great quickness, to suchsituations, as the direction of the attack may require. In the sidesof the mountain, which hangs over the bay, they have also littleholes, or caves, of considerable depth, the entrance of which issecured by a fence of the same kind. From behind both these defences, the natives kept perpetually harassing our waterers with stones; norcould the small force we had on shore, with the advantage of muskets, compel them to retreat. 

In this exposed situation, our people were so taken up in attendingto their own safety, that they employed the whole forenoon in fillingonly one ton of water. As it was therefore impossible to perform thisservice, till their assailants were driven to a greater distance, the Discovery was ordered to dislodge them with her great guns, which being effected by a few discharges, the men landed withoutmolestation. However, the natives soon after made their appearanceagain, in their usual mode of attack; and it was now found absolutelynecessary to burn down some straggling houses near the well, behindwhich they had taken shelter. In executing these orders, I am sorry toadd, that our people were hurried into acts of unnecessary crueltyand devastation. Something ought certainly to be allowed to theirresentment of the repeated insults and contemptuous behaviour of theislanders, and to the natural desire of revenging the loss of theircommander. But, at the same time, their conduct served strongly toconvince me, that the utmost precaution is necessary in trusting, though but for a moment, the discretionary use of arms in the handsof private seamen or soldiers on such occasions. The rigour ofdiscipline, and the habits of obedience, by which their force iskept directed to its proper objects, lead them naturally enough toconceive, that whatever they have the power; they have also the rightto do. Actual disobedience being almost the only crime for which theyare accustomed to expect punishment, they learn to consider it as theonly measure of right and wrong; and hence are apt to conclude, thatwhat they can do with impunity, they may do with justice and honour. So that the feelings of humanity, which are inseparable from us all, and that generosity toward an unresisting enemy, which at other timesis the distinguishing mark of brave men, become but weak restraintsto the exercise of violence, when opposed to the desire they naturallyhave of shewing their own independence and power. [3]

[Footnote 3: In the preceding remarks, we have another strongconfirmation, if any additional one were wanting, of the opinionsformerly given respecting the character and usual conduct of sailors. Nor are they less imperative, as to the expediency of modifying theeducation and treatment of that useful class of subjects, than whatwe ventured, on another occasion, to suggest. They have, however, therecommendation of experience, to which, in general, more regard isproperly enough shewn, than can be expected towards arguments drawnfrom merely abstract opinions, too often so remote from the commontrack of life as to be quite inapplicable to the diversities andcomplicated relations of human societies. --E. ]

I have already mentioned, that orders had been given to burn only afew straggling huts, which afforded shelter to the natives. We weretherefore a good deal surprised to see the whole village on fire; andbefore a boat, that was sent to stop the progress of the mischief, could reach the shore, the houses of our old and constant friends, thepriests, were all in flames. I cannot enough lament the illness thatconfined me on board this day. The priests had always been under myprotection; and unluckily the officers who were then on duty, havingbeen seldom ashore at the _morai_, were not much acquainted withthe circumstances of the place. Had I been present myself, I mightprobably have been, the means of saving their little society fromdestruction. 

Several of the natives were shot, in making their escape from theflames; and our people cut off the heads of two of them, and broughtthem on board. The fate of one poor islander was much lamented by usall. As he was coming to the well for water, he was shot at by one ofthe marines. The ball struck his calibash, which he immediately threwfrom him and fled. He was pursued into one of the caves I have beforedescribed, and no lion could have defended his den with greatercourage and fierceness, till at last, after having kept two of ourpeople at bay for a considerable time, he expired, covered withwounds. It was this accident that first brought us acquainted with theuse of these caverns. 

At this time, an elderly man was taken prisoner, bound, and sent onboard in the same boat with the heads of his two countrymen. I neversaw horror so strongly pictured, as in the face of this man, nor soviolent a transition to extravagant joy, as when he was untied, and told he might go away in safety. He shewed us he did not wantgratitude, as he frequently afterward returned with presents ofprovisions, and also did us other services. 

Soon after the village was destroyed, we saw, coming down the hill, a man, attended by fifteen or twenty boys, holding pieces of whitecloth, green boughs, and plantains, &c. In their hands. I know not howit happened, that this peaceful embassy, as soon as they were withinreach, received the fire of a party of our men. This, however, did notstop them. They continued their procession, and the officer on dutycame up in time to prevent a second discharge. As they approachednearer, it was found to be our much-esteemed friend Kairekeea, who hadfled on our first setting fire to the village, and had now returned, and desired to be sent on board the Resolution. 

