AGENERALHISTORY AND COLLECTIONOFVOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER: FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. BYROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. VOL. XV. WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH: AND T. CADELL, LONDON. MDCCCXXIV. CONTENTSOFVOL. XV. PART III. --BOOK II. [Continuing An Account of a Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World, performed in his Majesty's ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years1772, 3, 4, and 5: Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution. ] CHAP. IV. --_Continued. _--From leaving New Zealand to our return toEngland, SECT. III. Range from Christmas Sound, round Cape Horn, through StraitLe Maire, and round Staten Land; with an Account of the Discovery of aHarbour in that Island, and a Description of the Coasts, IV. Observations, geographical and nautical, with an Account of theIslands near Staten Land, and the Animals found in them, V. Proceedings after leaving Staten Island, with an Account of theDiscovery of the Isle of Georgia, and a Description of it, VI. Proceedings after leaving the Isle of Georgia, with an Account ofthe Discovery of Sandwich Land; with some Reasons for there being Landabout the South Pole, VII. Heads of what has been done in the Voyage; with some Conjecturesconcerning the Formation of Ice-Islands; and an Account of ourProceedings till our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, VIII. Captain Furneaux's Narrative of his Proceedings, in the Adventure, from the Time he was separated from the Resolution, to his Arrival inEngland; including Lieutenant Burney's Report concerning the Boat's Crewwho were murdered by the Inhabitants of Queen Charlotte's Sound, SECT. IX. Transactions at the Cape of Good Hope; with an Account ofsome Discoveries made by the French; and the Arrival of the Ship at StHelena, X. Passage from St Helena to the Western Islands, with a Description ofthe Island of Ascension and Fernando Noronha, XI. Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Fayal, a Description of thePlace, and the Return of the Resolution to England, A Vocabulary of the Language of the Society Isles, BOOK III. A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, undertaken by the Command ofhis Majesty, for making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere; todetermine the Position and Extent of the West Side of North America, itsDistance from Asia, and the Practicability of a Northern Passage toEurope. Performed under the Direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, andGore, in his Majesty's Ships the Resolution and Discovery, in the Years1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, & 1780, Introduction, CHAP. I. Transactions from the Beginning of the Voyage till ourDeparture from New Zealand, SECT. I. Various Preparations for the Voyage. Omai's Behaviour onembarking. Observations for determining the Longitude of Sheerness, andthe North Foreland. Passage of the Resolution from Deptford to Plymouth. Employments there. Complements of the Crews of both Ships, and Names ofthe Officers. Observations to fix the Longitude of Plymouth. Departureof the Resolution, II. Passage of the Resolution to Teneriffe. Reception there. Descriptionof Santa Cruz Road. Refreshments to be met with. Observations for fixingthe Longitude of Teneriffe. Some Account of the Island. BotanicalObservations. Cities of Santa Cruz and Laguna, Agriculture. Air andClimate. Commerce. Inhabitants, III. Departure from Teneriffe. Danger of the Ship near Bonavista. Isleof Mayo. Port Praya. Precautions against the Rain and sultry Weather inthe Neighbourhood of the Equator. Position of the Coast of Brazil. Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope. Transactions there. Junction of theDiscovery. Mr Anderson's Journey up the Country. AstronomicalObservations. Nautical Remarks on the Passage from England to the Cape, with regard to the Currents and the Variation, SECT. IV. The two Ships leave the Cape of Good Hope. Two Islands, namedPrince Edward's, seen, and their Appearance described. Kerguelen's Landvisited. Arrival in Christmas Harbour. Occurrences there. Description ofit, V. Departure from Christmas Harbour. Range along the Coast, to discoverits Position and Extent. Several Promontories and Bays, and a Peninsula, described and named. Danger from Shoals, Another Harbour and a Sound. MrAnderson's Observations on the Natural Productions, Animals, Soil, &c. Of Kerguelen's Land, VI. Passage from Kerguelen's to Van Diemen's Land. Arrival in AdventureBay. Incidents there. Interviews with the Natives. Their Persons andDress described. Account of their Behaviour. Table of the Longitude, Latitude, and Variation. Mr Anderson's Observations on the Natural, Productions of the Country, on the Inhabitants, and their Language, VII. The Passage from Van Diemen's Land to New Zealand. Employments inQueen Charlotte's Sound. Transactions with the Natives there. Intelligence about the Massacre of the Adventure's Boat's Crew. Accountof the Chief who headed the Party on that Occasion. Of the two young Menwho embark to attend Omai. Various Remarks on the Inhabitants. Astronomical and Nautical Observations, VIII. Mr Anderson's Remarks on the Country near Queen Charlotte's Sound. The Soil. Climate. Weather. Winds. Trees. Plants. Birds. Fish. OtherAnimals. Of the Inhabitants. Description of their Persons. Their Dress. Ornaments. Habitations. Boats. Food and Cookery. Arts. Weapons. Crueltyto Prisoners. Various Customs. Specimen of their Language, CHAP. II From leaving New Zealand to our Arrival at Otaheite, or theSociety Islands, Sect. I. Prosecution of the Voyage. Behaviour of the two New Zealanderson board. Unfavourable Winds. An Island called Mangeea discovered. TheCoast of it examined. Transactions with the Natives. An Account of theirPersons, Dress, and Canoes. Description of the Island. A Specimen of theLanguage. Disposition of the Inhabitants, II. The Discovery of an Island called Wateeoo. Its Coastsexamined. --Visits from the Natives on board the Ships. Mess, Gore, Burney, and Anderson, with Omai, sent on Shore. Mr Anderson's Narrativeof their Reception. Omai's Expedient to prevent their being detained. His meeting with some of his Countrymen, and their distressful Voyage. Farther Account of Wateeoo, and of its Inhabitants, III. Wenooa-ette, or Otokootaia, visited. Account of that Island, and ofits Produce. Hervey's Island, or Terougge mou Attooa, found to beinhabited. Transactions with the Natives. Their Persons, Dress, Language, Canoes. Fruitless Attempt to land there. Reason for bearingaway for the Friendly Islands. Palmerston's Island touched at. Description of the two Places where the Boats landed. Refreshmentsobtained there. Conjectures on the Formation of such low Islands. Arrival at the Friendly Islands, IV. Intercourse with the Natives of Komango, and other Islands. Arrivalat Annamooka. Transactions there. Feenou, a principal Chief, fromTongataboo, comes on a Visit. The Manner of his Reception in the Island, and on board. Instances of the pilfering Disposition of the Natives. Some Account of Annamooka. The Passage from it to Hepaee, V. Arrival of the Ships at Hepaee, and friendly Reception there. Presents and Solemnities on the Occasion. Single Combats with Clubs. Wrestling and Boxing Matches. Female Combatants. Marines exercised. ADance performed by Men. Fireworks exhibited. The Night-entertainments ofSinging and Dancing particularly described, SECT. VI. Description of Lefooga. Its cultivated State. Its Extent. Transactions there. A female Oculist. Singular Expedients for shavingoff the Hair. The Ships change their Station. A remarkable Mount andStone. Description of Hoolaiva. Account of Poulaho, King of the FriendlyIslands. Respectful Manner in which he is treated by his People. Departure from the Hepaee Islands. Some Account of Kotoo. Return of theShips to Annamooka. Poulaho and Feenou meet Arrival at Tongataboo, VII. Friendly Reception at Tongataboo. Manner of distributing a bakedHog and Kava to Poulaho's Attendants. The Observatory, &c. Erected. TheVillage where the Chiefs reside, and the adjoining Country, described. Interviews with Mareewagee, and Toobou, and the King's Son. A grandHaiva, or Entertainment of Songs and Dances, given by Mareewagee. Exhibition of Fireworks. Manner of Wrestling and Boxing. Distribution ofthe Cattle. Thefts committed by the Natives. Poulaho, and the otherChiefs, confined on that Account. Poulaho's Present and Haiva, VIII. Some of the Officers plundered by the Natives. A fishing Party. AVisit to Poulaho. A Fiatooka described. Observations on the CountryEntertainments at Poulaho's House. His Mourning Ceremony. Of the KavaPlant, and the Manner of preparing the Liquor. Account of Onevy, alittle Island. One of the Natives wounded by a Sentinel. Messrs King andAnderson visit the King's Brother. Their Entertainment. Another MourningCeremony. Manner of passing the Night. Remarks on the Country theypassed through. Preparations made for Sailing. An Eclipse of the Sun, imperfectly observed. Mr Anderson's Account of the Island, and itsProductions, SECT. IX. A grand Solemnity, called Natche, in Honour of the King'sSon, performed. The Procession and other Ceremonies, during the firstDay, described. The Manner of passing the Night at the King's House. Continuation of the Solemnity the next Day; Conjectures about the Natureof it. Departure from Tongataboo, and the Arrival at Eooa. Account ofthat Island, and Transactions there, X. Advantages derived from visiting the Friendly Islands. Best Articlesfor Traffic. Refreshments that may be procured. The Number of theIslands, and their Names. Keppel's and Boscawen's Islands belong tothem. Account of Vavaoo, of Hamao, of Feejee. Voyages of the Natives intheir Canoes. Difficulty of procuring exact Information. Persons of theInhabitants of both Sexes. Their Colour. Diseases. Their generalCharacter. Manner of wearing their Hair. Of puncturing their Bodies. Their Clothing and Ornaments. Personal Cleanliness, XI. Employments of the Women at the Friendly Islands. Of the Men. Agriculture. Construction of their Houses. Their working Tools. Cordageand fishing Implements. Musical Instruments. Weapons. Food and Cookery. Amusements. Marriage. Mourning Ceremonies for the Dead. TheirDivinities. Notions about the Soul, and a future State. Their Places ofWorship. Government. Manner of paying Obeisance to the King. Account ofthe Royal Family. Remarks on their Language, and Specimen of it. Nautical and other Observations, A Vocabulary of the Language of the Friendly Isles, A Vocabulary of the Language of Atooi, one of the Sandwich Islands, AGENERAL HISTORYANDCOLLECTIONOFVOYAGES AND TRAVELS. PART III. BOOK II. (CONTINUED. ) [An Account of a Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World, performed in his Majesty's ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years1772, 3, 4, and 5: Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution. ] CHAPTER IV. --_Continued_. FROM LEAVING NEW ZEALAND TO OUR RETURN TO ENGLAND. SECTION III. _Range from Christmas Sound, round Cape Horn, through Strait Le Maire, and round Staten Land; with an Account of the Discovery of a Harbour inthat Island, and a Description of the Coasts. _ At four o'clock in the morning on the 28th, we began to unmoor, and ateight weighed, and stood out to sea, with a light breeze at N. W. , whichafterwards freshened, and was attended with rain. At noon, the eastpoint of the sound (Point Nativity) bore N. 1/2 W. , distant one and ahalf leagues, and St Ildefonzo Isles S. E. 1/2 S. , distant seven leagues. The coast seemed to trend in the direction of E. By S. ; but the weatherbeing very hazy, nothing appeared distinct. We continued to steer S. E. By E. And E. S. E. ; with a fresh breeze atW. N. W. , till four o'clock p. M. , when we hauled to the south, in order tohave a nearer view of St Ildefonzo Isles. At this time we were abreastof an inlet, which lies E. S. E, about seven leagues from the sound; butit must be observed that there are some isles without this distinction. At the west point of the inlet are two high peaked hills, and belowthem, to the east, two round hills, or isles, which lie in the directionof N. E. And S. W. Of each other. An island, or what appeared to be anisland, lay in the entrance; and another but smaller inlet appeared tothe west of this: Indeed the coast appeared indented and broken asusual. At half past five o'clock, the weather clearing up, gave us a good sightof Ildefonzo Isles. They are a group of islands and rocks above water, situated about six leagues from the main, and in the latitude of 55° 53'S. , longitude 69° 41' W. We now resumed our course to the east, and, at sun-set, the mostadvanced land bore S. E. By E. 3/4 E. ; and a point, which I judged to bethe west point of Nassau Bay, discovered by the Dutch fleet under thecommand of Admiral Hermite in 1624, bore N. 80° E. , six leagues distant. In some charts this point is called False Cape Horn, as being thesouthern point of Terra del Fuego. It is situated in latitude 55° 39' S. From the inlet above-mentioned to this false cape, the direction of thecoast is nearly east, half a point south, distant fourteen or fifteenleagues. At ten o'clock, having shortened sail, we spent the night in makingshort boards under the top-sails, and at three next morning made sail, and steered S. E. By S. , with a fresh breeze at W. S. W. , the weathersomewhat hazy. At this time the west entrance to Nassau Bay extendedfrom N. By E. To N. E. 1/2 E. , and the south side of Hermite's Isles, E. By S. At four, Cape Horn, for which we now steered, bore E. By S. It isknown, at a distance, by a high round hill over it. A point to theW. N. W. Shews a surface not unlike this; but their situations alone willalways distinguish the one from the other. At half past seven, we passed this famous _cape_, and entered thesouthern Atlantic ocean. It is the very same point of land I took forthe cape, when I passed it in 1769, which at that time I was doubtfulof. It is the most southern extremity on a group of islands of unequalextent, lying before Nassau Bay, known by the name of Hermite Islands, and is situated in the latitude of 55° 58', and in the longitude of 68°13' W. ; according to the observations made of it in 1769. But theobservations which we had in Christmas Sound, and reduced to the cape bythe watch, and others which we had afterwards, and reduced back to it bythe same means, place it in 67° 19'. It is most probable that a meanbetween the two, viz. 67° 46', will be nearest the truth. On the N. W. Side of the cape are two peaked rocks, like sugar-loaves: They lie N. W. By N. , and S. E. By S. , by compass, of each other. Some other stragglinglow rocks lie west of the cape, and one south of it; but they are allnear the shore. From Christmas Sound to Cape Horn the course is E. S. E1/4 E. , distant thirty-one leagues. In the direction of E. N. E. , threeleagues from Cape Horn, is a rocky point, which I called Mistaken Cape, and is the southern point of the easternmost of Hermite Isles. Betweenthese two capes there seemed to be a passage directly into Nassau Bay;some small isles were seen in the passage; and the coast, on the westside, had the appearance of forming good bays or harbours. In somecharts, Cape Horn is laid down as belonging to a small island. This wasneither confirmed, nor can it be contradicted by us; for severalbreakers appeared on the coast, both to the east and west of it; and thehazy weather rendered every object indistinct. The summits of some ofthe hills were rocky, but the sides and vallies seemed covered with agreen turf, and wooded in tufts. [1] [Footnote 1: True Cape Horn, distinguishable at a distance by a roundhill of considerable height, is the south point of Hermite's Isles, acluster which separates the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. False Cape Hornlies nine miles to the north-east and is the west point of Nassau Bay, where James Hermite cast anchor. Vide vol. X. Page 197. --E. ] From Cape Horn we steered E. By N. 1/2 N. , which direction carried uswithout the rocks that lie off Mistaken Cape. These rocks are white withthe dung of fowls, and vast numbers were seen about them. After passingthem we steered N. E. 1/2 E. And N. E. , for Strait Le Maire, with a viewof looking into Success Bay, to see if there were any traces of theAdventure having been there. At eight o'clock in the evening, drawingnear the strait, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind. At this timethe Sugar-loaf on Terra del Fuego bore N. 33° W. ; the point of SuccessBay, just open of the cape of the same name, bearing N. 20° E. ; andStaten Land, extending from N. 53° E. To 67° E. Soon after the winddied away, and we had light airs and calms by turns till near noon thenext day, during which time we were driven by the current over to StatenLand. The calm being succeeded by a light breeze at N. N. W. , we stood over forSuccess Bay, assisted by the currents, which set to the north. Beforethis we had hoisted our colours, and fired two guns; and soon after sawa smoke rise out of the woods, above the south point of the bay, which Ijudged was made by the natives, as it was at the place where theyresided when I was here in 1769. As soon as we got off the bay, I sentLieutenant Pickersgill to see if any traces remained of the Adventurehaving been there lately; and in the mean time we stood on and off withthe ship. At two o'clock, the current turned and set to the south; andMr Pickersgill informed me, when he returned, that it was falling wateron shore, which was contrary to what I had observed when I was herebefore, for I thought then that the flood came from the north. MrPickersgill saw not the least signs of any ship having been therelately. I had inscribed our ship's name on a card, which he nailed to atree at the place where the Endeavour watered. This was done with a viewof giving Captain Furneaux some information, in case he should be behindus and put in here. On Mr Pickersgill's landing he was courteously received by several ofthe natives, who were clothed in guanicoe and seal skins, and had ontheir arms bracelets, made of silver wire, and wrought not unlike thehilt of a sword, being no doubt the manufacture of some Europeans. Theywere the same kind of people we had seen in Christmas Sound, and, likethem, repeated the word pechera on every occasion. One man spoke much toMr Pickersgill, pointing first to the ship and then to the bay, as if hewanted her to come in. Mr Pickersgill said the bay was full of whalesand seals; and we had observed the same in the strait, especially on theTerra del Fuego side, where the whales, in particular, are exceedinglynumerous. [2] [Footnote 2: "Not less than thirty large whales, and some hundreds ofseals, played in the water about us. The whales went chiefly in couples, from whence we supposed this to be the season when the sexes meet. Whenever they spouted up the water, or, as the sailors term it, wereseen blowing to windward, the whole ship was infested with a mostdetestable, rank, and poisonous stench, which went off in the space oftwo or three minutes. Sometimes these huge animals lay on their backs, and with their long pectoral fins beat the surface of the sea, whichalways caused a great noise, equal to the explosion of a swivel. Thiskind of play has doubtless given rise to the mariner's story of a fightbetween the thrasher and the whale, of which the former is said to leapout of the water in order to fall heavily on the latter. Here we had anopportunity of observing the same exercise many times repeated, anddiscovered that all the belly and under side of the fins and tail are ofa white colour, whereas the rest are black. As we happened to be onlysixty yards from one of these animals, we perceived a number oflongitudinal furrows, or wrinkles, on its belly, from whence weconcluded it was the species by Linnaeus named _balaena boops_. Besidesflapping their fins in the water, these unwieldy animals, of forty feetin length, and not less than ten feet in diameter, sometimes fairlyleaped into the air, and dropped down again with a heavy fall, whichmade the water foam all round them. The prodigious quantity of powerrequired to raise such a vast creature out of the water is astonishing;and their peculiar economy cannot but give room to manyreflections. "--G. F. ] As soon as the boat was hoisted in, which, was not till near sixo'clock, we made sail to the east, with a fine breeze at north. Forsince we had explored the south coast of Terra del Fuego, I resolved todo the same by Staten Land, which I believed to have been as littleknown as the former. At nine o'clock the wind freshening, and veering toN. W. , we tacked, and stood to S. W. , in order to spend the night; whichproved none of the best, being stormy and hazy, with rain. Next morning, at three o'clock, we bore up for the east end of StatenLand, which, at half past four, bore S. 60° E. , the west end S. 2° E. , and the land of Terra del Fuego S. 40° W. Soon after I had taken thesebearings, the land was again obscured in a thick haze, and we wereobliged to make way, as it were, in the dark; for it was but now andthen we got a sight of the coast. As we advanced to the east, weperceived several islands, of unequal extent, lying off the land. Thereseemed to be a clear passage between the easternmost, and the one nextto it, to the west. I would gladly have gone through this passage, andanchored under one of the islands, to have waited for better weather, for on sounding we found only twenty-nine fathoms water; but when Iconsidered that this was running to leeward in the dark, I chose to keepwithout the islands, and accordingly hauled off to the north. At eighto'clock we were abreast of the most eastern isle, distant from it abouttwo miles, and had the same depth of water as before. I now shortenedsail to the three top-sails, to wait for clear weather; for the fog wasso thick that we could see no other land than this island. After waitingan hour, and the weather not clearing, we bore up and hauled round theeast end of the island, for the sake of smooth water and anchorage, ifit should be necessary. In hauling round, we found a strong race of acurrent, like unto broken water; but we had no less than nineteenfathoms. We also saw on the island abundance of seals and birds. Thiswas a temptation too great for people in our situation to withstand, towhom fresh provisions of any kind were acceptable; and determined me toanchor, in order that we might taste of what we now only saw at adistance. At length, after making a few boards, fishing, as it were, forthe best ground, we anchored in twenty-one fathoms water, a stonybottom, about a mile from the island, which extended from N. 18° E. ToN. 55° 1/2 W. ; and soon after, the weather clearing up, we saw Cape StJohn, or the east end of Staten Land, bearing S. 76° E. , distant fourleagues. We were sheltered from the south wind by Staten Land, and fromthe north wind by the island; the other isles lay to the west, andsecured us from that wind; but beside being open to the N. E. And E. , wealso lay exposed to the N. N. W. Winds. This might have been avoided byanchoring more to the west, but I made choice of my situation for tworeasons; first, to be near the island we intended to land upon, and, secondly, to be able to get to sea with any wind. After dinner we hoisted out three boats, and landed with a large partyof men; some to kill seals, others to catch or kill birds, fish, or whatcame in our way. To find the former it mattered not where we landed, forthe whole shore was covered with them; and by the noise they made onewould have thought the island was stocked with cows and calves. Onlanding we found they were a different animal from seals, but in shapeand motion exactly resembling them. We called them lions, on account ofthe great resemblance the male has to that beast. [3] Here were also thesame kind of seals which we found in New Zealand, generally known by thename of sea-bears; at least we gave them that name. [Footnote 3: The resemblance had been noticed by earlier voyagers, andprocured for these animals the same name. This is mentioned by Mr G. F. , who refers to Francis Petty in Hackluyt's collection, Sir RichardHawkins, Sir John Nasborough and Labbe, in Des Brosses' Nav. Aux TerresAustrales. The description which the same gentleman has given of theseremarkable creatures is too interesting (though Cook's accountafterwards given might suffice) to be omitted. "The old males were, ingeneral, very fat, and measured from ten to twelve feet in length; thefemales were more slender, and from six to eight feet long. The weightof the largest male amounts to 1200 or 1500 lb. , for one of a middlesize weighed 550 lb. After the skin, entrails, and blubber were takenoff. The head of the male has really some resemblance to a lion's head, and the colour is likewise very nearly the same, being only a darker hueof tawny. The long shaggy hair on the neck and throat of the male, beginning at the back of the head, bears a strong resemblance to a mane;and is hard and coarse to the touch; all the rest of the body is coveredwith short hairs, which lie very close to the skin, and form a smoothglossy coat. The lioness is perfectly smooth all over the body; but bothsexes are formed alike with regard to the feet, or rather fins. Thosefins, which originate near the breast, are large flat pieces of a blackcoriaceous membrane, which have only some small indistinct vestiges ofnails on their middle. The hinder fins are rather more like feet, beingblack membranes divided into five long toes, with a thin thong, ormembrane, projecting far beyond the nails, which are very small. Withthese nails, however, we have seen them scratch all parts of their body. The tail is excessively short, and hid between the hind feet or fins, which grow close together. The whole hind quarters are very round, beingcovered with an amazing quantity of fat. The noise which all the animalsof this kind made together was various, and sometimes stunned our ears. The old males snort and roar like mad bulls or lions; the females bleatexactly like calves, and the young cubs like lambs. Of the young we sawgreat numbers on the beaches; and one of the females being knocked downwith a club, littered in the same instant. The sea-lions live togetherin numerous herds. The oldest and fattest males lie apart, each havingchosen a large stone, which none of the rest dares approach withoutengaging in a furious battle. We have often seen them seize each otherwith a degree of rage which is not to be described; and many of them haddeep gashes on their backs, which they had received in the wars. Theyounger active sea-lions, with all the females and the cubs, lietogether. They commonly waited the approach of our people, but as soonas some of the herd were killed, the rest took flight with greatprecipitation, some females carrying off a cub in their mouths, whilstmany were so terrified as to leave them behind. When left to themselves, they were often seen caressing each other in the most tender manner, andtheir snouts often met together, as if they were kissing. They comeashore on these uninhabited spots to breed; they do not, however, breedduring their stay on shore, which sometimes lasts several weeks, butgrow lean, and swallow a considerable quantity of stones to keep theirstomach distended. We were surprised to find the stomachs of many ofthese animals entirely empty, and of others filled with ten or a dozenround heavy stones, each of the size of two fists. "--Professor Steller'sdescription of these animals, which he found at Bering's Isle, nearKamtchatka, corresponds perfectly with that now given, and is referredto by Mr G. F. Pernetty, Bougainville, and others also speak of them asmet with in their voyages. --E. ] They were, in general, so tame, or rather stupid, as to suffer us tocome near enough to knock them down with sticks; but the large ones weshot, not thinking it safe to approach them. We also found on the islandabundance of penguins and shags; and the latter had young ones almostfledged, and just to our taste. Here were geese and ducks, but not many;birds of prey, and a few small birds. In the evening we returned onboard, our boats well laden with one thing or other. [4] [Footnote 4: "Having made some havock among the sea-lions, we walkedupon the summit of the island, which was nearly level, but covered withinnumerable little mounds of earth, on each of which grew a large tuftof grass (_dactylis glomerata_). The intervals between these tufts werevery muddy and dirty, which obliged us to leap from one tuft toanother. We soon discovered that another kind of seals occupied thispart of the island, and caused the mud by coming out of the sea. Thesewere no other than the sea-bears which we had already seen at Dusky Bay, but which were here infinitely more numerous, and grown to a much largersize, equalling that assigned to them by Steller. They are, however, farinferior to the sea-lions, the males being never above eight or ninefeet long, and thick in proportion. Their hair is dark-brown, minutelysprinkled with grey, and much longer on the whole body than that of thesea-lion, but does not form a mane. The general outline of the body, andthe shape of the fins, are exactly the same. They were more fiercetowards us, and their females commonly died in defence of their young. We observed on another occasion, that these two species, thoughsometimes encamped on the same beach, always kept at a great distanceasunder, and had no communication. A strong rank stench is common tothem, as well as to all other seals; a circumstance as well known to theancients, as their inactivity and drowsiness whilst they lie on shore-- Web-footed seals forsake the whitening waves, And sleep in herds, exhaling nauseous stench. HOMER. Great numbers of a species of vultures, commonly called carrion crows bythe sailors (_vultur aura_), were seen upon this island, and probablyfeed on young seal-cubs, which either die in the birth, or which theytake an opportunity to seize upon. Besides them we also found a newspecies of hawks, and several geese of the sort which had so wellfurnished out our Christmas entertainment. Here we likewise saw a fewpenguins, of a species which we had not met with before, some largepetrels of the size of albatrosses, being the same species which theSpaniards name _que-branta-huessos_, or the bone-breakers, and someshags. "--G. F. ] Next day, being January the 1st, 1775, finding that nothing was wantingbut a good harbour to make this a tolerable place for ships to refreshat, whom chance or design, might bring hither, I sent Mr Gilbert over toStaten Land in the cutter to look for one. Appearances promised successin a place opposite the ship. I also sent two other boats for the lions, &c. We had killed the preceding day; and soon after I went myself, andobserved the sun's meridian altitude at the N. E. End of the island, which gave the latitude 54° 40' 5" S. After shooting a few geese, someother birds, and plentifully supplying ourselves with young shags, wereturned on board, laden with sea-lions, sea-bears, &c. The old lionsand bears were killed chiefly for the sake of their blubber, or fat, tomake oil of; for, except their haslets, which were tolerable, the fleshwas too rank to be eaten with any degree of relish. But the young cubswere very palateable, and even the flesh of some of the old lionesseswas not much amiss, but that of the old males was abominable. In theafternoon I sent some people on shore to skin and cut off the fat ofthose which yet remained dead on shore, for we had already more carcaseson board than necessary; and I went myself, in another boat, to collectbirds. About ten o'clock Mr Gilbert returned from Staten Land, where hefound a good port, situated three leagues to the westward of Cape StJohn, and in the direction of north, a little easterly, from the N. E. End of the eastern island. It may be known by some small islands lyingin the entrance. The channel, which is on the east side of theseislands, is half a mile broad. The course is in S. W. By S. , turninggradually to W. By S. And W. The harbour lies nearly in this lastdirection; is almost two miles in length; in some places near a milebroad; and hath in it from fifty to ten fathoms water, a bottom of mudand sand. Its shores are covered with wood fit for fuel; and in it areseveral streams of fresh water. On the islands were sea-lions, &c. Andsuch an innumerable quantity of gulls as to darken the air whendisturbed, and almost to suffocate our people with their dung. This theyseemed to void in a way of defence, and it stunk worse than assafoetida, or what is commonly called devil's dung. Our people saw several geese, ducks, and race-horses, which is also a kind of duck. The day on whichthis port was discovered occasioned my calling it New-Year's Harbour. Itwould be more convenient for ships bound to the west, or round CapeHorn, if its situation would permit them to put to sea with an easterlyand northerly wind. This inconvenience, however, is of littleconsequence, since these winds are never known to be of long duration. The southerly and westerly are the prevailing winds, so that a shipnever can be detained long in this port. [5] [Footnote 5: "The largest of the New-Year's Islands, as we called them, and which we now left, is about six leagues in circuit, and that underwhich we lay at anchor, between three and four leagues. They areexcellent places of refreshment for a ship's crew bound on expeditionslike ours; for though the flesh of sea-lions and penguins is not themost palateable food, yet it is infinitely more salubrious than saltmeat; and by searching the different islands, it is not improbable thata sufficient quantity of celery and scurvy-grass might be found tosupply the whole crew, especially as we saw both the species on ourexcursions. Our seamen lived several days on young shags and penguins, of which they found the former extremely palateable, comparing them toyoung pullets. They likewise roasted several little cubs of seals, butthere was a degree of softness in the meat which made it disgustful. Theflesh of young, but full-grown sea-bears, was greatly preferable, andtasted like coarse and bad beef; but that of the old sea-lions and bearswas so rank and offensive, that we could not touch it. "--G. F. ] As we could not sail in the morning of the 2d for want of wind, I sent aparty of men on shore to the island, on the same duty as before. Towardsnoon we got a fresh breeze at west; but it came too late, and I resolvedto wait till the next morning, when, at four o'clock, we weighed, with afresh gale at N. W. By W. , and stood for Cape St John, which, at halfpast six, bore N. By E. , distant four or five miles. This cape, beingthe eastern point of Staten Land, a description of it is unnecessary. Itmay, however, not be amiss to say, that it is a rock of a considerableheight, situated in the latitude of 54° 46' S. , longitude 63° 47' W. , with a rocky islet lying close under the north part of it. To thewestward of the cape, about five or six miles, is an inlet, which seemedto divide the land, that is, to communicate with the sea to the south;and between this inlet and the cape is a bay, but I cannot say of whatdepth. In sailing round the cape we met with a very strong current fromthe south: It made a race which looked like breakers; and it was as muchas we could do, with a strong gale, to make head against it. [6] [Footnote 6: Captain Krusenstern, as has been noticed in vol. 12, page413, verified Cook's longitude of Cape St John, having found it to agreeexactly with that pointed out by the watches on board his consort theNeva, which differed but a few minutes from those in his ownvessel. --E. ] After getting round the cape, I hauled up along the south coast, and assoon as we had brought the wind to blow off the land, it came upon us insuch heavy squalls as obliged us to double-reef our top-sails. Itafterwards fell, by little and little, and at noon ended in a calm. Atthis time Cape St John bore N. 20° E. , distant three and a half leagues;Cape St Bartholomew, or the S. W. Point of Staten Land, S. 83° W. ; twohigh detached rocks N. 80° W. ; and the place where the land seemed to bedivided, which had the same appearance on this side, bore N. 15° W. Three leagues distant. Latitude observed 54° 56'. In this situation wesounded, but had no bottom with a line of 120 fathoms. The calm was ofvery short duration, a breeze presently springing up at N. W. ; but it wastoo faint to make head against the current, and we drove with it back tothe N. N. E. At four o'clock the wind veered, at once, to S. By E. , andblew in squalls attended with rain. Two hours after, the squalls andrain subsided, and the wind returning back to the west, blew a gentlegale. All this time the current set us to the north, so that, at eighto'clock, Cape St John bore W. N. W. , distant about seven leagues. I nowgave over plying, and steered S. E. , with a resolution to leave the land;judging it to be sufficiently explored to answer the most generalpurposes of navigation and geography. [7] [Footnote 7: The very intelligent officer mentioned in the precedingnote, seems to have been very materially benefited by the observationsof Captain Cook, in navigating this quarter, and does not hesitate toavow his obligations. An instance of this is recorded in our account ofByron's voyage, vol. 12, p. 74, which refers to a passage in the nextsection as to the currents losing their force at ten or twelve leaguesfrom land. --E. ] SECTION IV. _Observations, geographical and nautical, with an Account of the Islandsnear Staten Land, and the Animals found in them_. [8] [Footnote 8: It has been thought advisable to retain this sectionverbatim, although the references it makes to Captain Cook's chart canscarcely be understood without that accompaniment, and severalobservations of another sort which it contains, are given elsewhere. Injustice to the memory of Cook, it was resolved to preserve the whole ofhis relation, at the risk of a very trivial repetition, which thereader, it is believed, will be little disposed to resent. --E. ] The chart will very accurately shew the direction, extent, and positionof the coast, along which I have sailed, either in this or my formervoyage. The latitudes have been determined by the sun's meridianaltitude, which we were so fortunate as to obtain every day, except theone we sailed from Christmas Sound, which was of no consequence, as itslatitude was known before. The longitudes have been settled by lunarobservations, as is already mentioned. I have taken 67° 46' for thelongitude of Cape Horn. From this meridian the longitudes of all theother parts are deduced by the watch, by which the extent of the wholemast be determined to a few miles; and whatever errors there may be inlongitude, must be general. But I think it highly probable that thelongitude is determined to within a quarter of a degree. Thus the extentof Terra del Fuego from east to west, and consequently that of thestraits of Magalhaens, will be found less than most navigators have madeit. In order to illustrate this and to shew the situations of theneighbouring lands, and, by this means, make the chart of more generaluse, I have extended it down to 47° of latitude. But I am onlyanswerable for the accuracy of such parts as I have explored myself. Inlaying down the rest I had recourse to the following authorities. The longitude of Cape Virgin Mary, which is the most essential point, asit determines the length of the straits of Magalhaens, is deduced fromLord Anson, who made 2° 30' difference of longitude between it and theStrait Le Maire. Now as the latter lies in 65° 22', Cape Virgin-Marymust lie in: 67° 52', which is the longitude I have assigned to it, andwhich, I have reason to think, cannot be far from the truth. The strait of Magalhaens, and the east coast of Patagonia, are laid downfrom the observations made by the late English and French navigators. The position of the west coast of America, from Cape Victory northward, I have taken from the discoveries of _Sarmiento_, a Spanish navigator, communicated to me by Mr Stuart, F. R. S. Falkland Islands are copied from a sketch taken from Captain M'Bride, who circumnavigated them some years ago in his majesty's ship Jason; andtheir distance from the main is agreeable to the run of the Dolphin, under the command of Commodore Byron, from Cape Virgin Mary to PortEgmont, and from Port Egmont to Port Desire, both of which runs weremade in a few days; consequently no material errors could happen. The S. W. Coast of Terra del Fuego, with respect to inlets, islands, &c. May be compared to the coast of Norway; for I doubt if there be anextent of three leagues where there is not an inlet or harbour whichwill receive and shelter the largest shipping. The worst is, that tillthese inlets are better known, one has, as it were, to fish foranchorage. There are several lurking rocks on the coast, but happilynone of them lie far from land, the approach to which may be known bysounding, supposing the weather so obscure that you cannot see it. Forto judge of the whole by the parts we have sounded, it is more thanprobable that there are soundings all along the coast, and for severalleagues out to sea. Upon the whole, this is by no means the dangerouscoast it has been represented. Staten Land lies near E. By N. And W. By S. , and is ten leagues long inthat direction, and no where above three or four leagues broad. Thecoast is rocky, much indented, and seemed to form several bays orinlets. It shews a surface of craggy hills which spire up to a vastheight, especially near the west end. Except the craggy summits of thehills, the greatest part was covered with trees and shrubs, or some sortof herbage, and there was little or no snow on it. The currents betweenCape Deseada and Cape Horn set from west to east, that is, in the samedirection as the coast; but they are by no means considerable. To theeast of the cape their strength is much increased, and their directionis N. E. Towards Staten Land. They are rapid in Strait Le Maire and alongthe south coast of Staten Land, and set like a torrent round Cape StJohn; where they take a N. W. Direction, and continue to run very strongboth within and without New Year's Isles. While we lay at anchor withinthis island, I observed that the current was strongest during the flood;and that on the ebb its strength was so much impaired, that the shipwould sometimes ride head to the wind when it was at W. And W. N. W. Thisis only to be understood of the place where the ship lay at anchor, forat the very time we had a strong current setting to the westward, MrGilbert found one of equal strength near the coast of Staten Landsetting to the eastward, though probably this was an eddy current ortide. If the tides are regulated by the moon, it is high-water by the shore atthis place on the days of the new and full moon, about four o'clock. Theperpendicular rise and fall is very inconsiderable, not exceeding fourfeet at most. In Christmas Sound it is high-water at half past twoo'clock on the days of the full and change, and Mr Wales observed it torise and fall on a perpendicular three feet six inches; but this wasduring the neap tides, consequently the spring tides must rise higher. To give such an account of the tides and currents on these coasts asnavigators might depend on, would require a multitude of observations, and in different places, the making of which would be a work of time. Iconfess myself unprovided with materials for such a task; and believethat the less I say on this subject the fewer mistakes I shall make. ButI think I have been able to observe, that in Strait Le Maire thesoutherly tide or current, be it flood or ebb, begins to act on the daysof new and full moon about four o'clock, which remark may be of use toships who pass the strait. Were I bound round Cape Horn to the west, and not in want of wood orwater, or any other thing that might make it necessary to put into port, I would not come near the land at all. For by keeping out at sea youavoid the currents, which, I am satisfied, lose their force at ten ortwelve leagues from land; and at a greater distance, there is none. During the time we were upon the coast we had more calms than storms, and the winds so variable, that I question if a passage might not havebeen made from east to west in as short a time as from west to east; nordid we experience any cold weather. The mercury in the thermometer atnoon was never below 46°; and while we lay in Christmas Sound it wasgenerally above temperate. At this place the variation was 23° 30' E. ; afew leagues to the S. W. Of Strait Le Maire it was 24°; and at anchor, within New Year's Isles, it was 24° 20' E. These isles are, in general, so unlike Staten Land, especially the oneon which we landed, that it deserves a particular description. It shewsa surface of equal height, and elevated about thirty or forty feet abovethe sea, from which it is defended by a rocky coast. The inner part ofthe isle is covered with a sort of sword-grass, very green, and of agreat length. It grows on little hillocks of two or three feet indiameter, and as many or more in height, in large tufts, which seemed tobe composed of the roots of the plant matted together. Among thesehillocks are a vast number of paths made by sea-bears and penguins, bywhich they retire into the centre of the isle. It is, nevertheless, exceedingly bad travelling; for these paths are so dirty that one issometimes up to the knees in mire. Besides this plant, there are a fewother grasses, a kind of heath, and some celery. The whole surface ismoist and wet, and on the coast are several small streams of water. Thesword-grass, as I call it, seems to be the same that grows in FalklandIsles, described by Bougainville as a kind of _gladiolus_, or rather aspecies of _gramen_[9] and named by Pernety corn-flags. [Footnote 9: See English Translation of Bougainville, p. 51. ] The animals found on this little spot are sea-lions, sea-bears, avariety of oceanic, and some land-birds. The sea-lion is pretty welldescribed by Pernety, though those we saw here have not such fore-feetor fins as that he has given a plate of, but such fins as that which hecalls the sea-wolf. Nor did we see any of the size he speaks of; thelargest not being more than twelve or fourteen feet in length, andperhaps eight or ten in circumference. They are not of that kinddescribed under the same name by Lord Anson; but, for aught I know, these would more properly deserve that appellation: The long hair, withwhich the back of the head, the neck and shoulders, are covered, givingthem greatly the air and appearance of a lion. The other part of thebody is covered with short hair, little longer than that of a cow or ahorse, and the whole is a dark-brown. The female is not half so big asthe male, and is covered with a short hair of an ash or light-duncolour. They live, as it were, in herds, on the rocks, and near thesea-shore. As this was the time for engendering as well as bringingforth their young, we have seen a male with twenty or thirty femalesabout him, and always very attentive to keep them all to himself, andbeating off every other male who attempted to come into his flock. Others again had a less number; some no more than one or two; and hereand there we have seen one lying growling in a retired, place, alone, and suffering neither males nor females to approach him: We judged thesewere old and superannuated. The sea-bears are not so large, by far, as the lions, but rather largerthan a common seal. They have none of that long hair which distinguishesthe lion. Theirs is all of an equal length, and finer than that of thelion, something like an otter's, and the general colour is that of aniron-grey. This is the kind which the French call sea-wolfs, and theEnglish seals; they are, however, different from the seals we have inEurope and North America. The lions may, too, without any greatimpropriety, be called over-grown seals; for they are all of the samespecies. It was not at all dangerous to go among them, for they eitherfled or lay still. The only danger was in going between them and thesea; for if they took fright at any thing, they would come down in suchnumbers, that, if you could not get out of their way, you would be runover. Sometimes, when we came suddenly upon them, or waked them out oftheir sleep, (for they are a sluggish sleepy animal), they would raiseup their heads; snort and snarl, and look as fierce as if they meant todevour us; but as we advanced upon them they always run away, so thatthey are downright bullies. The penguin is an amphibious bird, so well known to most people, that Ishall only observe, they are here in prodigious numbers, so that wecould knock down as many as we pleased with a stick. I cannot say theyare good eating. I have indeed made several good meals of them, but itwas for want of better victuals. They either do not breed here, or elsethis was not the season; for we saw neither eggs nor young ones. Shags breed here in vast numbers; and we carried on board not a few, asthey are very good eating. They take certain spots to themselves, andbuild their nests near the edge of the cliffs on little hillocks, whichare either those of the sword-grass, or else they are made by the shagsbuilding on them from year to year. There is another sort rather smallerthan these, which breed in the cliffs of rocks. The geese are of the same sort we found in Christmas Sound; we saw butfew, and some had young ones. Mr Forster shot one which was differentfrom these, being larger, with a grey plumage, and black feet. Theothers make a noise exactly like a duck. Here were ducks, but not many;and several of that sort which we called race-horses. We shot some, andfound them to weigh twenty-nine or thirty pounds; those who eat of themsaid they were very good. The oceanic birds were gulls, terns, Port Egmont hens, and a large brownbird, of the size of an albatross, which Pernety calls quebrantahuessas. We called them Mother Carey's geese, and found them pretty good eating;The land-birds were eagles, or hawks, bald-headed vultures, or what ourseamen called turkey-buzzards, thrushes, and a few other small birds. Our naturalists found two new species of birds. The one is about thesize of a pigeon, the plumage as white as milk. They feed along-shore, probably on shell-fish and carrion, for they have a very disagreeablesmell. When we first saw these birds we thought they were thesnow-peterel, but the moment they were in our possession the mistake wasdiscovered; for they resemble them in nothing but size and colour. Theseare not webb-footed. The other sort is a species of curlews nearly asbig as a heron. It has a variegated plumage, the principal colourswhereof are light-grey, and a long crooked bill. I had almost forgot to mention that there are sea-pies, or what wecalled, when in New Zealand, curlews; but we only saw a few stragglingpairs. It may not be amiss to observe, that the shags are the same birdwhich Bougainville calls saw-bills; but he is mistaken in saying thatthe quebrantahuessas are their enemies; for this bird is of the petereltribe, feeds wholly on fish, and is to be found in all the high southernlatitudes. It is amazing to see how the different animals which inhabit this littlespot are mutually reconciled. They seem to have entered into a leaguenot to disturb each other's tranquillity. The sea-lions occupy most ofthe sea-coast; the sea-bears take up their abode in the isle; the shagshave post in the highest cliffs; the penguins fix their quarters wherethere is the most easy communication to and from the sea; and the otherbirds choose more retired places. We have seen all these animals mixtogether, like domestic cattle and poultry in a farm-yard, without oneattempting to molest the other. Nay, I have often observed the eaglesand vultures sitting on the hillocks among the shags, without thelatter, either young or old, being disturbed at their presence. It maybe asked how these birds of prey live? I suppose on the carcases ofseals and birds which die by various causes; and probably not few, asthey are so numerous. This very imperfect account is written more with a view to assist my ownmemory than to give information to others. I am neither a botanist nor anaturalist; and have not words to describe the productions of nature, either in the one branch of knowledge or the other. SECTION V. _Proceedings after leaving Staten Island, with an Account of theDiscovery of the Isle of Georgia, and a Description of it. _ Having left the land in the evening of the 3d, as before mentioned, wesaw it again next morning, at three o'clock, bearing west. Windcontinued to blow a steady fresh breeze till six p. M. , when it shiftedin a heavy squall to S. W. , which came so suddenly upon us, that we hadnot time to take in the sails, and was the occasion of carrying away atop-gallant mast, a studding-sail boom, and a fore studding-sail. Thesquall ended in a heavy shower of rain, but the wind remained at S. W. Our course was S. E. , with a view of discovering that extensive coastlaid down by Mr Dalrymple in his chart, in which is the gulph of StSebastian. I designed to make the western point of that gulph, in orderto have all the other parts before me. Indeed I had some doubt of theexistence of such a coast; and this appeared to me the best route forclearing it up, and for exploring the southern part of this ocean. On the 5th, fresh gales, and wet and cloudy weather. At noon observed in57° 9', latitude made from Cape St John, 5° 2' E. At six o'clock p. M. , being in the latitude 57° 21', and in longitude 57° 45' W. , thevariation was 21° 28' E. At eight o'clock in the evening of the 6th, being then in the latitudeof 58° 9' S. , longitude 53° 14' W. , we close-reefed our top-sails, andhauled to the north, with a very strong gale at west, attended with athick haze and sleet. The situation just mentioned is nearly the samethat Mr Dalrymple assigns for the S. W. Point of the gulph of StSebastian. But as we saw neither land, nor signs of land, I was the moredoubtful of its existence, and was fearful that, by keeping to thesouth, I might miss the land said to be discovered by La Roche in 1675, and by the ship Lion in 1756, which Mr Dalrymple places in 54° 30'latitude, and 45° of longitude; but on looking over D'Anville's chart, Ifound it laid down 9° or 10° more to the west; this difference ofsituation being to me a sign of the uncertainty of both accounts, determined me to get into the parallel as soon as possible, and was thereason of my hauling to the north at this time. Towards the morning of the 7th the gale abated, the weather cleared up, and the wind veered to the W. S. W. , where it continued till midnight, after which it veered to N. W. Being at this time in the latitude of 56°4' S. , longitude 53° 36' W. , we sounded, but found no bottom with a lineof one hundred and thirty fathoms. I still kept the wind on thelarboard-tack, having a gentle breeze and pleasant weather. On the 8th, at noon, a bed of sea-weed passed the ship. In the afternoon, inlatitude 55° 4', longitude 51° 43' W. , the variation was 20° 4' E. On the 9th, wind at N. E. , attended with thick hazy weather; saw a seal, and a piece of sea-weed. At noon, latitude 55° 12' S. , longitude 50° 15'W. , the wind and weather continuing the same till towards midnight, whenthe latter cleared up, and the former veered to west, and blew a gentlegale. We continued to ply till two o'clock the next morning, when webore away east, and at eight E. N. E. ; at noon, observed in latitude 54°35' S. , longitude 47° 56' W. , a great many albatrosses and blue peterelsabout the ship. I now steered east, and the next morning, in thelatitude of 54° 38', longitude 45° 10' W. , the variation was 19° 25' E. In the afternoon saw several penguins, and some pieces of weed. Having spent the night lying-to, on the 12th, at day-break, we boreaway, and steered east northerly, with a fine fresh breeze at W. S. W. ; atnoon observed in latitude 54° 28' S. , longitude in 42° 8' W. ; that is, near 3° E. Of the situation in which Mr Dalrymple places the N. E. Pointof the gulph of St Sebastian; but we had no other signs of land thanseeing a seal and a few penguins; on the contrary, we had a swell fromE. S. E. , which would hardly have been, if any extensive track of land layin that direction. In the evening the gale abated, and at midnight itfell calm. The calm, attended by a thick fog, continued till six next morning, whenwe got a wind at east, but the fog still prevailed. We stood to thesouth till noon, when, being in the latitude of 55° 7', we tacked andstretched to the north with a fresh breeze at E. By S. And E. S. E. , cloudy weather; saw several penguins and a snow-peterel, which we lookedon to be signs of the vicinity of ice. The air too was much colder thanwe had felt it since we left New Zealand. In the afternoon the windveered to the S. E. , and in the night to S. S. E. , and blew fresh, withwhich we stood to the N. E. At nine o'clock the next morning we saw an island of ice, as we thenthought, but at noon were doubtful whether it was ice or land. At thistime it bore E. 3/4 S. , distant thirteen leagues; our latitude was 53°56' 1/2, longitude 39° 24' W. ; several penguins, small divers, asnow-peterel, and a vast number of blue peterels about the ship. We hadbut little wind all the morning, and at two p. M. It fell calm. It wasnow no longer doubted that it was land, and not ice, which we had insight. It was, however, in a manner wholly covered with snow. We werefarther confirmed in our judgement of its being land, by findingsoundings at one hundred and seventy-five fathoms, a muddy bottom. Theland at this time bore E. By S. , about twelve leagues distant. At sixo'clock the calm was succeeded by a breeze at N. E. , with which we stoodto S. E. At first it blew a gentle gale; but afterwards increased so asto bring us under double-reefed top-sails, and was attended with snowand sleet. We continued to stand to the S. E. Till seven in the morning on the15th, when the wind veering to the S. E. , we tacked and stood to thenorth. A little before we tacked, we saw the land bearing E. By N. Atnoon the mercury in the thermometer was at 35° 1/4. The wind blew insqualls, attended with snow and sleet, and we had a great sea toencounter. At a lee-lurch which the ship took, Mr Wales observed her tolie down 42°. At half past four p. M. We took in the top-sails, got downtop-gallant yards, wore the ship, and stood to the S. W. , under twocourses. At midnight the storm abated, so that we could carry thetop-sails double-reefed. At four in the morning of the 16th we wore and stood to the east, withthe wind at S. S. E. , a moderate breeze, and fair; at eight o'clock sawthe land extending from E. By N. To N. E. By N. ; loosed a reef out ofeach top-sail, got top-gallant yards across, and set the sails. At noonobserved in latitude 54° 25' 1/2, longitude 38° 18' W. In this situationwe had one hundred and ten fathoms water; and the land extended from N. 1/2 W. To E. , eight leagues distant. The northern extreme was the samethat we first discovered, and it proved to be an island, which obtainedthe name of Willis's Island, after the person who first saw it. At this time we had a great swell from the south, an indication that noland was near us in that direction; nevertheless the vast quantity ofsnow on that in sight induced us to think it was extensive, and I choseto begin with exploring the northern coast. With this view we bore upfor Willis's Island, all sails set, having a fine gale at S. S. W. As weadvanced to the north, we perceived another isle lying east of Willis's, and between it and the main. Seeing there was a clear passage betweenthe two isles, we steered for it, and at five o'clock, being in themiddle of it, we found it about two miles broad. Willis's Isle is an high rock of no great extent, near to which are somerocky islets. It is situated in the latitude of 54° S. , longitude 38°23' W. The other isle, which obtained the name of Bird Isle, on accountof the vast number that were upon it, is not so high, but of greaterextent, and is close to the N. E. Point of the main land, which I calledCape North. The S. E. Coast of this land, as far as we saw it, lies in the directionof S. 50° E. , and N. 50° W. It seemed to form several bays or inlets;and we observed huge masses of snow, or ice, in the bottoms of them, especially in one which lies ten miles to the S. S. E. Of Bird Isle. After getting through the passage, we found the north coast trended E. By N. , for about nine miles; and then east and east-southerly to CapeBuller, which is eleven miles more. We ranged the coast, at one leaguedistance, till near ten o'clock, when we brought-to for the night, andon sounding found fifty fathoms, a muddy bottom. At two o'clock in the morning of the 17th we made sail in for the land, with a fine breeze at S. W. ; at four, Willis's Isle bore W. By S. , distant thirty-two miles; Cape Buller, to the west of which lie somerocky islets, bore S. W. By W. ; and the most advanced point of land tothe east, S. 63° E. We now steered along shore, at the distance of fouror five miles, till seven o'clock, when, seeing the appearance of aninlet, we hauled in for it. As soon as we drew near the shore, havinghoisted out a boat, I embarked in it, accompanied by Mr Forster and hisparty, with a view of reconnoitring the bay before we ventured in withthe ship. When we put off from her, which was about four miles from theshore, we had forty fathoms water. I continued to sound as I wentfarther in, but found no bottom with a line of thirty-four fathoms, which was the length of that I had in the boat, and which also provedtoo short to sound the bay, so far as I went up it. I observed it to liein S. W. By S. About two leagues, about two miles broad, well shelteredfrom all winds; and I judged there might be good anchorage before somesandy beaches which are on each side, and likewise near a low flat isle, towards the head of the bay. As I had come to a resolution not to bringthe ship in, I did not think it worth my while to go and examine theseplaces; for it did not seem probable that any one would ever bebenefited by the discovery. I landed at three different places, displayed our colours, and took possession of the country in hismajesty's name, under a discharge of small arms. I judged that the tide rises about four or five feet, and that it ishigh water on the full and change days about eleven o'clock. The head of the bay, as well as two places on each side, was terminatedby perpendicular ice-cliffs of considerable height. Pieces werecontinually breaking off, and floating out to sea; and a great fallhappened while we were in the bay, which made a noise like cannon. The inner parts of the country were not less savage and horrible. Thewild rocks raised their lofty summits till they were lost in the clouds, and the valleys lay covered with everlasting snow. Not a tree was to beseen, nor a shrub even big enough to make a toothpick. The onlyvegetation we met with was a coarse strong-bladed grass growing intufts, wild burnet, and a plant like moss, which sprung from the rocks. Seals, or sea-bears, were pretty numerous. They were smaller than thoseat Staten Land: Perhaps the most of those we saw were females, for theshores swarmed with young cubs. We saw none of that sort which we calllions; but there were some of those which the writer of Lord Anson'svoyage describes under that name; at least they appeared to us to be ofthe same sort; and are, in my opinion, very improperly called lions, forI could not see any grounds for the comparison. Here were several flocks of penguins, the largest I ever saw; some whichwe brought on board weighed from twenty-nine to thirty-eight pounds. Itappears by Bougainville's account of the animals of Falkland Islands, that this penguin is there; and I think it is very well described by himunder the name of first class of penguins. The oceanic birds werealbatrosses, common gulls, and that sort which I call Port Egmont hens, terns, shags, divers, the new white bird, and a small bird like those ofthe Cape of Good Hope, called yellow birds; which, having shot two, wefound most delicious food. All the land birds we saw consisted of a few small larks, nor did wemeet with any quadrupeds. Mr Forster indeed observed some dung, which hejudged to come from a fox, or some such animal. The lands, or ratherrocks, bordering on the sea-coast, were not covered with snow like theinland parts; but all the vegetation we could see on the clear placeswas the grass above-mentioned. The rocks seemed to contain iron. Havingmade the above observations, we set out for the ship, and got on board alittle after twelve o'clock, with a quantity of seals and penguins, anacceptable present to the crew. It must not, however, be understood that we were in want of provisions:we had yet plenty of every kind; and since we had been on this coast, Ihad ordered, in addition to the common allowance, wheat to be boiledevery morning for breakfast; but any kind of fresh meat was preferred bymost on board to salt. For my own part, I was now, for the first time, heartily tired of salt meat of every kind; and though the flesh of thepenguins could scarcely vie with bullock's liver, its being fresh wassufficient to make it go down. I called the bay we had been in, Possession Bay. It is situated in the latitude of 54° 5' S. , longitude37° 18' W. , and eleven leagues to the east of Cape North. A few miles tothe west of Possession Bay, between it and Cape Buller, lies the Bay ofIsles, so named on account of several small isles lying in and beforeit. As soon as the boat was hoisted in, we made sail along the coast to theeast, with a fine breeze at W. S. W. From Cape Buller the direction of thecoast is S. 72° 30' E. , for the space of eleven or twelve leagues, to aprojecting point, which obtained the name of Cape Saunders. Beyond thiscape is a pretty large bay, which I named Cumberland Bay. In severalparts in the bottom of it, as also in some others of less extent, lyingbetween Cape Saunders and Possession Bay, were vast tracks of frozensnow, or ice, not yet broken loose. At eight o'clock, being just pastCumberland Bay, and falling little wind, we hauled off the coast, fromwhich we were distant about four miles, and found one hundred and tenfathoms water. We had variable light airs and calms till six o'clock the next morning, when the wind fixed at north, and blew a gentle breeze; but it lasted nolonger than ten o'clock, when it fell almost to a calm. At noon, observed in latitude 54° 30' S. , being then about two or three leaguesfrom the coast, which extended from N. 59° W. To S. 13° W. The land inthis last direction was an isle, which seemed to be the extremity of thecoast to the east. The nearest land to us being a projecting point whichterminated in a round hillock, was, on account of the day, named CapeCharlotte. On the west side of Cape Charlotte lies a bay which obtainedthe name of Royal Bay, and the west point of it was named Cape George. It is the east point of Cumberland Bay, and lies in the direction ofS. E. By E. From Cape Saunders, distant seven leagues. Cape George andCape Charlotte lie in the direction of S. 37° E. And N. 37° W. , distantsix leagues from each other. The isle above-mentioned, which was calledCooper's Isle, after my first lieutenant, lies in the direction of S. ByE. , distant eight leagues from Cape Charlotte. The coast between themforms a large bay, to which I gave the name of Sandwich. The wind beingvariable all the afternoon we advanced but little; in the night it fixedat S. And S. S. W. , and blew a gentle gale, attended with showers of snow. The 19th was wholly spent in plying, the wind continuing at S. AndS. S. W. , clear pleasant weather, but cold. At sunrise a new land wasseen, bearing S. E. 1/2 E. It first appeared in a single hill, like asugar-loaf; some time after other detached pieces appeared above thehorizon near the hill. At noon, observed in the latitude 54° 42' 30" S. , Cape Charlotte bearing N. 38° W. , distant four leagues; and Cooper'sIsle S. 31° W. In this situation a lurking rock, which lies off SandwichBay, five miles from the land, bore W. 1/2 N. , distant one mile, andnear this rock were several breakers. In the afternoon we had a prospectof a ridge of mountains behind Sandwich Bay, whose lofty and icy summitswere elevated high above the clouds. The wind continued at S. S. W. Tillsix o'clock, when it fell to a calm. At this time Cape Charlotte bore N. 31° W. , and Cooper's Island W. S. W. In this situation we found thevariation, by the azimuths, to be 11° 39', and by the amplitude, 11° 12'E. At ten o'clock, a light breeze springing up at north, we steered tothe south till twelve, and then brought-to for the night. At two o'clock in the morning of the 20th we made sail to S. W. RoundCooper's Island. It is a rock of considerable height, about five milesin circuit, and one mile from the main. At this isle the main coasttakes a S. W. Direction for the space of four or five leagues to a point, which I called Cape Disappointment. Off that are three small isles, thesouthernmost of which is green, low, and flat, and lies one league fromthe cape. As we advanced to S. W. Land opened, off this point, in the direction ofN. 60° W. , and nine leagues beyond it. It proved an island quitedetached from the main, and obtained the name of Pickersgill Island, after my third officer. Soon after a point of the main, beyond thisisland, came in sight, in the direction of N. 55° W. , which exactlyunited the coast at the very point we had seen, and taken the bearingof, the day we first came in with it, and proved to a demonstration thatthis land, which we had taken for part of a great continent, was no morethan an island of seventy leagues in circuit. Who would have thought that an island of no greater extent than this, situated between the latitude of 54° and 55°, should, in the very heightof summer, be in a manner wholly covered, many fathoms deep, with frozensnow, but more especially the S. W. Coast? The very sides and craggysummits of the lofty mountains were cased with snow and ice; but thequantity which lay in the valleys is incredible; and at the bottom ofthe bays the coast was terminated by a wall of ice of considerableheight. It can hardly be doubted that a great deal of ice is formed herein the water, which in the spring is broken off, and dispersed over thesea; but this island cannot produce the ten-thousandth part of what wesaw; so that either there must be more land, or the ice is formedwithout it. These reflections led me to think that the land we had seenthe preceding day might belong to an extensive track, and I still hadhopes of discovering a continent. I must confess the disappointment Inow met with did not affect me much; for, to judge of the bulk by thesample, it would not be worth the discovery. I called this island the isle of Georgia, in honour of his majesty. Itis situated, between the latitudes of 53° 57' and 54° 57' S. ; andbetween 38° 13' and 35° 34' west longitude. It extends S. E. By E. AndN. W. By W. , and is thirty-one leagues long in that direction; and itsgreatest breadth is about ten leagues. It seems to abound with bays andharbours, the N. E. Coast especially; but the vast quantity of ice mustrender them inaccessible the greatest part of the year; or, at least, itmust be dangerous lying in them, on account of the breaking up of theice cliffs. It is remarkable that we did not see a river, or stream of fresh water, on the whole coast. I think it highly probable that there are noperennial springs in the country; and that the interior parts, as beingmuch elevated, never enjoy heat enough to melt the snow in suchquantities as to produce a river, or stream, of water. The coast alonereceives warmth sufficient to melt the snow, and this only on the N. E. Side; for the other, besides being exposed to the cold south winds, is, in a great degree, deprived of the sun's rays, by the uncommon height ofthe mountains. It was from a persuasion that the sea-coast of a land situated in thelatitude of 54°, could not, in the very height of summer, be whollycovered with snow, that I supposed Bouvet's discovery to be largeislands of ice. But after I had seen this land, I no longer hesitatedabout the existence of Cape Circumcision; nor did I doubt that I shouldfind more land than I should have time to explore. With these ideas Iquitted this coast, and directed my course to the E. S. E. For the land wehad seen the preceding day. The wind was very variable till noon, when it fixed at N. N. E. , and blewa gentle gale; but it increased in such a manner, that, before threeo'clock, we were reduced to our two courses, and obliged to striketop-gallant yards. We were very fortunate in getting clear of the land, before this gale overtook us; it being hard to say what might have beenthe consequence had it come on while we were on the north coast. Thisstorm was of short duration; for, at eight o'clock it began to abate;and at midnight it was little wind. We then took the opportunity tosound, but found no bottom with a line of an hundred and eighty fathoms. Next day the storm was succeeded by a thick fog, attended with rain; thewind veered to N. W. , and, at five in the morning, it fell calm, whichcontinued till eight; and then we got a breeze southerly, with which westood to the east till three in the afternoon. The weather then comingsomewhat clear, we made sail, and steered north in search of land; but, at half-past six, we were again involved in a thick mist, which made itnecessary to haul the wind, and spend the night in making short boards. We had variable light airs next to a calm, and thick foggy weather, tillhalf-past seven o'clock in the evening of the 22d, when we got a finebreeze at north, and the weather was so clear that we could see two orthree leagues round us. We seized the opportunity, and steered to west;judging we were to the east of the land. After running ten miles to thewest, the weather again became foggy, and we hauled the wind, and spentthe night under top-sails. Next morning at six o'clock, the fog clearing away, so that we could seethree or four miles, I took the opportunity to steer again to the west, with the wind at east, a fresh breeze; but two hours after, a thick fogonce more obliged us to haul the wind to the south. At eleven o'clock, ashort interval of clear weather gave us view of three or four rockyislets extending from S. E. To E. N. E. , two or three miles distant; butwe did not see the Sugar-Loaf Peak beforementioned. Indeed, two or threemiles was the extent of our horizon. We were well assured that this was the land we had seen before, which wehad now been quite round; and therefore it could be no more than a fewdetached rocks, receptacles for birds, of which we now saw vast numbers, especially shags, who gave us notice of the vicinity of land before wesaw it. These rocks lie in the latitude of 55° S. , and S. 75° E. , distant twelve leagues from Cooper's Isle. The interval of clear weather was of very short duration, before we hadas thick a fog as ever, attended with rain, on which we tacked in sixtyfathoms water, and stood to the north. Thus we spent our time, involvedin a continual thick mist; and, for aught we knew, surrounded bydangerous rocks. The shags and soundings were our best pilots; for afterwe had stood a few miles to the north, we got out of soundings, and sawno more shags. The succeeding day and night we spent in making shortboards; and at eight o'clock on the 24th, judging ourselves not far fromthe rocks by some straggling shags which came about us, we sounded insixty fathoms water, the bottom stones and broken shells. Soon after, wesaw the rocks bearing S. S. W. 1/2 W. , four miles distant, but still wedid not see the peak. It was, no doubt, beyond our horizon, which waslimited to a short distance; and, indeed, we had but a transient sightof the other rocks, before they were again lost in the fog. With a light air of wind at north, and a great swell from N. E. , we wereable to clear the rocks to the west; and, at four in the p. M. , judgingourselves to be three or four leagues east and west of them, I steeredsouth, being quite tired with cruizing about them in a thick fog; norwas it worth my while to spend any more time in waiting for clearweather, only for the sake of having a good sight of a few stragglingrocks. At seven o'clock, we had at intervals a clear sky to the west, which gave us a sight of the mountains of the isle of Georgia, bearingW. N. W. , about eight leagues distant. At eight o'clock we steered S. E. ByS. , and at ten S. E. By E. , with a fresh breeze at north, attended with avery thick fog; but we were, in some measure, acquainted with the seaover which we were running. The rocks above-mentioned obtained the nameof Clerke's Rocks, after my second officer, he being the first who sawthem. [10] [Footnote 10: There was no inducement to offer a single remark on thediscoveries mentioned in this section, and the one that follows, or togive any additional observations from the works hitherto used. It isutterly improbable that any human being could be benefited by the mostperfect information that might be afforded, respecting these desolateregions. Mr G. F. It is true, hazards a speculation, that if the northernocean should ever be cleared of whales, by our annual fisheries, thispart of the southern hemisphere might be visited for the sake ofprocuring these animals so abundant in it. But as besides this proviso, he thinks it necessary that Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego should beinhabited and civilized like Scotland and Sweden, there will evidentlybe time enough some centuries hence, to investigate minutely thegeography and natural history of Georgia and its kindredneighbours. --E. ] SECTION VI. _ Proceedings after leaving the Isle of Georgia, with an Account of theDiscovery of Sandwich Land; with some Reasons for there being Land aboutthe South Pole_. On the 25th, we steered E. S. E. , with a fresh gale at N. N. E. , attendedwith foggy weather, till towards the evening, when the sky becomingclear, we found the variation to be 9° 26' E. , being at this time in thelatitude of 56° 16' S. , longitude 32° 9' W. Having continued to steer E. S. E. , with a fine gale at N. N. W. , tillday-light next morning, on seeing no land to the east, I gave orders tosteer south, being at this time in the latitude of 56° 33' S. , longitude31° 10' W. The weather continued clear, and gave us an opportunity toobserve several distances of the sun and moon for the correcting ourlongitude, which at noon was 31° 4' W. , the latitude observed 57° 38' S. We continued to steer to the south till the 27th, at noon, at which timewe were in the latitude of 59° 46' S. , and had so thick a fog that wecould not see a ship's length. It being no longer safe to sail beforethe wind, as we were to expect soon to fall in with ice, I thereforehauled to the east, having a gentle breeze at N. N. E. Soon after the fogclearing away, we resumed our course to the south till four o'clock, when it returned again as thick as ever, and made it necessary for us tohaul upon a wind. I now reckoned we were in latitude 60° S. , and farther I did not intendto go, unless I observed some certain signs of soon meeting with land. For it would not have been prudent in me to have spent my time inpenetrating to the south, when it was at least as probable that a largetract of land might be found near Cape Circumcision. Besides, I wastired of these high southern latitudes, where nothing was to be foundbut ice and thick fogs. We had now a long hollow swell from the west, astrong indication that there was no land in that direction; so that Ithink I may venture to assert that the extensive coast, laid down in MrDalrymple's chart of the ocean between Africa and America, and the Gulphof St Sebastian, do not exist. At seven o'clock in the evening, the fog receding from us a little, gaveus a sight of an ice island, several penguins and some snow peterels; wesounded, but found no ground at one hundred and forty fathoms. The fogsoon returning, we spent the night in making boards over that spacewhich we had, in some degree, made ourselves acquainted with in the day. At eight in the morning of the 28th, we stood to the east, with a gentlegale at north; the weather began to clear up; and we found the seastrewed with large and small ice; several penguins, snow peterels, andother birds were seen, and some whales. Soon after we had sun-shine, butthe air was cold; the mercury in the thermometer stood generally atthirty-five, but at noon it was 37°; the latitude by observation was 60°4' S. , longitude 29° 23' W. We continued to stand to the east till half-past two o'clock, p. M. , whenwe fell in, all at once, with a vast number of large ice-islands, and asea strewed with loose ice. The weather too was become thick and hazy, attended with drizzling rain and sleet, which made it the more dangerousto stand in among the ice. For this reason we tacked and stood back tothe west, with the wind at north. The ice-islands, which at this timesurrounded us, were nearly all of equal height, and shewed a flat evensurface; but they were of various extent, some being two or three milesin circuit. The loose ice was what had broken from these isles. Next morning, the wind falling and veering to S. W. , we steered N. E. ; butthis coarse was soon intercepted by numerous ice-islands; and, havingbut very little wind, we were obliged to steer such courses as carriedus the clearest of them; so that we hardly made any advance, one way orother, during the whole day. Abundance of whales and penguins were aboutus all the time; and the weather fair, but dark and gloomy. At midnight the wind began to freshen at N. N. E. , with which we stood tothe N. W. , till six in the morning of the 30th, when the wind veering toN. N. W. , we tacked and stood to N. E. , and soon after sailed through agood deal of loose ice, and passed two large islands. Except a shortinterval of clear weather about nine o'clock, it was continually foggy, with either sleet or snow. At noon we were, by our reckoning, in thelatitude of 59° 3O' S. , longitude 29° 24' W. Continuing to stand to N. E. With a fresh breeze at N. N. W. , at twoo'clock, we passed one of the largest ice-islands we had seen in thevoyage, and some time after passed two others, which were much smaller;Weather still foggy, with sleet: And the wind continued at N. By W. , with which we stood to N. E. , over a sea strewed with ice. At half an hour past six next morning, as we were standing N. N. E. Withthe wind at west, the fog very fortunately clearing away a little, wediscovered land ahead, three or four miles distant. On this we hauledthe wind to the north; but finding we could not weather the land on thistack, we soon after tacked in one hundred and seventy-five fathomswater, three miles from the shore, and about half a league from somebreakers. The weather then cleared up a little more, and gave us atolerably good sight of the land. That which we had fallen in withproved three rocky islets of considerable height. The outermostterminated in a lofty peak like a sugar-loaf, and obtained the name ofFreezeland Peak, after the man who first discovered it. Latitude 59° S. , longitude 27° W. Behind this peak, that is to the east of it, appearedan elevated coast, whose lofty snow-clad summits were seen above theclouds. It extended from N. By E. To E. S. E. , and I called it CapeBristol, in honour of the noble family of Hervey. At the same timeanother elevated coast appeared in sight, bearing S. W. By S. , and atnoon it extended from S. E. To S. S. W. , from four to eight leaguesdistant; at this time the observed latitude was 59° 13' 30" S. , longitude 27° 45' W. I called this land Southern Thule, because it isthe most southern land that has ever yet been discovered. It shews asurface of vast height, and is every where covered with snow. Somethought they saw land in the space between Thule and Cape Bristol. It ismore than probable that these two lands are connected, and that thisspace is a deep bay, which I called Forster's Bay. At one o'clock, finding that we could not weather Thule, we tacked andstood to the north, and at four, Freezeland Peak bore east, distantthree or four leagues. Soon after, it fell little wind, and we were leftto the mercy of a great westerly swell, which set right upon the shore. We sounded, but a line of two hundred fathoms found no bottom. At eight o'clock, the weather, which had been very hazy, clearing up, wesaw Cape Bristol bearing E. S. E. , and terminating in a point to thenorth, beyond which we could see no land. This discovery relieved usfrom the fear of being carried by the swell on the most horrible coastin the world, and we continued to stand to the north all night, with alight breeze at west. On the 1st of February, at four o'clock in the morning, we got sight ofa new coast, which at six o'clock bore N. 60° east. It proved a highpromontory, which I named Cape Montagu, situated in latitude 58° 27' S. , longitude 26° 44' west, and seven or eight leagues to the north of CapeBristol. We saw land from space to space between them, which made meconclude that the whole was connected. I was sorry I could not determinethis with greater certainty; but prudence would not permit me to venturenear a coast, subject to thick fogs, on which there was no anchorage;where every port was blocked or filled up with ice; and the wholecountry, from the summits of the mountains, down to the very brink ofthe cliffs which terminate the coast, covered, many fathoms thick, witheverlasting snow. The cliffs alone was all which was to be seen likeland. Several large ice-islands lay upon the coast; one of which attracted mynotice. It had a flat surface, was of considerable extent both in heightand circuit, and had perpendicular sides, on which the waves of the seahad made no impression; by which I judged that it had not been long fromland, and that it might lately have come out of some bay on the coast, where it had been formed. At noon we were east and west of the northern part of Cape Montagu, distant about five leagues, and Freezeland Peak bore S. 16° east, distant twelve leagues; latitude observed 58° 25' S. In the morning thevariation was 10° 11' east. At two in the afternoon, as we were standingto the north, with a light breeze at S. W. , we saw land bearing N. 25'east, distant fourteen leagues. Cape Montagu bore at this time, S. 66°east; at eight it bore S. 40° east; Cape Bristol, S. By E. ; the new landextending from N. 40° to 52° east; and we thought we saw land still moreto the east, and beyond it. Continuing to steer to the north all night, at six o'clock the nextmorning a new land was seen bearing N. 12° east, about ten leaguesdistant. It appeared in two hummocks just peeping above the horizon; butwe soon after lost sight of them; and having got the wind at N. N. E. Afresh breeze, we stood for the northernmost land we had seen the daybefore, which at this time bore E. S. E. We fetched in with it by teno'clock, but could not weather it, and were obliged to tack three milesfrom the coast, which extended from E. By S. To S. E. , and had much theappearance of being an island of about eight or ten leagues circuit. Itshews a surface of considerable height, whose summit was lost in theclouds, and, like all the neighbouring lands, covered with a sheet ofsnow and ice, except in a projecting point on the north side, and twohills seen over this point, which probably might be two islands. Theseonly were clear of snow, and seemed covered with a green turf. Somelarge ice islands lay to the N. E. , and some others to the south. We stood off till noon, and then tacked for the land again, in order tosee whether it was an island or no. The weather was now become veryhazy, which soon turning to a thick fog, put a stop to discovery, andmade it unsafe to stand for the shore; so that after having run the samedistance in, as we had run off, we tacked and stood to N. W. , for theland we had seen in the morning, which was yet at a considerabledistance. Thus we were obliged to leave the other, under the suppositionof its being an island, which I named Saunders, after my honourablefriend Sir Charles. It is situated in the latitude of 57° 49' southlongitude, 26° 44' west; and north, distant thirteen leagues, from CapeMontagu. At six o'clock in the evening, the wind shifting to the west, we tacked, and stood to the north; and at eight the fog clearing away, gave us asight of Saunders's Isle, extending from S. E. By S. To E. S. E. We werestill in doubt if it was an island; for, at this time, land was seenbearing E. By S. , which might or might not be connected with it; itmight also be the same that we had seen the preceding evening. But, bethis as it may, it was now necessary to take a view of the land to thenorth, before we proceeded any farther to the east. With this intention, we stood to the north, having a light breeze at W. By S. , which at twoo'clock in the morning of the 3d, was succeeded by a calm that continuedtill eight, when we got the wind at E. By S. Attended by hazy weather. At this time we saw the land we were looking for, and which proved to betwo isles. The day on which they were discovered, was the occasion ofcalling them Candlemas Isles; latitude 57° 11' S. , longitude 27° 6' W. They were of no great extent, but of considerable height, and werecovered with snow. A small rock was seen between them, and perhaps theremay be more; for the weather was so hazy that we soon lost sight of theislands, and did not see them again till noon, at which time they borewest, distant three or four leagues. As the wind kept veering to the south, we were obliged to stand to theN. E. , in which route we met with several large ice islands, loose ice, and many penguins; and at midnight, came at once into water uncommonlywhite, which alarmed the officer of the watch so much, that he tackedthe ship instantly. Some thought it was a float of ice; others that itwas shallow water; but, as it proved neither, probably it was a shoal offish. We stood to the south till two o'clock next morning, when we resumed ourcourse to the east with a faint breeze at S. S. E. Which having ended in acalm, at six, I took the opportunity of putting a boat in the water totry if there were any current; and the trial proved there was none. Somewhales were playing about us, and abundance of penguins: a few of thelatter were shot, and they proved to be of the same sort that we hadseen among the ice before, and different both from those on Staten Land, and from those at the isle of Georgia. It is remarkable, that we had notseen a seal since we left that coast. At noon we were in latitude of 56°44' S. , longitude 25° 33' W. At this time we got a breeze at east, withwhich we stood to the south, with a view of gaining the coast we hadleft; but at eight o'clock the wind shifted to the south, and made itnecessary to tack and stand to the east; in which course we met withseveral ice-islands and some loose ice; the weather continuing hazy withsnow and rain. No penguins were seen on the 5th, which made me conjecture that we wereleaving the land behind us, and that we had already seen its northernextremity. At noon we were in the latitude of 57° 8' S. , longitude 23°34' west, which was 3° of longitude to the east of Saunders's Isle. Inthe afternoon the wind shifted to the west; this enabled us to stretchto the south, and to get into the latitude of the land, that, if it tookan east direction, we might again fall in with it. We continued to steer to the south and S. E. Till next day at noon, atwhich time we were in the latitude of 58° 15' S. , longitude 21° 34'west, and seeing neither land nor signs of any, I concluded that what wehad seen, which I named Sandwich Land, was either a group of islands, orelse a point of the continent. For I firmly believe that there is atract of land near the Pole which is the source of most of the ice thatis spread over this vast southern ocean. I also think it probable thatit extends farthest to the north opposite the southern Atlantic andIndian oceans; because ice was always found by us farther to the northin these oceans than any where else, which I judge could not be, ifthere were not land to the south; I mean a land of considerable extent. For if we suppose that no such land exists, and that ice may be formedwithout it, it will follow of course that the cold ought to be everywhere nearly equal round the Pole, as far as 70° or 60' of latitude, orso far as to be beyond the influence of any of the known continents;consequently we ought to see ice every where under the same parallel, ornear it; and yet the contrary has been, found. Very few ships have metwith ice going round Cape Horn: And we saw but little below the sixtiethdegree of latitude, in the Southern Pacific Ocean. Whereas in thisocean, between the meridian of 40° west and 50° or 60° east, we foundice as far north as 51°. Bouvet met with, some in 48°, and others haveseen it in a much lower latitude. It is true, however, that the greatestpart of this southern continent (supposing there is one), must liewithin the polar circle, where the sea is so pestered with ice, that theland is thereby inaccessible. The risque one runs in exploring a coast, in these unknown and icy seas, is so very great, that I can be boldenough to say that no man will ever venture farther than I have done;and that the lands which may lie to the south will never be explored. Thick fogs, snow storms, intense cold, and every other thing that canrender navigation dangerous, must be encountered, and these difficultiesare greatly heightened by the inexpressibly horrid aspect of thecountry; a country doomed by nature never once to feel the warmth ofthe sun's rays, but to lie buried in everlasting snow and ice. The portswhich may be on the coast, are, in a manner, wholly filled up withfrozen snow of vast thickness; but if any should be so far open as toinvite a ship into it, she would run a risque of being fixed there forever, or of coming out in an ice island. The islands and floats on thecoast, the great falls from the ice-cliffs in the port, or a heavysnow-storm attended with a sharp frost, would be equally fatal. After such an explanation as this, the reader must not expect to find memuch farther to the south. It was, however, not for want of inclination, but for other reasons. It would have been rashness in me to have risquedall that had been done during the voyage, in discovering and exploring acoast, which, when discovered and explored, would have answered no endwhatever, or have been of the least use, either to navigation orgeography, or indeed to any other science. Bouvet's discovery was yetbefore us, the existence of which was to be cleared up; and, besides allthis, we were not now in a condition to undertake great things; norindeed was there time, had we been ever so well provided. These reasons induced me to alter the course to the east, with a verystrong gale at north, attended with an exceedingly heavy fall of snow. The quantity which lodged on our sails was so great, that we werefrequently obliged to throw the ship up in the wind to shake it out ofthem, otherwise neither they nor the ship could have supported theweight. In the evening it ceased to snow; the weather cleared up, thewind backed to the west, and we spent the night in making two shortboards, under close-reefed top-sails and fore-sail. At day-break on the 7th, we resumed our course to the east, with a veryfresh gale at S. W. By W. , attended by a high sea from the samedirection. In the afternoon, being in the latitude of 58° 24' S. , longitude 16° 19' west, the variation was 1° 52' east. Only threeice-islands seen this day. At eight o'clock, shortened sail, and hauledthe wind to the S. E. For the night, in which we had several showers ofsnow and sleet. On the 8th at day-light, we resumed our east course with a gentle breezeand fair weather. After sun-rise, being then in the latitude of 58° 30'S. , longitude 15° 14' west, the variation, by the mean results of twocompasses, was 2° 43' east. These observations were more to be dependedon than those made the night before, there being much less sea now thanthen. In the afternoon, we passed three ice-islands. This night wasspent as the preceding. At six next morning, being in the latitude of 58° 27' S. , longitude 13°4' W. , the variation was 26' E. ; and in the afternoon, being in the samelatitude, and about a quarter of a degree more to the east, it was 2'west. Therefore this last situation must be in or near the Line, inwhich the compass has no variation. We had a calm the most part of theday. The weather fair and clear, excepting now and then a snow-shower. The mercury in the thermometer at noon rose to 40; whereas, for severaldays before, it had been no higher than 36 or 38. We had severalice-islands in sight, but no one thing that could induce us to thinkthat any land was in our neighbourhood. At eight in the evening a breezesprung up at S. E. , with which we stood to N. E. During the night the wind freshened and veered south, which enabled usto steer east. The wind was attended with showers of sleet and snow tillday-light, when the weather became fair, but piercing cold, so that thewater on deck was frozen, and at noon the mercury in the thermometer wasno higher than 34-1/2. At six o'clock in the morning, the variation was23' west, being then in the latitude of 58° 15' S. , longitude 11° 41' W;and at six in the evening, being in the same latitude, and in thelongitude of 9° 24' W. , it was 1° 51' W. In the evening the wind abated;and during the night, it was variable between south and west. Ice-islands continually in sight. On the 11th, wind westerly, light airs attended with heavy showers ofsnow in the morning; but as the day advanced, the weather became fair, clear, and serene. Still continuing to steer east, at noon we observedin latitude 58° 11', longitude at the same time 7° 55' west. Thermometer34-2/3. In the afternoon we had two hours calm; after which we had faintbreezes between the N. E. And S. E. At six o'clock in the morning of the 12th, being in the latitude of 58°23' S. , longitude 6° 54' W. , the variation was 3° 23' west. We hadvariable light airs next to a calm all this day, and the weather wasfair and clear till towards the evening, when it became cloudy withsnow-showers, and the air very cold. Ice-islands continually in sight;most of them small and breaking to pieces. In the afternoon of the 13th, the wind increased, the sky becameclouded, and soon after we had a very heavy fall of snow, whichcontinued till eight or nine o'clock in the evening, when the windabating and veering to S. E. , the sky cleared up, and we had a fairnight, attended with so sharp a frost, that the water in all our vesselson deck was next morning covered with a sheet of ice. The mercury in thethermometer was as low as 29°, which is 3° below freezing, or rather 4;for we generally found the water freeze when the mercury stood at 33°. Towards noon on the 14th, the wind veering to the south, increased to avery strong gale, and blew in heavy squalls attended with snow. Atintervals, between the squalls, the weather was fair and clear, butexceedingly cold. We continued to steer east, inclining a little to thenorth, and in, the afternoon crossed the first meridian, or that ofGreenwich, in the latitude of 57° 50' S. At eight in, the evening, weclose-reefed the top-sails, took in the main-sail, and steered east witha very hard gale at S. S. W. , and a high sea from the same direction. At day-break on the 15th, we set the main-sail, loosed a reef out ofeach top-sail, and with a very strong gale at S. W. , and fair weather, steered E. N. E. Till noon, at which, time we were in latitude of 50° 37'S. , longitude 4° 11' E. , when we pointed to the N. E. , in order to getinto the latitude of Cape Circumcision. Some large ice-islands were insight, and the air was nearly as cold as on the preceding day. At eighto'clock in the evening, shortened sail, and at eleven hauled the wind tothe N. W. , not daring to stand on in the night, which was foggy, withsnow-showers, and a smart frost. At day-break on the 16th, we bore away N. E. , with a light breeze atwest, which, at noon, was succeeded by a calm and fair weather. Ourlatitude at this time was 55° 26' S. , longitude 5° 52' E. , in whichsituation we had a great swell from the southward, but no ice in sight. At one o'clock in the p. M. , a breeze springing up at E. N. E. , we stood toS. E. Till six, then tacked, and stood to the north, under double-reefedtop-sails and courses, having a very fresh gale attended with snow andsleet, which fixed to the masts and rigging as it fell, and coated thewhole with ice. On the 17th the wind continued veering, by little and little, to thesouth, till midnight, when it fixed at S. W. Being at this time in thelatitude of 54° 20' S. , longitude 6° 33' east, I steered east, having aprodigious high sea from the south, which assured us no land was near inthat direction. In the morning of the 18th, it ceased to snow; the weather became fairand clear; and we found the variation to be 18° 44' west. At noon wewere in the latitude of 54° 25', longitude 8° 46' east. I thought this agood latitude to keep in, to look for Cape Circumcision; because, if theland had ever so little extent in the direction of north and south, wecould not miss seeing it, as the northern point is said to lie in 54°. We had yet a great swell from the south, so that I was now well assuredit could only be an island, and it was of no consequence which side wefell in with. In the evening Mr Wales made several observations of themoon, and stars Regulus and Spica; the mean results, at four o'clockwhen the observations were made, for finding the time by the watch, gave9° 15' 20" east longitude. The watch at the same time gave 9° 36' 45". Soon after the variation was found to be 13° 10' west. It is nearly inthis situation that Mr Bouvet had 1° east. I cannot suppose that thevariation has altered so much since that time; but rather think he hadmade some mistake in his observations. That there could be none in ourswas certain, from the uniformity for some time past. Besides, we found12° 8' west, variation, nearly under this meridian, in January 1773. During the night the wind veered round by the N. W. To N. N. E. And blew afresh gale. At eight in the morning of the 19th, we saw the appearance of land inthe direction of E. By S. , or that of our course; but it proved a merefog-bank, and soon after dispersed. We continued to steer E. By S. AndS. E. , till seven o'clock in the evening, when being in the latitude of54° 42' S. , longitude 13° 3' E. , and the wind having veered to N. E. , wetacked and stood to N. W. Under close-reefed topsails and courses; havinga very strong gale attended with snow-showers. At four o'clock next morning, being in the latitude of 54° 30' S. , longitude 12° 33'. East, we tacked and stretched to N. E. With a freshgale at S. W. , attended with snow-showers and sleet. At noon, being inthe latitude of 54° 8' S. , longitude 12° 59' E. , with a fresh gale at W. By N. , and tolerably clear weather, we steered east till ten o'clock inthe evening, when we brought-to, lest we might pass any land in thenight, of which we however had not the least signs. At day-break, having made sail, we bore away E. , and at noon observed inlatitude 54° 16' S. , longitude 16° 13' east, which is 5° to the east ofthe longitude in which Cape Circumcision is said to lie; so that webegan to think there was no such land in existence. I however continuedto steer east, inclining a little to the south, till four o'clock in theafternoon of the next day, when we were in latitude 54° 24' S. , longitude 19° 18' east. We had now run down thirteen degrees of longitude in the very latitudeassigned for Bouvet's Land. I was therefore well assured that what hehad seen could be nothing but an island of ice; for, if it had beenland, it is hardly possible we could have missed it, though it were everso small. Besides, from the time of leaving the southern lands, we hadnot met with the least signs of any other. But even suppose we had, itwould have been no proof of the existence of Cape Circumcision; for I amwell assured that neither seals nor penguins, nor any of the oceanicbirds, are indubitable signs of the vicinity of land. I will allow thatthey are found on the coasts of all these southern lands; but are theynot also to be found in all parts of the southern ocean? There are, however, some oceanic or aquatic birds which point out the vicinity ofland; especially shags, which seldom go out of sight of it; and gannets, boobies, and men-of-war birds, I believe, seldom go very far out to sea. As we were now no more than two degrees of longitude front our route tothe south, when we left the Cape of Good Hope, it was to no purpose toproceed any farther to the east under this parallel, knowing that noland could be there. But an opportunity now offering of clearing up somedoubts of our having seen land farther to the south, I steered S. E. Toget into the situation in which it was supposed to lie. We continued this course till four o'clock the next morning, and thenS. E. By E. And E. S. E. , till eight in the evening, at which time we werein the latitude of 55° 25' S. , longitude 23° 22' east, both deduced fromobservations made the same day; for, in the morning, the sky was clearat intervals, and afforded an opportunity to observe several distancesof the sun and moon, which we had not been able to do for some timepast, having had a constant succession of bad weather. Having now run over the place where the land was supposed to lie, without seeing the least signs of any, it was no longer to be doubtedbut that the ice-islands had deceived us as well as Mr Bouvet. The windby this time having veered to the north, and increased to a perfectstorm, attended as usual with snow and sleet, we handed the top-sailsand hauled up E. N. E. Under the courses. During the night the windabated, and veered to N. W. , which enabled us to steer more to the north, having no business farther south. SECTION VII. _Heads of what has been done in the Voyage; with some Conjecturesconcerning the Formation of Ice-Islands; and an Account of ourProceedings till our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope. _ I had now made the circuit of the southern ocean in a high latitude, andtraversed it in such a manner as to leave not the least room for thepossibility of there being a continent, unless near the Pole, and out ofthe reach of navigation. By twice visiting the tropical sea, I had notonly settled the situation of some old discoveries, but made there manynew ones, and left, I conceive, very little more to be done even in thatpart. Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of the voyage has, inevery respect, been fully answered; the southern hemisphere sufficientlyexplored, and a final end put to the searching after a southerncontinent, which has, at times, ingrossed the attention of some of themaritime powers, for near two centuries past, and been a favouritetheory amongst the geographers of all ages. That there may be a continent, or large tract of land, near the Pole, Iwill not deny; on the contrary I am of opinion there is; and it isprobable that we have seen a part of it. The excessive cold, the manyislands and vast floats of ice, all tend to prove that there must beland to the south; and for my persuasion that this southern land mustlie, or extend, farthest to the north opposite to the southern Atlanticand Indian oceans, I have already assigned some reasons; to which I mayadd the greater degree of cold experienced by us in these seas, than inthe southern Pacific ocean under the same parallels of latitude. [11] [Footnote 11: After what has been said of the utter inutility of asouthern continent to any human being, or even in the way of hypothesisto explain the constitution of nature, it may seem quite unnecessary tooccupy a moment's attention about any arguments for its existence. As, however, a few remarks were hazarded respecting those of a mathematicalkind, it may be proper to say a word or two as to others of a physicalnature. Two reasons for this supposition have been urged; viz. Thepresence of rivers necessary to account for the large masses offresh-water ice found in high southern latitudes; and the existence offirm and immoveable points of land round which these masses might form. The first of these is glaringly erroneous in point of principle andfact. In the first place, it is most certain, that the waters of theocean admit of being frozen, and that when so, they either do or do notcontain the salts they held in solution, according to certaincircumstances, which the argument does not require to be explained. And, secondly, it is absurd to imagine that lands in the vicinity of the Poleshould have any rivers, as the snow-line, as it has been called, reachesso low down there as the surface of the earth, and as the temperature ofthe atmosphere, reckoning from what is known of it in high latitudes, can scarcely ever be above that point at which water becomes solid. Thesecond argument is equally unsubstantial, and may be as readilyinvalidated. In fact, the principal thing requisite for the congelationof water in any circumstances of situation, is the reduction of thetemperature to a certain point, to the effect of which, it is wellknown, the agitation of the water often materially contributes. It maybe remarked also, that as the beat of the ocean seems to diminish inpretty regular progression from the surface downwards, so it is highlyprobable, that, even at considerable distances from the Pole, the lowerstrata may be in a state of congelation; much more probably, therefore, there may exist at and near the Pole, a mass of ice of indefinite sizeand durability, which, extending to greater or smaller distancesaccording to different circumstances, may serve as the basis, or _pointd'appui_, of all the islands and fields of ice discoverable in thisregion. Ice, in fact, is just as capable of a fixed position as earthis, or any other solid body, and may accordingly have constituted thesubstratum of the southern hemisphere within the polar circle, since thetime that this planet assumed its present form and condition. So muchthen on the subject of a southern continent, which, after all, we see isnot worth being disputed about, and appears to be set up, as it were, inabsolute derision of human curiosity and enterprise. Wise men, it islikely, notwithstanding such promissory eulogiums as Mr Dalrymple heldout, will neither venture their lives to ascertain its existence, norlose their time and tempers in arguing about it. Cook's observation, itis perhaps necessary to remark, as to the ice extending further towardsthe north opposite the Atlantic and Indian oceans than any where else, may be accounted for without the supposition he makes in explanation ofit. Thus certain warm currents of water may be conceived to proceed fromthe north, towards those other parts where the ice has not been seen toextend so far, and to prevent the formation of it to the same distance;or again, there may be islands and rocks, to which the ice adheres, inthe situations mentioned by Cook. Both causes, indeed, may operate, andthere may be others also quite equivalent to the effect. But it is fulltime to leave this merely curious subject. Mr G. F. Has somewhat wittilyremarked, that the opinion of the existence of a southern continentmaintained by some philosophers, though much invalidated by this voyage, is nevertheless a proof of their great intelligence, considering the few_data_ on which they could proceed. Some readers may incline, perhaps, to give as much credit to the writer, for hazarding, on about equalgrounds, any opinion in opposition to it. --E. ] In this last ocean, the mercury in the thermometer seldom fell so low asthe freezing point, till we were in 60° and upwards; whereas in theothers, it fell as low in the latitude of 54°. This was certainly owingto there being a greater quantity of ice, and to its extending fartherto the north, in these two seas than in the south Pacific; and if ice befirst formed at, or near land, of which I have no doubt, it will followthat the land also extends farther north. The formation or coagulation of ice-islands has not, to my knowledge, been thoroughly investigated. Some have supposed them to be formed bythe freezing of the water at the mouths of large rivers, or greatcataracts, where they accumulate till they are broken off by their ownweight. My observations will not allow me to acquiesce in this opinion;because we never found any of the ice which we took up incorporated withearth, or any of its produce, as I think it must have been, had it beencoagulated in land-waters. It is a doubt with me, whether there be anyrivers in these countries. It is certain, that we saw not a river, orstream of water, on all the coast of Georgia, nor on any of the southernlands. Nor did we ever see a stream of water run from any of theice-islands. How are we then to suppose that there are large rivers? Thevalleys are covered, many fathoms deep, with everlasting snow; and, atthe sea, they terminate in icy cliffs of vast height. It is here wherethe ice-islands are formed; not from streams of water, but fromconsolidated snow and sleet, which is almost continually falling ordrifting down from the mountains, especially in the winter, when thefrost must be intense. During that season, the ice-cliffs must soaccumulate as to fill up all the bays, be they ever so large. This is afact which cannot be doubted, as we have seen it so in summer. Thesecliffs accumulate by continual falls of snow, and what drifts from themountains, till they are no longer able to support their own weight;and then large pieces break off, which we call ice-islands. Such as havea flat even surface, must be of the ice formed in the bays, and beforethe flat vallies; the others, which have a tapering unequal surface, must be formed on, or under, the side of a coast composed of pointedrocks and precipices, or some such uneven surface. For we cannot supposethat snow alone, as it falls, can form, on a plain surface, such as thesea, such a variety of high peaks and hills, as we saw on many of theice-isles. It is certainly more reasonable to believe that they areformed on a coast whose surface is something similar to theirs. I haveobserved that all the ice-islands of any extent, and before they beginto break to pieces, are terminated by perpendicular cliffs of clear iceor frozen snow, always on one or more sides, but most generally allround. Many, and those of the largest size, which had a hilly and spiralsurface, shewed a perpendicular cliff, or side, from the summit of thehighest peak down to its base. This to me was a convincing proof, thatthese, as well as the flat isles, must have broken off from substanceslike themselves, that is, from some large tract of ice. When I consider the vast quantity of ice we saw, and the vicinity of theplaces to the Pole where it is formed, and where the degrees oflongitude are very small, I am led to believe that these ice-cliffsextend a good way into the sea, in some parts, especially in such as aresheltered from the violence of the winds. It may even be doubted if everthe wind is violent in the very high latitudes. And that the sea willfreeze over, or the snow that falls upon it, which amounts to the samething, we have instances in the northern hemisphere. The Baltic, theGulph of St Laurence, the Straits of Belle-Isle, and many other equallylarge seas, are frequently frozen over in winter. [12] Nor is this at allextraordinary, for we have found the degree of cold at the surface ofthe sea, even in summer, to be two degrees below the freezing point;consequently nothing kept it from freezing but the salt it contains, andthe agitation of its surface. Whenever this last ceaseth in winter, whenthe frost is set in, and there comes a fall of snow, it will freeze onthe surface as it falls, and in a few days, or perhaps in one night, form such a sheet of ice as will not be easily broken up. Thus afoundation will be laid for it to accumulate to any thickness by fallsof snow, without its being at all necessary for the sea-water tofreeze. It may be by this means these vast floats of low ice we find inthe spring of the year are formed, and which, after they break up, arecarried by the currents to the north. For, from all the observations Ihave been able to make, the currents every where, in the high latitudes, set to the north, or to the N. E. Or N. W. ; but we have very seldom foundthem considerable. [Footnote 12: Forster the elder, in his observations, has related manyinstances of this sort, and given some very ingenious remarks on thesubject of the formation of ice in high latitudes; but it is impossibleto do justice to them within the compass of a note, and perhaps mostreaders are of opinion that the text is abundantly copious on this partof the voyage. --E. ] If this imperfect account of the formation of these extraordinaryfloating islands of ice, which is written wholly from my ownobservations, does not convey some useful hints to an abler pen, itwill, however, convey some idea of the lands where they are formed:Lands doomed by Nature to perpetual frigidness; never to feel the warmthof the sun's rays; whose horrible and savage aspect I have not words todescribe. Such are the lands we have discovered; what then may we expectthose to be which lie still farther to the south? For we may reasonablysuppose that we have seen the best, as lying most to the north. If anyone should have resolution and perseverance to clear up this point byproceeding farther than I have done, I shall not envy him the honour ofthe discovery; but I will be bold to say, that the world will not bebenefited by it. I had, at this time, some thoughts of revisiting the place where theFrench discovery is said to lie. But then I considered that, if they hadreally made this discovery, the end would be as fully answered as if Ihad done it myself. We know it can only be an island; and if we mayjudge from the degree of cold we found in that latitude, it cannot be afertile one. Besides, this would have kept me two months longer at sea, and in a tempestuous latitude, which we were not in a condition tostruggle with. Our sails and rigging were so much worn, that somethingwas giving way every hour; and we had nothing left either to repair orto replace them. Our provisions were in a state of decay, andconsequently afforded little nourishment, and we had been a long timewithout refreshments. My people, indeed, were yet healthy, and wouldhave cheerfully gone wherever I had thought proper to lead them; but Idreaded the scurvy laying hold of them at a time when we had nothingleft to remove it. I must say farther, that it would have been cruel inme to have continued the fatigues and hardships they were continuallyexposed to, longer than was absolutely necessary. Their behaviour, throughout the whole voyage, merited every indulgence which it was in mypower to give them. Animated by the conduct of the officers, they shewedthemselves capable of surmounting every difficulty and danger which camein their way, and never once looked either upon the one or the other, asbeing at all heightened, by our separation from our consort theAdventure. [13] [Footnote 13: "The sour krout, that excellent anti-scorbutic food, ofwhich sixty large casks were put on board our ship, was now entirelyconsumed, and the want of it was severely felt from the captain down tothe sailor. It enabled us to eat our portion of salt meat, of which itcorrected the septic quality. The wish for a speedy release from thisnauseous diet now became universal, and our continuance in the highlatitudes was disagreeable to all on board. "--G. F. ] All these considerations induced me to lay aside looking for the Frenchdiscoveries, and to steer for the Cape of Good Hope; with a resolution, however, of looking for the isles of Denia and Marseveen, which are laiddown in Dr Halley's variation chart in the latitude of 41° 1/2 S. , andabout 4° of longitude to the east of the meridian of the Cape of GoodHope. With this view I steered N. E. , with a hard gale at N. W. And thickweather; and on the 25th, at noon, we saw the last ice island, being atthis time in the latitude of 52° 52' S. , longitude 26° 31' E. The wind abating and veering to the south, on the first of March, westeered west, in order to get farther from Mr Bouvet's track, which wasbut a few degrees to the east of us, being at this time in the latitudeof 46° 44' S. , longitude 33° 20' E. , in which situation we found thevariation to be 23° 36' W. It is somewhat remarkable, that all the timewe had northerly winds, which were regular and constant for severaldays, the weather was always thick and cloudy; but, as soon as they camesouth of west, it cleared up, and was fine and pleasant. The barometerbegan to rise several days before this change happened; but whether onaccount of it, or our coming northward, cannot be determined. [14] [Footnote 14: It may be worth while preserving here the remark made byMr Wales. When off, and in the neighbourhood of Georgia, the cold wasmuch less severe when the wind blew from the south, than when it camefrom the north. He assigns no reason for it, and perhaps theobservations were too limited to place and time to justify any generalinferences. It may, however, be suggested, with little risk of error, that the northerly wind would be most loaded with moisture, hence thecloudy sort of weather noticed during its continuance; and that, on verywell-ascertained principles, moisture is a considerable source ofcold. --E. ] The wind remained not long at south before it veered round by the N. E. To the N. W. , blowing fresh and by squalls, attended, as before, withrain and thick misty weather. We had some intervals of clear weather inthe afternoon of the 3d, when we found the variation to be 22° 26' W. ;latitude at this time 45° 8' S. , longitude 30° 50' E. The followingnight was very stormy, the wind blew from S. W. And in excessively heavysqualls. At short intervals between the squalls the wind would fallalmost to a calm, and then come on again with such fury, that neitherour sails nor rigging could withstand it, several of the sails beingsplit, and a middle stay-sail being wholly lost. The next morning thegale abated, and we repaired the damage we had sustained in the bestmanner we could. On the 8th, being in the latitude of 41° 30' S. , longitude 26° 51' E. , the mercury in the thermometer rose to 61, and we found it necessary toput on lighter clothes. As the wind continued invariably fixed betweenN. W. And W. , we took every advantage to get to the west, by tackingwhenever it shifted any thing in our favour; but as we had a great swellagainst us, our tacks were rather disadvantageous. We daily sawalbatrosses, peterels, and other oceanic birds; but not the least signof land. On the 11th, in the latitude of 40° 40' S. , longitude 23° 47' E. , thevariation was 20° 48' W. About noon the same day the wind shiftedsuddenly from N. W. To S. W. , caused the mercury in the thermometer tofall as suddenly from 62° to 52°; such was the different state of theair, between a northerly and southerly wind. The next day, havingseveral hours calm, we put a boat in the water, and shot somealbatrosses and peterels, which, at this time, were highly acceptable. We were now nearly in the situation where the isles which we were insearch of, are said to lie; however, we saw nothing that could give usthe least hope of finding them. The calm continued till five o'clock of the next morning, when it wassucceeded by a breeze at W. By S. , with which we stood to N. N. W. , and atnoon observed in latitude 38° 51' S. This was upwards of thirty milesmore to the north than our log gave us; and the watch shewed that we hadbeen set to the east also. If these differences did not arise from somestrong current, I know not how to account for them. Very strong currentshave been found on the African coast, between Madagascar and the Capeof Good Hope, but I never heard of their extending so far from the land;nor is it probable they do. I rather suppose that this current has noconnection with that on the coast; and that we happened to fall intosome stream which is neither lasting nor regular. But these are pointswhich require much time to investigate, and must therefore be left tothe industry of future navigators. We were now two degrees to the north of the parallel in which the islesof Denia and Marseveen are said to lie. We had seen nothing to encourageus to persevere in looking after them, and it must have taken up sometime longer to find them, or to prove their non-existence. Every one wasimpatient to get into port, and for good reasons: As for a long time wehad had nothing but stale and salt provisions, for which every one onboard had lost all relish. These reasons induced me to yield to thegeneral wish, and to steer for the Cape of Good Hope, being at this timein the latitude of 38° 38' S. , longitude 23° 37' E. The next day the observed latitude at noon was only seventeen miles tothe north of that given by the log; so that we had either got out of thestrength of the current, or it had ceased. On the 15th the observed latitude at noon, together with the watch, shewed that we had had a strong current setting to the S. W. , thecontrary direction to what we had experienced on some of the precedingdays, as hath been mentioned. [15] [Footnote 15: It is highly probable, that both these currents werebranches of the equinoctial current, that flows from east to west--thefirst, which was farthest off from land, being on the return towards theeast; and the second, which was found nearer to the land, having stillenough of its original impulse to direct it onwards by the coast to thesouthern point of Africa, from which it would afterwards be deflected. Similar circuits are well known to be performed by the equinoctialcurrent, in the Atlantic Ocean, on both sides of the equator. --E. ] At day-light, on the 16th, we saw two sail in the N. W. Quarter standingto the westward, and one of them shewing Dutch colours. At ten o'clockwe tacked and stood to the west also, being at this time in the latitudeof 39° 9' S. , longitude 22° 38' E. I now, in pursuance of my instructions, demanded of the officers andpetty officers, the log-books and journals they had kept; which weredelivered to me accordingly, and sealed up for the inspection of theAdmiralty. I also enjoined them, and the whole crew, not to divulgewhere we had been, till they had their lordships' permission so to do. In the afternoon, the wind veered to the west, and increased to a hardgale, which was of short duration; for, the next day, it fell, and atnoon veered to S. E. At this time we were in the latitude of 34° 49' S. , longitude 22° E. ; and, on sounding, found fifty-six fathoms water. Inthe evening we saw the land in the direction of E. N. E. About six leaguesdistant; and, during the fore-part of the night, there was a great fireor light upon it. At day-break on the 18th, we saw the land again, bearing N. N. W. , six orseven leagues distant, and the depth of water forty-eight fathoms. Atnine o'clock, having little or no wind, we hoisted out a boat, and senton board one of the two ships before-mentioned, which were about twoleagues from us; but we were too impatient after news to regard thedistance. Soon after, a breeze sprung up at west, with which we stood tothe south; and, presently, three sail more appeared in sight towindward, one of which shewed English colours. At one, p. M. , the boat returned from on board the Bownkerke Polder, Captain Cornelius Bosch, a Dutch Indiaman from Bengal. Captain Bosch, very obligingly, offered us sugar, arrack, and whatever he had to spare. Our people were told by some English seamen on board this ship, that theAdventure had arrived at the Cape of Good Hope twelve months ago, andthat the crew of one of her boats had been murdered and eaten by thepeople of New Zealand; so that the story which we heard in QueenCharlotte's Sound was now no longer a mystery. We had light airs next, to a calm till ten o'clock the next morning, when a breeze sprung up at west, and the English ship, which was towindward, bore down to us. She proved to be the True Briton, CaptainBroadly, from China. As he did not intend to touch at the Cape, I put aletter on board him for the secretary of the Admiralty. The account which we had heard of the Adventure was now confirmed to usby this ship. We also got, from on board her, a parcel of oldnewspapers, which were new to us, and gave us some amusement; but thesewere the least favours we received from Captain Broadly. With agenerosity peculiar to the commanders of the India Company's ships, hesent us fresh provisions, tea, and other articles which were veryacceptable, and deserve from me this public acknowledgment. In theafternoon we parted company. The True Briton stood out to sea, and we infor the land, having a very fresh gale at west, which split our foretop-sail in such a manner, that we were obliged to bring another to theyard. At six o'clock we tacked within four or five miles of the shore;and, as we judged, about five or six leagues to the east of CapeAguilas. We stood off till midnight, when, the wind having veered roundto the south, we tacked, and stood along-shore to the west. The windkept veering more and more in our favour, and at last fixed at E. S. E. ;and blew for some hours a perfect hurricane. As soon as the storm began to subside, we made sail, and hauled in forthe land. Next day at noon, the Table Mountain over the Cape Town boreN. E. By E. , distant nine or ten leagues. By making use of this bearingand distance to reduce the longitude shewn by the watch to the CapeTown, the error was found to be no more than 18' in longitude, which itwas too far to the east. Indeed the difference found between it and thelunar observations, since we left New Zealand, had seldom exceeded halfa degree, and always the same way. The next morning, being with us Wednesday the 22d, but with the peoplehere Tuesday the 21st, we anchored in Table Bay, where we found severalDutch ships; some French; and the Ceres, Captain Newte, an English EastIndia Company's ship, from China, bound directly to England, by whom Isent a copy of the preceding part of this journal, some charts, andother drawings to the Admiralty. Before we had well got to an anchor, I dispatched an officer to acquaintthe governor with our arrival, and to request the necessary stores andrefreshments; which were readily granted. As soon as the officer cameback, we saluted the garrison with thirteen guns, which compliment wasimmediately returned with an equal number. I now learnt that the Adventure had called here, on her return; and Ifound a letter from Captain Furneaux, acquainting me with the loss ofhis boat, and of ten of his best men, in Queen Charlotte's Sound. Thecaptain, afterwards, on my arrival in England, put into my hands acomplete narrative of his proceedings, from the time of our second andfinal separation, which I now lay before the public in the followingsection. SECTION VIII. _Captain Furneaux's Narrative of his Proceedings, in the Adventure, from, the Time he was separated from the Resolution, to his Arrival inEngland; including Lieutenant Burney's Report concerning the Boat's Crewwho were murdered by the Inhabitants of Queen Charlottes Sound_. After a passage of fourteen days from Amsterdam, we made the coast ofNew Zealand near the Table Cape, and stood along-shore till we came asfar as Cape Turnagain. The wind then began to blow strong at west, withheavy squalls and rain, which split many of our sails, and blew us offthe coast for three days; in which time we parted company with theResolution, and never saw her afterwards. On the 4th of November, we again got in shore, near Cape Palliser, andwere visited by a number of the natives in their canoes; bringing agreat quantity of cray-fish, which we bought of them for nails andOtaheite cloth. The next day it blew hard from W. N. W. , which again droveus off the coast, and obliged us to bring-to for two days; during whichtime it blew one continual gale of wind, with heavy falls of sleet. Bythis time, our decks were very leaky; our beds and bedding wet; andseveral of our people complaining of colds; so that we began to despairof ever getting into Charlotte's Sound, or joining the Resolution. On the 6th, being to the north of the cape, the wind at S. W. , andblowing strong, we bore away for some bay to complete our water andwood, being in great want of both, having been at the allowance of onequart of water for some days past; and even that pittance could not become at above six or seven days longer. We anchored in Tolaga Bay on the9th, in latitude 38° 21' S. , longitude 178° 31' east. It affords goodriding with the wind westerly, and regular soundings from eleven to fivefathoms, stiff muddy ground across the bay for about two miles. It isopen from N. N. E. To E. S. E. It is to be observed, easterly winds seldomblow hard on this shore; but when they do, they throw in a great sea, so that if it were not for a great undertow, together with a large riverthat empties itself in the bottom of the bay, a ship would not be ableto ride here. Wood and water are easily to be had, except when it blowshard easterly. The natives here are the same as those at Charlotte'sSound, but more numerous, and seemed settled, having regular plantationsof sweet potatoes, and other roots, which are very good; and they haveplenty of cray and other fish, which we bought of them for nails, beads, and other trifles, at an easy rate. In one of their canoes we observedthe head of a woman lying in state, adorned with feathers and otherornaments. It had the appearance of being alive; but, on examination, wefound it dry, being preserved with every feature perfect, and kept asthe relic of some deceased relation. Having got about ten tons of water, and some wood, we sailed forCharlotte's Sound on the 12th. We were no sooner out than the wind beganto blow hard, dead on the shore, so that we could not clear the land oneither tack. This obliged us to bear away again for the bay, where weanchored the next morning, and rode out a very heavy gale of wind at E. By S. , which threw in a very great sea. We now began to fear we shouldnever join the Resolution; having reason to believe she was in CharlotteSound, and by this time ready for sea. We soon found it was with greatdifficulty we could get any water, owing to the swell setting in sostrong; at last, however, we were able to go on shore, and got both woodand water. Whilst we lay here we were employed about the rigging, which was muchdamaged by the constant gales of wind we had met with since we made thecoast. We got the booms down on the decks, and having made the ship assnug as possible, sailed again on the 16th. After this we met withseveral gales of wind off the mouth of the Strait; and continued beatingbackwards and forwards till the 30th, when we were so fortunate as toget a favourable wind, which we took every advantage of, and at last gotsafe into our desired port. We saw nothing of the Resolution, and beganto doubt her safety; but on going ashore, we discerned the place whereshe had erected her tents; and, on an old stump of a tree in the garden, observed these words cut out, "Look underneath. " There we dug, and soonfound a bottle corked and waxed down, with a letter in it from CaptainCook, signifying their arrival on the 3d instant, and departure on the24th; and that they intended spending a few days in the entrance of theStraits to look for us. We immediately set about getting the ship ready for sea as fast aspossible; erected our tents; sent the cooper on shore to repair thecasks; and began to unstow the hold, to get at the bread that was inbutts; but on opening them found a great quantity of it entirelyspoiled, and most part so damaged, that we were obliged to fix ourcopper oven on shore to bake it over again, which undoubtedly delayed usa considerable time. Whilst we lay here, the inhabitants came on boardas before, supplying us with fish, and other things of their ownmanufacture, which we bought of them for nails, &c. And appeared veryfriendly, though twice in the middle of the night they came to the tent, with an intention to steal; but were discovered before they could getany thing into their possession. On the 17th of December, having refitted the ship, completed our waterand wood, and got every thing ready for sea, we sent our large cutter, with Mr Rowe, a midshipman, and the boat's crew, to gather wild greensfor the ship's company; with orders to return that evening, as Iintended to sail the next morning. But on the boat's not returning thesame evening, nor the next morning, being under great uneasiness abouther, I hoisted out the launch, and sent her with the second lieutenant, Mr Burney, manned with the boat's crew and ten marines, in search ofher. My orders to Mr Burney were first, to look well into East Bay, andthen to proceed to Grass Cove, the place to which Mr Rowe had been sent;and if he heard nothing of the boat there, to go farther up the sound, and come back along the west shore. As Mr Rowe had left the ship an hourbefore the time proposed, and in a great hurry, I was strongly persuadedthat his curiosity had carried him into East Bay, none in our shiphaving ever been there; or else, that some accident had happened to theboat, either by going adrift through the boat-keeper's negligence, or bybeing stove among the rocks. This was almost every body's opinion; andon this supposition, the carpenter's mate was sent in the launch, withsome sheets of tin. I had not the least suspicion that our people hadreceived any injury from the natives, our boats having frequently beenhigher up, and worse provided. How much I was mistaken, too soonappeared; for Mr Burney having returned about eleven o'clock the samenight, made his report of a horrible scene indeed, which cannot bebetter described than in his own words, which now follow. "On the 18th, we left the ship; and having a light breeze in our favour, we soon got round Long Island, and within Long Point. I examined everycove, on the larboard hand, as we went along, looking well all aroundwith a spy-glass, which I took for that purpose. At half past one, westopped at a beach on the left-hand side going up East Bay, to boil somevictuals, as we brought nothing but raw meat with us. Whilst we werecooking, I saw an Indian on the opposite shore, running along a beach tothe head of the bay. Our meat being drest, we got into the boat and putoff; and, in a short time, arrived at the head of this reach, where wesaw an Indian settlement. " "As we drew near, some of the Indians came down on the rocks, and wavedfor us to be gone, but seeing we disregarded them, they altered theirnotes. Here we found six large canoes hauled up on the beach, most ofthem double ones, and a great many people; though not so many as onemight expect from the number of houses and size of the canoes. Leavingthe boat's crew to guard the boat, I stepped ashore with the marines(the corporal and five men), and searched a good many of their houses, but found nothing to give me any suspicion. Three or four well-beatenpaths led farther into the woods, where were many more houses; but thepeople continuing friendly, I thought it unnecessary to continue oursearch. Coming down to the beach, one of the Indians had brought abundle of _Hepatoos_ (long spears), but seeing I looked very earnestlyat him, he put them on the ground, and walked about with seemingunconcern. Some of the people appearing to be frightened, I gave alooking-glass to one, and a large nail to another. From this place thebay ran, as nearly as I could guess, N. N. W. A good mile, where it endedin a long sandy beach. I looked all around with the glass, but saw noboat, canoe, or sign of inhabitant. I therefore contented myself withfiring some guns, which I had done in every cove as I went along. " "I now kept close to the east shore, and came to another settlement, where the Indians invited us ashore. I enquired of them about the boat, but they pretended ignorance. They appeared very friendly here, and soldus some fish. Within an hour after we left this place, in a small beachadjoining to Grass Cove, we saw a very large double canoe just hauledup, with two men and a dog. The men, on seeing us, left their canoe, andran up into the woods. This gave me reason to suspect I should here gettidings of the cutter. We went ashore, and searched the canoe, where wefound one of the rullock-ports of the cutter, and some shoes, one ofwhich was known to belong to Mr Woodhouse, one of our midshipmen. One ofthe people, at the same time, brought me a piece of meat, which he tookto be some of the salt meat belonging to the cutter's crew. On examiningthis, and smelling to it, I found it was fresh. Mr Fannin (the master)who was with me, supposed it was dog's flesh, and I was of the sameopinion; for I still doubted their being cannibals. But we were soonconvinced by most horrid and undeniable proof. " "A great many baskets (about twenty) lying on the beach, tied up, we cutthem open. Some were full of roasted flesh, and some of fern-root, whichserves them for bread. On, farther search, we found more shoes, and ahand, which we immediately knew to have belonged to Thomas Hill, one ofour fore-castle men, it being marked T. H. With an Otaheitetattow-instrument. I went with some of the people a little way up thewoods, but saw nothing else. Coming down again, there was a round spotcovered with fresh earth, about four feet diameter, where something hadbeen buried. Having no spade, we began to dig with a cutlass; and in themean time I launched the canoe with intent to destroy her; but seeing agreat smoke ascending over the nearest hill, I got all the people intothe boat, and made what haste I could to be with them before sun-set. " "On opening the next bay, which was Grass Cove, we saw four canoes, onesingle and three double ones, and a great many people on the beach, who, on our approach; retreated to a small hill, within a ship's length ofthe water side, where they stood talking to us. A large fire was on thetop of the high land, beyond the woods, from whence, all the way downthe hill, the place was thronged like a fair. As we came in, I ordered amusquetoon to be fired at one of the canoes, suspecting they might befull of men lying down in the bottom; for they were all afloat, butnobody was seen in them. The savages on the little hill still kepthallooing, and making signs for us to land. However, as soon as we gotclose in, we all fired. The first volley did not seem to affect themmuch; but on the second, they began to scramble away as fast as theycould, some of them howling. We continued firing as long as we could seethe glimpse of any of them through the bushes. Amongst the Indians weretwo very stout men, who never offered to move till they found themselvesforsaken by their companions; and then they marched away with greatcomposure and deliberation; their pride not suffering them to run. Oneof them, however, got a fall, and either lay there, or crawled off onall-fours. The other got clear, without any apparent hurt. I then landedwith the marines, and Mr Fannin staid to guard the boat. " "On the beach were two bundles of celery, which had been gathered forloading the cutter. A broken oar was stuck upright in the ground, towhich the natives had tied their canoes; a proof that the attack hadbeen made here. I then searched all along at the back of the beach, tosee if the cutter was there. We found no boat, but instead of her, sucha shocking scene of carnage and barbarity as can never be mentioned orthought of but with horror; for the heads, hearts, and lungs of severalof our people were seen lying on the beach, and, at a little distance, the dogs gnawing their entrails. " "Whilst we remained almost stupified on the spot, Mr Fannin called to usthat he heard the savages gathering together in the woods; on which Ireturned to the boat, and hauling along-side the canoes, we demolishedthree of them. Whilst this was transacting, the fire on the top of thehill disappeared; and we could hear the Indians in the woods at highwords; I suppose quarrelling whether or no they should attack us, andtry to save their canoes. It now grew dark; I therefore just steppedout, and looked once more behind the beach to see if the cutter had beenhauled up in the bushes; but seeing nothing of her, returned, and putoff. Our whole force would have been barely sufficient to have gone upthe hill; and to have ventured with half (for half must have been leftto guard the boat) would have been fool-hardiness. " "As we opened the upper part of the sound, we saw a very large fireabout three or four miles higher up, which formed a complete oval, reaching from the top of the hill down almost to the water-side, themiddle space being inclosed all round by the fire, like a hedge. Iconsulted with Mr Fannin, and we were both of opinion that we couldexpect to reap no other advantage than the poor satisfaction of killingsome more of the savages. At leaving Grass Cove, we had fired a generalvolley towards where we heard the Indians talking; but, by going in andout of the boat, the arms had got wet, and four pieces missed fire. Whatwas still worse, it began to rain; our ammunition was more than, halfexpended, and we left six large canoes behind us in one place. With somany disadvantages, I did not think it worth while to proceed, wherenothing could be hoped for but revenge. " "Coming between two round islands, situated to the southward of EastBay, we imagined we heard somebody calling; we lay on our oars, andlistened, but heard no more of it; we hallooed several times, but tolittle purpose; the poor souls were far enough out of hearing, and, indeed, I think it some comfort to reflect, that in all probabilityevery man of them must have been killed on the spot. " Thus far Mr Burney's report; and to complete the account of thistragical transaction, it may not be unnecessary to mention, that thepeople in the cutter were Mr Rowe, Mr Woodhouse, Francis Murphy, quarter-master; William Facey, Thomas Hill, Michael Bell, and EdwardJones, fore-castle men; John Cavanaugh, and Thomas Milton, belonging tothe after-guard; and James Sevilley, the captain's man, being ten inall. Most of these were of our very best seamen, the stoutest and mosthealthy people in the ship. Mr Burney's party brought on board twohands, one belonging to Mr Rowe, known by a hurt he had received on it;the other to Thomas Hill, as before-mentioned; and the head of thecaptain's servant. These, with more of the remains, were tied in ahammock, and thrown over-board, with ballast and shot sufficient to sinkit. None of their arms nor cloaths were found, except part of a pair oftrowsers, a frock, and six shoes, no two of them being fellows. I am not inclined to think this was any premeditated plan of thesesavages; for, the morning Mr Rowe left the ship, he met two canoes, which came down and staid all the fore-noon in Ship Cove. It mightprobably happen from some quarrel which was decided on the spot, or thefairness of the opportunity might tempt them, our people being soincautious, and thinking themselves too secure. Another thing whichencouraged the New Zealanders, was, they were sensible that a gun wasnot infallible, that they sometimes missed, and that, when discharged, they must be loaded before they could be used again, which time theyknew how to take advantage of. After their success, I imagine there wasa general meeting on the east side of the sound. The Indians of ShagCove were there; this we knew by a cock which was in one of the canoes, and by a long single canoe, which some of our people had seen four daysbefore in Shag Cove, where they had been with Mr Rowe in the cutter. We were detained in the Sound by contrary winds four days after thismelancholy affair happened, during which time we saw none of theinhabitants. What is very remarkable, I had been several times up in thesame cove with Captain Cook, and never saw the least sign of aninhabitant, except some deserted towns, which appeared as if they hadnot been occupied for several years; and yet, when Mr Burney entered thecove, he was of opinion there could not be less than fifteen hundred ortwo thousand people. I doubt not, had they been apprized of his coming, they would have attacked him. From these considerations, I thought itimprudent to send a boat up again; as we were convinced there was notthe least probability of any of our people being alive. On the 23d, we weighed and made sail out of the Sound, and stood to theeastward to get clear of the straits; which we accomplished the sameevening, but were baffled for two or three days with light winds, beforewe could clear the coast. We then stood to the S. S. E. Till we got intothe latitude of 56° south, without any thing remarkable happening, having a great swell from the southward. At this time the wind began toblow strong from the S. W. , and the weather to be very cold; and as theship was low and deep laden, the sea made a continual breach over her, which kept us always wet; and by her straining, very few of the peoplewere dry in bed or on deck, having no shelter to keep the sea from them. The birds were the only companions we had in this vast ocean, except, now and then, we saw a whale or porpoise; and sometimes a seal or two, and a few penguins. In the latitude of 58° S. , longitude 213°[16] east, we fell in with some ice, and, every day, saw more or less, we thenstanding to the east. We found a very strong current setting to theeastward; for by the time we were abreast of Cape Horn, being in thelatitude of 61° S. , the ship was a-head of our account eight degrees. Wewere very little more than a month from Cape Palliser in New Zealand toCape Horn, which is an hundred and twenty-one degrees of longitude, andhad continual westerly winds from S. W. To N. W. , with a great seafollowing. [Footnote 16: About 147 west longitude, as I reckon. ] On opening some casks of pease and flour, that had been stowed on thecoals, we found them very much damaged, and not eatable; so thought itmost prudent to make for the Cape of Good Hope, but first to stand intothe latitude and longitude of Cape Circumcision. After being to theeastward of Cape Horn, we found the winds did not blow so strong fromthe westward as usual, but came more from the north, which brought onthick foggy weather; so that for several days together we could not beable to get an observation, or see the least sign of the sun. Thisweather lasted above a month, being then among a great many islands ofice, which kept us constantly on the look-out, for fear of running foulof them, and, being a single ship, made us more attentive. By this timeour people began to complain of colds and pains in their limbs, whichobliged me to haul to the northward to the latitude of 54° S. ; but westill continued to have the same sort of weather, though we had ofteneran opportunity of obtaining observations for the latitude. After getting into the latitude above-mentioned, I steered to the east, in order, if possible, to find the land laid down by Bouvet. As weadvanced to the east, the islands of ice became more numerous anddangerous; they being much smaller than they used to be; and the nightsbegan to be dark. On the 3d of March, being then in the latitude of 54° 4' S. , longitude13° E. , which is the latitude of Bouvet's discovery, and half a degreeto the eastward of it, and not seeing the least sign of land, either nowor since we have been in this parallel, I gave over looking for it, andhauled away to the northward. As our last track to the southward waswithin a few degrees of Bouvet's discovery in the longitude assigned toit, and about three or four degrees to the southward, should there beany land thereabout, it must be a very inconsiderable island. But Ibelieve it was nothing but ice: As we, in our first setting out, thoughtwe had seen land several times, but it proved to be high islands of iceat the back of the large fields; and as it was thick foggy weather whenMr Bouvet fell in with it, he might very easily mistake them for land. On the seventh, being in the latitude of 48° 30' S. , longitude 14° 26'E. , saw two large islands of ice. On the 17th, made the land of the Cape of Good Hope, and on the 19thanchored in Table Bay, where we found Commodore Sir Edward Hughes, withhis majesty's ships Salisbury and Sea-horse. I saluted the commodorewith, thirteen guns; and, soon after, the garrison with the same number;the former returned the salute, as usual, with two guns less, and thelatter with an equal number. On the 24th, Sir Edward Hughes sailed with the Salisbury and Sea-horse, for the East Indies; but I remained refitting the ship and refreshingthe people till the 16th of April, when I sailed for England, and on the14th of July anchored at Spithead. SECTION IX. _Transactions at the Cape of Good Hope; with an Account of someDiscoveries made by the French; and the Arrival of the Ship at StHelena. _ I now resume my own Journal, which Captain Furneaux's interestingnarrative, in the preceding section, had obliged me to suspend. The day after my arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, I went on shore, andwaited on the Governor, Baron Plettenberg, and other principal officers, who received, and, treated us, with the greatest politeness, contributing all in their power to make it agreeable. And, as there arefew people more obliging to strangers than the Dutch in general, at thisplace, and refreshments of all kinds are no where to be got in suchabundance, we enjoyed some real repose, after the fatigues of a longvoyage. The good treatment which strangers meet with at the Cape of Good Hope, and the necessity of breathing a little fresh air, has introduced acustom, not common any where else (at least I have no where seen it sostrictly observed), which is, for all the officers, who can be sparedout of the ship, to reside on shore. We followed this custom. Myself, the two Mr Forsters, and Mr Sparrman, took up our abode with Mr Brandt, a gentleman well known to the English, by his obliging readiness toserve them. My first care, after my arrival, was to procure fresh-bakedbread, fresh meat, greens, and wine, for those who remained on board;and being provided, every day during our stay, with these articles, theywere soon restored to their usual strength. We had only three men onboard whom it was thought necessary to send on shore for the recovery oftheir health; and for these I procured quarters, at the rate of thirtystivers, or half-a-crown, per day, for which they were provided withvictuals, drink, and lodging. We now went to work to supply all our defects. For this purpose, bypermission, we erected a tent on shore, to which we sent our casks andsails to be repaired. We also struck the yards and topmasts, in order tooverhaul the rigging, which we found in so bad a condition, that almostevery thing, except the standing rigging, was obliged to be replacedwith new, and that was purchased at a most exorbitant price. In thearticle of naval stores, the Dutch here, as well as at Batavia, take ashameful advantage of the distress of foreigners. That our rigging, sails, &c. Should be worn out, will not be wonderedat, when it is known, that during this circumnavigation of the globe, that is, from our leaving this place to our return to it again, we hadsailed no less than twenty thousand leagues; an extent of voyage nearlyequal to three times the equatorial circumference of the earth, andwhich, I apprehend, was never sailed by any ship in the same space oftime before. And yet, in all this great run, which had been made in alllatitudes between 9° and 71, we sprung neither low-masts, top-mast, lower, nor top-sail yard, nor so much as broke a lower or top-mastshroud; which, with the great care and abilities of my officers, must beowing to the good properties of our ship. One of the French ships which were at anchor in the bay, was the AjaxIndiaman, bound to Pondicherry, commanded by Captain Crozet. He had beensecond in command with Captain Marion, who sailed from this place withtwo ships, in March 1772, as hath been already mentioned. Instead ofgoing from hence to America, as was said, he stood away for New Zealand;where, in the Bay of Isles, he and some of his people were killed by theinhabitants. Captain Crozet, who succeeded to the command, returned bythe way of the Phillipine Isles, with the two ships, to the island ofMauritius. He seemed to be a man possessed of the true spirit ofdiscovery, and to have abilities. In a very obliging manner hecommunicated to me a chart, wherein were delineated not only his owndiscoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen, which I found laid downin the very situation where we searched for it; so that I can by nomeans conceive how both we and the Adventure missed it. Besides this land, which Captain Crozet told us was a long but verynarrow island, extending east and west, Captain Marion, in about thelatitude of 48° south, and from 16° to 30° of longitude east of the Capeof Good Hope, discovered six islands, which were high and barren. These, together with some islands lying between the Line and the southerntropic in the Pacific Ocean, were the principal discoveries made in thisvoyage, the account of which, we were told, was ready for publication. By Captain Crozet's chart it appeared, that a voyage had been made bythe French across the South Pacific Ocean in 1769, under the command ofone Captain Surville; who, on condition of his attempting discoveries, had obtained leave to make a trading voyage to the coast of Peru. Hefitted out, and took in a cargo, in some part of the East Indies;proceeded by way of the Phillipine Isles; passed near New Britain; anddiscovered some land in the latitude of 10° S. , longitude 158° east, towhich he gave his own name. From hence he steered to the south; passed, but a few degrees, to the west of New Caledonia; fell in with NewZealand at its northern extremity, and put into Doubtful Bay; where, itseems, he was, when I passed it, on my former voyage in the Endeavour. From New Zealand Captain Surville steered to the east, between thelatitude of 35° and 41° south, until he arrived on the coast of America;where, in the port of Callao, in attempting to land, he was drowned. These voyages of the French, though undertaken by private adventurers, have contributed something towards exploring the Southern Ocean. That ofCaptain Surville clears up a mistake which I was led into, in imaginingthe shoals off the west end of New Caledonia, to extend to the west asfar as New Holland; it proves that there is an open sea in that space, and that we saw the N. W. Extremity of that country. From the same gentleman, we learnt, that the ship which had been atOtaheite before our first arrival there this voyage, was from New Spain;and that, in her return, she had discovered some islands in the latitudeof 32° S. , and under the meridian of 130° W. Some other islands, said tobe discovered by the Spaniards, appeared on this chart; but CaptainCrozet seemed to think they were inserted from no good authorities. We were likewise informed of a later voyage undertaken by the French, under the command of Captain Kerguelen, which had ended much to thedisgrace of that commander. While we lay in Table Bay, several foreign ships put in and out, boundto and from India, viz. English, French, Danes, Swedes, and threeSpanish frigates, two of them going to, and one coming from Manilla. Itis but very lately that the Spanish ships have touched here; and thesewere the first that were allowed the same privileges as other Europeanfriendly nations. On examining our rudder, the pintles were found to be loose, and we wereobliged to unhang it, and take it on shore to repair. We were alsodelayed for want of caulkers to caulk the ship, which was absolutelynecessary to be done before we put to sea. At length I obtained twoworkmen from one of the Dutch ships; and the Dutton English EastIndiaman coming in from Bengal, Captain Rice obliged me with two more;so that by the 26th of April this work was finished: And having got onboard all necessary stores, and a fresh supply of provisions and water, we took leave of the governor and other principal officers, and the nextmorning repaired on board. Soon after the wind coming fair, we weighedand put to sea; as did also the Spanish frigate Juno, from Manilla, aDanish Indiaman, and the Dutton. As soon as we were under sail, we saluted the garrison with thirteenguns; which compliment was immediately returned with the same number. The Spanish frigate and Danish Indiaman both saluted us as we passedthem, and I returned each salute with an equal number of guns. When wewere clear of the bay the Danish ship steered for the East Indies, theSpanish frigate for Europe, and we and the Dutton for St Helena. Depending on the goodness of Mr Kendall's watch, I resolved to try tomake the island by a direct course. For the first six days, that is, till we got into the latitude of 27° S. , longitude 11° 1/2 W. Of thecape, the winds were southerly and S. E. After this we had variable lightairs for two days; they were succeeded by a wind at S. E. Which continuedto the island, except a part of one day, when it was at N. E. In generalthe wind blew faint all the passage, which made it longer than common. At day-break in the morning of the 15th of May, we saw the island of StHelena at the distance of fourteen leagues; and at midnight anchored inthe road before the town, on the N. W. Side of the island. At sun-risethe next morning, the castle, and also the Dutton, saluted us, each withthirteen guns; on my landing, soon after, I was saluted by the castlewith the same number, and each of the salutes was returned by the ship. Governor Skettowe and the principal gentlemen of the island, receivedand treated me, during my stay, with the greatest politeness; by shewingme every kind of civility in their power. Whoever views St Helena in its present state, and can but conceive whatit must have been originally, will not hastily charge the inhabitantswith want of industry. Though, perhaps, they might apply it to moreadvantage, were more land appropriated to planting of corn, vegetables, roots, &c. Instead of being laid out in pasture, which is the presentmode. But this is not likely to happen, so long as the greatest part ofit remains in the hands of the company and their servants. Withoutindustrious planters, this island can never flourish, and be in acondition to supply the shipping with the necessary refreshments. Within these three years a new church has been built; some other newbuildings were in hand; a commodious landing-place for boats has beenmade; and several other improvements, which add both strength and beautyto the place. During our stay here, we finished some necessary repairs of the ship, which we had not time to do at the Cape. We also filled all our emptywater-casks; and the crew were served with fresh beef, purchased atfive-pence per pound. Their beef is exceedingly good, and is the onlyrefreshment to be had worth mentioning. By a series of observations made at the Cape town, and at James Fort inSt Helena, at the former by Messrs Mason and Dixon, and at the latter byMr Maskelyne, the astronomer royal, the difference of longitude betweenthese two places is 24° 12' 15", only two miles more than Mr Kendall'swatch made. The lunar observations made by Mr Wales, before we arrivedat the island, and after we left it, and reduced to it by the watch, gave 5° 51' for the longitude of James Fort; which is only five milesmore west than it is placed by Mr Maskelyne. In like manner thelongitude of the Cape Town was found within 5' of the truth. I mentionthis to shew how near the longitude of places may be found by the lunarmethod, even at sea, with the assistance of a good watch. [17] [Footnote 17: Mr G. F. Has communicated several very interestingparticulars respecting St Helena, but it is not judged proper to insertthem in this place, as having no connection with the purposes of thevoyage. A similar remark is applicable to some of the subjects mentionedin the following section. Another opportunity may, perhaps, present ofgiving full information on these topics. --E. ] SECTION X. _Passage from St Helena to the Western Islands, with a Description ofthe Island of Ascension and Fernando Noronha. _ On the 21st in the evening, I took leave of the governor, and repairedon board. Upon my leaving the shore, I was saluted with thirteen guns;and upon my getting under sail, with the Dutton in company, I wassaluted with thirteen more; both of which I returned. After leaving St Helena, the Dutton was ordered to steer N. W. By W. OrN. W. By compass, in order to avoid falling in with Ascension; at whichisland, it was said, an illicit trade was carried on between theofficers of the India Company's ships, and some vessels from NorthAmerica, who, of late years, had frequented the island on pretence offishing whales or catching turtle, when their real design was to waitthe coming of the India ships. In order to prevent their homeward-boundships from falling in with these smugglers, and to put a stop to thisillicit trade, the Dutton was ordered to steer the courseabove-mentioned, till to the northward of Ascension. I kept company withthis ship till the 24th, when, after putting a packet on board her forthe Admiralty, we parted: She continuing her course to the N. W. , and Isteering for Ascension. In the morning of the 28th I made the island; and the same eveninganchored in Cross Bay on the N. W. Side, in ten fathoms water, the bottoma fine sand, and half a mile from the shore. The Cross Hill, so calledon account of a cross, or flag-staff erected upon it, bore by compass S. 38° E. ; and the two extreme points of the bay extended from N. E. To S. W. We remained here till the evening of the 31st, and notwithstanding wehad several parties out every night, we got but twenty-four turtle, itbeing rather too late in the season; however, as they weighed betweenfour or five hundred pounds each, we thought ourselves not ill off. Wemight have had a plentiful supply of fish in general, especially of thatsort called Old Wives, of which I have no where seen such abundance. There were also cavalies, conger eels, and various other sorts; but thecatching of any of these was not attended to, the object being turtle. There are abundance of goats, and aquatic birds, such as men-of-war andtropic birds, boobies, &c. The island of Ascension is about ten miles in length, in the directionof N. W. And S. E. , and about five or six in breadth. It shews a surfacecomposed of barren hills and vallies, on the most of which not a shrubor plant is to be seen for several miles, and where we found nothing butstones and sand, or rather flags and ashes; an indubitable sign that theisle, at some remote time, has been destroyed by a volcano, which hasthrown up vast heaps of stones, and even hills. Between these heaps ofstones we found a smooth even surface, composed of ashes and sand, andvery good travelling upon it; but one may as easily walk over brokenglass bottles as over the stones. If the foot deceives you, you are sureto be cut or lamed, which happened to some of our people. A highmountain at the S. E. End of the isle seems to be left in its originalstate, and to have escaped the general destruction. Its soil is a kindof white marl, which yet retains its vegetative qualities, and producetha kind of purslain, spurge, and one or two grasses. On these the goatssubsist, and it is at this part of the isle where they are to be found, as also land-crabs, which are said to be very good. I was told, that about this part of the isle is some very good land onwhich might be raised many necessary articles; and some have been at thetrouble of sowing turnips and other useful vegetables. I was also toldthere is a fine spring in a valley which disjoins two hills on the topof the mountain above-mentioned; besides great quantities of fresh waterin holes in the rocks, which the person who gave me this information, believed was collected from rains. But these supplies of water can onlybe of use to the traveller; or to those who may be so unfortunate as tobe shipwrecked on the island; which seems to have been the fate of somenot long ago, as appeared by the remains of a wreck we found on the N. E. Side. By what we could judge, she seemed to have been a vessel of aboutone hundred and fifty tons burthen. While we lay in the road, a sloop of about seventy tons burthen came toan anchor by us. She belonged to New York, which place she left inFebruary, and having been to the coast of Guinea with a cargo of goods, was come here to take in turtle to carry to Barbadoes. This was thestory which the master, whose name was Greves, was pleased to tell, andwhich may, in part, be true. But I believe the chief view of his cominghere, was the expectation of meeting with some of the India ships. Hehad been in the island near a week, and had got on board twenty turtle. A sloop, belonging to Bermuda, had sailed but a few days before with onehundred and five on board, which was as many as she could take in; buthaving turned several more on the different sandy beaches, they hadripped open their bellies, taken out the eggs, and left their carcassesto putrify; an act as inhuman as injurious to those who came after them. Part of the account I have given of the interior parts of this island Ireceived from Captain Greves, who seemed to be a sensible intelligentman, and had been all over it. He sailed in the morning of the same daywe did. Turtle, I am told, are to be found at this isle from January to June. The method of catching them is to have people upon the several sandybays, to watch their coming on shore to lay their eggs, which is alwaysin the night, and then to turn them on their backs, till there be anopportunity to take them off the next day. It was recommended to us tosend a good many men to each beach, where they were to lie quiet tillthe turtle were ashore, and then rise and turn them at once. This methodmay be the best when the turtle are numerous; but when there are butfew, three or four men are sufficient for the largest beach; and if theykeep patroling it, close to the wash of the surf, during the night, bythis method they will see all that come ashore, and cause less noisethan if there were more of them. It was by this method we caught themost we got; and this is the method by which the Americans take them. Nothing is more certain, than that all the turtle which are found aboutthis island, come here for the sole purpose of laying their eggs; for wemet with none but females; and of all those which we caught, not one hadany food worth mentioning in its stomach; a sure sign, in my opinion, that they must have been a long time without any; and this may be thereason why the flesh of them is not so good as some I have eat on thecoast of New South Wales, which were caught on the spot where they fed. The watch made 8° 45' difference of longitude between St Helena andAscension; which, added to 5° 49' the longitude of James Fort in StHelena, gives 14° 34' for the longitude of the Road of Ascension, or 14°30' for the middle of the island, the latitude of which is 8° S. Thelunar observations made by Mr Wales, and reduced to the same point ofthe island by the watch, gave 14° 28' 30" west longitude. On the 31st of May, we left Ascension, and steered to the northward witha fine gale at S. E. By E. I had a great desire to visit the island of StMatthew, to settle its situation; but as I found the wind would not letme fetch it, I steered for the island of Fernando de Noronha on thecoast of Brazil, in order to determine its longitude, as I could notfind this had yet been done. Perhaps I should have performed a moreacceptable service to navigation, if I had gone in search of the islandof St Paul, and those shoals which are said to lie near the equator, andabout the meridian of 20° W. ; as neither their situation nor existenceare well known. The truth is, I was unwilling to prolong the passage insearching for what I was not sure to find; nor was I willing to give upevery object, which might tend to the improvement of navigation orgeography, for the sake of getting home a week or a fortnight sooner. Itis but seldom that opportunities of this kind offer; and when they do, they are too often neglected. In our passage to Fernando de Noronha, we had steady fresh galesbetween the S. E. And E. S. E. , attended with fair and clear weather; andas we had the advantage of the moon, a day or night did not pass withoutmaking lunar observations for determining our longitude. In this run, the variation of the compass gradually decreased from 11° W. , which itwas at Ascension. , to 1° W. , which we found off Fernando de Noronha. This was the mean result of two compasses, one of which gave 1° 37', andthe other 23' W. On the 9th of June at noon we made the island of Fernando de Noronha, bearing S. W. By W. 1/2 W. , distant six or seven leagues, as weafterwards found by the log. It appeared in detached and peaked hills, the largest of which looked like a church tower or steeple. As we drewnear the S. E. Part of the isle, we perceived several unconnected sunkenrocks lying near a league from the shore, on which the sea broke in agreat surf. After standing very near these rocks, we hoisted ourcolours, and then bore up round the north end of the isle, or ratherround a group of little islets; for we could see that the land wasdivided by narrow channels. There is a strong fort on the one next themain island, where there are several others; all of which seemed to haveevery advantage that nature can give them, and they are so disposed, aswholly to command all the anchoring and landing-places about the island. We continued to steer round the northern point, till the sandy beaches(before which is the road for shipping) began to appear, and the fortsand the peaked hills were open to the westward of the said point. Atthis time, on a gun being fired from one of the forts, the Portuguesecolours were displayed, and the example was followed by all the otherforts. As the purpose for which I made the island was now answered, Ihad no intention to anchor; and therefore, after firing a gun toleeward, we made sail and stood away to the northward with a fine freshgale at E. S. E. The peaked hill or church tower bore S. , 27° W. , distantabout four or five miles; and from this point of view it leans, oroverhangs, to the east. This hill is nearly in the middle of the island, which no where exceeds two leagues in extent, and shews a hilly unequalsurface, mostly covered with wood and herbage. Ulloa says, "This island hath two harbours capable of receiving ships ofthe greatest burden; one is on the north side, and the other is on theN. W. The former is, in every respect, the principal, both for shelterand capacity, and the goodness of its bottom; but both are exposed tothe north and west, though these winds, particularly the north, areperiodical, and of no long continuance. " He further says, "That youanchor in the north harbour (which is no more than what I would call aroad) to thirteen fathoms water, one-third of a league from shore, bottom of fine sand; the peaked hill above-mentioned bearing S. W. 2°southerly. "[18] [Footnote 18: See Don Antonio d'Ulloa's Book, vol. Ii. Chap. 3. Page 95to 102, where there is a very particular account of this island. ] This road seems to be well sheltered from the south and east winds. Oneof my seamen had been on board a Dutch India ship, who put in at thisisle in her way out in 1770. They were very sickly, and in want ofrefreshments and water. The Portuguese supplied them with some buffaloesand fowls; and they watered behind one of the beaches in a little pool, which was hardly big enough to dip a bucket in. By reducing the observedlatitude at noon to the peaked hill, its latitude will be 3° 53' S. ; andits longitude, by the watch, carried on from St Helena, is 32° 34' W. ;and by observations of the sun and moon, made before and after we madethe Isle, and reduced to it by the watch, 32° 44' 30" W. This was themean result of my observations. The results of those made by Mr Wales, which were more numerous, gave 32° 23'. The mean of the two will bepretty near the watch, and probably nearest the truth. By knowing thelongitude of this isle, we are able to determine that of the adjacenteast coast of Brazil; which, according to the modern charts, lies aboutsixty or seventy leagues more to the west. We might very safely havetrusted to these charts, especially the variation chart for 1744, and MrDalrymple's of the southern Atlantic ocean. [19] [Footnote 19: Ulloa says, that the chart places this island sixtyleagues from the coast of Brazil; and that the Portuguese pilots, whooften make the voyage, judge it to be eighty leagues; but, by taking themean between the two opinions, the distance may be fixed at seventyleagues. ] On the 11th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we crossed the equatorin the longitude of 32° 14' W. We had fresh gales at E. S. E. , blowing insqualls, attended by showers of rain, that continued at certainintervals, till noon the next day, after which we had twenty-four hoursfair weather. At noon on the 13th, being in the latitude of 3° 49' N. , longitude 31°47' W. , the wind became variable, between the N. E. And S. ; and we hadlight airs and squalls by turns, attended by hard showers of rain, andfor the most part dark gloomy weather, which continued till the eveningof the 15th, when, in the latitude of 5° 47' N. , longitude 31° W. , wehad three calm days, in which time we did not advance above ten ortwelve leagues to the north. We had fair weather and rain by turns; thesky, for the most part, being obscured, and sometimes by heavy denseclouds which broke in excessive hard showers. At seven o'clock in the evening on the 18th, the calm was succeeded by abreeze at east, which the next day increasing and veering to and fixingat N. E. , we stretched to N. W. With our tacks on board. We made no doubtthat we had now got the N. E. Trade-wind, as it was attended with fairweather, except now and then some light showers of rain; and as weadvanced to the north the wind increased, and blew a fresh top-gallantgale. On the 21st, I ordered the still to be fitted to the largest copper, which held about sixty-four gallons. The fire was lighted at fouro'clock in the morning, and at six the still began to run. It wascontinued till six o'clock in the evening; in which time we obtainedthirty-two gallons of fresh water, at the expence of one bushel and ahalf of coals; which was about three-fourths of a bushel more than wasnecessary to have boiled the ship's company's victuals only; but theexpence of fuel was no object with me. The victuals were dressed in thesmall copper, the other being applied wholly to the still; and everymethod was made use of to obtain from it the greatest quantity of freshwater possible; as this was my sole motive for setting it to work. Themercury in the thermometer at noon was eighty-four and a half, andhigher it is seldom found at sea. Had it been lower, more water, underthe same circumstances, would undoubtedly have been produced; for thecolder the air is, the cooler you can keep the still, which willcondense the steam the faster. Upon the whole, this is an usefulinvention; but I would advise no man to trust wholly to it. For althoughyou may, provided you have plenty of fuel and good coppers, obtain asmuch water as will support life, you cannot, with all your efforts, obtain sufficient to support health, in hot climates especially, whereit is the most wanting: For I am well convinced, that nothingcontributes more to the health of seamen, than having plenty of water. The wind now remained invariably fixed at N. E. And E. N. E. , and blewfresh with squalls, attended with showers of rain, and the sky for themost part cloudy. On the 25th, in the latitude of 16° 12' N. , longitude37° 20' W. , seeing a ship to windward steering down upon us, weshortened sail in order to speak with her; but finding she was Dutch byher colours, we made sail again and left her to pursue her course, whichwe supposed was to some of the Dutch settlements in the West Indies. Inthe latitude of 20° N. , longitude 39° 45' W. , the wind began to veer toE. By N. And E. ; but the weather remained the same; that is, wecontinued to have it clear and cloudy by turns, with light squalls andshowers. Our track was between N. W. By N. And N. N. W. , till noon on the28th, after which our course made good was N. By W. , being at this timein the latitude of 21° 21' N. , longitude 40° 6' W. Afterwards, the windbegan to blow a little more steady, and was attended with fair and clearweather. At two o'clock in the morning of the 30th, being in thelatitude of 24° 20' N. , longitude 40° 47' W. , a ship, steering to thewestward, passed us within hail. We judged her to be English, as theyanswered us in that language; but we could not understand what theysaid, and they were presently out of sight. In the latitude of 29° 30', longitude 41° 30', the wind slackened andveered more to the S. E. We now began to see some of that sea-plant, which is commonly called gulph-weed, from a supposition that it comesfrom the Gulph of Florida. Indeed, for aught I know to the contrary, itmay be a fact; but it seems not necessary, as it is certainly a plantwhich vegetates at sea. We continued to see it, but always in smallpieces, till we reached the latitude 36°, longitude 39° W. , beyond whichsituation no more appeared. On the 5th of July, in the latitude of 22° 31' 30" N. , longitude 40° 29'W. , the wind veered to the east, and blew very faint: The next day itwas calm; the two following days we had variable light airs and calms byturns; and, at length, on the 9th, having fixed at S. S. W. , it increasedto a fresh gale, with which we steered first N. E. And then E. N. E. , witha view of making some of the Azores, or Western Isles. On the 11th, inthe latitude of 36° 45' N. , longitude 36° 45' W. , we saw a sail whichwas steering to the west; and the next day we saw three more. SECTION XI. _Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Fayal, a Description of the Place, and the Return of the Resolution to England. _ At five o'clock in the evening of the 13th, we made the island of Fayal, one of the Azores, and soon after that of Pico, under which we spent thenight in making short boards. At day-break the next morning, we boreaway for the bay of Fayal, or De Horta, where at eight o'clock, weanchored in twenty fathoms water, a clear sandy bottom, and somethingmore than half a mile from the shore. Here we moored N. E. And S. W. , being directed so to do by the master of the port, who came on boardbefore we dropped anchor. When moored, the S. W. Point of the bay bore S. 16° W. , and the N. E. Point N. 33° E. ; the church at the N. E. End of thetown N. 38° W. , the west point of St George's Island N. 42° E. , distanteight leagues; and the isle of Pico, extending from N. 74° E. To S. 46°E. , distant four or five miles. We found in the bay the Pourvoyeur, a large French frigate, an Americansloop, and a brig belonging to the place. She had come last from theriver Amazon, where she took in a cargo of provision from the Cape VerdIslands; but, not being able to find them, she steered for this place, where she anchored about half an hour before us. As my sole design in stopping here was to give Mr Wales an opportunityto find the rate of the watch, the better to enable us to fix with somedegree of certainty the longitude of these islands, the moment weanchored, I sent an officer to wait on the English consul, and to notifyour arrival to the governor, requesting his permission for Mr Wales tomake observations on shore, for the purpose above mentioned. Mr Dent, who acted as consul in the absence of Mr Gathorne, not only procuredthis permission, but accommodated Mr Wales with a convenient place inhis garden to set up his instruments; so that he was enabled to observeequal altitudes the same day. We were not more obliged to Mr Dent for the very friendly readiness heshewed in procuring us this and every other thing we wanted, than forthe very liberal and hospitable entertainment we met with at his house, which was open to accommodate us both night and day. During our stay, the ship's company was served with fresh beef; and wetook on board about fifteen tons of water, which we brought off in thecountry boats, at the rate of about three shillings per ton. Ships areallowed to water with their own boats; but the many inconvenienciesattending it, more than overbalance the expence of hiring shore-boats, which is the most general custom. Fresh provisions for present use may be got, such as beef, vegetables, and fruit; and hogs, sheep, and poultry for sea stock, all at a prettyreasonable price; but I do not know that any sea-provisions are to behad, except wine. The bullocks and hogs are very good, but the sheep aresmall and wretchedly poor. The principal produce of Fayal is wheat and Indian corn, with which theysupply Pico and some of the other isles. The chief town is called Villade Horta. It is situated in the bottom of the bay, close to the edge ofthe sea, and is defended by two castles, one at each end of the town, and a wall of stone-work, extending along the sea-shore from the one tothe other. But these works are suffered to go to decay, and serve morefor shew than strength. They heighten the prospect of the city, whichmakes a fine appearance from the road; but, if we except the Jesuits'college, the monasteries and churches, there is not another buildingthat has any thing to recommend it, either outside or in. There is not aglass window in the place, except what are in the churches, and in acountry-house which lately belonged to the English consul; all theothers being latticed, which, to an Englishman, makes them look likeprisons. This little city, like all others belonging to the Portuguese, iscrowded with religious buildings, there being no less than threeconvents of men and two of women, and eight churches, including thosebelonging to the convents, and the one in the Jesuits' college. Thiscollege is a fine structure, and is situated on an elevation in thepleasantest part of the city. Since the expulsion of that order, it hasbeen suffered to go to decay, and will probably, in a few years, be nobetter than a heap of ruins. Fayal, although the most noted for wines, does not raise sufficient forits own consumption. This article is raised on Pico, where there is noroad for shipping; but being brought to De Horta, and from thenceshipped abroad, chiefly to America, it has acquired the name of FayalWine. The bay, or road of Fayal, is situated at the east end of the isle, before the Villa de Horta, and facing the west end of Pico. It is twomiles broad, and three quarters of a mile deep, and hath a semi-circularform. The depth of water is from twenty to ten and even six fathoms, asandy bottom, except near the shore, and particularly near the S. W. Head, off which the bottom is rocky, also without the line which joinsthe two points of the bay, so that it is not safe to anchor far out. Thebearing before mentioned, taken when at anchor, will direct any one tothe best ground. It is by no means a bad road, but the winds most to beapprehended, are those which blow from between the S. S. W. And S. E. ; theformer is not so dangerous as the latter, because, with it, you canalways get to sea. Besides this road, there is a small cove round theS. W. Point, called Porto Pierre, in which, I am told, a ship or two maylie in tolerable safety, and where they sometimes heave small vesselsdown. A Portuguese captain told me, that about half a league from the road inthe direction of S. E. , in a line between it and the south side of Pico, lies a sunken rock, over which is twenty-two feet water, and on whichthe sea breaks in hard gales from the south. He also assured me, that ofall the shoals that are laid down in our charts and pilot-books aboutthese isles, not one has any existence but the one between the islandsof St Michael and St Mary, called Hormingan. This account may bebelieved, without relying entirely upon it. He further informed me, thatit is forty-five leagues from Fayal to the island of Flores; and thatthere runs a strong tide between Fayal and Pico, the flood setting tothe N. E. And the ebb to the S. W. , but that, out at sea, the direction isE. And W. Mr Wales having observed the times of high and low water bythe shore, concluded that it must be high water at the full and change, about twelve o'clock, and the water riseth about four or five feet. The distance between Fayal and Flores was confirmed by Mr Rebiers, lieutenant of the French frigate, who told me, that after being byestimation two leagues due south of Flores, they made forty-four leagueson a S. E. By E. Course by compass, to St Catherine's Point on Fayal. I found the latitude of the ship at anchor 38° 31' 55" N. In the bay By a mean of seventeen sets of lunar 28 24 30 W. Observations, and reduced to the bay by the watch, the longitude was made By a mean of six sets after leaving it, 28 53 22 and reduced back by the watch ----------------- Longitude by observation 28 38 56 ----------------- Ditto, by the watch 28 55 45 Error of the watch on our arrival at 16 26-1/2 Portsmouth ----------------- True longitude by the watch 28 39 18-1/2 _________________ I found the variation of the compass, by several azimuths, taken bydifferent compasses on board the ship, to agree very well with the likeobservations made by Mr Wales on shore; and yet the variation thus foundis greater by 5° than we found it to be at sea, for the azimuths takenon board the evening before we came into the bay, gave no more than 16°18' W. Variation, and the evening after we came out 17° 33' W. I shall now give some account of the variation, as observed in our runfrom the island of Fernando De Noronha to Fayal. The least variation wefound was 37' W. Which was the day after we left Fernando De Noronha, and in the latitude of 33' S. , longitude 32° 16' W. The next day, beingnearly in the same longitude, and in the latitude of 1° 25' N. , it was1° 23' W. ; and we did not find it increase till we got into the latitudeof 5° N. , longitude 31° W. After this our compasses gave differentvariation, viz. From 3° 57' to 5° 11' W. Till we arrived in the latitudeof 26° 44' N. , longitude 41° W. , when we found 6° W. It then increasedgradually, so that in the latitude of 35° N. , longitude 40° W. , it was10° 24' W. ; in the latitude of 38° 12' N. , longitude 32° 1/2 W. It was14° 47'; and in sight of Fayal 16° 18' W. , as mentioned above. Having left the bay, at four in the morning of the 19th, I steered forthe west end of St George's Island. As soon as we had passed it, Isteered E. 1/2 S. For the Island of Tercera; and after having runthirteen leagues, we were not more than one league from the west end. Inow edged away for the north side, with a view of ranging the coast tothe eastern point, in order to ascertain the length of the island; butthe weather coming on very thick and hazy, and night approaching, I gaveup the design, and proceeded with all expedition for England. On the 29th, we made the land near Plymouth. The next morning weanchored at Spithead; and the same day I landed at Portsmouth, and setout for London, in company with Messrs Wales, Forsters, and Hodges. Having been absent from England three years and eighteen days, in whichtime, and under all changes of climate, I lost but four men, and onlyone of them by sickness, it may not be amiss, at the conclusion of thisjournal, to enumerate the several causes to which, under the care ofProvidence, I conceive this uncommon good state of health, experiencedby my people, was owing. In the Introduction, mention has been made of the extraordinaryattention paid by the Admiralty in causing such articles to be put onboard, as either from experience or suggestion it was judged would tendto preserve the health of the seamen. I shall not trespass upon thereader's time in mentioning them all, but confine myself to such as werefound the most useful. We were furnished with a quantity of malt, of which was made _SweetWort_. To such of the men as shewed the least symptoms of the scurvy, and also to such as were thought to be threatened with that disorder, this was given, from, one to two or three pints a-day each man; or insuch proportion as the surgeon found necessary, which sometimes amountedto three quarts. This is, without doubt, one of the best anti-scorbuticsea-medicines yet discovered; and, if used in time, will, with properattention to other things, I am persuaded, prevent the scurvy frommaking any great progress for a considerable while. But I am notaltogether of opinion that it will cure it at sea. _Sour Krout_, of which we had a large quantity, is not only a wholesomevegetable food, but, in my judgment, highly antiscorbutic; and it spoilsnot by keeping. A pound of this was served to each man, when at sea, twice-a-week, or oftener, as was thought necessary. _Portable Broth_ was another great article, of which we had a largesupply. An ounce of this to each man, or such other proportion ascircumstances pointed out, was boiled in their pease, three days in theweek; and when we were in places where vegetables were to be got, it wasboiled with them, and wheat or oatmeal, every morning for breakfast; andalso with pease and vegetables for dinner. It enabled us to make severalnourishing and wholesome messes, and was the means of making the peopleeat a greater quantity of vegetables than they would otherwise havedone. _Rob of Lemon and Orange_ is an antiscorbutic we were not without. Thesurgeon made use of it in many cases with great success. Amongst the articles of victualling, we were supplied with _Sugar_ inthe room of _Oil_, and with _Wheat_ for a part of our _Oatmeal_; andwere certainly gainers by the exchange. Sugar, I apprehend, is a verygood antiscorbutic; whereas oil (such as the navy is usually suppliedwith), I am of opinion, has the contrary effect. But the introduction of the most salutary articles, either as provisionsor medicines, will generally prove unsuccessful, unless supported bycertain regulations. On this principle, many years experience, togetherwith some hints I had from Sir Hugh Palliser, Captains Campbell, Wallis, and other intelligent officers, enabled me to lay a plan, whereby allwas to be governed. The crew were at three watches, except upon some extraordinaryoccasions. By this means they were not so much exposed to the weather asif they had been at watch and watch; and had generally dry clothes toshift themselves, when they happened to get wet. Care was also taken toexpose them as little to wet weather as possible. Proper methods were used to keep their persons, hammocks, bedding, cloaths, &c. Constantly clean and dry. Equal care was taken to keep theship clean and dry betwixt decks. Once or twice a week she was airedwith fires; and when this could not be done, she was smoked withgun-powder, mixed with vinegar or water. I had also, frequently, a firemade in an iron pot, at the bottom of the well, which was of great usein purifying the air in the lower parts of the ship. To this, and tocleanliness, as well in the ship as amongst the people, too greatattention cannot be paid; the least neglect occasions a putrid anddisagreeable smell below, which nothing but fires will remove. Proper attention was paid to the ship's coppers, so that they were keptconstantly clean. The fat which boiled out of the salt beef and pork, I never suffered tobe given to the people; being of opinion that it promotes the scurvy. I was careful to take in water wherever it was to be got, even though wedid not want it, because I look upon fresh water from the shore to bemore wholesome than that which has been kept some time on board a ship. Of this essential article we were never at an allowance, but had alwaysplenty for every necessary purpose. Navigators in general cannot, indeed, expect, nor would they wish to meet with such advantages in thisrespect, as fell to my lot. The nature of our voyage carried us intovery high latitudes. But the hardships and dangers inseparable from thatsituation, were in some degree compensated by the singular felicity weenjoyed, of extracting inexhaustible supplies of fresh water from anocean strewed with ice. We came to few places, where either the art of man, or the bounty ofnature, had not provided some sort of refreshment or other, either inthe animal or vegetable way. It was my first care to procure whatever ofany kind could be met with, by every means in my power; and to obligeour people to make use thereof, both by my example and authority; butthe benefits arising from refreshments of any kind soon became soobvious, that I had little occasion, to recommend the one, or to exertthe other. It doth not become me to say how far the principal objects of our voyagehave been obtained. Though it hath not abounded with remarkable events, nor been diversified by sudden transitions of fortune; though myrelation of it has been more employed in tracing our course by sea, thanin recording our operations on shore; this, perhaps, is a circumstancefrom which the curious reader may infer, that the purposes for which wewere sent into the Southern Hemisphere, were diligently and effectuallypursued. Had we found out a continent there, we might have been betterenabled to gratify curiosity; but we hope our not having found it, afterall our persevering researches, will leave less room for futurespeculation about unknown worlds remaining to be explored. But, whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it is withreal satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of attentionto my duty, that I can conclude this account with an observation, whichfacts enable me to make; that our having discovered the possibility ofpreserving health amongst a numerous ship's company, for such a lengthof time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such continuedhardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable in the opinionof every benevolent person, when the disputes about a Southern Continentshall have ceased to engage the attention, and to divide the judgment ofphilosophers. [20] [Footnote 20: We cannot better express the importance of thepreservative measures adopted during this voyage, and therefore thevalue of the voyage itself, than by quoting a passage from Sir JohnPringle's discourse on assigning to Captain Cook the Royal Society'sCopleyan medal, a distinguished honour conferred on him, though absenton his last expedition, shortly after having been elected a member ofthat illustrious body. "I would enquire of the most conversant in thestudy of bills of mortality, whether, in the most healthful climate, andin the best condition of life, they have ever found so small a number ofdeaths, within the same space of time? How great and agreeable then mustour surprise be, after perusing the histories of long navigations informer days, when so many perished by marine diseases, to find the airof the sea acquitted of all malignity, and, in fine, that a voyage roundthe world may be undertaken with less danger, perhaps, to health, than acommon tour in Europe!"