When he arrived, we found him exceedingly grave and thoughtful. Weendeavoured to make him understand the necessity we were under ofsetting fire to the village, by which his house, and those of hisbrethren, were unintentionally consumed. He expostulated a little withus on our want of friendship, and on our ingratitude. And, indeed, itwas not till now, that we learnt the whole extent of the injury we haddone them. He told us, that relying on the promises I had made them, and on the assurances they had afterward received from the men, whohad brought us the remains of Captain Cook, they had not removed theireffects back into the country with the rest of the inhabitants, buthad put every thing that was valuable of their own, as well as whatthey had collected from us, into a house close to the _morai_, wherethey had the mortification to see it all set on fire by ourselves. [4]

[Footnote 4: How painful, on the other hand, must this occurrencehave proved to a man of King's refined feelings and sentiments! But itought not to be forgotten, that even such an event, though not at allintended, was almost a necessary consequence of the conduct, which, ina moment of irritation, not however totally disjoined from every pleaof prudence, he himself had thought right to prescribe. So impolitic, and so blind in the distribution of mischief, is revenge, thoughapparently sanctioned by the hope and calculation of advantage. --E. ]

On coming on board, he had seen the heads of his countrymen lying onthe deck, at which he was exceedingly shocked, and desired, with greatearnestness, that they might be thrown overboard. This request CaptainClerke instantly ordered to be complied with. 

In the evening, the watering party returned on board, having metwith no farther interruption. We passed a gloomy night; the cries andlamentations we heard on shore being far more deadful than ever. Ouronly consolation was, the hope that we should have no occasion, infuture, for a repetition of such severities. 

It is very extraordinary, that amidst all these disturbances, thewomen of the island who were on board, never offered to leave us, nordiscovered the smallest apprehensions either for themselves or theirfriends ashore. So entirely unconcerned did they appear, that some ofthem, who were on deck when the town was in flames, seemed to admirethe sight, and frequently cried out, that it was _maitai_, or veryfine. 

The next morning, Koah came off as usual to the ships. As thereexisted no longer any necessity for keeping terms with him, I wasallowed to have my own way. When he approached toward the side ofthe ship, singing a song, and offering me a hog and some plantains, Iordered him to keep off, cautioning him never to appear again withoutCaptain Cook's bones, lest his life should pay the forfeit of hisfrequent breach of promise. He did not appear much mortified with thisreception, but went immediately on shore, and joined a party of hiscountrymen, who were pelting the waterers with stones. The body of theyoung man who had been killed the day before, was found this morning, lying at the entrance of the cave; and some of our people went andthrew a mat over it; soon after which, they saw some men carrying himoff on their shoulders, and could hear them singing, as they marched, a mournful song. 

The natives, being at last convinced that it was not the want ofability to punish them, which had hitherto made us tolerate theirprovocations, desisted from giving us any farther molestation; and, inthe evening, a chief called Eappo, who had seldom visited us, but whomwe knew to be a man of the very first consequence, came with presentsfrom Terreeoboo to sue for peace. These presents were received, and hewas dismissed with the same answer which had before been given, thatuntil the remains of Captain Cook should be restored, no peace wouldbe granted. We learned from this person, that the flesh of all thebodies of our people, together with the bones of the trunks, had beenburnt, that the limb bones of the marines had been divided amongst theinferior chiefs, and that those of Captain Cook had been disposed ofin the following manner: The head to a great chief called Kahoo-opeon, the hair to Maiha-maiha, and the legs, thighs, and arms to Terreeoboo. After it was dark, many of the inhabitants came off with roots andother vegetables, and we also received two large presents of the samearticles from Kaireekeea. 

The 19th was chiefly taken up in sending and receiving the messageswhich passed between Captain Clerke and Terreeoboo. Eappo was verypressing that one of our officers should go on shore; and, in the meantime, offered to remain as a hostage on board. This request, however, it was not thought proper to comply with; and he left us with apromise of bringing the bones the next day. At the beach, thewaterers did not meet with the least opposition from the natives; who, notwithstanding our cautious behaviour, came amongst us again, withoutthe smallest appearance of diffidence or apprehension. 

Early in the morning of the 20th, we had the satisfaction of gettingthe foremast stepped. It was an operation attended with greatdifficulty and some danger, our ropes being so exceedingly rotten, that the purchase gave way several times. 

Between ten and eleven o'clock, we saw a great number of peopledescending the hill, which is over the beach, in a kind of procession, each man carrying a sugar-cane or two on his shoulders, andbread-fruit, _taro_, and plantains in his hand. They were precededby two drummers; who, when they came to the water-side, sat down bya white flag, and began to beat their drums, while those who hadfollowed them, advanced one by one, and having deposited the presentsthey had brought, retired in the same order. Soon after, Eappo camein sight, in his long feathered cloak, bearing something with greatsolemnity in his hands; and having placed himself on a rock, he madesigns for a boat to be sent to him. 

Captain Clerke, conjecturing that he had brought the bones of CaptainCook, which proved to be the fact, went himself in the pinnace toreceive them, and ordered me to attend him in the cutter. When wearrived at the beach, Eappo came into the pinnace, and deliveredto the captain the bones wrapped up in a large quantity of fine newcloth, and covered with a spotted cloak of black and white feathers. He afterward attended us to the Resolution, but could not be prevailedupon to go on board, probably not choosing, from a sense of decency, to be present at the opening of the bundle. We found in it both thehands of Captain Cook entire, which were well known from a remarkablescar on one of them, that divided the thumb from the fore-finger, thewhole length of the metacarpal bone; the skull, but with the scalpseparated from it, and the bones that form the face wanting; thescalp, with the hair upon it cut short, and the ears adhering to it;the bones of both arms, with the skin of the fore-arms hanging tothem; the thigh and leg-bones joined together, but without the feet. The ligaments of the joints were entire, and the whole bore evidentmarks of having been in the fire, except the hands, which had theflesh left upon them, and were cut in several places, and crammed withsalt, apparently with an intention of preserving them. The scalp had acut in the back part of it, but the skull was free from any fracture. The lower jaw and feet, which were wanting, Eappo told us, had beenseized by different chiefs, and that Terreeoboo was using every meansto recover them. 

The next morning, Eappo and the king's son came on board, and broughtwith them the remaining bones of Captain Cook, the barrels of his gun, his shoes, and some other trifles that belonged to him. Eappo tookgreat pains to convince us that Terreeoboo, Maiha-maiha, and himself, were most heartily desirous of peace; that they had given us themost convincing proof of it in their power; and that they had beenprevented from giving it sooner by the other chiefs, many of whom werestill our enemies. He lamented, with the greatest sorrow, the death ofsix chiefs we had killed, some of whom, he said, were amongst our bestfriends. The cutter, he told us, was taken away by Pareea's people, very probably in revenge for the blow that had been given him, andthat it had been broken up the next day. The arms of the marines whichwe had also demanded, he assured us had been carried off by the commonpeople, and were irrecoverable; the bones of the chief alone havingbeen preserved, as belonging to Terreeoboo and the Erees. 

Nothing now remained but to perform the last offices to our great andunfortunate commander. Eappo was dismissed with orders to _taboo_all the bay; and in the afternoon, the bones having been put into acoffin, and the service read over them, they were committed to thedeep with the usual military honours. What our feelings were on thisoccasion I leave the world to conceive; those who were present knowthat it is not in my power to express them. 

During the forenoon of the 22d, not a canoe was seen paddling in thebay; the _taboo_ which Eappo had laid on it the day before, at ourrequest, not being yet taken off. At length Eappo came off to us. We assured him that we were now entirely satisfied; and that as the_Orono_ was buried, all remembrance of what had passed was buried withhim. We afterward desired him to take off the _taboo_, and to makeit known, that the people might bring their provisions as usual. Theships were soon surrounded with canoes, and many of the chiefs cameon board, expressing great sorrow at what had happened, and theirsatisfaction at our reconciliation. Several of our friends, whodid not visit us, sent presents of large hogs and other provisions. Amongst the rest came the old treacherous Koah, but was refusedadmittance. 

As we had now every thing ready for sea, Captain Clerke imagining, that if the news of our proceedings should reach the islands toleeward before us, it might have a bad effect, gave orders, to unmoor. About eight in the evening we dismissed all the natives, and Eappoand the friendly Kaireekeea took an affectionate leave of us. Weimmediately weighed, and stood out of the bay. The natives werecollected on the shore in great numbers; and, as we passed along, received our last farewells with every mark of affection andgood-will. [5]

[Footnote 5: Would it not be generally advantageous for mankindto consider, when they are about to engage, or are engaged, inhostilities against each other, that it is highly probable, nayin most cases certain, that they shall one day come to a goodunderstanding, and regret that their altercation had been so mutuallydestructive? Would not a notion of this kind, far enough indeed frombeing any effect or symptom of weakness, contribute essentially towhat is surely always a good thing, the moderation of men's passions;and have, therefore, the beneficial tendency, at really the leastexpence and suffering, to accomplish the only legitimate and avowedend of war, a safe and honourable peace? But no termination of astruggle is entitled to be called either the one or the other, which, resulting merely from the experience of common exhaustion and mutualinability, leaves the parties to grumble over the relics of theiranimosity, and to brood on their misfortunes, till new means andspirits be produced to resume the conflict. There is much wisdom inthe language which a deceased statesman used, when he spoke of "makingpeace in the spirit of peace, " as the only remedy for the politicaldisorders of the world. But this disposition, it seems morallycertain, cannot exist, unless in union with the anticipation of thecomforts and vastly superior benefits which such a consummation canafford, --E. ]

SECTION V. 