--"If Rome, " he says in conclusion, "decreed thecivic crown to him who saved the life of a single citizen, what wreathsare due to that man, who, having himself saved many, perpetuates in yourTransactions, (alluding to Captain Cook's paper on the subject), themeans by which Britain may now, on the most distant voyages, preservenumbers of her intrepid sons, her _mariners_; who, braving every danger, have so liberally contributed to the fame, to the opulence, and to themaritime empire, of their country?"--An acknowledgement so judiciousfinds a response in every breast that knows how to estimate the value ofhuman life and happiness, and will not fail to secure to the name ofCook, the grateful applause of every succeeding generation. --E. ] A VOCABULARY OF THE LANGUAGE OF THE SOCIETY ISLES. * * * * * DIRECTIONS _For the Pronunciation of the Vocabulary_. As all nations who are acquainted with the method of communicating theirideas by characters, (which represent the sound that conveys the idea, )have some particular method of managing, or pronouncing, the soundsrepresented by such characters, this forms a very essential article inthe constitution of the language of any particular nation, and must, therefore, be understood before we can make any progress in learning, orbe able to converse in it. But as this is very complex and tedious to abeginner, by reason of the great variety of powers the characters, orletters, are endued with under different circumstances, it would seemnecessary, at least in languages which have never before appeared inwriting, to lessen the number of these varieties, by restraining thedifferent sounds, and always representing the same simple ones by thesame character; and this is no less necessary in the English than anyother language, as this variety of powers is very frequent, and withoutbeing taken notice of in the following Vocabulary, might render itentirely unintelligible. As the vowels are the regulations of allsounds, it is these only that need be noticed, and the powers allottedto each of these in the Vocabulary is subjoined. _A_ in the English language is used to represent two different simplesounds, as in the word Arabia, where the first and last have a differentpower from the second. In the Vocabulary this letter must always havethe power, or be pronounced like the first and last in Arabia. The otherpower, or sound, of the second _a_, is always represented in theVocabulary by _a_ and _i_, printed in Italics thus, _ai_. _E_ has likewise two powers, or it is used to represent two simplesounds, as in the words Eloquence, Bred, Led, &c. And it may be said tohave a third power, as in the words Then, When, &c. In the first case, this letter is only used at the beginning of words, and wherever it ismet with in any other place in the words of the Vocabulary, it is usedas in the second case: But never as in the third example; for thispower, or sound, is every where expressed by the _a_ and _i_before-mentioned, printed in Italics. _I_ is used to express different simple sounds, as in the wordsIndolence, Iron, and Imitation. In the Vocabulary it is never used as inthe first case, but in the middle of words; it is never used as in thesecond example, for that sound is always represented by _y_, nor is itused as in the last case, that sound being always represented by two_e_'s, printed in Italics in this manner, _ee_. _O_ never alters in the pronunciation, i. E. In this Vocabulary, of asimple sound, but is often used in this manner, _oo_, and sounds as inGood, Stood, &c. _U_ alters, or is used to express different simple sounds, as in Unity, or Umbrage. Here the letters _e_ and _u_, printed in Italics _eu_ areused to express its power as in the first example, and it always retainsthe second power, wherever it is met with. _Y_ is used to express different sounds, as in My, By, &c. &c. And inDaily, Fairly, &c. Wherever it is met with in the middle, or end, (i. E. Anywhere but at the beginning, ) of a word, it is to be used as in thefirst example; but is never to be found as in the second, for thatsound, or power, is always represented by the Italic letter _e_. It hasalso a third power, as in the words Yes, Yell, &c. , which is retainedevery where in the Vocabulary, at least in the beginning of words, orwhen it goes before another vowel, unless directed to be soundedseparately by a mark over it, as thus, ÿ a. Unless in a few instances, these powers of the vowels are usedthroughout the Vocabulary; but, to make the pronunciation still lessliable to change, or variation, a few marks are added to the words, asfollows:-- This mark ¨ as öa, means that these letters are to be expressed singly. The letters in Italic, as _ee_, or _oo_, make but one simple sound. When a particular stress is laid on any part of a word in thepronunciation, an accent is placed over that letter where it begins, orrather between that and the preceding one. It often happens that a word is compounded as it were of two, or in somecases the same word, or syllable, is repeated. In these circumstances, acomma is placed under them at this division, where a rest, or smallspace, of time is left before you proceed to pronounce the other part, but it must not be imagined that this is a full stop. _Examples in all these Cases. _ Röa, Great, long, distant. E'r_ee_ma, Five. Ry'po_ee_a, Fog, _or mist_. E'h_oo_ra, To invert, _or turn upside down_. Par_oo_, r_oo_, A partition, _division, or screen_. AVOCABULARY, &c. A. To abide, _or remain_ Ete'_ei_. An Abode, _or place of residence_, Noho`ra. Above, _not below_, N_eea_, s. Tie'n_eea_. An Abscess, Fe'fe. Action, _opposed to rest_, Ta'er_ee_. Adhesive, _of an adhesive or sticking quality_ Oo'p_ee_re. Adjoining, _or contiguous to_, E'p_ee_iho. Admiration, _an interjection of_, A'w_ai_, s. A'w_ai_ to P_ee_r_ee_ai. An adulterer, T_ee_ho t_ee_ho, s. Teeho _or one that vexes a married woman_ ta-rar To agitate, _or shake a thing, as water, &c. _ E_oo_a'w_ai_. Aliment, _or food of any kind_, Mäa. Alive, _that is not dead_, Waura. All, _the whole, not a part_, A'ma_oo_. Alone, _by one's self_, Ota'h_oi_. Anger, _or to be angry_, Warrad_ee_, s. R_ee_d_ee_. To angle, _or fish_, E'h_oo_tee. _The_ Ankle, Momoa. _The inner_ Ankle, A't_oo_a, ewy. Answer, _an answer to a question_, Oo'm_ai_a. Approbation, _or consent_, Mad_oo_ho'why. _Punctuated_ Arches _on the hips_, E'var're. _The_ Arm, R_ee_ma. _The_ Armpit, E'e. _An_ arrow, E'_oo_me. Arrow, _the body of an arrow or reed_, O'wha. _The point of an_ Arrow, To'_ai_, s. O'möa. Ashamed, _to be ashamed or confused_, Ama, s. He'ama. Ashore, _or on shore_, Te Euta. To ask _for a thing_, Ho'my, s. Ha'py my. Asperity, _roughness_, Tarra, tarra. An Assassin, _murderer, or rather man-killer, soldier, Taata, Töa. Or warrior_, An Assembly, _or meeting_, Ete_ou_'rooa. Atherina, A'n_ai_h_eu_. Avaricious, _parsimonious, ungenerous_, P_ee_'p_ee_re. Averse, _unwillingness to do a thing_, Fata, h_oi_to' _hoi_to. Authentic, _true_, Par_ou_, m_ou_. Awake, _not asleep_, Arra arra, s. E'ra. Awry, _or to one side; as a wry neck_, Na'na. An Axe, _hatchet, or adze_, Töe. Ay, _yes; an affirmation_, _Ai_. B. A Babe, _or child_, Mydidde. A Batchelor, _or unmarried person_, E'ev_ee_ (taata. ) The_ Back, T_oo_a_. To wipe the_ Backside, Fy'r_oo_, too'ty. Bad, _it is not good_, 'Eè'no. A Bag _of straw_, Ete'öe, s. Eäte. Bait, _for fish_, Era'_eu_noo. Baked _in the oven_, Et_oo_n_oo_. Bald-headed, O_o_po'b_oo_ta. Bamboo, E_e_n_ee'ou_. A Bank, _or shoal_, E'paa. Bare, _naked, applied to a person that is undressed_, Ta'turra. The Bark _of a tree_, Ho'hore. Barren _land_, Fe'nooa Ma'_ou_re. _A large round_ Basket _of twig_, He'na. _A small_ Basket _of cocoa leaves_, V_ai_'hee. _A long _Basket _of cocoa leaves_, Apo'_ai_ra. A Basket _of plantain stock_, Papa' M_aiee_a. _A fisher's_ Basket, Er're'vy. _A round_ Basket _of cocoa leaves_, Mo'ene. A Bastard, Fanna T_oo_'n_ee_a. Bastinado, _to bastinade or flog a person_, Tapra'h_ai_. To bathe, Ob'_oo_. A Battle, _or fight_, E'motto. A Battle-axe, O'morre. To bawl, _or cry aloud_, T_ei_mo'toro. A Bead, Pöe. The Beard, _Oo_me _oo_me. To beat _upon, or strike a thing_, T_oo_'py or T_oo_'ba_ee_. To beat _a drum_, Er_oo_'k_oo_. To beckon _a person with the hand_, Ta'rappe. A Bed, _or bed-place_, E'ro_ee_, s. Möi'a. To bedaub, _or bespatter_, Par'ry. A Bee, E'räo. A Beetle, P_ee_re'te_ee_. Before, _not behind_, Te'möa. A Beggar, _a person that is troublesome_, Tapa'r_oo_. _continually asking for some-what_, Behind, _not before_, Te'm_oo_r_ee_. To belch, Er_oo_'y. Below, _as below stairs_, Tei'dirro, s. T_ee_diraro. Below, _underneath, far below_, O'raro. To bend _any thing, as a stick_, &c. Fa'fe'fe. Benevolence, _generosity_, Ho'röa, e. G. _you are a generous man_, Taata ho roa öe. Between, _in the middle, betwixit two_, Fero'p_oo_. To bewail, _or lament by crying_, E'tat_ee_. Bigness, _largeness, great_, Ara'hay. A Bird, Manoo. A Bitch, _Oo_re, e'_oo_ha. To bite, _as a dog_, A ah_oo_. Black, _colour_, Ere, ere. Bladder, Töa meeme. A_ Blasphemer, _a person who speaks_ T_oo_na, (t_aa_ta. ) _disrespectfully of their deities_, Blind, Matta-po. A Blister, _raised by a burn or other means_, Mei'_ee_ Blood, Toto, s. Eh_ooei_. To blow _the nose_, Fatte. The blowing, _or breathing of a whale_, Ta'hora. Blunt, _as a blunt tool of any sort_, Ma'n_ee_a. _The carved_ Boards _of a Maray_, E'ra. _A little_ Boat, _or canoe_, E'väa. A Boil, Fe'fe. Boldness, Eäw_ou_. A Bone, E'ev_ee_. A Bonetto, _a fish so called_, Peera'ra. To bore _a hole_, Ehoo'_ee_, s. Eh_oo_'o. A Bow, E'fanna. A Bow-string, Aröa'h_oo_a. To bow _with the head_, Etoo'o. _A young_ Boy, My'didde. Boy, _a familiar way of speaking_, He'aman_ee_. The Brain _of any animal_, A b_oo_ba. A Branch _of a tree or plant_, E'ama. Bread-fruit, _or the fruit of the bread-tree_, _Oo_r_oo_. Bread-fruit, _a particular sort of it_, E'patëa. _An insipid paste of_ Bread-fruit, Eh'öe. _The gum of the _Bread-tree, Tappo'_oo_r_oo_. _The leaf of the_ Bread-tree, E'da'_oo_r_oo_. _The pith of the_ Bread-tree, Po'_oo_r_oo_. To break _a thing_, O whatte, s. Owhan ne, s. Fatte. The Breast, O'ma A Breast-plate _made of twigs, ornamented with feathers, dog's hair, Ta_oo_me. And pearl-shell_, To breathe, Watte Weete wee të, 'aho. Bring, _to ask one to bring a thing_, Ho'my. Briskness, _being brisk or quick_, T_ee_ t_ee_re. Broiled, _or roasted, as broiled meat_, _Oo_aw_ee_ra. Broken, _or cut_, 'Mot_oo_. The Brow, _or forehead_, E'ry. A brown _colour_, Aur_au_ra. Buds _of a tree or plant_, Te, arre ha_oo_. A Bunch _of any fruit_, Eta. To burn _a thing_, Döod_oo_e. A Butterfly, Pepe. C. To call _a person at a distance_, T_oo_o t_oo_'o_oo_. A Calm, Man_ee_no. A Calm, _or rather to be so placed, that the wind has no access to you_, E_ou_, shea. _Sugar_ Cane, Tö, Etöo. A Cap, _or covering for the head_ T_au_'matta. To carry _any thing_, E'a'mo. To carry _a person an the back_, Eva'ha. Catch a _thing hastily with the hand_, Po'po_ee_, s. Peero. As a fly, &c. To catch _a ball_, Ama'wh_ee_a. To catch _fish with a line_, E'h_oo_te. A Caterpillar, E't_oo_a. Celerity, _swiftness_, T_ee_'teere, s. E'tirre. The Centre, _or middle of a thing_, Tera'p_oo_. Chalk, Mamma'tëa. A Chatterer, _or noisy impertinent Taata E'm_oo_, fellow_, s. E'm_oo_. Chearfulness, Wara. The Cheek, Pappar_ee_a. A Chest, 'P_ee_ha. The Chest, _or body_, O'p_oo_. To chew, _or eat_, E'y. Chequered, _or painted in squares_, P_oo_re, p_oo_re. A Chicken, Möa pee'ri_a_ia. A Chief, _or principal person; one of Eäree. The first rank among the people_, _An inferior_ Chief, _or one who is only in an independent state, T_oo'ou_ a gentleman_, Child-bearing, Fanou, e'vaho. Children's _language_, Father, O'pucen_oo_, _and_ Papa. Mother, E'wh_ei_arre, & O'pa'tëa. Brother, E'tama. Sister, Te't_oo_a. The Chin, _and lower jaw_, E'taa. Choaked, _to be choaked as with Ep_oo_'n_ei_na, victuals_, &c. S. Er_oo_'y. To chuse, _or pick out_, Eh_ee_e, te, me, my ty. Circumcision, _or rather an incision_ E_oo_re, te h_ai_. _of the foreskin_, _A sort of_ Clappers, _used at funerals_, Par'ha_oo_. Clapping _the bend of the arm smartly E'too. With the hand, so as to make a noise, an Indian custom_, The Claw _of a bird, _ A'_ee oo_. Clay, _or clammy earth_, Ewh_ou_, arra. Clean, _not nasty_, _Oo_'ma, s. Eoo'_ee_. Clear, _pure; as clear water_, &c. Tëa'te. _White clayey_ Cliffs, E'mammatëa. Close, _shut_, Eva'h_ee_. Cloth _of any kind, or rather the covering Ahoo. Or raiments made of it_, _A piece of oblong_ Cloth, _slit in the middle, through which the head is Teeboota. Put, and it then hangs down behind and before_, _Brown thin_ Cloth, _Oo_'erai. _Dark-brown_ Cloth, Poo'h_ee_re. _Nankeen-coloured_ Cloth, Ah_ee_re, s. _Oo_a. _Gummed_ Cloth, Oo'_ai_r ara. Heappa, heappa, s. _Yellow_ Cloth, A'ade, p_oo ee ei_, s. Oora poo'_ee ei_. Cloth, _a piece of thin white cloth Par_oo_'y, by which name wrapt round the waist, or thrown they also call a white over the shoulders_, shirt. A Cloth-beater, _or an oblong square To'aa. Piece of wood grooved, and used in making cloth_, The _Cloth-plant, _a sort of mulberry Ea_ou_te. Tree_, A Cloud, E'äo, s. Ea_oo_. A Cock, Möa, e'töa. Cock, _the cock claps his wings_ Te Moa Pa_ee_, pa_ee_. A Cock-roach, Potte potte. A Cocoa-nut, A'r_ee_. _The fibrous husk of a_ Cocoa-nut, P_oo_r_oo_'waha, s. P_oo_r_oo_. Cocoa-nut _oil_, E'rede, väe. Cocoa leaves, E, ne'ha_oo_. Coition, E'y. _The sense of_ Cold, Ma'r_ee_de. A Comb, Pa'horo, s. Pa'herre. Company, _acquaintance, gossips_, Tee'ÿa. Compliance _with a request, consent_, Mad_oo_, ho'why. Computation, _or counting of numbers_, Ta't_ou_. A Concubine, Wa'h_ei_ne Möebo, s. Etoo'n_ee_a. Confusedness, _without order_, E'vah_ee_a. Consent, _or approbation_, Mad_oo_, ho'why. Contempt, _a name of contempt given Wah_ei_ne, p_oo_'ha. To a maid, or unmarried woman_, Conversation, Para_ou_, maro, s. Para'para_ou_. _A sort of_ Convolvulus, _or bird-weed, common in the islands_, Oh_oo_e. Cook'd, _dress'd; not raw_, Ee'_oo_, s. E_ee_'wera. To Cool _one with a fan_, Taha`r_ee_. Cordage _of any kind_, Taura. The Core _of an apple_, Böe. A Cork, _or stopper of a bottle or gourd shell_, Ora'h_oo_e. A Corner, E'pecho. Covering, _the covering of a fish's gills_, Pe_ee_'eya. Covetousness, _or rather one not inclined to give_, Pee, peere. A Cough, Ma're. To Court, _woo a woman_, Ta'raro. Coyness _in a woman, _ No'nöa. A Crab, Pappa. Crab, _a large land-crab that climbs the cocoa-nut trees for fruit_, E'_oo_wa. A Crack, cleft, or fissure, Mot_oo_. Crammed, _lumbered, crowded_, Ooa, p_ee_a'pe, s. Ehotto. The Cramp, Emo't_oo_ t_oo_. A Cray-fish, O'_oo_ra. To Creep _on the hands and feet_, Ene'_ai_. Crimson _colour_, _Oo_ra _oo_ra. Cripple, _lame_, T_ei_'t_ei_. Crooked, _not straight_, O_o_o'p_ee_o. To crow _as a cock_, A'a _oo_a. The Crown _of the head_, T_oo_'p_oo_e. To cry, _or shed tears_, Ta_ee_. _A brown_ Cuckoo, _with black bars and a long tail, frequent in the isles_, Ara'were_wa_. To cuff, _or slap the chops_, E'par_oo_. Curlew, _a small curlew or whimbrel found about the rivulets_, Torëa. Cut, _or divided_, Mot_oo_. _To_ cut _the hair with scissars_, O'tee. D. A Dance, H_ee_va. Darkness, Poee'r_ee_, s. Po_oo_'r_ee_ To Darn O'ono A Daughter, Ma'h_ei_ne. Day, _or day-light_, Mara'marama, s. A'_ou_, s. A'a_ou_. Day-break, Oota'tah_ei_ta. Day, _to-day_, A_oo_'n_ai_. Dead, Matte röa. _A natural_ Death, Matte nöa. Deafness, Ta'r_ee_a, t_oo_r_ee_. Decrepid, Epoo't_oo_a. Deep water, Mona'. A Denial, _or refusal_, Eh_oo_'nöa. To desire, _or wish for a thing_, E_ooee_. A Devil, _or evil spirit_, E't_ee_. Dew, Ahe'a_oo_. A Diarrhoea, _or looseness_, Hawa, hawa. To_ dip _meat in salt water instead of_ Eaw_ee_'wo _salt, (an Indian custom_, ) Dirt, _or nastiness of any kind_, E'repo. Disapprobation, Eh_oo_nöa. A Disease, _where the head cannot be E'p_ee_. Held up, perhaps the palsy_, To disengage, _untie or loosen_, Ea_oo_'w_ai_. Dishonesty, E_ee_'a. Displeased, _to be displeased, vexed, or Ta_ee_'va. In the dumps_, Dissatisfaction, _to grumble, or be Fa_oo_'oue. Dissatisfied_, Distant, _far off_, Röa. _To_ distort, _or writhe the limbs, body, Faee'ta. Lips, &c. To distribute, _divide or share out_, At_oo_'ha. A District, Matei na. A Ditch, Eö'h_oo_. To dive _under water_, Eho'p_oo_. A Dog, _Oo_'r_ee_. A Doll _made of cocoa-plants_, Ad_oo_'a. A Dolphin, A'_ou_na. Done, _have done; or that is enough_, A'teera. _or there is no more_, A Door, _Oo_'b_oo_ta. Double, _or when two things are in_ Tau'r_oo_a. _one, as a double canoe_, Down, _or soft hair_, E'waou, To draw _a bow_, Etëa. To draw, _or drag a thing by force_, Era'ko. Dread, _or fear_, Mattou. Dress'd, _or cooked, not raw_, Ee'_oo_. _A head_ Dress, _used at funerals_, Pa'ra_ee_. To dress, _or put on the cloaths_, Eu, hau'ho_oo_ t'Ahoo. To drink, A_ee_'n_oo_. Drop, _a single drop of any liquid_, _Oo_, ata'hai. To drop, _or leak_, Eto't_oo_r_oo_, s. E't_oo_r_oo_. Drops, _as drops of rain_, To'potta. Drowned, Parre'mo. A Drum, Pa'hoo. Dry, _not wet_, _Oo_'maro. A Duck, Mora. A Dug, _teat, or nipple_, E_oo_. Dumbness, E'faö. E. The Ear, Ta'r_ee_a. _The inside of the_ Ear, Ta'toor_ee_. An Ear-ring, Poe note tar_ee_a. To eat, _or chew_, E'y, s. Mäa. An Echinus, _or sea-egg_, Heawy. Echo, T_oo_o. An Egg _of a bird_, Ehooero te Man_oo_. _A white_ Egg-bird, Pee'ry. Eight, A'waroo. The Elbow, T_oo_'r_ee_. Empty, Oooata'aö, s. Tata'_oo_a. An Enemy, Taata'e. Entire, _whole, not broke_, Eta, Eta. Equal, _Oo_hy't_ei_. Erect, _upright_, Et_oo_. A Euphorbium _tree, with white flowers_, Te'too_ee_. The Evening, Oooh_oi_'h_oi_. Excrement, T_oo_'ty. To expand, _or spread out cloth, &c. _ Ho'hora. The Eye, Matta. The Eye-brow, _and eye-lid_, T_oo_a, matta. F. The Face, E'mot_ee_a. _To hide or hold the_ Face _away, as_ when ashamed_, Far_ee_'w_ai_. Facetious, _merry_, Faatta atta. Fainting, _to faint_, Möe, mo'my. To fall _down_, Topa. False, _not true_, Ha'warre. A Fan, _or to fan the face or cool it_, Taha'r_ee_. To fart, _or a fart_, Eh_oo_. Fat, _full of flesh, lusty_, P_ee_a. The fat _of meat_, Ma_ee_. A Father Med_oo_a tanne. A _step-_father, Tanne, te höa. Fatigued, _tired_, E'h_ei'eu_, s. Faea. Fear, Mattou. A Feather, _or quill_, H_oo_roo, _hoo_r_oo_, man_oo_. _Red_ Feathers, Ora, h_oo_r_oo_ te man_oo_. Feebleness, _weakness_, Fara'ra, s. Tooro'r_ee_. _The sense of_ Feeling, Fa'fa. To feel, Tear'ro. _A young clever dexterous_ Fellow, _or boy_, Te'my de pa'ar_ee_. The Female _kind of any animal_, E'_oo_ha. The Fern-tree, Ma'mo_oo_. Fertile _land_, Fen_oo_a, maa. Fetch, _go fetch it_, Atee. Few _in number_, Eote. To fight, E'neotto. A Fillip, _with the fingers_, Epatta. The Fin _of a fish_, Tirra. To finish, _or make an end_, Eiote. A Finger, E'r_ee_ma. Fire, Ea'hai. _A flying_ Fish, Mara'ra. _A green flat_ Fish, E_eu_me. _A yellow flat_ Fish, _Oo_'morehe. _A flat green and red_ P_ai'ou_. _The cuckold_ Fish, Etata. A Fish, Eya. Fishing _wall for hauling the seine at Epa. The first point_, A Fish _pot_, E'wha. _A long_ Fishing _rod of Bamboo, used Ma'k_ee_ra. To catch bonettoes_, &c. , A Fissure, _or crack_, Motoo. Fist, _to open the fist_, Ma'hora. Fist, _striking with the fist in dancing_, A'moto. _A fly_ Flapper, _or to flap flies_, Dah_ee_'ere e'r_eu_pa. Flatness, _applied to a nose, or a vessel broad and flat; also a spreading flat topt tree_, Papa. _A red_ Flesh _mark_, E_ee_'da. To float _on the face of the water_, Pa'noo. The Flower _of a plant_, P_oo_a. _Open_ Flowers, T_ee_arre'_oo_ wa. Flowers, _white odoriferous flowers, used as ornaments in the ears_, T_ee_arre tarr_ee_a. Flown, _it is flown or gone away_, Ma'h_ou_ta. A Flute, W_ee_wo. _A black_ Fly-catcher, _a bird so called_, O'mamäo. A Fly, P_oo_re'h_oo_a. To fly, _as a bird_, E'r_ai_re. Fog, _or mist_, Ry'po_ee_a. To fold _up a thing, as cloth_, &c. He'fet_oo_. A Fool, _scoundrel, or other epithet of contempt_, Ta'_ou_na. The Foot, _or sole of the foot_, Tapooy. The Forehead, E'ry. Forgot, _or lost in memory_, _Oo_'aro. Foul, _dirty, nasty_, Erepo. A Fowl, Möa. Four, E'ha. The Frapping _of a flute_, Ahëa. Freckles, Taina. Fresh, _not salt_, Eanna, anna. Friction, _rubbing_, E'_oo ee_. Friend, _a method of addressing a stranger_, Ehöa _A particular_ Friend, _or the salutation E'apatte. To him_, To frisk, _to wanton, to play_, E'hanne. From _there_, No, r_ei_ra, s. No, r_ei_da. From _without_, No, waho'_oo_. From _before_, No, m_oo_a. Fruit, 'Hoo'ero. _Perfume_ Fruit _from Tethuroa_, a _small island_, Hooero te manoo. _A yellow_ Fruit, _like a large plumb with a rough core_, A'v_ee_. Full, _satisfied with eating_, Pÿa, s. _Oo_'pÿa, s. 'Paÿa. A Furunculus, _or a small hard boil_, Apoo. G. A Garland _of flowers_, A'v_ou_t_oo_, s. A'r_ou_too Ef ha, apai. Generosity, _benevolence_, Ho'röa. A Gimblet, Eho'_oo_. A Girdle, Ta't_oo_a. A Girl, _or young woman_, Too'n_ee_a. A Girthing _manufacture_, Tat_oo_'y. To give _a thing_, Höa't_oo_. _A looking_-Glass, H_ee_o'_ee_ota. A Glutton, _or great eater_, Taata A'_ee_, s. Era'pöa n_oo_e. To go, _or move from where you stand_ Harre. _to walk_ To go, _or leave a place_, Era'wa. Go, _begone, make haste and do it_, Haro. Go _and fetch it_, At_ee_. Good, _it is good, it is very well_, My`ty, s. Myty, tye, s. Maytay. Good-_natured_, Mama'h_ou_, s. Ma'r_oo_. A Grandfather, Too'b_oo_na. A Great-grandfather, Tooboona tahe'too. A Great great-grandfather, Ouroo. A Grandson, Mo'b_oo_na. To grasp _with the hand_, Hara'wa_ai_. Grasping _the antagonist's thigh when Tomo. Dancing_, Grass, _used on the floors of their Ano'noho. Houses, To grate _cocoa-nut kernel_, E'annatehea'r_ee_. Great, _large, big_, Ara'h_ai_. Green _colour_, P_oo_re p_oore_. To groan, Er_oo_, whe. The groin, Ta'pa. To grow _as a plant_, &c. We'r_oo_a. To grunt, _or strain_, Etee, _too_whe. _The blind_ Gut, Ora'b_oo_b_oo_. The Guts _of any animal_, A'a_oo_. H. The Hair _of the head_, E'ror_oo_, s. E'roh_oo_r_oo_. _Grey_ Hair, Hinna'heina. _Red_ Hair, _or a red-headed man_, E'h_oo_. _Curled_ Hair, P_ee_p_ee_. _Woolly frizzled_ Hair, Oë'töeto. _To pull the_ Hair, E'w_ou_a. Hair, _tied on the crown of the head_, E'p_oo_te. Half _of any thing_, Fa'_ee_te. A Hammer, Et_ee_'te. Hammer _it out_, Atoo'bian_oo_. The Hand, E'r_ee_ma. _A deformed_ Hand, P_ee_le'_oi_. _A motion with the_ Hand _in dancing_, O'ne o'ne. A Harangue, _or speech_, Oraro. A Harbour, _or anchoring-place_, T_oo_'t_ou_. Hardness, E'ta, e'ta. A Hatchet, _axe, or adze_, Töe. He, Nana. The Head, _Oo_'po. _A shorn_ Head, E'v_ou_a. The Head-ache, _in consequence of drunkenness_, Eana`n_ee_a. _The sense of_ Hearing, Faro. The Heart _of an animal_, A'h_ou_too. Heat, _warmth_, Mahanna, hanna. Heavy, _not light_, T_ei_ma'ha. _The sea_ Hedge-hog, Totera. _A blue_ Heron, Otoo. _A white_ Heron, Tra'pappa. To hew _with an axe_, Teraee. Hibiscus, _the smallest species of Hibiscus, with rough seed cases, that adhere to the clothes in walking_, P_ee_re, p_ee_re. Hibiscus, _a species of Hibiscus with large yellow flowers_, Po_oo_'r_ou_. The Hiccup, Et_oo_'ee, s. E_oo_'wha. Hide, _to hide a thing_, E'h_oo_na. High, _or steep_, Mato. A Hill, _or mountain_, Ma_oo_, s. Ma_oo_'a, s. M_ou_a. _One-tree_ Hill, _a hill so called in Matavia Bay_, Tal'ha. To hinder, _or prevent_, Tapëa. The Hips, E'tohe. Hips, _the black punctuated part of Tamo'r_ou_. The hips_, To hit _a mark_, Ele'ba_ou_, s. Wa'p_oo_ta. Hiss, _to hiss or hold out the finger at T_ee_'he. One_, Hoarseness, E'fäo. A Hog, Böa. To hold _fast_, Mou. Hold _your tongue, be quiet or silent_, Ma'm_oo_, A Hole, _as a gimblet hole in wood_, &c, E'r_oo_a, s. Poota. To hollow, _or cry aloud to one_, T_oo_'o. _To keep at_ Home, Ate'_ei_ te Efarre. Honesty, Eea'_ou_re. _A fish_ Hook, Ma't_au_. _A fish_ Hook _of a particular sort_, W_ee_te, w_ee_te. The Horizon, E'pa_ee_, no t'Era_ee_. Hot, _or sultry air, it is very hot_, Poh_ee_'a. A House, E'farre, s. Ewharre. A House _of office_, Eha'm_oo_te. _A large_ House, Efarre'pota. A House _on props_, A'whatta. _An industrious_ Housewife, Ma'h_ei_ne Am_au_'hattoi How _do you, or how is it with you, Tehanoöe. Humorous, _droll, merry_, Fa, atta, 'atta. Hunger, Poro'r_ee_, s. Po_ee_'a. A Hut, _or house_, E'farre. I I, _ myself, first person singular_, W_ou_(1) M_ee_. (2) _The lower_ Jaw, E'ta. Idle, _or lazy_, T_ee_'py. Jealousy _in a woman_, Ta'b_oo_ne, s. Fatee no, s. H_oo_'hy. Ignorance, _stupidity_, W_ee_a'ta. Ill-natured, _cross_, _Oo_re, e'_ee_ore. An Image _of a human figure_, E'tee. Imps, _ the young imps, _ Tëo'he. Immature, _unripe, as unripe fruit_, Poo. Immediately, _instantly_, To'hyto. Immense, _very large_, Röa. Incest, _or incestuous_, Ta'wytte. Indigent, _poor, necessitous_, T_ee_, t_ee_. Indolence, _laziness_, T_ee_'py. Industry, _opposed to idleness_, Ta_ee_'a. Inhospitable, _ungenerous_, P_ee_'p_ee_re. To inform, E'whäe. _A sort of_ Ink, _used to punctuate_, E'rah_oo_. An inquisitive _tattling woman_, Maheine Opotai_ee_hu. To interrogate, _or ask questions_, Faeete. To invert, _or turn upside down_, E'h_oo_ra, tela'why. An Islet, Mo'too. The Itch, _an itching of any sort_, Myro. To jump, _or leap_, Mah_ou_ta, s. Araire. K. Keep _it to yourself_, V_ai_h_ee_'o. The Kernel _of a cocoa-nut_, Emo't_ee_a. To kick _with the foot_, Ta'h_ee_. The Kidnies, F_oo_a'h_oo_a. Killed, _dead_, Matte. To kindle, _or light up_, Emäa. A King, Eär_ee_, da'h_ai_. A King-fisher, _the bird to called_, E'r_oo_ro. To kiss, E'ho_ee_. Kite, _a boy's play-kite_, O'omo. The Knee, E't_oo_r_ee_. To kneel, T_oo_'t_oo_r_ee_. A Knot, Ta'pona. _A double_ Knot, Va'hod_oo_. _The female_ Knot _formed on the upper T_ee_bona. Part of the garment, and on one side_, To know, _or understand_, _Ee_te. The Knuckle, _or joint of the fingers_, T_ee_, p_oo_. L. To labour, _or work_, Ehëa. A Ladder, Era'a, s. E'ara. A Lagoon, Ewha'_ou_na, s. Eä'onna. Lame, _cripple_, T_ei_'t_ei_. A Lance, _or spear_, Täo. Land _in general, a country_, Fe'n_oo_a, s. Whe'n_oo_a. Language, _speech, words_, Pa'ra_ou_. Language, _used when dancing, Timoro'd_ee_, te'Timoro'd_ee_. Largeness, _when applied to a country, Ara'h_ai_. Country, _&c. N_oo_e. To laugh, Atta. Laziness, T_ee_'py. Lean, _the lean of meat_, Aëo. Lean, _slender, not fleshy_, T_oo_'h_ai_. To leap, Ma'h_ou_ta, s. A'rere. Leave _it behind, let it remain_, 'V_ai_hëo. To leave, E'wh_eeoo_. The Leg, A'wy. Legs, _my legs ache, or are tired_, A'h_oo_a. A Liar, Taata, ha'warre. To lie _down, or along, to rest one's self_, Ete'raha, s. Te'p_oo_. To lift _a thing up_, Era'w_ai_. _Day_ Light, Mara'marama. Light, _or fire of the great people_ T_ou_t_oi_, papa. Light, _or fire of the common people_, N_ee_ao, papa. Light, _to light or kindle the fire_, A't_oo_n_oo_ t'E_ee_'wera. Light, _not heavy_, Ma'ma. Lightning, _Oo_'waira. The Lips, _Oo_t_oo_. Little, _small_, _Ee_te. A Lizard, 'Möo. Loathsome, _nauseous_, E, a'wawa. _A sort of_ Lobster, _frequent in the isles_, T_ee_on_ai_. To loll _about, or be lazy_, Tee'py. To loll _out the tongue_, Ewha'tor_oo_ t'Arere. To look _for a thing that is lost_, Tap_oo_n_ee_. A Looking-glass, H_ee_o'_ee_'otta. Loose, _not secure_, A_oo_'w_ee_wa. A Looseness, _or purging_, Hawa, 'hawa. To love, Ehe'nar_oo_. Lover, _courtier, wooer_, Eh_oo_'nöa. A Louse, _Oo_'t_oo_. Low, _not high, as low land_, &c. Hëa, hëa, s. Papoo. E_ee_'öa. The Lungs, T_ee_too, 'arapoa. Lusty, _fat, full of flesh_, Oo'p_ee_a. M. Maggots, E'h_oo_h_oo_. A Maid, _or young woman _, T_oo_'n_ee_a. To make _the bed_, Ho'hora, te Möe'ya. The Male _of any animal, male kind_, E'öta. A Man, Täata, s. Taane. _An indisposed or insincere_ Man, Täata, ham'an_ee_no. A Man-of-war _bird_, Otta'ha. Many, _a great number_, Wo'rou, wo'rou, s. Man_oo_, man_oo_. _A black_ Mark _on the skin_, E_ee_'r_ee_. Married, _as a married man_, Fan_ou_'nou. A Mat, E'vanne. _A silky kind of_ Mat, Möe'a. _A rough sort of_ Mat, _cut in the P_oo_'rou. Middle to admit the head_, A Mast _of a ship or boat_, T_ee_ra. Mature, _ripe; as ripe fruit_, Para, s. Pe. Me, _I_, W_ou_, s. M_ee_. A Measure, E'a. To measure _a thing_, Fa'_ee_te. To meet _one_, Ewharidde. To melt, _or dissolve a thing, T_oo_'t_oo_e. As grease &c. _ The middle, _or midst of a thing_, Teropoo. Midnight, O't_oo_ra, h_ei_'po. To mince, _or cut small_, E'p_oo_ta. Mine, _it is mine, or belongs to me_, No'_oo_. To miss, _not to hit a thing_, _Oo_'happa. Mist, _or fog_, Ry'po_ee_a. To mix _things together_, A'p_oo_e, 'p_oo_e. To mock _or scoff at one_, Etoo'h_ee_. Modesty, Mamma'ha_oo_. Moist, _wet_, Wara'r_ee_. A Mole _upon the skin_, At_oo_'nöa. _A lunar_ Month, Mara'ma. A Monument _to the dead_, Whatta'r_au_. The Moon, Mara'ma. The Morning, Oo'po_ee_'po_ee_. To-morrow, Bo'bo, s. A, Bo'bo. _The day after to_-morrow, A'bo'bo d_oo_ra. _The second day after to_-morrow; Po_ee_, po_ee_, addoo. A Moth, E, pepe. A Mother, Ma'd_oo_a, wa'h_ei_ne. A motherly, _or elderly woman_, Pa'tëa. Motion, _opposed to rest_, O_o_a'ta. A Mountain, _or hill, Ma_oo_a, s. Mo_u_a. Mountains _of the highest order_, Mo_u_a tei'tei. Mountains _of the second order_, Mo_u_a 'haha. Mountains _of the third or lowest order_, Pere'ra_ou_. Mourning, '_Ee_va. Mourning _leaves, viz. Those of the Ta'pa_oo_. Cocoa-tree, used for that purpose_, The Mouth, Eva'ha. _To open the_ Mouth, Ha'mamma. A Multitude, _or vast number_, Wo'r_ou_, wo'r_ou_. Murdered, _killed_, Matte, s. Matte röa. A Murderer, Taata töa. A Muscle-shell, No_u, ou_. Music _of any kind_, H_ee_va. A Musket, _pistol, or firearms P_oo_, p_oo_, s. Poo. Of any kind_, Mute, _silent_, Fateb_oo_a. To matter, or _stammer_, E'wha_ou_. N. The Nail _of the fingers_, Aee'_oo_. A Nail _of iron_, _E_ure. Naked, _i. E. With the clothes off, Ta'lurra. Undressed_, The Name _of a thing_, E_ee'oo_. Narrow, _strait, not wide_, P_ee_re, p_ee_re. Nasty, _dirty, not clean_, E, repo. A Native, Taata'toob_oo_. The Neck, A'_ee_. Needles, Narreeda. _A fishing_ Net, _Oo_'p_ai_a. New, _young, sound_, Ho_u_. Nigh, Poto, s. Whatta'ta. Night, P_o_, s. E'a_oo_. To-Night, _or to-day at night_, A'_oo_ne te' Po. _Black_ Night-_shade_, Oporo. Nine, A'_ee_va. The Nipple _of the breast_, E'_oo_. A Nit, Eriha. [1] Ay'ma, [2] Y_ai_ha, No, _a negation_, [3]A'_ou_re, [4] A_ee_, [5] Yeha_ee_a. To nod, A't_ouou_. Noisy, _chattering, impertinent_, Emoo. Noon, Wawa'tea. The Nostrils, Popo'hëo. Numeration, _or counting of numbers_, Ta't_ou_. _A cocoa_ Nut, Aree. _A large compressed_ Nut, _that tastes E_ee_h_ee_. Like chesnuts when roasted_, O. Obesity, _corpulence_, Ou'p_ee_a. The Ocean, Ty, s. Meede. Odoriferous, _sweet-smelled_, No'nöa. _Perfumed_ Oil _they put on the hair_, Mo'nöe. An Ointment, _plaister, or any thing E'ra'pa_oo_. That heals or relates to medicine_, Old, Ora'wheva. One, A'tahai. Open, _clear, spacious_, Ea'tëa. Open, _not shut_, Fe'r_ei_. To open, Te'haddoo. Opposite _to, or over against_, Wetoo'wh_ei_tte. Order, _in good order, regular, without Wara'wara. Confusion_, Ornament, _any ornament for the ear_, T_ooee_ ta'r_ee_a. _Burial_ Ornaments, _viz. Nine noits Ma'ray Wharre. Stuck in the ground_, An Orphan, _Oo_'hoppe, poo'_ai_a. Out, _not in, not within_, T_ei_we'ho. The Outside _of a thing_, _Oo_a'p_ee_. An Oven _in the ground_, E_oo_'m_oo_. Over, _besides, more than the quantity_, Te'harra. To overcome, _or conquer_, E'ma'_oo_ma. To overturn, _or overset_, Eha'pa_oo_. An Owner E'whattoo. _A large species of_ Oyster, I't_eë_a. _The large rough_ Oyster, _or Spondylus_, Paho'öa. P. The Paddle _of a canoe, or to paddle_, E'höe. To paddle _a canoe's head to the right_ What'tëa. To paddle _a canoe's head to the left_, Wemma. Pain, _or soreness, the sense of pain_, Ma'my. A Pair, _or two of any thing together_, Ano'ho. The Palate, E'ta'nea. The Palm _of the hand_, Ap_oo_'r_ee_ma. To Pant, _or breathe quickly_, Oo'pou'pou, tëa'ho. Pap, _or child's food_, Mamma. A Parent, Me'd_oo_a. _A small blue_ Parroquet, E'v_ee_n_ee_. _A green_ Parroquet, _with a E'a'a. Red forehead_, The Part _below the tongue_, Eta'raro. A Partition, _division, or screen_, Par_oo_'r_oo_. A Pass, _or strait_, E, aree'ëa. _A fermented_ Paste, _of bread, fruit and others_, Ma'h_ee_. A Path, _or road_, Eä'ra. The Pavement _before a house or hut_, Pÿe, pye. A Pearl, Pöe. The Peduncle, _and stalk of a plant_, A'mäa, s. E'atta. To peel _or take the skin off a cocoa-nut_&c. A'tee, s. E'atee. Peeled, _it is peeled_, Me'at_ee_. A Peg _to hang a bag on_, 'Pe'a_oo_. A Pepper-plant, _from the root of which they prepare an inebriating liquor_, Awa. Perhaps, _it may be so_, E'pa'ha. Persons _of distinction_, Patoo'nehe. A Petticoat _of plantane leaves_, AArou'm_aiee_a. Petty, _small, trifling, opposed to Nooe_, R_ee_. _A_ Physician, _or person who attends the sick_, Taata no E'rapa_oo_. Pick, _to pick or choose_, Eh_ee_ te _mai_ my ty. _A large wood_ Pigeon, Er_oope_. _A large green and white_ Pigeon, O_o_'_oo_pa. _A small black and white_ Pigeon, _with purple wings_, _Oooo_wy'deroo. A Pimple, H_oo_a'h_ou_a. To Pinch _with, the fingers_, _Oo_ma. A Plain, _or flat_, E'_pee_ho. Plane, _smooth_, Pa'_ee_a. A Plant _of any kind_, O'mo. _A small_ Plant, E'rabo. _The fruit of a_ Plantane-tree M_aiee_'a, s. Maya. _Horse_ Plantanes, Fai'_ee_. Pleased, _good humoured, not cross or Mar_oo_. Surly_, Pluck _it up_, Ar_ee_te. To pluck _hairs from the beard_, H_oo_h_oo_tee. To plunge _a thing in the water_, E, _oo_'wh_ee_. The Point _of any thing_, Oë, öe, or _Oi, oi_. Poison, _bitter_, Awa, awa. A Poll, _Oo_ra'h_oo_. Poor, _indigent, not rich_, Tee'tee. _A bottle-nosed_ Porpoise, E'_ou_a. _Sweet_ Potatoes, Oo'marra. To pour _out any liquid substance_, Ma'n_ee_. Pregnant _with young_, Waha'p_oo_. To press, _or squeeze the legs gently with the hand, when tired or pained_, Roro'm_ee_. Prick, _to prick up the ears_, Eoma te ta'r_ee_. A Priest, Ta'h_ou_a. Prone, _or face downwards_, T_ee_'opa. _A sort of_ Pudding, _made of fruits, oil_, &c. Po'po'_ee_. Pumpkins, A'h_ooa_. To puke, _or vomit_, E'awa, s. E'r_oo_'y. Pure, _clear_, E'_oo'ee_. A Purging, _or looseness_, Hawa, hawa. To pursue, _and catch a person who Er_oo_, Er_oo_, has done some mischief_, s. Eha'r_oe_. To push _a thing with the hand_, T_oo_'ra_ee_. Put _it up, or away_, Orno. Q. Quickness, _briskness_, E'tirre. _To walk_ quickly, Harre'n_ei_na. Quietness, _silence, a silent or seemingly thoughtful person_, Falle'b_oo_a. A Quiver _for holding arrows_, 'P_ee_ha. R. _A small black_ Rail, _with red eyes_, M_ai_'ho. _A small black_ Rail, _spotted and buured with white_, P_oo_a'n_ee_. Rain, E'_oo_a. A Rainbow, E'n_oo_a. Raft, _a raft of bamboo_, M_ai_to'e. Rank, _ strong, urinous_, Ewão wao. A Rasp, _or file_, _Ooee_. A Rat, 'Yore, s. Eyore. Raw _meat, flesh that is not dressed E'otta. Cooked_, Raw _fruit, as plantanes, &c. That are Paroure. Not baked_ To recline, _or lean upon a thing_, E'py. Red _colour_, _Oo_ra, _oo_ra, s. Matde. To reef _a sail_, Epo'uie te rya. A Refusal, Eh_oo_'nooa. The Remainder _of any thing_, T, 'Ewahei. To rend, _burst, or split_, M_oo_'m_oo_m_oo_. Rent, _cracked, or torn_, E'wha. To reside, _live or dwell_, E'noho. Respiration, _breathing_, T_oo_e, t_oo_e. A Rib, Awäo. Rich, _not poor, having plenty of Epo'too. Goods, &c. _ A Ring, 'M_ai_no. The Ringworm, _a disease so called_, E'n_oo_a. Ripe, _as ripe fruit, &c_. Para, s. Pai, s. Ooo p_ai_. Rise, _to rise up_, A'too. To rive, _or split_, Ewha_oo'_ wha_oo_. A Road, _or path_, Eä'ra. Roasted, _or broiled_, _Oo_a'w_ai_ra. A Robber, _or thief_, E_ee_'a (taata. ) A Rock, Pa_oo_. _A reef of_ Rocks, E'a_ou_. Rolling, _the rolling of a ship_, T_oo_'r_oo_re. A Root, Ap_oo_, s. Ea. A Rope _of any kind_, Taura. Rotten, _as rotten fruit, &c_. R_oo_pe. Rough, _not smooth_, Ta'rra, tarra. To row _with oars_, E'_oo_me, s, E'höe. To rub _a thing, as in washing the hands Ho'ro_ee_. And face_, The Rudder _of a boat, or steering Höe, fa'herre. Paddle of a canoe_, Running _backwards and forwards, Oo'atapone. Endeavouring to escape_, S. The Sail _of a ship or boat_, E_ee_'_ai_. To sail, _or to be under sail_, E'whano. Salt, _or salt water_, Ty'ty, s. Meede. Sand, _dust_, E'one. Saturn, Whati'hëa. Saunders's _island_, Tab_oo_a, Manoo. A Saw, E_ee'oo_. A Scab, E'tona. _A fish's_ Scale _or scales_, Pöa. _A pair of_ Scissars, O't_oo_bo, s. O'tob_oo_. A Scoop, _to empty water from a canoe_, E'tata. To scrape _a thing_, _Oo_'a_oo_. To scratch _with the fingers_, Era'ra_oo_. Scratched, _a scratched metal_, &c. Pah_oo_re'h_oo_re. The Sea-cat, _a fish so called_, P_oo_he. The Sea, Ta_ee_, s. M_ee_de. A Sea-egg, He'awy. A Seam _between two planks_, Fatoo'wh_ai_ra. To search _for a thing that is lost_, Oö, s. Pae'm_ee_. A Seat, Papa. Secret, _a secret whispering, or slandering another_, Ohe'm_oo_. The Seed _of a plant, _ H_oo_a't_oo_t_oo_, s. Ehooero The sense _of seeing_, E'h_ee_'o. To send, Eho'pöe. A Sepulchre, _or burying-place_, Ma'ray. A Servant, T_ow_t_ow_. Seven, A'H_ee_t_oo_. To sew, _or string_, E't_oo_e. Seyne, _to haul a seyne_, Etoroo te p_ai_a. Shady, Mar_oo_, maroo. To shake, _or agitate a thing_, E_oo_a'wai. A Shark, Mäo. Sharp, _not blunt_, Oö'ëe. To shave, _or take off the beard_, Eva'r_oo_, s. Whanne, whanne. _A small_ Shell, Ot'eo. _A tyger_ Shell, Pore'h_oo_. Shew _it me_, Enara. A Ship, P_a_hee. Shipwreck, Ara'wha. _A white_ Shirt, Par_oo_'y. To shiver _with cold_, A'tete. _Mud_ Shoes, _or fishing shoes_, Tama. The Shore, Euta. Short, Po'potoo. Shut, _not open_, Opa'n_ee_, s. Poo'peepe. Sickness, Matte my Mamy. _The left_ Side, A'r_oo_de. The Side, E'reea'wo. _The right_ Side, Atou, a'taou. Sighing, Fa'ëa. Silence, Fatte'b_oo_a. Similar, _or alike_, _Oo_whyä'da. To sink, A'tomo. A Sister, T_oo_'h_ei_ne. To sit _down_, A'noho. To sit _cross-legged_, T_ee_'py. Six, A'Hon_oo_. A Skate-fish, E'wha_ee_. The Skin, _Ee_'ree. The Sky, E'ra_ee_. To sleep, Möe. _The long_ Sleep, _or death_, Möe röa. To sleep, _when sitting_, T_oo_'roore, möe. A Sling, E'ma. Slow, Marra, marröa, s. Fate. Small, _little_, _Ee_te. _The sense of_ smelling, Fata't_oo_, s. _Oo_too, too, too. Smell _it_, H_oi_na. To smell, Ahe'_oi_. Smoke, E'_oo_ra. Smooth, Pa'ya. Smutting _the face with charcoal for funeral ceremonies_, Bap'para. _A sea_ Snake, _that has alternate rings of a white and black colour_, P_oo_h_ee_'ar_oo_. To snatch _a thing hastily_, E'h_ai_r_oo_. Sneezing, Mach_ee_'_ai_. Snipe, _a bird resembling a snipe, of a black and brown colour_, T_ee_'t_ee_. Snot 'H_oo_pe. Soberness, _sobriety, sober, not given_ T_ei_r_ei_da. _to drunkenness_, To soften, Epar_oo_'par_oo_. Softness, _that is, not hard_, Maroo. The Sole _of the foot_, Tap_oo_'y. A Son My'de. A Son-in-law, H_oo_'nöa. A Song, Heeva. A Sore, _or ulcer_, O'pai. Soreness, _or pain_, Ma'may. Sound, _any sound that strikes the ear_, Pa'_ee_na. A Span, Ewhäe ono. To speak, Paraou. Speak; _he speaks not from the heart, Neeate _oo_t_oo_ te parou his words are only on his lips_, no nona. A Spear, _or lance_, Täo. To spill, Emare. To spit, Too't_oo_a. _To_ spread, _or to expand a thing, as_ Ho'hora. _cloth, &c_. To squeeze, _or press hard_, Ne, 'ne_ee_. To squeeze, _or press gently with the hand_, Roro'm_ee_. Squint-eyed, Matta'areva. _A fighting_ Stage _in a boat_, E't_oo_t_ee_. To stamp _with the feet, to trample on Tata'hy. A thing_, Stand _up_, Atëarenona. A Star, E'f_ai_too, s. Hwettoo. A Star-fish, Eve'r_ee_. To startle, _as when one dreams_ Wa'hee, te'dirre. Stay, _or wait a little_, A'r_ee_a, s. Ar_ee_'ana. To steal, 'Woreedo. Steep, _as steep rocks, or cliffs_, Mato. _A walking_ Stick, 'Tame. Stinking, _ill-smelled, as stinking water, &c_. Na'm_oo_a, s. N_ee_'n_ee_o. Stink, _to stink or smell ill_, F_ou_, f_ou_. To stink, _as excrement_, P_ee_ro, p_ee_ro. The Stomach, 'Para_ee_'a. A Stone, Owhay. _A polished_ Stone, used to beat victuals P_ai_'noo. Into a paste_, Stones, _upright stones which stand on the paved area before huts_, T_oo_'t_oo_re. _A small_ Stool, _to lay the head on when asleep_, Papa, s. Papa, r_oo_ä. Stool, _to go to stool_, T_ee_t_ee_'o. To stop, A'too. The Stopper _of a quiver_, Ponau. A Storm _of wind, rain, thunder_, &c. Tarooa. Strait, _narrow, not wide_, P_ee_re, peere. Striking, _hollow striking in dancing_, Ap_ee_. The String _of a quiver_, E'aha. Strong, _as a strong man_, _O'o_mara. Struck, A'b_oo_l_a_. Stupidity, _ignorance_, W_ee_a'l_a_. To suck _as a child_, Ote, ote. Sugar _cane_, E'To, s. Töo. Suicide, Euha'a_ou_. Sultry, _or hot air_, Poh_ee_a. The Sun, Mahanna, s. Era. _The meridian_ Sun, T_ei_'n_ee_a te Mahanna. Supine, _lying_, Fateeraha. Surf _of the sea_, Horo'w_ai_. _An interjection of_ Surprise, _or admiration_, Allaheuee'_ai_. To surround, A'b_oo_ne. To swallow, Horo'm_ee_. The Sweat _of the body, or to sweat_ E'h_ou_, s. Eh_ou_ h_ou_. A sweet _taste_, Mona. Swell _of the sea_, E'r_oo_. T. A Tail, Ero. A Tail _of a bird_, E'hoppe. To take _a friend by the hand_, Etoo'ya_oo_. To take _off, or unloose_, Eve'vette. To take _care of the victuals_, Ewhaapoo te maa. To talk, _or converse_, Paraou. _The sense of_ tasting, Tama'ta. A Tetotum, _or whirligig_, E'piröa. To tear _a thing_, Ha'hy, s. Whatte. A Teat, _or dug_, E'_oo_. The Teeth, E'n_ee_h_ee_o. Ten A'h_oo_r_oo_. To tend, _or feed hogs_, Ew_h_a_ee_ te Böa. Tenants, Af_eu_'h_au_. _A black_ Tern, _with a whitish head_, O_ee_'o. There, Te'raee. They, _them, or theirs_, To'ta_oo_a. Thickness, _applied to solid bodies_, Meoo'meoo. Thick, _as thick cloth_, &c. T_oo_e'too'e. Thick, _muddy_, Ewore'r_oo_, s. Eworepe. Thine, _it is yours, or belongs to you_, No öe. Thirst, W'ah_ee_'y. Thoughts, Para_ou_, no te o'p_oo_. _An appearance of_ thoughtfulness, Fate'b_oo_a. Three, Tor_oo_. The Throat, Ara'poa. To throw, _or heave a thing_, Taora. To throw _a thing away_, Harre'wai. To throw _a ball_, Ama'h_oo_a. To throw _a lance_, Evara'towha. Throw, _shall I throw it_, Taure'a'a. Throwing _in dancing_, Hoe'aire. The Thumb, E'r_ee_ma, erahai. Thunder, Pa't_ee_re. Tickle, _to tickle a person_, My'n_ee_na. A Tide, _or current_, A'ow. To tie _a knot_, Ty. Time, _a space of time, from 6 to 10 at night_, O't_oo_e, teepo. Time, _a little time, a small space_, Popo'_eu_n_oo_. Time, _a long time, a great while_, Ta'moo. A Title _belonging to a woman of rank_, E'tapay'r_oo_. A Toe _of the foot_, Man_ee_o. A Tomb, T_oo_, pap'pou. The Tongue, E'rero. A Tortoise, E'hon_oo_. Touching, Fa'fa. Tough, _as tough meat_, &c. Ah_oo_'_ou_e. A Town, E'farre p_oo_to p_oo_t_oo_. To trample _with the foot_, Tata'he, s. Ta'ta'hy. A Tree, E'räo. A Tree, _from which they make clubs, Töa (Eräo. ) spears_, &c. To tremble, _or shudder with cold_, _Oo_a'titte, s. Eta. Trembling, _shaking_, A_ou_'dou. To trip _one up in wrestling_, Me'häe. A Tropic-bird, Man_oo_'roa. Truth, Eva_ee_'röa, s. Para_ou_, mou. To tumble, P_ou_ta'heite. A Turban, E'täe. To turn, _or turned_, _Oo_'ahöe. To turn, _as in walking backwards and forwards_, H_oo_d_ee_p_ee_pe. Twins, _twin children_, Ma'hëa. To twist _a rope_, Taw_ee_'r_ee_. Two, E'Rooä. U. An Ulcer, _or sore_, O'p_ai_. Under, _below, low down_, Oraro. Under _sail_, P_ou_'pou_ee_. To understand, Ee'te. To undress, _or take off the clothes_, Ta'turra. An unmarried _person_, Ar_ee_'_oi_. Unripe, _as unripe fruit_, &c. P_oo_. V. _Luminous_ Vapour, Epao. Vassal, _or subject_, Manna'h_ou_na. Vast, Ara, hai, s. Mai, ara'hai. The Veins _that run under the skin_, E'w_ou_a. Venus, T_ou_'r_oo_a. Vessel, _any hollow vessel, as cups of nuts_, &c. _Ai_'boo. Vessel, _a hollow vessel in which they prepare an inebriating liquor_, _Oo_'mutte. To vomit, Er_oo_'y. W. Wad, _tow, fibres like hemp_, Ta'm_ou_. Wait, _stay a little_, Areeana. Wake, _awake_, Arra arra, s. Era. To walk out, Avou'_oi_a. To walk _backwards and forwards_, H_oo_a p_ee_pe. A Warrior, _soldier, or rather a man-killer_, Taatatöa. Warmth, _heat_, Mahanna, hanna. A Wart, Toria. To wash, _as to wash cloth in water_, Mare. To watch, Eteäe. Water, A'vy. Water-cresses, Pa'töa. We, _both of us_, Ta_oo_a, s. Ar_oo_'r_oo_a. A wedge, Era'h_ei_. To weep, _or cry_, Hanö a, a, ta_ee_. Well _recovered, or well escaped_, Woura, s. Woo, ara. Well, _it is well, charming, fine_, P_oo_ro'too. What, _whats that_, E'hara, E'ha'rya, s. Ye'ha_ee_a, expressed inquisitively. What _do you call that, what is the name of it_, Owy te a_ee_'_oa_. When, _at what time_, W'hëëa. Where _is it_, Te'hëa. Whet, _to whet or sharp a thing_, Evo_ee_. To whistle, Ma'p_oo_. Whistling, _a method of whistling to call the people to meals_, Ep_ou_, maa. To whisper _secretly, as in backbiting_, &c. Ohe'm_oo_. Who _is that, what is he called_, Owy, tanna, s. Owy, nana. Whole, _the whole not a part of a thing_, E'ta, e'tea, s. A'ma_oo_. Wide, _not strait or narrow_, Whatta, whatta. A Widow, Wa't_oo_neea. Wife, _my wife_, Ma'h_ei_ne. The Wind, Mattay. _The south-east_ Wind, Mattaee. A Window, Ma'laee ou'panee. The Wing _of a bird_, Ere'_ou_. To wink, E'am_ou_, am_oo_. To wipe _a thing clean_, Ho'ro_ee_. Wish, _a wish to one who sneezes_, Eva'r_ou_a t Eät_oo_a. Within _side_, T_ee_'ro to. A Woman, Wa'h_ei_ne. _A married_ Woman, Wa'h_ei_ne mou. Woman, _she is a married woman, she has got another husband_, Terra, tanne. Won't _I won't do it_, 'A_eeoo_, expressed angrily. Wood _of any kind_, E'raö. A Wound, Oo't_ee_. A Wrestler, M_ou_na. Wrinkled _in the face_, M_ee_o, m_ee_o. The Wrist, Mo'möa. A Wry-neck, Na'na. Y. To yawn, Ha'mamma. Yellow _colour_, He'appa. Yes, Ay, s. _ai_. Yesterday, Ninna'hay. Yesternight, Ere'po. York _island_, Ei'mëo. Yon Oë. Young, _as a young animal of any kind_, P_ee_'n_ai_a. [21] A Table exhibiting at one View, Specimens of different languages spoken in the South-Sea, from Easter Island, Westward to New Caledonia, as observed in the Voyage. English. Otaheite. Easter Island. The Marquesas Isles. The Island of Amsterdam. New Zealand. Malicolo. Tanna. New Caledonia A Bird, 'Man_oo_, [22] 'Man_oo_, 'Manu_oo_, Man_oo_, Manee, s. Man_eek_. A Bow E'fanna, 'Fanna, Nabrr_oo_s, Na'fanga. Bread-fruit _Oo_r_oo_, Mai_ee_, Ba'rabe, Tag'_oo_r_oo_. A canoe E'väa 'Wagga, Ev'äa, Ta'wagga, Wang. Cloth Ah_oo_, 'Ah_oo_, 'Ah_oo_, s. A'hoo_ee_a, Babba'langa, Kak'ah_oo_, Ta'nar_ee_, Hamban. A Cocoa-nut 'Ar_ee_, 'Eeoo, Nar_oo_, Nab_oo_'y, 'N_eeoo_. To drink Ayn_oo_' A_ee_n_oo_, 'A_ee_n_oo_, No'a_ee_, N_ooee_, 'Oo_d_oo_, s. _Oo_nd_oo_. The Eye Matta, Matta, 'Matta, s. Matta_ee_a, 'Matta, 'Matta, M_ai_tang, Nan_ee_'maiuk, T_ee_'vein. The Ear Ta'r_ee_a, Ta'r_ee_an, B_oo_'_ee_na, Ta'r_ee_ka, Talingan, F_ee_n_ee_'enguk, Gain'_ee_ng. Fish 'Eya, _Ee_ka, '_Ee_ka, '_Ee_ka, 'Nam_oo_. A Fowl, Möa, Möa, Möa, Moe'r_oo_. The Hand, E'r_ee_ma, 'R_ee_ma, E_oo_'my, E'r_ee_ma, 'R_ee_nga, Badon'h_ee_n. The Head, _Oo_'po, Aö'po, Tak'_oo_po, Ba's_ai_ne, N_oo_gwa'n_aium, Gar'moing. A Hog, 'Böa, 'B_oo_a, B_oo_'acka, 'Brr_oo_as, 'B_oo_ga, s. 'B_oo_gas. I, myself, W_ou_, s. _ou_, 'W_ou_, _Ou_. To laugh, 'Atta, Katta, 'Häarish, Ap, s. Gye'ap. A Man, 'Täata, Papa? T_ee_to, Ba'rang, Nar_oo_'mäan. The Navel, 'P_ee_to, P_ee_to, s. P_ee_to'ai, P_ee_to, Nomprtong, Nap_ee_ rainguk, Whanb_oo_ _ee_n. No, (1)'Ayma, (2)Y_ai_ha, (3)A'_ou_re, '_Ei_sa, '_Ee_sha, Ka'_ou_re, Ta'ep, E'sa, '_Ee_va, _Ee_ba. Plantains, 'M_ai_ya, (1)Maya, (2)F_oo_tse, M_ai_e_ea_, 'F_oo_dje, Nabrruts. Puncturation, Ta't_ou_, E'pat_oo_, Ta't_ou_, Moko, 'Gan, s. Gan, galang. Rain, E'_oo_a, '_Oo_a, Na'mawar, _Oo_e. Sugar cane, E'To, To, Na'r_oo_k. The Teeth, E'n_ee_h_ee_o, 'N_ee_ho, E'n_ee_ho, 'N_ee_fo, N_ee_ho, R_ee_'bohn, 'Warrewuk, s. 'R_ai_buk, Penna'w_ei_n. Water, A'vay, E'vy, Er'g_ou_r, _Oo_e. To Whistle, 'Map_oo_, F_ee_o, f_ee_o, Papang, Awe'bern, 'Wy_oo_. A Woman, Wa'h_ei_ne, Ve'h_ee_ne, Ra'bin, N_ai_'bräan, Tama. Yams, E'_oo_he, _Oo_he, _Oo_fe, Nan-'ram, _Oo_fe, _Oo_be. Yes, _Ai_, '_Ee_o, _Ai_, '_Ee_o, 'Elo, s. _Ee_o, s. öe. You, Oë, Oë. One, A'Tahay, Katta'ha_ee_, Atta'ha_ee_, Ta'ha_ee_, Ts_ee_'ka_ee_, R_ee_d_ee_, Wag_ee'ai_ng. Two, E'R_oo_a, 'Rooa, A'ooa, E'ooa, E'ry, 'Karoo, 'Waroo. Three, 'Ter_oo_, 'Tor_oo_, A'tor_oo_, 'Tor_oo_, E'r_ei_, 'Kahar, Wat_ee_ en. Four, A'Haa, 'Häa, s. Fäa, A'faa, A'fäa, E'bats, 'K_ai_phar, Wam'ba_ee_k. Five, E'R_ee_ma, 'R_ee_ma, A'_ee_ma, 'N_ee_ma, E'r_ee_m, 'Kr_ee_rum, Wannim. Six, A'ono, 'Hon_oo_, A'ono, Ts_oo_'ka_ee_, Ma'r_ee_d_ee_, Wannim-g_ee_ek. Seven, A'H_ei_too, 'H_ee_d_oo_, A'wh_ee_t_oo_, G_oo_y, Ma'kar_oo_, Wannim'n_oo_. Eight, A'war_oo_, 'Var_oo_, A'wa_oo_, H_oo_rey, Ma'kahar, Wannim'g_ai_n. Nine, A'_ee_va, H_ee_va, A'_ee_va, G_oo_dbats, Ma'k_ai_phar, Wannim'ba_ee_k. Ten, A'h_oo_r_oo_, Atta'h_oo_r_oo_, s. Anna'h_oo_r_oo_, Wannah_oo_, s. Wanna'h_oo_e, Senearr, Ma'kr_ee_rum, Wann_oo_'n_ai_uk. [Footnote 21: It may be easily perceived, that notwithstanding somewords are entirely different, the first five Indian languages areradically the same; though the distance from Easter Island to NewZealand is upwards of fifteen hundred leagues. The principal differenceconsists in the mode of pronunciation, which in Easter Island, Amsterdam, and New Zealand, is more harsh, or guttural, than at theMarquesas Isles, or Otaheite. The other three differ totally, not onlyfrom the preceding, but from each other; which is more extraordinarythan the agreement of the others, as from Malicolo to Tanna you neverlose sight of land; nor is New Caledonia at a great distance from thelast place. In the language of Malicolo a great number of harsh labialsounds prevail, very difficult to be represented in writing. At Tannathe pronunciation is likewise harsh, but rather guttural, and theinhabitants of New Caledonia have many nasal sounds, or snivel much inspeaking. It may however be observed, that in the three last languages, some words are found which seem to have a distant resemblance to thosethat go before; as Brr'_oo_as, in Malicolo, and 'B_oo_ga, or 'Boogas, inTanna, both signifying a hog, which at Otaheite and the Marquesas, isexpressed by the word 'Böa, and at Amsterdam B_oo_'acka. Yet, whetherthese may not have been accidentally introduced, is hard to determine;because they frequently use two words to express the same thing; as forinstance, in New Caledonia, they call a star both P_ee_j_oo_ andFya't_oo_; the first seems most consonant to the general composition oftheir language, whereas the second differs very little fromE'f_ai_t_oo_, or Whet_oo_, the name of a star at Otaheite. When theymention puncturation, it is commonly called a Gan, or Gan, galan; butsometimes they say Tata'tou, which is almost the same as Ta't_ou_, usedto express the same thing at Otaheite and Amsterdam. ] [Footnote 22: The letters in Italic, as _oo, ee_, &c. Are to be soundedas one. Those with this ¨, as öe, &c. Are separately. The accent at thebeginning of a word, signifies the chief stress in pronunciation is tobe laid there; if over it at any other part, the stress is laid on thatpart immediately following. A comma in the middle of a word, eithersignifies, that it is compounded of two, or, that the same syllablesrepeated, make the word; in both which cases, a small stop, or pause, must be made in pronouncing it. ] PART III. BOOK III. A VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN, UNDERTAKEN BY THE COMMAND OF HIS MAJESTY, FOR MAKING DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTHERN HEMISPHERE; TO DETERMINE THEPOSITION AND EXTENT OF THE WEST SIDE OF NORTH AMERICA, ITS DISTANCE FROMASIA, AND THE PRACTICABILITY OF A NORTHERN PASSAGE TO EUROPE. PERFORMEDUNDER THE DIRECTION OF CAPTAINS COOK, CLERKE, AND GORE, IN HIS MAJESTY'SSHIPS THE RESOLUTION AND DISCOVERY, IN THE YEARS 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, & 1780. [23] INTRODUCTION. The spirit of discovery, which had long animated the European nations, having, after its arduous and successful exertions, during the fifteenthand sixteenth centuries, gradually subsided, and for a considerable timelain dormant, began to revive in Great Britain in the late reign;[24]and recovered all its former activity, under the cherishing influence, and munificent encouragement, of his present majesty. [Footnote 23: The account of this voyage was originally published inthree volumes the first and second of which were written by Captain Cookhimself, and the third by Captain King, one of his officers. The work, however, as the reader will soon find, is materially enriched by thecommunications of Mr Anderson, surgeon of the Resolution. The valuableintroduction, and the notes interspersed throughout the volumescontributed by Cook, were the production of Dr Douglas, Bishop ofSalisbury, who, at the request of Lord Sandwich, undertook also theoffice of editor. Of the amount of his services in this character, wehave his own statement, towards the end of the introduction. From this, it appears, that Cook, when he set out, knew he was expected to relate, as well as to execute, the operations committed to him; and that hisjournal, in consequence, was faithfully adhered to. This seems to implythe non-interference of the editor, at least in any important sense. Thesame thing may be inferred from what he says respecting Mr Anderson'sjournal. And as to the third volume, we are expressly told, that it wascompletely prepared for the press by Captain King himself. There issurely, then, very little foundation for an assertion made in the memoirof Captain Cook, inserted in the new edition of the General BiographicalDictionary, vol. 10. Viz. That Dr Douglas "has levelled down the morestriking peculiarities of the different writers, into some appearance ofequality. " Certainly, we are bound either to refuse such an insinuation, or to charge falsehood on Dr Douglas, who expressly states, that all hehas to answer for, are the notes in Captain Cook's two volumes and theintroduction. But the alternative will give no trouble to any readeracquainted with the worthy character of the bishop, or who cancomprehend, how very readily a probable conjecture may became the basisof an erroneous opinion. It is necessary to apprise the reader, that the letter D is placed atsuch of Dr Douglas's notes as it is thought advisable to retain in thiswork, and that for the rest marked E. , the editor, as formerly, isresponsible. --E. ] [Footnote 24: Two voyages for discovering a north-west passage, throughHudson's Bay, were then performed; one under the command of CaptainMiddleton, in his majesty's ships the Furnace, and the Discovery pink, in 1741 and 1743. The other under the direction of Captains Smith andMoore, in the ships Dobbs and California, fitted out by subscription, in1746 and 1747. --D. ] Soon after his accession to the throne, having happily closed thedestructive operations of war, he turned his thoughts to enterprisesmore humane, but not less brilliant, adapted to the season of returningpeace. While every liberal art, and useful study, flourished under hispatronage at home, his superintending care was extended to such branchesof knowledge, as required distant examination and enquiry; and hisships, after bringing back victory and conquest from every quarter ofthe known world, were now employed in opening friendly communicationswith its hitherto unexplored recesses. In the prosecution of an object so worthy of the monarch of a greatcommercial people, one voyage followed another in close succession; and, we may add, in regular gradation. What Byron had begun, Wallis andCarteret soon improved. Their success gave birth to a far more extensiveplan of discovery, carried into execution in two subsequent voyages, conducted by Cook. And that nothing might be left unattempted, thoughmuch had been already done, the same commander, whose professional skillcould only be equalled by the persevering diligence with which he hadexerted it, in the course of his former researches, was called upon, once more, to resume, or rather to complete, the survey of the globe. Accordingly, another voyage was undertaken, in 1776; which, though lastin the order of time, was far from being the least considerable, withrespect to the extent and importance of its objects; yet, still, farless fortunate than any of the former, as those objects were notaccomplished, but at the expence of the valuable life of its conductor. When plans, calculated to be of general utility, are carried intoexecution with partial views, and upon interested motives, it is naturalto attempt to confine, within some narrow circle, the advantages whichmight have been derived to the world at large, by an unreserveddisclosure of all that had been effected. And, upon this principle, ithas too frequently been considered as sound policy, perhaps, in thiscountry, as well as amongst some of our neighbours, to affect to draw aveil of secrecy over the result of enterprises to discover and exploreunknown quarters of the globe. It is to the honour of the present reign, that more liberal views have been now adopted. Our late voyages, fromthe very extensive objects proposed by them, could not but convey usefulinformation to every European nation; and, indeed, to every nation, however remote, which cultivates commerce, and is acquainted withnavigation: And that information has most laudably been afforded. Thesame enlarged and benevolent spirit, which ordered these severalexpeditions to be undertaken, has also taken care that the result oftheir various discoveries should be authentically recorded. And thetransactions of these voyages round the world, having, in due time, beencommunicated, under the authority of his majesty's naval minister; thoseof the present, which, besides revisiting many of the former discoveriesin the southern, carried its operations into untrodden paths in thenorthern hemisphere, are, under the same sanction, now submitted to thepublic in these volumes. One great plan of nautical investigation having been pursued throughout, it is obvious, that the several voyages have a close connection, andthat an exact recollection of what had been aimed at, and effected, inthose that preceded, will throw considerable light on our period. With aview, therefore, to assist the reader in forming a just estimate of theadditional information conveyed by this publication, it may not beimproper to lay before him a short, though comprehensive, abstract ofthe principal objects that had been previously accomplished, arranged insuch a manner, as may serve to unite into one point of view, the variousarticles which lie scattered through the voluminous journals already inthe hands of the public; those compiled by Dr Hawkesworth; and thatwhich was written by Captain Cook himself. By thus shewing what had beenformerly done, how much still remained for subsequent examination willbe more apparent; and it will be better understood on what grounds, though the ships of his majesty had already circumnavigated the worldfive different times, in the course of about ten years, another voyageshould still be thought expedient. There will be a farther use in giving such an abstract a place in thisintroduction. The plan of discovery, carried on in so many successiveexpeditions, being now, we may take upon us to say, in a great measurecompleted, by summing up the final result, we shall be better able to dojustice to the benevolent purposes it was designed to answer; and asolid foundation will be laid, on which we may build a satisfactoryanswer to a question, sometimes asked by peevish refinement, andignorant malevolence, What beneficial consequences, if any, havefollowed, or are likely to follow, to the discoverers, or to thediscovered, to the common interests of humanity, or to the increase ofuseful knowledge, from all our boasted attempts to explore the distantrecesses of the globe? The general object of the several voyages round the world, undertaken bythe command of his majesty, prior to that related in this work, was tosearch for unknown tracts of land that might exist within the bosom ofthe immense expanse of ocean that occupies the whole southernhemisphere. Within that space, so few researches had been made, before our time, andthose few researches had been made so imperfectly, that the result ofthem, as communicated to the world in any narration, had rather servedto create uncertainty, than to convey information; to deceive thecredulous, rather than to satisfy the judicious enquirer; by blendingthe true geography of above half the superficies of the earth with anendless variety of plausible conjectures, suggested by ingeniousspeculation; of idle tales, handed down by obscure tradition; or of boldfictions, invented by deliberate falsehood. It would have been very unfortunate, indeed, if five differentcircumnavigations of the globe, some of them, at least, if not all, intracks little known, and less frequented, had produced no discoveries, to reward the difficulties and perils unavoidably encountered. But thefollowing review will furnish the most satisfactory proofs, that hismajesty's instructions have been executed with ability; and that therepeated visits of his ships to the southern hemisphere, have veryconsiderably added to our stock of geographical knowledge. 1. The south Atlantic ocean was the first scene of our operations. Falkland's Islands had been hitherto barely known to exist; but theirtrue position and extent, and every circumstance which could rendertheir existence of any consequence, remained absolutely undecided, tillByron visited them in 1764. And Captain Macbride, who followed himthither two years after, having circumnavigated their coasts, and takena complete survey, a chart of Falkland's Islands has been constructed, with so much accuracy, that the coasts of Great Britain itself, are notmore authentically laid down upon our maps. How little was really known of the islands in the south Atlantic, evenso late as the time of Lord Anson, we have the most remarkable proofs, in the history of his voyage. Unavoidably led into mistake, by theimperfect materials then in the possession of the world, he hadconsidered Pepys's Island, and Falkland Isles, as distinct places;distant from each other about five degrees of latitude. Byron'sresearches have rectified this capital error; and it is now decided, beyond all contradiction, that, as Captain Cook says, "Future navigatorswill mispend their time, if they look for Pepys's Island in latitude47°; it being now certain, that Pepys's Island is no other than theseislands of Falkland. " Besides the determination of this considerable point, other lands, situated in the South Atlantic, have been brought forward into view. Ifthe isle of Georgia had been formerly seen by La Roche in 1675, and byMr Guyot, in the ship Lion, in 1756, which seems to be probable, CaptainCook, in 1775, has made us fully acquainted with its extent and trueposition; and, in the same year, he added to the map of the worldSandwich Land, hitherto not known to exist, and the most southerndiscovery that has been ever accomplished. II. Though the Strait of Magalhaens had been formerly visited, andsailed through by ships of different nations, before our time, a carefulexamination of its bays, and harbours, and head-lands; of the numerousislands it contains, and of the coasts, on both sides, that inclose it;and an exact account of the tides, and currents, and soundings, throughout its whole extent, was a task, which, if Sir John Narborough, and others, had not totally omitted, they cannot be said to haverecorded so fully, as to preclude the utility of future investigation. This task has been ably and effectually performed by Byron, Wallis, andCarteret; whose transactions in this strait, and the chart of it, founded on their observations and discoveries, are a most valuableaccession to geography. III. If the correct information, thus obtained, about every part of thiscelebrated strait, should deter future adventurers from involvingthemselves in the difficulties and embarrassments of a labyrinth, nowknown to be so intricate, and the unavoidable source of danger anddelay, we have the satisfaction to have discovered, that a safer andmore expeditious entrance into the Pacific Ocean, may be reasonablydepended upon. The passage round Cape Horn has been repeatedly tried, both from the east and from the west, and stript of its terrors. Weshall, for the future, be less discouraged by the labours and distressesexperienced by the squadrons of Lord Anson and Pizarro, when werecollect that they were obliged to attempt the navigation of those seasat an unfavourable season of the year; and that there was nothing veryformidable met with there when they were traversed by Captain Cook. To this distinguished navigator was reserved the honour of being thefirst, who, from a series of the most satisfactory observations, beginning at the west entrance of the Strait of Magalhaens, and carriedon with unwearied diligence, round Tierra del Fuego, through the Straitof Le Maire, has constructed a chart of the southern extremity ofAmerica, from which it will appear, how much former navigators must havebeen at a loss to guide themselves; and what advantages will be nowenjoyed by those who shall hereafter sail round Cape Horn. IV. As the voyages of discovery, undertaken by his majesty's command, have facilitated the access of ships into the Pacific Ocean, they havealso greatly enlarged our knowledge of its contents. Though the immense expanse usually distinguished by this appellation, had been navigated by Europeans for near two centuries and a half, byfar the greater part of it, particularly to the south of the equator, had remained, during all this time, unexplored. The great aim of Magalhaens, and of the Spaniards in general, its firstnavigators, being merely to arrive, by this passage, at the Moluccas, and the other Asiatic spice islands, every intermediate part of theocean that did not lie contiguous to their western track, which was onthe north side of the equator, of course escaped due examination. And ifMendana and Quiros, and some nameless conductors of voyages before them, by deviating from this track, and steering westward from Callao, withinthe southern tropic, were so fortunate as to meet with various islandsthere, and so sanguine as to consider those islands as marks of theexistence of a neighbouring southern continent, in the exploring ofwhich they flattered themselves they should rival the fame of De Gamaand Columbus, these feeble efforts never led to any effectual disclosureof the supposed hidden mine of a New World. On the contrary, theirvoyages being conducted without a judicious plan, and their discoveriesbeing left imperfect without immediate settlement, or subsequentexamination, and scarcely recorded in any well-authenticated or accuratenarrations, had been almost forgot; or were so obscurely remembered, asonly to serve the purpose of producing perplexing debates about theirsituation and extent, if not to suggest doubts about their veryexistence. It seems, indeed, to have become a very early object of policy in theSpanish councils, to discontinue and to discourage any fartherresearches in that quarter. Already masters of a larger empire on thecontinent of America than they could conveniently govern, and of richermines of the precious metals on that continent than they could convertinto use, neither avarice nor ambition furnished reasons for aiming at afresh accession of dominions. And thus, though settled all along theshores of this ocean, in a situation so commodious for prosecutingdiscoveries throughout its wide extent, the Spaniards remained satisfiedwith a coasting intercourse between their own ports; never stretchingacross the vast gulph that separates that part of America from Asia, butin an unvarying line of navigation, perhaps in a single annual ship, between Acapulco and Manilla. The tracks of other European navigators of the South Pacific Ocean, were, in a great measure, regulated by those of the Spaniards, andconsequently limited within the same narrow bounds. With the exception, perhaps, of two instances only, those of Le Maire and Roggewein, noships of another nation had entered this sea, through the Strait ofMagalhaens, or found Cape Horn, but for the purposes of trade with theSpaniards, or of hostility against them, purposes which could not beanswered, without precluding any probable chance of adding much to ourstock of discovery. For it was obviously incumbent on all suchadventurers, to confine their cruises within a moderate distance of theSpanish settlements, in the vicinity of which alone they could hope toexercise their commerce, or to execute their predatory and militaryoperations. Accordingly, soon after emerging from the strait, orcompleting the circuit of Tierra del Fuego, they began to hold anortherly course, to the uninhabited island of Juan Fernandez, theirusual spot of rendezvous and refreshment. And after ranging along thecontinent of America, from Chili to California, they either reversedtheir course back to the Atlantic, or, if they ventured to extend theirvoyage by stretching over to Asia, they never thought of tryingexperiments in the unfrequented and unexplored parts of the ocean, butchose the beaten path (if the expression may be used, ) within the limitsof which it was likely that they might meet with a Philippine galleon, to make their voyage profitable to themselves; but could have littleprospect, if they had been desirous, of making it useful to the public, by gaining any accession of new land to the map of the world. By the natural operation of these causes, it could not but happen, thatlittle progress should be made toward obtaining a full and accurateknowledge of the South Pacific Ocean. Something, however, had beenattempted by the industrious, and once enterprising, Dutch, to whom weare indebted for three voyages, undertaken for the purposes ofdiscovery; and whose researches, in the southern latitudes of thisocean, are much better ascertained than are those of the earlier Spanishnavigators above mentioned. Le Maire and Schouten, in 1616, and Roggewein, in 1722, wisely judgingthat nothing new could be gained by adhering to the usual passage on thenorth side of the Line, traversed this ocean from Cape Horn to the EastIndies, crossing the south tropic, a space which had been so seldom, andso ineffectually, visited; though popular belief, fortified byphilosophical speculation, expected there to reap the richest harvest ofdiscovery. Tasman, in 1642, in his extensive circuit from Batavia, through theSouth Indian Ocean, entered the South Pacific, at its greatest distancefrom the American side, where it never had been examined before. And hisrange, continued from a high southern latitude, northward to New Guinea, and the islands to the east of it near the equator, producedintermediate discoveries, that have rendered his voyage memorable in theannals of navigation. But still, upon the whole, what was effected in these three expeditions, served only to shew how large a field was reserved for future and morepersevering examination. Their results had, indeed, enabled geographersto diversify the vacant uniformity of former charts of this ocean by theinsertion of some new islands. But the number, and the extent of theseinsertions, were so inconsiderable, that they may be said to appear Rari, nantes in gurgite vasto. And, if the discoveries were few, those few were made very imperfectly. Some coasts were approached, but not landed upon; and passed withoutwaiting to examine their extent and connection with those that mightexist at no great distance. If others were landed upon, the visits were, in general, so transient, that it was scarcely possible to build upon afoundation so weakly laid, any information that could even gratify idlecuriosity, much less satisfy philosophical enquiry, or contributegreatly to the safety, or to the success, of future navigation. Let us, however, do justice to these beginnings of discovery. To theDutch, we must, at least, ascribe the merit of being our harbingers, though we afterward went beyond them in the road they had first venturedto tread. And with what success his majesty's ships have, in theirrepeated voyages, penetrated into the obscurest recesses of the SouthPacific Ocean, will appear from the following enumeration of theirvarious and very extensive operations, which have drawn up the veilthat had hitherto been thrown over the geography of so great aproportion of the globe. 1. The several lands, of which any account had been given, as seen byany of the preceding navigators, Spanish or Dutch, have been carefullylooked for, and most of them (at least such of them as seemed of anyconsequence) found out and visited; and not visited in a cursory manner, but every means used to correct former mistakes, and to supply formerdeficiencies, by making accurate enquiries ashore, and taking skilfulsurveys of their coasts, by sailing round them, who has not heard, orread, of the boasted _Tierra Australia del Espiritu Santo_ of Quiros?But its bold pretensions to be a part of a southern continent, could notstand Captain Cook's examination, who sailed round it, and assigned itits true position and moderate bounds, in the Archipelago of the NewHebrides. [25] [Footnote 25: Bougainville, in 1768, did no more than discover that theland here was not connected, but composed of islands. Captain Cook, in1774, explored the whole group. --D. ] 2. Besides perfecting many of the discoveries of their predecessors, ourlate navigators have enriched geographical knowledge with a longcatalogue of their own. The Pacific Ocean, within the south tropic, repeatedly traversed, in every direction, was found to swarm with aseemingly endless profusion of habitable spots of land. Islandsscattered through the amazing space of near fourscore degrees oflongitude, separated at various distances, or grouped in numerousclusters, have, at their approach, as it were, started into existence;and such ample accounts have been brought home concerning them and theirinhabitants, as may serve every useful purpose of enquiry; and, to useCaptain Cook's words, who bore so considerable a share in thosediscoveries, _have left little more to be done in that part_. 3. Byron, Wallis, and Carteret had each of them contributed towardincreasing our knowledge of the islands that exist in the Pacific Ocean, within the limits of the southern tropic; but how far that ocean reachedto the west, what lands bounded it on that side, and the connection ofthose lands with the discoveries of former navigators, was still thereproach of geographers, and remained absolutely unknown, till CaptainCook, during his first voyage in 1770, brought back the mostsatisfactory decision of this important question. With a wonderfulperseverance, and consummate skill, amidst an uncommon combination ofperplexities and dangers, he traced this coast near two thousand miles, from the 38° of south latitude, cross the tropic, to its northernextremity, within 10° 1/2 of the equinoctial, where it was found to jointhe lands already explored by the Dutch, in several voyages from theirAsiatic settlements, and to which they have given the name of NewHolland. Those discoveries made in the last century, before Tasman'svoyage, had traced the north and the west coasts of this land; andCaptain Cook, by his extensive operations on its east side, left littleto be done toward completing the full circuit of it. Between Cape Hicks, in latitude 38°, where his examination of this coast began, and thatpart of Van Diemen's Land, from whence Tasman took his departure, wasnot above fifty-five leagues. It was highly probable, therefore, thatthey were connected; though Captain Cook cautiously says, that _he couldnot determine whether_ his New South Wales, that is, the east coast ofNew Holland, _joins to Van Diemen's Land, or no_. But what was thus leftundetermined by the operations of his first voyage, was, in the courseof his second, soon cleared up; Captain Furneaux, in the Adventure, during his separation from the Resolution (a fortunate separation as itthus turned out) in 1773, having explored Van Diemen's Land, from itssouthern point, along the east coast, far beyond Tasman's station, andon to the latitude 38°, where Captain Cook's examination of it in 1770had commenced. It is no longer, therefore, a doubt, that we have now a full knowledgeof the whole circumference of this vast body of land, this fifth part ofthe world (if I may so speak), which our late voyages have discovered tobe of so amazing a magnitude, that, to use Captain Cook's words, _it isof a larger extent than any other country in the known world, that doesnot bear the name of a continent. [26] [Footnote 26: What the learned editor asserts here, as to the fullknowledge acquired by the voyages to which he alludes, must berestricted, as Captain Flinders very properly remarks, to the generalextent of the vast region explored. It will not apply to the particularformation of its coasts, for this plain reason, that the chartaccompanying the work, of which he was writing the introduction, represents much of the south coast as totally unknown. It is necessaryto mention also, that what he says immediately before, in allusion tothe discoveries made by Captain Furaeaux, must submit to correction. That officer committed some errors, owing, it would appear, to theimperfection of preceding accounts; and he left undetermined theinteresting question as to the existence of a connection betwixt VanDiemen's Land and New South Wales. The opinion which he gave as to thispoint, on very insufficient _data_ certainly, viz. That there is "nostrait between them, but a very deep bay, " has been most satisfactorilydisproved, by the discovery of the extensive passage which bears thename of Flinders's friend, Mr Bass, the enterprising gentleman thataccomplished it. --E. ] 4. Tasman having entered the Pacific Ocean, after leaving Van Diemen'sLand, had fallen in with a coast to which he gave the name of NewZealand. The extent of this coast, and its position in any direction buta part of its west side, which he sailed along in his course northward, being left absolutely unknown, it had been a favourite opinion amongstgeographers, since his time, that New Zealand was a part of a southerncontinent, running north and south, from the 33° to the 64° of southlatitude, and its northern, coast stretching cross the South Pacific toan immense distance, where its eastern boundary had been seen by JuanFernandez, half a century before. Captain Cook's voyage in the Endeavourhas totally destroyed this supposition. Though Tasman must still havethe credit of having first seen New Zealand, to Captain Cook solelybelongs that of having really explored it. He spent near six months uponits coasts in 1769 and 1770, circumnavigated it completely, andascertained its extent and division into two islands. Repeated visitssince that have perfected this important discovery, which, though nowknown to be no part of a southern continent, will probably, in allfuture charts of the world, be distinguished as the largest islands thatexist in that part of the southern hemisphere. 5. Whether New Holland did or did not join to New Guinea, was a questioninvolved in much doubt and uncertainty, before Captain Cook's sailingbetween them, through Endeavour Strait, decided it. We will not hesitateto call this an important acquisition to geography. For though the greatsagacity and extensive reading of Mr Dalrymple had discovered sometraces of such a passage having been found before, yet these traces wereso obscure, and so little known in the present age, that they had notgenerally regulated the construction of our charts; the President deBrosses, who wrote in 1756, and was well versed in geographicalresearches, had not been able to satisfy himself about them; and Mons. De Bougainville, in 1768, who had ventured to fall in with the southcoast of New Guinea, near ninety leagues to the westward of itssouth-east point, chose rather to work those ninety leagues directly towindward, at a time when his people were in such distress for provisionsas to eat the seal-skins from off the yards and rigging, than to runthe risk of finding a passage, of the existence of which he entertainedthe strongest doubts, by persevering in his westerly course. CaptainCook, therefore, in this part of his voyage (though he modestlydisclaims all merit), has established, beyond future controversy, a factof essential service to navigation, by opening, if not a new, at leastan unfrequented and forgotten communication between the South Pacificand Indian Oceans. [27] [Footnote 27: We are indebted to Mr Dalrymple for the recovery of aninteresting document respecting a passage betwixt New Holland and NewGuinea, discovered by Torres, a Spanish navigator, in 1606. It was foundamong the archives of Manilla, when that city was taken by the British, in 1762, being a copy of a letter which Torres addressed to the king ofSpain, giving an account of his discoveries. The Spaniards, as usual, had kept the matter a profound secret, so that the existence of thestrait was generally unknown, till the labours of Captain Cook, in 1770, entitled him to the merit here assigned. Captain Flinders, it must beremembered, is of opinion, that some suspicion of such a strait wasentertained in 1644, when Tasman sailed on his second voyage, but thatthe Dutch, who were then engaged in making discoveries in these regions, were ignorant of its having been passed. Several navigators have sailedthrough Torres's Strait, as it has been justly enough named, since thetime of Cook, and have improved our acquaintance with its geography. Ofthese may be mentioned Lieutenant (afterwards Rear-Admiral) Bligh, in1789; Captain (afterwards Admiral) Edwards, in 1791; Bligh, a secondtime, accompanied by Lieutenant Portlock, in 1792; Messrs Bampton andAlt, in 1793; and Captain Flinders, in 1802-3. The labours of thelast-mentioned gentleman in this quarter surpass, in utility andinterest, those of his predecessors, and, if he had accomplished nothingelse, would entitle his name to be ranked amongst the benefactors ofgeography. What mind is so insensible as not to regret, that after yearsof hardship and captivity, the very day which presented the public withthe memorial of his services and sufferings, deprived him of thepossibility of reaping their reward?--E. ] 6. One more discovery, for which we are indebted to Captain Carteret, assimilar in some degree to that last mentioned, may properly succeed it, in this enumeration. Dampier, in sailing round what was supposed to bepart of the coast of New Guinea, discovered it to belong to a separateisland, to which he gave the name of New Britain. But that the landwhich he named New Britain should be subdivided again into two separatelarge islands, with many smaller intervening, is a point of geographicalinformation, which, if ever traced by any of the earliest navigators ofthe South Pacific, had not been handed down to the present age: And itshaving been ascertained by Captain Carteret, deserves to be mentioned asa discovery, in the strictest sense of the word; a discovery of theutmost importance to navigation. St George's Channel, through which hisship found a way, between New Britain and New Ireland, from the Pacificinto the Indian Ocean, to use the Captain's own words, "is a much betterand shorter passage, whether from the eastward or westward, than roundall the islands and lands to the northward. "[28] [Footnote 28: The position of the Solomon Islands, Mendana's celebrateddiscovery, will no longer remain a matter in debate amongst geographers, Mr Dalrymple having, on the most satisfactory evidence, proved, thatthey are the cluster of islands which comprises what has since beencalled New Britain, New Ireland, &c. The great light thrown on thatcluster by Captain Carteret's discovery, is a strong confirmation ofthis. --See Mr Dalrymple's Collection of Voyages, vol. I. P. 162-3. --D. ] V. The voyages of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, were principally confinedto a favourite object of discovery in the South Atlantic; and thoughaccessions to geography were procured by them in the South Pacific, theycould do but little toward giving the world a complete view of thecontents of that immense expanse of ocean, through which they only helda direct track, on their way homeward by the East Indies. Cook, indeed, who was appointed to the conduct of the succeeding voyage, had a moreaccurate examination of the South Pacific entrusted to him. But as theimprovement of astronomy went hand in hand, in his instructions, withthat of geography, the Captain's solicitude to arrive at Otaheite timeenough to observe the _transit_ of Venus, put it out of his power todeviate from his direct track, in search of unknown lands that might lieto the south-east of that island. By this unavoidable attention to hisduty, a very considerable part of the South Pacific, and that part wherethe richest mine of discovery was supposed to exist, remained unvisitedand unexplored, during that voyage in the Endeavour. To remedy this, andto clear up a point, which, though many of the learned were confidentof, upon principles of speculative reasoning, and many of the unlearnedadmitted, upon what they thought to be credible testimony, was stillheld to be very problematical; if not absolutely groundless, by otherswho were less sanguine or more incredulous; his majesty, always ready toforward every enquiry that can add to the stock of interesting knowledgein every branch, ordered another expedition to be undertaken. The signalservices performed by Captain Cook, during his first voyage, of which wehave given the outlines, marked him as the fittest person to finish anexamination which he had already so skilfully executed in part. Accordingly, he was sent out in 1772, with two ships, the Resolution andAdventure, upon the most enlarged plan of discovery known in the annalsof navigation. For he was instructed not only to circumnavigate theglobe, but to circumnavigate it in high southern latitudes, making suchtraverses, from time to time, into every corner of the Pacific Ocean notbefore examined, as might finally and effectually resolve themuch-agitated question about the existence of a southern continent, inany part of the southern hemisphere accessible by navigation. The ample accessions to geography, by the discovery of many islandswithin the tropic in the Pacific Ocean, in the course of this voyage, which was carried on with singular perseverance, between three and fouryears, have been already stated to the reader. But the general searchnow made, throughout the whole southern hemisphere, as being theprincipal object in view, hath been reserved for this separate article. Here, indeed, we are not to take notice of lands that have beendiscovered, but of seas sailed through, where lands had been supposed toexist. In tracing the route of the Resolution and Adventure, throughoutthe South Atlantic, the South Indian, and the South Pacific Oceans thatenviron the globe, and combining it with the route of the Endeavour, wereceive what may be called ocular demonstration, that Captain Cook, inhis persevering researches, sailed over many an extensive continent, which, though supposed to have been seen by former navigators, at theapproach of his ships, sunk into the bosom of the ocean, and, "like thebaseless fabric of a vision, left not a rack behind. "[29] It has beenurged, that the existence of a southern continent is necessary topreserve an _equilibrium_ between the two hemispheres. But howeverplausible this theory may seem at first sight, experience has abundantlydetected its fallacy. In consequence of Captain Cook's voyage, now underconsideration, we have a thorough knowledge of the state of the southernhemisphere, and can pronounce with certainty, that the _equilibrium_ ofthe globe is effectually preserved, though the proportion of seaactually sailed through, leaves no sufficient space for thecorresponding mass of land; which, on speculative arguments, had beenmaintained to be necessary. [30] [Footnote 29: A very long note in the original is occupied by Mr Wales'sreply to the observations of Monsieur le Monier, in the memoirs of theFrench Academy of Sciences for 1776, respecting what Captain Cookalleged in the account of his second voyage, of the non-existence ofCape Circumcision, said to have been discovered by Bouvet in 1738. Asthe subject, though exceedingly well treated by Mr Wales, is in itselfof scarce any importance, and has long lost interest among scientificenquirers, who rest perfectly content with Captain Cook's examination, there appeared no inducement whatever to retain the note. The reader, itis confidently presumed, will be satisfied with what was said of it inthe account of the former voyage. --E. ] [Footnote 30: The judgment of the ingenious author of _Recherches surAméricains_, on this question, seems to be very deserving of a placehere: "Qu'on calcule, comme on voudra, on sera toujours contraintd'avouer, qu'il y a une plus grande portion de continent située dans lalatitude septentrionale, que dans la latitude australe. "C'est fort mal à-propos, qu'on a soutenu que cette répartition inégalene sauroit exister, sous prétexte que le globe perdroit son équilibre, faute d'un contrepoids suffisant au pole méridionale. Il est vrai qu'unpied cube d'eau salée ne pese pas autant qu'un pied cube de terre; maison auroit dû réfléchir, qu'il peut y avoir sous l'ocean des lits & descouches de matières, dont la pésanteur spécifique varie à l'infini, &que le peu de profondeur d'une mer, versée sur une grande surface, contrebalance les endroits où il y a moins de mer, mais où elle est plusprofonde. "--_Recherches Philosophiques_, tom. Ii, p. 375. --D. We offered some observations on this topic in the preceding volume, andneed scarcely resume it, as it cannot be imagined that any of ourreaders still entertain the belief of the necessity for such anequilibrium. The object in again alluding to it, is to call attention tosome observations of another kind, which Mr Jones has hazarded in one ofhis Physiological Disquisitions. According to him, no such thing as asouthern counterpoise ought to have been expected, for it seems to bethe constitution of our globe, that land and water are contrasted toeach other on its opposite sides. "If, " says he, "you bring the meridianof the Cape of Good Hope under the brazen circle, or universal meridianof a terrestrial globe, observing that this meridian passes through theheart of the continents of Europe and Africa, you will find that theopposite part of the meridian passes through the middle of the great, south sea. When the middle of the northern continent of America, aboutthe meridian of Mexico, is examined in the same way, the opposite partpasses very exactly through the middle of the Indian ocean. The southerncontinent of America is opposed by that eastern sea which contains theEast India islands. The southern continent of New Holland is opposite tothe Atlantic ocean. This alternation, if I may so call it, between theland and sea, is too regular to have been casual; and if the face of theearth was so laid out by design, it was for some good reason. But whatthat reason may be, it will be difficult to shew. Perhaps thisdisposition may be of service to keep up a proper balance; or, it mayassist toward the diurnal rotation of the earth, the free motions of thetides, &c. ; or the water on one side may give a freer passage to therays of the sun, and being convex and transparent, may concentrate, orat least condense, the solar rays internally, for some benefit to theland that lies on the other side. "--This sort of reasoning, from ourignorance, is no doubt liable to objection, and Mr Jones had good senseand candour enough to admit, that the questions were too abstruse forhim to determine. The proper part, indeed, for man to act; is toinvestigate what Nature has done, not to dogmatize as to the reasons forher conduct--to ascertain facts, not to substitute conjectures in placeof them. But it is allowable for us, when we have done our best incollecting and examining phenomena, to arrange them together accordingto any plausible theory which our judgments can suggest. Still, however, we ought to remember, that the most obviously imperative dictates of ourreasoning faculties are only inferences from present appearances, anddetermine nothing as to the necessity of existing things. --E. ] If former navigators have added more land to the known globe thanCaptain Cook, to him, at least, was reserved the honour of beingforemost in disclosing to us the extent of sea that covers its surface. His own summary view of the transactions of this voyage, will be aproper conclusion to these remarks: "I had now made the circuit of thesouthern ocean in a high latitude, and traversed it in such a manner asto leave not the least room for there being a continent, unless near thePole, and out of the reach of navigation. By twice visiting the TropicalSea, I had not only settled the situation of some old discoveries, butmade there many new ones, and left, I conceive, very little to be done, even in that part. Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of thevoyage has, in every respect, been fully answered; the southernhemisphere sufficiently explored; and a final end put to the searchingafter a southern continent, which has, at times, engrossed the attentionof some of the maritime powers for near two centuries past, and been afavourite theory amongst the geographers of all ages. "[31] [Footnote 31: Cook's second Voyage. ] Thus far, therefore, the voyages to disclose new tracks of navigation, and to reform old defects in geography, appear to have been prosecutedwith a satisfactory share of success. A perusal of the foregoing summaryof what had been done, will enable every one to judge what was stillwanting to complete the great plan of discovery. The southern hemispherehad, indeed, been repeatedly visited, and its utmost accessibleextremities been surveyed. But much uncertainty, and, of course, greatvariety of opinion, subsisted, as to the navigable extremities of ourown hemisphere; particularly as to the existence, or, at least, as tothe practicability of a northern passage between the Atlantic andPacific Oceans, either by sailing eastward, round Asia, or westward, round North America. It was obvious, that if such a passage could be effected, voyages toJapan and China, and, indeed, to the East Indies in general, would bemuch shortened; and consequently become more profitable, than by makingthe tedious circuit of the Cape of Good Hope. Accordingly, it became afavourite object of the English to effectuate this, above two centuriesago; and (to say nothing of Cabot's original attempt, in 1497, whichended in the discovery of Newfoundland and the Labradore coast) fromFrobisher's first voyage to find a western passage, in 1576, to those ofJames and of Fox, in 1631, repeated trials had been made by ourenterprising adventurers. But though farther knowledge of the northernextent of America was obtained in the course of these voyages, by thediscovery of Hudson's and Baffin's Bays, the wished-for passage, on thatside, into the Pacific Ocean, was still unattained. Our countrymen, andthe Dutch, were equally unsuccessful, in various attempts, to find thispassage in an eastern direction. Wood's failure, in 1676, seems to haveclosed the long list of unfortunate northern expeditions in thatcentury; and the discovery, if not absolutely despaired of, by havingbeen so often missed, ceased, for many years, to be sought for. Mr Dobbs, a warm advocate for the probability of a north-west passagethrough Hudson's Bay, in our own time, once more recalled the attentionof this country to that undertaking; and, by his active zeal, andpersevering solicitation, renewed the spirit of discovery. But it wasrenewed in vain. For Captain Middleton, sent out by government in 1741, and Captains Smith and Moore, by a private society, in 1746, thoughencouraged by an act of parliament passed in the preceding year, thatannexed a reward of twenty thousand pounds to the discovery of apassage, returned from Hudson's Bay with reports of their proceedings, that left the accomplishment of this favourite object at as great adistance as ever. When researches of this kind, no longer left to the solicitation of anindividual, or to the subscriptions of private adventurers, becamecherished by the royal attention, in the present reign, and warmlypromoted by the minister at the head of the naval department, it wasimpossible, while so much was done toward exploring the remotest cornersof the southern hemisphere, that the northern passage should not beattempted. Accordingly, while Captain Cook was prosecuting his voyagetoward the South Pole in 1773, Lord Mulgrave sailed with two ships, _todetermine how far navigation was practicable toward the North Pole_. Andthough his lordship met with the same insuperable bar to his progresswhich former navigators had experienced, the hopes of opening acommunication between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans by a northerlycourse, were not abandoned; and a voyage for that purpose was ordered tobe undertaken. [32] [Footnote 32: Dr Douglas refers to the introduction to Lord Mulgrave'sJournal for a history of former attempts to sail toward the North Pole;and to Barrington's Miscellanies for several instances of ships reachingvery high north latitudes. --E. ] The operations proposed to be pursued were so new, so extensive, and sovarious, that the skill and experience of Captain Cook, it was thought, would be requisite to conduct them. Without being liable to any chargeof want of zeal for the public service, he might have passed the rest ofhis days in the command to which he had been appointed in GreenwichHospital, there to enjoy the fame he had dearly earned in twocircumnavigations of the world. But he cheerfully relinquished thishonourable station at home; and, happy that the Earl of Sandwich had notcast his eye upon any other commander, engaged in the conduct of theexpedition, the history of which is now given, an expedition that wouldexpose him to the toils and perils of a third circumnavigation, by atrack hitherto unattempted. [33] Every former navigator round the globehad made his passage home to Europe by the Cape of Good Hope; thearduous task was now assigned to Captain Cook of attempting it, byreaching the high northern latitudes between Asia and America. So thatthe usual plan of discovery was reversed; and, instead of a passage fromthe Atlantic to the Pacific, one from the latter into the former was tobe tried. For it was wisely foreseen, that whatever openings or inletsthere might be on the east side of America, which lie in a directionthat could give any hopes of a passage, the ultimate success of it wouldstill depend upon there being an open sea between the west side of thatcontinent and the extremities of Asia. Captain Cook, therefore, wasordered to proceed into the Pacific Ocean, through the chain of his newislands in the southern tropic; and, having crossed the equator into itsnorthern parts, then to hold such a course as might probably fix manyinteresting points in geography, and produce intermediate discoveries, in his progress northward to the principal scene of his operations. [Footnote 33: It is due to history, and to the character of Cook, tomention a circumstance respecting his appointment to this expedition, which strikingly proves the high opinion entertained of his abilitiesfor it, and, at the same time, his zeal for the promotion of usefuldiscoveries, and the prosperity of his country. This is done from theinformation of Lord Sandwich, as communicated in the memoir of Cookinserted in the Biog. Brit. When the enterprise was determined on, itbecame of extreme consequence to select a proper person to undertake theexecution of it. Captain Cook most naturally obtained this respect; andat once, without the possibility of rivalship, would have been appointedto the command, did not a conviction and feeling of sympathy for hisformer sufferings and important services, restrain his warmest friendsfrom the slightest expression of what they unanimously desired. Concealing, therefore, their opinion, and avoiding every thing of thenature of solicitation, they, nevertheless, thought it advisable toconsult his well-informed judgment relative to the nature of theundertaking, and the person most likely to perform it. For this purpose, Captain Cook, Sir Hugh Palliser, and Mr Stephens, were invited to dinewith Lord Sandwich, when the whole affair was discussed. Therepresentation of its magnitude, and beneficial consequences, roused theenthusiasm of the navigator; and starting up, he declared that hehimself would undertake its accomplishment. This magnanimous resolutionwas joyfully received, and could not fail to produce the most sanguinehopes of at least an honourable, if not a successful, issue. Hisappointment was immediately made out; and it was agreed, that onreturning to England, he should have his situation at Greenwichrestored. --E. ] But the plan of the voyage, and the various objects it embraced, willbest appear from the instructions under which Captain Cook sailed; andthe insertion of them here, will convey such authentic information asmay enable the reader to judge with precision how far they have beencarried into execution. * * * * * By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral ofGreat Britain and Ireland, &c. _Secret Instructions for Captain James Cook, Commander of his Majesty'sSloop the Resolution_. Whereas the Earl of Sandwich has signified to us his majesty's pleasure, that an attempt should be made to find out a northern passage by seafrom the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and whereas we have, inpursuance thereof, caused his majesty's sloops Resolution and Discoveryto be fitted, in all respects, proper to proceed upon a voyage for thepurpose above-mentioned, and, from the experience we have had of yourabilities and good conduct in your late voyages, have thought fit toentrust you with the conduct of the present intended voyage, and withthat view appointed you to command the first-mentioned sloop, anddirected Captain Clerke, who commands the other, to follow your ordersfor his further proceedings. You are hereby required and directed toproceed with the said two sloops directly to the Cape of Good Hope, unless you shall judge it necessary to stop at Madeira, the Cape de Verdor Canary Islands, to take in wine for the use of their companies; inwhich case you are at liberty to do so, taking care to remain there nolonger than may be necessary for that purpose. On your arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, you are to refresh the sloops'companies, and to cause the sloops to be supplied with as muchprovisions and water as they can conveniently stow. You are, if possible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end ofOctober, or the beginning of November next, and proceed to thesouthward, in search of some islands said to have been lately seen bythe French, in the latitude 48° 0' S. , and about the meridian ofMauritius. In case you find those islands, you are to examine themthoroughly for a good harbour; and, upon discovering one, make thenecessary observations to facilitate the finding it again, as a goodport, in that situation, may hereafter prove very useful, although itshould afford little or nothing more than shelter, wood, and water. Youare not, however, to spend too much time in looking out for thoseislands, or in the examination of them, if found, but proceed toOtaheite, or the Society Isles, (touching at New Zealand in your waythither, if you should judge it necessary and convenient, ) and takingcare to arrive there time enough to admit of your giving the sloops'companies the refreshment they may stand in need of, before youprosecute the farther object of these instructions. Upon your arrival at Otaheite, or the Society Isles, you are to landOmiah at such of them as he may choose, and to leave him there. You are to distribute among the chiefs of those islands such part of thepresents with which you have been supplied, as you shall judge proper, reserving the remainder to distribute among the natives of the countriesyou may discover in the northern hemisphere. And having refreshed thepeople belonging to the sloops under your command, and taken on boardsuch wood and water as they may respectively stand in need of, you areto leave those islands in the beginning of February, or sooner if youshall judge it necessary, and then proceed in as direct a course as youcan to the coast of New Albion, endeavouring to fall in with it in thelatitude of 45° 0' N. ; and taking care, in your way thither, not to loseany time in search of new lands, or to stop at any you may fall in with, unless you find it necessary to recruit your wood and water. You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch uponany part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident; in which case youare to stay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and tobe very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of theinhabitants or subjects of his catholic majesty. And if, in your fartherprogress to the northward, as hereafter directed, you find any subjectsof any European prince or state upon any part of the coast you may thinkproper to visit, you are not to disturb them, or give them any justcause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility andfriendship. Upon your arrival on the coast of New Albion, you are to put into thefirst convenient port to recruit your wood and water, and procurerefreshments, and then to proceed northward along the coast as far asthe latitude of 65°, or farther, if you are not obstructed by lands orice, taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, orupon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitudeof 65°, where we could wish you to arrive in the month of June next. When you get that length, you are carefully to search for, and toexplore, such rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a considerableextent, and pointing towards Hudson's or Baffin's Bays; and if, fromyour own observations, or from any information you may receive from thenatives, (who, there is reason to believe, are the same race of people, and speak the same language, of which you are furnished with avocabulary, as the Esquimaux, ) there shall appear to be a certainty, oreven a probability, of a water passage into the afore-mentioned bays, oreither of them, you are, in such case, to use your utmost endeavours topass through with one or both of the sloops, unless you shall be ofopinion that the passage may be effected with more certainty, or withgreater probability, by smaller vessels; in which case you are to set upthe frames of one or both the small vessels with which you areprovided, and, when they are put together, and are properly fitted, stored, and victualled, you are to dispatch one or both of them, underthe care of proper officers, with a sufficient number of petty officers, men, and boats, in order to attempt the said passage, with suchinstructions for their rejoining you, if they should fail, or for theirfarther proceedings, if they should succeed in the attempt, as you shalljudge most proper. But, nevertheless, if you shall find it more eligibleto pursue any other measures than those above pointed out, in order tomake a discovery of the beforementioned passage, (if any such there be, )you are at liberty, and we leave it to your discretion, to pursue suchmeasures accordingly. In case you shall be satisfied that there is no passage through to theabove-mentioned bays, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, youare, at the proper season of the year, to repair to the port of St Peterand St Paul in Kamtschatka, or wherever else you shall judge moreproper, in order to refresh your people and pass the winter; and, in thespring of the ensuing year 1778 to proceed from thence to the northward, as far as, in your prudence, you may think proper, in further search ofa N. E. Or N. W. Passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic Ocean, or the North Sea; and if, from your own observation, or any informationyou may receive, there shall appear to be a probability of such apassage, you are to proceed as above directed: and having discoveredsuch passage, or failed in the attempt, make the best of your way backto England, by such route as you may think best for the improvement ofgeography and navigation, repairing to Spithead with both sloops, wherethey are to remain till further order. At whatever places you may touch in the course of your voyage, whereaccurate observations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not alreadybeen made, you are, as far as your time will allow, very carefully toobserve the true situation of such places, both in latitude andlongitude; the variation of the needle; bearings of head-lands; height, direction, and course of the tides and currents; depths and soundings ofthe sea; shoals, rocks, &c. ; and also to survey, make charts, and takeviews of such bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast, and tomake such notations thereon as may be useful either to navigation orcommerce. You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil, andthe produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it;the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and inwhat plenty; and, in case there are any peculiar to such places, todescribe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them, asyou can; and, if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, orany extraneous fossils, you are to bring home specimens of each, as alsoof the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, and grains, peculiarto those places, as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them toour secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made ofthem. Yon are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition, andnumber of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any; and toendeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship with them, making them presents of such trinkets as you may have on board, and theymay like best, inviting them to traffic, and shewing them every kind ofcivility and regard; but taking care, nevertheless, not to sufferyourself to be surprised by them, but to be always on your guard againstany accidents. You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession, inthe name of the King of Great Britain, of convenient situations in suchcountries as you may discover, that have not already been discovered orvisited by any other European power, and to distribute among theinhabitants such things as will remain as traces and testimonies of yourhaving been there; but if you find the countries so discovered areuninhabited, you are to take possession of them for his majesty, bysetting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers andpossessors. But forasmuch as, in undertakings of this nature, several emergenciesmay arise not to be foreseen, and therefore not particularly to beprovided for by instructions before-hand, you are, in all such cases, toproceed as you shall judge most advantageous to the service on which youare employed. You are, by all opportunities, to send to our secretary, for ourinformation, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the surveys anddrawings you shall have made; and upon your arrival in England, you areimmediately to repair to this office, in order to lay before us a fullaccount of your proceedings in the whole course of your voyage, takingcare, before you leave the sloop, to demand from the officers and pettyofficers the log-books and journals they may have kept, and to sealthem up for inspection; and enjoining them, and the whole crew, not todivulge where they have been, until they shall have permission so to do:And you are to direct Captain Clerke to do the same, with respect to theofficers, petty officers, and crew of the Discovery. If any accident should happen to the Resolution in the course of thevoyage, so as to disable her from proceeding any farther, you are, insuch case, to remove yourself and her crew into the Discovery, and toprosecute your voyage in her; her commander being hereby strictlyrequired to receive you on board, and to obey your orders, the same, inevery respect, as when you were actually on board the Resolution. And, in case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry theseinstructions into execution, you are to be careful to leave them withthe next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them inthe best manner he can. Given under our hands the 6th day of July, 1776, SANDWICH, C. SPENCER, H. PALLISER. By command of their lordships, PH. STEPHENS. * * * * * Besides ordering Captain Cook to sail on this important voyage, government, in earnest about the object of it, adopted a measure, which, while it could not but have a powerful operation on the crews of theResolution and Discovery, by adding the motives of interest to theobligations of duty, at the same time encouraged all his majesty'ssubjects to engage in attempts toward the proposed discovery. By the actof parliament, passed in 1745, [34] a reward of twenty thousand poundshad been held out. But it had been held out only to the ships belongingto any of his majesty's subjects, exclusive of his majesty's own ships. The act had a still more capital defect. It held out this reward only tosuch ships as should discover a passage through Hudson's Bay; and, as weshall soon take occasion to explain, it was, by this time, prettycertain that no such passage existed within those limits. Effectual carewas taken to remedy both these defects by passing a new law; which, after reciting the provisions of the former, proceeds as follows:--"Andwhereas many advantages, both to commerce and science, may be alsoexpected from the discovery of any northern passage for vessels by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, be it enacted, That if any shipbelonging to any of his majesty's subjects, or to his majesty, shallfind out, and sail through, any passage by sea between the Atlantic andPacific Oceans, in any direction, or parallel of the northernhemisphere, to the northward of the 52° of northern latitude, the ownersof such ships, if belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, or thecommander, officers, and seamen of such ship belonging to his majesty, shall receive, as a reward for such discovery, the sum of twentythousand pounds. [Footnote 34: See the Statutes at Large, 18 George II. Chap. 17. ] "And whereas ships employed, both in the Spitzbergen Seas, and inDavis's Straits, have frequent opportunities of approaching the NorthPole, though they have not time, during the course of one summer, topenetrate into the Pacific Ocean; and whereas such approaches maygreatly tend to the discovery of a communication between the Atlanticand Pacific Oceans, as well as be attended with many advantages tocommerce and science, &c. Be it enacted, That if any ship shall approachto within 1° of the North Pole, the owner, &c. Or commander, &c. Soapproaching, shall receive, as a reward for such first approach, the sumof five thousand pounds. "[35] [Footnote 35: See the Statutes at Large, 1776, 16 George III. Chap. 6. ] That nothing might be omitted that could facilitate the success ofCaptain Cook's expedition, some time before he sailed, in the beginningof the summer of 1776, Lieutenant Pickersgill, appointed commander ofhis majesty's armed brig the Lion, was ordered "to proceed to Davis'sStraits, for the protection of the British whale fishers;" and thatfirst object being secured, "he was then required and directed toproceed up Baffin's Bay, and explore the coasts thereof, as far as inhis judgment the same could be done without apparent risk, taking careto leave the above-mentioned bay so timely as to secure his return toEngland in the fall of the year;" and it was farther enjoined to him, "to make nautical remarks of every kind, and to employ Mr Lane (masterof the vessel under his command) in surveying, making charts, and takingviews of the several bays, harbours, and different parts of the coastwhich he might visit, and in making such notations thereon as might beuseful to geography and navigation. "[36] [Footnote 36: From his MS. Instructions, dated May 14, 1776. ] Pickersgill, we see, was not to attempt the discovery of the passage. Hewas directed to explore the coasts of Baffin's Bay, only to enable himto bring back, the same year, some information, which might be an usefuldirection toward planning an intended voyage into that bay the ensuingsummer, to try for the discovery of a passage on that side, with a viewto co-operate with Captain Cook; who, it was supposed, (from the tenorof his instructions, ) would be trying for this passage, about the sametime, from the opposite side of America. Pickersgill, obeying his instructions, at least in this instance, didreturn that year, but there were sufficient reasons for not sending himout again, and the command of the next expedition into Baffin's Bay wasconferred on Lieutenant Young; whose instructions, having an immediateconnection with our voyage, are here inserted. * * * * * _Extract of Instructions to Lieutenant Young, commanding the Lion ArmedVessel, dated 13th March, 1777_. Resolution. } Whereas, in pursuance of the king's pleasure, Discovery } signified to us by the Earl of Sandwich, hismajesty's sloops named in the margin have been sent out under thecommand of Captain Cook, in order, during this and the ensuing year, toattempt a discovery of a northern passage, by sea, from the Pacific tothe Atlantic ocean; and, for that purpose, to run up as high as thelatitude of 65° N. , where it is hoped he will be able to arrive in themonth of June next; and there, and as much further to the northward asin his prudence he shall think proper, very carefully to search for andexplore such rivers, or inlets, as may appear to be of a considerableextent, and pointing to Hudson's or Baffin's Bays, or the north sea;and, upon finding any passage through, sufficient for the purposes ofnavigation, to attempt such passage with one or both of the sloops; or, if they are judged to be too large, with smaller vessels, the frames ofwhich have been sent out with him for that purpose: And whereas, inpursuance of his majesty's further pleasure, signified as aforesaid, thearmed vessel under your command hath been fitted in order to proceed toBaffin's Bay, with a view to explore the western parts thereof, and toendeavour to find a passage on that side, from the Atlantic to thePacific ocean, and we have thought fit to intrust you with the conductof that voyage; you are therefore hereby required and directed to put tosea in the said armed vessel, without a moment's loss of time, and makethe best of your way into Baffin's Bay, and to use your best endeavoursto explore the western shores thereof, as far as in your judgment thesame can be done, without apparent risk, and to examine suchconsiderable rivers or inlets as you may discover; and in case you findany, through which there may be a probability of passing into thePacific ocean, you are to attempt such passage; and if you succeed inthe attempt, and shall be able to repass it again, so as to return toEngland this year, you are to make the best of your way to Spithead, orthe Nore, and remain there until you receive further order; sending usan account of your arrival and proceedings. But if you shall succeed inthe attempt, and shall find the season too far advanced for you toreturn the same way, you are then to look out for the most convenientplace to winter in, and to endeavour to return by the said passage asearly in the next year as the season will admit, and then to make thebest of your way to England, as above directed. In case, however, you should not find, or should be satisfied there isnot any probability of finding any such passage, or, finding it, youshould not be able to get through in the vessel you command, you arethen to return to England, as before-mentioned, unless you shall findany branch of the sea leading to the westward which you shall judgelikely to afford a communication between the Atlantic and Pacificoceans, and which you shall not be able to explore in the course of thisyear, it being, in that case, left to your discretion to stay the winterin the most commodious situation you can find, in order to pursue thediscovery next year, if you shall find it advisable so to do; and, having discovered such passage, or not succeeded in the attempt, you areto make the best of your way to England, as above directed. * * * * * It was natural to hope, that something would have been done in one orother, or in both these voyages of the Lion, that might have opened ourviews with regard to the practicability of a passage from this side ofAmerica. But, unfortunately, the execution did not answer theexpectations conceived. Pickersgill, who had acquired professionalexperience when acting under Captain Cook, justly merited the censure hereceived, for improper behaviour when intrusted with command in Davis'sStrait; and the talents of Young, as it afterward appeared, were moreadapted to contribute to the glory of a victory, as commander of a lineof battle-ship, than to add to geographical discoveries, by encounteringmountains of ice, and exploring unknown coasts. [37] [Footnote 37: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. Lxviii. P, 1057, we have the track of Pickersgill's voyage, which, probably, may be ofuse to our Greenland ships, as it contains many observations for fixingthe longitude and latitude of the coasts in Davis's Strait. But itappears that he never entered Baffin's Bay, the highest northernlatitude to which he advanced being 68° 14'. As to Young's proceedings, having failed absolutely in making any discovery, it is of lessconsequence, that no communication of his journal could beprocured. --D. ] Both Pickersgill and Young having been ordered to proceed into Baffin'sBay; and Captain Cook being directed not to begin his search till heshould arrive in the latitude of 65°, it may not be improper to saysomething here of the reasons which weighed with those who planned thevoyages, and framed the instructions, to carry their views so farnorthward, as the proper situation, where the passage, if it existed atall, was likely to be attempted with success. It may be asked, why wasHudson's Bay neglected on our side of America; and why was not CaptainCook ordered to begin his search on its opposite side, in much lowerlatitudes? particularly, why not explore the strait leading into thewestern sea of John de Fuca, between the latitudes of 47° and 48°; theArchipelago of St Lazarus of Admiral de Fonte, between 50° and 55°; andthe rivers and lakes through which he found a passage north-eastward, till he met with a ship from Boston? As to the pretended discoveries of de Fuca, the Greek pilot, or of deFonte, the Spanish admiral, though they have sometimes found their wayinto fictitious maps, or have been warmly contended for by the espousersof fanciful systems, to have directed Captain Cook to spend any time intracing them, would have been as wise a measure as if he had beendirected to trace the situation of Lilliput or Brobdignag. The latterare, indeed, confessedly, mere objects of imagination; and the former, destitute of any sufficient external evidence, bear so many strikingmarks of internal absurdity, as warrant our pronouncing them to be thefabric of imposture. Captain Cook's instructions were founded on anaccurate knowledge of what had been already done, and of what stillremained to do; and this knowledge pointed out the inutility ofbeginning his search for a passage till his arrival in the latitude of65°. Of this every fair and capable enquirer will be abundantlyconvinced, by an attention to the following particulars: Middleton, who commanded the expedition in 1741 and 1742, into Hudson'sBay, had proceeded farther north than any of his predecessors in thatnavigation. But though, from his former acquaintance with that bay, towhich he had frequently sailed in the service of the company, he hadentertained hopes of finding out a passage through it into the PacificOcean, the observations which he was now enabled to make, induced him tochange his opinion; and, on his return to England, he made anunfavourable report. Mr Dobbs, the patron of the enterprise, did notacquiesce in this; and, fortified in his original idea of thepracticability of the passage, by the testimony of some of Middleton'sofficers, he appealed to the public, accusing him of havingmisrepresented facts, and of having, from interested motives, in concertwith the Hudson's Bay Company, decided against the practicability of thepassage, though the discoveries of his own voyage had put it within hisreach. He had, between the latitude of 65° and 66°, found a very considerableinlet running westward, into which he entered with his ships; and, "after repeated trials of the tides, and endeavours to discover thenature and course of the opening, for three weeks successively, he foundthe flood constantly to come from the eastward, and that it was a largeriver he had got into, " to which he gave the name of Wager River. "[38] [Footnote 38: See the Abstract of his Journal, published by Mr Dobbs. ] The accuracy, or rather the fidelity, of this report, was denied by MrDobbs, who contended that this opening _is a strait, and not afresh-water river_; and that Middleton, if he had examined it properly, would have found a passage through it to the western American Ocean. Thefailure of this voyage, therefore, only served to furnish our zealousadvocate for the discovery, with new arguments for attempting it oncemore; and he had the good fortune, after getting the reward of twentythousand pounds established by act of parliament, to prevail upon asociety of gentlemen and merchants to fit out the Dobbs and California;which ships, it was hoped, would be able to find their way into thePacific Ocean, by the very opening which Middleton's Voyage had pointedout, and which he was believed to have misrepresented. This renovation of hope only produced fresh disappointment For it iswell known, that the voyage of the Dobbs and California, instead ofconfuting, strongly confirmed all that Middleton had asserted. Thesupposed strait was found to be nothing more than a fresh-water river, and its utmost western navigable boundaries were now ascertained, byaccurate examination. But though Wager's Strait had thus disappointedour hopes, as had also done Rankin's Inlet, which was now found to be aclose bay; and though other arguments, founded on the supposed course ofthe tides in Hudson's Bay, appeared to be groundless, such is ourattachment to an opinion once adopted, that, even after the unsuccessfulissue of the voyage of the Dobbs and California, a passage through someother place in that bay was, by many, considered as attainable; and, particularly, Chesterfield's (formerly: called Bowden's) Inlet, lyingbetween latitude 65° and 64°, succeeded Wager's Strait, in the sanguineexpectations of those who remained unconvinced by formerdisappointments. Mr Ellis, who was on board the Dobbs, and who wrote thehistory of the voyage, holds up this, as one of the places where thepassage may be sought for, upon very rational grounds, and with verygood effects. [39] He also mentions Repulse Bay, nearly in latitude 67°;but as to this he speaks less confidently; only saying, that by anattempt there, we might probably approach nearer to the discovery. [40]He had good reason for thus guarding his expression; for the committee, who directed this voyage, admitting the impracticability of effecting apassage at Repulse Bay, had refused allowing the ships to go into it, being satisfied as to that place. [41] [Footnote 39: Ellis's Voyage, p. 328. ] [Footnote 40: Ibid, p. 330. ] [Footnote 41: Account of the voyage, by the clerk of the California, vol. Ii. P. 273. Mr Dobbs himself says, "That he thought the passagewould be impracticable, or, at least, very difficult, in case there wasone farther north than 67°. "--_Account of Hudson's Bay_, p. 99. --D. ] Setting Repulse Bay, therefore, aside, within which we have no reasonfor believing that any inlet exists, there did not remain any part ofHudson's Bay to be searched, but Chesterfield's Inlet, and a small tractof coast between the latitude 62°, and what is called the South Point ofMain, which had been left unexplored by the Dobbs and California. But this last gleam of hope has now disappeared. The aversion of theHudson's Bay Company to contribute any thing to the discovery of anorth-west passage had been loudly reported by Mr Dobbs; and the publicseemed to believe that the charge was well founded. But still, injustice to them, it must be allowed, that in 1720, they had sent MessrsKnight and Barlow, in a sloop on this very discovery; but theseunfortunate people were never more heard of. Mr Scroggs, who sailed insearch of them, in 1722, only brought back proofs of their shipwreck, but no fresh intelligence about a passage, which he was also to lookfor. They also sent a sloop, and a shallop, to try for this discovery, in 1787; but to no purpose. If obstructions were thrown in the way ofCaptain Middleton, and of the commanders of the Dobbs and California, the governor and committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, since that time, we must acknowledge, have made amends for the narrow prejudices, oftheir predecessors; and we have it in our power to appeal to facts, which abundantly testify, that every thing has been done by them, thatcould be required by the public, toward perfecting the search for anorth-west passage. In the year 1761, Captain Christopher sailed from Fort Churchill, in thesloop Churchill; and his voyage was not quite fruitless; for he sailedup Chesterfield's Inlet, through which a passage had, by Mr Ellis'saccount of it, been so generally expected. But when the water turnedbrackish, which marked that he was not in a strait, but in a river, hereturned. To leave no room for a variety of opinion, however, he was ordered torepeat the voyage the ensuing summer, in the same sloop, and Mr Norton, in a cutter, was appointed to attend him. By the favour of the governorand committee of the company, the journals of Captain Christopher, andof Mr Norton, and Captain Christopher's chart of the inlet, have beenreadily communicated. From these authentic documents, it appears thatthe search and examination of Chesterfield's Inlet was now completed. Itwas found to end in a fresh-water lake, at the distance of about onehundred and seventy miles from the sea. This lake was found also to beabout twenty-one leagues long, and from five to ten broad, and to becompletely closed up on every side, except to the west, where there wasa little rivulet; to survey the state of which, Mr Norton and the crewof the cutter having landed, and marched up the country, saw that itsoon terminated in three falls, one above another, and not water for asmall boat over them; and ridges, mostly dry from side to side, forfive, or six miles higher. Thus ends Chesterfield's Inlet, and all Mr Ellis's expectations of apassage through it to the western ocean. The other parts of the coast, from latitude 62°, to the South Point of Main, within which limits hopeswere also entertained of finding a passage, have, of late years, beenthoroughly explored. It is here that Pistol Bay is situated; which theauthor who has writ last in this country, on the probability of anorth-west passage, [42] speaks of as the only remaining part of Hudson'sBay where this western communication may exist. But this has been alsoexamined; and, on the authority of Captain Christopher, we can assurethe reader, that there is no inlet of any consequence in all that partof the coast. Nay, he has, in an open boat, sailed round the bottom ofwhat is called Pistol Bay, and, in stead of a passage to a western sea, found it does not run above three or four miles inland. [Footnote 42: Printed for Jeffreys, in 1768. His words are, "Thereremains then to be searched for the discovery of a passage, the openingcalled Pistol Bay, in Hudson's Bay, " p. 122--D] Besides these voyages by sea, which satisfy us that we must not look fora passage to the south of 67° of latitude, we are indebted to theHudson's Bay Company for a journey by land, which has thrown muchadditional light on this matter, by affording what may be calleddemonstration, how much farther north, at least in some part of theirvoyage, ships must hold their course, before they can pass from one sideof America to the other. The northern Indians, who come down to thecompany's forts for trade, had brought to the knowledge of our people, the existence of a river, which, from copper abounding near it, had gotthe name of the Copper-mine River. We read much about this river in MrDobbs's publications, and he considers the Indian accounts of it asfavourable to his system. The company being desirous of examining thematter with precision, instructed their governor of Prince of Wales'sFort, to send a proper person to travel by land, under the escort ofsome trusty northern Indians, with orders to proceed to this famousriver, to take an accurate survey of its course, and to trace it to thesea, into which it empties itself. Mr Hearne, a young gentleman in theirservice, who, having been an officer in the navy, was well qualified tomake observations for fixing the longitude and latitude, and makedrawings of the country he should pass through, and of the river whichhe was to examine, was appointed for this service. Accordingly, he set out from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill River, in latitude 58° 50', on the 7th of December, 1770; and the whole of hisproceedings, from time to time, are faithfully preserved in his journal. The publication of this is an acceptable present to the world, as itdraws a plain artless picture of the savage modes of life, the scantymeans of subsistence, and indeed of the singular wretchedness, in everyrespect, of the various tribes, who, without fixed habitations, passtheir miserable lives, roving throughout the dreary deserts, and overthe frozen lakes of the immense tract of continent through which MrHearne passed, and which he may be said to have added to the geographyof the globe. His general course was to the northwest. In the month ofJune 1771, being then at a place called _Conge catha wha Chaga_, he had, to use his own words, two good observations, both by meridian and doublealtitudes, the mean of which determines this place to be in latitude 66°46' N. , and, by account, in longitude 24° 2' W. Of Churchill River. Onthe 13th of July (having left _Conge catha wha Chaga_ on the 3d, andtravelling still to the west of north) he reached the Copper-mine River;and was not a little surprised to find it differ so much from thedescriptions given of it by the natives at the fort; for, instead ofbeing likely to be navigable for a ship, it is, at this part, scarcelynavigable for an Indian canoe; three falls being in sight, at one view, and being choaked up with shoals and stony ridges. Here Mr Hearne began his survey of the river. This he continued till hearrived at its mouth, near which his northern Indians massacredtwenty-one Esquimaux, whom they surprised in their tents. We shall giveMr Hearne's account of his arrival at the sea, in his own words: "Afterthe Indians had plundered the tents of the Esquimaux of all the copper, &c. They were then again ready to assist me in making an end to thesurvey; the sea then in sight from the N. W. By W. To the N. E. , distantabout eight miles. It was then about five in the morning of the 17th, when I again proceeded to survey the river to the mouth, still found, inevery respect, no ways likely, or a possibility of being made navigable, being full of shoals and falls; and, at the entrance, the river emptyingitself over a dry flat of the shore. For the tide was then out, andseemed, by the edges of the ice, to flow about twelve or fourteen feet, which will only reach a little within the river's mouth. That being thecase, the water in the river had not the least brackish taste. But I amsure of its being the sea, or some part thereof, by the quantity ofwhale-bone and seal-skins the Esquimaux had at their tents; as also thenumber of seals which I saw upon the ice. The sea, at the river's mouth, was full of islands and shoals, as far as I could see, by the assistanceof a pocket-telescope; and the ice was not yet broken up, only thawedaway about three quarters of a mile from the snore, and a little wayround the islands and shoals. "By the time I had completed this survey, it was about one in themorning of the 18th; but in these high latitudes, and this time of theyear, the sun is always a good height above the horizon. It then came ona thick drizzling rain, with a thick fog; and, as finding the river andsea, in every respect, not likely to be of any utility, I did not thinkit worth while to wait for fair weather, to determine the latitudeexactly by an observation. But, by the extraordinary care I took inobserving the courses and distances, walked from _Conge catha whaChaga_, where I had two good observations, the latitude may be dependedon, within twenty miles at farthest. " From the map which Mr Hearne constructed of the country through which hepassed, in this singular journey, it appears that the mouth of theCopper-mine River lies in the latitude 72°, and above 25° west longitudefrom the fort, from whence he took his departure. [43] [Footnote 43: Mr Hearne's journey, back from the Copper-mine River, toFort Prince of Wales, lasted till June 30, 1772. From his first settingout till his return, he had employed near a year and seven months. Theunparalleled hardships he suffered, and the essential service heperformed, met with a suitable reward from his masters, and he was madegovernor of Fort Prince of Wales, where he was taken prisoner by theFrench in 1782; but soon afterwards returned to his station. "--D. This opportunity is taken to mention, that Mr Arrowsmith lays downCopper-mine River in longitude 113°, and not in 120°, according to MrHearne. In the opinion of Mr H. This river flows into an inland sea. Bethis as it may, the result of his discoveries is unfavourable to thesupposition of there being a north-west passage, Mr Hearne's journal wasnot published till 1795, considerably after the date of Dr Douglas'swriting. Some alterations have consequently been made on the text andnotes of that gentleman. --E. ] The consequences resulting from this extensive discovery, are obvious. We now see that the continent of North America stretches from Hudson'sBay so far to the north-west, that Mr Hearne had travelled near thirteenhundred miles before he arrived at the sea. His most western distancefrom the coast of Hudson's Bay was near six hundred miles; and that hisIndian guides were well apprised of a vast tract of continent stretchingfarther on in that direction, is certain from many circumstancesmentioned in his journal. What is now mentioned with regard to the discoveries made by theHudson's Bay Company, was well known to the noble lord who presided atthe Board of Admiralty when this voyage was undertaken; and the intimateconnection of those discoveries with the plan of the voyage, of course, regulated the instructions given to Captain Cook. And now, may we not take it upon us to appeal to every candid andcapable enquirer, whether that part of the instructions which directedthe captain not to lose time, in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon anyother account, till he got into the latitude of 65°, was not framedjudiciously; as there were such indubitable proofs that no passageexisted so far to the south as any part of Hudson's Bay, and that, if apassage could be effected at all, part of it, at least, must betraversed by the ships as far to the northward as the latitude 72°, where Mr Hearne arrived at the sea? We may add, as a farther consideration in support of this article of theinstructions, that Beering's Asiatic discoveries, in 1728, having tracedthat continent to the latitude of 67°, Captain Cook's approach towardthat latitude was to be wished for, that he might be enabled to bringback more authentic information than the world had hitherto obtained, about the relative situation and vicinity of the two continents, whichwas absolutely necessary to be known, before the practicability ofsailing between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, in any northerndirection, could be ascertained. After all, that search, in a lower latitude, which they who give credit(if any such there now be) to the pretended discoveries of De Fonte, affect to wish had been recommended to Captain Cook, has (if that willcure them of their credulity) been satisfactorily made. The Spaniards, roused from their lethargy by our voyages, and having caught a spark ofenterprise from our repeated visits to the Pacific Ocean, have followedus more than once into the line of our discoveries within the southerntropic; and have also fitted out expeditions to explore the Americancontinent to the north of California. It is to be lamented, that thereshould be any reasons why the transactions of those Spanish voyages havenot been fully disclosed, with the same liberal spirit of informationwhich other nations have adopted. But, fortunately, this excessivecaution of the court of Spain has been defeated, at least in oneinstance, by the publication of an authentic journal of their voyage ofdiscovery upon the coast of America, in 1775, for which the world isindebted to the honourable Mr Daines Barrington. This publication, whichconveys some information of real consequence to geography, and hastherefore been referred to more than once in the following work, isparticularly valuable in this respect, that some parts of the coastwhich Captain Cook, in his progress northward, was prevented, byunfavourable winds, from approaching, were seen and examined by theSpanish ships who preceded him; and the perusal of the following extractfrom their journal may be recommended to those (if any such there be)who would represent it as an imperfection in Captain Cook's voyage, thathe had not an opportunity of examining the coast of America, in thelatitude assigned to the discoveries of Admiral Fonte. "We now attemptedto find out the straits of Admiral Fonte, though, as yet, we had notdiscovered the Archipelago of St Lazarus, through which he is said tohave sailed. With this intent, we searched every bay and recess of thecoast, and sailed round every headland, lying-to in the night, that wemight not lose sight of this entrance. After these pains taken, andbeing favoured by a north-west wind, it may be pronounced that no suchstraits are to be found. "[44] [Footnote 44: Journal of a voyage in 1775 by Don Francisco AntonioMaurelle, in Mr Barrington's Miscellanies, p. 508. --D. ] In this journal, the Spaniards boast of "having reached so high alatitude as 58°, beyond what any other navigators had been able toeffect in those seas. "[45] Without diminishing the merit of theirperformance, we may be permitted to say, that it will appear veryinconsiderable indeed, in comparison of what Captain Cook effected, inthe voyage of which an account is given in these volumes. Besidesexploring, the land in the South Indian Ocean, of which Kerguelen, intwo voyages, had been able to obtain but a very imperfect knowledge;adding also many considerable accessions to the geography of theFriendly Islands; and discovering the noble group, now called SandwichIslands, in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean, of which not thefaintest trace can be met with in the account of any former voyage;besides these preliminary discoveries, the reader of the following workwill find, that in one summer, our English navigator discovered a muchlarger proportion of the north-west coast of America than the Spaniards, though settled in the neighbourhood, had, in all their attempts, forabove two hundred years, been able to do; that he has put it beyond alldoubt that Beering and Tscherikoff had really discovered the continentof America in 1741, and has also established the prolongation of thatcontinent westward opposite Kamschatka, which speculative writers, wedded to favourite systems, had affected so much to disbelieve, andwhich, though admitted by Muller, had, since he wrote, been consideredas disproved, by later Russian discoveries;[46] that, besidesascertaining the true position of the western coasts of America, withsome inconsiderable interruptions, from latitude 44° up to beyond thelatitude 70°, he has also ascertained the position of the northeasternextremity of Asia, by confirming Beering's discoveries in 1728, andadding extensive accessions of his own; that he has given us moreauthentic information concerning the islands lying between the twocontinents, than the Kamtschatka traders, ever since Beering firsttaught them to venture on this sea, had been able to procure; that, byfixing the relative situation of Asia and America, and discovering thenarrow bounds of the strait that divides them, he has thrown a blaze oflight upon this important part of the geography of the globe, andsolved the puzzling problem about the peopling of America, by tribesdestitute of the necessary means to attempt long navigations; and, lastly, that, though the principal object of the voyage failed, theworld will be greatly benefited even by the failure, as it has broughtus to the knowledge of the existence of the impediments which futurenavigators may expect to meet with, in attempting to go to the EastIndies through Beering's strait. [47] [Footnote 45: _Ibid_. P. 507. We learn from Maurelle's Journal, thatanother voyage had been some time before performed upon the coast ofAmerica; but the utmost northern progress of it was to latitude55°. --D. ] [Footnote 46: See Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 26, 27, &c. Thefictions of speculative geographers in the southern hemisphere, havebeen continents; in the northern hemisphere, they have been seas. It maybe observed, therefore, that if Captain Cook in his first voyagesannihilated imaginary southern lands, he has made amends for the havock, in his third voyage, by annihilating imaginary northern seas, andfilling up the vast space which had been allotted to them, with thesolid contents of his new discoveries of American land farther west andnorth than had hitherto been traced. --D. ] [Footnote 47: The Russians seem to owe much to England, in mattersrespecting their own possessions. It is singular enough that one of ourcountrymen, Dr Campbell, (see his edition of Harris's voyages, vol. Ii. P. 1021) has preserved many valuable particulars of Beering's firstvoyage, of which Muller himself, the historian of their earlierdiscoveries, makes no mention; that it should be another of ourcountrymen, Mr Coxe, who first published a satisfactory account of theirlater discoveries; and that the King of Great Britain's ships shouldtraverse the globe in 1778, to confirm to the Russian empire thepossession of near thirty degrees, or above six hundred miles, ofcontinent, which Mr Engel, in his zeal for the practicability of anorth-east passage, would prune away from the length of Asia to theeastward. See his _Alanoires Geographiques_, &c. Lausanne 1765; which, however, contains much real information, and many parts of which areconfirmed by Captain Cook's American discoveries. --D. It shews some inconsistency in Captain Krusenstern, that whilst hespeaks of the too successful policy of the commercial nations of Europeto lull Russia into a state of slumber as to her interests, he shouldgive us to understand, that the same effect which Captain Cook's thirdvoyage produced on the speculative and enterprising spirit of Englishmerchants, had been occasioned among his countrymen forty years sooner, by the discovery of the Aleutic islands and the north-west coast ofAmerica. But, in fact, it is the highest censure he could possibly havepassed on his own government, to admit, that it had been subjected tosuch stupifying treatment. This it certainly could not have been, without the previous existence of such a lethargy as materiallydepreciates the virtue of any opiate employed. There is no room, however, for the allegation made; and the full amount of her slumber isjustly imputable to the gross darkness which so long enveloped thehorizon of Russia. Whose business was it to rouse her? What nation couldbe supposed to possess so much of the spirit of knight-errantry, as tobe induced to instruct her savages as to the advantages of cultivatingcommerce, without a cautious regard to its own particular interests inthe first place? But the bold, though somewhat impolitic seaman, hasperhaps stumbled on the real cause of the slow progress which she hashitherto made in the course which his sanguine imagination has pointedout for her. Speaking of her inexhaustible springs and incentives tocommerce, he nevertheless admits, that there are obstacles which renderit difficult for her to become a trading nation. But these obstacles, hesays, do not warrant a doubt of the possibility of removing them. "Letthe monarch only express his pleasure with regard to them, and _the mostdifficult are already overcome!_" The true prosperity of Russia, it isindubitably certain, will be infinitely more advanced by fostering herinfant commerce, than by any augmentation of territories which thepolicy or arms of her sovereign can accomplish. But he will alwaysrequire much self-denial to avoid intermeddling with the concerns ofother nations, and to restrict his labours to the improvement of his ownreal interests. --E. ] The extended review we have taken of the preceding voyages, and thegeneral outline we have sketched out, of the transactions of the last, which are recorded at full length in these volumes, will not, it ishoped, be considered as a prolix or unnecessary detail. It will serve togive a just notion of the whole plan of discovery executed by hismajesty's commands. And it appearing that much was aimed at, and muchaccomplished, in the unknown parts of the globe, in both hemispheres, there needs no other consideration, to give full satisfaction to thosewho possess an enlarged way of thinking, that a variety of usefulpurposes must have been effected by these researches. But there areothers, no doubt, who, too diffident of their own abilities, or tooindolent to exert them, would wish to have their reflections assisted, by pointing out what those useful purposes are. For the service of such, the following enumeration of particulars is entered upon. And if thereshould be any, who affect to undervalue the plan or the execution of ourvoyages, what shall now be offered, if it do not convince them, may, atleast, check the influence of their unfavourable decision. 1. It may be fairly considered, as one great advantage accruing to theworld from our late surveys of the globe, that they have confutedfanciful theories, too likely to give birth to impracticableundertakings. After Captain Cook's persevering and fruitless traverses through everycorner of the southern hemisphere, who, for the future, will pay anyattention to the ingenious reveries of Campbell, de Brosses, and deBuffon? or hope to establish an intercourse with such a continent asManpertuis's fruitful imagination had pictured? A continent equal, atleast, in extent, to all the civilized countries in the known northernhemisphere, where new men, new animals, new productions of every kind, might be brought forward to our view, and discoveries be made, whichwould open inexhaustible treasures of commerce?[48] We can now boldlytake it upon us to discourage all expeditions, formed on such reasoningsof speculative philosophers, into a quarter of the globe, where ourpersevering English navigator, instead of this promised fairy land, found nothing but barren rocks, scarcely affording shelter to penguinsand seals; and dreary seas, and mountains of ice, occupying the immensespace allotted to imaginary paradises, and the only treasures there tobe discovered, to reward the toil, and to compensate the dangers, of theunavailing search. [Footnote 48: See Maupertuis's Letter to the King of Prussia. The authorof the Preliminary Discourse to Bougainville's _Voyage aux IslesMalouines_, computes that the southern continent (for the existence ofwhich, he owns, we must depend more on the conjectures of philosophers, than on the testimony of voyagers) contains eight or ten millions ofsquare leagues. --D. ] Or, if we carry our reflections into the northern hemisphere, could MrDobbs have made a single convert, much less could he have been thesuccessful solicitor of two different expeditions, and have met withencouragement from the legislature, with regard to his favourite passagethrough Hudson's Bay, if Captain Christopher had previously explored itscoasts, and if Mr Hearne had walked over the immense continent behindit? Whether, after Captain Cook's and Captain Clerke's discoveries onthe west side of America, and their report of the state of Beering'sStrait, there can be sufficient encouragement to make future attempts topenetrate into the Pacific Ocean in any northern direction, is aquestion, for the decision of which the public will be indebted to thiswork. 2. But our voyages will benefit the world, not only by discouragingfuture unprofitable searches, but also by lessening the dangers anddistresses formerly experienced in those seas, which are within the lineof commerce and navigation, now actually subsisting. In how manyinstances have the mistakes of former navigators, in fixing the truesituations of important places, been rectified? What accession to thevariation chart? How many nautical observations have been collected, andare now ready to be consulted, in directing a ship's course, along rockyshores, through narrow straits, amidst perplexing currents, anddangerous shoals? But, above all, what numbers of new bays, andharbours, and anchoring-places, are now, for the first time, broughtforward, where ships may be sheltered, and their crews find tolerablerefreshments? To enumerate all these, would be to transcribe great partof the journals of our several commanders, whose labours will endearthem to every navigator whom trade or war may carry into their tracks. Every nation that sends a ship to sea will partake of the benefit; butGreat Britain herself, whose commerce is boundless, must take the leadin reaping the full advantage of her own discoveries. In consequence of all these various improvements, lessening theapprehensions of engaging in long voyages, may we not reasonably indulgethe pleasing hope, that fresh branches of commerce may, even in our owntime, be attempted, and successfully carried on? Our hardy adventurersin the whale-fishery have already found their way, within these fewyears, into the South Atlantic; and who knows what fresh sources ofcommerce may still be opened, if the prospect of gain can be added, tokeep alive the spirit of enterprise? If the situation of Great Britainbe too remote, other trading nations will assuredly avail themselves ofour discoveries. We may soon expect to hear that the Russians, nowinstructed by us where to find the American continent, have extendedtheir voyages from the Fox Islands to Cook's River, and Prince William'sSound. And if Spain itself should not be tempted to trade from its mostnorthern Mexican ports, by the fresh mine of wealth discovered in thefurs of King George's Sound, which they may transport in their Manillaships, as a favourite commodity for the Chinese market, that market mayprobably be supplied by a direct trade to America, from Canton itself, with those valuable articles which the inhabitants of China havehitherto received, only by the tedious and expensive circuit ofKamtschatka and Kiachta. [49] [Footnote 49: It is not unlikely that Captain Krusenstern was indebtedto the hint now given, for his proposal to establish a direct commercialintercourse with China. The reader who desires information respectingthe nature of the fur trade carried on betwixt the north-west coast ofAmerica, the neighbouring islands, and China, may consult hisintroduction. The affairs of Spain, it may be remarked, long precludedthe requisite attention to her commercial interests, and do not nowpromise a speedy recovery under her apparently infatuated government. ToNootka or King George's Sound, mentioned in the text, that powerabandoned all right and pretensions, in favour of Great Britain, in1790, after an altercation, which at one time bid fair to involve thetwo kingdoms in war. It was during this dispute, and in view of itshostile termination, that Mr Pitt gave his sanction to a scheme forrevolutionizing the Spanish colonies, an event which, if not nowencouraged by any direct assistance, bears too complacent an aspect onour commercial interests not to be regarded with a large portion of goodwishes. It is impossible, indeed, excluding altogether every idea ofpersonal advantage, not to hope highly, at least, of any efforts whichmay be made to wrest the souls and bodies of millions from the clutch ofignorance and tyranny. The fate of these colonists is by no means themost unimportant spectacle which the passing drama of the world exhibitsto the eye of an enlightened and humane politician. --E. ] These, and many other commercial improvements, may reasonably beexpected to result from the British discoveries, even in our own times. But if we look forward to future ages, and to future changes in thehistory of commerce, by recollecting its various past revolutions andmigrations, we may be allowed to please ourselves with the idea of itsfinding its way, at last, throughout the extent of the regions withwhich our voyages have opened an intercourse; and there will be abundantreason to subscribe to Captain Cook's observation with regard to NewZealand, which may be applied to other tracts of land explored by him, that, "although they be far remote from the present trading world, wecan, by no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveriesmade by the present. [50] In this point of view, surely, the utility ofthe late voyages must stand confessed; and we may be permitted to say, that the history of their operations has the justest pretensions to becalled [Greek: chtaema is au], as it will convey to latest posterity atreasure of interesting information. [Footnote 50: Cook's second voyage. ] 3. Admitting, however, that we may have expressed too sanguineexpectations of commercial advantages, either within our own reach, orgradually to be unfolded at some future period, as the result of ourvoyages of discovery, we may still be allowed, to consider them as alaudable effort to add to the stock of human knowledge, with regard toan object which cannot but deserve the attention of enlightened man. Toexert our faculties in devising ingenious modes of satisfying ourselvesabout the magnitude and distance of the sun; to extend our acquaintancewith the system, to which that luminary is the common centre, by tracingthe revolutions of a new planet, or the appearance of a new comet; tocarry our bold researches through all the immensity of space, whereworld beyond world rises to the view of the astonished observer; theseare employments which none but those incapable of pursuing them candepreciate, and which every one capable of pursuing them must delightin, as a dignified exercise of the powers of the human mind. But whilewe direct our studies to distant worlds, which, after all our exertions, we must content ourselves with having barely discovered to exist, itwould be a strange neglect, indeed, and would argue a most culpable wantof rational curiosity, if we did not use our best endeavours to arriveat a full acquaintance with the contents of our own planet; of thatlittle spot in the immense universe, on which we have been placed, andthe utmost limits of which, at least its habitable parts, we possess themeans of ascertaining, and describing, by actual examination. So naturally doth this reflection present itself, that to know somethingof the terraqueous globe, is a favourite object with every one who cantaste the lowest rudiments of learning. Let us not, therefore, think someanly of the times in which we live, as to suppose it possible thatfull justice will not be done to the noble plan of discovery, sosteadily and so successfully carried on, since the accession of hismajesty; which cannot fail to be considered, in every succeeding age, asa splendid period in the history of our country, and to add to ournational glory, by distinguishing Great Britain as taking the lead inthe most arduous undertakings for the common benefit of the human race. Before these voyages took place, nearly half the surface of the globe weinhabit was hid in obscurity and confusion. What is still wanting tocomplete our geography may justly be termed the _minutiae_ of thatscience. 4. Let us now carry our thoughts somewhat farther. It is fortunate forthe interests of knowledge, that acquisitions, in any one branch, generally, and indeed unavoidably, lead to acquisitions in otherbranches, perhaps of still greater consequence; and that we cannot evengratify mere curiosity without being rewarded with valuable instruction. This observation applies to the subject before us. Voyages, in which newoceans have been traversed, and in which new countries have beenvisited, can scarcely ever be performed without bringing forward to ourview fresh objects of science. Even when we are to take our report ofwhat was discovered from the mere sailor, whose knowledge scarcely goesbeyond the narrow limits of his own profession, and whose enquiries arenot directed by philosophical discernment, it will be unfortunate indeedif something hath not been remarked, by which the scholar may profit, and useful accessions be made to our old stock of information. And ifthis be the case in general, how much more must be gained by theparticular voyages now under consideration? Besides naval officersequally skilled to examine the coasts they might approach, as todelineate them accurately upon their charts, artists[51] were engaged, who, by their drawings, might illustrate what could only be imperfectlydescribed; mathematicians, [52] who might treasure up an extensive seriesof scientific observations; and persons versed in the variousdepartments of the history of nature, who might collect, or record, allthat they should find new and valuable, throughout the wide extent oftheir researches. But while most of these associates of our navaldiscoverers were liberally rewarded by the public, there was onegentleman, who, thinking it the noblest reward he could receive, to havean opportunity of making the ample fortune he inherited from hisancestors subservient to the improvement of science, stepped forward ofhis own accord, and, submitting to the hardships and dangers of acircumnavigation of the globe, accompanied Captain Cook in theEndeavour. The learned world, I may also say the unlearned, will neverforget the obligations which it owes to Sir Joseph Banks. [Footnote 51: Messrs Hodges and Webber, whose drawings have ornamentedand illustrated this and Captain Cook's second voyage. --D. ] [Footnote 52: Mr Green, in the Endeavour; Messrs Wales and Bayly, in theResolution and the Adventure; Mr Bayly, a second time, jointly withCaptains Cook and King in this voyage; and Mr Lyons, who accompaniedLord Mulgrave. --D. ] What real acquisitions have been gained by this munificent attention toscience, cannot be better expressed than in the words of Mr Wales, whoengaged in one of these voyages himself, and contributed largely to thebenefits derived from them. "That branch of natural knowledge which may be called _nauticalastronomy_, was undoubtedly in its infancy when these voyages were firstundertaken. Both instruments and observers, which deserved the name, were very rare; and so late as the year 1770, it was thought necessary, in the appendix to Mayor's Tables, published by the Board of Longitude, to state facts, in contradiction to the assertions of so celebrated anastronomer as the Abbé de la Caille, that the altitude of the sun atnoon, the easiest and most simple of all observations, could not betaken with certainty to a less quantity than five, six, seven, or eveneight minutes. [53] But those who will give themselves the trouble tolook into the astronomical observations, made in Captain Cook's lastvoyage, will find, that there were few, even of the petty officers, whocould not observe the distance of the moon from the sun, or a star, themost delicate of all observations, with sufficient accuracy. It may beadded, that the method of making and computing observations for findingthe variation of the compass, is better known, and more frequentlypractised, by those who have been on these voyages, than by most others. Nor is there, perhaps, a person who ranks as an officer, and has beenconcerned in them, who would not, whatever his real skill may be, feelashamed to have it thought that he did not know how to observe for, andcompute the time at sea; though, but a short while before these voyageswere set on foot, such a thing was scarcely ever heard of amongstseamen; and even first-rate astronomers doubted the possibility of doingit with sufficient exactness. [54] [Footnote 53: The Abbé's words are, --"Si ceux qui promettent une sigrande precision dans ces sortes de methodes, avoient navigué quelquestemps, ils auroient vû souvent, que dans l'observation la plus simple detoutes, qui est celle de la hauteur du soleil à midi, deux observations, munis de bons quartiers de reflexion, bien rectifiés, differententr'eux, lorsqu'ils observent chacun à part, de 5', 6', 7', &8'. "--_Ephémer_. 1755--1765. _Introduction_, p. 32. It must be, however, mentioned, in justice to M. De la Caille, that heattempted to introduce the lunar method of discovering the longitude, and proposed a plan of calculations of the moon's distance from the sunand fixed stars; but, through the imperfection of his instruments, hissuccess was much less than that method was capable of affording. Thebringing it into general use was reserved for Dr Maskelyne, ourAstronomer Royal. See the preface to the Tables for correcting theEffects of Refraction and Parallax, published by the Board of Longitude, under the direction of Dr Shepherd, Flumian Professor of Astronomy andExperimental Philosophy at Cambridge, in 1772. --D. ] [Footnote 54: In addition, to Mr Wales's remark, it may be observed, that the proficiency of our naval officers in taking observations atsea, must ultimately be attributed to the great attention paid to thisimportant object by the Board of Longitude at home; liberal rewardshaving been given to mathematicians for perfecting the lunar tables, andfacilitating calculations, and to artists for constructing more accurateinstruments for observing, and watches better adapted to keeping time atsea. It appears, therefore, that the voyages of discovery, and theoperations of the Board of Longitude, went hand in hand; and they mustbe combined, in order to form a just estimate of the extent of the plancarried into execution since his majesty's accession, for improvingastronomy and navigation. But, besides the establishment of the Board ofLongitude on its present footing, which has had such importantconsequences, it must also be ever acknowledged, that his presentmajesty has extended his royal patronage to every branch of the liberalarts and useful science. The munificent present to the Royal Society fordefraying the expence of observing the _transit_ of Venus; theinstitution of the Academy of Painting and Sculpture; the magnificentapartments allotted to the Royal and Antiquarian Societies, and to theRoyal Academy at Somerset-Place; the support of the Garden of Exotics atKew, to improve which Mr Masson was sent to the extremities of Africa;the substantial encouragement afforded to learned men and learned worksin various departments, and particularly that afforded to Mr Herschel, which has enabled him to devote himself entirely to the improvement ofastronomy;--these, and many other instances which might be enumerated, would have greatly distinguished his majesty's reign, even if he had notbeen the patron of those successful attempts to perfect geography andnavigation by so many voyages of discovery. --D. It is scarcely necessary to add to this note by saying, that the periodwhich has elapsed since the first publication of this voyage, has notwitnessed any failure of the promises held out by the previous state ofscience, notwithstanding the calamities and embarrassments attendant onthe revolutionary frenzy that, in some degree, infected every country inEurope. Science, indeed, has peculiarly prospered amid the miseries ofthe world. In pity of the destructive work, in which man's bad passionshad been engaged with such industrious ferocity, she has held out in onehand a remedy for the evil, and pointed with the other to the blessingsof peace. Is it unreasonable to hope, that the precious seed sown insuch tumultuous times as we have witnessed, and are now witnessing, willere long yield a rich harvest to reward the industry of her labourers?But let, us not limit our expectations and toils to the completion ofmere _minutiae_, as Dr Douglas speaks. The opinion of plenty, says LordBacon, is one of the causes of want. A more unfavourable symptom of ourcondition could hardly be found, than a belief that we had reachedperfection. Let us rather think that greater progress may yet be made inbeneficial arts and sciences than ever was made hitherto, and betherefore stimulated to more ambitious exertions. It will be no glory tothe next generation that we have gone so far, if they themselves are notinvited and enabled by our success to get beyond us. --E. ] "The number of places at which the rise and times of flowing of tideshave been observed, in these voyages, is very great, and hence animportant article of useful knowledge is afforded. In theseobservations, some very curious, and even unexpected, circumstances, have offered themselves to our consideration. It will be sufficient toinstance the exceedingly small height to which the tide rises in themiddle of the great Pacific Ocean, where it falls short, two-thirds atleast, of what might have been expected from theory and calculation. "The direction and force of currents at sea, make also an importantobject. These voyages will be found to contain much useful informationon this head, as well relating to seas nearer home, and which, inconsequence, are navigated every day, as to those which are more remote, but where, notwithstanding, the knowledge of these things may be ofgreat service to those who are destined to navigate them hereafter. Tothis head also we may refer the great number of experiments which havebeen made for enquiring into the depth of the sea, its temperature, andsaltness at different depths, and in a variety of places and climates. "An extensive foundation has also been laid for improvements inmagnetism, for discovering the cause and nature of the polarity of theneedle, and a theory of its variations, by the number and variety of theobservations and experiments which have been made, both on the variationand dip, in almost all parts of the world. Experiments also have beenmade, in consequence of the late voyages, on the effects of gravity indifferent and very distant places, which may serve to increase our stockof natural knowledge. From the same source of information we havelearned, that the phenomenon, usually called the _aurora borealis_, isnot peculiar to high northern latitudes, but belongs equally to all coldclimates, whether they be north or south. "But, perhaps, no part of knowledge has been so great a gainer by thelate voyages as that of botany. We are told, [55] that at least twelvehundred new plants have been added to the known system; and that veryconsiderable additions have been made to every other branch of naturalhistory, by the great skill and industry of Sir Joseph Banks, and theother gentlemen who have accompanied Captain Cook for that purpose. " [Footnote 55: See Dr Shepherd's Preface, as above. ] To our naval officers in general, or to their learned associates in theexpeditions, all the foregoing improvements of knowledge may be traced;but there is one very singular improvement indeed, still behind, forwhich, as we are solely indebted to Captain Cook, let us state it in hisown words: "Whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, itis with real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that ofattention to my duty, that I can conclude this account with anobservation, which facts enable me to make, that our having discoveredthe possibility of preserving health amongst a numerous ship's companyfor such a length of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst suchcontinued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable inthe opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about asouthern continent shall have ceased to engage the attention and todivide the judgment of philosophers. "[56] [Footnote 56: 34: Cook's second voyage. ] 5. But while our late voyages have opened so many channels to anincrease of knowledge in the several articles already enumerated; whilethey have extended our acquaintance with the contents of the globe;while they have facilitated old tracks, and opened new ones forcommerce; while they have been the means of improving the skill of thenavigator, and the science of the astronomer; while they have procuredto us so valuable accessions in the several departments of naturalhistory, and furnished such opportunities of teaching us how to preservethe healths and lives of seamen, let us not forget another veryimportant object of study, for which they have afforded to thespeculative philosopher ample materials; I mean the study of humannature in various situations, equally interesting as they are uncommon. However remote or secluded from frequent intercourse with more polishednations the inhabitants of any parts of the world be, if history or ourown observation should make it evident that they have been formerlyvisited, and that foreign manners and opinions, and languages, have beenblended with their own, little use can be made of what is observedamongst such people toward drawing a real picture of man in his naturaluncultivated state. This seems to be the situation of the inhabitants ofmost of the islands that lie contiguous to the continent of Asia, and ofwhose manners and institutions the Europeans, who occasionally visitthem, have frequently given us accounts. But the islands which ourenterprising discoverers visited in the centre of the South PacificOcean, and are indeed the principal scenes of their operations, wereuntrodden ground. The inhabitants, as far as could be observed, wereunmixed with any different tribe, by occasional intercourse, subsequentto their original settlement there; left entirely to their own powersfor every art of life, and to their own remote traditions for everypolitical or religions custom or institution; uninformed by science;unimproved by education; in short, a fit soil from whence a carefulobserver could collect facts for forming a judgment, how far unassistedhuman nature will be apt to degenerate, and in what respects it can everbe able to excel. Who could have thought, that the brutal ferocity offeeding upon human flesh, and the horrid superstition of offering humansacrifices, should be found to exist amongst the natives latelydiscovered in the Pacific Ocean, who, in other respects, appear to be nostrangers to the fine feelings of humanity, to have arrived at a certainstage of social life, and to be habituated to subordination andgovernment, which tend so naturally to repress the ebullitions of wildpassion, and expand the latent powers of the understanding? Or, if we turn from this melancholy picture, which will suggest copiousmatter for philosophical speculation, can we, without astonishment, observe to what a degree of perfection the same tribe (and indeed we mayhere join, in some of those instances, the American tribes visited inthe course of the present voyage) have carried their favouriteamusements, the plaintive songs of their women, their dramaticentertainments, their dances, their olympian games, as we may call them, the orations of their chiefs, the chants of their priests, the solemnityof their religious processions, their arts and manufactures, theiringenious contrivances to supply the want of proper materials, and ofeffective tools and machines, and the wonderful productions of theirpersevering labour under a complication of disadvantages, their clothand their mats, their weapons, their fishing instruments, theirornaments, their utensils, which in design and in execution may vie withwhatever modern Europe or classical antiquity can exhibit? It is a favourite study with the scholar to trace the remains of Grecianor Roman workmanship; he turns over his Montfaucon with learnedsatisfaction; and he gazes with rapture on the noble collection of SirWilliam Hamilton. The amusement is rational and instructive. But willnot his curiosity be more awakened, will he not find even more realmatter for important reflection, by passing an hour in surveying thenumerous specimens of the ingenuity of our newly-discovered friends, brought from the utmost recesses of the globe to enrich the BritishMuseum, and the valuable repository of Sir Ashton Lever? If thecuriosities of Sir Ashton's Sandwich-room alone were the onlyacquisition gained by our visits to the Pacific Ocean, who, that hastaste to admire, or even eyes to behold, could hesitate to pronouncethat Captain Cook had not sailed in vain? The expence of his threevoyages did not, perhaps, far exceed that of digging out the buriedcontents of Herculaneum. And we may add, that the novelties of theSociety or Sandwich Islands seem better calculated to engage theattention of the studious in our times, than the antiquities whichexhibit proofs of Roman magnificence. The grounds for making this remark cannot be better explained, than inthe words of a very ingenious writer: " In an age, " says Mr Warton, [57]"advanced to the highest degree of refinement, that species of curiositycommences, which is busied in contemplating the progress of social life, in displaying the gradation of science, and in tracing the transitionfrom barbarism to civility. That these speculations should become thefavourite topics of such a period, is extremely natural. We look back onthe savage condition of our ancestors with the triumph of superiority;and are pleased to mark the steps by which we have been raised fromrudeness to elegance; and our reflections on this subject areaccompanied with a conscious pride, arising, in a great measure, from atacit comparison of the infinite disproportion between the feebleefforts of remote ages, and our present improvements in knowledge. Inthe mean time, the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinionsof antiquity, by forming so strong a contrast with those of our owntimes, and by exhibiting human nature and human inventions in newlights, in unexpected appearances, and in various forms, are objectswhich forcibly strike a feeling imagination. Nor does this spectacleafford nothing more than a fruitless gratification to the fancy. Itteaches us to set a just estimation on our own acquisitions, andencourages us to cherish that cultivation, which is so closely connectedwith the existence and the exercise of every social virtue. " We need nothere observe, that the manners, monuments, customs, practices, andopinions of the present inhabitants of the Pacific Ocean, or of the westside of North America, form the strongest contrast with those of our owntime in polished Europe; and that a feeling imagination will probably bemore struck with the narration of the ceremonies of a _Natche_ atTongataboo, than of a Gothic tournament at London; with thecontemplation of the colossuses of Easter Island, than of the mysteriousremains of Stonehenge. [58] [Footnote 57: Preface to his History of English Poetry. ] [Footnote 58: This may be disputed, both in point of fact, and onprinciples of reasoning. As to the first, the fact, let readers ingeneral enquire as to the comparative degree and frequency of attentionbestowed on the different kinds of topics alluded to by the doctor. Whatis the conclusion from their observations on the subject? The writer forone, does not hesitate to assert, that he is convinced, the evidencebears against the opinion of the learned editor. So far as his noticeextends, it appears, that the fooleries of a superstitious age, the liesof legendary fabulists, the incomprehensible relics of long-forgottendelusions, really obtain more regard as objects of curiosity, thanwhatever of ingenuity or labour is to be found in the history ofpresently existing savages. Then again as to the reasons for such apreference. Is there not a sort of fashionable taste for the productionsof antiquity, the want of which is quite unpardonable in our polishedand literary circles? Does not the attainment of this taste, in anymeritorious degree, by necessarily requiring much study, operate aspreclusive of information to the possession of which no peculiar epithetof a commendatory nature has hitherto been awarded? Nay, is there not asort of prejudice allied to a notion of vulgarity, directed againstalmost any shew of acquaintance with the habits and histories ofuncultivated nations? But it would be unpardonable to imagine, therewere not other reasons of a less invidious nature to explain the fact. We must certainly be allowed to pay higher respect to the particularconcerns of those people with whom we stand in the light of offspring orrelatives, or whose transactions and fates have rendered the history ofthe world what it is, almost superlatively important to everyintelligent mind. If time shall witness the triumph of civilization overthe savages of the southern hemisphere, then, it is highly probable, asimilar enthusiasm will prevail among their literary descendants; andobjects regarded by us as mere dust in the high road of nature, will beenshrined with all the partiality and fondness of nationalidolatry. --E. ] Many singularities, respecting what may be called the natural history ofthe human species, in different climates, will, on the authority of ourlate navigators, open abundant sources for philosophical discussion. Onequestion of this sort, in particular, which had formerly divided theopinions of the inquisitive, as to the existence, if not of "giants onthe earth, " at least of a race, (inhabiting a district bordering on thenorth side of the strait of Magalhaens, ) whose stature considerablyexceeds that of the bulk of mankind, will no longer be doubted ordisbelieved. And the ingenious objections of the sceptical author of_Recherches sur les Americains_, [59] will weigh nothing in the balanceagainst the concurrent and accurate testimony of Byron, Wallis, andCarteret. [Footnote 59: Tom. I. P. 331. ] Perhaps there cannot be a more interesting enquiry than to trace themigrations of the various families or tribes that have peopled theglobe; and in no respect have our late voyages been more fertile incurious discoveries. It was known in general, (and I shall use the wordsof Kaempfer, [60]) that the Asiatic nation called Malayans "in formertimes, had by much the greatest trade in the Indies, and frequented withtheir merchant ships, not only all the coasts of Asia, but ventured evenover to the coasts of Africa, particularly to the great island ofMadagascar. [61] The title which the king of the Malayans assumed tohimself, of _Lord of the Winds and Seas to the East and to the West_, isan evident proof of this; but much more the Malayan language, whichspread most all over the East, much after the same manner as formerlythe Latin, and of late the French, did all over Europe. " Thus far, Isay, was known. But that from Madagascar to the Marqueses and EasterIsland, that is, nearly from the east side of Africa, till we approachtoward the west side of America, a space including above half thecircumference of the globe, the same tribe or nation, the Phoenicians, as we may call them, of the oriental world, should have made theirsettlements, and founded colonies throughout almost every intermediatestage of this immense tract, in islands at amazing distances from themother continent, and ignorant of each other's existence; this is anhistorical fact, which could be but very imperfectly known beforeCaptain Cook's two first voyages discovered so many new-inhabited spotsof land lurking in the bosom of the South Pacific Ocean; and it is afact which does not rest solely on similarity of customs andinstitutions, but has been established by the most satisfactory of allproofs, that drawn from affinity of language. Mr Marsden, who seems tohave considered this curious subject with much attention, says, "thatthe links of the latitudinal chain remain yet to be traced. "[40] Thediscovery of the Sandwich Islands in this last voyage, has added somelinks to the chain. But Captain Cook had not an opportunity of carryinghis researches into the more westerly parts of the North Pacific. Thereader, therefore, of the following work will not, perhaps, think thatthe editor was idly employed when he subjoined some notes, which containabundant proof that the inhabitants of the Ladrones, or Marianneislands, and those of the Carolines, are to be traced to the same commonsource, with those of the islands visited by our ships. With the likeview of exhibiting a striking picture of the amazing extent of thisoriental language, which marks, if not a common original, at least anintimate intercourse between the inhabitants of places so very remotefrom each other, he has inserted a comparative table of their numerals, upon a more enlarged plan than any that has hitherto been executed. [Footnote 60: History of Japan, vol. I. P. 93. ] [Footnote 61: That the Malayans have not only frequented Madagascar, buthave also been the progenitors of some of the present race ofinhabitants there, is confirmed to us by the testimony of Monsieur dePagès, who visited that island so late as 1774. "Ils m'ont paru provenirdes diverses races; leur couleur leur cheveux, et leur corpsl'indiquent. Ceux que je n'ai pas cru originaires des anciens naturelsdu pays, sont petits et trapus; ils ont les cheveux presque unis, etsont _olivátres comme les Malayes, avec qui ils ont, en général, uneespece de resemblance_. "--_Voyages des M. Des Pagès_, tom. Ii. P. 90. --D. ] [Footnote 40: Archaeolog. Vol. Vi. P. 155. See also his History ofSumatra, p. 166, from which the following passage is transcribed:--"Besides the Malaye, there are a variety of languages spoken in Sumatra, which, however, have not only a manifest affinity among themselves, butalso to that general language which is found to prevail in, and to beindigenous to, all the islands of the eastern seas; from Madagascar tothe remotest of Captain Cook's discoveries, comprehending a wider extentthan the Roman or any other tongue has yet boasted. In different places, it has been more or less mixed and corrupted; but between the mostdissimilar branches, an eminent sameness of many radical words isapparent; and in some very distant from each other, in point ofsituation: As, for instance, the Philippines and Madagascar, thedeviation of the words is scarcely more than is observed in the dialectsof neighbouring provinces of the same kingdom. "--D. ] Our British discoverers have not only thrown a blaze of light on themigrations of the tribe which has so wonderfully spread itselfthroughout the islands in the eastern ocean, but they have also favouredus with much curious information concerning another of the families ofthe earth, whose lot has fallen in less hospitable climates. We speak ofthe Esquimaux, hitherto only found seated on the coasts of Labradore andHudson's Bay, and who differ in several characteristic marks from theinland inhabitants of North America. That the Greenlanders and theyagree in every circumstance of customs, and manners, and language, whichare demonstrations of an original identity of nation, had beendiscovered about twenty years ago. [62] Mr Hearne, in 1771, traced thisunhappy race farther back, toward that part of the globe from whencethey had originally coasted along in their skin boats, having met withsome of them at the mouth of the Copper-mine River, in the latitude of72°, and near five hundred leagues farther west than Pickersgill's mostwesterly station in Davis's Strait. Their being the same tribe who nowactually inhabit the islands and coasts on the west side of NorthAmerica, opposite Kamtschatka, was a discovery, the completion of whichwas reserved for Captain Cook. The reader of the following work willfind them at Norton Sound, and at Oonalashka and Prince William's Sound;that is, near 1500 leagues distant from their stations in Greenland andon the Labradore coast. And lest similitude of manners should be thoughtto deceive us, a table exhibiting proofs of affinity of language, whichwas drawn up by Captain Cook, and is inserted in this work, will removeevery doubt from the mind of the most scrupulous enquirer aftertruth. [63] [Footnote 62: See Crantz's History of Greenland, vol. I. P. 262; wherewe are told that the Moravian brethren, who, with the consent andfurtherance of Sir Hugh Palliser, then governor of Newfoundland, visitedthe Esquimaux on the Labradore coast, found that their language, andthat of the Greenlanders, do not differ so much as that of the High andLow Dutch. --D. ] [Footnote 63: The Greenlanders, as Crantz tells us, call themselves_Karalit_; a word not very unlike _Kanagyst_, the name assumed by theinhabitants of Kodiack, one of the Schumagin islands, as Staehlininforms us. --D. ] There are other doubts of a more important kind, which, it may be hoped, will now no longer perplex the ignorant, or furnish matter of cavil tothe ill-intentioned. After the great discovery, or at least the fullconfirmation of the great discovery, of the vicinity of the twocontinents of Asia and America, we trust that we shall not, for thefuture, be ridiculed, for believing that the former could easily furnishits inhabitants to the latter. And thus, to all the various goodpurposes already enumerated, as answered by our late voyages, we may addthis last, though not the least important, that they have done serviceto religion, by robbing infidelity of a favourite objection to thecredibility of the Mosaic account of the peopling of the earth. [64] [Footnote 64: A contempt of revelation is generally the result ofignorance, conceited of its possessing superior knowledge. Observe howthe author of _Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains_, expresseshimself on this very point. "Cette distance que Mr Antermony veuttrouver si peu impotante, est à-peu-près _de huit cent lieus Gauleisesau travers d'un ocean perilleux_, et impossible à franchir avec descanots aussi chetifs et aussi fragiles que le sont, au rapport d'YsbrandIdes, les chaloupes des Tunguses, " &c. &c. T. I. P. 156. Had this writerknown that the two continents are not above thirteen leagues (instead ofeight hundred) distant from each other, and that, even in that narrowspace of sea, there are intervening islands, he would not have venturedto urge this argument in opposition to Mr Bell's notion of the quarterfrom which North America received its original inhabitants. --D. No intelligent reader needs to be informed, that a much closer approachof the two continents of Asia and America than is here alleged to exist, would be inadequate to account for the peopling of the latter, throughout its immense extent and very important diversities ofappearance. The opinion is more plausible, and gains ground in theworld, that much of South America derived its original inhabitants fromthe opposite coast of Africa. It is enough to state this opinion, without occupying a moment's attention, in discussing the argumentswhich can be adduced in its support. The truth of Revelation, it may beremarked, is quite unaffected by the controversy, and, in fact, canreceive neither injury nor advantage from any decision that is given toit. The real friends of that cause attach little importance to anyweight of human argument in its favour, and rest entirely on divineevidence, for both the painful and the comfortable effects it produceson their consciences. Any other, they are sure, may indeed furnishmatter for the display of ingenuity and learning, but will fall short ofthat conviction which secures self-denied obedience to itsprecepts. --E. ] 6. Hitherto we have considered our voyages as having benefited the_discoverers_. But it will be asked, Have they conveyed, or are theylikely ever to convey, any benefit to the _discovered_? It would affordexquisite satisfaction to every benevolent mind, to be instructed infacts, which might enable us, without hesitation, to answer thisquestion in the affirmative. And yet, perhaps, we may indulgethe pleasing hope, that, even in this respect, our ships have not sailedin vain. Other discoveries of new countries have, in effect, been wars, or rather massacres; nations have been no sooner found out, than theyhave been extirpated; and the horrid cruelties of the conquerors ofMexico and Peru can never be remembered, without blushing for religionand human nature. But when the recesses of the globe are investigated, not to enlarge private dominion, but to promote general knowledge; whenwe visit new tribes of our fellow-creatures as friends; and wish only tolearn that they exist, in order to bring them within the pale of theoffices of humanity, and to relieve the wants of their imperfect stateof society, by communicating to them our superior attainments; voyagesof discovery planned with such benevolent views by George the Third, andexecuted by Cook, have not, we trust, totally failed in this respect. Our repeated visits, and long-continued intercourse with the natives ofthe Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, cannot but have darted somerays of light on the infant minds of those poor people. The uncommonobjects they have thus had opportunities of observing and admiring, willnaturally tend to enlarge their stock of ideas, and to furnish newmaterials for the exercise of their reason. Comparing themselves withtheir visitors, they cannot but be struck with the deepest convictionof their own inferiority, and be impelled, by the strongest motives, tostrive to emerge from it, and to rise nearer to a level with thosechildren of the Sun, who deigned to look upon them, and left behind somany specimens of their generous and humane attention. The veryintroduction of our useful animals and vegetables, by adding fresh meansof subsistence, will have added to their comforts of life, and immediateenjoyments; and if this be the only benefit they are ever to receive, who will pronounce that much has not been gained? But may we not carryour wishes and our hopes still farther? Great Britain itself, when, first visited by the Phoenicians, was inhabited by painted savages, not, perhaps, blessed with higher attainments than are possessed by thepresent natives of New Zealand; certainly less civilized than those ofTongataboo or Otaheite. Our having opened an intercourse with them, isthe first step toward their improvement. Who knows, but that our latevoyages may be the means appointed by Providence, of spreading, in duetime, the blessings of civilization amongst the numerous tribes of theSouth Pacific Ocean; of abolishing their horrid repasts and their horridrites; and of laying the foundation for future and more effectual plans, to prepare them for holding an honourable station amongst the nations ofthe earth? This, at least, is certain, that our having, as it were, brought them into existence by our extensive researches, will suggest tous fresh motives of devout gratitude to the Supreme Being, for havingblessed us with advantages hitherto withheld from so great a proportionof the human race; and will operate powerfully to incite us to perseverein every feasible attempt, to be his instruments in rescuing millions offellow-creatures from their present state of humiliation. [65] [Footnote 65: It is painful to a liberal mind to question the basis ofany hope, or to doubt the validity of any expectations, in behalf of ourspecies. One would rather foster a mistaken benevolence, which, scorningselfish interests, embraced the future welfare of distant and unknownpeople, were it not that the indulgence of them might tend to preventthe very object which they regard from being attained. Does not thewell-meaning editor anticipate too much from the diffusion of foreignknowledge among the tribes of whom he speaks? Is he not somewhatinattentive to the mass of inseparable evil which every such accessionbrings along with it? Does he not seem to confound together theacquisition of knowledge, and the ability to do what is requisite forhuman happiness? May we not perceive by the very items of hiscalculation, that he has neglected to consider that nice adjustment ofthe faculty and the means of enjoyment, which evinces the general careand universal affection of Providence? The consequence of such neglector mistake, would be an injudicious and hasty effort to induce what wecall civilization, on the too much commiserated objects of ourphilanthropy. Without disputing for a moment, that the intercourse withEuropeans has proved beneficial to these people, though, as everyintelligent reader knows well, a thousand arguments would be thrown awayon an attempt to shew there was no occasion to do so, we may fairlyenough affirm, that such zealous exertions as are here virtuallyrecommended, are liable to the charge of being premature, and notaltogether according to knowledge. We are too apt to imagine thatbarbarous people are easily made to believe their institutions andmanners are erroneous, or impolitic; and that they will accordinglyreadily listen to the suggestions of those who, they acknowledge, are inmany respects superior to themselves. But, in fact, the very reverse isthe case, and it will ever be found that the simplest states of societyare least sensible of inconveniences, and therefore most averse toinnovation. Besides, it ought to be remembered, that, independent of anyadventitious assistance, there is implanted in every such society, howcontemptible soever it may seem to others, a certain principle ofamelioration, which never fails, in due time, to yield its fruit, andwhich, there is some reason to apprehend, may receive detriment fromobtrusive solicitude to hasten its product. Every boy has within him theseeds of manhood, which, at the period appointed by nature, germinate, blossom, and fructify; but anxiety to accelerate the process too oftenruins the soil on which they grow, and mars the hopes of the cultivator, by unseasonable maturity and rapid decay. So is it with societies. Theprogress of human affairs on the large scale, is precisely similar towhat we daily witness on the small. It has been described, with equalbeauty and correctness, by the judicious Ferguson, in his Essays on theHistory of Civil Society. "What was in one generation, " says he, "apropensity to herd with the species, becomes, in the ages which follow, a principle of natural union. What was originally an alliance for commondefence, becomes a concerted plan of political force; the care ofsubsistence becomes an anxiety for accumulating wealth, and thefoundation of commercial arts. "--Who can say that the officiousness offriendship is not likely to disorder the series, and, though it escapethe charge and the fate of presumption, is not deserving to beconsidered as unnecessary enthusiasm?