_Departure from Karakakooa in Search of a Harbour on the South-EastSide of Mowee. --Driven to Leeward by the Easterly Winds andCurrent. --Pass the Island of Tahoorowha. --Description of theSouth-West Side of Mowee. --Run along the Coasts of Ranai andMorotoi to Woahoo. --Description of the North-East Coast ofWoahoo. --Unsuccessful Attempt to Water. --Passage to Atooi. --Anchor inWymoa Bay. --Dangerous Situation of the Watering Party on Shore. --CivilDissensions in the Islands. --Visit from the contending Chiefs. --Anchoroff Oneeheow. --Final Departure from the Sandwich Islands. _

We got clear of the land about ten; and, hoisting in the boats, stoodto the northward, with an intention of searching for a harbour on theS. E. Side of Mowee, which we had heard frequently mentioned by thenatives. The next morning we found ourselves driven to leeward by aheavy swell from the N. E. , and a fresh gale springing up from thesame quarter, carried us still farther to the westward. At midnight wetacked, and stood to the S. For four hours, in order to keep clear ofthe land; and at day-break, we found ourselves standing toward a smallbarren island, called Tahoorowa, which lies seven or eight miles tothe S. W. Of Mowee. 

All prospect of examining more nearly the S. E. Parts of Mowee beingnow destroyed, we bore away, and ran along the S. E. Side of Tahoorowa. As we were steering close round its western extremity, with anintention of fetching the W. Side of Mowee, we suddenly shoaled ourwater, and observed the sea breaking on some detached rocks almostright a-head. This obliged us to keep away a league and a half, whenwe again steered to the northward; and, after passing over a bank, with nineteen fathoms water, stood for a passage between Mowee and anisland called Ranai. At noon the latitude was by observation, 20° 42'N. , and the longitude 203° 22' E. ; the southern extremity of Moweebearing E. S. E. 1/4 E. ; the southern extremity of Ranai W. N. W. 1/4 W. ;Morotoi, N. W. And by N. ; and the western extremity of Tahoorowa, S. By E. , seven miles distant. Our longitude was accurately deduced fromobservations made by the time-keeper before and after noon, comparedwith the longitude found by a great many distances of the moon fromthe sun and stars, which were also observed the same day. 

In the afternoon, the weather being calm, with light airs from the W. , we stood on to the N. N. W. ; but at sun-set, observing a shoal, whichappeared to stretch to a considerable distance from the W. Pointof Mowee, toward the middle of the passage, and the weather beingunsettled, we tacked, and stood toward the S. 

The S. W. Side of this island, which we now had passed without beingable to get near the shore, forms the same distant view with the N. E. , as seen on our return from the N. , in November 1778; the mountainousparts, which are connected by a low flat isthmus, appearing at firstlike two separate islands. This deception continued on the S. W. Side, till we approached within eight or ten leagues of the coast, which, bending inward to a great depth, formed a fine capacious bay. Thewesternmost point, off which the shoal we have just mentioned runs, ismade remarkable by a small hillock, to the southward of which thereis a fine sandy bay, with several huts on the shore, and a number ofcocoa-nut trees growing about them. 

During the course of the day, we were visited by several of thenatives, who came off to sell provisions, and we soon found that theyhad heard of our late unfortunate transactions at Owhyhee. They werevery curious to learn the particulars from a woman who had concealedherself on board the Resolution, in order to take her passage toAtooi; enquiring eagerly after Pareea and some other chiefs, andappearing much shocked at the death of Kaneena and his brother. Wehad, however, the satisfaction to find that, in whatever light thewoman might have represented this business, it had no bad effect ontheir behaviour, which was remarkably civil and submissive. 

The weather continued variable during the night; but in the morningof the 25th, having the wind at E. , we ran along the S. Side of Ranai, till near noon; after which, we had calms and baffling winds tillevening, when we steered, with a light easterly breeze, for the W. Part of Morotoi. In the course of the day, the current, which, fromthe time we left Karakakooa Bay, had set from the N. E. , changed itsdirection to the S. E. 

During the night, the wind was again variable; but early next morningit settled at E. , and blew so fresh as to oblige us to double-reefthe top-sails. At seven, in hauling round the W. Point of Morotoi, weopened a small bay, at the distance of about two leagues, with a finesandy beach; but seeing no appearance of fresh water, we stood on tothe N. , in order to get to the windward of Woahoo, an island which wehad seen at our first visit in January 1778. 

At two in the afternoon, we saw the land bearing W. By N. , eightleagues distant; and having tacked as soon as it was dark, we againbore away at day-light on the 27th; and at half-past ten, were withina league of the shore, near the middle of the N. E. Side of the island. 

The coast to the northward is formed of detached hills, risingperpendicularly from the sea, with ragged and broken summits, thesides covered with wood, and the vallies between them of a fertile andwell-cultivated appearance. To the southward we saw an extensive bay, bounded by a low point of land to the S. E. , which was covered withcocoa-nut trees, and off it stood a high insulated rock, about amile from the shore. The haziness of the weather prevented our seeingdistinctly the land to the southward of the point, we could onlyperceive that it was high and broken. 

As the wind continued to blow very fresh, we thought it dangerous toentangle ourselves with a lee-shore, and therefore did not attempt toexamine the bay, but hauled up, and steered to the northward in thedirection of the coast. At noon, we were abreast of the N. Point ofthe island, about two leagues from the land, which is low and flat, and has a reef stretching off it to the distance of near a mile and ahalf. The latitude, by observation, 21° 50' N. , longitude 202° 15' E. , the extreme parts of the island in sight bearing S. S. E. 1/4 E. , andS. W. By S. 3/4 W. 

Between the N. Point and a distant head-land which we saw to the S. W. , the land bends inward considerably, and appeared likely to afford agood road. We therefore directed our course along the shore, at thedistance of about a mile, carrying regular soundings from twenty tothirteen fathoms. At a quarter past two, the sight of a fine river, running through a deep valley, induced us to come to an anchor inthirteen fathoms water, with a sandy bottom; the extreme points of thebay bearing S. W. By W. 1/2 W. , and N. E. By E. 3/4 E. , and the mouth ofthe river S. E. 1/2 E. , one mile distant. In the afternoon I attendedthe two captains on shore, where we found but few of the natives, andthose mostly women; the men, they told us, were gone to Morotoi tofight Tahyterree, but that their chief, Perreeoranee, who had stayedbehind, would certainly visit us as soon as he heard of our arrival. 

We were much disappointed to find the water had a brackish taste fortwo hundred yards up the river, owing to the marshy ground throughwhich it empties itself into the sea. Beyond this it was perfectlyfresh, and formed a fine running stream, along the side of which Iwalked till I came to the conflux of two small rivulets, that branchedoff to the right and left of a remarkably steep and romantic mountain. The banks of this river, and indeed the whole we saw of the N. W. Partof Woahoo, are well cultivated, and full of villages; and the face ofthe country is uncommonly beautiful and picturesque. 

As the watering at this place would have been attended with greatlabour, I was sent to examine the coast to leeward; but not being ableto land, on account of a reef of coral which stretched along the shoreto the distance of half a mile, Captain Clerke determined, withoutfarther loss of time, to proceed to Atooi. At eight in the morning weweighed, and stood to the northward till day-light on the 28th, whenwe bore away for that island, which we were in sight of by noon; andabout sun-set, were off its eastern extremity, which shews itself in afine green flat point. 

It being too late to run for the road on the S. W. Side of the island, where we had been the last year, we passed the night in plying on andoff, and at nine the next morning, came to an anchor in twenty-fivefathoms water, and moored with the best bower in thirty-eight fathoms, the bluff-head on the west side of the village, bearing N. E. By N. 3/4E. , two miles distant; the extremes of the island, N. W. By W. 3/4 W. , and S. E. By E. 1/2 E. ; the island Oneeheow W. By S. 1/2 W. In runningdown to the road, from the S. E. Point of the island, we saw theappearance of shoal water in several places, at a considerabledistance from the land; and when we were about two miles to theeastward of the anchoring-place, and two or three miles from theshore, we got into four and a half fathoms water, although oursoundings had usually been seven and eight fathoms. 

We had no sooner anchored in our old station, than several canoes camealong-side of us; but we could observe that they did not welcome uswith the same cordiality in their manner, and satisfaction in theircountenances, as when we were here before. As soon as they got onboard, one of the men began to tell us, that we had left a disorderamongst their women, of which several persons of both sexes had died. He was himself afflicted with the venereal disease, and gave a veryfull and minute account of the various symptoms with which it had beenattended. As there was not the slightest appearance of that disorderamongst them on our first arrival, I am afraid it is not to be deniedthat we were the authors of this irreparable mischief. 