--E. ] The several topics which occurred, as suitable to this generalIntroduction, being now discussed, nothing remains but to state a fewparticulars, about which the reader of these volumes has a right toexpect some information. Captain Cook, knowing, before he sailed upon this last expedition, thatit was expected from him to relate, as well as to execute, itsoperations, had taken care to prepare such a journal as might be madeuse of for publication. This journal, which exists in his ownhand-writing, has been faithfully adhered to. It is not a bare extractfrom his logbooks, but contains many remarks which, it appears, had notbeen inserted by him in the nautical register; and it is also enrichedwith considerable communications from Mr Anderson, surgeon of theResolution. The confessed abilities, and great assiduity, of MrAnderson, in observing every thing that related either to naturalhistory, or to manners and language, and the desire which, it is wellknown, Captain Cook, on all occasions, shewed to have the assistance ofthat gentleman, stamped a great value on his collections. That nothing, therefore, might be wanting to convey to the public the best possibleaccount of the transactions of the voyage, his journal, by the order ofLord Sandwich, was also put into the hands of the editor, who wasauthorised and directed to avail himself of the information it might befound to contain, about matters imperfectly touched, or altogetheromitted, in Captain Cook's manuscript. This task has been executed insuch a manner, that the reader will scarcely ever be at a loss todistinguish in what instances recourse has been had to Mr Anderson. Topreclude, if possible, any mistake, the copy of the first and secondvolumes, before it went to the printer, was submitted to Captain King;and after it had been read over and corrected by one so well qualifiedto point out any inaccuracies, the Earl of Sandwich had the goodness togive it a perusal. As to the third volume, nothing more need be said, than that it was completely prepared for the press by Captain Kinghimself. All that the editor of the work has to answer for, are thenotes occasionally introduced in the course of the two volumescontributed by Captain Cook; and this Introduction, which was intendedas a kind of epilogue to our Voyages of Discovery. He must be permitted, however, to say, that he considers himself as entitled to noinconsiderable share of candid indulgence from the public; havingengaged in a very tedious and troublesome undertaking upon the mostdisinterested motives; his only reward being the satisfaction he feels, in having been able to do an essential service to the family of ourgreat navigator, who had honoured him, in the journal of this voyage, with the appellation of friend. They who repeatedly asked why this publication was so long delayed, needed only to look at the volumes, and their attendant illustrationsand ornaments, to be satisfied that it might, with at least equalreason, be wondered at, that it was not delayed longer. The journal ofCaptain Cook, from the first moment that it came into the hands of theeditor, had been ready for the press; and Captain King had left withhim his part of the narrative, so long ago as his departure for the WestIndies, when he commanded the Resistance man-of-war. But much, besides, remained to be done. The charts, particularly the general one, were tobe prepared by Mr Roberts; the very numerous and elegant drawings of MrWebber were to be reduced by him to the proper size; artists were nextto be found out who would undertake to engrave them; the priorengagements of those artists were to be fulfilled before they couldbegin; the labour and skill to be exerted in finishing many of them, rendered this a tedious operation; paper fit for printing them upon wasto be procured from abroad; and after all these various and unavoidabledifficulties were surmounted, much time was necessarily required forexecuting a numerous impression of the long list of plates, with so muchcare as might do justice both to Mr Webber, and to his severalengravers. And here it seems to be incumbent upon us to add, as another instance ofmunificent attention, that care was taken to mark, in the mostsignificant manner, the just sense entertained of the human and liberalrelief afforded to our ships in Kamtachatka. Colonel Behm, thecommandant of that province, was not rewarded merely by the pleasurewhich a benevolent mind feels in reflecting upon the blessings itconfers, but also thanked in a manner equally consistent with thedignity of his own sovereign and of ours, to whose subjects he extendedprotection. A magnificent piece of plate was presented to him, with aninscription, worthy of a place in the same book where the history of hishumanity to our countrymen is recorded, and which, while it does honourto our national gratitude, deserves also to be preserved as a monumentof our national taste for elegant composition. It is as follows: _VIRO EGREGIO MAGNO DE BEHM; _qui, Imperatricis Augustissimae Catherinae auspiciis, summâque animi benignitate, saeva, quibus praeerat, Kamtschatkae littora, navibus nautisque Britannicis, hospita praebuit; eosque, in terminis, si qui essent Imperio Russico, frustrà explorandis, mula multa perpessos, iteratâ vice excepit, refecit, recreavit, et commeatu omni cumulatè auctos dimisit_; REI NAVALIS BRITANNICAE SEPTEMVIRI _in aliquam benevolentiae tam insignis memoriam, amicissimo, gratissimoque animo, suo, patriaeque nomine_, D. D. D. MDCCLXXXI. This testimony of public gratitude, reminds the editor that there aresimilar calls upon himself. He owes much to Captain King for his adviceand direction, in a variety of instances, where Captain Cook's journalrequired explanation; for filling up several blanks with the properlongitude and latitude; and for supplying deficiencies in the tables ofastronomical observations. Lieutenant Roberts was also frequently consulted, and was always foundto be a ready and effectual assistant, when any nautical difficultieswere to be cleared up. But particular obligations are due to Mr Wales, who, besides hisvaluable communications for this Introduction, seconded most liberallythe editor's views of serving Mrs Cook, by cheerfully taking uponhimself the whole trouble of digesting, from the log-books, the tablesof the route of the ships, which add so greatly to the utility of thispublication. Mr Wegg, besides sharing in the thanks so justly due to the committee ofthe Hudson's Bay Company, for their unreserved communications, wasparticularly obliging to the editor, by giving him repeatedopportunities of conversing with Governor Hearne and CaptainChristopher. The Honourable Mr Daines Barrington had the goodness to interesthimself, with his usual zeal for every work of public utility, inprocuring some necessary information, and suggesting some valuablehints, which were adopted. It would be great injustice not to express acknowledgements to MrPennant, who, besides enriching the third volume with references to his_Arctic Zoology_, the publication of which is an important accession tonatural history, also communicated some very authentic and satisfactorymanuscript accounts of the Russian discoveries. The vocabularies of the Friendly and Sandwich Islands, and of thenatives of Nootka, had been furnished to Captain Cook, by his mostuseful associate in the voyage, Mr Anderson; and a fourth, in which thelanguage of the Esquimaux is compared with that of the Americans on theopposite side of the continent, had been prepared by the captainhimself. But the comparative Table of Numerals was very obligingly drawnup, at the request of the editor, by Mr Bryant, who, in his study, followed Captain Cook, and, indeed, every traveller and historian, ofevery age, into every part of the globe. The public will consider thistable as a very striking illustration of the wonderful migrations of anation, about whom so much additional information has been gained by ourvoyages, and be ready to acknowledge it as a very useful communication. One more communication remains to be not only acknowledged, but to beinserted at the close of this Introduction. The testimonies of learnedcontemporaries, in commendation of a deceased author, are frequentlydisplayed in the front of his book. It is with the greatest propriety, therefore, that we prefix to this posthumous work of Captain Cook, thetestimony of one of his own profession, not more distinguished by theelevation of rank, than by the dignity of private virtues. As he wishesto remain concealed, perhaps this allusion, for which we entreat hisindulgence, may have given too exact direction to the eyes of the publicwhere to look for such a character. [66] Let us, however, rest satisfiedwith the intrinsic merit of a composition, conveyed under the injunctionof secrecy; and conclude our long preliminary dissertation withexpressing a wish, or rather a well-grounded hope, that this volume maynot be the only place where posterity can meet with a monumentalinscription, commemorative of a man, in recounting and applauding whoseservices, the whole of enlightened Europe will equally concur with GreatBritain. [Footnote 66: This is understood to be spoken of the Honourable AdmiralForbes, Admiral of the Fleet, and General of the Marines, to whom, onthe authority of Sir Hugh Palliser, the eulogium is ascribed in theBiog. Brit. He is said to have known Cook only by his eminent merit andextraordinary actions. The testimony, therefore, is the more to beprized, as it cannot be charged with the partiality of friendship. --E. ] TO THE MEMORY OF CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, _The ablest and most renowned Navigator this or any other country hathproduced_. He raised himself, solely by his merit, from a very obscure birth, tothe rank of Post Captain in the royal navy, and was, unfortunately, killed by the savages of the island Owhyhee, on the 14th of February, 1779; which island he had, not long before, discovered, when prosecutinghis third voyage round the globe. He possessed, in an eminent degree, all the qualifications requisite forhis profession and great undertakings; together with the amiable andworthy qualities of the best men. Cool and deliberate in judging; sagacious in determining; active inexecuting; steady and persevering in enterprising vigilance andunremitting caution; unsubdued by labour, difficulties, anddisappointments; fertile in expedients; never wanting presence of mind;always possessing himself, and the full use of a sound understanding. Mild, just, but exact in discipline: He was a father to his people, whowere attached to him from affection, and obedient from confidence. His knowledge, his experience, his sagacity, rendered him so entirelymaster of his subject, that the greatest obstacles were surmounted, andthe most dangerous navigations became easy, and almost safe, under hisdirection. He explored the southern hemisphere to a much higher latitude than hadever been reached, and with fewer accidents than frequently befal thosewho navigate the coasts of this island. By his benevolent and unabating attention to the welfare of his ship'scompany, he discovered and introduced a system for the preservation ofthe health of seamen in long voyages, which has proved wonderfullyefficacious; for in his second voyage round the world, which continuedupwards of three years, he lost only one man by distemper, of onehundred and eighteen, of which his company consisted. The death of this eminent and valuable man was a loss to mankind ingeneral; and particularly to be deplored by every nation that respectsuseful accomplishments, that honours science, and loves the benevolentand amiable affections of the heart. It is still more to be deplored bythis country, which may justly boast of having produced a man hithertounequalled for nautical talents; and that sorrow is farther aggravatedby the reflection, that his country was deprived of this ornament by theenmity of a people, from whom, indeed, it might have been dreaded, butfrom whom it was not deserved. For, actuated always by the mostattentive care and tender compassion for the savages in general, thisexcellent man was ever assiduously endeavouring, by kind treatment, todissipate their fears, and court their friendship; overlooking theirthefts and treacheries, and frequently interposing, at the hazard of hislife, to protect them from the sudden resentment of his own injuredpeople. The object of his last mission was to discover and ascertain theboundaries of Asia and America, and to penetrate into the northern oceanby the north-east Cape of Asia. Traveller! contemplate, admire, revere, and emulate this great master inhis profession; whose skill and labours have enlarged naturalphilosophy; have extended nautical science; and have disclosed thelong-concealed and admirable arrangements of the Almighty in theformation of this globe, and, at the same time, the arrogance ofmortals, in presuming to account, by their speculations, for the laws bywhich he was pleased to create it. It is now discovered, beyond alldoubt, that the same Great Being who created the universe by his _fiat_, by the same ordained our earth to keep a just poise, without acorresponding southern continent--and it does so! "He stretches out thenorth over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing. "--Job, xxvi. 7. If the arduous but exact researches of this extraordinary man have notdiscovered a new world, they have discovered seas unnavigated andunknown before. They have made us acquainted with islands, people andproductions, of which we had no conception. And if he has not been sofortunate as Americus to give his name to a continent, his pretensionsto such a distinction remain unrivalled; and he will be revered, whilethere remains a page of his own modest account of his voyages, and aslong as mariners and geographers shall be instructed, by his new map ofthe southern hemisphere, to trace the various courses and discoveries hehas made. If public services merit public acknowledgments; if the man who adornedand raised the fame of his country is deserving of honours, then CaptainCook deserves to have a monument raised to his memory, by a generous andgrateful nation. Virtutis uberrimum alimentum est honos. VAL. MAXIMUS, lib. Ii. Cap. 6. COOK'S VOYAGETOTHE PACIFIC OCEAN. CHAPTER I. TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROMNEW ZEALAND. SECTION I. _Various Preparations for the Voyage. --Omais Behaviour onembarking. --Observations for determining the Longitude of Sheerness, andthe North Foreland. --Passage of the Resolution from Deptford toPlymouth. --Employments there. --Complements of the Crews of both Ships, and Names of the Officers. --Observations to fix the Longitude ofPlymouth. --Departure of the Resolution. _ Having, on the 9th day of February, 1776, received a commission tocommand his majesty's sloop the Resolution, I went on board the nextday, hoisted the pendant, and began to enter men. At the same time, theDiscovery, of three hundred tons burthen, was purchased into theservice, and the command of her given to Captain Clerke, who had been mysecond lieutenant on board the Resolution, in my second voyage round theworld, from which we had lately returned. These two ships were, at this time, in the dock at Deptford, under thehands of the shipwrights; being ordered to be equipped to make fartherdiscoveries in the Pacific Ocean, under my direction. On the 9th of March, the Resolution was hauled out of dock into theriver; where we completed her rigging, and took on board the stores andprovisions requisite for a voyage of such duration. Both ships, indeed, were supplied with as much of every necessary article as we couldconveniently stow, and with the best of every kind that could beprocured. And, besides this, every thing that had been found, by theexperience acquired during our former extensive voyages, to be of anyutility in preserving the health of seamen, was supplied in abundance. It was our intention to have sailed to Long Reach on the 6th of May, when a pilot came on board to carry us thither; but it was the 29thbefore the wind would permit us to move, and the 30th before we arrivedat that station, where our artillery, powder, shot, and other ordnancestores were received. While we lay in Long Reach, thus employed, the Earl of Sandwich, SirHugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty, as the last mark ofthe very great attention they had all along shewn to this equipment, paid us a visit on the 8th of June, to examine whether every thing hadbeen completed conformably to their intentions and orders, and to thesatisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage. They, and severalother noblemen and gentlemen their friends, honoured me with theircompany at dinner on that day; and, on their coming on board, and alsoon their going ashore, we saluted them with seventeen guns, and threecheers. With the benevolent view of conveying some permanent benefit to theinhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands in the Pacific Ocean, whom we might happen to visit, his majesty having commanded some usefulanimals to be carried out, we took on board, on the 10th, a bull, twocows with their calves, and some sheep, with hay and corn for theirsubsistence; intending to add to these other useful animals, when Ishould arrive at the Cape of Good Hope. I was also, from the same laudable motives, furnished with a sufficientquantity of such of our European garden-seeds, as could not fail to be avaluable present to our newly discovered islands, by adding freshsupplies of food to their own vegetable productions. Many other articles, calculated to improve the condition of our friendsin the other hemisphere in various ways, were, at the same time, delivered to us by order of the Board of Admiralty. And both ships wereprovided with a proper assortment of iron tools and trinkets, as themeans of enabling us to traffic, and to cultivate a friendly intercoursewith the inhabitants of such new countries as we might be fortunateenough to meet with. The same humane attention was extended to our own wants. Some additionalclothing, adapted to a cold climate, was ordered for our crews; andnothing was denied to us that could be supposed in the least conduciveto health, or even to convenience. Nor did the extraordinary care of those at the head of the navaldepartment stop here. They were equally solicitous to afford us everyassistance towards rendering our voyage of public utility. Accordingly, we received on board, next day, several astronomical and nauticalinstruments, which the Board of Longitude entrusted to me, and to MrKing, my second lieutenant; we having engaged to that board to make allthe necessary observations, during the voyage, for the improvement ofastronomy and navigation; and, by our joint labours, to supply the placeof a professed observator. Such a person had been originally intended tobe sent out in my ship. The board, likewise, put into our possession the same watch, ortime-keeper, which I had carried out in my last voyage, and hadperformed its part so well. It was a copy of Mr Harrison's, constructedby Mr Kendall. This day, at noon, it was found to be too slow for meantime at Greenwich, by 3' 31" 89; and by its rate of going, it lost, onmean time, 1", 209 per day. Another time-keeper, and the same number and sort of instruments formaking observations, were put on board the Discovery, under the care ofMr William Bayly; who, having already given satisfactory proofs of hisskill and diligence as an observator, while employed in CaptainFurneaux's ship, during the late voyage, was engaged a second time, inthat capacity, to embark with Captain Clerke. Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who, to skill in his immediate profession, added great proficiency in natural history, was as willing as he waswell qualified, to describe every thing in that branch of science whichshould occur worthy of notice. As he had already visited the South Seaislands in the same ship, and been of singular service, by enabling meto enrich my relation of that voyage with various useful remarks on menand things, [67] I reasonably expected to derive considerable assistancefrom him, in recording our new proceedings. [Footnote 67: The very copious vocabulary of the language of Otaheite, and the comparative specimen of the languages of the several otherislands visited during the former voyage, and published in CaptainCook's account of it, were furnished by Mr Anderson. --D. ] I had several young men amongst my sea-officers, who, under mydirection, could be usefully employed in constructing charts, in takingviews of the coasts and headlands near which we should pass, and indrawing plans of the bays and harbours in which we should anchor. Aconstant attention to this I knew to be highly requisite, if we wouldrender our discoveries profitable to future navigators. And that we might go out with every help that could serve to make theresult of our voyage entertaining to the generality of readers, as wellas instructive to the sailor and scholar, Mr Webber was pitched upon, and engaged to embark with me, for the express purpose of supplying theunavoidable imperfections of written accounts, by enabling us topreserve, and to bring home, such drawings of the most memorable scenesof our transactions, as could only be executed by a professed andskilful artist. Every preparation being now completed, I received an order to proceed toPlymouth, and to take the Discovery under my command. I accordingly gaveCaptain Clerke two orders, one to put himself under my command, and theother, to carry his ship round to Plymouth. On the 15th the Resolution sailed from Long Reach, with the Discovery incompany, and the same evening they anchored at the Nore. Next day theDiscovery proceeded, in obedience to my order; but the Resolution wasordered to remain at the Nore till I should join her, being at this timein London. As we were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Islands in our way tothe intended scene of our fresh operations, it had been determined notto omit this opportunity (the only one ever likely to happen) ofcarrying Omai back to his native country. Accordingly, every thing beingready for our departure, he and I set out together from London on the24th, at six o'clock in the morning. We reached Chatham, between ten andeleven o'clock; and, after dining with Commissioner Proby, he veryobligingly ordered his yacht to carry us to Sheerness, where my boat waswaiting to take us on board. Omai left London with a mixture of regret and satisfaction. When wetalked about England, and about those who, during his stay, had honouredhim with their protection or friendship, I could observe that hisspirits were sensibly affected, and that it was with difficulty he couldrefrain from tears. But the instant the conversation turned to his ownislands, his eyes began to sparkle with joy. He was deeply impressedwith a sense of the good treatment he had met with in England, andentertained the highest ideas of the country and of the people; but thepleasing prospect he now had before him of returning home, loaded withwhat he well knew would be esteemed invaluable treasures there, and theflattering hope which the possession of these gave him, of attaining toa distinguished superiority amongst his countrymen, were considerationswhich operated, by degrees, to suppress every uneasy sensation; and heseemed to be quite happy when he got on board the ship. He was furnished by his majesty with an ample provision of every articlewhich, during our intercourse with his country, we had observed to be inany estimation there, either as useful or as ornamental. He had, besides, received many presents of the same nature from Lord Sandwich, Sir Joseph Banks, and several other gentlemen and ladies of hisacquaintance. In short, every method had been employed, both during hisabode in England, and at his departure, to make him the instrument ofconveying to the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, themost exalted opinion of the greatness and generosity of the Britishnation. While the Resolution lay at the Nore, Mr King made several observationsfor finding the longitude by the watch. The mean of them all gave 0° 44'0" for the longitude of the ship. This, reduced to Sheerness, by thebearing and estimated distance, will make that place to be 0° 37' 0" E. Of Greenwich, which is more by seven miles than Mr Lyons made it by thewatch which Lord Mulgrave had with him, on his voyage toward the NorthPole. Whoever knows any thing of the distance between Sheerness andGreenwich, will be a judge which of these two observations is nearestthe truth. The variation of the needle here, by a mean of different sets, takenwith different compasses, was 20° 37' W. On the 25th, about noon, we weighed anchor, and made sail for the Downsthrough the Queen's Channel, with a gentle breeze at N. W. By W. At ninein the evening we anchored, with the North Foreland bearing S. By E. AndMargate Point S. W. By S. Next morning, at two o'clock, we weighed and stood round the Foreland;and when it bore north by the compass, the watch gave 1° 24' E. Longitude, which, reduced to the Foreland, will be 1° 21' E. Lunarobservations made the preceding evening, fixed it at 1° 20' E. At eighto'clock the same morning we anchored in the Downs. Two boats had beenbuilt for us at Deal, and I immediately sent on shore for them. I wastold that many people had assembled there to see Omai, but, to theirgreat disappointment, he did not land. Having received the boats on board, and a light breeze at S. S. E. Springing up, we got under sail the next day at two o'clock in theafternoon; but the breeze soon died away, and we were obliged to anchoragain till ten o'clock at night. We then weighed with the wind at E. Andproceeded down the Channel. On the 30th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we anchored in PlymouthSound, where the Discovery had arrived only three days before. I salutedAdmiral Amherst, whose flag was flying on board the Ocean, with thirteenguns, and he returned the compliment with eleven. It was the first object of our care on arriving at Plymouth, to replacethe water and provisions that we had expended, and to receive on board asupply of port wine. This was the employment which occupied us on the1st and 2d of July. During our stay here, the crews were served with fresh beef every day. And I should not do justice to Mr Ommanney, the agent victualler, if Idid not take this opportunity to mention, that he shewed a very obligingreadiness to furnish me with the best of every thing that lay within hisdepartment. I had been under the like obligations to him on my settingout upon my last voyage. Commissioner Ourry, with equal zeal for theservice, gave us every assistance that we wanted from the naval yard. It could not but occur to us as a singular and affecting circumstance, that at the very instant of our departure upon a voyage, the object ofwhich was to benefit Europe by making fresh discoveries in NorthAmerica, there should be the unhappy necessity of employing others ofhis majesty's ships, and of conveying numerous bodies of land forces tosecure the obedience of those parts of that continent which had beendiscovered and settled by our countrymen in the last century. On the 6thhis majesty's ships Diamond, Ambuscade, and Unicorn, with a fleet oftransports, consisting of sixty-two sail, bound to America, with thelast division of the Hessian troops, and some horse, were forced intothe Sound by a strong N. W. Wind. On the 8th I received, by express, my instructions for the voyage, andan order to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope with the Resolution. I wasalso directed to leave an order for Captain Clerke to follow us as soonas he should join his ship, he being at this time detained in London. Our first discoverers of the New World, and navigators of the Indian andPacific Oceans, were justly thought to have exerted such uncommonabilities, and to have accomplished such perilous enterprises, thattheir names have been handed down to posterity as so many Argonauts. Nay, even the hulks of the ships that carried them, though not convertedinto constellations in the heavens, used to be honoured and visited assacred relics upon earth. We, in the present age of improved navigation, who have been instructed by their labours, and have followed them as ourguides, have no such claim to fame. Some merit, however, being still, inthe public opinion, considered as due to those who sail to unexploredquarters of the globe; in conformity to this favourable judgment, Iprefixed to the account of my last voyage the names of the officers ofboth my ships, and a table of the number of their respective crews. Thelike information will be expected from me at present. The Resolution was fitted out with the same complement of officers andmen as she had before; and the Discovery's establishment varied fromthat of the Adventure, in the single instance of her having no marineofficer on board. This arrangement was to be finally completed atPlymouth; and on the 9th we received the party of marines allotted forour voyage. Colonel Bell, who commanded the division at this port, gaveme such men for the detachment as I had reason to be satisfied with. Andthe supernumerary seamen, occasioned by this reinforcement, being turnedover into the Ocean man-of-war, our several complements remained fixed, as represented in the following table:-- RESOLUTION. DISCOVERY. _Officers and Men. No. Officers No. Officers Names Names_. Captains, 1 James Cook. 1 Charles Clerke. Lieutenants, 3 John Gore. 2 James Burney. James King. John Rickman. John Williamson. Master, 1 William Bligh. 1 Thomas Edgar. Boatswain, 1 William Ewin. 1 Aneas Atkins. Carpenter, 1 James Clevely. 1 Peter Reynolds. Gunner, 1 Robert Anderson. 1 William Peckover. Surgeon, 1 William Anderson. 1 John Law. Master's Mates, 3 2 Midshipmen, 6 4 Surgeon's Mates, 2 2 Captain's Clerk, 1 1 Master at Arms, 1 Corporal, 1 Armourer, 1 1 Ditto Mate, 1 1 Sail Maker, 1 1 Ditto Mate, 1 1 Boatswain's Mates, 3 2 Carpenter's Ditto, 3 2 Gunner's Ditto, 2 1 Carpenter's Crew, 4 4 Cook, 1 1 Ditto Mate, 1 Quarter Masters, 6 4 Able Seamen, 45 33 Marines. Lieutenants, 1 Molesworth Philips. Serjeant, 1 1 Corporals, 2 1 Drummer, 1 1 Privates, 15 8 Total, 112 80 On the 10th, the commissioner and pay clerks came on board, and paid theofficers and crew up to the 30th of last month. The petty officers andseamen had, besides, two months wages in advance. Such indulgence to thelatter is no more than what is customary in the navy. But the payment ofwhat was due to the superior officers was humanely ordered by theAdmiralty, in consideration of our peculiar situation, that we might bebetter able to defray the very great expence of furnishing ourselveswith a stock of necessaries for a voyage which, probably, would be ofunusual duration, and to regions where no supply could be expected. Nothing now obstructing my departure but a contrary wind, which blewstrong at S. W. , in the morning of the 11th, I delivered into the handsof Mr Burney, first lieutenant of the Discovery, Captain Clerke'ssailing orders; a copy of which I also left with the officer commandinghis majesty's ships at Plymouth, to be delivered to the captainimmediately on his arrival. In the afternoon, the wind moderating, weweighed with the ebb, and got farther out, beyond all the shipping inthe sound; where, after making an unsuccessful attempt to get to sea, wewere detained most of the following day, which was employed in receivingon board a supply of water; and, by the same vessel that brought it, allthe empty casks were returned. As I did not imagine my stay at Plymouth would have been so long as itproved, we did not get our instruments on shore to make the necessaryobservations for ascertaining the longitude by the watch. For the samereason, Mr Bayly did not set about this, till he found that theDiscovery would probably be detained some days after us. He then placedhis quadrant upon Drake's Island; and had time, before the Resolutionsailed, to make observations sufficient for the purpose we had in view. Our watch made the island to lie 4° 14', and his, 4° 13 1/2', west ofGreenwich. Its latitude, as found by Messrs Wales and Bayly, on the lastvoyage, is 50° 21' 30" N. We weighed again at eight in the evening, and stood out of the sound, with a gentle breeze at N. W. By W. SECTION II. _Passage of the Resolution to Teneriffe. --Reception there. --Descriptionof Santa Cruz Road. --Refreshment to be met with. --Observations forfixing the Longitude of Teneriffe. --Some Account of theIsland. --Botanical Observations. --Cities of Santa Cruz andLoguna. --Agriculture. --Air and Climate. --Commerce. --Inhabitants_. We had not been long out of Plymouth Sound, before the wind came morewesterly, and blew fresh, so that we were obliged to ply down theChannel; and it was not till the 14th, at eight in the evening, that wewere off the Lizard. On the 16th, at noon, St Agnes's light-house on the isles of Scilly boreN. W. By W. , distant seven or eight miles. Our latitude was now 49° 53'30" N. , and our longitude, by the watch, 6° 11' W. Hence, I reckon thatSt Agnes's light-house is in 49° 57' 30" N. Latitude, and in 6° 20' ofW. Longitude. On the 17th[68] and 18th we were off Ushant, and found the longitude ofthe island to be, by the watch, 5° 18' 37" W. The variation was 23° 0'50", in the same direction. [Footnote 68: It appears from Captain Cook's log-book, that he began hisjudicious operations for preserving the health of his crew, very earlyin the voyage. On the 17th, the ship was smoked between decks withgunpowder. The spare sails also were then well aired. --D. ] With a strong gale at S. , on the 19th, we stood to the westward, tilleight o'clock in the morning; when the wind shifting to the W. And N. W. , we tacked and stretched to the southward. At this time, we saw nine sailof large ships, which we judged to be French men-of-war. They took noparticular notice of us, nor we of them. At ten o'clock in the morning of the 22d, we saw Cape Ortegal; which atnoon bore S. E. 1/2 S. , about four leagues distant. At this time we werein the latitude of 44° 6' N. ; and our longitude, by the watch, was 8°23" W. After two days of calm weather, we passed Cape Finisterre on theafternoon of the 24th, with a fine gale at N. N. E. The longitude of thiscape, by the watch, is 9° 29' W. ; and, by the mean of forty-one lunarobservations, made before and after we passed it, and reduced to it bythe watch, the result was 9° 19' 12". On the 30th, at six minutes and thirty-eight seconds past ten o'clock atnight, apparent time, I observed, with a night telescope, the moontotally eclipsed. By the _ephemeris_, the same happened at Greenwich atnine minutes past eleven o'clock; the difference being one hour, twominutes, and twenty-two seconds, or 15° 35' 30" of longitude. The watch, for the same time, gave 15° 26' 45' longitude W. ; and the latitude was31° 10' N. No other observation could be made on this eclipse, as themoon was hid behind the clouds the greater part of the time; and, inparticular, when the beginning and end of total darkness, and the end ofthe eclipse, happened. Finding that we had not hay and corn sufficient for the subsistence ofthe stock of animals on board, till our arrival at the Cape of GoodHope, I determined to touch at Teneriffe, to get a supply of these, andof the usual refreshments for ourselves; thinking that island, for suchpurposes, better adapted than Madeira. At four in the afternoon of the31st, we saw Teneriffe, and steered for the eastern part. At nine, beingnear it, we hauled up, and stood off and on during the night. At day-light, on the morning of the 1st of August, we sailed round theeast point of the island; and, about eight o'clock, anchored on the S. E. Side of it, in the road of Santa Cruz, in twenty-three fathoms water;the bottom, sand and ooze. Punta de Nago, the east point of the road, bore N. 64° E. ; St Francis's church, remarkable for its high steeple, W. S. W. ; the Pic, S. 65° W. ; and the S. W. Point of the road, on whichstands a fort or castle, S. 39° W. In this situation, we moored N. E. AndS. W. With a cable each way, being near half a mile from the shore. We found, riding in this road, La Boussole, a French frigate, commandedby the Chevalier de Borda; two brigantines of the same nation; anEnglish brigantine from London, bound to Senegal; and fourteen sail ofSpanish vessels. No sooner had we anchored, than we were visited by the master of theport, who satisfied himself with asking the ship's name. Upon hisleaving us, I sent an officer ashore, to present my respects to thegovernor; and to ask his leave to take in water, and to purchase sucharticles as we were in want of. All this he granted with the greatestpoliteness; and, soon after, sent an officer on board, to compliment meon my arrival. In the afternoon, I waited upon him in person, accompanied by some of my officers; and, before I returned to my ship, bespoke some corn and straw for the live stock; ordered a quantity ofwine from Mr McCarrick, the contractor, and made an agreement with themaster of a Spanish boat to supply us with water, as I found that wecould not do it ourselves. The road of Santa Cruz is situated before the town of the same name, onthe S. E. Side of the island. It is, as I am told, the principal road ofTeneriffe, for shelter, capacity, and the goodness of its bottom. Itlies entirely open to the S. E. And S. Winds. But these winds are neverof long continuance; and, they say, there is not an instance of a shipdriving from her anchors on shore. [69] This may, in part, be owing tothe great care they take in mooring them; for I observed, that all theships we met with, there, had four anchors out; two to the N. E. , and twoto the S. W. ; and their cables buoyed up with casks. Ours suffered alittle by not observing this last precaution. [Footnote 69: Though no such instance was known to those from whomCaptain Cook had this information, we learn from Glas, that some yearsbefore he was at Teneriffe, almost all the shipping in the road weredriven on shore. See Glas's History of the Canary Islands, p. 235. Wemay well suppose the precautions now used, have prevented any more suchaccidents happening. This will sufficiently justify Captain Cook'saccount. --- D. ] At the S. W. Part of the road, a stone pier runs out into the sea fromthe town, for the convenience of loading and landing of goods. To thispier, the water that supplies the shipping is conveyed. This, as alsowhat the inhabitants of Santa Cruz use, is derived from a rivulet thatruns from the hills, the greatest part of which comes into the town inwooden spouts or troughs, that are supported by slender posts, and theremainder doth not reach the sea; though it is evident, from the size ofthe channel, that sometimes large torrents rush down. At this time thesetroughs were repairing, so that fresh water, which is very good here, was scarce. Were we to judge from the appearance of the country in the neighbourhoodof Santa Cruz, it might be concluded that Teneriffe is a barren spot, insufficient to maintain even its own inhabitants. The ample supplies, however, which we received, convinced as that they had enough to sparefor visitors. Besides wine, which is the chief produce of the island, beef may be had at a moderate price. The oxen are small and bony, andweigh about ninety pounds a quarter. The meat is but lean, and was, atpresent, sold for half a bit (three-pence sterling) a pound. I, unadvisedly, bought the bullocks alive, and paid considerably more. Hogs, sheep, goats, and poultry, are likewise to be bought at the samemoderate rate; and fruits are in great plenty. At this time we hadgrapes, figs, pears, mulberries, plantains, and musk-melons. There is avariety of other fruits produced here, though not in season at thistime. Their pumpkins, onions, and potatoes, are exceedingly good oftheir kind; and keep better at sea than any I ever before met with. The Indian corn, which is also their produce, cost me about threeshillings and sixpence a bushel; and the fruits and roots were, ingeneral, very cheap. They have not any plentiful supply of fish from theadjoining sea; but a very considerable fishery is carried on by theirvessels upon the coast of Barbary: and the produce of it sells at areasonable price. Upon the whole, I found Teneriffe to be a moreeligible place than Madeira, for ships bound on long voyages to touchat; though the wine of the latter, according to my taste, is as muchsuperior to that of the former, as strong beer is to small. Tocompensate for this, the difference of prices is considerable; for thebest Teneriffe wine was now sold for twelve pounds a pipe; whereas apipe of the best Madeira would have cost considerably more than doublethat sum. [70] [Footnote 70: Formerly, there was made at Teneriffe a great quantity ofCanary sack, which the French call _Vin de Malvesie_; and we, corruptlyafter them, name Malmsey (from Malvesia, a town in the Morea, famous forsuch luscious wine). In the last century, and still later, much of thiswas imported into England; but little wine is now made there, but of thesort described by Captain Cook. Not more than fifty pipes of the richCanary were annually made in Glas's time; and he says, they now gatherthe grapes when green, and make a dry hard wine of them, fit for hotclimates, p. 262. --D. ] The Chevalier De Borda, commander of the French frigate now lying inSanta Cruz road, was employed, in conjunction with Mr Varila, a Spanishgentleman, in making astronomical observations for ascertaining thegoing of two time-keepers which they had on board their ship. For thispurpose, they had a tent pitched on the pier head, where they made theirobservations, and compared their watches, every day at noon, with theclock on shore, by signals. These signals the chevalier very obliginglycommunicated to us; so that we could compare our watch at the same time. But our stay was too short, to profit much by his kindness. The three days comparisons which we made, assured us that the watch hadnot materially, if at all, altered her rate of going; and gave us thesame longitude, within a very few seconds, that was obtained by findingthe time from observations of the sun's altitude from the horizon of thesea. The watch, from a mean of these observations, on the 1st, 2d, and3d of August, made the longitude 16° 31' W. ; and, in like manner, thelatitude was found to be 28° 30' 11" N. Mr Varila informed us, that the true longitude was 18° 35' 30", fromParis, which is only 16° 16' 30" from Greenwich; less than what ourwatch gave by 14' 30". But, far from looking upon this as an error inthe watch, I rather think it a confirmation of its having gone well; andthat the longitude by it may be nearer the truth than any other. It isfarther confirmed by the lunar observations that we made in the road, which gave 16° 37' 10". Those made before we arrived, and reduced to theroad by the watch, gave 16° 33' 30"; and those made after we left it, and reduced back in the same manner, gave 16° 28'. The mean of the threeis 16° 30' 40". To reduce these several longitudes, and the latitude, to the Pic ofTeneriffe, one of the most noted points of land with geographers, (toobtain the true situation of which, I have entered into this particulardiscussion, ) I had recourse to the bearing, and a few hours of theship's run after leaving Santa Cruz road; and found it to be 12' 11" S. Of the road, and 29' 30" of longitude W. Of it. As the base, whichhelped to determine this, was partly estimated, it is liable to someerror; but I think I cannot be much mistaken. Dr Maskelyne, in his_British Mariner's Guide_, places the Pic in the latitude of 28° 12'54". This, with the bearing from the road, will give the difference oflongitude 43', which considerably exceeds the distance they reckon thePic to be from Santa Cruz. I made the latitude of the Pic to be 28° 18'N. Upon that supposition, its longitude will be as follows: {The time-keeper, 17° 0' 30" } By {Lunar observations, 16° 30' 20"} W. {Mr Varila, 16° 46' 0" } But if the latitude of it is 28° 12' 54", as in the _British Mariner'sGuide_, its longitude will be 13° 30' more westerly. The variation, when we were at anchor in the road, by the mean of allour compasses, was found to be 14° 41' 20" W. The dip of the N. End ofthe needle was 61° 52' 30". Some of Mr Anderson's remarks on the natural appearances of Teneriffe, and its productions, and what he observed himself, or learnt byinformation, about the general state of the island, will be of use, particularly in marking what changes may have happened there since MrGlas visited it. They here follow in his own words: "While we were standing in for the land, the weather being perfectlyclear, we had an opportunity of seeing the celebrated Pic of Teneriffe. But, I own, I was much disappointed in my expectation with respect toits appearance. It is, certainly, far from equalling the noble figure ofPico, one of the western isles which I have seen; though itsperpendicular height may be greater. This circumstance, perhaps, arisesfrom its being surrounded by other very high hills; whereas Pico standswithout a rival. " "Behind the city of Santa Cruz, the country rises gradually, and is of amoderate height. Beyond this, to the south-westward, it becomes higher, and continues to rise toward the Pic, which, from the road, appears butlittle higher than the surrounding hills. From thence it seems todecrease, though not suddenly, as far as the eye can reach. From asupposition that we should not stay above one day, I was obliged tocontract my excursions into the country; otherwise, I had proposed tovisit the top of this famous mountain. "[71] [Footnote 71: See an account of a journey to the top of the Pic ofTeneriffe, in Sprat's History of the Royal Society, p. 200, &c. Glas alsowent to the top of it. --History of the Canary Islands, p. 252 to 259. Inthe Philosophical Transactions, vol. Xlvii. P. 353-356, we haveobservations made, in going up the Pic of Teneriffe, by Dr T. Heberden. The doctor makes its height, above the level of the sea, to be 2566fathoms, or 15, 396 English feet; and says, that this was confirmed bytwo subsequent observations by himself, and another made by Mr Crosse, the consul. And yet I find that the Chevalier de Borda, who measured theheight of this mountain in August 1776, makes it to be only 1931 Frenchtoises, or 12, 340 English feet. See Dr Forster's Observations during aVoyage round the World, p. 32. --D. ] "To the eastward of Santa Cruz, the island appears perfectly barren. Ridges of hills run toward the sea; between which ridges are deepvalleys, terminating at mountains or hills that ran across, and arehigher than the former. Those that run toward the sea, are marked byimpressions on their sides, which make them appear as a succession ofconic hills, with their tops very rugged. The higher ones that runacross, are more uniform in their appearance. " "In the forenoon of the 1st of August, after we had anchored in theroad, I went on shore to one of these valleys, with an intention toreach the top of the remoter hills, which seemed covered with wood; buttime would not allow me to get farther than their foot. After walkingabout three miles, I found no alteration in the appearance of the lowerhills, which produce great quantities of the _euphorbia Canariensis_. Itis surprising that this large succulent plant should thrive on soburnt-up a soil. When broken which is easily done, the quantity of juiceis very great; and it might be supposed that, when dried, it wouldshrivel to nothing; yet it is a pretty tough, though soft and lightwood. The people here believe its juice to be so caustic as to erode theskin;[72] but I convinced them, though with much difficulty, to thecontrary, by thrusting my finger into the plant full of it, withoutafterward wiping it off. They break down the bushes of _euphorbia_, and, suffering them to dry, carry them home for fuel. I met with nothing elsegrowing there, but two or three small shrubs, and a few fig-trees nearthe bottom of the valley. " [Footnote 72: Glas, p. 231, speaking of this plant, says, "that hecannot imagine why the natives of the Canaries do not extract the juice, and use it instead of pitch, for the bottoms of their boats. " We nowlearn from Mr Anderson their reason for not using it, --D]. "The basis of the hills is a heavy, compact, bluish stone, mixed withsome shining particles; and, on the surface, large masses of red friableearth, or stone, are scattered about. I also often found the samesubstance disposed in thick strata; and the little earth, strewed hereand there, was a blackish mould. There were likewise some pieces ofslag; one of which, from its weight and smooth surface, seemed almostwholly metalline. " "The mouldering state of these hills is, doubtless, owing to theperpetual action of the sun, which calcines their surface. Thismouldered part being afterward washed away by the heavy rains, perhapsis the cause of their sides being so uneven. For, as the differentsubstances of which they are composed, are more or less easily affectedby the sun's heat, they will be carried away in the like proportions. Hence, perhaps, the tops of the hills, being of the hardest rock, havestood, while the other parts on a declivity have been destroyed. As Ihave usually observed, that the tops of most mountains that are coveredwith trees have a more uniform appearance, I am inclined to believe thatthis is owing to their being shaded. " "The city of Santa Cruz, though not large, is tolerably well built. Thechurches are not magnificent without; but within are decent, andindifferently ornamented. They are inferior to some of the churches atMadeira; but I imagine this rather arises from the different dispositionof the people, than from their inability to support them better. For theprivate houses, and dress of the Spanish inhabitants of Santa Cruz, arefar preferable to those of the Portuguese at Madeira; who, perhaps, arewilling to strip themselves, that they may adorn their churches. " "Almost facing the stone pier at the landing-place, is a handsome marblecolumn lately put up, ornamented with some human figures, that do nodiscredit to the artist; with an inscription in Spanish, to commemoratethe occasion of the erection, and the date. " "In the afternoon of the 2d, four of us hired mules to ride to the cityof Laguna, [73] so called from an adjoining lake, about four miles fromSanta Cruz. We arrived there between five and six in the evening; butfound a sight of it very unable to compensate for our trouble, as theroad was very bad, and the mules but indifferent. The place is, indeed, pretty extensive, but scarcely deserves to be dignified with the name ofcity. The disposition of its streets is very irregular; yet some of themare of a tolerable breadth, and have some good houses. In general, however, Laguna is inferior in appearance to Santa Cruz, though thelatter is but small, if compared with the former. We are informed, likewise, that Laguna is declining fast; there being, at present, somevineyards where houses formerly stood; whereas Santa Cruz is increasingdaily. " [Footnote 73: Its extended name is St Christobal de la Laguna; and itused to be reckoned the capital of the island, the gentry and lawyersliving there; though the governor-general of the Canary Islands residesat Santa Cruz, as being the centre of their trade, both with Europe andAmerica. See Glas's History, p. 248. --D. ] "The road leading from Santa Cruz to Laguna runs up a steep hill, whichis very barren; but, lower down, we saw some fig-trees, and several cornfields. These are but small, and not thrown into ridges, as is practisedin England. Nor does it appear that they can raise any corn here withoutgreat labour, as the ground is so encumbered with stones, that they areobliged to collect and lay them in broad rows, or walls, in smalldistances. The large hills that run to the S. W. , appeared to be prettywell furnished with trees. Nothing else worth noticing presented itselfduring this excursion, except a few aloe plants in flower, near the sideof the road, and the cheerfulness of our guides, who amused us withsongs by the way. " "Most of the laborious work in this island is performed by mules; horsesbeing to appearance scarce, and chiefly reserved for the use of theofficers. They are of a small size, but well shaped and spirited. Oxenare also employed to drag their casks along upon a large clumsy piece ofwood; and they are yoked by the head, though it doth not seem that thishas any peculiar advantage over our method of fixing the harness on theshoulders. In my walks and excursions I saw some hawks, parrots whichare natives of the island, the sea-swallow or tern, sea-gulls, partridges, wagtails, swallows, martins, blackbirds, and Canary-birds inlarge flocks. There are also lizards of the common, and another sort;some insects, as locusts; and three or four sorts of dragon flies. " "I had an opportunity of conversing with a sensible and well-informedgentleman residing here, and whose veracity I have not the least reasonto doubt. From him I learnt some particulars, which, during the shortstay of three days, did not fall within my own observation. He informedme, that a shrub is common here, agreeing exactly with the descriptiongiven by Tournefort and Linnaeus, of the tea shrub, as growing in Chinaand Japan. It is reckoned a weed, and he roots out thousands of themevery year from his vineyards. The Spaniards, however, of the island, sometimes use it as tea, and ascribe to it all the qualities of thatimported from China. They also give it the name of tea; but what isremarkable, they say it was found here when the islands were firstdiscovered. " "Another botanical curiosity, mentioned by him, is what they call theimpregnated lemon. [74] It is a perfect and distinct lemon, inclosedwithin another, differing from the outer one only in being a little moreglobular. The leaves of the tree that produces this sort, are muchlonger than those of the common one; and it was represented to me asbeing crooked, and not equal in beauty. " [Footnote 74: The writer of the Relation of Teneriffe, in Sprat'sHistory, p. 207, takes notice of this lemon as produced here, and callsit _Pregnada_. Probably, _emprennada_, the Spanish word for impregnated, is the name it goes by. --D. ] "From him I learnt also, that a certain sort of grape growing here, isreckoned an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints; and the air andclimate, in general, are remarkably healthful, and particularly adaptedto give relief in such diseases. This he endeavoured to account for, byits being always in one's power to procure a different temperature ofthe air, by residing at different heights in the island; and heexpressed his surprise that the English physicians should never havethought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead ofNice or Lisbon. How much the temperature of the air varies here, Imyself could sensibly perceive, only in riding from Santa Cruz up toLaguna; and you may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable. I wasassured that no person can live comfortably within a mile of theperpendicular height of the Pic, after the month of August. "[75] [Footnote 75: This agrees with Dr T. Heberden's account, who says thatthe sugar-loaf part of the mountain, or _la pericosa_, (as it iscalled, ) which is an eighth part of a league (or 1980 feet) to the top, is covered with snow the greatest part of the year. See PhilosophicalTransactions, as quoted above. --D. ] "Although some smoke constantly issues from near the top of the Pic, they have had no earthquake or eruption of a volcano since 1704, whenthe port of Garrachica, where much of their trade was formerly carriedon, was destroyed. "[76] [Footnote 76: This port was then filled up by the rivers of burning lavathat flowed into it from a volcano; insomuch that houses are now builtwhere ships formerly lay at anchor. See Glas's History, p. 244. --D. ] "Their trade, indeed, must be considered as very considerable; for theyreckon that forty thousand pipes of wine are annually made, thegreatest part of which is either consumed in the island, or made intobrandy, and sent to the Spanish West Indies. [77] About six thousandpipes were exported every year to North America, while the trade with itwas uninterrupted; at present, they think not above half the quantity. The corn they raise is, in general, insufficient to maintain theinhabitants; but the deficiency used to be supplied by importation fromthe North Americans, who took their wines in return. " [Footnote 77: Glas, p. 342, says, that they annually export no less thanfifteen thousand pipes of wine and brandy. In another place, p. 252, hetells us, that the number of the inhabitants of Teneriffe, when the lastaccount was taken, was no less than 96, 000. We may reasonably supposethat there has been a considerable increase of population since Glasvisited the island, which is above thirty years ago. The quantity ofwine annually consumed, as the common beverage of at least one hundredthousand persons, must amount to several thousand pipes. There must be avast expenditure of it, by conversion into brandy; to produce one pipeof which, five or six pipes of wine must be distilled. An attention tothese particulars will enable every one to judge, that the account givento Mr Anderson, of an annual produce of 40, 000 pipes of wine, has afoundation in truth. --D. ] "They make a little silk; but unless we reckon the filtering-stones, brought in great numbers from Grand Canary, the wine is the onlyconsiderable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe. ' "None of the race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniardsdiscovered the Canaries, now remain a distinct people;[78] havingintermarried with the Spanish settlers; but their descendants are known, from their being remarkably tall, large-boned, and strong. The men are, in general, of a tawny colour, and the women have a pale complexion, entirely destitute of that bloom which distinguishes our northernbeauties. The Spanish custom of wearing black clothes continues amongstthem; but the men seem more indifferent about this, and in some measuredress like the French. In other respects, we found the inhabitants ofTeneriffe to be a decent and very civil people, retaining that gravecast which distinguishes those of their country from other Europeannations. Although we do not think that there is a great similaritybetween our manners and those of the Spaniards, it is worth observing, that Omai did not think there was much difference. He only said, 'thatthey seemed not so friendly as the English; and that, in their persons, they approached those of his countrymen. '" [Footnote 78: It was otherwise in Glas's time, when a few families ofthe _Guanches_ (as they are called) remained still in Teneriffe, notblended with the Spaniards. Glas, p. 240. --D. ] SECTION III. _Departure from Teneriffe. --Danger of the Ship near Bonavista. --Isle ofMayo. --Port Praya. --Precautions against the Rain and sultry Weather inthe Neighbourhood of the Equator. --Position of the Coast ofBrazil. --Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope. --Transactionsthere. --Junction of the Discovery. --Mr Anderson's Journey up theCountry. --Astronomical Observations, --Nautical Remarks on the Passagefrom England to the Cape, with regard to the Currents and theVariation_. Having completed our water, and got on board every other thing we wantedat Teneriffe, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, and proceeded onour voyage, with a fine gale at N. E. At nine o'clock in the evening on the 10th, [79] we saw the island ofBonavista bearing south, distant little more than a league; though, atthis time, we thought ourselves much farther off: But this proved amistake. For, after hauling to the eastward till twelve o'clock, toclear the sunken rocks that lie about a league from the S. E. Point ofthe island, we found ourselves, at that time, close upon them, and didbut just weather the breakers. Our situation, for a few minutes, wasvery alarming. I did not choose to sound, as that might have heightenedthe danger, without any possibility of lessening it. I make the northend of the island of Bonavista to lie in the latitude of 16° 17' N. , andin the longitude of 22° 59' W. [Footnote 79: As a proof of Captain Cook's attention, both to thediscipline and to the health of his ship's company, it may be worthwhile to observe here, that it appears from his log-book, he exercisedthem at great guns and small arms, and cleaned and smoked the shipbetwixt decks, twice in the interval between the 4th and the 10th ofAugust. --D. ] As soon as we were clear of the rocks, we steered S. S. W. , till day-breaknext morning, and then hauled to the westward, to go between Bonavistaand the isle of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for theDiscovery, as I had told Captain Clerke that I should touch there, anddid not know how soon he might sail after me. At one in the afternoon, we saw the rocks that lie on the S. W. Side of Bonavista, bearing S. E. , distant three or four leagues. Next morning, at six o'clock, the isle of Mayo bore S. S. E. , distantabout five leagues. In this situation we sounded, and found ground atsixty fathoms. At the same time the variation, by the mean of severalazimuths taken with three different compasses, was 9° 32 1/2' W. Ateleven o'clock, one extreme of Mayo bore E. By N. , and the other S. E. ByS. In this position, two roundish hills appeared near its N. E. Part;farther on, a large and higher hill; and, at about two-thirds of itslength, a single one that is peaked. At the distance we now saw thisisland, which was three or four miles, there was not the leastappearance of vegetation, nor any relief to the eye from that lifelessbrown which prevails in countries under the Torrid Zone that areunwooded. Here I cannot help remarking that Mr Nichelson, in his Preface to"Sundry Remarks and Observations made in a Voyage to the EastIndies, "[80] tells us, that "with eight degrees west variation, or anything above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islandsnight or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are tothe eastward of them. " Such an assertion might prove of dangerousconsequence, were there any that would implicitly trust to it. We alsotried the current, and found one setting S. W. By W. , something more thanhalf a mile an hour. We had reason to expect this, from the differencesbetween the longitude given by the watch and dead reckoning, which, since our leaving Teneriffe, amounted to one degree. [Footnote 80: On board his majesty's ship Elizabeth, from 1758 to 1764;by William Nichelson, master of the said ship. --London, 1773. ] While we were amongst these islands, we had light breezes of wind, varying from the S. E. To E. , and some calms. This shews that the Cape deVerde islands are either extensive enough to break the current of thetrade wind, or that they are situated just beyond its verge, in thatspace where the variable winds, found on getting near the Line, begin. The first supposition, however, is the most probable, as Dampier foundthe wind westerly here in the month of February; at which time the tradewind is supposed to extend farthest toward the equinoctial. [81] Theweather was hot and sultry, with some rain; and, for the most part, adull whiteness prevailed in the sky, that seems a medium between fog andclouds. In general, the tropical regions seldom enjoy that clearatmosphere observable where variable winds blow; nor does the sun shinewith such brightness. This circumtance, however, seems an advantage; forotherwise, perhaps, the rays of the sun, being uninterrupted, wouldrender the heat quite unsupportable. The nights are, nevertheless, oftenclear and serene. [Footnote 81: Dampier's Voyages, vol. Iii. P. 10. --Captain Krusensternappears to be of the same opinion, as to the Cape de Verde islands beingof sufficient magnitude to alter the direction of the trade winds, remarking that S. W. Winds are frequently met with there, and that ifthey are not, the wind is always very moderate in their vicinity. Herecommends vessels, on their passage to the equator, to take theircourse to the westward of these islands, so as to cross the parallel of17°, or that of the island of Antonio in 26-1/2°, or even that of 27°, and then to steer S. E. By S. Directly to the equator. He furtheradvises, that, if possible, the passage of the Line be effected in 20°or 21°, as then there is the advantage of a directly free wind as soonas the S. E. Trade sets in, and of course the ship gets quicker to thesouthward. But this can rarely be done. He himself crossed the equatorin 24° 20' W. , after a passage of thirty days from Santa Cruz. Ships, heinforms us, when crossing in a more westerly direction than 25° and 26°, have been driven by strong currents, and a too southerly trade wind, sonear the coast of Brazil, as not to be able to clear Cape St Augustin. The present opportunity is taken of mentioning, that this very cautiousand intelligent navigator agrees, in general, with Cook, as toNichelson's rule. "His instructions for crossing the Line, on the voyageto India, with 6° 30' and 7° 00' west variation, but in returning toEurope, with eight degrees, might have been of use forty years ago, whenthe method of finding the longitude at sea by distances of the sun andmoon was known to very few navigators, and for a time no great error wascommitted by pursuing them; but at present a variation of seven degreeswould hardly be found on the coast of Africa. "--The reason is, as thescientific reader must know, that the variation has been on the westernincrease since the period alluded to. Thus Nichelson found it at StHelena, in 1764, to be 11° 38', and Captain Krusenstern, in 1806, aspace of forty-two years, 17° 18' 10". --E. ] At nine o'clock in the morning of the 13th, we arrived before PortPraya, in the island of St Jago, where we saw two Dutch East Indiaships, and a small brigantine, at anchor. As the Discovery was notthere, and we had expended but little water in our passage fromTeneriffe, I did not think proper to go in, but stood to the southward. Some altitudes of the sun were now taken, to ascertain the true time. The longitude by the watch, deduced therefrom, was 23° 48' west; thelittle island in the bay bore W. N. W. , distant near three miles, whichwill make its longitude 23° 51'. The same watch, on my late voyage, madethe longitude to be 23° 30' W. ; and we observed the latitude to be 14°53' 30" N. The day after we left the Cape de Verde islands, we lost the N. E. Tradewind; but did not get that which blows from the S. E. Till the 30th, whenwe were in the latitude of 2° north, and in the twenty-fifth degree ofwest longitude. During this interval, [82] the wind was mostly in the S. W. Quarter. Sometimes it blew fresh, and in squalls; but for the most part a gentlebreeze. The calms were few, and of short duration. Between the latitudeof 12° and of 7° N. , the weather was generally dark and gloomy, withfrequent rains, which enabled us to save as much water as filled most ofour empty casks. [Footnote 82: On the 18th, I sunk a bucket with a thermometer seventyfathoms below the surface of the sea, where it remained two minutes; andit took three minutes more to haul it up. The mercury in the thermometerwas at 66, which before, in the air, stood at 78, and in the surface ofthe sea at 79. The water which came up in the bucket, contained, by MrCavendish's table, 1/25, 7 part salt; and that at the surface of the sea1/29, 4. As this last was taken up after a smart shower of rain, itmight be lighter on that account. --_Captain Cook's log-book_. ] These rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them, too oftenbring on sickness in this passage. Every bad consequence, at least, isto be apprehended from them; and commanders of ships cannot be too muchupon their guard, by purifying the air between decks with fires andsmoke, and by obliging the people to dry their clothes at everyopportunity. These precautions were constantly observed on board theResolution[83] and Discovery; and we certainly profited by them, for wehad now fewer sick than on either of my former voyages. We had, however, the mortification to find our ship exceedingly leaky in all her upperworks. The hot and sultry weather we had just passed through, had openedher seams, which had been badly caulked at first, so wide, that theyadmitted the rain-water through as it fell. There was hardly a man thatcould lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were alldriven out of their cabins, by the water that came through the sides. The sails in the sail-room got wet; and before we had weather to drythem, many of them were much damaged, and a great expence of canvas andof time became necessary to make them in some degree serviceable. Havingexperienced the same defect in our sail-rooms on my late voyage, it hadbeen represented to the yard-officers, who undertook to remove it. Butit did not appear to me that any thing had been done to remedy thecomplaint. To repair these defects the caulkers were set to work, assoon as we got into fair and settled weather, to caulk the decks andinside weather-works of the ship; for I would not trust them over thesides while we were at sea. [Footnote 83: The particulars are mentioned in his log-book. On the 14thof August a fire was made in the well, to air the ship below. On the15th, the spare sails were aired upon deck, and a fire made to air thesail-room. On the 17th, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks, and thebread-room aired with fires. On the 21st, cleaned and smoked betwixtdecks; and on the 22d, the men's bedding was spread on deck to air. --D. ] On the first of September[84] we crossed the equator, in the longitudeof 27° 38' W. , with a fine gale at S. E. By S. ; and notwithstanding myapprehensions of falling in with the coast of Brazil in stretching tothe S. W. , I kept the ship a full point from the wind. However, I foundmy fears were ill-grounded; for on drawing near that coast, we met withthe wind more and more easterly; so that, by the time we were in thelatitude of 10° S. , we could make a south-easterly course good. [Footnote 84: The afternoon, as appears from Mr Anderson's Journal, wasspent in performing the old and ridiculous ceremony of ducking those whohad not crossed the equator before. Though Captain Cook did not suppressthe custom, he thought it too trifling to deserve the least mention ofit in his Journal, or even in his log-book. Pernetty, the writer ofBougainville's Voyage to the Falkland Islands, in 1763 and 1764, thoughtdifferently; for his account of the celebration of this childishfestival on board his ship, is extended through seventeen pages, andmakes the subject of an entire chapter, under the title of _Baptême dela Ligne_. It may be worth while to transcribe his introduction to the descriptionof it. "C'est un usage qui ne remonte pas plus haut que ce voyagecélébre de Gama, qui a fourni au Camoens le sujet de la Lusiade. L'idéequ'on ne sçauroit être un bon marin, sans avoir traversé l'Equateur, l'ennui inséparable d'une longue navigation, un certain espritrepublicain qui regne dans toutes les petites societés, peut-être toutesces causes reunies, ont pu donner naissance à ces especes de saturnales. Quoiqu'il en soi, elles furent adoptées, en un instant, dans toutes lesnations, et les hommes les plus eclairés furent obligés de se soumettreà une coutume dont ils reconnoissoient l'absurdité. Car, partout, dèsque le peuple parle, il faut que le sage se mette à l'unison. "--_Histoired'un Voyage aux Isles Malouines_, p. 107, 108. --D. ] On the 8th, we were in the latitude of 8° 57' S. ; which is a little tothe southward of Cape St Augustine, on the coast of Brazil. Ourlongitude, deduced from a very great number of lunar observations, was34° 16' W. ; and by the watch, 34° 47'. The former is 1° 43', and thelatter 2° 14' more westerly than the island of Fernando de Noronha, thesituation of which was pretty well determined during my late voyage. Hence I concluded that we could not now be farther from the continentthan twenty or thirty leagues at most; and perhaps not much less, as weneither had soundings nor any other signs of land. Dr Halley, however, in his voyage, published by Mr Dalrymple, tells us, [85] that "he made nomore than one hundred and two miles, meridian distance, from the island[Fernando de Noronha] to the coast of Brazil;" and seems to think that"currents could not be the whole cause" of his making so little. But Irather think that he was mistaken, and that the currents had hurried himfar to the westward of his intended course. This was, in some measure, confirmed by our own observations; for we had found, during three orfour days preceding the 8th, that the currents set to the westward; and, during the last twenty-four hours, it had set strong to the northward, as we experienced a difference of twenty-nine miles between our observedlatitude and that by dead reckoning. Upon the whole, till some betterastronomical observations are made on shore on the eastern coast ofBrazil, I shall conclude that its longitude is thirty-five degrees and ahalf, or thirty-six degrees W. , at most. [Footnote 85: Page 11. ] We proceeded on our voyage, without meeting with any thing of note, tillthe 6th of October. Being then in the latitude of 35° 15' S. , longitude7° 45' W. , we met with light airs and calms by turns, for three dayssuccessively. We had, for some days before, seen albatrosses, pintadoes, and other petrels; and here we saw three penguins, which occasioned usto sound; but we found no ground with a line of one hundred and fiftyfathoms. We put a boat in the water, and shot a few birds; one of whichwas a black petrel, about the size of a crow, and, except as to the billand feet, very like one. It had a few white feathers under the throat;and the under-side of the quill-feathers were of an ash-colour. All theother feathers were jet black, as also the bill and legs. On the 8th, in the evening, one of those birds which sailors callnoddies, settled on our rigging, and was caught. It was something largerthan an English black-bird, and nearly as black, except the upper partof the head, which was white, looking as if it were powdered; thewhitest feathers growing out from the base of the upper bill, from whichthey gradually assumed a darker colour, to about the middle of the upperpart of the neck, where the white shade was lost in the black, withoutbeing divided by any line. It was web-footed; had black legs and a blackbill, which was long, and not unlike that of a curlew. It is said thesebirds never fly far from land. We knew of none nearer the station wewere in, than Gough's or Richmond Island, from which our distance couldnot be less than one hundred leagues. But it must be observed that theAtlantic Ocean, to the southward of this latitude, has been but littlefrequented; so that there may be more islands there than we areacquainted with. We frequently, in the night, saw those luminous marine animals mentionedand described in my first voyage. Some of them seemed to be considerablylarger than any I had before met with; and sometimes they were sonumerous, that hundreds were visible at the same moment. This calm weather was succeeded by a fresh gale from the N. W. , whichlasted two days. Then we had again variable light airs for abouttwenty-four hours; when the N. W. Wind returned, and blew with suchstrength, that on the 17th we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope; andthe next day anchored in Table Bay, in four fathoms water, with thechurch bearing S. W. 1/4 S. , and Green Point N. W. 1/4 W. As soon as we had received the usual visit from the master attendant andthe surgeon, I sent an officer to wait on Baron Plettenberg, thegovernor; and, on his return, saluted the garrison with thirteen guns, which compliment was returned with the same number. We found in the bay two French East India ships; the one outward, andthe other homeward bound. And two or three days before our arrival, another homeward-bound ship of the same nation had parted from hercable, and been driven on shore at the head of the bay, where she waslost. The crew were saved; but the greatest part of the cargo shared thesame fate with the ship, or (which amounted to the same) was plunderedand stolen by the inhabitants, either out of the ship, or as it wasdriven or carried on shore. This is the account the French officers gaveto me; and the Dutch themselves could not deny the fact. But, by way ofexcusing themselves from being guilty of a crime disgraceful to everycivilized state, they endeavoured to lay the whole blame on the Frenchcaptain, for not applying in time for a guard. As soon as we had saluted, I went on shore, accompanied by some of myofficers, and waited on the Governor, the Lieutenant-Governor, theFiscal, and the Commander of the troops. These gentlemen received mewith the greatest civility; and the Governor, in particular, promised meevery assistance that the place afforded. At the same time I obtainedhis leave to set up our observatory on any spot I should think mostconvenient; to pitch tents for the sail-makers and coopers; and tobring the cattle on shore, to graze near our encampment. Before Ireturned on board, I ordered soft bread, fresh meat, and greens, to beprovided, every day, for the ship's company. On the 22d, we set up the tents and observatory, and began to send theseveral articles out of the ship which I wanted on shore. This could notbe done sooner, as the militia of the place were exercising on, or near, the ground which we were to occupy. The next day, we began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in orderto ascertain the rate of the watch, or, which is the same thing, to findwhether it had altered its rate. These observations were continued everyday, whenever the weather would permit, till the time of our departuredrew near. But before this, the caulkers had been set to work to caulkthe ship; and I had concerted measures with Messrs Brandt and Chiron, for supplying both ships with such provisions as I should want. Bakers, likewise, had been ordered, immediately after our arrival, to bake sucha quantity of bread as I thought would be requisite. As fast as theseveral articles destined for the Resolution were got ready, they werecarried on board. On the 26th, the French ship sailed for Europe, and by her we sentletters to England. The next day, the Hampshire East India ship, fromBencoolen, anchored in the bay, and saluted us with thirteen guns, whichwe returned with eleven. Nothing remarkable happened till the evening of the 31st, when it cameon to blow excessively hard at S. E. , and continued for three days;during which time there was no communication between the ship and theshore. The Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out thegale without dragging her anchors. We felt its effects as sensibly onshore. Our tents and observatory were torn to pieces; and ourastronomical quadrant narrowly escaped irreparable damage. On the 3d ofNovember the storm ceased, and the next day we resumed our differentemployments. On the 6th, the Hampshire India ship sailed for England. In her I senthome an invalid, whom Captain Trimble was so obliging as to receive onboard. I was afterward sorry that I had not availed myself of thisopportunity to part with two or three more of my crew, who were troubledwith different complaints; but, at this time, there was some hope oftheir health being re-established. In the morning of the 10th, the Discovery arrived in the bay. CaptainClerke informed me that he had sailed from Plymouth on the 1st ofAugust, and should have been with us here a week sooner, if the gale ofwind had not blown him off the coast. Upon the whole, he was seven dayslonger in his passage from England than we had been. He had themisfortune to lose one of his marines, by falling overboard; but therehad been no other mortality amongst his people, and they now arrivedwell and healthy. Captain Clerke having represented to me that his ship was in want ofcaulking; that no time might be lost in repairing this defect, next dayI sent all my workmen on board her, having already completed thisservice on board the Resolution. I lent every other assistance to thecaptain to expedite his supply of provisions and water, having given himan order to receive on board as much of both articles as he couldconveniently stow. I now found that the bakers had failed in baking thebread I had ordered for the Discovery. They pretended a want of flour;but the truth was, they were doubtful of her coming, and did not care tobegin till they saw her at anchor in the bay. I have before made mention of our getting our cattle on shore. The bulland two cows, with their calves, were sent to graze along with someother cattle; but I was advised to keep our sheep, sixteen in number, close to our tents, where they were penned up every night. During thenight preceding the 14th, some dogs having got in amongst them, forcedthem out of the pen, killing four, and dispersing the rest. Six of themwere recovered the next day; but the two rams, and two of the finestewes in the whole flock, were amongst those missing. Baron Plettenbergbeing now in the country, I applied to the Lieutenant-Governor, MrHemmy, and to the Fiscal. Both these gentlemen promised to use theirendeavours for the recovery of the lost sheep. The Dutch, we know, boasted that the police at the Cape was so carefully executed, that itwas hardly possible for a slave, with all his cunning and knowledge ofthe country, to effectuate his escape. Yet my sheep evaded all thevigilance of the Fiscal's officers and people. However, after muchtrouble and expence, by employing some of the meanest and lowestscoundrels in the place (who, to use the phrase of the person whorecommended this method to me, would, for a ducatoon, cut their master'sthroat, burn the house over his head, and bury him and the whole familyin the ashes), I recovered them all but the two ewes. Of these I nevercould bear the least tidings; and I gave over all enquiry after them, when I was told that, since I had got the two rams, I might thinkmyself very well off. One of these, however, was so much hurt by thedogs, that there was reason to believe he would never recover. Mr Hemmy very obligingly offered to make up this loss, by giving me aSpanish ram, out of some that he had sent for from Lisbon. But Ideclined the offer, under a persuasion that it would answer my purposefull as well, to take with me some of the Cape rams: the event provedthat I was under a mistake. This gentleman had taken some pains tointroduce European sheep at the Cape; but his endeavours, as he told me, had been frustrated by the obstinacy of the country people, who heldtheir own breed in greater estimation, on account of their large tails, of the fat of which, they sometimes made more money than of the wholecarcase besides; and who thought that the wool of European sheep would, by no means, make up for their deficiency in this respect. [86] Indeed, Ihave heard some sensible men here make the same observation. And thereseems to be foundation for it. For, admitting that European sheep wereto produce wool of the same quality here as in Europe, which experiencehas shewn not to be the case, the Dutch had not hands, at the Cape ofGood Hope, to spare for the manufacturing even their own clothing. It iscertain that, were it not for the continual importation of slaves, thissettlement would have been thinner of people than any other inhabitedpart of the world. [Footnote 86: "The most remarkable thing in the Cape sheep, is thelength and thickness of their tails, which weigh from fifteen to twentypounds. The fat is not so tallowish as that of European mutton, and thepoorer sort use it for butter. "--_Kolben's Cape of Good Hope_ (Englishtranslation), vol. Ii. P. 65. De la Caille, who finds every thing wrongin Kolben, says, the weight of the tails of the Cape sheep is not abovefive or six pounds. --_Voyage de la Caille_, p. 343. If the informationgiven to Captain Cook may be depended upon, it will prove, that, in thisinstance at least, Kolben is unjustly accused of exaggeration. --D. According to Mr Bingley and others, the tail of this sheep sometimesweighs nearly one-third of the whole carcase, and consists of asubstance intermediate betwixt fat and marrow, which is often usedinstead of butter. The fleeces are very fine, long and beautiful; and, in Thibet, where the breed is also found, are worked into shawls. Asimilar breed is said to be found in other countries, as Barbary, Ethiopia, the vicinity of Aleppo, Persia, and Asiatic Russia. Kolben'saccount is conceived to be perfectly credible. --E. ] While the ships were getting ready for the prosecution of our voyage, some of our officers made an excursion to take a view of theneighbouring country. Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who was one of the party, gave me the following relation of their proceedings. [87] [Footnote 87: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. Lxvi. P. 268 to319, is an Account of Three Journies from the Cape Town into theSouthern Parts of Africa, in 1772, 1773, and 1774; by Mr Francis Masson, who had been sent from England for the discovery of new plants, towardsthe improvement of the Royal Botanical Garden at Kew. Much curiousinformation is contained in Mr Masson's account of these journies. M. DePagés, who was at the Cape in 1773, gives some remarks on the state ofthat settlement, and also the particulars of his journey from False Bayto the Cape Town. --_Voyage vers le Pole du Sud_, p. 17 to 32. --D. It is unnecessary to apprise the reader, that our acquaintance with theCape has been most materially increased since the date of thispublication, and that several travellers have devoted their labours tothe illustration of its natural history. --E. ] "On the 16th, in the forenoon, I set out in a waggon, with five more, totake a view of some part of the country. We crossed the large plain thatlies to the eastward of the town, which is entirely a white sand, likethat commonly found on beaches, and produces only heath, and other smallplants of various sorts. At five in the afternoon we passed a largefarm-house, with some corn-fields, and pretty considerable vineyards, situated beyond the plain, near the foot of some low hills, where thesoil becomes worth cultivating. Between six and seven we arrived atStellenbosh, the colony next to that of the Cape for its importance. "The village does not consist of more than thirty houses, and stands atthe foot of the range of lofty mountains, above twenty miles to theeastward of the Cape Town. The houses are neat; and, with the advantageof a rivulet which runs near, and the shelter of some large oaks, planted at its first settling, forms what may be called a rural prospectin this desert country. There are some vineyards and orchards about theplace, which, from their thriving appearance, seem to indicate anexcellent soil; though, perhaps, they owe much to climate, as the airhere has an uncommon serenity. "I employed the next day in searching for plants and insects aboutStellenbosh, but had little success. Few plants are in flower here atthis season, and insects but scarce. I examined the soil in severalplaces, and found it to consist of yellowish clay, mixed with a gooddeal of sand. The sides of the low hills, which appear brown, seem to beconstituted of a sort of stone marl. "We left Stellenbosh next morning, and soon arrived at the house we hadpassed on Saturday; the owner of which, Mr Cloeder, had sent us aninvitation the evening before to visit him. This gentleman entertainedus with the greatest hospitality, and in a manner very different fromwhat we expected. He received us with music, and a band also playedwhile we were at dinner; which, considering the situation of the place, might be reckoned elegant. He shewed us his wine-cellars, his orchards, and vineyards; all which, I must own, inspired me with a wish to know inwhat manner these industrious people could create such plenty, in a spotwhere, I believe, no other European nation would have attempted tosettle. "In the afternoon we crossed the country, and passed a few plantations, one of which seemed very considerable, and was laid out in a tastesomewhat different from any other we saw. In the evening we arrived at afarm-house, which is the first in the cultivated tract called the Pearl. We had, at the same time, a view of Drakenstein, the third colony ofthis country, which lies along by the foot of the lofty hills alreadymentioned, and contains several farms or plantations, not veryextensive. "I went, on the 19th in the forenoon, in quest of plants and insects, which I found almost as scarce as at Stellenbosh; but I met with moreshrubs or small trees, naturally produced, in the valleys, than in anypart of the country I had hitherto seen. "In the afternoon we went to see a stone of a remarkable size, called bythe inhabitants the Tower of Babylon, or the Pearl Diamond. [88] It lies, or stands, upon the top of some low hills, at the foot of which ourfarm-house was situated; and though the road to it is neither very steepnor rugged, we were above an hour and a half in walking to it. It is ofan oblong shape, rounded on the top, and lies nearly S. And N. The E. And W. Sides are steep, and almost perpendicular. The S. End is likewisesteep, and its greatest height is there; from whence it declines gentlyto the N. Part, by which we ascended to its top, and had an extensiveview of the whole country. [Footnote 88: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. Lxviii, part i. P. 102, we have a letter from Mr Anderson to Sir John Pringle, describingthis remarkable stone. The account sent home from the Cape, and readbefore the Royal Society, is much the same with that now published, butrather fuller. In particular, he tells Sir John, that he went to see itat Mr Masson's desire, who probably had not had an opportunity ofsufficiently examining it himself. In the account of his journies abovereferred to, p. 270, he only says, "there are two large solid rocks onthe Perel Berg, each of which (he believes) is more than a mile incircumference at the base, and upwards of 200 feet high. Their surfacesare nearly smooth, without chink or fissures; and they are found to be aspecies of granite, different from that which composes the neighbouringmountains. " Mr Anderson having, with his letter to Sir John Pringle, also sent homea specimen of the rock, it was examined by Sir William Hamilton, whoseopinion is, that "this singular, immense fragment of granite, mostprobably has been raised by a volcanic explosion, or some such cause. "See his Letter to Sir John Pringle, annexed to Mr Anderson's, in thePhilosophical Transactions. --D. ] "Its circumference, I think, must be at least half a mile, as it took usabove half an hour to walk round it, including every allowance for thebad road, and stopping a little. At its highest part, which is the S. End, comparing it with a known object, it seems to equal the dome of StPaul's church. It is one uninterrupted mass of stone, if we except somefissures, or rather impressions, not above three or four feet deep, anda vein which runs across near its N. End. It is of that sort of stonecalled, by mineralogists, _Saxum conglutinatum_, and consists chiefly ofpieces of coarse quartz and glimmer, held together by a clayey cement. But the vein which crosses it, though of the same materials, is muchcompacter. This vein is not above a foot broad or thick; and its surfaceis cut into little squares or oblongs, disposed obliquely, which makesit look like the remains of some artificial work. But I could notobserve whether it penetrated far into the large rock, or was onlysuperficial. In descending, we found at its foot a very rich blackmould; and on the sides of the hills some trees of a considerable size, natives of the place, which are a species of _olea_. [89] [Footnote 89: "It is strange that neither Kolben nor de la Caille shouldhave thought the Tower of Babylon worthy of a particular description. The former [vol. Ii. P. 52, 53, English translation] only mentions it asa high mountain. The latter contents himself with telling us, that itis a very low hillock, _un tres bas monticule. Voyage de la Caille_, p. 341. We are much obliged to Mr Anderson for his very accurate account ofthis remarkable rock, which agrees with Mr Sonnerat's, who was at theCape of Good Hope so late as 1781. His words are, "La Montagne de la_Perle_, merite d'être observée. C'est un des plus hautes des environsdu Cap. Elle n'est composée que d'un seul bloc de granit crevassé dansplusieurs endroits. " _Voyage aux Indes_, tom. Ii. P. 91. Mr Sonnerat tells us, that Mr Gordon, commander of the troops at theCape, had lately made three journies up the country, from which, when hepublishes his journal, we may expect much curious information. --D. ] "In the morning of the 20th we set out from the Pearl; and going adifferent road from that by which we came, passed through a countrywholly uncultivated, till we got to the Tiger hills, when some tolerablecorn-fields appeared. At noon we stopped in a hollow for refreshment, but, in walking about here, were plagued with a vast number ofmusquitoes or sand-flies, which were the first I saw in the country. Inthe afternoon we set out again, and in the evening arrived at the CapeTown, tired with the jolting waggon. " On the 23d we got on board the observatory, clock, &c. By a mean of theseveral results of the equal altitudes of the sun, taken with theastronomical quadrant, the astronomical clock was found to lose onsidereal time, 1' 8", 368 each day. The pendulum was kept at the samelength as at Greenwich, where the daily loss of the clock on siderealtime was 4". The watch, by the mean of the results of fifteen days observations, wasfound to be losing 2", 261, on mean time, each day, which is 1", 052 morethan at Greenwich; and on the 21st, at noon, she was too slow for meantime by 1'h 20' 57", 66. From this 6' 48", 956 is to be subtracted, forwhat she was too slow on the 11th of June at Greenwich, and her dailyrate since; and the remainder, viz. 1° 14' 8", 704, or 18° 32' 10", willbe the longitude of the Cape Town by the watch. Its true longitude, asfound by Messrs Masson and Dixon, is 18° 23' 15". As our observationswere made about half a mile to the E. Of theirs, the error of the watchin longitude is no more than 8' 25". Hence we have reason to conclude, that she had gone well all the way from England, and that the longitude, thus given, may be nearer the truth than any other. If this be admitted, it will, in a great measure, enable me to find thedirection and strength of the currents we met with on this passage fromEngland. For, by comparing the latitude and longitude by dead reckoningwith those by observation and the watch, we shall, from time to time, have, very accurately, the error of the ship's reckoning, be the causewhat it will. But as all imaginable care was taken in heaving, andkeeping the log, and every necessary allowance made for lee-way, heaveof the sea, and other such circumstances, I cannot attribute thoseerrors that did happen to any other cause but currents; but moreparticularly when the error was constantly the same way for several dayssuccessively. On the contrary, if we find the ship a-head of the reckoning on one day, and a-stern of it on another, we have reason to believe that such errorsare owing to accidental causes, and not to currents. This seems to havebeen the case in our passage between England and Teneriffe. But, fromthe time of our leaving that island, till the 15th of August, being thenin the latitude of 12° N. And longitude 24° W. The ship was carried 1°20' of longitude to the westward of her reckoning. At this station thecurrents took a contrary direction, and set to E. S. E. At the rate oftwelve or fourteen miles a day, or twenty-four hours, till we arrivedinto the latitude of 5° N. And longitude of 20° W. ; which was our mosteasterly situation after leaving the Cape de Verde Islands till we gotto the southward. For in this situation the wind came southerly, and wetacked and stretched to the westward; and, for two or three days, couldnot find that our reckoning was affected by any current. So that Ijudged we were between the current that generally, if not constantly, sets to the east upon the coast of Guinea, and that which sets to thewest toward the coast of Brazil. This westerly current was notconsiderable till we got into 2° N. And 25° W. From this station to 3°S. And 30° W. The ship, in the space of four days, was carried 115 milesin the direction of S. W. By W. Beyond her reckoning; an error by far toogreat to have any other cause but a strong current running in the samedirection. Nor did its strength abate here; but its course was afterwardmore westerly, and to the N. Of W. , and off Cape Augustine N. As I havealready mentioned. But this northerly current did not exist at twenty orthirty leagues to the southward of that Cape, nor any other, that Icould perceive, in the remaining part of the passage. The littledifference we afterward found between the reckoning and observations, might very well happen without the assistance of currents, as willappear by the table of Day's Works. [90] [Footnote 90: The curious reader will find some interesting, though notdecisive, remarks concerning the currents of the Atlantic Ocean inClerke's Prog. Of Mar. Disc. Vol. I. P. 358. --E. ] In the accounts of my last voyage, I remarked, that the currents onemeets with in his passage generally balance each other. It happened sothen, because we crossed the Line about 20° more to the eastward than wedid now; so that we were, of consequence, longer under the influence ofthe easterly current, which made up for the westerly one. And this, Iapprehend, will generally be the case, if you cross the Line 10° or 15°to the E. Of the meridian of St Jago. From these remarks I shall draw the following conclusion, that afterpassing the Cape de Verde Islands, if you do not make above 4° or 5°easting, and cross the Line in, or to the westward of, the meridian ofSt Jago, you may expect to find your ship 3° or 4° to the westward ofher reckoning by the time you get into the latitude of 10° S. If, on theother hand, you keep well to the E. And cross the Line 15° or 20° to theE. Of St Jago, you will be then as much to the E. Of your reckoning; andthe more you keep to the eastward, the greater will be your error, ashas been experienced by some India ships, whose people have foundthemselves close upon the coast of Angola, when they thought itsdistance was above 200 leagues. During the whole of our passage from England, no opportunity was omittedof observing, with all the attention and accuracy that circumstanceswould permit, the variation of the compass, which I have inserted in atable, with the latitude and longitude of the ship at the time ofobservation. As the longitude may be depended upon, to a quarter or halfa degree at most, this table will be of use to those navigators whocorrect their reckoning by the variation. It will also enable Mr Dun tocorrect his new Variation Chart, a thing very much wanted. It seems strange to me, that the advocates for the variation should notagree amongst themselves. We find one[91] of them telling us, as I havealready observed, "that with 8° W. Variation, or any thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands by night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward ofthem. " Another, in his chart, [92] lays down this variation ninetyleagues to the westward of them. Such a disagreement as this, is astrong proof of the uncertainty of both. However, I have no doubt theformer found here, as well as in other places, the variation hementions. But he should have considered, that at sea, nay even on land, the results of the most accurate observations will not always be thesame. Different compasses will give different variations; and even thesame compass will differ from itself two degrees, without our being ableto discover, much less to remove, the cause. [Footnote 91: Nichelson. ] [Footnote 92: Mr Dun. ] Whoever imagines he can find the variation within a degree, will veryoften see himself much deceived. For, besides the imperfection which maybe in the construction of the instrument, or in the power of the needle, it is certain that the motion of the ship, or attraction of theiron-work, or some other cause not yet discovered, will frequentlyoccasion far greater errors than this. That the variation may be found, with a share of accuracy more than sufficient to determine the ship'scourse, is allowed; but that it can be found so exactly as to fix thelongitude within a degree, or sixty miles, I absolutely deny. [93] [Footnote 93: Few readers, it is presumed, require to be informed, thatthe mode of endeavouring to ascertain the longitude by the variation ofthe compass is no longer in use. In a work already referred to, Clerke'sProg. Of Mar. Disc. , a singular enough communication is insertedrespecting the effect of tallow on the compass. It is subscribed byLieutenant Mason of the marines; but whether the experiments it relateshave been repeated by others, or if the inference it maintains has beenotherwise confirmed, the writer has yet to learn. He thought it right, however, to notice it, as the more extensively hints are spread whichconcern the advancement of useful discovery, the greater chance we haveof correcting errors, and perfecting science, The same reason justifieshis remarking, that the most important observations respecting thevariation of the compass made of late years, are those of CaptainFlinders, as to the effect of the ship's course upon it. The reader willfind them in the appendix to the account of his voyage lately published, 2d volume. Similar observations have still more recently been made by anofficer on board his majesty's ship Sibyl, while in the North Seaprotecting our Greenland fishery. They form an appendix to the Accountof a Voyage to Spitzbergen, by Mr John Laing, Surgeon, published atEdinburgh, 1815. Of their importance and accuracy, notwithstanding thesmall scale on which they were made, and the meagre manner in which theyhave been communicated, it is impossible for a moment to doubt. Theconcluding remark is entitled to considerable regard. --"After a moreenlarged series of observations shall have been taken, and after theattention of astronomers is directed to this fact, one may confidentlyexpect a most important improvement in the science of navigation. " Thevalue of the discovery alluded to, will at once appear from what is saidin the way of enquiry as to similar observations to those made in theNorth Sea applying to ships coming from the Baltic, viz. That if so, "they most effectually account for ships getting down on the coast ofHolland, when they suppose themselves well over in Mid-channel; andtherefore prove the loss of so many of our brave tars when coming fromthat sea. "--P. 163. As a paper, containing Captain Flinders'sobservations on this subject, had been sent to the officer who makesthis communication, by the Lords of the Admiralty, it is reasonable toexpect that official agency is engaged to benefit the world by maturinghe discovery. --E. ] SECTION IV. _The two Ships leave the Cape of Good Hope. --Two Islands, named PrinceEdwards, seen, and their Appearance described. --Kerguelen's Landvisited. --Arrival in Christmas Harbour. --Occurrences there. --Descriptionof it_. After the disaster which happened to our sheep, it may be well supposedthat I did not trust those that remained long on shore, but got them andthe other cattle on board as fast as possible. I also added to myoriginal stock by purchasing two young bulls, two heifers, two youngstone-horses, two mares, two rams, several ewes and goats, and somerabbits and poultry. All of them were intended for New Zealand, Otaheite, and theneighbouring islands, or any other places in the course of our voyage, where there might be a prospect that the leaving any of them would beuseful to posterity. Toward the latter end of November the caulkers had finished their workon board the Discovery, and she had received all her provisions andwater. Of the former, both ships had a sufficient supply for two yearsand upward. And every other article we could think of, necessary forsuch a voyage, that could be had at the Cape, was procured; neitherknowing when, nor where, we might come to a place where we could furnishourselves so well. Having given Captain Clerke a copy of my instructions, and an orderdirecting him how to proceed in case of separation, in the morning ofthe 30th we repaired on board. At five in the afternoon a breeze sprungup at S. E. With which we weighed, and stood out of the bay. At nine itfell calm, and we anchored between Penguin Island and the east shore, where we lay till three o'clock next morning. We then weighed and put tosea, with a light breeze at S. , but did not get clear of the land tillthe morning of the 3d, when, with a fresh gale at W. N. W. We stood to theS. E. To get more into the way of these winds. On the 5th a sudden squall of wind carried away the Resolution's mizentop-mast. Having another to replace it, the loss was not felt, especially as it was a bad stick, and had often complained. On the 6th, in the evening, being then in the latitude of 39° 14' S. And in thelongitude of 25° 56' E. , we passed through several small spots of waterof a reddish colour. Some of this was taken up, and it was found toabound with a small animal, which the microscope discovered to be like acray-fish, of a reddish hue. We continued our course to the S. E. With a very strong gale from thewestward, followed by a mountainous sea, which made the ship roll andtumble exceedingly, and gave us a great deal of trouble to preserve thecattle we had on board. Notwithstanding all our care, several goats, especially the males, died, and some sheep. This misfortune was, in agreat measure, owing to the cold, which we now began most sensibly tofeel. On the 12th, at noon, we saw land extending from S. E. By S. To S. E. ByE. Upon a nearer approach we found it to be two islands. That which liesmost to the south, and is also the largest, I judged to be about fifteenleagues in circuit, and to be in the latitude of 46° 53' S. And in thelongitude of 37° 46' E. The most northerly one is about nine leagues incircuit, and lies in the latitude of 46° 40' S. And in 38° 8' E. Longitude. The distance from the one to the other is about five leagues. We passed through this channel at equal distance from both islands; andcould not discover, with the assistance of our best glasses, either treeor shrub on either of them. They seemed to have a rocky and bold shore;and, excepting the S. E. Parts, where the land is rather low and flat, asurface composed of barren mountains, which rise to a considerableheight, and whose summits and sides were covered with snow, which inmany places seemed to be of a considerable depth. The S. E. Parts had amuch greater quantity on them than the rest, owing, probably, to the sunacting for a less space of time on these than on the N. And N. W. Parts. The ground, where it was not hid by the snow, from the various shades itexhibited, may be supposed to be covered with moss, or perhaps such acoarse grass as is found in some parts of Falkland's Islands. On the N. Side of each of the islands is a detached rock; that near the S. Islandis shaped like a tower, and seemed to be at some distance from theshore. As we passed along, a quantity of seaweed was seen, and thecolour of the water indicated soundings. But there was no appearance ofan inlet, unless near the rock just mentioned; and that, from itssmallness, did not promise a good anchoring-place. These two islands, as also four others which lie from nine to twelvedegrees of longitude more to the E. And nearly in the same latitude, were discovered, as I have mentioned in my late voyage, [94] by CaptainsMarion du Fresne and Crozet, French navigators, in January, 1772, ontheir passage in two ships from the Cape of Good Hope to the PhilippineIslands. As they have no names in the French chart of the southernhemisphere, which Captain Grozet communicated to me in 1775, [95] I shalldistinguish the two we now saw by calling them Prince Edward's Islands, after his majesty's fourth son; and the other four, by the name ofMarion's and Crozet's Islands, to commemorate their discoverers. [Footnote 94: Captain Cook's second voyage. These islands are said to bein the latitude of 48° S. ; that is, 2° farther S. Than what here appearsto be their real position. --D. ] [Footnote 95: See Cook's voyage, as above. Dr. Forster, in hisObservations made during that Voyage, p. 30, gives us this descriptionof the chart then communicated by Monsieur Crozet; that it was"published under the patronage of the Duke de Croye, by Robert deVaugondy. " Captain Cook tells us, lower in this chapter, that it waspublished in 1773. --D. ] We had now, for the most part, strong gales between the N. And W. , andbut very indifferent weather; not better, indeed, than we generally havein England in the very depth of winter, though it was now the middle ofsummer in this hemisphere. Not discouraged, however, by this, afterleaving Prince Edward's Islands, I shaped our course to pass to thesouthward of the others, that I might get into the latitude of the landdiscovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen. I had applied to the Chevalier de Borda whom, as I have mentioned, Ifound at Teneriffe, requesting, that if he knew any thing of the islanddiscovered by Monsieur de Kerguelen, between the Cape of Good Hope andNew Holland, he would be so obliging as to communicate it to me. Accordingly, just before we sailed from Santa Cruz Bay, he sent me thefollowing account of it, viz. "That the pilot of the Boussole, who wasin the voyage with Monsieur de Kerguelen, had given him the latitude andlongitude of a little island, which Monsieur de Kerguelen called theIsle of Rendezvous, and which lies not far from the great island whichhe saw. Latitude of the little isle, by seven observations, 48° 26' S. ;longitude, by seven observations of the distance of the sun and moon, 64° 57' E. From Paris, " I was very sorry I had not sooner known thatthere was on board the frigate at Teneriffe, an officer who had beenwith Monsieur de Kerguelen, especially the pilot; because from him Imight have obtained more interesting information about this land thanthe situation alone, of which I was not before entirely ignorant. [96] [Footnote 96: Captain Cook's proceedings, as related in the remainingpart of this chapter, and in the next, being upon a coast newlydiscovered by the French, it could not but be an object of his attentionto trace the footsteps of the original explorers. But no superiority ofprofessional skill, nor diligence in exerting it, could possibly qualifyhim to do this successfully, without possessing, at the same time, fulland authentic intelligence of all that had been performed here by hispredecessors in the discovery. But that he was not so fortunate as to bethus sufficiently instructed, will appear from the following facts, which the reader is requested to attend to, before he proceeds to theperusal of this part of the journal. How very little was known, with any precision, about the operations ofKerguelen, when Captain Cook sailed in 1776, may be inferred from thefollowing paragraph of his instructions:--"You are to proceed in searchof some islands said to have been lately seen by the French in thelatitude of 48° S. , and in the meridian of the Mauritius. " This was, barely, the amount of the very indefinite and imperfect information, which Captain Cook himself had received from Baron Plettenberg at theCape of Good Hope, in November 1772; in the beginning of which yearKerguelen's first voyage had taken place. The captain, on his return homeward, in March 1775, heard, a secondtime, something about this French discovery at the Cape, where he metwith Monsieur Crozet, who very obligingly communicated to him a chart ofthe southern hemisphere, wherein were delineated not only his owndiscoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen. But what littleinformation that chart could convey, was still necessarily confined tothe operations of the first voyage; the chart here referred to, havingbeen published in France in 1773, that is, before any intelligence couldpossibly be conveyed from the southern hemisphere of the result ofKerguelen's second visit to this new land, which, we now know, happenedtowards the close of the same year. Of these latter operations, the only account (if that can be called anaccount, which conveys no particular information) received by CaptainCook from Monsieur Crozet, was, that a later voyage had been undertakenby the French, under the command of Captain Kerguelen, which had endedmuch to the disgrace of that commander. What Crozet had not communicated to our author, and what we are sure, from a variety of circumstances, he had never heard of from any otherquarter, he missed an opportunity of learning at Teneriffe. He expressedhis being sorry, as we have just read, that he did not know sooner thatthere was on board the frigate an officer who had been with Kerguelen, as he might have obtained from him more interesting information aboutthis land, than its situation. And, indeed, if he had conversed withthat officer, he might have obtained information more interesting thanhe was aware of; he might have learnt that Kerguelen had actuallyvisited this southern land a second time, and that the little isle ofwhich he then received the name and position from the Chevalier deBorda, was a discovery of this later voyage. But the account conveyed tohim, being, as the reader will observe, unaccompanied with any date, orother distinguishing circumstance, he left Teneriffe, and arrived on thecoasts of Kerguelen's Land, under a full persuasion that it had beenvisited only once before. And, even with regard to the operations ofthat first voyage, he had nothing to guide him, but the very scantymaterials afforded to him by Baron Plettenberg and Monsieur Crozet. The truth is, the French seem, for some reason or other, not surelyfounded on the importance of Kerguelen's discovery, to have been veryshy of publishing a full and distinct account of it. No such account hadbeen published while Captain Cook lived. Nay, even after the return ofhis ships in 1780, the gentleman who obligingly lent his assistance togive a view of the prior observations of the French, and to connect themon the same chart with those of our author, though his assiduity inprocuring geographical information can be equalled only by his readinessin communicating it, had not, it should seem, been able to procure anymaterials for that purpose, but such as mark the operations of the firstFrench voyage; and even for these, he was indebted to a MS. Drawing. But this veil of unnecessary secrecy is at length drawn aside. Kerguelenhimself has published the journal of his proceedings in two successivevoyages, in the years 1772 and 1773; and has annexed to his narrative achart of the coasts of this land, as far as he had explored them in bothvoyages. Monsieur de Pagès, also, much about the same time, favoured uswith another account of the second voyage, in some respects fuller thanKerguelen's own, on board whose ship he was then an officer. From these sources of authentic information, we are enabled to drawevery necessary material to correct what is erroneous, and to illustratewhat, otherwise, would have remained obscure, in this part of CaptainCook's journal. We shall take occasion to do this in separate notes onthe passages as they occur, and conclude this tedious, but, it is hoped, not unnecessary, detail of facts, with one general remark, fullyexpressive of the disadvantages our author laboured under. He never sawthat part of the coast upon which the French had been in 1772; and henever knew that they had been upon another part of it in 1773, which wasthe very scene of his own operations. Consequently, what he knew of theformer voyage, as delineated upon Crozet's chart, only served to perplexand mislead his judgment; and his total ignorance of the latter, put itout of his power to compare his own observations with those then made byKerguelen; though we, who are better instructed, can do this, by tracingthe plainest marks of coincidence and agreement. --D. ] My instructions directing me to examine it, with a view to discover agood harbour, I proceeded in the search; and on the 16th, being then inthe latitude of 48° 45', and in the longitude of 52° E. , we saw penguinsand divers, and rock-weed floating in the sea. We continued to meet withmore or less of these every day, as we proceeded to the eastward; and onthe 21st, in the latitude of 48° 27' S. , and in the longitude of 65° E. , a very large seal was seen. We had now much foggy weather, and as weexpected to fall in with the land every hour, our navigation became bothtedious and dangerous. At length, on the 24th, at six o'clock in the morning, as we weresteering to the eastward, the fog clearing away a little, we sawland, [97] bearing S. S. E. , which, upon a nearer approach, we found to bean island of considerable height, and about three leagues incircuit. [98] Soon after, we saw another of the same magnitude, oneleague to the eastward;[99] and between these two, in the direction ofS. E. , some smaller ones. [100] In the direction of S. By E. 1/2 E. , fromthe E. End of the first island, a third[101] high island was seen. Attimes, as the fog broke away, we had the appearance of land over thesmall islands; and I had thoughts of steering for it, by running inbetween them. But, on drawing nearer, I found this would be a dangerousattempt, while the weather continued foggy. For if there should be nopassage, or if we should meet with any sudden danger, it would have beenimpossible for us to get off; the wind being right a-stern, and aprodigious sea running, that broke on all the shores in a frightfulsurf. At the same time, seeing another island in the N. E. Direction, andnot knowing but that their might be more, I judged it prudent to hauloff, and wait for clearer weather, lest we should get entangled amongstunknown lands in a thick fog. [Footnote 97: Captain Cook was not the original discoverer of thesesmall islands which he now fell in with. It is certain that they hadbeen seen and named by Kerguelen, on his second voyage, in December1773. Their position, relatively to each other, and to the adjoiningcoasts of the greater land, bears a striking resemblance to Kerguelen'sdelineation of them; whose chart, however, the public may be assured, was unknown in England till after that accompanying the account of thisthird voyage had been engraved. --D. ] [Footnote 98: This is the isle to which Kerguelen gave the name of Croy, or Crouy. Besides delineating it upon his chart, he has added aparticular view of it, exactly corresponding with Captain Cook's accountof its being of considerable height. --D. ] [Footnote 99: Kerguelen called this Isle Rolland, after the name of hisown ship. There is also a particular view of it on the Frenchchart. --D. ] [Footnote 100: The observations of the French and English navigatorsagree exactly as to the position of these smaller isles. --D. ] [Footnote 101: The situation of Kerguelen's Isle de Clugny, as marked onthis chart, shews it to be the third high island seen by CaptainCook. --D. ] We did but just weather the island last mentioned. It is a high roundrock, which was named Bligh's Cap. Perhaps this is the same thatMonsieur de Kerguelen called the Isle of Rendezvous;[102] but I knownothing that can rendezvous at it, but fowls of the air; for it iscertainly inaccessible to every other animal. [Footnote 102: This isle, or rock, was the single point about whichCaptain Cook had received the least information at Teneriffe; and we mayobserve how sagacious he was in tracing it. What he could only speak ofas probable, a comparison of his chart with that lately published byKerguelen, proves to be certain; and if he had even read and copied whathis predecessor in the discovery says of it, he could scarcely havevaried his account of its shape. Kerguelen's words are, "Isle deReunion, qui n'est qu'une Roche, nous servoit de Rendezvous, ou de pointde ralliement; et ressemble à un coin de mire. "--D. ] At eleven o'clock the weather began to clear up, and we immediatelytacked, and steered in for the land. At noon, we had a pretty goodobservation, which enabled us to determine the latitude of Bligh's Cap, which is the northernmost island, to be 48° 29' S. , and its longitude68° 40' E. '[103] We passed it at three o'clock, standing to the S. S. E. , with a fresh gale at W. [Footnote 103: The French and English agree very nearly (as might beexpected) in their accounts of the latitude of this island; but theobservations by which they fix its longitude vary considerably. Thepilot at Teneriffe made it only 64° 57' E. From Paris, which is about67° 16' E. From London; or 1° 24' more westerly than Captain Cook'sobservations fix it. Monsieur de Pagès says it is 66° 47' E. From Paris, that is, 69° 6' E. From London, or twenty-six miles more easterly thanit is placed by Captain Cook. Kerguelen himself only says that it isabout 68° of E. Longitude, _par_ 68° _de longitude_. --D. ] Soon after we saw the land, of which we had a faint view in the morning;and at four o'clock it extended from S. E. 1/2 E. , to S. W. By S. , distantabout four miles. The left extreme, which I judged to be the northernpoint of this land, called, in the French chart of the southernhemisphere, Cape St Louis, [104] terminated in a perpendicular rock of aconsiderable height; and the right one (near which is a detached rock)in a high indented point. [105] From this point the coast seemed to turnshort round to the southward, for we could see no land to the westwardof the direction in which it now bore to us, but the islands we hadobserved in the morning; the most southerly[106] of them lying nearly W. From the point, about two or three leagues distant. [Footnote 104: Hitherto, we have only had occasion to supply defects, owing to Captain Cook's entire ignorance of Kerguelen's second voyage in1773; we must now correct errors, owing to his very limited knowledge ofthe operations of the first voyage in 1772. The chart of the southernhemisphere, his only guide, having given him, as he tells us, the nameof Cape St Louis (or Cape Louis) as the most northerly promontory thenseen by the French; and his own observations now satisfying him that nopart of the main land stretched farther north than the left extreme nowbefore him; from this supposed similarity of situation, he judged thathis own perpendicular rock must be the Cape Louis of the firstdiscoverers. By looking upon the chart originally published with thisvoyage, we shall find Cape Louis lying upon a different part of thecoast; and by comparing this chart with that published by Kerguelen, itwill appear, in the clearest manner, that the northern point nowdescribed by Captain Cook, is the very same to which the French havegiven the name of Cape Francois--D. ] [Footnote 105: This right extreme of the coast, as it now shewed itselfto Captain Cook, seems to be what is represented on Kerguelen's chartunder the name of Cape Aubert. It may be proper to observe here, thatall that extent of coast lying between Cape Louis and Cape Francois, ofwhich the French saw very little during their first visit in 1772, andmay be called the N. W. Side of this land, they had it in their power totrace the position of in 1773, and have assigned names to some of itsbays, rivers, and promontories, upon their chart. --D. ] [Footnote 106: Kerguelen's Isle de Clugny. --D. ] About the middle of the land there appeared to be an inlet, for which westeered; but, on approaching, found it was a bending in the coast, andtherefore bore up, to go round Cape St Louis. [107] Soon after, landopened off the cape, in the direction of S. 53° E. , and appeared to be apoint at a considerable distance; for the trending of the coast from thecape was more southerly. We also saw several rocks and islands to theeastward of the above directions, the most distant of which was aboutseven leagues from the cape, bearing S. 88° E. [108] We had no sooner gotoff the cape, than we observed the coast, to the southward, to be muchindented by projecting points and bays; so that we now made sure of soonfinding a good harbour. Accordingly, we had not run a mile farther, before we discovered one behind the cape, into which we began to ply;but after making one board, it fell calm, and we anchored at theentrance in forty-five fathoms water, the bottom black sand; as did theDiscovery soon after. I immediately dispatched Mr Bligh, the master, ina boat to sound the harbour; who, on his return, reported it to be safeand commodious, with good anchorage in every part; and great plenty offresh-water, seals, penguins, and other birds on the shore; but not astick of wood. While we lay at anchor, we observed that the flood tidecame from the S. E. , running two knots, at least, in an hour. [Footnote 107: Cape François, as already observed. --D. ] [Footnote 108: The observations of the French, round Cape François, remarkably coincide with Captain Cook's in this paragraph; and the rocksand islands here mentioned by him, also appear upon their chart. --D. ] At day-break, in the morning of the 25th, we weighed with a gentlebreeze at W, ; and having wrought into the harbour, to within a quarterof a mile of the sandy beach at its head, we anchored in eight fathomswater, the bottom a fine dark sand. The Discovery did not get in tilltwo o'clock in the afternoon, when Captain Clerke informed me, that hehad narrowly escaped being driven on the S. Point of the harbour, hisanchor having started before they had time to shorten in the cable. Thisobliged them to set sail, and drag the anchor after them, till they hadroom to heave it up, and then they found one of its palms was brokenoff. As soon as we had anchored, I ordered all the boats to be hoisted out, the ship to be moored with a kedge-anchor, and the water-casks to be gotready to send on shore. In the mean time I landed, to look for the mostconvenient spot where they might be filled, and to see what else theplace afforded. I found the shore, in a manner, covered with penguins and other birds, and seals. These latter were not numerous, but so insensible of fear, (which plainly indicated that they were unaccustomed to such visitors, )that we killed as many as we chose, for the sake of their fat, orblubber, to make oil for our lamps, and other uses. Fresh water was inno less plenty than were birds; for every gully afforded a large stream. But not a single tree, or shrub, nor the least sign of any, was to bediscovered, and but very little herbage of any sort. The appearances, aswe sailed into the harbour, had flattered us with the hope of meetingwith something considerable growing here, as we observed the sides ofmany of the hills to be of a lively green. But I now found that this wasoccasioned by a single plant, which, with the other natural productions, shall be described in another place. Before I returned to my ship, Iascended the first ridge of rocks, which rise in a kind of amphitheatreabove one another. I was in hopes, by this means, of obtaining a view ofthe country; but before I reached the top, there came on so thick a fog, that I could hardly find my way down again. In the evening, we hauledthe seine at the head of the harbour, but caught only half a dozen smallfish. We had no better success next day, when we tried with hook andline. So that our only resource here, for fresh provisions, were birds, of which there was an inexhaustible store. The morning of the 26th proved foggy, with rain. However, we went towork to fill water, and to cut grass for our cattle, which we found insmall spots near the head of the harbour. The rain which fell swelledall the rivulets to such a degree, that the sides of the hills, boundingthe harbour, seemed to be covered with a sheet of water. For the rain, as it fell, run into the fissures and crags of the rocks that composedthe interior parts of the hills, and was precipitated down their sidesin prodigious torrents. The people having wrought hard the two preceding days, and nearlycompleted our water, which we filled from a brook at the left corner ofthe beach, I allowed them the 27th as a day of rest, to celebrateChristmas. Upon this indulgence, many of them went on shore, and madeexcursions, in different directions, into the country, which they foundbarren and desolate in the highest degree. In the evening, one of thembrought to me a quart bottle which he had found, fastened with some wireto a projecting rock on the north side of the harbour. This bottlecontained a piece of parchment, on which was written the followinginscription: _Ludovico XV. Galliarum rege, et d. [109] de Boynes regi a Secretis ad res maritimas annis 1772 et 1773. [Footnote 109: The (d. ), no doubt, is a contraction of the word_Domino_. The French secretary of the marine was then Monsieur deBoynes. --D. ] From this inscription, it is clear, that we were not the first Europeanswho had been in this harbour. I supposed it to be left by Monsieur deBoisguehenneu, who went on shore in a boat on the 13th of February, 1772, the same day that Monsieur de Kerguelen discovered this land, asappears by a note in the French chart of the southern hemisphere, published the following year. [110] [Footnote 110: On perusing this paragraph of the journal, it will benatural to ask, How could Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, in the beginning of1772, leave an inscription, which, upon the very face of it, commemorates a transaction of the following year? Captain Cook's mannerof expressing himself here, strongly marks, that he made thissupposition, only for want of information to enable him to make anyother. He had no idea that the French had visited this land a secondtime; and, reduced to the necessity of trying to accommodate what he sawhimself, to what little he had heard of their proceedings, he confoundsa transaction which we, who have been better instructed, know, for acertainty, belongs to the second voyage, with a similar one, which hischart of the southern hemisphere has recorded, and which happened in adifferent year, and at a different place. The bay, indeed, in which Monsieur de Boisguehenneu landed, is upon thewest side of this land, considerably to the south of Cape Louis, and notfar from another more southerly promontory, called Cape Bourbon; a partof the coast which our ships were not upon. Its situation is marked uponthe chart constructed for this voyage; and a particular view of the baydu Lion Marin, (for so Boisguehenneu called it, ) with the soundings, ispreserved by Kerguelen. But if the bottle and inscription found by Captain Cook's people werenot left here by Boisguehenneu, by whom and when were they left? This welearn most satisfactorily, from the accounts of Kerguelen's secondvoyage, as published by himself and Monsieur de Pagès, which present uswith the following particulars:--"That they arrived on the west side ofthis land on the 14th of December, 1773; that steering to the N. E. , theydiscovered, on the 16th, the Isle de Reunion, and the other smallislands as mentioned above; that, on the 17th, they had before them theprincipal land, (which they were sure was connected with that seen bythem on the 14th, ) and a high point of that land, named by them CapeFrançois; that beyond this cape, the coast took a south-easterlydirection, and behind it they found a bay, called by them Baie del'Oiseau, from the name of their frigate; that they then endeavoured toenter it, but were prevented by contrary winds and blowing weather, which drove them off the coast eastward; but that, at last, on the 6thof January, Monsieur de Rosnevet, captain of the Oiseau, was able tosend his boat on shore into this bay, under the command of Monsieur deRochegude, one of his officers, who took possession of that bay, and ofall the country, in the name of the King of France, with all therequisite formalities. " Here then we trace, by the most unexceptionable evidence, the history ofthe bottle and inscription; the leaving of which was, no doubt, one ofthe requisite formalities observed by Monsieur de Rochegude on thisoccasion. And though he did not land till the 6th of January 1774, yet, as Kerguelen's ships arrived upon the coast on the 14th of December1773, and had discovered and looked into this very bay on the 17th ofthat month, it was with the strictest propriety and truth that 1773, andnot 1774, was mentioned as the date of the discovery. We need only look at Kerguelen's and Cook's charts, to judge that theBaie de l'Oiseau, and the harbour where the French inscription wasfound, is one and the same place. But besides this agreement as to thegeneral position, the same conclusion results more decisively still, from another circumstance worth mentioning: The French, as well as theEnglish visitors of this bay and harbour, have given us a particularplan of it; and whoever compares them, must be struck with a resemblancethat could only be produced by copying one common original withfidelity. Nay, even the soundings are the same upon the same spots inboth plans, being forty-five fathoms between the two capes, before theentrance of the bay; sixteen fathoms farther in, where the shores beginto contract; and eight fathoms up, near the bottom of the harbour. To these particulars, which throw abundant light on this part of ourauthor's journal, I shall only add, that the distance of our harbourfrom that where Boisguehenneu landed in 1772, is forty leagues. Forthis we have the authority of Kerguelen, in the followingpassage:--"Monsieur de Boisguehenneu descendit le 13 de Fevrier 1772, dans un baie, qu'il nomme Baie du Lion Marin, & prit possession de cetteterre au nom de Roi; il n'y vit aucune trace d'habitants. Monsieur deRochegude, en 1774, a descendu dans un autre baie, que nous avons nomméBaie de l'Oiseau, & cette seconde rade est à quarantes lieues de lapremiere. Il en a également pris possession, & il n'y trouva égalementaucune trace d'habitants. " _Kerguelen_, p. 92. --D. ] As a memorial of our having been in this harbour, I wrote on the otherside of the parchment, _Naves Resolution et Discovery de Rege Magnae Britanniae, Decembris_ 1776. I then put it again into a bottle, together with a silver two-pennypiece of 1772; and having covered the mouth of the bottle with a leadencap, I placed it the next morning in a pile of stones erected for thepurpose, upon a little eminence on the north shore of the harbour, andnear to the place where it was first found, in which position it cannotescape the notice of any European, whom chance or design may bring intothis port. Here I displayed the British flag, and named the placeChristmas Harbour, from our having arrived in it on that festival. It is the first or northernmost inlet that we meet with on the S. E. Sideof the Cape St Louis, [111] which forms the N. Side of the harbour, andis also the northern point of this land. The situation alone issufficient to distinguish it from any of the other inlets; and, to makeit more remarkable, its S. Point terminates in a high rock, which isperforated quite through, so as to appear like the arch of a bridge. Wesaw none like this upon the whole coast. [112] The harbour has anotherdistinguishing mark within, from a single stone or rock, of a vast size, which lies on the top of a hill on the S. Side, near its bottom; andopposite this, on the N. Side, there is another hill, much like it, butsmaller. There is a small beach at its bottom, where we commonly landed;and, behind it, some gently rising ground, on the top of which is alarge pool of fresh-water. The land on both sides of the inlet is high, and it runs in W. , and W. N. W. , about two miles. Its breadth is one mileand a quarter, for more than half its length, above which it is onlyhalf a mile. The depth of water, which is forty-five fathoms at theentrance, varies, as we proceed farther in, from thirty to five andfour fathoms. The shores are steep; and the bottom is every where a finedark sand, except in some places close to the shore, where there arebeds of sea-weed, which always grows on rocky ground. The head of theharbour lies open only to two points of the compass; and even these arecovered by islands in the offing, so that no sea can fall in to hurt aship. The appearances on shore confirmed this; for we found grassgrowing close to high-water mark, which is a sure sign of a pacificharbour. [113] It is high-water here, at the full and change days, aboutten o'clock; and the tide rises and falls about four feet. [Footnote 111: Cape François, for reasons already assigned. --D. ] [Footnote 112: If there could be the least doubt remaining, of theidentity of the Baie de l'Oiseau and Christmas Harbour, the circumstanceof the perforated rock, which divides it from another bay to the south, would amount to a strict demonstration. For Monsieur de Pagès hadobserved this discriminating mark before Captain Cook. His words are asfollows:--"L'on vit que la cote de l'Est, voisine du Cap François, avoitdeux baies; elles étoient separees par une pointe très reconnoissablepar sa forme, _qui representoit une porte cochere, au travers delaquelle l'on voyoit le jour_. "--Voyages du M. De Pagès, vol. Ii. P. 67. Every one knows how exactly the form of a _porte cochere_, or archedgateway, corresponds with that of the arch of a bridge. It is verysatisfactory to find the two navigators, neither of whom knew any thingof the other's description, adopting the same idea; which both provesthat they had the same uncommon object before their eyes, and that theymade an accurate report. --D. ] [Footnote 113: In the last note, we saw how remarkably Monsieur de Pagèsand Captain Cook agree about the appearance of the south point of theharbour; I shall here subjoin another quotation from the former, containing his account of the harbour itself, in which the reader maytrace the same distinguishing features observed by Captain Cook in theforegoing paragraph. "Le 6, l'on mit à terre dans la premiere baie à l'Est du Cap François, &l'on prit possession de ces contrées. Ce mouillage consiste en unepetite rade, qui a environs quatres encablures, ou quatre cents toisesde profondeur, sur un tiers en sus de largeur. En dedans de cette radeest un petit port, dont l'entrée, de quatres encablures de largeur, presente au Sud-Est. La sonde de la petite rade est depuis quarante-cinqjusqu'à trente brasses; et celle du port depuis seize jusqu'à huit. Lefond des deux est de sable noir et vaseux. La cote des deux bords esthaute, & par une pente très rude; elle est couverte de verdure, & il y aune quantité prodigieuse d'Outardes. Le fond du port est occupé par unmonticule qui laisse entre lui, et la mer une plage de sable. Une petiteriviere, de très bonne eau, coule à la mer dans cet endroit; & elle estfournie par un lac qui est un peu au loin, au dessus du monticule. Il yavoit sur le plage beaucoup de pinguoins & de lions marins. Ces deuxespeces d'animaux ne fuyoient pas, & l'on augura que le pays n'étoitpoint habité; la terre rapportoit de l'herbe large, noire, & biennourrie, qui n'avoit cependant que cinque pouces ou plus de hauteur. L'on ne vit aucun arbre, ni signe l'habitation. "--_Voyage du Monsieur dePagès_, tom. Ii. P. 69, 70. --D. ] After I had finished this business of the inscription, I went in my boatround the harbour, and landed in several places, to examine what theshore afforded; and, particularly, to look for drift wood. For, althoughthe land here was totally destitute of trees, this might not be the casein other parts; and if there were any, the torrents would force some, or, at least, some branches, into the sea, which would afterward throwthem upon the shores, as in all other countries where there is wood, andin many where there is none: But throughout the whole extent of theharbour, I found not a single piece. In the afternoon, I went upon Cape St Louis, [114] accompanied by MrKing, my second lieutenant. I was in hopes, from this elevation, to havehad a view of the sea-coast, and of the islands lying off it. But, whenI got up, I found every distant object below me hid in a thick fog. Theland on the same plain, or of a greater height, was visible enough, andappeared naked and desolate in the highest degree, except some hills tothe southward, which were covered with snow. [Footnote 114: Cape François. --D. ] When I got on board, I found the launch hoisted in, the ships unmoored, and ready to put to sea; but our sailing was deferred till five o'clockthe next morning, when we weighed anchor. [115] [Footnote 115: The reader is probably not a little wearied with DrDouglas's minute comparisons of Kerguelen's and Cook's accounts of thelands in question, which indeed seem unworthy of so much concern. It wasof consequence, however, to guard our navigator's reputation; and somepersons may relish the discussion, as exhibiting the acumen and goodsense which the detector of the infamous Lauder, and the author of "TheCriterion, " so eminently possessed. --E. ] SECTION V. _Departure from Christmas Harbour. --Range along the Coast, to discoverits Position and Extent. --Several Promontories and Bays, and aPeninsula, described and named. --Danger from Shoals. --Another Harbourand a Sound. --Mr Anderson's Observations on the Natural Productions, Animals, Soil, &c. Of. Kerguelen's Land_. As soon as the ships were out of Christmas Harbour, we steered S. E. 1/2S. , along the coast, with a fine breeze at N. N. W. , and clear weather. This we thought the more fortunate, as, for some time past, fogs hadprevailed, more or less, every day; and the continuance of them wouldhave defeated our plan of extending Kerguelen's discovery. We kept thelead constantly going; but seldom struck ground with a line of fifty orsixty fathoms. About seven or eight o'clock, we were off a promontory, which I calledCape Cumberland. It lies a league and a half from the south point ofChristmas Harbour, in the direction of S. E. 1/2 S. Between them is a baywith two arms, both of which seemed to afford good shelter for shipping. Off Cape Cumberland is a small but pretty high island, on the summit ofwhich is a rock like a sentry-box, which occasioned our giving that nameto the island. Two miles farther to the eastward, lies a group of smallislands and rocks, with broken ground about them: We sailed betweenthese and Sentry-Box Island, the channel being a full mile broad, andmore than forty fathoms deep; for we found no bottom with that length ofline. Being through this channel, we discovered, on the south side of CapeCumberland, a bay, running in three leagues to the westward. It isformed by this Cape to the north, and by a promontory to the south, which I named Point Pringle, after my good friend Sir John Pringle, President of the Royal Society. The bottom of this bay was calledCumberland Bay; and it seemed to be disjoined from the sea, which washesthe N. W. Coast of this country, by a narrow neck of land. Appearances, at least, favoured such a conjecture. To the southward of Point Pringle, the coast is formed into a fifth bay;of which this point is the northern extreme; and from it to the southernextreme, is about four miles in the direction of S. S. E. 1/4 E. In thisbay, which obtained the name of White Bay, on account of some whitespots of land or rocks in the bottom of it, are several lesser bays orcoves, which seemed to be sheltered from all winds. Off the south pointare several rocks which raise their heads above water; and, probably, many more than do that. Thus far our course was in a direction parallel to the coast, and notmore than two miles from it. Thither our glasses were continuallypointed; and we could easily see that, except the bottoms of the baysand coves, which, for the most part, terminated in sandy beaches, theshores were rocky, and, in many places, swarmed with birds; but thecountry had the same barren and naked appearance as in the neighbourhoodof Christmas Harbour. We had kept, on our larboard bow, the land which first opened off CapeSt Louis, [116] in the direction of S. 53° E. , thinking that it was anisland, and that we should find a passage between it and the main. Wenow discovered this to be a mistake; and found that it was a peninsula, joined to the rest of the coast by a low isthmus. I called the bay, formed by this peninsula, Repulse Bay; and a branch of it seemed to runa good way inland towards the S. S. W. Leaving this, we steered for thenorthern point of the peninsula, which we named Howe's Foreland, inhonour of Admiral Lord Howe. [Footnote 116: Cape François. ] As we drew near it, we perceived some rocks and breakers near the N. W. Part; and two islands a league and a half to the eastward of it, which, at first, appeared as one. I steered between them and the Foreland;[117]and was in the middle of the channel by noon. At that time our latitude, by observation, was 48° 51' S. ; and we had made twenty-six miles of eastlongitude from Cape St Louis. [118] [Footnote 117: Though Kerguelen's ships, in 1773, did not venture toexplore this part of the coast, Monsieur de Pagès's account of itanswers well to Captain Cook's. "Du 17 au 23, l'on ne prit d'autreconnoissance que celle de la figure de la cote, qui, courant d'abord auSud-Est, & revenant ensuite au Nord-Est, formoit un grand golfe. Ilétoit occupé par des brisans & des rochers; il avoit aussi une islebasse, & assez etendue, & l'on usa d'une bien soigneuse precaution, pourne pas s'affaler dans ce golfe. "--_Voyage du M. De Pagès_, tom. Ii. P. 67. --D. ] [Footnote 118: Cape François. ] From this situation, the most advanced land to the southward bore S. E. ;but the trending of the coast from the Foreland was more southerly. Theislands which lie off Christmas Harbour bore N. ; and the north point ofthe Foreland N. 60° W. , distant three miles. The land of this Peninsula, or Foreland, is of a moderate height, and of a hilly and rockysubstance. The coast is low, with rocky points shooting out from it;between which points are little coves, with sandy beaches; and these, atthis time, were mostly covered with sea birds. We also saw upon themsome seals. As soon as we were clear of the rocks and islands before mentioned, Igave orders to steer S. E. By S. Along the coast. But before these orderscould be carried into execution, we discovered the whole sea before usto be chequered with large beds of rock-weed, which we knew to be fastto the bottom, and to grow on rocky shoals. I had often found a greatdepth of water on such shoals; and I had, as often, found rocks thathave raised their heads nearly to the surface of the water. It is alwaysdangerous, therefore, to sail over them before they are well examined;but more especially, when there is no surge of the sea to discover thedanger. This was the case at present, for the sea was as smooth as amill-pond. Consequently we endeavoured to avoid them, by steeringthrough the winding channels by which they were separated. We kept thelead continually going; but never struck ground with a line of sixtyfathoms. This circumstance increased the danger, as we could not anchor, whatever necessity there might be for it. After running in this mannerabove an hour, we discovered a lurking rock, just even with the surfaceof the sea. It bore N. E. 1/2 E. , distant three or four miles, and lay inthe middle of one of these large beds of weeds. This was a sufficientwarning to make us use every precaution to prevent our coming upon them. We were now cross the mouth of a large bay, that lies about eight milesto the southward of Howe's Foreland. In and before the entrance of thisbay are several low islands, rocks, and those beds of sea-weed. Butthere seemed to be winding channels between them. After continuing ourcourse half an hour longer, we were so much embarrassed with theseshoals, that I resolved to haul off to the eastward, as the likeliestmeans of extricating ourselves from the danger that threatened us. Butso far was this from answering the intended purpose, that it brought usinto more. I therefore found it absolutely necessary to secure theships, if possible, in some place before night; especially as theweather had now become hazy, and a fog was apprehended. And seeing someinlets to the S. W. Of us, I ordered Captain Clerke, as the Discoverydrew less water than the Resolution, to lead in for the shore; which wasaccordingly done. In standing in, it was not possible to avoid running over the edges ofsome of the shoals, on which we found from ten to twenty fathoms water;and the moment we were over, had no ground at the depth of fiftyfathoms. After making a few boards to weather a spit that run out froman island on our lee, Captain Clerke made the signal for havingdiscovered an harbour; in which, about five o'clock, we anchored infifteen fathoms water, over a bottom of fine dark sand, about threequarters of a mile from the shore; the north point of the harbourbearing N. By E. 1/2 E. , one mile distant; and the small islands in theentrance, within which we anchored, extending from E. To S. E. Scarcely were the ships secured, when it began to blow very strong; sothat we thought it prudent to strike top-gallant yards. The weather, however, continued fair; and the wind dispersing the fog that hadsettled on the hills, it was tolerably clear also. The moment, therefore, we had anchored, I hoisted out two boats; in one of which Isent Mr Bligh, the master, to survey the upper part of the harbour, andlook for wood; for not a shrub was to be seen from the ship. I alsodesired Captain Clerke to send his master to sound the channel that ison the south side of the small isles, between them and a pretty largeisland which lies near the south point of the harbour. Having giventhese directions, I went myself, in my other boat, accompanied by MrGore, my first lieutenant, and Mr Bayly, and landed on the north point, to see what I could discover from thence. From the highest hill over the point, we had a pretty good view of thesea-coast, as far as Howe's Foreland. It is much indented, and severalrocky points seemed to shoot out from it, with coves and inlets ofunequal extent. One of the latter, the end of which I could not see, wasdisjoined from that in which the ships were at anchor, by the point wethen stood upon. A great many small islands, rocks, and breakers, appeared scattered along the coast, as well to the southward asnorthward; and I saw no better channel to get out of the harbour, thanby the one through which we had entered it. While Mr Bayly and I were making the observations, Mr Gore encompassedthe hill, and joined us by a different route, at the place where I hadordered the boat to wait for us. Except the craggy precipices, we metwith nothing to obstruct our walk. For the country was, if possible, more barren and desolate than about Christmas Harbour. And yet, if therebe the least fertility in any part of this land, we ought to have foundit in this, which is completely sheltered from the predominating bleaksoutherly and westerly winds. I observed, with regret, that there wasneither food nor covering for cattle of any sort; and that, if I leftany, they must inevitably perish. In the little cove where the boatwaited for us (which I called Penguin Cove, as the beach was coveredwith these birds), is a fine rivulet of fresh water, that may be easilycome at. Here were also some large seals, shags, and a few ducks; and MrBayly had a transient sight of a very small land bird; but it flewamongst the rocks, and we lost it. About nine o'clock we got on board. Soon after, Mr Bligh returned, and reported, that he had been four milesup the harbour, and, as he judged, not far from the head of it. He foundthat its direction was W. S. W. ; and that its breadth, a little above theships, did not exceed a mile; but grew narrower toward the head. Thesoundings were very irregular, being from thirty-seven to ten fathoms;and, except under the beds of sea-weed, which in many places extendedfrom the shore near half channel over, the bottom was a fine sand. Helanded on both shores, which he found barren and rocky, without theleast signs of tree or shrub, and with very little verdure of any kind. Penguins, and other oceanic birds and seals, occupied part of the coast, but not in such numbers as at Christinas Harbour. Finding no encouragement to continue our researches, and, the nextmorning, both wind and weather being favourable, I weighed anchor andput to sea. To this harbour I gave the name of Port Palliser, in honourof my worthy friend Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser. It is situated in thelatitude of 49° 3' S. , in the longitude of 69° 37' E. , and five leaguesfrom Howe's Foreland, in the direction of S. 25° E. There are severalislands, rocks, and breakers lying in and without the entrance. We wentin and out between them and the north head; but I have no doubt thatthere are other channels. As we were standing out of Port Palliser, we discovered a round hill, like a sugar-loaf, in the direction of S. 72° E. , about nine leaguesdistant. It had the appearance of an island lying at some distance fromthe coast; but we afterward found it was upon the main land. In gettingout to sea, we had to steer through the winding channels amongst theshoals. However, we ventured to run over some of them, on which we neverfound less than eighteen fathoms, and often did not strike ground withtwenty-four; so that, had it not been for the sea-weed growing upon allof them, they would not have been discovered. After we had got about three or four leagues from the coast, we found aclear sea, and then steered E. Till nine o'clock, when the Sugar Loafhill, above mentioned, which I named Mount Campbell, bore S. E. , and asmall island that lies to the northward of it, S. S. E. , distant fourleagues. I now steered more southerly, in order to get in with the land. At noon, the latitude by double altitudes was 49° 8' S. ; and we had madeeighty miles of east longitude from Cape St Louis. [119] Mount Campbellbore S. 47° W. , distant about four leagues; a low point, beyond which noland was to be seen, bore S. S. E. , at the distance of about twenty miles;and we were about two leagues from the shore. [Footnote 119: Cape François. ] The land here is low and level. [120] The mountains ending about fiveleagues from the low point, a great extent of low land is left, on whichMount Campbell is situated, about four miles from the foot of themountains, and one from the sea coast. These mountains have aconsiderable elevation, as also most of the inland ones. They seemed tobe composed of naked rocks, whose summits were capt with snow. Nor didthe valleys appear to greater advantage. To whatever quarter we directedour glasses, nothing but sterility was to be seen. [Footnote 120: This part of the coast seems to be what the French saw onthe 5th of January 1774. Monsieur de Pagès speaks of it thus: "Nousreconnumes une nouvelle cote etendue de toute veu dans l'Est, & dans leOuest. Les terres de cette cote étoient moins elevées que celles quenous avions veues jusques ici; elles étoient aussi d'un aspect moinsrude. "--_De Pagès_, tom. Ii. P. 68. --D. ] We had scarcely finished taking the bearings at noon, before we observedlow land opening off the low point just mentioned, in the direction ofS. S. E. , and eight miles beyond it. This new point proved to be the veryeastern extremity of this land, and it was named Cape Digby. It issituated in the latitude of 49° 23' S. , and in the longitude of 70° 34'E. Between Howe's Foreland and Cape Digby, the shore forms (besides theseveral lesser bays and harbours) one great bay that extends severalleagues to the S. W. , where it seemed to lose itself in various armsrunning in, between the mountains. A prodigious quantity of sea-weedgrows all over it, which seemed to be the same sort of weed that SirJoseph Banks distinguished by the name of _fucus giganteus_. Some ofthis weed is of a most enormous length, though the stem is not muchthicker than a man's thumb. I have mentioned, that on some of the shoalsupon which it grows, we did not strike ground with a line of twenty-fourfathoms. The depth of water, therefore, must have been greater. And asthis weed does not grow in a perpendicular direction, but makes a veryacute angle with the bottom, and much of it afterward spreads manyfathoms on the surface of the sea, I am well warranted to say, that someof it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and upward. At one o'clock (having run two leagues upon a S. E. 1/2 E. Course, fromnoon) we sounded, and found eighteen fathoms water, and a bottom of finesand. Seeing a small bending in the coast, on the north side of CapeDigby, I steered for it. It was my intention to anchor there, if Ishould find it might be done with safety, and to land on the Cape, toexamine what the low land within it produced. After running in oneleague, we sounded again, and found thirteen fathoms; and immediatelyafter, saw a shoal right before us, that seemed to extend off from theshore, from which we were distant about two miles. This discoveryobliged us to haul off, E. By S. , one league, where our depth of waterincreased to twenty-five fathoms. We then steered along shore, andcontinued in the same depth, over a bottom of fine sand, till CapeDigby bore W. , two leagues distant, when we found twenty-six fathoms. After this we did not strike ground, though we tried several times; butthe ship having a good deal of way, ran the line out before the leadcould reach the bottom, and being disappointed in my views both ofanchoring and of landing, I would not shorten sail, but pushed forward, in order to see as much of the coast as possible before night. From CapeDigby, it trends nearly S. W. By S. For about four or five leagues, or toa low point, to which, in honour of her majesty, I gave the name ofPoint Charlotte, and it is the southernmost on the low coast. Six leagues from Cape Digby, in the direction of S. S. W. 1/2 W. , is apretty high projecting point, which was called Prince of Wales'sForeland; and six leagues beyond that, in the same direction, and in thelatitude of 49° 54' S. , and the longitude of 70 13' E. , is the mostsoutherly point of the whole coast, which I distinguished by the name ofCape George, in honour of his majesty. Between Point Charlotte and Prince of Wales's Foreland, where thecountry to the S. W. Began again to be hilly, is a deep inlet, which wascalled Royal Sound. It runs in W. Quite to the foot of the mountainswhich bound it on the S. W. , as the low land before-mentioned does on theN. There are islands lying in the entrance, and others higher up, as faras we could distinguish. As we advanced to the S. We observed, on theS. W. Side of Prince of Wales's Foreland, another inlet into Royal Sound;and it then appeared, that the foreland was the E. Point of a largeisland lying in the mouth of it. There are several small islands in thisinlet; and one about a league to the southward of Prince of Wales'sForeland. All the land on the S. W. Side of Royal Sound, quite to Cape George, iscomposed of elevated hills, that rise directly from the sea, one behindanother, to a considerable height. Most of the summits were capt withsnow, and they appeared as naked and barren as any we had seen. Thesmallest vestige of a tree or shrub was not discoverable, either inlandor on the coast; and, I think, I may venture to pronounce that thecountry produces none. The low land about Cape Digby, when examinedthrough our glasses, resembled the rest of the low land we had beforemet with; that is, it appeared to be partly naked and partly coveredwith a green turf, a description of which shall be given in its properplace. The shore is composed of sandy beaches, on which were manypenguins, and other oceanic birds; and an immense number of shags keptperpetually flying about the ships as we sailed along. Being desirous of getting the length of Cape George, to be assuredwhether or no it was the most southerly point of the whole land, Icontinued to stretch to the S. Under all the sail we could carry, tillhalf an hour past seven o'clock, when, seeing no likelihood ofaccomplishing my design, as the wind had by this time shifted to W. S. W. , the very direction in which we wanted to go, I took the advantage of theshifting of the wind, and stood away from the coast. At this time Cape George bore S. 53° W. Distant about seven leagues. Asmall island that lies off the pitch of the cape was the only land wecould see to the south of it; and we were farther confirmed that therewas no more in that quarter by a S. W. Swell which we met as soon as webrought the cape to bear in this direction. But we have still a stronger proof that no part of this land can extendmuch, if at all, to the southward of Cape George, and that is, CaptainFurneaux's track in February, 1773, after his separation from me duringmy late voyage. His log-book is now lying before me; and I find from it, that he crossed the meridian of the land only about seventeen leagues tothe southward of Cape George, a distance at which it may very well beseen in clear weather. This seems to have been the case when CaptainFurneaux passed it. For his log-book makes no mention of fogs or hazyweather; on the contrary, it expressly tells us, that, when in thissituation, they had it in their power to make observations, both forlatitude and longitude, on board his ship; so that, if this land extendsfarther S. Than Cape George, it would have been scarcely possible thathe should have passed without seeing it. From these circumstances we are able to determine, within a very, fewmiles, the quantity of latitude that this land occupies, which does notmuch exceed one degree and a quarter. As to its extent from E. To W. That still remains undecided. We only know, that no part of it canreach so far to the W. As the meridian of 65°, because, in 1773, underthat meridian, I searched for it in vain. [121] [Footnote 121: If the French observations, as marked upon Captain Cook'schart, and still more authentically upon that published by their owndiscoverers, may be depended upon, this land doth not reach so far tothe W. As the meridian of 63°; Cape Louis, which is represented as itsmost westerly point, being laid down by them to the E. Of thatmeridian. --D. ] The French discoverers, with some reason, imagined Cape St Louis[122] tobe the projecting point, of the southern continent. The English havesince proved that no such continent exists, and that the land inquestion is an island of no great extent;[123] which, from itssterility, I should, with great propriety, call the Island ofDesolation, but that I would not rob Monsieur de Kerguelen of the honourof its bearring his name. [124] [Footnote 122: The idea of Cape Louis being this projecting point of asouthern continent must have soon vanished, as Cape François, within ayear after, was found, by the same discoverer, to lie above one third ofa degree farther N. Upon the same land. But if Kerguelen entertained anysuch imagination at first, we are sure that afterwards he thought verydifferently. This appears from the following explicit declaration of hissentiments, which deserves to be transcribed from his late publication, as it does equal honour to his candour, and Captain Cook'sabilities:--"La terre que j'ai decouverte est certainement _une Isle_;puisque le célebre Capitaine Cook a passé au Sud, lors de son premierevoyage, sans rien rencontrer. Je juge inême, que cette isle _n'est pasbien grande_. Il y a aussi apparence, d'apres le Voyage de MonsieurCook, que toute cette étendue de Mers Meridionales, est semée d'lsles oude rochers; mais qu'il n'y a _ni continent ni grande terre_. " Kerguelen, p. 92. --D. ] [Footnote 123: Kerguelen, as we see in the last note, concurs withCaptain Cook as to this. However, he tells us, that he has reason tobelieve that it is about 200 leagues in circuit; and that he wasacquainted with about fourscore leagues of its coast. "J'en connoisenvirons quatre-vingt lieues des cotes; et; j'ai lieu de croire, qu'ellea environ deux cents lieues de circuit. " _Kerguelen, page_32--D. ] [Footnote 124: Some of Monsieur de Kerguelen's own countrymen seem moredesirous than we are to rob him of his honour. It is very remarkable, that Monsieur de Pagès never once mentions the name of his commander;and, though he takes occasion to enumerate the several French explorersof the southern hemisphere, from Gonneville down to Crozet, he affectsto preserve an entire silence about Kerguelen, whose first voyage, inwhich the discovery of this considerable tract of land was made, is keptas much out of sight as if it never had taken place. Nay, not satisfiedwith refusing to acknowledge the right of another, he almost assumes itto himself. For, upon a map of the world annexed to his book, at thespot where the new land is delineated, we read this inscription, _Islesnouvelles Australes vuées par Monsieur de Pagès, en_ 1774. He couldscarcely have expressed himself in stronger terms, if he had meant toconvey an idea that he was the conductor of the discovery. And yet weknow that he was only a lieutenant [Enseigne de vaisseau] on board ofone of three ships commanded by Kerguelen; and that the discovery hadbeen already made in a former voyage, undertaken while he was actuallyengaged in his singular journey round the world. After all, it cannot but be remarked, that Kerguelen was peculiarlyunfortunate in having done so little to complete what he had begun. Hediscovered a new land indeed; but, in two expeditions to it, he couldnot once bring his ships to an anchor upon any part of its coasts. Captain Cook, as we have seen in this, and in the foregoing chapter, hadeither fewer difficulties to struggle with, or was more successful insurmounting them. --D. ] Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who, as I have already mentioned, had madenatural history a part of his studies, lost no opportunity, during theshort time we lay in Christmas Harbour, of searching the country inevery direction. He afterward communicated to me the observations hemade on its natural productions; and I shall insert them here in his ownwords. "Perhaps no place hitherto discovered in either hemisphere, under thesame parallel of latitude, affords so scanty a field for the naturalistas this barren spot. The verdure which appears, when at a littledistance from the shore, would flatter one with the expectation ofmeeting with some herbage; but in this we were much deceived. For onlanding, we saw that this lively colour was occasioned only by one smallplant, not much unlike some sorts of _saxifrage_, which grows in largespreading tufts to a considerable way up the hills. It forms a surfaceof a pretty large texture, and grows on a kind of rotten turf, intowhich one sinks a foot or two at every step. This turf, dried, might, incases of necessity, serve for fuel, and is the only thing we met withhere that could possibly be applied to this use. " "There is another plant, plentifully enough scattered about the boggydeclivities, which grows to near the height of two feet, and not muchunlike a small cabbage, when it has shot into seeds. The leaves aboutthe root are numerous, large, and rounded; narrower at the base, andending in a small point. Those on the stalks are much smaller, oblong, and pointed. The stalks, which are often three or four, all riseseparately from the root, and run into long cylindrical heads, composedof small flowers. It has not only the appearance, but the watery acridtaste of the antiscorbutic plants, and yet differs materially from thewhole tribe; so that we looked upon it as a production entirely peculiarto the place. We ate it frequently raw, and found it almost like the NewZealand scurvy grass. But it seemed to acquire a rank flavour by beingboiled; which, however, some of our people did not perceive, andesteemed it good. If it could be introduced into our kitchen gardens, itwould, in all probability, improve so far by cultivation as to be anexcellent pot-herb. At this time none of its seeds were ripe enough tobe preserved, and brought home, to try the experiment. " "Two other small plants were found near the brooks and boggy places, which were eaten as sallad; the one almost like garden cresses, and veryfiery, and the other very mild. This last, though but small, is initself a curiosity; having not only male and female, but what thebotanists call _androgynous_ plants. " "A coarse grass, which we cut down for the cattle, grows prettyplentifully in a few small spots about the sides of the harbour, with asmaller sort, which is rarer; and upon the flat ground a sort ofgoose-grass, and another small plant much like it. In short, the wholecatalogue of plants does not exceed sixteen or eighteen, including somesorts of moss, and a beautiful species of _lichen_, which grows upon therocks, higher up than the rest of the vegetable productions. Nor isthere even the least appearance of a shrub in the whole country. " "Nature has rather been more bountiful in furnishing it with animals, though, strictly speaking, they are not inhabitants of the place, beingall of the marine kind; and, in general, only using the land forbreeding and for a resting-place. The most considerable are seals, or(as we used to call them) sea-bears, being that sort called the ursineseal. These come ashore to rest or breed; but they were not verynumerous, which is not to be wondered at, as it is known that theseanimals rather frequent out-rocks, and little islands lying off coasts, than bays or inlets. They were, at this time, shedding their hair, andso tame, that we killed what number we chose. " "No other quadruped, either of the sea or of the land kind, was seen;but a great number of birds, viz. Ducks, petrels, albatrosses, shags, gulls, and sea-swallows. " "The ducks are about the size of a teal or widgeon, but somewhatdifferent in colour from either. They were in tolerable plenty about thesides of the hills, or even lower; and we killed a considerable number, which were good, and without the least fishy taste. We met with some ofthe same sort at the island of Georgia in our late voyage. " "The cape petrel, or pintado bird; the small blue one, which is alwaysseen at sea, and the small black one, or Mother Carey's chicken, are nothere in great numbers. But we found a nest of the first with an egg init, about the size of a pullet's; and the second, though scarce, was metwith in some holes like rabbit-burrows. " "Another sort, which is the largest of all the petrels, and called bythe seamen Mother Carey's goose, is in greater numbers, and so tame, that at first we could kill them with a stick upon the beach. They arenot inferior in size to an albatross, and are carnivorous, feeding onthe dead carcasses of seals or birds that were thrown into the sea. Their colour is a sooty brown, with a greenish bill and feet; and, doubtless, they are the same that the Spaniards call _quebrantahuessos_, whose head is figured in Pernetty's Voyage to Falkland Islands. "[125] [Footnote 125: Fig. 3, plate viii. ] "Of the albatrosses, none were found on shore except the grey one, whichis commonly met with at sea in the higher southern latitudes. Once I sawone of these sitting in the cliff of a rock, but they were frequentlyflying about the harbour; and the common large sort, as well as thesmaller with a black face, were seen farther out. " "Penguins form, by far, the greatest number of birds here, and are ofthree sorts; the first, or largest, I have seen formerly at the islandof Georgia. [126] It is also mentioned by Bougainville;[127] but it doesnot seem to be so solitary as he represents it, for we foundconsiderable numbers flocking together. The head is black, the upperpart of the body a leaden grey, and the under part white, with blackfeet. It has two broad stripes of fine yellow, that begin on the sidesof the head, and, descending by each side of the neck, meet above itsbreast. The bill is partly reddish, and longer than in the other sorts. " [Footnote 126: Pennant's Patagonian penguin. See his Genera of Birds, tab. 14, p. 66. ] [Footnote 127: Voyage autour du Monde, p. 69. ] "The second sort of penguins scarcely exceeds half the size of theformer. The upper part of the body is a blackish grey, with a white spoton the upper part of the head, growing broader at each side. The billand feet are yellowish. A very accurate figure and description, both ofthis and of the preceding, is given by Mr Sonnerat. "[128] [Footnote 128: Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée, p. 181, 182. Tab. 113, 115. ] "The third sort of penguin met with here, had never been seen by any ofus before. Its length is twenty-four inches, and its breadth twenty. Theupper part of the body and throat are black, the rest white, except theupper part of the head, which has a fine yellow arch, looking backward, and ending on each side in long soft feathers, which it can erect as twocrests. " "The two first sorts were found together on the beach; the large oneskeeping by themselves, and walking in small flocks amongst the others, which were more numerous, and were sometimes seen a considerable way upthe sides of the hills. The third sort were only found by themselves, but in great numbers, on the outer shores of the harbour. They werebreeding at this time; and they lay on the bare stones only one whiteegg, larger than that of a duck. All the three sorts of penguins were sotame, that we took as many as we pleased with our hands. " "The shags of this place are of two sorts; the lesser cormorant orwater-crow, and another, which is black above, with a white belly, thesame that is found in New Zealand, Terra del Fuego, and the island ofGeorgia. " "We also met with here the common sea-gull, sea-swallow, tern, and PortEgmont hen; the last of which were tame and numerous. " "Another sort of white bird, flocks of which flew about the bay, is verysingular, having the base of the bill covered with a horny crust. [129]It is larger than a pigeon, with the bill black and the feet white, madelike those of a curlew. Some of our people put it in competition withthe duck as food. " [Footnote 129: The sheath-bill. See Pennant's Genera of Birds, p. 43. ] "The seine was hauled once, but we found only a few fish about the sizeof a small haddock, though quite different from any we knew. The snoutis lengthened, the head armed with some strong spines, the rays of theback-fin long, and very strong, the belly is large, and the body withoutscales. The only shell-fish are a few limpets and muscles; and amongstthe stones a few small star-fish and sea-anemonies were found. " "The hills are of a moderate height; yet many of their tops were coveredwith snow at this time, though answering to our June. Some of them havelarge quantities of stones, irregularly heaped together at their root, or on their sides. The sides of others, which form steep cliffs towardthe sea, are rent from the top downward, and seem ready to fall off, having stones of a considerable size lying in the fissures. Some were ofopinion that frost might be the cause of these fissures, which I shallnot dispute; but how others of the appearances could be effected, but byearthquakes, or some such severe shocks, I cannot say. " "It appears that rain must be almost constant here, not only from themarks of large torrents having rushed down, but from the disposition ofthe country, which, even on the hills, is almost an entire bog or swamp, the ground sinking at every step. " "The rocks, or foundations of the hills, are composed chiefly of a darkblue, and very hard, stone; intermixed with small particles of glimmeror quartz. This seems to be one of the most universal productions ofnature, as it constitutes whole mountains in Sweden, in Scotland, at theCanary Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, and at this place. Anotherbrownish brittle stone forms here some considerable rocks; and one whichis blacker, and found in detached pieces, incloses bits of coarsequartz. A red, a dull yellow, and a purplish sand-stone, are also foundin small pieces; and pretty large lumps of semi-transparent quartz, disposed irregularly in polyedral pyramidal crystals of long shiningfibres. Some small pieces of the common sort are met with in the brooks, made round by attrition; but none hard enough to resist a file. Nor wereany of the other stones acted on by aquafortis, or attracted by themagnet. " "Nothing, that had the least appearance of an ore or metal, was seen. " SECTION VI. _Passage from Kerguelen's to Van Diemen's Land. --Arrival in AdventureBay. --Incidents there. --Interviews with the Natives. --Their Persons andDress described. --Account of their Behaviour. --Table of the Longitude, Latitude, and Variation. --Mr Anderson's Observations on the NaturalProductions of the Country, on the Inhabitants, and their Language_. After leaving Kerguelen's Land, I steered E. By N. Intending, inobedience to my instructions, to touch next at New Zealand, to recruitour water, to take in wood, and to make hay for the cattle. Theirnumber, by this time, had been considerably diminished; two young bulls, one of the heifers, two rams, and several of the goats, having of latedied, while we were employed in exploring this desolate coast. The 31st in the morning, being the day after we stood out to sea, we hadseveral observations of the sun and moon. Their results gave thelongitude 72° 33' 36" E. The timekeeper, in this situation, gave 72° 38'15". These observations were the more useful, as we had not been able toget any for some time before, and they now served to assure us that nomaterial error had crept into the time-keeper. On the 1st of January, being then in the latitude of 48° 41' S. Longitude 76° 50' E. , the variation was 30° 39' W. ; and in the next day, in the latitude of 48° 22' S. Longitude 80° 22' E. , it was 30° 47' 18"W. This was the greatest variation we found in this passage; forafterward it began to decrease, but so slowly, that on the 3d, in theevening, being then in the latitude of 48° 16' S. Longitude 85° E. , itwas 29° 38' W. Thus far we had fresh gales from the W. And S. W. , and tolerably clearweather. But now the wind veered to the N. Where it continued eightdays, and was attended with a thick fog. During this time we ran above300 leagues in the dark. Now and then the weather would clear up, andgive us a sight of the sun; but this happened very seldom, and wasalways of short continuance. On the 7th I hoisted out a boat, and sentan order to Captain Clerke, appointing Adventure Bay, in Van Diemen'sLand, as our place of rendezvous, in case of separation before wearrived in the meridian of that land. But we were fortunate enough, amidst all this foggy weather, by frequently firing guns as signals, though we seldom saw each other, not to lose company. On the 12th, being in the latitude of 48° 40' S. Longitude 110° 26' E. The northerly winds ended in a calm; which, after a few hours, wassucceeded by a wind from the southward. This, with rain, continued fortwenty-four hours, when it freshened, and veered to the W. And N. W. , andbrought on fair and clear weather. We continued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thingworthy of notice, till four o'clock in the morning of the 19th, when, ina sudden squall of wind, though the Discovery received no damage, ourfore-top-mast went by the board, and carried the main-top-gallant-mastwith it. This occasioned some delay, as it took up the whole day toclear the wreck, and fit another top-mast. The former was accomplishedwithout losing any part of it, except a few fathoms of small rope. Nothaving a spare main-top-gallant-mast on board, the fore-top-gallant-mastwas converted into one for our immediate use. The wind continued westerly, blew a fresh gale, and was attended withclear weather, so that scarcely a day passed without being able to getobservations for fixing the longitude, and the variation of the compass. The latter decreased in such a manner, that in the latitude of 44° 18'S. Longitude 132° 2' E. , it was no more than 5° 34' 18" W. ; and on the22d, being then in the latitude of 43° 27' S. Longitude 141° 50' E. , itwas 1° 24' 15" E. So that we had crossed the Line where the compass hasno variation. On the 24th, at three o'clock in the morning, we discovered the coast ofVan Diemen's Land, bearing N. 1/2 W. At four o'clock the S. W. Cape boreN. N. W. 1/2 W. , and the Mewstone N. E. By E. Three leagues distant. Thereare several islands and high rocks lying scattered along this part ofthe coast, the southernmost of which is the Mewstone. It is a roundelevated rock, five or six leagues distant from the S. W. Cape, in thedirection of S. 55° E. At noon, our latitude was 43° 47' S. Longitude 147° E. , and thesituation of the lands round us as follows: An elevated round-toppedhill bore N. 17° W. ; the S. W. Cape N. 74° W. ; the Mewstone W. 1/2 N. ;Swilly Isle, or Rock, S. 49° E. ; and the S. E. Of S. Cape N. 40° E. Distant near three leagues. The land between the S. W. And S. Capes isbroken and hilly, the coast winding, with points shooting out from it;but we were too far off to be able to judge whether the bays formed bythese points were sheltered from the sea-winds. The bay which appearedto be the largest and deepest, lies to the westward of the peaked hillabove mentioned. The variation of the compass here was 5° 15' E. At six o'clock in the afternoon we sounded, and found sixty fathomswater, over a bottom of broken coral and shells. The S. Cape then boreN. 