Our principal object here was to water the ships with the utmostexpedition; and I was sent on shore early in the afternoon, with thepinnace and launch laden with casks. The gunner of the Resolutionaccompanied me to trade for provisions, and we had a guard of fivemarines. We found a considerable number of people collected upon thebeach, who received us at first with great kindness; but as soon aswe got the casks on shore, began to be exceedingly troublesome. Formerexperience having taught me how difficult it was to repress thisdisposition, without having recourse to the authority of their chiefs, I was very sorry to find that they were all at another part of theisland. Indeed we soon felt the want of their assistance; for it waswith great difficulty I was able to form a circle, according to ourusual practice, for the convenience and security of the trading party, and had no sooner done it, and posted guards to keep off the crowd, than I saw a man laying hold of the bayonet of one of the soldiers'muskets, and endeavouring, with all his force, to wrench it out of hishand. On my coming up to them, the native let go his hold and retired, but returned in a moment, with a spear in one hand and a dagger in theother; and his countrymen had much ado to restrain him from tryinghis prowess with the soldier. This fray was occasioned by the latter'shaving given the man a slight prick with his bayonet, in order to makehim keep without the line. 

I now perceived that our situation required great circumspection andmanagement; and accordingly gave the strictest orders that no oneshould fire, nor have recourse to any other act of violence, withoutpositive commands. As soon as I had given these directions, I wascalled to the assistance of the watering party, where I found thenatives equally inclined to mischief. They had demanded from ourpeople a large hatchet for every cask of water, and this not beingcomplied with, they would not suffer the sailors to roll them down tothe boats. 

I had no sooner joined them than one of the natives advanced up to me, with great insolence, and made the same claim. I told him that, as afriend, I was very willing to present him with a hatchet, but that Ishould certainly carry off the water without paying any thing forit; and I immediately ordered the pinnace men to proceed in theirbusiness, and called three marines from the traders to protect them. 

Though this shew of spirit succeeded so far as to make the nativesdesist from any open attempt to interrupt us, they still continued tobehave in the most teazing and provoking manner. Whilst some of them, under pretence of assisting the men in rolling down the casks, turnedthem out of their course, and gave them a wrong direction; others werestealing the hats from off the sailors' heads, pulling them backwardby their clothes, or tripping up their heels; the whole crowd, all this time, shouting and laughing, with a strange mixture ofchildishness and malice. They afterward found means to steal thecooper's bucket, and took away his bag by force; but the objectsthey were most eager to possess themselves of were the muskets of themarines, who were every instant complaining of their attempts to forcethem out of their hands. Though they continued, for the most part, topay great deference and respect to me, yet they did not suffer me toescape without contributing my share to their stock of plunder. Oneof them came up to me with a familiar air, and with great managementdiverted my attention, whilst another, wrenching the hanger, which Iheld carelessly in my hand, from me, ran off with it like lightning. 

It was in vain to think of repelling this insolence by force; guardingtherefore against its effects, in the best manner we were able, we hadnothing to do but to submit patiently to it. My apprehensions were, however, a little alarmed, by the information I soon after receivedfrom the serjeant of marines, who told me that, turning suddenlyround, he saw a man behind me holding a dagger in the position ofstriking. In this he might possibly be mistaken; yet our situation wascertainly alarming and critical, and the smallest error on our sidemight have been fatal to us. As our people were separated into threesmall parties, one at the lake filling casks; another rolling themdown to the shore; and the third, at some distance, purchasingprovisions; it had once occurred to me, that it might be proper tocollect them altogether, and to execute and protect one duty at atime. But on second thoughts, I judged it more advisable to let themcontinue as they were. In case of a real attack, our whole force, however advantageously disposed, could have made but a poorresistance. On the other hand, I thought it of some consequence toshew the natives that we were under no fears; and, what was still morematerial, the crowd was by this means kept divided, and a considerablepart of them fully employed in bartering provisions. 

It is probable that their dread of the effects of our arms was theprincipal cause of their backwardness in attacking us; and, indeed, the confidence we appeared to place in this advantage, by opposingonly five marines to their whole force, must have raised in them avery high idea of our superiority. It was our business to keep up thisopinion as much as possible; and in justice to the whole party, I mustobserve, that no men could possibly behave better, for the purpose ofstrengthening these impressions. Whatever could be taken in jest, theybore with the utmost temper and patience; and whenever any seriousattempt was made to interrupt them, they opposed it with bold looksand menaces. By this management we succeeded so far as to get all thecasks down to the water side without any material accident. 

While we were getting them into the launch, the natives, perceivingthe opportunity of plundering would soon, be over, became every momentmore daring and insolent. On this occasion I was indebted to theserjeant of marines, for suggesting to me the advantage that wouldarise from sending off his party first into the boats; by which meansthe muskets of the soldiers, which, as I have already mentioned, werethe objects the islanders had principally in view, would be removedout of their reach; and in case of an attack, the marines themselvesmight be employed more effectually in our defence, than if they wereon shore. 

We had now got every thing into the boats, and only Mr Anderson thegunner, a seaman of the boat's crew, and myself, remained on shore. As the pinnace lay beyond the surf, through which we were obligedto swim, I told them to make the best of their way to it, and that Ishould follow them. With this order I was surprised to find themboth refuse to comply; and the consequence was a contest among us whoshould be the last on shore. It seems that some hasty words I had justbefore used to the sailor, which he thought reflected on his courage, was the cause of this odd fancy in him; and the old gunner, finding apoint of honour started, thought he could not well avoid taking a partin it. In this ridiculous situation we might have remained some time, had not our dispute been soon settled by the stones that began tofly about us, and by the cries of the people from the boats, to makehaste, as the natives were following us into the water with clubsand spears. I reached the side of the pinnace first, and finding MrAnderson was at some distance behind, and not yet entirely out ofdanger, I called out to the marines to fire one musket. In the hurryof executing my orders, they fired two; and when I had got into theboat I saw the natives running away, and one man, with a woman sittingby him, left behind on the beach. The man made several attempts torise without being able; and it was with much regret, I perceivedhim to be wounded in the groin. The natives soon after returned, andsurrounded the wounded man, brandishing their spears and daggers atus, with an air of threatening and defiance; but before we reachedthe ships, we saw some persons, whom we supposed to be the chiefs, nowarrived, driving them away from the shore. 

During our absence, Captain Clerke had been under the greatest anxietyfor our safety. And these apprehensions were considerably increased, from his having entirely mistaken the drift of the conversation he hadheld with some natives who had been on board. The frequent mentionof the name of Captain Cook, with other strong and circumstantialdescriptions of death and destruction, made him conclude, that theknowledge of the unfortunate events at Owhyhee had reached them, andthat these were what they alluded to; whereas all they had in viewwas, to make known to him the wars that had arisen, in consequence ofthe goats that Captain Cook had left at Oneeheow, and the slaughterof the poor goats themselves, during the struggle for the property ofthem. Captain Clerke, applying this earnestness of conversation, andthese terrible representations, to our calamitous transactions atOwhyhee, and to an indication of revenge, kept his telescope fixedupon us, and the moment he saw the smoke of the muskets, ordered theboats to be manned and armed, and to put off to our assistance. 

The next morning I was again ordered on shore, with the wateringparty. The risk we had run the preceding day, determined CaptainClerke to send a considerable force from both ships for our guard, amounting in all to forty men under arms. This precaution, however, was now unnecessary; for we found the beach left entirely toourselves, and the ground between the landing-place and the lake_tabooed_ with small white flags. We concluded, from this appearance, that some of the chiefs had certainly visited this quarter; and thatnot being able to stay, they had kindly and considerately taken thisstep, for our greater security and convenience. We saw several menarmed with long spears and daggers, on the other side of the river, on our right; but they did not offer to give us the least molestation. Their women came over, and sat down on the banks close by us, and atnoon we prevailed on some of the men to bring hogs and roots for ourpeople, and to dress them for us. As soon as we had left the beach, they came down to the sea-side, and one of them threw a stone at us;but his conduct seeming to be highly disapproved of by all the rest, we did not think it proper to shew any resentment. 

The next day we completed our watering, without meeting with anymaterial difficulty. On our return to the ships, we found that severalchiefs had been on board, and had made excuses for the behaviour oftheir countrymen, attributing their riotous conduct to the quarrelswhich subsisted at that time amongst the principal people ofthe island, and which had occasioned a general want of order andsubordination amongst them. The government of Atooi was in disputebetween Toneoneo, who had the supreme power when we were here lastyear, and a boy named Teavee. They are both, by different fathers, the grandsons of Perreeorannee, king of Woahoo, who had given thegovernment of Atooi to the former, and that of Oneeheow to the latter. The quarrel had arisen about the goats we had left at Oneeheow thelast year; the right of property in which was claimed by Toneoneo, onthe pretence of that island's being a dependency of his. The friendsof Teavee insisting on the right of possession, both parties preparedto maintain their pretensions by force; and a few days before ourarrival, a battle had been fought, in which Toneoneo had been worsted. The consequence of this victory was likely to affect Toneoneo in amuch deeper manner than by the mere loss of the objects in dispute;for the mother of Teavee having married a second husband, who wasa chief of Atooi, and at the head of a powerful faction there, hethought that the present opportunity was not to be neglected, ofdriving Toneoneo entirely out of the island, and of advancing hisson-in-law to the government. I have already had occasion to mention, that the goats, which had increased to the number of six, and wouldprobably in a few years have stocked all these islands, were destroyedin the contest. 