75° W. Two or three leagues distant; Tasman's Head N. E. ; and SwillyRock S. By W 1/2 W. About a league to the eastward of Swilly is anotherelevated rock, that is not taken notice of by Captain Furneaux. I calledit the Eddystone, from its very great resemblance to that light-house. Nature seems to have left these two rocks here for the same purpose thatthe Eddystone light-house was built by man, viz. To give navigatorsnotice of the dangers around them; for they are the conspicuous summitsof a ledge of rocks under water, on which the sea, in many places, breaks very high. Their surface is white with the dung of sea-fowls; sothat they may be seen at some distance even in the night. On the N. E. Side of Storm Bay, which lies between the S. Cape and Tasman's Head, there are some coves or creeks, that seemed to be sheltered from thesea-winds; and I am of opinion, that, were this coast examined, therewould be found some good harbours. Soon after we had sight of land the westerly winds left us, and weresucceeded by variable light airs and alternate calms, till the 26th atnoon. At that time a breeze sprung up and freshened at S. E. Which put itin my power to carry into execution the design I had, upon dueconsideration, formed, of carrying the ships into Adventure Bay, where Imight expect to get a supply of wood and of grass for the cattle; ofboth which articles we should, as I now found, have been in great wantif I had waited till our arrival in New Zealand. We therefore stood forthe bay, and anchored in it at four o'clock in the afternoon, at twelvefathoms water, over a bottom of sand and ooze. Penguin Island, whichlies close to the E. Point of the bay, bore N. 84° E. ; the southernmostpoint of Maria's Islands bore N. 76° 1/2 E. ; and Cape Frederick Henry, or the N. Point of the bay, bore N. 33° E. Our distance from the nearestshore was about three quarters of a mile. As soon as we had anchored, I ordered the boats to be hoisted out. Inone of them I went myself to look for the most commodious place forfurnishing ourselves with the necessary supplies; and Captain Clerkewent in his boat upon the same service. Wood and water we found inplenty, and in situations convenient enough, especially the first. Butgrass, of which we stood most in need, was scarce, and also very coarse. Necessity, however, obliged us to take such as we could get. Next morning early, I sent Lieutenant King to the E. Side of the baywith two parties, one to cut wood, and the other to cut grass, under theprotection of the marines, whom I judged it prudent to land as a guard. For although, as yet, none of the natives had appeared, there could beno doubt that some were in our neighbourhood, as we had seen columns ofsmoke from the time of our approaching the coast, and some now wasobserved at no great distance up in the woods, I also sent the launchfor water; and afterward visited all the parties myself. In the evening, we drew the seine at the head of the bay, and, at one haul, caught agreat quantity of fish. We should have got many more, had not the netbroken in drawing it ashore. Most of them were of that sort known toseamen by the name of elephant fish. After this, every one repaired onboard with what wood and grass we had cut, that we might be ready tosail whenever the wind should serve. This not happening next morning, the people were sent on shore again onthe same duty as the day before. I also employed the carpenter, withpart of his crew, to cut some spars for the use of the ship; anddispatched Mr Roberts, one of the mates, in a small boat to survey thebay. In the afternoon, we were agreeably surprised, at the place where wewere cutting wood, with a visit from some of the natives, eight men anda boy. They approached as from the woods, without betraying any marks offear, or rather with the greatest confidence imaginable; for none ofthem, had any weapons, except one who held in his hand a stick about twofeet long, and pointed at one end. They were quite naked, and wore no ornaments, unless we consider assuch, and as a proof of their love of finery, some small punctures orridges raised on different parts of their bodies, some in straight, andothers in curved lines. They were of the common stature, but rather slender. Their skin wasblack, and also their hair, which was as woolly as that of any native ofGuinea; but they were not distinguished by remarkably thick lips, norflat noses. On the contrary, their features were far from beingdisagreeable. They had pretty good eyes; and their teeth were tolerablyeven, but very dirty. Most of them had their hair and beards smearedwith a red ointment; and some had their faces also painted with the samecomposition. They received every present we made to them without the least appearanceof satisfaction. When some bread was given, as soon as they understoodthat it was to be eaten, they either returned it, or threw it away, without even tasting it. They also refused some elephant fish, both rawand dressed, which we offered to them. But upon giving some birds tothem, they did not return these, and easily made us comprehend that theywere fond of such food. I had brought two pigs ashore, with a view toleave them in the woods. The instant these came within their reach, theyseized them, as a dog would have done, by the ears, and were forcarrying them off immediately, with no other intention, as we couldperceive, but to kill them. Being desirous of knowing the use of the stick which one of our visitorscarried in his hand, I made signs to them to shew me; and so farsucceeded, that one of them set up a piece of wood as a mark, and threwat it at the distance of about twenty yards. But we had little reason tocommend his dexterity; for, after repeated trials, he was still verywide from the object. Omai, to shew them how much superior our weaponswere to theirs, then fired his musquet at it, which alarmed them somuch, that notwithstanding all we could do or say, they ran instantlyinto the woods. One of them was so frightened, that he let drop an axeand two knives that had been given to him. From us, however, they wentto the place where some of the Discovery's people were employed intaking water into their boat. The officer of that party, not knowingthat they had paid us so friendly a visit, nor what their intent mightbe, fired a musquet in the air, which sent them off with the greatestprecipitation. Thus ended our first interview with the natives. Immediately after theirfinal retreat, judging that their fears would prevent their remainingnear enough to observe what was passing, I ordered the two pigs, being aboar and sow, to be carried about a mile within the woods at the head ofthe bay. I saw them left there, by the side of a fresh-water brook. Ayoung bull and a cow, and some sheep and goats, were also, at first, intended to have been left by me, as an additional present to VanDiemen's Land. But I soon laid aside all thought of this, from apersuasion that the natives, incapable of entering into my views ofimproving their country, would destroy them. If ever they should meetwith the pigs, I have no doubt this will be their fate. But as that raceof animals soon becomes wild, and is fond of the thickest cover of thewoods, there is great probability of their being preserved. An openplace must have been chosen for the accommodation of the other cattle;and, in such a situation, they could not possibly have remainedconcealed many days. The morning of the 29th was ushered in with a dead calm, which continuedall day, and effectually prevented our sailing. I therefore sent aparty over to the E. Point of the bay to cut grass, having been informedthat some of a superior quality grew there. Another party, to cut wood, was ordered to go to the usual place, and I accompanied them myself. Wehad observed several of the natives this morning sauntering along theshore, which assured us, that though their consternation had made themleave us so abruptly the day before, they were convinced that weintended them no mischief, and were desirous of renewing theintercourse. It was natural that I should wish to be present on theoccasion. We had not been long landed, before about twenty of them, men and boys, joined us, without expressing the least sign of fear or distrust. Therewas one of this company conspicuously deformed, and who was not moredistinguishable by the hump upon his back, than by the drollery of hisgestures, and the seeming humour of his speeches, which he was very fondof exhibiting, as we supposed, for our entertainment. But, unfortunately, we could not understand him; the language spoken herebeing wholly unintelligible to us. It appeared to me to be differentfrom that spoken by the inhabitants of the more northern parts of thiscountry, whom I met with in my first voyage; which is not extraordinary, since those we now saw, and those we then visited, differ in many otherrespects. [130] Nor did they seem to be such miserable wretches as thenatives whom Dampier mentions to have seen on its western coast. [131] [Footnote 130: The most striking difference seems to be with regard tothe texture of the hair. The natives whom Captain Cook met with atEndeavour River in 1769, are said, by him, to have "naturally long andblack hair, though it be universally cropped short. In general it isstraight, but sometimes it has a slight curl. We saw none that was notmatted and filthy. Their beards were of the same colour with the hair, and bushy and thick. " It may be necessary to mention here, on the authority of Captain King, that Captain Cook was very unwilling to allow that the hair of thenatives now met with in Adventure Bay was _woolly_, fancying that hispeople, who first observed this, had been deceived, from its beingclotted with grease and red ochre. But Captain King prevailed upon himafterward to examine carefully the hair of the boys, which wasgenerally, as well as that of the women, free from this dirt; and thenhe owned himself satisfied that it was naturally _woolly_. Perhaps wemay suppose it possible, that he himself had been deceived when he wasin Endeavour River, from this very circumstance, as he expressly says, that "they saw none that was not matted and filthy. "--D. ] [Footnote 131: And yet Dampier's New Hollanders, on the western coast, bear a striking resemblance to Captain Cook's at Van Diemen's Land, inmany remarkable instances:-- 1st, As to their becoming familiar with the strangers. 2dly, As to their persons; being straight-bodied and thin, their skinblack, and black, short, curled hair, like the negroes of Guinea, withwide mouths. 3dly, As to their wretched condition, having no houses, no garment, nocanoes, no instrument to catch large fish; feeding on broiled muscles, cockles, and periwinkles; having no fruits of the earth; their weapons astraight pole, sharpened and hardened at the end, &c. &c. The chief peculiarities of Dampier's _miserable wretches_ are, 1st, Their eye-lids being always half closed, to keep the flies out, whichwere excessively troublesome there; and, 2dly, Their wanting the twofore-teeth of the upper jaw, and their having no beards. See Dampier'sVoyages, vol. I. P. 464, &c. There seems to be no reason for supposingthat Dampier was mistaken in the above account of what he saw. --D. ] Some of our present group wore, loose, round their necks, three or fourfolds of small cord, made of the fur of some animal; and others of themhad a narrow slip of the kangooroo skin tied round their ankles. I gaveto each of them a string of beads and a medal, which I thought theyreceived with some satisfaction. They seemed to set no value on iron, oron iron tools. They were even ignorant of the use of fish-hooks, if wemight judge from their manner of looking at some of ours which we shewedto them. We cannot, however, suppose it to be possible that a people who inhabita sea-coast, and who seem to derive no part of their sustenance from theproductions of the ground, should not be acquainted with some mode ofcatching fish, though we did not happen to see any of them thusemployed, nor observe any canoe, or vessel, in which they could go uponthe water. Though they absolutely rejected the sort of fish that weoffered to them, it was evident that shell-fish, at least, made a partof their food, from the many heaps of muscle-shells we saw in differentparts near the shore, and about some deserted habitations near the headof the bay. These were little sheds, or hovels, built of sticks, andcovered with bark. We could also perceive evident signs of theirsometimes taking up their abode in the trunks of large trees, which hadbeen hollowed out by fire, most probably for this very purpose. In ornear all these habitations, and wherever there was a heap of shells, there remained the marks of fire, an indubitable proof that they do noteat their food raw. After staying about an hour with the wooding party and the natives, as Icould now be pretty confident that the latter were not likely to givethe former any disturbance, I left them, and went over to thegrass-cutters on the east point of the bay, and found that they had metwith a fine patch. Having seen the boats loaded, I left that party, andreturned on board to dinner; where, some time after, Lieutenant Kingarrived. From him I learnt, that I had but just left the shore, when severalwomen and children made their appearance, and were introduced to him bysome of the men who attended them. He gave presents to all of them, ofsuch trifles as he had about him. These females wore a kangooroo skin(in the same shape as it came from the animal) tied over the shoulders, and round the waist. But its only use seemed to be to support theirchildren when carried on their backs, for it did not cover those partswhich most nations conceal; being, in all other respects, as naked asthe men, and as black, and their bodies marked with scars in the samemanner. But in this they differed from the men, that though their hairwas of the same colour and texture, some of them had their headscompletely shorn or shaved; in others this operation had been performedonly on one side, while the rest of them had all the upper part of thehead shorn close, leaving a circle of hair all round, somewhat like thetonsure of the Romish ecclesiastics. [132] Many of the children had finefeatures, and were thought pretty; but of the persons of the women, especially those advanced in years, a less favourable report was made. However, some of the gentlemen belonging to the Discovery, I was told, paid their addresses, and made liberal offers of presents, which wererejected with great disdain; whether from a sense of virtue, or the fearof displeasing their men, I shall not pretend to determine. That thisgallantry was not very agreeable to the latter, is certain; for anelderly man, as soon as he observed it, ordered all the women andchildren to retire, which they obeyed, though some of them shewed alittle reluctance. [Footnote 132: Captain Cook's account of the natives of Van Diemen'sLand, in this chapter, no doubt proves that they differ, in manyrespects, as he says, from the inhabitants of the more northerly partsof the east coast of New Holland, whom he met with in his first voyage. It seems very remarkable, however, that the only woman any of his peoplecame close to, in Botany Bay, should have her hair cropped short, whilethe man who was with her, is said to have had the hair of his headbushy, and his beard long and rough. Could the natives of Van Diemen'sLand be more accurately described, than by saying that the hair of themen's heads is bushy, and their beards long and rough, and that thewomen's hair is cropped short? So far north, therefore, as Botany Bay, the natives of the east coast of New Holland seem to resemble those ofVan Diemen's Land, in this circumstance. --D. ] This conduct of Europeans amongst savages, to their women, is highlyblameable; as it creates a jealousy in their men, that may be attendedwith consequences fatal to the success of the common enterprise, and tothe whole body of adventurers, without advancing the private purpose ofthe individual, or enabling him to gain the object of his wishes. Ibelieve it has been generally found among uncivilized people, that wherethe women are easy of access, the men are the first to offer them tostrangers; and that, where this is not the case, neither the allurementof presents, nor the opportunity of privacy, will be likely to have thedesired effect. This observation, I am sure, will hold good, throughoutall the parts of the South Sea where I have been. Why then should menact so absurd a part, as to risk their own safety, and that of all theircompanions, in pursuit of a gratification which they have no probabilityof obtaining?[133] [Footnote 133: In uncivilized nations, the women are completelysubservient to the power and desires of the men, without seeming topossess, or to be allowed, a will or thought of their own. Amongst them, therefore, the primitive mode of temptation must be reversed, and thehusband is first to be gained over. When this is done, all that follows, is understood and intended by him, as a sort of temporary barter; andthe favours of his wife, or daughter, are valued by him just in theproportion they are sought for by those with whom he is dealing. Butwhere his animal necessities can scarcely be supplied, it cannot beimagined that he will be very sensible to the force of toys and trinketsas objects of temptation. These, on the other hand, will carry mostpersuasion, where, through the greater bounty of nature, an avenue hasbeen opened for the display of vanity and the love of ornament. Anyopposition on the female part in either case, is of no avail as abarrier against strangers, as he who is most concerned to protect it, finds his account in its sacrifice. We have instances of both in CaptainCook's voyages. --E. ] In the afternoon I went again to the grass-cutters, to forward theirwork. I found them then upon Penguin Island, where they had met with aplentiful crop of excellent grass. We laboured hard till sun-set, andthen repaired on board, satisfied with the quantity we had collected, and which I judged sufficient to last till our arrival in New Zealand. During our whole stay, we had either calms or light airs from theeastward. Little or no time, therefore, was lost by my putting in atthis place. For if I had kept the sea, we should not have been twentyleagues advanced farther on our voyage. And, short as our continuancewas here, it has enabled me to add somewhat to the imperfectacquaintance that hath hitherto been acquired, with this part of theglobe. Van Diemen's Land has been twice visited before. It was so named byTasman, who discovered it in November 1642. From that time it hadescaped all farther notice by European navigators, till Captain Furneauxtouched at it in March 1773. [134] I hardly need say, that it is thesouthern point of New Holland, which, if it doth not deserve the name ofa continent, is by far the largest island in the world. [Footnote 134: This is a mistake, though unintentional, no doubt, andignorantly on the part of Cook. Captain Marion, a French navigator, andmentioned occasionally in these voyages, visited Van Diemen's Land abouta twelve-month before Captain Furneaux. The account of his voyage waspublished at Paris in 1783, but is little known in England; for whichreason, and because of its possessing a considerable degree of interest, Captain Flinders has given an abridgment of that portion of its contentswhich respects the land in question. This the reader will find in hisintroduction, p. 83, or he may content himself with being informed, thatthe description it gives of the natives, &c, generally coincides withwhat is furnished in the text. Subsequent to this voyage, it may beremarked, Captain Bligh put into Adventure Bay with his majesty's shipBounty, viz. In 1788: and afterwards, viz. In 1792, the coast of VanDiemen's Land was visited by the French Rear-Admiral D'Entrecasteaux. --E. ] The land is, for the most part, of a good height, diversified with hillsand valleys, and every where of a greenish hue. It is well wooded; and, if one may judge from appearances, and from what we met with inAdventure Bay, is not ill supplied with water. We found plenty of it inthree or four places in this bay. The best, or what is most convenientfor ships that touch here, is a rivulet, which is one of several thatfall into a pond, that lies behind the beach at the head of the bay. Itthere mixes with the sea-water, so that it must be taken up above thispond, which may be done without any great trouble. Fire-wood is to begot, with great ease, in several places. The only wind to which this bay is exposed, is the N. E. But as this windblows from Maria's Islands, it can bring no very great sea along withit; and therefore, upon the whole, this may be accounted a very saferoad. The bottom is clean, good holding ground; and the depth of waterfrom twelve to five and four fathoms. Captain Furneaux's sketch of Van Diemen's Land, published with thenarrative of my last voyage, appears to me to be without any materialerror, except with regard to Maria's Islands, which have a differentsituation from what is there represented. [135] The longitude wasdetermined by a great number of lunar observations, which we had beforewe made the land, while we were in sight of it, and after we had leftit; and reduced to Adventure Bay, and the several principal points, bythe time-keeper. The following table will exhibit both the longitude andlatitude at one view: Latitude South. Longitude East: Adventure Bay, 43° 21' 20" 147° 29' 0" Tasman's Head, 43 33 0 147 28 0 South Cape, 43 42 0 146 56 0 South-west Cape, 43 37 0 146 7 0 Swilly Isle, 43 55 0 147 6 0 Adventure { Variation of the compass 5° 15' E. Bay, { Dip of the south end of the needle 70° 15 1/2'. We had high-water on the 29th, being two days before the last quarter ofthe moon, at nine in the morning. The perpendicular rise then waseighteen inches, and there was no appearance of its ever having exceededtwo feet and a half. These are all the memorials useful to navigation, which my short stay has enabled me to preserve, with respect to VanDiemen's Land. [Footnote 135: But Captain Flinders has pointed out some other mistakes, especially as to the Storm and Frederik Hendrik's Bays of Tasman, inwhich, says he, "He has been followed by all the succeeding navigators, of the same nation, which has created not a little confusion in thegeography of this part of the world. " Let us prevent the perpetuity oferrors, by quoting another passage from the same most accurate andskilful navigator. "The bay supposed to have been Storm Bay, has no namein Tasman's chart; though the particular plan shews that he noticed it, as did Marion, more distinctly. The rocks marked at the east point ofthis bay, and called the Friars, are the _Boreal's Eylanden_ of Tasman;the true Storm Bay is the deep inlet, of which Adventure Bay is a cove. Frederik Hendrik's Bay is not within this inlet, but lies to thenorth-eastward, on the outer side of the land which Captain Furneaux, inconsequence of his first mistake, took to be Maria's Island, but which, in fact, is a part of the main land. " A copy of Tasman's charts is givenin the atlas to D'Entrecasteaux's voyage; it is taken from Valantyn, andis conformable to the manuscript charts in the Dutch journal. Butaccording to Flinders, it has an error of one degree too much east, inthe scale of longitude. Besides, he informs us, "In the plan of FrederikHendrik's Bay, the name is placed _within_ the inner bay, instead ofbeing written, as in the original, on the point of land between theinner and outer bays. " He imagines the name was intended to compriseboth, and refers to vol. Iii. Of Captain Burney's History of Discoveriesin the South Sea, for a copy of Tasman's charts as they stand in theoriginal. --E. ] Mr Anderson, my surgeon, with his usual diligence, spent the few days weremained in Adventure Bay, in examining the country. His account of itsnatural productions, with which he favoured me, will more thancompensate for my silence about them: Some of his remarks on theinhabitants will supply what I may have omitted, or representedimperfectly; and his specimen of their language, however short, will bethought worth attending to, by those who wish to collect materials fortracing the origin of nations. I shall only premise, that the tallstrait forest trees, which Mr Anderson describes in the followingaccount, are of a different sort from those which are found in the morenorthern parts of this coast. The wood is very long and close-grained, extremely tough, fit for spars, oars, and many other uses; and would, onoccasion, make good masts, (perhaps none better, ) if a method could befound to lighten it. "At the bottom of Adventure Bay is a beautiful sandy beach, which seemsto be wholly formed by the particles washed by the sea from a very finewhite sand-stone, that in many places bounds the shore, and of whichFluted Cape, in the neighbourhood, from its appearance, seems to becomposed. This beach is about two miles long, and is excellently adaptedfor hauling a seine, which both ships did repeatedly with success. Behind this is a plain or flat, with a salt, or rather brackish lake(running in length parallel with the beach), out of which we caught, with angling rods, many whitish bream, and some small trout. The otherparts of the country adjoining the bay are quite hilly; and both thoseand the flat are an entire forest of very tall trees, rendered almostimpassable by shrubs, brakes of fern, and fallen trees; except on thesides of some of the hills, where the trees are but thin, and a coarsegrass is the only interruption. " "To the northward of the bay there is low land, stretching farther thanthe eye can reach, which is only covered with wood in certain spots; butwe had no opportunity to examine in what respects it differed from thehilly country. The soil on the flat land is either sandy, or consists ofa yellowish mould, and, in some places, of a reddish clay. The same isfound on the lower part of the hills; but farther up, especially wherethere are few trees, it is of a grey tough cast, to appearance verypoor. " "In the valleys between the hills, the water drains down from theirsides; and at last, in some places, forms small brooks; such, indeed, aswere sufficient to supply us with water, but by no means of that size wemight expect in so extensive a country, especially as it is both hillyand well wooded. Upon the whole, it has many marks of being naturally avery dry country; and perhaps might (independent of its wood) becompared to Africa, about the Cape of Good Hope, though that lies tendegrees farther northward, rather than to New Zealand, on its otherside, in the same latitude, where we find every valley, however small, furnished with a considerable stream of water. The heat, too, appears tobe great, as the thermometer stood at 64, 70, and once at 74. And it wasremarked, that birds were seldom killed an hour or two, before they werealmost covered with small maggots, which I would rather attribute merelyto the heat; as we had not any reason to suppose there is a peculiardisposition in the climate to render substances soon putrid. " "No mineral bodies, nor indeed stones of any other sort but the whitesand one already mentioned, were observed. "Amongst the vegetable productions, there is not one, that we couldfind, which afforded the smallest subsistence for man. " "The forest trees are all of one sort, growing to a great height, and ingeneral quite straight, branching but little, till toward the top. Thebark is white, which makes them appear, at a distance, as if they hadbeen peeled; it is also thick; and within it are sometimes collected, pieces of a reddish transparent gum or rosin, which has an astringenttaste. The leaves of this tree are long, narrow, and pointed; and itbears clusters of small white flowers, whose cups were, at this time, plentifully scattered about the ground, with another sort resemblingthem somewhat in shape, but much larger; which makes it probable thatthere are two _species_ of this tree. The bark of the smaller branches, fruit, and leaves, have an agreeable pungent taste, and aromatic smell, not unlike peppermint; and in its nature, it has some affinity to the_myrtus_ of botanists. " "The most common tree, next to this, is a small one about ten feet high, branching pretty much, with narrow leaves, and a large, yellow, cylindrical flower, consisting only of a vast number of filaments;which, being shed, leave a fruit like a pine-top. Both theabove-mentioned trees are unknown in Europe. " "The underwood consists chiefly of a shrub somewhat resembling a myrtle, and which seems to be the _leptospermum scoparium_, mentioned in DrFoster's _Char. Gen. Plant. _; and, in some places, of another, rathersmaller, which is a new _species_ of the _melaleuca_ of Linnaeus. " "Of other plants, which are by no means numerous, there is a _species_of _gladiolus_, rush, bell-flower, samphire, a small sort ofwood-sorrel, milk-wort, cudweed, and Job's tears; with a few others, peculiar to the place. There are several kinds of fern, as polypody, spleenwort, female fern, and some mosses; but the _species_ are eithercommon, or at least found in some other countries, especially NewZealand. " "The only animal of the quadruped kind we got, was a sort of _opossum_, about twice the size of a large rat; and is, most probably, the male ofthat _species_ found at Endeavour river, as mentioned in Cook's firstvoyage. It is of a dusky colour above, tinged with a brown or rustycast, and whitish below. About a third of the tail, towards its tip, iswhite, and bare underneath; by which it probably hangs on the branchesof trees, as it climbs these, and lives on berries. The _kangooroo_, another animal found farther northward in New Holland, as described inthe same voyage, without all doubt also inhabits here, as the natives wemet with had some pieces of their skins; and we several times sawanimals, though indistinctly, run from the thickets when we walked inthe woods, which, from the size, could be no other. It should seem also, that they are in considerable numbers, from the dung we saw almost everywhere, and from the narrow tracks or paths they have made amongst theshrubbery. " "There are several sorts of birds, but all so scarce and shy, that theyare evidently harrassed by the natives, who, perhaps, draw much of theirsubsistence from them. In the woods, the principal sorts are large brownhawks or eagles; crows, nearly the same as ours in England; yellowishparoquets; and large pigeons. There are also three or four small birds, one of which is of the thrush kind; and another small one, with a prettylong tail, has part of the head and neck of a most beautiful azurecolour; from whence we named it _motacilla cyanea_. On the shore wereseveral common and sea gulls; a few black oyster-catchers, or sea-pies;and a pretty plover of a stone colour, with a black hood. About the pondor lake behind the beach, a few wild-ducks were seen; and some shagsused to perch upon the high leafless trees near the shore. " "Some pretty large blackish snakes were seen in the woods; and we killeda large, hitherto unknown, lizard, fifteen inches long, and six round, elegantly clouded with black and yellow; besides a small sort, of abrown gilded colour above, and rusty below. " "The sea affords a much greater plenty, and at least as great a variety, as the land. Of these the elephant fish, or _pejegallo_, mentioned inFrezier's voyage, [136] are the most numerous; and though inferior tomany other fish, were very palatable food. Several large rays, nurses, and small leather-jackets, were caught; with some small white bream, which were firmer and better than those caught in the lake. We likewisegot a few soles and flounders; two sorts of gurnards, one of them a new_species_; some small spotted mullet; and, very unexpectedly, the smallfish with a silver band on its side, called _atherina hipsetus_ byHasseiquist. "[137] [Footnote 136: Tom. Ii. P. 211. 12mo. Planche XVII. ] [Footnote 137: _Iter Palastinum_. ] "But that next in number, and superior in goodness, to the elephantfish, was a sort none of us recollected to have seen before. It partakesof the nature both of a round and of a flat fish, having the eyes placedvery near each other; the fore-part of the body much flattened ordepressed, and the rest rounded. It is of a brownish sandy colour, withrusty spots on the upper part, and whitish below. From the quantity ofslime it was always covered with, it seems to live after the manner offlat fish, at the bottom. " "Upon the rocks are plenty of muscles, and some other small shell-fish. There are also great numbers of sea-stars; some small limpets; and largequantities of sponge; one sort of which, that is thrown on shore by thesea, but not very common, has a most delicate texture; and another, isthe _spongia dichotoma_. " "Many pretty _Medusa's heads_ were found upon the beach; and thestinking _laplysia_ or sea-hare, which, as mentioned by some authors, has the property of taking off the hair by the acrimony of its juice;but this sort was deficient in this respect. " "Insects, though not numerous, are here in considerable variety. Amongstthem are grasshoppers, butterflies, and several sorts of small moths, finely variegated. There are two sorts of dragon-flies, gad-flies, camel-flies; several sorts of spiders; and some scorpions; but the lastare rather rare. The most troublesome, though not very numerous tribe ofinsects, are the musquitoes; and a large black ant, the pain of whosebite is almost intolerable, during the short time it lasts. Themusquitoes, also, make up the deficiency of their number, by theseverity of their venomous _proboscis_. " "The inhabitants whom we met with here, had little of that fierce orwild appearance common to people in their situation; but, on thecontrary, seemed mild and cheerful, without reserve or jealousy ofstrangers. This, however, may arise from their having little to lose orcare for. " "With respect to personal activity or genius, we can say but little ofeither. They do not seem to possess the first in any remarkable degree;and as for the last, they have, to appearance, less than even thehalf-animated inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, who have not inventionsufficient to make clothing for defending themselves from the rigour oftheir climate, though furnished with the materials. The small stick, rudely pointed, which one of them carried in his hand, was the onlything we saw that required any mechanical exertion, if we except thefixing on the feet of some of them pieces of _kangooroo_ skin, tied withthongs; though it could not be learnt whether these were in use asshoes, or only to defend some sore. It must be owned, however, they aremasters of some contrivance in the manner of cutting their arms andbodies in lines of different lengths and directions, which are raisedconsiderably above the surface of the skin, so that it is difficult toguess the method they use in executing this embroidery of their persons. Their not expressing that surprise which one might have expected fromtheir seeing men so much unlike themselves, and things, to which, wewere well assured, they had been hitherto utter strangers; theirindifference for our presents; and their general inattention; weresufficient proofs of their not possessing any acuteness ofunderstanding. " "Their colour is a dull black, and not quite so deep as that of theAfrican negroes. It should seem also, that they sometimes heightenedtheir black colour, by smutting their bodies; as a mark was left behindon any clean substance, such as white paper, when they handled it. Theirhair, however, is perfectly woolly, and it is clotted or divided intosmall parcels, like that of the Hottentots, with the use of some sort ofgrease, mixed with a red paint or ochre, which they smear in greatabundance over their heads. This practice, as some might imagine, hasnot the effect of changing their hair into the frizzling texture weobserved; for, on examining the head of a boy, which appeared never tohave been smeared, I found the hair to be of the same kind. Their noses, though not flat, are broad and full. The lower part of the face projectsa good deal, as is the case of more Indians I have seen; so that a linelet fall from the forehead would cut off a much larger portion, than itwould in Europeans. Their eyes are of a middling size, with the whiteless clear than in us; and though not remarkably quick or piercing, suchas give a frank cheerful cast to the whole countenance. Their teeth arebroad, but not equal, nor well set; and, either from nature or fromdirt, not of so true a white as is usual among people of a black colour. Their mouths are rather wide; but this appearance seems heightened bywearing their beards long, and clotted with paint, in the same manner asthe hair on their heads. In other respects, they are well-proportioned;though the belly seems rather projecting. This may be owing to the wantof compression there, which few nations do not use, more or less. Theposture of which they seem fondest, is to stand with one side forward, or the upper part of the body gently reclined, and one hand grasping(across the back) the opposite arm, which hangs down by the projectingside. " "What the ancient poets tell us of _Fauns_ and _Satyrs_ living in hollowtrees, is here realized. Some wretched constructions of sticks, coveredwith bark, which do not even deserve the name of huts, were indeed foundnear the shore in the bay; but these seemed only to have been erectedfor temporary purposes; and many of their largest trees were convertedinto more comfortable habitations. These had their trunks hollowed outby fire, to the height of six or seven feet; and that they take up theirabode in them sometimes, was evident from the hearths, made of clay, tocontain the fire in the middle, leaving room for four or five persons tosit round it. [138] At the same time, these places of shelter aredurable; for they take care to leave one side of the tree sound, whichis sufficient to keep it growing as luxuriantly as those which remainuntouched. " [Footnote 138: Tasman, when in the bay of Frederick Henry, adjoining toAdventure Bay, found two trees, one of which was two fathoms, and theother two fathoms and a half in girth, and sixty or sixty-five feethigh, from the root to the branches. --See his Voyage, in Harris'sCollection, Campbell's Edition, vol. I. P. 326. --D. ] "The inhabitants of this place are, doubtless, from the same stock withthose of the northern parts of New Holland. Though some of thecircumstances mentioned by Dampier, relative to those he met with on thewestern coast of this country, such as their defective sight, and wantof fore-teeth, are not found here; and though Hawkesworth's account ofthose met with by Captain Cook on the east side, shews also that theydiffer in many respects; yet still, upon the whole, I am persuaded thatdistance of place, entire separation, diversity of climate, and lengthof time, all concurring to operate, will account for greaterdifferences, both as to their persons and as to their customs, thanreally exist between our Van Diemen's Land natives, and those describedby Dampier, and in Captain Cook's first voyage. This is certain, thatthe figure of one of those seen in Endeavour River, and represented inSidney Parkinson's Journal of that voyage, very much resembles ourvisitors in Adventure Bay. That there is not the like resemblance intheir language, is a circumstance that need not create any difficulty. For though the agreement of the languages of people living distant fromeach other, may be assumed as a strong argument for their having sprungfrom one common source, disagreement of language is by no means a proofof the contrary. "[139] [Footnote 139: The ingenious author of _Récherches sur les Americains_illustrates the grounds of this assertion in the following satisfactorymanner: "C'est quelque chose de surprenant, que la foule des idiomes, tous variés entr'eux, que parlent les naturels de l'AmériqueSeptentrionale. Qu'on reduise ces idiomes à des racines qu'on lessimplifie, qu'on en separe les dialectes et les jargons derivés, il enresulte toujours cinq ou six languesmeres, respectivementincomprehensibles. On a observé la même singularité dans la Siberie etla Tartarie, où le nombre des idiomes, et les dialectes, est égalementmultiplié; et rien n'est plus commun, que d'y voir deux hordes voisinesqui ne se comprennent point. On rétrouve cette même multiplicité dejargons dans toutes les Provinces de l'Amérique Méridionale. " [He mightalso have included Africa. ] "Il y a beaucoup d'apparence que _la viesauvage, en dispersant les hommes par petites troupes isolées dans desbois épais, occasione nécessairement cette grande diversité deslangues_, dont le nombre diminue à mésure que la société, en rassemblantles barbares vagabonds, en forme un corps de nation. Alors l'idiome leplus riche, ou le moins panvre en mots, devient dominant, et absorbe lesautres. " Tom. I. P. 159, 160. --D. ] "However, we must have a far more intimate acquaintance with thelanguages spoken here, and in the more northern parts of New Holland, before we can be warranted to pronounce that they are totally different. Nay, we have good grounds for the opposite opinion; for we found thatthe animal called _kangooroo_ at Endeavour river, was known under thesame name here; and I need not observe, that it is scarcely possible tosuppose that this was not transmitted from one another, but accidentallyadopted by two nations, differing in language and extraction. Besides, as it seems very improbable that the Van Diemen's Land inhabitantsshould have ever lost the use of canoes or sailing vessels, if they hadbeen originally conveyed thither by sea, we must necessarily admit thatthey, as well as the _kangooroo_ itself, have been stragglers by landfrom the more northern parts of the country. And if there be any forcein this observation, while it traces the origin of the people, it will, at the same time, serve to fix another point, if Captain Cook andCaptain Furneaux have not already decided it, that New Holland is nowhere totally divided by the sea into islands, as some haveimagined. "[140] [Footnote 140: The reader is aware of the erroneous opinion generallyentertained at this time, of Van Diemen's Land being connected with thecontinent of New Holland. He will therefore modify the remark abovegiven, as to its inhabitants being stragglers by land from the morenorthern parts of the country. It is of some consequence also to informhim, that in the visit of D'Entrecasteaux, it was found that the peoplewho inhabited the shores of the channel were in possession of barkcanoes. --E. ] "As the New Hollanders seem all to be of the same extraction, so neitherdo I think there is any thing peculiar in them. On the contrary, theymuch resemble many of the inhabitants whom I have seen at the islandsTanna and Mallicolla. Nay, there is even some foundation for hazarding asupposition, that they may have originally come from the same place withall the inhabitants of the South Sea. For, of only about ten words whichwe could get from them, that which expresses _cold_, differs little fromthat of New Zealand and Otaheite; the first being _Mallareede_, thesecond _Makkareede_, and the third _Mareede_. The rest of our veryscanty Van Diemen's Land Vocabulary is as follows: Quadne, _A woman. _ Everai, _The eye. _ Muidje, _The nose. _ Kamy, _The teeth, mouth, or tongue_. Laerenne, _A small bird, a native of the woods here_. Koygee, _The ear_. Noonga, _Elevated scars on the body_. Teegera, _To eat_. Togarago, _I must begone, _ or, _I will go_. "Their pronunciation is not disagreeable; but rather quick; though notmore so than is that of other nations of the South Sea; and, if we maydepend upon the affinity of languages as a clue to guide us indiscovering the origin of nations, I have no doubt but we shall find, ona diligent enquiry, and when opportunities offer to collect accurately asufficient number of these words, and to compare them, that all thepeople from New Holland, eastward to Easter Island, have been derivedfrom the same common root. "[141] [Footnote 141: We find Mr Anderson's notions on this subject conformableto those of Mr Marsden, who has remarked, "that one general languageprevailed (however mutilated and changed in the course of time)throughout all this portion of the world, from Madagascar to the mostdistant discoveries eastward; of which the Malay is a dialect, muchcorrupted or refined by a mixture of other tongues. This very extensivesimilarity of language indicates a common origin of the inhabitants; butthe circumstances and progress of their separation are wrapped in thedarkest veil of obscurity. "--_History of Sumatra_, p. 35. See also his very curious paper, read before the Society of Antiquaries, and published in their _Archaeologia_, vol. Vi, p. 155; where hissentiments on this subject are explained more at large, and illustratedby two Tables of corresponding Words. --D. ] SECTION VII. _The Passage from Van Diemen's Land to New Zealand. --Employments inQueen Charlotte's Sound. --Transactions with the Nativesthere. --Intelligence about the Massacre of the Adventure's Boat'sCrew. --Account of the Chief who headed the Party on that occasion. --Ofthe two young Men who embark to attend Omai. --Various Remarks on theInhabitants. --Astronomical and Nautical Observations. _ At eight o'clock in the morning of the 30th of January, a light breezespringing up at W. , we weighed anchor, and put to sea from AdventureBay. Soon after, the wind veered to the southward, and increased to aperfect storm. Its fury abated in the evening, when it veered to the E, and N. E. This gale was indicated by the barometer, for the wind no sooner beganto blow, than the mercury in the tube began to fall. Another remarkablething attended the coming on of this wind, which was very faint atfirst. It brought with it a degree of heat that was almost intolerable. The mercury in the thermometer rose, as it were instantaneously, fromabout 70° to near 90°. This heat was of so short a continuance, that itseemed to be wafted away before the breeze that brought it; so that someon board did not perceive it. We pursued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thingworthy of note, till the night between the 6th and 7th of February, whena marine belonging to the Discovery fell over-board, and was never seenafterward. This was the second misfortune of the kind that had happenedto Captain Clerke since he left England. On the 10th, at four in the afternoon, we discovered the land of NewZealand. The part we saw proved to be Rock's Point, and bore S. E. By S. , about eight or nine leagues distant. During this run from Van Diemen'sLand, the wind, for the first four or five days, was at N. E. , N. , andN. N. W. , and blew, for the most part, a gentle breeze. It afterwardveered to S. E. , where it remained twenty-four hours. It then came to W. And S. W. ; in which points it continued, with very little deviation, tillwe reached New Zealand. After making the land, I steered for Cape Farewell, which at day-breakthe next morning bore S. By W. , distant about four leagues. At eighto'clock, it bore S. W. By S. , about five leagues distant; and, in thissituation, we had forty-five fathoms water over a sandy bottom. Inrounding the Cape we had fifty fathoms, and the same sort of bottom. I now steered for Stephens's Island, which we came up with at nineo'clock at night; and at ten, next morning, anchored in our old station, in Queen Charlotte's Sound. Unwilling to lose any time, our operationscommenced that very afternoon, when we landed a number of emptywater-casks, and began to clear a place where we might set up the twoobservatories, and tents for the reception of a guard, and of such ofour people whose business might make it necessary for them to remain onshore. We had not been long at anchor before several canoes, filled-withnatives, came along-side of the ships; but very few of them wouldventure on board; which appeared the more extraordinary, as I was wellknown to them all. There w as one man in particular amongst them, whom Ihad treated with remarkable kindness, during the whole of my stay when Iwas last here. Yet now, neither professions of friendship, nor presents, could prevail upon him to come into the ship. This shyness was to beaccounted for only upon this supposition, that they were apprehensive wehad revisited their country, in order to revenge the death of CaptainFurneaux's people. Seeing Omai on board my ship now, whom they must haveremembered to have seen on board the Adventure when the melancholyaffair happened, and whose first conversation with them, as theyapproached, generally turned on that subject, they must be well assuredthat I was no longer a stranger to it. I thought it necessary, therefore, to use every endeavour to assure them of the continuance ofmy friendship, and that I should not disturb them on that account. I donot know whether this had any weight with them; but certain it is, thatthey very soon laid aside all manner of restraint and distrust. On the 13th we set up two tents, one from each ship, on the same spotwhere we had pitched them formerly. The observatories were at the sametime erected; and Messrs King and Bayly began their operationsimmediately, to find the rate of the time-keeper, and to make otherobservations. The remainder of the empty water-casks were also sent onshore, with the cooper to trim, and a sufficient number of sailors tofill them. Two men were appointed to brew spruce beer; and the carpenterand his crew were ordered to cut wood. A boat, with a party of men, under the direction of one of the mates, was sent to collect grass forour cattle; and the people that remained on board were employed inrefitting the ship, and arranging the provisions. In this manner we wereall profitably busied during our stay. For the protection of the partyon shore, I appointed a guard of ten marines, and ordered arms for allthe workmen; and Mr King, and two or three petty officers, constantlyremained with them. A boat was never sent to any considerable distancefrom the ships without being armed, and under direction of such officersas I could depend upon, and who were well acquainted with the natives. During my former visits to this country, I had never taken some of theseprecautions; nor were they, I firmly believe, more necessary now thanthey had been formerly. But after the tragical fate of the Adventure'sboat's crew in this sound, and of Captain Marion du Fresne, and of someof his people, in the Bay of Islands (in 1772), it was impossibletotally to divest ourselves of all apprehension of experiencing asimilar calamity. If the natives entertained any suspicion of our revenging these acts ofbarbarity, they very soon laid it aside. For, during the course of thisday, a great number of families came from different parts or the coast, and took up their residence close to us; so that there was not a spot inthe cove where a hut could be put up, that was not occupied by them, except the place where we had fixed our little encampment. This theyleft us in quiet possession of; but they came and took away the ruins ofsome old huts that were there, as materials for their new erections. It is curious to observe with what facility they build these occasionalplaces of abode. I have seen above twenty of them erected on a spot ofground, that, not an hour before, was covered with shrubs and plants. They generally bring some part of the materials with them; the rest theyfind upon the premises. I was present when a number of people landed, and built one of these villages. The moment the canoes reached theshore, the men leaped out, and at once took possession of a piece ofground, by tearing up the plants and shrubs, or sticking up some part ofthe framing of a hut. They then returned to their canoes, and securedtheir weapons, by setting them up against a tree, or placing them insuch a position, that they could be laid hold of in an instant. I tookparticular notice that no one neglected this precaution. While the menwere employed in raising the huts, the women were not idle. Some werestationed to take care of the canoes; others to secure the provisions, and the few utensils in their possession; and the rest went to gatherdry sticks, that a fire might be prepared for dressing their victuals. As to the children, I kept them, as also some of the more aged, sufficiently occupied in scrambling for beads, till I had emptied mypockets, and then I left them. These temporary habitations are abundantly sufficient to afford shelterfrom the wind and rain, which is the only purpose they are meant toanswer. I observed that, generally, if not always, the same tribe orfamily, though it were ever so large, associated and built together; sothat we frequently saw a village, as well as their larger towns, dividedinto different districts, by low pallisades, or some similar mode ofseparation. The advantage we received from the natives coming to live with us, wasnot inconsiderable. For, every day, when the weather would permit, someof them went out to catch fish; and we generally got, by exchanges, agood share of the produce of their labours. This supply, and what ourown nets and lines afforded us, was so ample, that we seldom were inwant of fish. Nor was there any deficiency of other refreshments. Celery, scurvy-grass, and portable soup were boiled with the pease andwheat, for both ships' companies, every day daring our whole stay; andthey had spruce-beer for their drink. So that, if any of our people hadcontracted the seeds of the scurvy, such a regimen soon removed them. But the truth is, when we arrived here, there were only two invalids(and these on board the Resolution) upon the sick lists in both ships. Besides the natives who took up their abode close to us, we wereoccasionally visited by others of them, whose residence was not far off;and by some who lived more remote. Their articles of commerce were, curiosities, fish, and women. The two first always came to a goodmarket, which the latter did not. The seamen had taken a kind of disliketo these people, and were either unwilling, or afraid, to associate withthem; which produced this good effect, that I knew no instance of aman's quitting his station, to go to their habitations. A connection with women I allow, because I cannot prevent it; but neverencourage, because I always dread its consequences. I know, indeed, thatmany men are of opinion, that such an intercourse is one of our greatestsecurities amongst savages; and perhaps they who, either from necessityor choice, are to remain and settle with them, may find it so. But withtravellers and transient visitors, such as we were, it is generallyotherwise; and, in our situation, a connection with their women betraysmore men than it saves. What else can be reasonably expected, since alltheir views are selfish, without the least mixture of regard orattachment? My own experience, at least, which hath been prettyextensive, hath not pointed out to me one instance to the contrary. [142] [Footnote 142: We ought to distinguish betwixt the affection of thesexes, and those gross physical principles which lead to their temporaryintercourse. The latter exist, in some degree or other, wherever thedifference of sex is found; but the former is the result of refinementin feeling, and a habit of reflection on objects of common interest, which civilization alone can produce. This is with respect to membersof the same community; much more does the rule hold where strangers areconcerned. It is positively absurd for them to expect affection, wherethe lawful and accustomed possessors of the she-savage have never yetbeen fortunate enough to elicit its display. Well, therefore, hasCaptain Cook remarked, that the motives which lead to their occasionalconnexion are selfish, by which must be understood, the mercenary natureof the principle which actuates the female. --E. ] Amongst our occasional visitors was a chief named Kahoora, who, as I wasinformed, headed the party that cut off Captain Furneaux's people, andhimself killed Mr Howe, the officer who commanded. To judge of thecharacter of Kahoora, by what I heard from many of his countrymen, heseemed to be more feared than beloved amongst them. Not satisfied withtelling me that he was a very bad man, some of them even importuned meto kill him; and, I believe, they were not a little surprised that I didnot listen to them; for, according to their ideas of equity, this oughtto have been done. But if I had followed the advice of all our pretendedfriends, I might have extirpated the whole race; for the people of eachhamlet, or village, by turns, applied to me to destroy the other. Onewould have almost thought it impossible, that so striking a proof of thedivided state in which this miserable people live, could have beenassigned. And yet I was sure that I did not misconceive the meaning ofthose who made these strange applications to me; for Omai, whoselanguage was a dialect of their own, and perfectly understood all thatthey said, was our interpreter. On the 15th, I made an excursion in my boat to look for grass, andvisited the Hippah, or fortified village at the S. W. Point of Motuara, and the places where our gardens had been planted on that island. Therewere no people at the former; but the houses and pallisades had beenrebuilt, and were now in a state of good repair; and there were otherevident marks of its having been inhabited not long before. It would beunnecessary, at present, to give a particular account of this Hippah, sufficient notice having been taken of it in the account of my firstvoyage. When the Adventure arrived first at Queen Charlotte's Sound, in 1773, MrBayly fixed upon this place for making his observations; and he, and thepeople with him, at their leisure hours, planted several spots withEnglish garden seeds. Not the least vestige of these now remained. It isprobable that they had been all rooted out to make room for buildings, when the village was re-inhabited; for, at all the other gardens thenplanted by Captain Furneaux, although now wholly over-run with the weedsof the country, we found cabbages, onions, leeks, purslain, radishes, mustard, &c. And a few potatoes. These potatoes, which were firstbrought from the Cape of Good Hope, had been greatly improved by changeof soil; and, with proper cultivation, would be superior to thoseproduced in most other countries. Though the New Zealanders are fond ofthis root, it was evident that they had not taken the trouble to plant asingle one (much less any other of the articles which we hadintroduced); and if it were not for the difficulty of clearing groundwhere potatoes had been once planted, there would not have been any nowremaining. On the 16th, at day-break, I set out with a party of men, in five boats, to collect food for our cattle. Captain Clerke, and several of theofficers, Omai, and two of the natives, accompanied me. We proceededabout three leagues up the sound, and then landed on the east side, at aplace where I had formerly been. Here we cut as much grass as loaded thetwo launches. As we returned down the sound, we visited Grass Cove, the memorablescene of the massacre of Captain Furneaux's people. Here I met with myold friend Pedro, who was almost continually with me the last time I wasin this sound, and is mentioned in my History of that Voyage. He, andanother of his countrymen, received us on the beach, armed with thepa-too and spear. Whether this form of reception was a mark of theircourtesy or of their fear, I cannot say; but I thought they betrayedmanifest signs of the latter. However, if they had any apprehensions, afew presents soon removed them, and brought down to the beach two orthree more of the family; but the greatest part of them remained out ofsight. Whilst we were at this place, our curiosity prompted us to enquire intothe circumstances attending the melancholy fate of our countrymen; andOmai was made use of as our interpreter for this purpose. Pedro, and therest of the natives present, answered all the questions that were put tothem on the subject, without reserve, and like men who are under nodread of punishment for a crime of which they are not guilty. For wealready knew that none of them had been concerned in the unhappytransaction. They told us, that while our people were sitting at dinner, surrounded by several of the natives, some of the latter stole, orsnatched from them, some bread and fish, for which they were beat. Thisbeing resented, a quarrel ensued, and two New Zealanders were shot dead, by the only two musquets that were fired. For before our people had timeto discharge a third, or to load again those that had been fired, thenatives rushed in upon them, overpowered them with their numbers, andput them all to death. Pedro and his companions, besides relating thehistory of the massacre, made us acquainted with the very spot that wasthe scene of it. It is at the corner of the cove on the right hand. Theypointed to the place of the sun, to mark to us at what hour of the dayit happened; and, according to this, it must have been late in theafternoon. They also shewed us the place where the boat lay; and itappeared to be about two hundred yards distant from that where the crewwere seated. One of their number, a black servant of Captain Furneaux, was left in the boat to take care of her. We were afterward told that this black was the cause of the quarrel, which was said to have happened thus: One of the natives stealingsomething out of the boat, the Negro gave him a severe blow with astick. The cries of the fellow being heard by his countrymen at adistance, they imagined he was killed, and immediately began the attackon our people; who, before they had time to reach the boat, or to armthemselves against the unexpected impending danger, fell a sacrifice tothe fury of their savage assailants. The first of these accounts was confirmed by the testimony of many ofthe natives whom we conversed with at different times, and who, I think, could have no interest in deceiving us. The second manner of relatingthe transaction, rests upon the authority of the young New Zealander, who chose to abandon his country and go away with us, and who, consequently, could have no possible view in disguising the truth. Allagreeing that the quarrel happened when the boat's crew were sitting attheir meal, it is highly probable that both accounts are true, as theyperfectly coincide. For we may very naturally suppose, that while someof the natives were stealing from the man who had been left in the boat, others of them might take the same liberties with the property of ourpeople who were on shore. Be this as it will, all agree that the quarrel first took its rise fromsome thefts, in the commission of which the natives were detected. Allagree, also, that there was no premeditated plan of bloodshed, and that, if these thefts had not been unfortunately too hastily resented nomischief would have happened. For Kahoora's greatest enemies, those whosolicited his destruction most earnestly, at the same time confessedthat he had no intention to quarrel, much less to kill, till the frayhad actually commenced. It also appears that the unhappy victims wereunder no sort of apprehension of their fate, otherwise they never wouldhave ventured to sit down to a repast at so considerable a distance fromtheir boat, amongst people who were the next moment to be theirmurderers. What became of the boat I never could learn. Some said shewas pulled to pieces and burnt, others told us that she was carried, they knew not whither, by a party of strangers. We stayed here till the evening, when, having loaded the rest of theboats with grass, celery, scurvy-grass, &c. We embarked to return to theships. We had prevailed upon Pedro to launch his canoe, and accompanyus; but we had scarcely put off from the shore when the wind began toblow very hard at N. W. , which obliged him to put back, We proceededourselves, but it was with a good deal of difficulty that we could reachthe ships, where some of the boats did not arrive till one o'clock thenext morning; and it was fortunate that they got on board then, for itafterward blew a perfect storm, with abundance of rain, so that nomanner of work could go forward that day. In the evening the galeceased, and the wind, having veered to the E. , brought with it fairweather. The next day we resumed our works; the natives ventured out to catchfish; and Pedro, with all his family, came and took up his abode nearus. The chief's proper name is Matahouah; the other being given him bysome of my people during my last voyage, which I did not know till now. He was, however, equally well known amongst his countrymen by bothnames. On the 20th, in the forenoon, we had another storm from, the N. W. Thoughthis was not of so long continuance as the former, the gusts of windfrom the hills were far more violent, insomuch that we were obliged tostrike the yards and top-masts to the very utmost; and, even with allthis precaution, it was with difficulty that we rode it out. Thesestorms are very frequent here, and sometimes violent and troublesome. The neighbouring mountains, which at these times are always loaded withvapours, not only increase the force of the wind, but alter itsdirection in such a manner, that no two blasts follow each other fromthe same quarter; and the nearer the shore, the more their effects arefelt. The next day we were visited by a tribe or family, consisting of aboutthirty persons, men, women and children, who came from the upper part ofthe Sound. I had never seen them before. The name of their chief wasTomatongeauooranuc, a man of about forty-five years of age, with acheerful open countenance; and, indeed, the rest of his tribe were, ingeneral, the handsomest of the New Zealand race I had ever met with. By this time more than two-thirds of the inhabitants, of the Sound hadsettled themselves about us. Great numbers of them daily frequented theships, and the encampment on shore; but the latter became, by far, themost favourite place of resort, while our people there were melting someseal blubber. No Greenlander was ever fonder of train-oil than ourfriends here seemed to be. They relished the very skimmings of thekettle, and dregs of the casks; but a little of the pure stinking oilwas a delicious feast, so eagerly desired, that I suppose it is seldomenjoyed. Having got on board as much hay and grass as we judged sufficient toserve the cattle till our arrival at Otaheite, and having completed thewood and water of both ships, on the 23d we struck our tents, andcarried every thing off from the shore, and next morning we weighedanchor, and stood out of the cove. But the wind not being very fair, andfinding that the tide of ebb would be spent before we could get out ofthe Sound, we cast anchor again a little without the island Motuara, towait for a more favourable opportunity of putting into the strait. While we were unmooring and getting under sail, Tomatongeauooranuc, Matahouah, and many more of the natives, came to take their leave of us, or rather to obtain, if they could, some additional presents from usbefore we left them. These two chiefs became suitors to me for somegoats and hogs. Accordingly, I gave to Matahouah two goats, a male, andfemale with kid; and to Tomatongeauooranuc two pigs, a boar and a sow. They made me a promise not to kill them; though, I must own, I put nogreat faith in this. The animals which Captain Furneaux sent on shorehere, and which soon after fell into the hands of the natives, I was nowtold were all dead; but I could get no intelligence about the fate ofthose I had left in West Bay, and in Cannibal Cove, when I was here inthe course of my last voyage. However, all the natives whom I conversedwith, agreed, that poultry are now to be met with wild in the woodsbehind Ship Cove; and I was afterward informed, by the two youths whowent away with us, that Tiratou, a popular chief amongst them, had agreat many cocks and hens in his separate possession, and one of thesows. On my present arrival at this place, I fully intended to have left notonly goats and hogs, but sheep, and a young bull, with two heifers, if Icould have found either a chief powerful enough to protect and keepthem, or a place where there might be a probability of their beingconcealed from those who would ignorantly attempt to destroy them. Butneither the one nor the other presented itself to me. Tiratou was nowabsent; and Tringoboohee, whom I had met with during my last voyage, andwho seemed to be a person of much consequence at that time, had beenkilled five months ago, with about seventy persons of his tribe; and Icould not learn that there now remained in our neighbourhood any tribe, whose numbers could secure to them a superiority of power over the restof their countrymen. To have given the animals to any of the natives whopossessed no such power, would not have answered the intention; for in acountry like this, where no man's property is secure, they would soonhave fallen a prey to different parties, and been either separated orkilled, but most likely both. This was so evident, from what we hadobserved since our arrival, that I had resolved to leave no kind ofanimal till Matahouah and the other chief solicited me for the hogs andgoats. As I could spare them, I let them go, to take their chance. Ihave at different times, left in New Zealand not less than ten or adozen hogs, besides those put on shore by Captain Furneaux. It will be alittle extraordinary, therefore, if this race should not increase and bepreserved here, either in a wild or in a domestic state, or in both. We had not been long at anchor near Motuara, before three or fourcanoes, filled with natives, came off to us from the S. E. Side of thesound; and a brisk trade was carried on with them for the curiosities ofthis place. In one of these canoes was Kahoora, whom I have alreadymentioned as the leader of the party who cut off the crew of theAdventure's boat. This was the third time he had visited us, withoutbetraying the smallest appearance of fear. I was ashore when he nowarrived, but had got on board just as he was going away. Omai, who hadreturned with me, presently pointed him out, and solicited me to shoothim. Not satisfied with this, he addressed himself to Kahoora, threatening to be his executioner if ever he presumed to visit usagain. The New Zealander paid so little regard to these threats, that hereturned the next morning with his whole family, men, women, andchildren, to the number of twenty and upward. Omai was the first whoacquainted me with his being along-side the ship, and desired to know ifhe should ask him to come on board. I told him he might; and accordinglyhe introduced the chief into the cabin, saying, "There is Kahoora, killhim!" But, as if he had forgot his former threats, or were afraid that Ishould call upon him to perform them, he immediately retired. In a shorttime, however, he returned; and seeing the chief unhurt, he expostulatedwith me very earnestly, saying, "Why do you not kill him? You tell me, if a man kills another in England that he is hanged for it. This man haskilled ten, and yet you will not kill him, though many of his countrymendesire it, and it would be very good. " Omai's arguments, though speciousenough, having no weight with me, I desired him to ask the chief why hehad killed Captain Furneaux's people? At this question, Kahoora foldedhis arms, hung down his head, and looked like one caught in a trap; andI firmly believe he expected instant death. But no sooner was he assuredof his safety, than he became cheerful. He did not, however, seemwilling to give me an answer to the question that had been put to him, till I had, again and again, repeated my promise that he should not behurt. Then he ventured to tell us, "That one of his countrymen havingbrought a stone hatchet to barter, the man, to whom it was offered, tookit, and would neither return it, nor give any thing for it; on which theowner of it snatched up the bread as an equivalent, and then the quarrelbegan. " The remainder of Kahoora's account of this unhappy affair, differed verylittle from what we had before learnt from the rest of his countrymen. He mentioned the narrow escape he had during the fray; a musquet beinglevelled at him, which he avoided by skulking behind the boat; andanother man, who stood close to him, was shot dead. As soon as themusquet was discharged, he instantly seized the opportunity to attack MrRowe, who commanded the party, and who defended himself with his hanger, (with which he wounded Kahoora in the arm, ) till he was overpowered bynumbers. Mr Burney, who was sent by Captain Furneaux the next day, with an armedparty, to look for his missing people, upon discovering the horridproofs of their shocking fate, had fired several vollies amongst thecrowds of natives who still remained assembled on the spot, and wereprobably partaking of the detestable banquet. It was natural to supposethat he had not fired in vain; and that, therefore, some of themurderers and devourers of our unhappy countrymen had suffered under ourjust resentment. Upon enquiry, however, into this matter, not only fromKahoora, but from others who had opportunities of knowing, it appearedthat our supposition was groundless, and that not one of the shot firedby Mr Burney's people had taken effect, so as to kill, or even to hurt, a single person. [143] [Footnote 143: Mr Burney was not warranted in firing. It was notpossible for him, at the time, to know whether or not his comrades hadbeen justly punished for aggressions on the savages. He acted, therefore, from the impulse of blind revenge. But such a motive, thoughnatural enough it may be, must, nevertheless, be condemned by every lawrecognised among civilized nations. Even his observing these peopleengaged in feasting on the victims of their fury, much indeed as itwould necessarily augment his abhorrence, could not be allowed asufficient plea for his attacking them; because the principles whichought to govern the conduct of a member of such a society as he belongedto, are indiscriminately imperative in their nature, and do not allowany latitude of dispensation to an individual. The only thing thatwarrants the violation of them, is the necessity imposed by a stillhigher law, --that of preserving his own existence. But, in the presentinstance, it does not appear that he was in any danger. --E. ] It was evident, that most of the natives we had met with since ourarrival, as they knew I was fully acquainted with the history of themassacre, expected I should avenge it with the death of Kahoora. Andmany of them seemed not only to wish it, but expressed their surprise atmy forbearance. As he could not be ignorant of this, it was a matter ofwonder to me that he put himself so often in my power. When he visitedus while the ships lay in the cove, confiding in the number of hisfriends that accompanied him, he might think himself safe; but his twolast visits had been made under such circumstances, that he could nolonger rely upon this. We were then at anchor in the entrance of thesound, and at some distance from any shore; so that he could not haveany assistance from thence, nor flatter himself he could have the meansof making his escape, had I determined to detain him. And yet, after hisfirst fears, on being interrogated, were over, he was so far fromentertaining any uneasy sensations, that, on seeing a portrait of one ofhis countrymen hanging up in the cabin, he desired to have his ownportrait drawn; and sat till Mr Webber had finished it, without markingthe least impatience. I must confess I admired his courage, and was nota little pleased to observe the extent of the confidence he put in me;for he placed his whole safety in the declarations I had uniformly madeto those who solicited his death, That I had always been a friend tothem all, and would continue so, unless they gave me cause to actotherwise; that as to their inhuman treatment of our people, I shouldthink no more of it, the transaction having happened long ago, and whenI was not present; but that, if ever they made a second attempt of thatkind, they might rest assured of feeling the weight of myresentment. [144] [Footnote 144: Here Captain Cook acted wisely; and, indeed, throughoutthe whole transaction, his conduct merits the highest applause. Toresist the solicitations of envy and revenge, where acquiescence wouldhave proved so availing to his reputation, and so secure in its display, implied a conscientious regard to an invisible authority, which mustever be allowed to constitute a feature of excellence in any man to whompower is committed. His threatening is not to be considered as anyexception to what is now said in his praise, being, in fact, abeneficial intimation calculated to secure subjection to a necessarylaw. Here it may not be amiss to remark, that savages, little as somemen think of them, are possessed of all the faculties of human nature;and that conscience, that principle, which, more than reason, characterizes our species, has as true and as efficient an existence intheir breasts. Now this always respects a superior power, and is thesource of that indescribable dread of some opposing and awful agency, which never fails to visit the transgressor of its dictates. We mustnot, however, ascribe to it every apprehension of danger with which themind is occasionally disturbed. There is a sort of fear of evil whichseems common to us with the lower animals, and which cannot therefore beimagined to have any connection with moral delinquency. This latter, itis probable, was all that Kahoora experienced in his first interviewwith Cook after the massacre; and hence his apprehensions would easilybe subdued by the assurances which that gentleman made him. In fact, from the facility of his confidence, we may almost certainly infer hisconsciousness of innocence, notwithstanding his share in the commissionof the deed. This implies no inconsistency, as every thinking personwill at once perceive; for it must be remembered, that there is noevidence whatever as to any design or premeditated plan on the part ofthe savages. Had his dread been of the former kind, it is scarcelyconceivable that the utmost assurances of indemnity which Cook couldgive, would have produced so unaffected a manifestation of ease as isdescribed. --E. ] For some time before we arrived at New Zealand, Omai had expressed adesire to take one of the natives with him to his own country. We hadnot been there many days before he had an opportunity of being gratifiedin this; for a youth, about seventeen or eighteen years of age, namedTaweiharooa, offered to accompany him, and took up his residence onboard. I paid little attention to this at first, imagining that he wouldleave us when we were about to depart, and after he had got what hecould from Omai. At length, finding that he was fixed in his resolutionto go with us, and having learnt that he was the only son of a deceasedchief, and that his mother, still living, was a woman much respectedhere, I was apprehensive that Omai had deceived him and his friends, bygiving them hopes and assurances of his being sent back. I thereforecaused it to be made known to them all, that if the young man went awaywith us he would never return. But this declaration seemed to make nosort of impression. The afternoon before we left the cove, Tiratoutou, his mother, came on board, to receive her last present from Omai. Thesame evening she and Taweiharooa parted, with all the marks of tenderaffection that might be expected between a parent and a child, who werenever to meet again. But she said she would cry no more; and, sureenough, she kept her word. For when she returned the next morning, totake her last farewell of him, all the time she was on board sheremained quite cheerful, and went away wholly unconcerned. That Taweiharooa might be sent away in a manner becoming his birth, another youth was to have gone with him as his servant; and, with thisview, as we supposed, he remained on board till we were about to sail, when his friends took him ashore. However, his place was supplied nextmorning by another, a boy of about nine or ten years of age, namedKokoa. He was presented to me by his own father, who, I believe, wouldhave parted with his dog with far less indifference. The very littleclothing the boy had he stript him of, and left him as naked as he wasborn. It was to no purpose that I endeavoured to convince these peopleof the improbability, or rather of the impossibility, of these youthsever returning home. Not one, not even their nearest relations, seemedto trouble themselves about their future fate. Since this was the case, and I was well satisfied that the boys would be no losers by exchange ofplace, I the more readily gave my consent to their going. From my own observations, and from the information of Taweiharooa andothers, it appears to me that the New Zealanders must live underperpetual apprehensions of being destroyed by each other; there beingfew of their tribes that have not, as they think, sustained wrongs fromsome other tribe, which they are continually upon the watch to revenge. And, perhaps, the desire of a good meal may be no small incitement. I amtold that many years sometimes elapse before a favourable opportunityhappens, and that the son never loses sight of an injury that has beendone to his father. [145] Their method of executing their horribledesigns, is by stealing upon the adverse party in the night; and if theyfind them unguarded, (which, however, I believe, is very seldom thecase, ) they kill every one indiscriminately; not even sparing the womenand children. When the massacre is completed, they either feast andgorge themselves on the spot, or carry off as many of the dead bodies asthey can, and devour them at home, with acts of brutality too shockingto be described. If they are discovered before they can execute theirbloody purpose, they generally steal off again, and sometimes arepursued and attacked by the other party in their turn. To give quarter, or to take prisoners, makes no part of their military law; so that thevanquished can only save their lives by flight. This perpetual state ofwar, and destructive method of conducting it, operates so strongly inproducing habitual circumspection, that one hardly ever finds a NewZealander off his guard either by night or by day. Indeed, no other mancan have such powerful motives to be vigilant, as the preservation bothof body and of soul depends upon it; for, according to their system ofbelief, the soul of the man whose flesh is devoured by the enemy, isdoomed to a perpetual fire, while the soul of the man whose body hasbeen rescued from those who killed him, as well as the souls of all whodie a natural death, ascend to the habitations of the gods. I asked, Whether they eat the flesh of such of their friends as had been killedin war, but whose bodies were saved from falling into the enemy's hands?They seemed surprised at the question, which they answered in thenegative, expressing some abhorrence at the very idea. Their commonmethod of disposing of their dead, is by depositing their bodies in theearth; but if they have more of their slaughtered enemies than they caneat, they throw them into the sea. [Footnote 145: Every reader almost will here recollect, that a similardisposition to perpetuate grievances has been found to operate in allbarbarous nations, and indeed amongst many people who lay great claimsto refinement in civilization. It will be found, in truth, too strong aneffort for most men's charity, to regard with perfect impartialityeither a person or a nation whom their fathers had pointed out as anenemy. On the great scale of the world, we see it is the nearlyinevitable consequence of war to generate malicious feelings. Inaddition, then, to some contrariety of interest, to some real orimaginary aggression, or even a bare possibility of being injured, it isalmost enough, at any time, for the commencement of a new strugglebetwixt rival nations, that one, or both of them, remember they wereformerly at variance. Nor is it at all requisite for due rancour in suchcases, that politicians explain the grounds of the quarrel, andaggravate the enormous injustice of the opponent, or prove his readinessto do mischief. The animosity is already conceived, and waits only theremoval of the gauze-like partition, to be able, with greater certaintyof effect, to guide its instruments of destruction. "Hear, " says MrFerguson, in his essay on this subject, "hear the peasants on differentsides of the Alps, and the Pyrenees, the Rhyne, or the British channel, give vent to their prejudices and national passions; it is among themthat we find the materials of war and dissension laid without thedirection of government, and sparks ready to kindle into a flame, whichthe statesman is frequently disposed to extinguish. The fire will notalways catch where his reasons of state would direct, nor stop where theconcurrence of interest has produced an alliance. 'My father, ' said aSpanish peasant, 'would rise from his grave if he could foresee a warwith France. ' What interest had he, or the bones of his father, in thequarrels of princes?" The answer might easily be given by anotheranecdote. During a parley betwixt the leaders of two rival Highlandclans, which had for its object the peaceable termination of theirdifferences, a subordinate officer, not relishing the unusual homily, went up to his chief in a rage, and upbraided him for delaying thecombat. "Don't you see, " says he, brandishing his claymore, "that thesun is almost set?--we'll no hae half time to kill thae rascals!" Thepeasant naturally enough wished that his father might rise again to takehis share in the delightful work of slaughter. Pray, what childishscruples withhold persons of such keen appetites from occasionallytaking a belly-full of their enemy's flesh?--E. ] They have no such thing as _morais_, or other places of public worship;nor do they ever assemble together with this view. But they havepriests, who alone address the gods in prayer for the prosperity oftheir temporal affairs, such as an enterprise against a hostile tribe, afishing party, or the like. Whatever the principles of their religion may be, of which we remainvery ignorant, its instructions are very strongly inculcated into themfrom their very infancy. Of this I saw a remarkable instance, in theyouth who was first destined to accompany Taweiharooa. He refrained fromeating the greatest part of the day, on account of his hair being cut, though every method was tried to induce him to break his resolution, andhe was tempted with the offer of such victuals as he was known to esteemthe most. He said, if he eat any thing that day the _Eatooa_ would killhim. However, toward evening, the cravings of nature got the better ofthe precepts of his religion, and he ate, though but sparingly. I hadoften conjectured, before this, that they had some superstitious notionsabout their hair, having frequently observed quantities of it tied tothe branches of trees near some of their habitations; but what thesenotions are I could never learn. Notwithstanding the divided and hostile state in which the NewZealanders live, travelling strangers, who come with no ill design, arewell received and entertained during their stay; which, however, it isexpected will be no longer than is requisite to transact the businessthey come upon. Thus it is that a trade for _poenammoo_, or green talc, is carried on throughout the whole northern island. For they tell us, that there is none of this stone to be found but at a place which bearsits name, somewhere about the head of Queen Charlotte's Sound, and notabove one or two days journey, at most, from the station of our ships. Iregretted much that I could not spare time sufficient for paying a visitto the place; as we were told a hundred fabulous stories about thisstone, not one of which carried with it the least probability of truth, though some of their most sensible men would have us believe them. Oneof these stories is, that this stone is originally a fish, which theystrike with a gig in the water, tie a rope to it, and drag it to theshore, to which they fasten it, and it afterwards becomes stone. As theyall agree that it is fished out of a large lake, or collection ofwaters, the most probable conjecture is, that it is brought from themountains, and deposited in the water by the torrents. This lake iscalled by the natives Tavai Poenammoo, that is, the Water of Green Talc;and it is only the adjoining part of the country, and not the wholesouthern island of New Zealand, that is known to them by the name whichhath been given to it on my chart. Polygamy is allowed amongst these people; and it is not uncommon for aman to have two or three wives. The women are marriageable at a veryearly age; and it should seem, that one who is unmarried, is but in aforlorn state. She can with difficulty get a subsistence; at least sheis, in a great measure, without a protector, though in constant want ofa powerful one. The New Zealanders seem to be a people perfectly satisfied with thelittle knowledge they are masters of, without attempting, in the least, to improve it. Nor are they remarkably curious, either in theirobservations or their enquiries. New objects do not strike them withsuch a degree of surprise as one would naturally expect; nor do theyeven fix their attention for a moment. Omai, indeed, who was a greatfavourite with them, would sometimes attract a circle about him; butthey seemed to listen to his speeches like persons who neitherunderstood, nor wished to understand, what they heard. One day, on our enquiring of Taweiharooa, how many ships, such as ours, had ever arrived in Queen Charlotte's Sound, or in any part of itsneighbourhood? he began with giving an account of one absolutely unknownto us. This, he said, had put into a port on the N. W. Coast ofTeerawitte, but a very few years before I arrived in the Sound in theEndeavour, which the New Zealanders distinguish by calling it Tupia'sship. At first, I thought he might have been mistaken as to the time andplace; and that the ship in question might be either MonsieurSurville's, who is said to have touched upon the N. E. Coast ofEaheinomauwe, the same year I was there in the Endeavour; or elseMonsieur Marion du Fresne's, who was in the Bay of Islands, on the samecoast, a few years after. But he assured us that he was not mistaken, either as to the time, or as to the place of this ship's arrival, andthat it was well known to every body about Queen Charlotte's Sound andTeerawitte. He said, that the captain of her, during his stay here, cohabited with a woman of the country; and that she had a son by himstill living, about the age of Kokoa, who, though not born then, seemedto be equally well acquainted with the story. We were also informed byTaweiharooa, that this ship first introduced the venereal diseaseamongst the New Zealanders. I wish that subsequent visitors from Europemay not have their share of guilt in leaving so dreadful a remembranceof them amongst this unhappy race. The disorder now is but too commonhere, though they do not seem to regard it, saying, that its effects arenot near so pernicious at present as they were at its first appearance. The only method, as far as I ever heard, that they make use of as aremedy, is by giving the patient the use of a sort of hot bath, whichthey produce by the steam of certain green plants laid over hot stones. I regretted much that we did not hear of this ship while we were in thesound; as, by means of Omai, we might have had full and correctinformation about her from eyewitnesses. For Taweiharooa's account wasonly from what he had been told, and therefore liable to many mistakes. I have not the least doubt, however, that his testimony may so far bedepended upon, as to induce us to believe that a ship really had been atTeerawitte prior to my arrival in the Endeavour, as it corresponds withwhat I had formerly heard. For in the latter end of 1773, the secondtime I visited New Zealand, during my late voyage, when we werecontinually making enquiries about the Adventure, after our separation, some of the natives informed us of a ship's having been in a port on thecoast of Teerawitte. But, at this time, we thought we must havemisunderstood them, and took no notice of the intelligence. The arrival of this unknown ship has been marked by the New Zealanderswith more causes of remembrance than the unhappy one just mentioned. Taweiharooa told us their country was indebted to her people for thepresent of an animal, which they left behind them. But as he had notseen it himself, no sort of judgment could be formed from hisdescription of what kind it was. We had another piece of intelligence from him, more correctly given, though not confirmed by our own observations, that there are snakes andlizards there of an enormous size. He described the latter as beingeight feet in length, and as big round as a man's body. He said theysometimes seize and devour men; that they burrow in the ground; and thatthey are killed by making fires at the mouths of the holes. We could notbe mistaken as to the animal; for, with his own hand, he drew a verygood representation of a lizard on a piece of paper, as also of a snake, in order to shew what he meant. [146] [Footnote 146: There can be little doubt that the animal here called alizard is an alligator. --E. ] Though much has been said, in the narratives of my two former voyages, about this country and its inhabitants, Mr Anderson's remarks, asserving either to confirm or to correct our former accounts, may not besuperfluous. He had been three times with me to Queen Charlotte's Soundduring my last voyage; and, after this fourth visit, what he thoughtproper to record, may be considered as the result of sufficientobservation. The reader will find it in the next section; and I havenothing farther to add, before I quit New Zealand, but to give someaccount of the astronomical and nautical observations made during ourstay there. The longitude of the observatory in Ship Cove, by a mean of 103 sets of observations, each set consisting of six or more observed distances, was 174° 25' 15" E. By the time-keeper, at Greenwich rate, it was 175 26 30 By ditto, at the Cape rate, it was 174 56 12 Variation of the compass, being the mean of six needles, observed on board the ship 12 40 0 E. By the same needles on shore, it was 13 53 0 The dip of the south end, observed on shore was 63 42 0 By a mean of the results of eleven days observations, the time-keeperwas too slow for mean time on February 22, at noon, by 11h 50' 37", 396;and she was found to be losing on mean time at the rate of 2", 913 perday. From this rate the longitude will be computed, till some otheropportunity offers to ascertain her rate anew. The astronomical clock, with the same length of pendulum as at Greenwich, was found to be losingon sidereal time 40", 239 per day. It will not be amiss to mention, that the longitude, by lunarobservations, as above, differs only 6' 45" from what Mr Wales made itduring my last voyage; his being so much more to the W. Or 174° 18' 30". The latitude of Ship Cove is 41° 6' 0", as found by Mr Wales. SECTION VIII. _Mr Anderson's Remarks on the Country near Queen Charlotte's Sound. --TheSoil. --Climate. --Weather. --Winds. --Trees. --Plants. --Birds. --Fish. --OtherAnimals. --Of the Inhabitants. --Description of their Persons. --TheirDress. --Ornaments. --Habitations. --Boats. --Food and Cookery, --Arts. --Weapons--Cruelty to Prisoners. --Various Customs. --Specimen of their Language. _ The land every where about Queen Charlotte's Sound is uncommonlymountainous, rising immediately from the sea into large hills, withblunted tops. At considerable distances are valleys, or ratherimpressions on the sides of the hills, which are not deep, eachterminating toward the sea in a small cove, with a pebbly or sandybeach; behind which are small flats, where the natives generally buildtheir huts, at the same time hauling their canoes upon the beaches. Thissituation is the more convenient, as in every cove a brook of very finewater (in which are some small trout) empties itself into the sea. The bases of these mountains, at least toward the shore, are constitutedof a brittle, yellowish sand-stone, which acquires a bluish cast wherethe sea washes it. It runs, at some places, in horizontal, and, atother-places, in oblique strata, being frequently divided, at smalldistances, by thin veins of coarse quartz, which commonly follow thedirection of the other, though they sometimes intersect it. The mould, or soil, which covers this, is also of a yellowish cast, not unlikemarl; and is commonly from a foot to two, or more, in thickness. The quality of this soil is best indicated by the luxuriant growth ofits productions. For the hills (except a few toward the sea, which arecovered with smaller bushes) are one continued forest of lofty trees, flourishing with a vigour almost superior to anything that imaginationcan conceive, and affording an august prospect to those who aredelighted with the grand and beautiful works of nature. The agreeable temperature of the climate, no doubt, contributes much tothis uncommon strength in vegetation. For, at this time, thoughanswering to our month of August, the weather was never disagreeablywarm, nor did it raise the thermometer higher than 60°. The winter, also, seems equally mild with respect to cold; for in June, 1773, whichcorresponds to our December, the mercury never fell lower than 48°; andthe trees, at that time, retained their verdure, as if in the summerseason; so that, I believe, their foliage is never shed, till pushed offby the succeeding leaves in spring. The weather, in general, is good, but sometimes windy, with heavy rain, which, however, never lasts above a day; nor does it appear that it isever excessive. For there are no marks of torrents rushing down thehills, as in many countries; and the brooks, if we may judge from theirchannels, seem never to be greatly increased. I have observed, in thefour different times of my being here, that the winds from thesouth-eastward are commonly moderate, but attended with cloudy weather, or rain. The S. W. Winds blow very strong, and are also attended withrain, but they seldom last long. The N. W. Winds are the most prevailing;and though often pretty strong, are almost constantly connected withfine weather. In short, the only obstacle to this being one of thefinest countries upon earth, is its great hillyness; which, allowing thewoods to be cleared away, would leave it less proper for pasturage thanflat land, and still more improper for cultivation, which could never beeffected here by the plough. The large trees which cover the hills are chiefly of two sorts. One ofthem, of the size of our largest firs, grows much after their manner, but the leaves, and small berries on their points, are much liker theyew. It was this which supplied the place of spruce in making beer;which we did with a strong decoction of its leaves, fermented withtreacle or sugar. And this liquor, when well prepared, was acknowledgedto be little inferior to the American spruce beer, by those who hadexperience of both. The other sort of tree is not unlike a maple, andgrows often to a great size; but it only served for fuel, as the wood, both of this and of the preceding, was found to be rather too heavy formasts, yards, and other similar repairs. There is a greater variety of trees on the small flat spots behind thebeaches. Amongst these are two that bear a kind of plum of the size ofprunes, the one yellow, called _karraca_, and the other black, called_maituo_, but neither of them of a very agreeable taste, though thenatives eat both, and our people did the same. Those of the first sortgrow on small trees, always facing the sea; but the others belong tolarger trees that stand farther within the wood, and which we frequentlycut down for fuel. A species of _philadelphus_ grows on the eminences which jut out intothe sea; and also a tree bearing flowers almost like myrtle, withroundish spotted leaves of a disagreeable smell. We drank the leaves ofthe _philadelphus_ as tea, and found that they had a pleasant taste andsmell, and might make an excellent substitute for the oriental sort. Among other plants that were useful to us, may be reckoned wild celery, which grows plentifully in almost every cove, especially if the nativeshave ever resided there before; and one that we used to callscurvy-grass, though entirely different from the plant to which we givethat name. This, however, is far preferable to ours for common use, andmay be known by its jagged leaves, and small clusters of white flowerson the top. Both sorts were boiled every morning, with wheat ground in amill, and with portable soup, for