On the 4th, the mother and sister of the young prince and hisfather-in-law, with many other chiefs of that party, came on board theResolution, and made several curious and valuable presents to CaptainClerke. Amongst the former, were some fish-hooks, which they assuredus were made of the bones of our old friend Terreeoboo's father, whohad been killed in an unsuccessful descent upon the island of Woahoo;and a fly-flap, presented to him by the prince's sister, the handleof which was a human bone, that had been given her as a trophy by herfather-in-law. Young Teavee was not of the company, being engaged, aswe were told, in performing some religious ceremonies, in consequenceof the victory he had obtained, which were to last twenty days. 

This and the two following days were employed on shore, in completingthe Discovery's water; and the carpenters were busy on board, incaulking the ships, and in making other preparations for our nextcruise. The natives desisted from giving us any further disturbance, and we procured from them a plentiful supply of pork and vegetables. 

At this time, an Indian brought a piece of iron on board theDiscovery, to be fashioned into the shape of a _pahooah_. It wascarefully examined both by the officers and men, and appeared to bethe bolt of some large ship-timbers. They were not able to discover towhat nation it belonged; but from the pale colour[1] of the iron, andits not corresponding in shape to our bolts, they concluded that itcertainly was not English. This led them to make a strict enquiry ofthe native, when and where he got it; and, if they comprehended himright, it had been taken out of a piece of timber, larger than thecable-bit, to which he pointed. This piece of wood, they fartherunderstood from, him, to have been driven upon their island, since wewere here in January 1778. 

[Footnote 1: It was evident, that the iron we found in possession ofthe natives at Nootka Sound, and which was mostly made into knives, was of a much paler sort than ours. ]

On the 7th, we were surprised with a visit from Toneoneo. Whenhe heard the dowager-princess was in the ship, it was with greatdifficulty we could prevail on him to come on board, not from anyapprehension that he appeared to entertain of his safety, but from anunwillingness to see her. Their meeting was with sulky and loweringlooks on both sides. He staid but a short time, and seemed muchdejected; but we remarked, with some surprise, that the women, both athis coming and going way, prostrated themselves before him; and thathe was treated by all the natives on board with the respectusually paid to those of his rank. Indeed, it must appear somewhatextraordinary, that a person who was at this time in a state of actualhostility with Teavee's party, and was even prepared for anotherbattle, should trust himself almost alone within the power of hisenemies. It is therefore to be observed, that the civil dissentions, which are very frequent throughout all the South-Sea Islands, seem tobe carried on without much acrimony or bloodshed; and that the deposedgovernor still continues to enjoy the rank of an _Eree_, and is leftto make use of such means as may arise for the regaining his lostconsequence. But I shall have occasion to speak more particularly onthis subject in the next section; in which the best account will begiven, which we were able to collect, of the political state of thosecountries. 

On the 8th, at nine in the morning, we weighed, and sailed towardOneeheow; and at three in the afternoon anchored in twenty fathomswater, nearly on the same spot as in the year 1778. We moored with theother anchor in twenty-six fathoms water. The high bluff, on the southend of the island, bore E. S. E. ; the north point of the road, N. 1/2 E;and a bluff head to the south of it, N. E. By N. During the night, wehad a strong gale from the eastward; and, in the morning of the 9th, found the ship had driven a whole cable's length, and brought bothanchors almost ahead. We shortened in the best bower-cable; but thewind blowing too fresh to unmoor, we were obliged to remain this andthe two following days with the anchors still ahead. 

On the 12th, the weather being moderate, the master was sent to thenorth-west side of the island, to look for a more convenient place foranchoring. He returned in the evening, having found, close round thewest point of the road where we now lay, which is also the westernmostpoint of the island, a fine bay, with good anchorage, in eighteenfathoms water, a clear sandy bottom, not a mile from the beach, onwhich the surf beats, but not so as to hinder landing. The directionof the points of the bay were N. By E. , and S. By W. ; and, in thatline, the soundings seven, eight, and nine fathoms. On the northside of the bay was a small village; and a quarter of a mile to theeastward were four small wells of good water; the road to them level, and fit for rolling casks. Mr Bligh went afterward so far to thenorth as to satisfy himself, that Oreehoua was a separate island fromOneeheow, and that there was a passage between them, which before weonly conjectured to exist. 

In the afternoon we hoisted in all the boats, and made ready for goingto sea in the morning. 

END OF VOLUME SIXTEENTH.