the people's breakfast, and alsoamongst their pease-soup for dinner. Sometimes they were used as sallad, or dressed as greens. In all which ways they are good; and, togetherwith the fish, with which we were constantly supplied, they formed asort of refreshment, perhaps little inferior to what is to be met within places most noted by navigators for plentiful supplies of animal andvegetable food. Amongst the known kinds of plants met with here, are common and roughbindweed; night-shade and nettles, both which grow to the size of smalltrees; a shrubby speedwell, found near all the beaches, sow-thistles, virgin's bower, vanelloe, French willow, euphorbia, and crane's-bill;also cudweed, rushes, bull-rushes, flax, all-heal, American nightshade, knot-grass, brambles, eye-bright, and groundsel; but the species of eachare different from any we have in Europe. There is also polypody, spleenwort, and about twenty other different sort of ferns, entirelypeculiar to the place, with several sorts of mosses, either rare, orproduced only here; besides a great number of other plants, whose usesare not yet known, and subjects fit only for botanical books. Of these, however, there is one which deserves particular notice here, as the natives make their garments of it, and it produces a fine silkyflax, superior in appearance to any thing we have, and probably, atleast, as strong. It grows every where near the sea, and in some placesa considerable way up the hills, in bunches or tufts, with sedge-likeleaves, bearing, on a long stalk, yellowish flowers, which are succeededby a long roundish pod, filled with very thin shining black seeds. Aspecies of long pepper is found in great plenty, but it has little ofthe aromatic flavour that makes spices valuable; and a tree, much like apalm at a distance, is pretty frequent in the woods, though the deceitappears as you come near it. It is remarkable, that as the greatest partof the trees and plants had at this time lost their flowers, weperceived they were generally of the berry-bearing kind; of which, andother seeds, I brought away about thirty different sorts. Of these, onein particular, which bears a red berry, is much like the supple-jack, and grows about the trees, stretching from one to another, in such amanner as to render the woods almost wholly impassable. The birds, of which there is a tolerable stock, as well as the vegetableproductions, are almost entirely peculiar to the place. And though it bedifficult to follow them, on account of the quantity of underwood, andthe climbing plants, that render travelling, for pleasure alone, uncommonly fatiguing, yet a person, by remaining in one place, may shootas many in a day as would serve six or eight others. The principal sortsare large brown parrots, with white or greyish heads; green parroquets, with red foreheads; large wood pigeons, brown above, with white bellies, the rest green, and the bill and feet red; two sorts of cuckoos, one aslarge as our common sort, of a brown colour, variegated with black, theother not larger than a sparrow, of a splendid green cast above, andelegantly varied with waves of golden, green, brown, and white coloursbelow. Both these are scarce, but several others are in greater plenty;one of which, of a black colour, with a greenish cast, is remarkable forhaving a tuft of white curled feathers hanging under the throat, and wascalled the _poy_ bird[147] by our people. Another sort, rather smaller, is black, with a brown back and wings, and two small gills under theroot of the bill. This we called the small wattle bird, to distinguishit from another, which we called the large one, of the size of a commonpigeon, with two large yellow and purple membranes also at the root ofthe bill. It is black, or rather blue, and has no resemblance of theother but in name, for the bill is thick, short, and crooked, and hasall together an uncommon appearance. A gross-beak, about the size of athrush, of a brown colour, with a reddish tail, is frequent; as is alsoa small greenish bird, which is almost the only musical one here, but issufficient by itself to fill the woods with a melody that is not onlysweet, but so varied, that one would imagine he was surrounded by ahundred different sorts of birds when the little warbler is near. Fromthese circumstances we named it the mocking bird. There are likewisethree or four sorts of smaller birds; one of which, in figure andlameness, exactly resembles our robin, but is black where that is brown, and white where that is red. Another differs but little from this, except in being smaller; and a third sort has a long tail, which itexpands as a fan on coming near, and makes a chirping noise when itperches. King-fishers are seen, though rare, and are about the size ofour English ones, but with an inferior plumage. [Footnote 147: It had this name from its tuft of feathers, resemblingthe white flowers used as ornaments in the ears at Otaheite, and calledthere Poowa. --D. ] About the rocks are seen black sea-pies with red bills; and crestedshags of a leaden colour, with small black spots on the wings andshoulders, and the rest of the upper part of a velvet black tinged withgreen. We frequently shot both these, and also a more common sort ofshags, black above and white underneath, that build their nests upontrees, on which sometimes a dozen or more sit at once. There are also, about the shore, a few sea-gulls, some blue herons, and sometimes, though very rarely, wild-ducks, a small sandy-coloured plover, and somesand-larks. And small penguins, black above, with a white belly, as wellas numbers of little black divers, swim often about the sound. Welikewise killed two or three rails, of a brown or yellowish colour, variegated with black, which feed about the small brooks, and are nearlyas large as a common fowl. No other sort of game was seen, except asingle snipe, which was shot, and differs but little from that ofEurope. The principal fish we caught by the seine were mullets and elephantfish, with a few soles and flounders; but those that the natives mostlysupplied us with were a sort of sea-bream, of a silver colour, with ablack spot on the neck, large conger eels, and a fish in shape much likethe bream, but so large as to weigh five, six, or seven pounds. It isblackish with thick lips, and called _Mogge_ by the natives. With hookand line we caught chiefly a blackish fish of the size of a haddock, called cole-fish by the seamen, but differing much from that known bythe same name in Europe; and another of the same size, of a reddishcolour, with a little beard, which we called night-walkers, from thegreatest number being caught in the night. Sometimes we got a sort ofsmall salmon, gurnards, skate, and nurses; and the natives now and thenbrought hake, paracutas, a small sort of mackerel, parrot-fish, andleather-jackets; besides another fish, which is very rare, shaped almostlike a dolphin, of a black colour, with strong bony jaws, and the backfin, as well as those opposite to it, much lengthened at the end. Allthese sorts, except the last, which we did not try, are excellent toeat; but the _Mogge_, small salmon, and cole-fish, are superior to therest. The rocks are abundantly furnished with great quantities of excellentmuscles; one sort of which, that is not very common, measures above afoot in length. There are also cockles buried in the sand of the smallbeaches; and in some places oysters, which, though very small, are welltasted. Of other shell-fish there are ten or twelve sorts, such asperiwinkles, wilks, limpets, and some very beautiful sea-ears, alsoanother sort which stick to the weeds; with some other things, assea-eggs, star-fish, &c. Several of which are peculiar to the place. Thenatives likewise sometimes brought us very fine cray-fish, equal to ourlargest lobsters, and cuttle-fish, which they eat themselves. Insects are very rare. Of these we only saw two sorts of dragon-flies, some butterflies, small grasshoppers, several sorts of spiders, somesmall black ants, and vast numbers of scorpion-flies, with whosechirping the woods resound. The only noxious one is the sand-fly, verynumerous here, and almost as troublesome as the musquitoe; for we foundno reptile here, except two or three sorts of small harmlesslizards. [148] [Footnote 148: In a separate memorandum-book, Mr Anderson mentions themonstrous animal of the lizard kind, described by the two boys afterthey left the island. --D. ] It is remarkable, that, in this extensive land, there should not even bethe traces of any quadruped, only excepting a few rats, and a sort offox-dog, which is a domestic animal with the natives. Neither is there any mineral worth notice, but a green, jasper orserpent-stone, of which the New Zealanders make their tools andornaments. This is esteemed a precious article by them; and they havesome superstitious notions about the method of its generation, which wecould not perfectly understand. It is plain, however, that wherever itmay be found, (which, they say, is in the channel of a large river farto the southward, ) it is disposed in the earth, in thin layers, orperhaps in detached pieces, like our flints; for the edges of thosepieces, which have not been cut, are covered with a whitish crust likethese. A piece of this sort was purchased, about eighteen inches long, afoot broad, and near two inches thick, which yet seemed to be only thefragment of a larger piece. The natives do not exceed the common stature of Europeans; and, ingeneral, are not so well made, especially about the limbs. This is, perhaps, the effect of sitting, for the most part, on their hams, and ofbeing confined, by the hilly disposition of the country, from using thatsort of exercise which contributes to render the body straight andwell-proportioned. There are, however, several exceptions to this; andsome are remarkable for their large bones and muscles, but few that Ihave seen are corpulent. Their colour is of different casts, from a pretty deep black to ayellowish or olive tinge, and their features also are various, someresembling Europeans. But, in general, their faces are round, with theirlips full, and also their noses toward the point; though the first arenot uncommonly thick, nor the last flat. I do not, however, recollect tohave seen an instance of the true aquiline nose amongst them. Theirteeth are commonly broad, white, and well set; and their eyes large, with a very free motion, which seems the effect of habit. Their hair isblack, straight, and strong, commonly cut short on the hind part, withthe rest tied on the crown of the head: but some have it of a curlingdisposition, or of a brown colour. In the young, the countenance isgenerally free or open; but in many of the men it has a serious cast, and sometimes a sullenness or reserve, especially if they are strangers. The women are, in general, smaller than the men; but have few peculiargraces, either in form or features, to distinguish them. The dress of both sexes is alike; and consists of an oblong garmentabout five feet long, and four broad, made from the silky flax alreadymentioned. This seems to be their most material and complex manufacture, which is executed by knotting; and their work is often ornamented withpieces of dog-skin, or chequered at the corners. They bring two cornersof this garment over the shoulders, and fasten it on the breast with theother part, which covers the body; and about the belly, it is again tiedwith a girdle made of mat. Sometimes they cover it with large feathersof birds (which seem to be wrought into the piece of cloth when it ismade), or with dog-skin; and that alone we have seen worn as a covering. Over this garment many of them wear mats, which reach from the shouldersto near the heels. But the most common outer-covering is a quantity ofthe above sedgy plant, badly dressed, which they fasten on a string toa considerable length, and, throwing it about the shoulders, let it falldown on all sides, as far as the middle of the thighs. When they sitdown with this upon them, either in their boats, or upon the shore, itwould be difficult to distinguish them from large grey stones, if theirblack heads, projecting beyond their coverings, did not engage one to astricter examination. By way of ornament, they fix in their heads feathers, or combs of bone, or wood, adorned with pearl shell, or the thin inner skin of some leaf. And in the ears, both of men and women, which are pierced, or ratherslit, are hung small pieces of jasper, bits of cloth, or beads when theycan get them. A few also have the _septum_ of the nose bored in itslower part; but no ornament was worn there that we saw; though one manpassed a twig through it, to shew us that it was sometimes used for thatpurpose. They wear long beards, but are fond of having them shaved. Some are punctured or stained in the face with curious spiral and otherfigures, of a black or deep blue colour; but it is doubtful whether thisbe ornamental, or intended as a mark of particular distinction; and thewomen, who are marked so, have the puncture only on their lips, or asmall spot on their chins. Both sexes often besmear their faces andheads with a red paint, which seems to be a martial ochre mixed withgrease; and the women sometimes wear necklaces of shark's teeth, orbunches of long beads, which seem to be made of the leg-bones of smallbirds, or a particular shell. A few also have small triangular apronsadorned with the feathers of parrots, or bits of pearl shells, furnishedwith a double or treble set of cords to fasten them, about the waist. Ihave sometimes seen caps or bonnets made of the feathers of birds, whichmay be reckoned as ornaments; for it is not their custom to wear anycovering on their heads. They live in the small coves formerly described, in companies of fortyor fifty, or more; and sometimes in single families, building their hutscontiguous to each other; which, in general, are miserablelodging-places. The best I ever saw was about thirty feet long, fifteenbroad, and six high, built exactly in the manner of one of our countrybarns. The inside was both strong and regularly made of supporters atthe sides, alternately large and small, well fastened by means ofwithes, and painted red and black. The ridge pole was strong; and thelarge bull-rushes, which composed the inner part of the thatching, werelaid with great exactness parallel to each other. At one end was a smallsquare hole, which served as a door to creep in at; and near, anothermuch smaller, seemingly for letting out the smoke, as no other vent forit could be seen. This, however, ought to be considered as one of thebest, and the residence of some principal person; for the greatest partof them are not half the above size, and seldom exceed four feet inheight; being, besides, indifferently built, though proof against windand rain. No other furniture is to be seen in them, than a few small baskets orbags, in which they put their fishing-hooks, and other trifles; and theysit down in the middle round a small fire, where they also probablysleep, without any other covering than what they wear in the day, orperhaps without that; as such confined places must be very warm, thoughinhabited but by a few persons. They live chiefly by fishing, making use either of nets of differentkinds, or of wooden fish-hooks pointed with bone; but so oddly made, that a stranger is at a loss to know how they can answer such a purpose. It also appears, that they remove their habitations from one place toanother when the fish grow scarce, or for some other reason; for wefound houses now built in several parts, where there had been none whenwe were here during our last voyage, and even these have been alreadydeserted. Their boats are well built, of planks raised upon each other, andfastened with strong withes, which also bind a long narrow piece on theoutside of the seams to prevent their leaking. Some are fifty feet long, and so broad as to be able to sail without an outrigger; but the smallersort commonly have one; and they often fasten two together by rafters, which we then call a double canoe. They carry from five to thirty men ormore; and have often a large head ingeniously carved, and painted with afigure at the point, which seems intended to represent a man, with hisfeatures distorted by rage. Their paddles are about four or five feetlong, narrow, and pointed; with which, when they keep time, the boat ispushed along pretty swiftly. Their sail, which is seldom used, is madeof a mat of a triangular shape, having the broadest part above. The only method of dressing their fish, is by roasting, or ratherbaking; for they are entirely ignorant of the art of boiling. In thesame manner they dress the root, and part of the stalk, of the largefern-tree, in a great hole dug for that purpose, which serves as anoven. After which they split it, and find, within, a fine gelatinoussubstance, like boiled sago powder, but firmer. They also use anothersmaller fern root, which seems to be their substitute for bread, as itis dried and carried about with them, together with dried fish in greatquantities, when they remove their families, or go far from home. Thisthey beat with a stick till it becomes pretty soft, when they chew itsufficiently, and spit out the hard fibrous part, the other having asweetish mealy taste, not at all disagreeable. When they dare not venture to sea, or perhaps from choice, they supplythe place of other fish with muscles and sea-ears; great quantities ofthe shells of which lie in heaps near their houses. And they sometimes, though rarely, find means to kill rails, penguins, and shags, which helpto vary their diet They also breed considerable numbers of the dogs, mentioned before, for food; but these cannot be considered as aprincipal article of diet. From whence we we may conclude, that, asthere is not the least sign of cultivation of land, they dependprincipally for their subsistence on the sea, which, indeed, is verybountiful in its supply. Their method of feeding corresponds with the nastiness of their persons, which often smell disagreeably from the quantity of grease about them, and their clothes never being washed. We have seen them eat the vermin, with which their heads are sufficiently stocked. They also used to devour, with the greatest eagerness, large quantitiesof stinking train oil, and blubber of seals, which we were melting atthe tent, and had kept near two months; and, on board the ships, theywere not satisfied with emptying the lamps, but actually swallowed thecotton, and fragrant wick, with equal voracity. It is worthy of notice, that though the inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land appear to have but ascanty subsistence, they would not even taste our bread, though they sawus eat it; whereas these people devoured it greedily, when both mouldyand rotten. But this must not be imputed to any defect in theirsensations; for I have observed them throw away things which we eat, with evident disgust, after only smelling to them. They shew as much ingenuity, both in invention and execution, as anyuncivilized nations under similar circumstances. For, without the use ofany metal tools, they make every thing by which they procure theirsubsistence, clothing, and warlike weapons, with a degree of neatness, strength, and convenience for accomplishing their several purposes. Their chief mechanical tool is formed exactly after the manner of ouradzes; and is made, as are also the chisel and goudge, of the greenserpent-stone or jasper, already mentioned; though sometimes they arecomposed of a black, smooth, and very solid stone. But their masterpieceseems to be carving, which is found upon the most trifling things; and, in particular, the heads of their canoes are sometimes ornamented withit in such a manner, as not only shews much design, but is also anexample of their great labour and patience in execution. Their cordagefor fishing-lines is equal, in strength and evenness, to that made byus; and their nets not at all inferior. But what must cost them morelabour than any other article, is the making the tools we havementioned; for the stone is exceedingly hard, and the only method offashioning it, we can guess at, is by rubbing one stone upon another, which can have but a slow effect. Their substitute for a knife is ashell, a bit of flint, or jasper. And, as an auger to bore holes, theyfix a shark's tooth in the end of a small piece of wood. It is true, they have a small saw made of some jagged fishes teeth, fixed on theconvex edge of a piece of wood nicely carved. But this, they say, isonly used to cut up the bodies of their enemies whom they kill inbattle. No people can have a quicker sense of an injury done to them, and noneare more ready to resent it. But, at the same time, they will take anopportunity of being insolent when they think there is no danger ofpunishment; which is so contrary to the spirit of genuine bravery, that, perhaps, their eagerness to resent injuries is to be looked upon ratheras an effect of a furious disposition than of great courage. They alsoappear to be of a suspicious or mistrustful temper (which, however, mayrather be acquired than natural), for strangers never came to our shipsimmediately, but lay in their boats at a small distance, either toobserve our motions, or consult whether or no they should risk theirsafety with us. To this they join a great degree of dishonesty; for theysteal every thing they can lay their hands on, if there be the leasthope of not being detected; and, in trading, I have little doubt butthey would take advantages, if they thought it could be done withsafety; as they not only refuse to trust a thing in one's hand forexamination, but exult if they think they have tricked you in thebargain. Such conduct, however, is, in some measure, to be expected where thereappears to be but little subordination, and consequently few, if any, laws, to punish transgressions. For no man's authority seems to extendfarther than his own family; and when, at any time, they join for mutualdefence, or any other purpose, those amongst them who are eminent forcourage or prudence, are directors. How their private quarrels areterminated is uncertain; but, in the few we saw, which were of littleconsequence, the parties concerned were clamorous and disorderly. Their public contentions are frequent, or rather perpetual; for itappears, from their number of weapons, and dexterity in using them, thatwar is their principal profession. These weapons are spears, _patoos_and halberts, or sometimes stones. The first are made of hard woodpointed, of different lengths, from five, to twenty, or even thirty feetlong. The short ones are used for throwing as darts. The _patoo_ or_emeete_ is of an elliptical shape, about eighteen inches long, with ahandle made of wood, stone, the bone of some sea animal, or greenjasper, and seems to be their principal dependence in battle. Thehalbert, or long club, is about five or six feet long, tapering at oneend with a carved head, and at the other, broad or flat, with sharpedges. Before they begin the onset, they join in a war-song, to which they allkeep the exactest time, and soon raise their passion to a degree offrantic fury, attended with the most horrid distortion of their eyes, mouths, and tongues, to strike terror into their enemies; which, tothose who have not been accustomed to such a practice, makes them appearmore like demons than men, and would almost chill the boldest with fear. To this succeeds a circumstance, almost foretold in their fiercedemeanour, horrid, cruel, and disgraceful to human nature; which is, cutting in pieces, even before being perfectly dead, the bodies of theirenemies, and, after dressing them on a fire, devouring the flesh, notonly without reluctance, but with peculiar satisfaction. One might be apt to suppose, that people, capable of such excess ofcruelty, must be destitute of every human feeling, even amongst theirown party; and yet we find them lamenting the loss of their friends, with a violence of expression which argues the most tender remembranceof them. For both men and women, upon the death of those connected withthem, whether in battle or otherwise, bewail them with the most dolefulcries; at the same time cutting their foreheads and cheeks, with shellsor pieces of flint, in large gashes, until the blood flows plentifullyand mixes with their tears. They also carve pieces of their green stone, rudely shaped, as human figures, which they ornament with bright eyes ofpearl-shell, and hang them about their necks, as memorials of those whomthey held most dear; and their affections of this kind are so strong, that they even perform the ceremony of cutting, and lamenting for joy, at the return of any of their friends, who have been absent but for ashort time. The children are initiated, at a very early age, into all the practices, good or bad, of their fathers; so that you find a boy or girl, nine orten years old, able to perform all the motions, and to imitate thefrightful gestures, by which the more aged use to inspire their enemieswith terror, keeping the strictest time in their song. They likewisesing, with some degree of melody, the traditions of their forefathers, their actions in war, and other indifferent subjects; of all which theyare immoderately fond, and spend much of their time, in theseamusements, and in playing on a sort of flute. Their language is far from being harsh or disagreeable, though thepronunciation is frequently guttural; and whatever qualities arerequisite in any other language to make it musical, certainly obtain toa considerable degree here, if we may judge from the melody of somesorts of their songs. It is also sufficiently comprehensive, though, inmany respects, deficient, if compared with our European languages, whichowe their perfection to long improvement. But a small specimen is heresubjoined, from which some judgment may be formed. I collected a greatmany of their words, both now and in the course of our former voyage;and being equally attentive, in my enquiries, about the languages of theother islands throughout the South Sea, I have the amplest proof oftheir wonderful agreement, or rather identity. This general observationhas, indeed, been already made in the accounts of the former voyages. Ishall be enabled, however, to confirm and strengthen it, by a freshlist of words, selected from a large vocabulary in my possession; and byplacing, in the opposite column, the corresponding words as used atOtaheite, the curious reader will, at one view, be furnished withsufficient materials for judging by what subordinate changes thedifference of dialect has been effected. English New Zealand. Otahaita. _Water_, Ewy, Evy. _A tail of a dog_, Wyeroo, Ero. _Death, dead_, Kaoo, matte, matte, roa. _To fly_, Ererre, Eraire. _A house_, Ewharre, Ewharre. _To sleep_, Moea, Moe. _A fish-hook_, Makoee, Matou. _Shut_, Opanee, Opanee. _A bed_, Moenga Moera. _A butterfly_, Epaipe, Pepe. _To chew_, or _eat_, Hekaee, Ey. _Cold_, Makkareede, Mareede. _To-day_, Agooanai, Aooanai. _The hand_, Reenga, Ereema. _Large_, Keeerahoi, Erahoi. _Red_, Whairo, Oora, oora. _We_, Taooa, Taooa. _Where is it_? Kahaia, Tehaia. _A stone_, Powhy, Owhy. _A man_, Tangata, Taata. _Black_, Purra, purra, Ere, ere. _White_, Ema, Ooama. _To reside_, or _dwell_, Nohoanna, Nohonoa, _Out, not within_, Woho, Woho. _Male kind_ (of any animal), Toa, Etoa. _Female_, Eoowha, Eooha. _A shark_, Mango, Mao. _To understand_, Geetaia, Eetea. _Forgot_, Warre, Ooaro. _Yesterday_, Taeninnahoi, Ninnahoi. _One_, Tahaee, Atahay. _Two_, Rooa, Erooa. _Three_, Toroo, Toroo. _Four_, Faa, Ahaa. _Five_, Reema, Ereema. _Six_, Ono, Aono. _Seven_, Heetoo, Aheitoo. _Eight_, Waroo, Awaroo. _Nine_, Eeva, Aeeva. _Ten_, Angahoora, Ahooroo. The New Zealanders to these numerals prefix _Ma_; as, English. _New Zealand_. Eleven, Matahee. Twelve, &c &c. Marooa, &c. &c. Twenty, Maogahoora. CHAPTER II. FROM LEAVING NEW ZEALAND TO OUR ARRIVAL AT OTAHEITE, OR THE SOCIETYISLANDS. * * * * * SECTION I. _Prosecution of the Voyage. --Behaviour of the Two New Zealanders onboard. --Unfavourable Winds. --An Island called Mangeea discovered. --TheCoast of it examined. --Transactions with the Natives, --An Account oftheir Persons, Dress, and Canoe. --Description of the Island. --A Specimenof the Language. --Disposition of the Inhabitants_. On the 25th of February, at ten o'clock in the morning, a light breezespringing up at N. W. By W. , we weighed, stood out of the Sound, and madesail through the strait, with the Discovery in company. We had hardlygot the length of Cape Teerawitte, when the wind took us aback at S. E. It continued in this quarter till two o'clock the next morning, when wehad a few hours calm. After which we had a breeze at north; but here itfixed not long, before it veered to the east, and after that to thesouth. At length on the 27th, at eight o'clock in the morning, we tookour departure from Cape Palliser, which, at this time, bore W. , sevenor eight leagues distant. We had a fine gale, and I steered E. By N. We had no sooner lost sight of the land, than our two New Zealandadventurers, the sea sickness they now experienced giving a turn totheir reflections, repented heartily of the step they had taken. All thesoothing encouragement we could think of availed but little. They wept, both in public and in private, and made their lamentations in a kind ofsong, which, as far as we could comprehend the meaning of the words, wasexpressive of their praises of their country and people, from which theywere to be separated for ever. Thus they continued for many days, tilltheir sea sickness wore off, and the tumult of their minds began tosubside. Then these fits of lamentation became less and less frequent, and at length entirely ceased. Their native country and their friendswere, by degrees, forgot, and they appeared to be as firmly attached tous, as if they had been born amongst us. The wind had not remained many hours at S. , before it veered to S. E. AndE. ; and, with this, we stood to the N. , till the 28th at noon. Beingthen in the latitude of 41° 17', and in the longitude of 177° 17' E. , wetacked and stood to the S. E. , with a gentle breeze at E. N. E. Itafterward freshened, and came about to N. E. ; in which quarter itcontinued two days, and sometimes blew a fresh gale with squalls, accompanied with showers of rain. On the 2d of March at noon, being in the latitude of 42° 35' 30", longitude 180° 8' E. , the wind shifted to N. W. ; afterward to S. W. ; andbetween this point and north it continued to blow, sometimes a stronggale with hard squalls, and at other times very moderate. With this windwe steered N. E. By E. And E. , under all the sail we could carry, tillthe 11th at noon, at which time we were in the latitude of 39° 29', longitude 196° 4' E. The wind now veered to N. E. And S. E. , and I stood to the N. , and to theN. E. , as the wind would admit, till one o'clock in the morning on the16th, when having a more favourable gale from the north, I tacked andstood to the east; the latitude being 33° 40', and the longitude 198°50' E. We had light airs and calms by turns, till noon the next day, when the wind began to freshen at E. S. E. , and I again stood to the N. E. But as the wind often veered to E. And E. N. E. , we frequently made nobetter than a northerly course; nay sometimes to the westward of north. But the hopes of the wind coming more southerly, or of meeting with itfrom the westward, a little without the Tropic, as I had experienced inmy former visits to this ocean, encouraged me to continue this course. Indeed it was necessary that I should run all risks, as my proceeding tothe north this year, in prosecution of the principal object of thevoyage, depended entirely on my making a quick passage to Otaheite, orthe Society Islands. The wind continued invariably fixed at E. S. E. , or seldom shifting abovetwo points on either side. It also blew very faint, so that it was the27th before we crossed the Tropic, and then we were only in thelongitude of 201° 25' E. , which was nine degrees to the westward of ourintended port. In all this run we saw nothing, except now and then aTropic bird, that could induce us to think that we had sailed near anyland. In the latitude of 34° 20', longitude 199° we passed the trunk ofa large tree, which was covered with barnacles; a sign that it had beenlong at sea. On the 29th, at ten in the morning, as we were standing to the N. E. , theDiscovery made the signal of seeing land. We saw it from the mast-headalmost the same moment, bearing N. E. By E. By compass. We soondiscovered it to be an island of no great extent, and stood for it tillsunset, when it bore N. N. E. , distant about two or three leagues. The night was spent in standing off and on, and at daybreak the nextmorning, I bore up for the lee or west side of the island, as neitheranchorage nor landing appeared to be practicable on the south side, onaccount of a great surf, [149] which broke every where with violenceagainst the shore, or against the reef that surrounded it. [Footnote 149: A very ingenious and satisfactory account of the cause ofthe surf, is to be met with in Marsden'a History of Sumatra, p. 29-32. --D. ] We presently found that the island was inhabited, and saw severalpeople, on a point of the land we had passed, wading to the reef, where, as they found the ship leaving them quickly, they remained. But others, who soon appeared in different parts, followed her course; and sometimesseveral of them collected into small bodies, who made a shouting noiseall together, nearly after the manner of the inhabitants of New Zealand. Between seven and eight o'clock, we were at the W. N. W. Part of theisland, and, being near the shore, we could perceive with our glasses, that several of the natives, who appeared upon a sandy beach, were allarmed with long spears and clubs, which they brandished in the air withsigns of threatening, or, as some on board interpreted their attitudes, with invitations to land. Most of them appeared naked, except having asort of girdle, which, being brought up between the thighs, covered thatpart of the body. But some of them had pieces of cloth of differentcolours, white, striped, or chequered, which they wore as a garment, thrown about their shoulders. And almost all of them had a white wrapperabout their heads, not much unlike a turban; or, in some instances, likea high conical cap. We could also perceive that they were of a tawnycolour, and, in general, of a middling stature, but robust, andinclining to corpulence. At this time, a small canoe was launched in a great hurry from thefurther end of the beach, and a man getting into it, put off, as with aview to reach the ship. On perceiving this, I brought-to, that we mightreceive the visit; but the man's resolution failing, he soon returnedtoward the beach, where, after some time, another man joined him in thecanoe; and then they both paddled toward us. They stopt short, however, as if afraid to approach, until Omai, who addressed them in the Otaheitelanguage, in some measure quieted their apprehensions. They then camenear enough, to take some beads and nails, which were tied to a piece ofwood, and thrown into the canoe. They seemed afraid to touch thesethings, and put the piece of wood aside without untying them. This, however, might arise from superstition; for Omai told us, that when theysaw us offering them presents, they asked something for their _Eatooa_, or god. He also, perhaps improperly, put the question to them, Whether, they ever ate human flesh? which they answered in the negative, with amixture of indignation and abhorrence. One of them, whose name wasMourooa, being asked how he came by a scar on his forehead, told us thatit was the consequence of a wound he had got in fighting with the peopleof an island, which lies to the north-eastward, who, sometimes came toinvade them. They afterward took hold of a rope. Still, however, theywould not venture on board; but told Omai, who understood them prettywell, that their countrymen on shore had given them, this caution, atthe same time directing them to enquire, from whence our ship came, andto learn the name of the captain. On our part, we enquired the name ofthe island, which they called _Mangya_ or _Mangeea_; and sometimes addedto it _Nooe, nai, naiwa_. The name of their chief, they said, wasOrooaeeka. Mourooa was lusty and well-made, but not very tall. His features wereagreeable, and his disposition seemingly no less so; for he made severaldroll gesticulations, which indicated both good-nature and a share ofhumour. He also made others which seemed of a serious kind, and repeatedsome words with a devout air, before he ventured to lay hold of the ropeat the ship's stern; which was probably to recommend himself to theprotection of some Divinity. His colour was nearly of the same cast withthat common to the most southern Europeans. The other man was not sohandsome. Both of them had strong, straight hair, of a jet colour, tiedtogether on the crown of the head with a bit of cloth. They wore suchgirdles as we had perceived about those on shore, and we found they werea substance made from the _Morus papyrifera_, in the same manner as atthe other islands of this ocean. It was glazed like the sort used by thenatives of the Friendly Islands; but the cloth, on their heads waswhite, like that which is found at Otaheite. They had on a kind ofsandals, made of a grassy substance interwoven, which we also observedwere worn by those who stood upon the beach; and, as we supposed, intended to defend their feet against the rough coral rock. Their beardswere long; and the inside of their arms, from the shoulder to the elbow, and some other parts, were punctured or _tatooed_, after the manner ofthe inhabitants of almost all the other islands in the South Sea. Thelobe of their ears was pierced, or rather slit, and to such a length, that one of them stuck there a knife and some beads, which he hadreceived from us; and the same person had two polished pearl-shells, anda bunch of human hair, loosely twisted, hanging about his neck, whichwas the only ornament we observed. The canoe they came in (which was theonly one we saw), was not above ten feet long, and very narrow; but bothstrong and neatly made. The fore part had a flat board fastened over it, and projecting out, to prevent the sea getting in on plunging, like thesmall _Evaas_ at Otaheite; but it had an upright stern, about five feethigh, like some in New Zealand; and the upper end of this stern-postwas forked. The lower part of the canoe was of white wood, but the upperwas black, and their paddles, made of wood of the same colour, not abovethree feet long, broad at one end, and blunted. They paddled either endof the canoe forward indifferently; and only turned about their faces topaddle the contrary way. We now stood off and on; and as soon as the ships were in a properstation, about ten o'clock I ordered two boats, one of them from theDiscovery, to sound the coast, and to endeavour to find a landing-place. With this view, I went in one of them myself, taking with me sucharticles to give the natives, as I thought might serve to gain theirgood-will. I had no sooner put off from the ship, than the canoe, withthe two men, which had left us not long before, paddled toward my boat;and, having come along-side, Mourooa stept into her, without beingasked, and without a moment's hesitation. Omai, who was with me, was ordered to enquire of him where we couldland; and he directed us to two different places. But I saw, withregret, that the attempt could not be made at either place, unless atthe risk of having our boats filled with water, or even staved topieces. Nor were we more fortunate in our search for anchorage; for wecould find no bottom, till within a cable's length of the breakers. There we met with from forty to twenty fathoms depth, over sharp coralrocks; so that anchoring would have been attended with much more dangerthan landing. While we were thus employed in reconnoitring the shore, great numbers ofthe natives thronged down upon the reef, all armed as above mentioned. Mourooa, who was now in my boat, probably thinking that this warlikeappearance hindered us from landing, ordered them to retire back. Asmany of them complied, I judged he must be a person of some consequenceamong them. Indeed, if we understood him right, he was the king'sbrother. So great was the curiosity of several of them, that they tookto the water, and, swimming off to the boats, came on board them withoutreserve. Nay, we found it difficult to keep them out; and still moredifficult to prevent their carrying off every thing they could lay theirhands upon. At length, when they perceived that we were returning to theships, they all left us, except our original visitor Mourooa. He, thoughnot without evident signs of fear, kept his place in my boat, andaccompanied me on board the ship. The cattle, and other new objects, that presented themselves to himthere, did not strike him with so much surprise as one might haveexpected. Perhaps his mind was too much taken up about his own safety, to allow him to attend to other things. It is certain, that he seemedvery uneasy; and the ship, on our getting on board, happening to bestanding off shore, this circumstance made him the more so. I could getbut little new information from him; and therefore, after he had made ashort stay, I ordered a boat to carry him in toward the land. As soon ashe got out of the cabin, he happened to stumble over one of the goats. His curiosity now overcoming his fear, he stopped, looked at it, andasked Omai, what bird this was? and not receiving an immediate answerfrom him, he repeated the question to some of the people upon deck. Theboat having conveyed him pretty near to the surf, he leaped into thesea, and swam ashore. He had no sooner landed, than the multitude of hiscountrymen gathered round him, as if with an eager curiosity to learnfrom him what he had seen; and in this situation they remained, when welost sight of them. As soon as the boat returned, we hoisted her in, andmade sail from the land to the northward. Thus were we obliged to leave, unvisited, this fine island, which seemedcapable of supplying all our wants. It lies in the latitude of 21° 57'S. , and in the longitude of 201° 53' E. Such parts of the coast as fellunder our observation, are guarded by a reef of coral rock, on theoutside of which the sea is of an unfathomable depth. It is full fiveleagues in circuit, and of a moderate and pretty equal height; though, in clear weather, it may be certainly seen at the distance of tenleagues; for we had not lost sight of it at night, when we had run aboveseven leagues, and the weather was cloudy. In the middle, it rises intolittle hills, from whence there is a gentle descent to the shore, which, at the S. W. Part, is steep, though not above ten or twelve feet high;and has several excavations made by the beating of the waves against abrownish sand-stone of which it is composed. The descent here is coveredwith trees of a deep green colour, very thick, but not high, which seemall of one sort, unless nearest the shore, where there are great numbersof that species of _dracaena_ found in the woods of New Zealand, whichare also scattered in some other places. On the N. W. Part, the shore, aswe mentioned above, ends in a sandy beach; beyond which the land isbroken down into small chasms or gullies, and has a broad border oftrees resembling tall willows; which, from its regularity, might besupposed a work of art, did not its extent forbid us to think so. Farther up on the ascent, the trees were of the deep green mentionedbefore. Some of us supposed these to be the _rima_, intermixed with lowcocoa palms; and a few of some other sorts. They seemed not so thick ason the S. W. Part, and higher; which appearance might be owing to ournearer approach to the shore. On the little hills were some trees of ataller sort, thinly scattered; but the other parts of them were eitherbare, and of a reddish colour, or covered with something like fern. Uponthe whole, the island has a pretty aspect, and might be made a beautifulspot by cultivation. As the inhabitants seemed to be both numerous and well fed, sucharticles of provision as the island produces must be in great plenty. Itmight, however, be a matter of curiosity to know, particularly, theirmethod of subsistence; for our friend Mourooa told us, that they had noanimals, as hogs and dogs, both which, however, they had heard of; butacknowledged they had plantains, bread-fruit, and taro. The only birdswe saw, were some white egg-birds, terns, and noddies; and one whiteheron, on the shore. The language of the inhabitants of Mangeea is a dialect of that spokenat Otaheite; though their pronunciation, as that of the New Zealanders, be more guttural. Some of their words, of which two or three are perhapspeculiar to this island, are here subjoined, as taken, by Mr Anderson, from Omai, who had learnt them in his conversations with Mourooa. TheOtaheite words, where there is any resemblance, are placed opposite. English. _Mangeea. _ _Otaheite. _ _A cocoa nut_, Eakkaree, Aree. _Bread-fruit_, Kooroo, Ooroo. _A canoe_, Ewakka, Evaa. _Friend_, Naoo, mou. _A man_, Taata, or Tangata, Taata. _Cloth_, or _cloth plant_, Taia, taia aoutee, Eoute. _Good_, Mata, Myty. _A club_, Pooroohee. _Yes_, Aee, Ai. _No_, Aoure, Aoure. _A spear_, Heyhey. A_fight, or battle_, Etamagee, Tamaee. _A woman_, Waheine, Waheine. _A daughter_, Maheine, Maheine. _The sun_, Heetaia matooa. _I_, Ou, Wou. _The shore_, Euta, Euta. _What is that?_ Ehataieee? Owytaieeoa? _There_, Oo. English. _Mangeea_. _Otaheite_. _A chief_, Ereekee, Eree. _Great_, or _powerful_, Manna (_an adjunct to the last_. ) _To kiss_, Ooma. The natives of Mangeea seem to resemble those of Otaheite and theMarquesas in the beauty of their persons, more than any other nation Ihave seen in these seas; having a smooth skin, and not being muscular. Their general disposition also corresponds, as far as we hadopportunities of judging, with that which distinguishes thefirst-mentioned people. For they are not only cheerful, but, as Mourooashewed us, are acquainted with all the lascivious gesticulations whichthe Otaheitans practise in their dances. It may also be supposed, thattheir method of living is similar. For, though the nature of the countryprevented our seeing many of their habitations, we observed one housenear the beach, which much resembled, in its mode of construction, thoseof Otaheite. It was pleasantly situated in a grove of trees, andappeared to be about thirty feet long, and seven or eight high, with anopen end, which represented an ellipse divided transversely. Before it, was spread something white on a few bushes; which we conjectured to be afishing net, and, to appearance, of a very delicate texture. They salute strangers much after the manner of the New Zealanders, byjoining noses; adding, however, the additional ceremony of taking thehand of the person to whom they are paying civilities, and rubbing itwith a degree of force upon their nose and mouth. [150] [Footnote 150: The inhabitants of the Palaos, New Philippine, or ratherCaroline Islands, at the distance of almost fifteen hundred leagues fromMangeea, have the same mode of salutation. "Leur civilitié, et la marquede leur respect, consiste à prendre la main ou la pied de celui à quiils veulent faire honneur, et s'en frotter doucement toute levisage. "--_Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 208. _Edit_. 1781. --- D. ] SECTION II. _The Discovery of an Island called Wateeoo. --Its Coastsexamined. --Visits from the Natives on board the Ships. --Mess. Gore, Barney, and Anderson, with Omai, sent on Shore. --Mr Anderson's Narrativeof their Reception. --Omai's Expedient to prevent their beingdetained. --His meeting with some of his Countrymen, and theirdistressful Voyage. --Farther Account of Wateeoo, and of itsInhabitants_. After leaving Mangeea, on the afternoon of the 30th of March, wecontinued our course northward, all that night, and till noon on the31st; when we again saw land, in the direction of N. E. By N. , distanteight or ten leagues. Next morning, at eight o'clock, we had got abreast of its north end, within four leagues of it, but to leeward; and could now pronounce it tobe an island, nearly of the same appearance and extent with that we hadso lately left. At the same time, another island, but much smaller, wasseen right ahead. We could have soon reached this; but the largest onehad the preference, as most likely to furnish a supply of food for thecattle, of which we began to be in great want. With this view I determined to work up to it; but as there was butlittle wind, and that little was unfavourable, we were still two leaguesto leeward at eight o'clock the following morning. Soon after, I senttwo armed boats from the Resolution, and one from the Discovery, underthe command of Lieutenant Gore, to look for anchoring-ground, and alanding-place. In the mean time, we plyed up under the island with theships. Just as the boats were putting off, we observed several single canoescoming from the shore. They went first to the Discovery, she being thenearest ship. It was not long after, when three of these canoes camealong-side of the Resolution, each conducted by one man. They are longand narrow, and supported by outriggers. The stern is elevated aboutthree or four feet, something like a ship's stern-post. The head is flatabove, but prow-like below, and turns down at the extremity, like theend of a violin. Some knives, beads, and other trifles were conveyed toour visitors; and they gave us a few cocoa-nuts, upon our asking forthem. But they did not part with them by way of exchange for what theyhad received from us. For they seemed to have no idea of bartering; nordid they appear to estimate any of our presents at a high rate. With a little persuasion, one of them made his canoe fast to the ship, and came on board; and the other two, encouraged by his example, soonfollowed him. Their whole behaviour marked that they were quite at theirease, and felt no sort of apprehension of our detaining, or using themill. After their departure, another canoe arrived, conducted by a man whobrought a bunch of plantains as a present to me; asking for me by name, having learnt it from Omai, who was sent before us in the boat with MrGore. In return for this civility, I gave him an axe, and a piece of redcloth; and he paddled back to the shore well satisfied. I afterwardunderstood from Omai, that this present had been sent from the king, orprincipal chief of the island. Not long after, a double canoe, in which were twelve men, came towardus. As they drew near the ship, they recited some words in concert, byway of chorus, [151] one of their number first standing up, and givingthe word before each repetition. When they had finished their solemnchant, they came along-side, and asked for the chief. As soon as Ishewed myself, a pig and a few cocoa-nuts were conveyed up into theship; and the principal person in the canoe made me an additionalpresent of a piece of matting, as soon as he and his companions got onboard. [Footnote 151: Something like this ceremony was performed by theinhabitants of the Marquesas, when Captain Cook visited them in 1774. Itis curious to observe, at what immense distances this mode of receivingstrangers prevails. Padillo, who sailed from Manilla in 1710, on avoyage to discover the Palaos Islands, was thus received there. Thewriter of the relation of his voyage says, "Aussitot qu'ils approcherentde notre bord, ils se mirent à chanter. Ils regloient la cadence, enfrappant des mains sur leurs cuisses. "--_Lettres Edifiantes &Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 323. --D. ] Our visitors were conducted into the cabin, and to other parts of theship. Some objects seemed to strike them with a degree of surprise; butnothing fixed their attention for a moment. They were afraid to comenear the cows and horses; nor did they form the least conception oftheir nature. But the sheep and goats did not surpass the limits oftheir ideas; for they gave us to understand, that they knew them to bebirds. It will appear rather incredible, that human ignorance could evermake so strange a mistake; there not being the most distant similitudebetween a sheep or goat, and any winged animal. But these people seemedto know nothing of the existence of any other land-animals, besideshogs, dogs, and birds. Our sheep and goats, they could see, were verydifferent creatures from the two first, and therefore they inferred, that they must belong to the latter class, in which they knew there is aconsiderable variety of species. [152] I made a present to my new friendof what I thought might be most acceptable to him; but, on his goingaway, he seemed rather disappointed than pleased. I afterward understoodthat he was very desirous of obtaining a dog, of which animal thisisland could not boast, though its inhabitants knew that the raceexisted in other islands of their ocean. Captain Clerke had received thelike present, with the same view, from another man, who met with fromhim the like disappointment. [Footnote 152: "I would add, " says Mr Stewart, in his Elements of thePhil, of Hum. Mind, p. 154, 2d ed. , "I would add to Cook's veryjudicious remarks, that the mistake of these islanders probably did notarise from their considering a sheep or a goat as bearing a morestriking resemblance to a bird, than to the two classes of quadrupedswith which they were acquainted; but to the want of a generic word, suchas _quadruped_, comprehending these two species; which men in theirsituation would no more be led to form, than a person, who had only seenone individual of each species, would think of an appellation to expressboth, instead of applying a proper name to each. In consequence of thevariety of birds, it appears that they had a generic name comprehendingall of them, to which it was not unnatural for them to refer any newanimal they met with. "--This solution is very specious, but whennarrowly examined, will be found to rest on two suppositions notaltogether borne out by evidence, and also to be liable to yield aconclusion not readily reconcileable with all the circumstances of thecase. In the first place, it is not proved that these islanders had nogeneric word to comprehend the two species of quadrupeds with which theywere acquainted; and the reason given for their want of it, which, afterall, is merely a probable one, cannot be allowed much force. Itsweakness will appear from the consideration, that men in theirsituation, having certainly an idea of number, must, according to MrS. 's own principles stated in the next page, have possessed the power ofattending separately to the things which their senses had presented tothem in a state of union, and have found it necessary to apply to allof them one common name, or, in other words, "to have reduced them allto the same genus. " It is requisite, therefore, for the validity of MrS. 's reason, to shew that these islanders either were not able todistinguish betwixt their hogs and dogs, or had never numbered themtogether, which it is quite impossible to credit. Even the case of theperson who had seen only one individual of each species, which Mr S. Conceives similar to that we are considering, may be argued against inthe same manner, and besides this, will be found not analogous. Thereason is plain. He may or may not have been able, from a solitaryobservation, to infer that the distinction he noticed betwixt them was aradical difference, or, in the language of the schoolmen, was essential:Whereas the islanders, from the constancy of the differences theyobserved, must have been necessitated to form a classification of theobjects, the result of which would be, the use of one term for thecommon properties or the resemblance, and two words for the comprehendedindividuals. In the second place, it cannot otherwise be made appear, that these islanders had a generic name comprehending the variety ofbirds with which they were acquainted, than on such principles ofreasoning as we have now been considering, the proper inference fromwhich, as we have seen, is destructive of the foundation of Mr S. 'ssolution. Here, it may be remarked, it is somewhat unfortunate that wecannot depend implicitly on Captain Cook's account as to the words inwhich the islanders conveyed the notions we have been commenting on;because, as the reader will find at the end of this section, thesepeople, who, whatever rank they may be allowed to hold as logicians, were at all events very dexterous thieves, stole the memorandum book inwhich Mr Anderson had recorded a specimen of their language. Butadmitting Mr S. 's suppositions, it then may be shewn, that not only thesheep and the goats, but also the horses and cows, considered, in thewords of Mr S. , as _new animals_, would have been referred by theseislanders to the same genus, and therefore considered as birds. Thecircumstance of their greater size, or, indeed, any other discernibledifference, cannot here be pleaded as exceptive, without in realityabandoning the principles on which the solution is constructed. On thewhole, perhaps, it may seem more correct to imagine, that theseislanders were struck with some fanciful and distant resemblance tocertain birds they were acquainted with, from which they hastilyinferred identity of nature, notwithstanding some very visiblediscrepancies; whereas the remarkable dissimilarity betwixt the newquadrupeds and those they were previously acquainted with, impressedtheir minds with the notion of complete contrariety. In other words, they concluded, from the unlikeness, that these animals were neitherdogs nor hogs, and, from the resemblance, that they were birds. It iserroneous to say, with Cook, that there is not the most distantsimilitude between a sheep or goat, and any winged animal. For theclassifications adopted in every system of natural history, proceedupon the discovery of still more remote resemblances among the objectsof the science, than such as may be noticed in the present case; and itwill almost always be found, that there is greater difficulty inascertaining differences amongst those objects which are allied, thansimilarity amongst those which are unconnected. The facility with whichideas are associated in the mind, as Mr S. Informs us, p. 295, is verydifferent in different individuals, and "lays the foundation ofremarkable varieties of men both in respect of genius and of character;"and he elsewhere (p. 291) admits, "that things which have no knownrelation to each other are often associated, in consequence of theirproducing similar effects on the mind. " With respect to the formerremark, the facility, it might be practicable to shew, that, in general, it is proportioned to the ignorance and imperfect education, of theindividuals, hence children and the female sex (as Mr S. Himselfasserts) exhibit most of it; and, in consistency with the latterobservation, we have but to imagine, that some effect having beenproduced on the minds of these islanders by the sight of the animals inquestion, similar to what they had previously experienced from some birdor birds which they had occasionally seen, led them to the remarkableassociation we have been considering. It would not be very difficult tointimate how this might have happened, but the length of our note, thereader may think, is much greater than its importance, and he may preferto amuse himself at another time, by following out the investigation. Let it be our apology for entering on it at all, that it is only bydiligent reflection on such mysterious trains of thought, we can hope toacquire any just conceptions of the faculties and operations of our ownminds. --E. ] The people in these canoes were in general of a middling size, and notunlike those of Mangeea; though several were of a blacker cast than anywe saw there. Their hair was tied on the crown of the head, or flowingloose about the shoulders; and though in some it was of a frizzlingdisposition, yet, for the most part, that, as well as the straight sort, was long. Their features were various, and some of the young men ratherhandsome. Like those of Mangeea, they had girdles of glazed cloth, orfine matting, the ends of which, being brought-betwixt their thighs, covered the adjoining parts. Ornaments, composed of a sort of broadgrass, stained with red, and strung with berries of the nightshade, wereworn about their necks. Their ears were bored, but not slit; and theywere punctured upon the legs, from, the knee to the heel, which madethem appear as if they wore a kind of boots. They also resembled theinhabitants of Mangeea in the length of their beards, and, like them, wore a sort of sandals upon their feet. Their behaviour was frank andcheerful, with a great deal of good-nature. At three o'clock in the afternoon, Mr Gore returned with the boat, andinformed me, that he had examined all the west side of the island, without finding a place where a boat could land, or the ships couldanchor, the shore being every where bounded by a steep coral rock, against which the sea broke in a dreadful surf. But as the nativesseemed very friendly, and to express a degree of disappointment whenthey saw that our people failed in their attempts to land, Mr Gore wasof opinion, that by means of Omai, who could best explain our request, they might be prevailed upon to bring off to the boats, beyond the surf, such articles as we most wanted; in particular, the stems of plantaintrees, which make good food for the cattle. Having little or no wind, the delay of a day or two was not of any moment; and therefore Idetermined to try the experiment, and got every thing ready against thenext morning. Soon after day-break, we observed some canoes coming off to the ships, and one of them directed its course to the Resolution. In it was a hog, with some plantains and cocoa nuts, for which the people who broughtthem demanded a dog from us, and refused every other thing that weoffered in exchange. One of our gentlemen on board happened to have adog and a bitch, which were great nuisances in the ship, and might havebeen disposed of on this occasion for a purpose of real utility, bypropagating a race of so useful an animal in this island. But theirowner had no such views, in making them the companions of his voyage. However, to gratify these people, Omai parted with a favourite dog hehad brought from England; and with this acquisition they departed highlysatisfied. About ten o'clock, I dispatched Mr Gore with three boats, two from theResolution, and one from the Discovery, to try the experiment he hadproposed. And, as I could confide in his diligence and ability, I leftit entirely to himself, to act as, from circumstances, he should judgeto be most proper. Two of the natives, who had been on board, accompanied him, and Omai went with him in his boat as an interpreter. The ships being a full league from the island when the boats put off, and having but little wind, it was noon before we could work up to it. We then saw our three boats riding at their grapplings, just without thesurf, and a prodigious number of the natives on the shore, abreast ofthem. By this we concluded, that Mr Gore, and others of our people, hadlanded, and our impatience to know the event may be easily conceived. Inorder to observe their motions, and to be ready to give them suchassistance as they might want, and our respective situations would admitof, I kept as near the shore as was prudent. I was sensible, however, that the reef was as effectual a barrier between us and our friends whohad landed, and put them as much beyond the reach of our protection, asif half the circumference of the globe had intervened. But theislanders, it was probable, did not know this so well as we did. Some ofthem, now and then, came off to the ships in their canoes, with a fewcocoa nuts; which they exchanged for whatever was offered to them, without seeming to give the preference to any particular article. These occasional visits served to lessen my solicitude about our peoplewho had landed. Though we could get no information from our visitors, yet their venturing on board seemed to imply, at least, that theircountrymen on shore had not made an improper use of the confidence putin them. At length, a little before sun-set, we had the satisfaction ofseeing the boats put off. When they got on board, I found that Mr Gorehimself, Omai, Mr Anderson, and, Mr Burney, were the only persons whohad landed. The transactions of the day were now fully reported to me byMr Gore; but Mr Anderson's account of them being very particular, andincluding some remarks on the island and its inhabitants, I shall giveit a place here, nearly in his own words. "We rowed toward a small sandy beach, upon which, and upon the adjacentrocks, a great number of the natives had assembled; and came to ananchor within a hundred yards of the reef, which extends about as far, or a little farther, from the shore. Several of the natives swam off, bringing cocoa-nuts; and Omai, with their countrymen, whom we had withus in the boats, made them sensible of our wish to land. But theirattention was taken up, for a little time, by the dog, which had beencarried from the ship, and was just brought on shore, round whom theyflocked with great eagerness. Soon after, two canoes came off; and, tocreate a greater confidence in the islanders, we determined to gounarmed, and run the hazard of being treated well or ill. " "Mr Burney, the first lieutenant of the Discovery, and I went in onecanoe, a little time before the other; and our conductors, watchingattentively the motions of the surf, landed us safely upon the reef. Anislander took hold of each of us, obviously with an intention to supportus in walking, over the rugged rocks, to the beach, where several of theothers met us, holding the green boughs of a species of _Mimosa_ intheir hands, and saluted us by applying their noses to ours. " "We were conducted from the beach by our guides, amidst a great crowd ofpeople, who flocked with very eager curiosity to look at us; and wouldhave prevented our proceeding, had not some men, who seemed to haveauthority, dealt blows, with little distinction, amongst them, to keepthem off. We were then led up an avenue of cocoa-palms; and soon came toa number of men, arranged in two rows, armed with clubs, which they heldon their shoulders, much in the manner we rest a musquet. After walkinga little way amongst these, we found a person who seemed a chief, sitting on the ground cross-legged, cooling himself with a sort oftriangular fan, made from a leaf of the cocoa palm, with a polishedhandle, of black wood, fixed to one corner. In his ears were largebunches of beautiful red feathers, which pointed forward. But he had noother mark, or ornament, to distinguish him from the rest of the people;though they all obeyed him with the greatest alacrity. He eithernaturally had, or at this time put on, a serious, but not severecountenance; and we were desired to salute him as he sat, by some peoplewho seemed of consequence. " "We proceeded still amongst the men armed with clubs, and came to asecond chief, who sat fanning himself, and ornamented as the first. Hewas remarkable for his size, and uncommon corpulence, though, toappearance, not above thirty years of age. In the same manner, we wereconducted to a third chief, who seemed older than the two former, and, though not so fat as the second, was of a large size. He also wassitting, and adorned with red feathers; and after saluting him as we haddone the others, he desired us both to sit down, which we were verywilling to do, being pretty well fatigued with walking up, and with theexcessive heat we felt amongst the vast crowd that surrounded us. " "In a few minutes, the people were ordered to separate; and we saw, atthe distance of thirty yards, about twenty young women, ornamented asthe chiefs, with red feathers, engaged in a dance, which they performedto a slow and serious air, sung by them all. We got up, and went forwardto see them; and though we must have been strange objects to them, theycontinued their dance, without paying the least attention to us. Theyseemed to be directed by a man who served as a prompter, and mentionedeach motion they were to make. But they never changed the spot, as we doin dancing, and though their feet were not at rest, this exerciseconsisted more in moving the fingers very nimbly, at the same timeholding the hands in a prone position near the face, and now and thenalso clapping them together. [153] Their motions and songs were performedin such exact concert, that it should seem they had been taught withgreat care; and probably they were selected for this ceremony, as few ofthose whom we saw in the crowd equalled them in beauty. In general, theywere rather stout than slender, with black hair flowing in ringlets downthe neck, and of an olive complexion. Their features were rather fullerthan what we allow to perfect beauties, and much alike; but their eyeswere of a deep black, and each countenance expressed a degree ofcomplacency and modesty, peculiar to the sex in every part of the world, but perhaps more conspicuous here, where Nature presented us with herproductions in the fullest perfection, unbiassed in sentiment by custom, or unrestrained in manner by art. Their shape and limbs were elegantlyformed. For, as their dress consisted only of a piece of glazed clothfastened about the waist, and scarcely reaching so low as the knees, inmany we had an opportunity of observing every part. This dance was notfinished, when we heard a noise, as if some horses had been gallopingtoward us; and, on looking aside, we saw the people armed with clubs, who had been desired, as we supposed, to entertain us with the sight oftheir manner of fighting. This they now did, one party pursuing anotherwho fled. " [Footnote 153: The dances of the inhabitants of the Caroline Islandshave a great resemblance to those here described. See Lettres Edif. EtCurieuses, tom. Xv. P. 315. See also, in the same volume, p. 207, whatis said of the singing and dancing of the inhabitants of the PalaosIslands, which belong to the same group. --D. ] "As we supposed the ceremony of being introduced to the chiefs was at anend, we began to look about for Mr Gore and Omai; and, though the crowdwould hardly suffer us to move, we at length found them coming up, asmuch incommoded by the number of people as we had been, and introducedin the same manner to the three chiefs, whose names were Otteroo, Taroa, and Fatouweera. Each of these expected a present; and Mr Gore gave themsuch things as he had brought with him from the ship, for that purpose. After this, making use of Omai as his interpreter, he informed thechiefs with what intention we had come on shore; but was given tounderstand, that he must wait till the next day, and then he should havewhat was wanted. " "They now seemed to take some pains to separate us from each other; andevery one of us had his circle to surround and gaze at him. For my ownpart, I was, at one time, above an hour apart from my friends; and whenI told the chief, with whom I sat, that I wanted to speak to Omai, heperemptorily refused my request. At the same time, I found the peoplebegan to steal several trifling things which I had in my pocket; andwhen I took the liberty of complaining to the chief of this treatment, he justified it. From these circumstances, I now entertainedapprehensions, that they might have formed the design of detaining usamongst them. They did not, indeed, seem to be of a disposition sosavage, as to make us anxious for the safety of our persons; but it was, nevertheless, vexing to think we had hazarded being detained by theircuriosity. In this situation, I asked for something to eat; and theyreadily brought to me some cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, and a sort of sourpudding; which was presented by a woman. And on my complaining much ofthe heat, occasioned by the crowd, the chief himself condescended to fanme, and gave me a small piece of cloth, which he had round his waist. " "Mr Burney happening to come to the place where I was, I mentioned mysuspicions to him; and, to put it to the test, whether they werewell-founded, we attempted to get to the beach. But we were stopped, when about halfway, by some men, who told us, that we must go back tothe place which we had left. On coming up, we found Omai entertainingthe same apprehensions. But he had, as he fancied, an additional reasonfor being afraid; for he had observed, that they had dug a hole in theground for an oven, which they were now heating; and he could assign noother reason for this, than that they meant to roast and eat us, as ispractised by the inhabitants of New Zealand. Nay, he went so far as toask them the question; at which they were greatly surprised, asking, inreturn, whether that was a custom with us? Mr Burney and I were ratherangry that they should be thus suspected by him; there having, as yet, been no appearances, in their conduct toward us, of their being capableof such brutality. " "In this manner we were detained the greatest part of the day, beingsometimes together, and sometimes separated, but always in a crowd; who, not satisfied with gazing at us, frequently desired us to uncover partof our skin; the sight of which commonly produced a general murmur ofadmiration. At the same time they did not omit these opportunities ofrifling our pockets; and, at last, one of them snatched a small bayonetfrom Mr Gore, which hung in its sheath by his side. This was representedto the chief, who pretended to send some person in search of it. But, inall probability, he countenanced the theft; for, soon after, Omai had adagger stolen from his side, in the same manner, though he did not missit immediately. " "Whether they observed any signs of uneasiness in us, or that theyvoluntarily repeated their emblems of friendship when we expressed adesire to go, I cannot tell; but, at this time, they brought some greenboughs, and, sticking their ends in the ground, desired we might holdthem as we sat. Upon out urging again the business we came upon, theygave us to understand, that we must stay and eat with them; and a pigwhich we saw, soon after, lying near the oven, which they had preparedand heated, removed Omai's apprehension of being put into it himself;and made us think it might be intended for our repast. The chief alsopromised to send some people to procure food for the cattle; but it wasnot till pretty late in the afternoon, that we saw them return with afew plantain-trees, which they carried to our boats. " "In the mean time, Mr Barney and I attempted again to go to the beach;but when we arrived, we found ourselves watched by people, who, toappearance, had been placed there for this purpose. For when I tried towade in upon the reef, one of them took hold of my clothes and draggedme back. I picked up some small pieces of coral, which they required meto throw down again; and, on my refusal, they made no scruple to takethem forcibly from me. I had gathered some small plants, but these alsoI could not be permitted to retain. And they took a fan from Mr Barney, which he had received as a present on coming ashore. Omai said we haddone wrong in taking up any thing, for it was not the custom here topermit freedoms of that kind to strangers, till they had, in somemeasure, naturalized them to the country, by entertaining them withfestivity for two or three days. " "Finding that the only method of procuring better treatment was to yieldimplicit obedience to their will, we went up again to the place we hadleft; and they now promised that we should have a canoe to carry us offto our boats, after we had eaten of a repast which they had prepared forus. " "Accordingly the second chief, to whom we had been introduced in themorning, having seated himself upon a low broad stool of blackish hardwood, tolerably polished, and, directing the multitude to make a prettylarge ring, made us sit down by him. A considerable number of cocoa-nutswere now brought, and shortly after a long green basket, with asufficient quantity of baked plantains to have served a dozen persons. Apiece of the young hog, that had been dressed, was then set before eachof us, of which we were desired to eat. Our appetites, however, hadfailed from the fatigue of the day; and though we did eat a little toplease them, it was without satisfaction to ourselves. " "It being now near sun-set, we told them it was time to go on board. This they allowed, and sent down to the beach the remainder of thevictuals that had been dressed, to be carried with us to the ships. But, before we set out, Omai was treated with a drink he had been used to inhis own country, which, we observed, was made here, as at other islandsin the South Sea, by chewing the root of a sort of pepper. We found acanoe ready to put us off to our boats, which the natives did with thesame caution as when we landed. But even here their thievish dispositiondid not leave them. For a person of some consequence among them, whocame with us, took an opportunity, just as they were pushing the canoeinto the surf, to snatch a bag out of her, which I had with the greatestdifficulty preserved all day, there being in it a small pocket-pistol, which I was unwilling to part with. Perceiving him, I called out, expressing as much displeasure as I could. On which he thought proper toreturn, and swim with the bag to the canoe; but he denied he had stolenit, though detected in the very act. They put us on board our boats, with the cocoa-nuts, plantains, and other provisions, which they hadbrought, and we rowed to the ships, very well pleased that we had atlast got out of the hands of our troublesome masters. " "We regretted much that our restrained situation gave us so littleopportunity of making observations on the country; for, during the wholeday, we were seldom a hundred yards from the place where we wereintroduced to the chiefs on landing, and consequently, were confined tothe surrounding objects. The first thing that presented itself, worthyof our notice, was the number of people, which must have been at leasttwo thousand. For those who welcomed us on the shore bore no proportionto the multitude we found amongst the trees, on proceeding a little wayup. " "We could also observe, that, except a few, those we had hitherto seenon board were of the lower class; for a great number of those we now metwith had a superior dignity in their air, and were of a much whitercast. In general, they had the hair tied on the crown of the head, long, black, and of a most luxuriant growth. Many of the young men wereperfect models in shape, of a complexion as delicate as that of thewomen, and, to appearance, of a disposition as amiable. Others, who weremore advanced in years, were corpulent; and all had a remarkablesmoothness of the skin. Their general dress was a piece of cloth, ormat, wrapped about the waist, and covering the parts which modestyconceals. But some had pieces of mats, most curiously varied with blackand white, made into a sort of jacket without sleeves; and others woreconical caps of cocoa-nut core, neatly interwoven with small beads, madeof a shelly substance. Their ears were pierced; and in them they hungbits of the membranous part of some plant, or stuck there an odoriferousflower, which seemed to be a species of _gardenia_. Some, who were of asuperior class, and also the chiefs, had two little balls, with a commonbase, made from the bone of some animal, which was hung round the neck, with a great many folds of small cord. And after the ceremony ofintroduction to the chiefs was over, they then appeared without theirred feathers, which are certainly considered here as a particular markof distinction, for none but themselves, and the young women who danced, assumed them. " "Some of the men were punctured all over the sides and back in anuncommon manner; and some of the women had the same ornament on theirlegs. But this method was confined to those who seemed to be of asuperior rank; and the men, in that case, were also generallydistinguished by their size and corpulence, unless very young. The womenof an advanced age had their hair cropped short; and many were cut inoblique lines all over the fore-part of the body; and some of thewounds, which formed rhomboidal figures, had been so lately inflicted, that the coagulated blood still remained in them. " "The wife of one of the chiefs appeared with her child, laid in a pieceof red cloth, which had been presented to her husband, and seemed tocarry it with great tenderness, suckling it much after the manner of ourwomen. Another chief introduced his daughter, who was young andbeautiful, but appeared with all the timidity natural to the sex, thoughshe gazed on us with a kind of anxious concern, that seemed to strugglewith her fear, and to express her astonishment at so unusual a sight. Others advanced with more firmness, and indeed were less reserved thanwe expected, but behaved with a becoming modesty. We did not observe anypersonal deformities amongst either sex, except in a few who had scarsof broad superficial ulcers remaining on the face and other parts. Inproportion to the number of people assembled, there appeared not manyold men or women; which may easily be accounted for, by supposing thatsuch as were in an advanced period of life, might neither have theinclination nor the ability to come from the more distant parts of theisland. On the other hand, the children were numerous; and both theseand the men climbed the trees to look at us when we were hid by thesurrounding crowd. " "About a third part of the men were armed with clubs and spears; andprobably these were only the persons who had come from a distance, asmany of them had small baskets, mats, and other things, fastened to theends of their weapons. The clubs were generally about six feet long, made of a hard black wood, lance-shaped at the end, but much broader, with the edge nicely scolloped, and the whole neatly polished. Others ofthem were narrower at the point, much shorter, and plain; and some wereeven so small as to be used with one hand. The spears were made of thesame wood, simply pointed, and, in general, above twelve feet long;though some were so short that they seemed intended to be thrown asdarts. " "The place where we were all the day was under the shade of varioustrees, in which they preserved their canoes from the sun. About eight orten of them were here, all double ones, that is, two single onesfastened together (as is usual throughout the whole extent of thePacific Ocean) by rafters lashed across. They were about twenty feetlong, about four feet deep, and the sides rounded with a plank raisedupon them, which was fastened strongly by means of withes. Two of thesecanoes were most curiously stained, or painted, all over with black, innumberless small figures, as squares, triangles, &c. And excelled by farany thing of that kind I had ever seen at any other island in thisocean. Our friends here, indeed, seemed to have exerted more skill indoing this than in puncturing their own bodies. The paddles were aboutfour feet long, nearly elliptical, but broader at the upper end than themiddle. Near the same place was a hut or shed, about thirty feet long, and nine or ten high, in which, perhaps, these boats are built; but atthis time it was empty. " "The greatest number of the trees around us were _cocoa-palms_, somesorts of _hibiscus_, a species of _euphorbia_, and, toward the sea, abundance of the same kind of trees we had seen at Mangeea NooeNainaiwa, and which seemed to surround the shores of the island in thesame manner. They are tall and slender, not much unlike a cypress, butwith bunches of long, round, articulated leaves. The natives call them_etoa_. On the ground we saw some grass, a species of _convolvulus_, anda good deal of _treacle-mustard_. There are also, doubtless, otherfruit-trees and useful plants which we did not see; for, besides severalsorts of _plantains_, they brought, at different times, roots which theycall _taro_, (the _coccos_ of other countries, ) a bread-fruit, and abasket of roasted nuts, of a kidney shape, in taste like a chesnut, butcoarser. " "What the soil of the island may be farther inland we could not tell, but toward the sea it is nothing more than a bank of coral, ten ortwelve feet high, steep and rugged, except where there are small sandybeaches at some clefts, where the ascent is gradual. The coral, thoughit has probably been exposed to the weather for many centuries, hasundergone no farther change than becoming black on the surface, which, from its irregularity, is not much unlike large masses of a burntsubstance. But, on breaking some pieces off, we found that, at the depthof two or three inches, it was just as fresh as the pieces that had beenlately thrown upon the beach by the waves. The reef, or rock, that linesthe shore entirely, runs to different breadths into the sea, where itends all at once, and becomes like a high, steep wall. It is nearly evenwith the surface of the water, and of a brown or brick colour; but thetexture is rather porous, yet sufficient to withstand the washing of thesurf which continually breaks upon it. " Though the landing of our gentlemen proved the means of enriching myjournal with the foregoing particulars, the principal object I had inview was, in a great measure, unattained; for the day was spent withoutgetting any one thing from the island worth mentioning. The natives, however, were gratified with a sight they never before had, andprobably will never have again. And mere curiosity seems to have beentheir chief motive for keeping the gentlemen under such restraint, andfor using every art to prolong their continuance amongst them. It has been mentioned that Omai was sent upon this expedition; andperhaps his being Mr Gore's interpreter was not the only service heperformed this day. He was asked by the natives a great many questionsconcerning us, our ships, our country, and the sort of arms we used;and, according to the account he gave me, his answers were not a littleupon the marvellous. As, for instance, he told them that our country hadships as large as their island, on board which were instruments of war(describing our guns) of such dimensions that several people might sitwithin them, and that one of them was sufficient to crush the wholeisland at one shot. This led them to enquire of him what sort of guns weactually had in our two ships. He said, that though they were but smallin comparison with those he had just described, yet, with such as theywere, we could, with the greatest ease, and at the distance the shipswere from the shore, destroy the island, and kill every soul in it. Theypersevered in their enquiries, to know by what means this could be done;and Omai explained the matter as well as he could. He happened luckilyto have a few cartridges in his pocket. These he produced; the balls, and the gunpowder which was to set them in motion, were submitted toinspection; and, to supply the defects of his description, an appeal wasmade to the senses of the spectators. It has been mentioned above, thatone of the chiefs had ordered the multitude to form themselves into acircle. This furnished Omai with a convenient stage for his exhibition. In the centre of this amphitheatre, the inconsiderable quantity ofgunpowder collected from his cartridges was properly disposed upon theground, and, by means of a bit of burning wood from the oven, wheredinner was dressing, set on fire. The sudden blast and loud report, themingled flame and smoke, that instantly succeeded, now filled the wholeassembly with astonishment. They no longer doubted the tremendous powerof our weapons, and gave full credit to all that Omai had said. If it had not been for the terrible ideas they conceived of the guns ofour ships, from this specimen of their mode of operation, it was thoughtthat they would have detained the gentlemen all night. For Omai assuredthem, that if he and his companions did not return on board the sameday, they might expect that I would fire upon the island. And as westood in nearer the land in the evening, than we had done any timebefore, of which position of the ships they were observed to take greatnotice, they probably thought we were meditating this formidable attack, and, therefore, suffered their guests to depart; under the expectation, however, of seeing them again on shore next morning. But I was toosensible of the risk they had already run, to think of a repetition ofthe experiment. This day, it seems, was destined to give Omai more occasions than one ofbeing brought forward to bear a principal part in its transactions. Theisland, though never before visited by Europeans, actually happened tohave other strangers residing in it; and it was entirely owing to Omai'sbeing one of Mr Gore's attendants, that this curious circumstance cameto our knowledge. Scarcely had he been landed upon the beach, when he found, amongst thecrowd there assembled, three of his own countrymen, natives of theSociety Islands. At the distance of about 200 leagues from thoseislands, an immense, unknown ocean intervening, with such wretchedsea-boats as their inhabitants are known to make use of, and fit onlyfor a passage where sight of land is scarcely ever lost, such a meeting, at such a place, so accidentally visited by us, may well be looked uponas one of those unexpected situations with which the writers of feignedadventures love to surprise their readers, and which, when they reallyhappen in common life, deserve to be recorded for their singularity. It may easily be guessed with what mutual surprise and satisfaction Omaiand his countrymen engaged in conversation. Their story, as related bythem, is an affecting one. About twenty persons in number, of bothsexes, had embarked on board a canoe at Otaheite, to cross over to theneighbouring island Ulietea. A violent contrary wind arising, they couldneither reach the latter nor get back to the former. Their intendedpassage being a very short one, their stock of provisions was scanty, and soon exhausted. The hardships they suffered, while driven along bythe storm they knew not whither, are not to be conceived. They passedmany days without having any thing to eat or drink. Their numbersgradually diminished, worn out by famine and fatigue. Four men onlysurvived when the canoe overset, and then the perdition of this smallremnant seemed inevitable. However, they kept hanging by the side oftheir vessel during some of the last days, till Providence brought themin sight of the people of this island, who immediately sent out canoes, took them off their wreck, and brought them ashore. Of the four who werethus saved, one was since dead. The other three, who lived to have thisopportunity of giving an account of their almost miraculoustransplantation, spoke highly of the kind treatment they here met with. And so well satisfied were they with their situation, that they refusedthe offer made to them by our gentlemen, at Omai's request, of givingthem a passage on board our ships, to restore them to their nativeislands. The similarity of manners and language had more thannaturalized them to this spot; and the fresh connexions which they hadhere formed, and which it would have been painful to have broken offafter such a length of time, sufficiently account for their declining torevisit the places of their birth. They had arrived upon this island atleast twelve years ago. For I learnt from Mr Anderson, that he foundthey knew nothing of Captain Wallis's visit to Otaheite in 1765, nor ofseveral other memorable occurrences, such as the conquest of Ulietea bythose of Bolabola, which had preceded the arrival of the Europeans. ToMr Anderson I am also indebted for their names, Orououte, Otirreroa, andTavee; the first born at Matavai in Otaheite, the second at Ulietea, andthe third at Huaheine. The landing of our gentlemen on this island, though they failed in theobject of it, cannot but be considered as a very fortunate circumstance. It has proved, as we have seen, the means of bringing to our knowledge amatter of fact, not only very curious, but very instructive. Theapplication of the above narrative is obvious. It will serve to explain, better than a thousand conjectures of speculative reasoners, how thedetached parts of the earth, and, in particular, how the islands of theSouth Sea, may have been first peopled, especially those that lie remotefrom any inhabited continent, or from each other. [154] [Footnote 154: Such accidents as this here related, probably happenfrequently in the Pacific Ocean. In 1696, two canoes, having on boardthirty persons of both sexes, were driven by contrary winds andtempestuous weather on the isle of Samal, one of the Philippines, afterbeing tossed about at sea seventy days, and having performed a voyagefrom an island called by them Arnorsot, 300 leagues to the E. Of Samal. Five of the number who had embarked died of the hardships sufferedduring this extraordinary passage. See a particular account of them, andof the islands they belonged to, in Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, tom. Xv. From p. 196 to p. 215. In the same volume, from p. 282 to p. 320, we have the relation of a similar adventure in 1721, when twocanoes, one containing twenty-four, and the other six, persons, men, women, and children, were driven from an island they called Farroilep, northward to the Isle of Guam, or Guahan, one of the Ladrones orMariannes. But these had not sailed so far as their countrymen whoreached Samal, as above, and they had been at sea only twenty days. There seems to be no reason to doubt the general authenticity of thesetwo relations. The information contained in the Letters of the Jesuitsabout these islands, now known under the name of the Carolines, anddiscovered to the Spaniards by the arrival of the canoes at Samal andGuam, has been adopted by all our later writers. See President deBrosse's Voyages aux Terres Australes, tom. Ii. From p. 443 to p. 490. See also the Modern Universal History. --D. ] This island is called Wateeoo by the natives. It lies in the latitude of20° 1' S. And in the longitude 201° 45' E. , and is about six leagues incircumference. It is a beautiful spot, with a surface composed of hillsand plains, and covered with verdure of many hues. Our gentlemen foundthe soil, where they passed the day, to be light and sandy. But fartherup the country, a different sort perhaps prevails, as we saw from theship, by the help of our glasses, a reddish cast upon the risinggrounds. There the inhabitants have their houses; for we could perceivetwo or three, which were long and spacious. Its produce, with theaddition of hogs, we found to be the same as at the last island we hadvisited, which the people of this, to whom we pointed out its position, called Owhavarouah, a name so different from Mangeea Nooe Nainaiwa, which we learnt from its own inhabitants, that it is highly probablyOwhavarouah is another island. From the circumstances already mentioned, it appears that Wateeoo can beof little use to any ship that wants refreshment, unless in a case ofthe most absolute necessity. The natives, knowing now the value of someof our commodities, might be induced to bring off fruits and hogs to aship standing off and on, or to boats lying off the reef, as ours did. It is doubtful, however, if any fresh water could be procured; for, though some was brought in cocoa-nut shells to the gentlemen, they weretold that it was at a considerable distance; and, probably, it is onlyto be met with in some stagnant pool, as no running stream was any whereseen. According to Omai's report of what he learnt in conversation with histhree countrymen, the manners of these islanders, their method oftreating strangers, and their general habits of life, are much likethose that prevail at Otaheite, and its neighbouring isles. Theirreligious ceremonies and opinions are also nearly the same. For, uponseeing one man who was painted all over of a deep black colour, andenquiring the reason, our gentlemen were told that he had lately beenpaying the last good offices to a deceased friend; and they found, thatit was upon similar occasions the women cut themselves, as alreadymentioned. From, every circumstance, indeed, it is indubitable, that thenatives of Wateeoo sprung originally from the same stock, which hathspread itself so wonderfully all over the immense extent of the SouthSea. One would suppose, however, that they put in their claim to a moreillustrious extraction; for Omai assured us, that they dignified theirisland with the appellation of _Wenooa no te Eatooa_, that is, A land ofgods; esteeming themselves a sort of divinities, and possessed with thespirit of the Eatooa. This wild enthusiastic notion Omai seemed much toapprove of, telling us there were instances of its being entertained atOtaheite, but that it was universally prevalent amongst the inhabitantsof Mataia, or Osnaburg Island. The language spoken at Wateeoo was equally well understood by Omai, andby our two New Zealanders. What its peculiarities may be, when comparedwith the other dialects, I am not able to point out; for, though MrAnderson had taken care to note down a specimen of it, the natives, whomade no distinction of the objects of their theft, stole the memorandumbook. SECTION III. _Wenooa-ette, or Otokootaia, visited. --Account of that Island, and ofits Produce. --Hervey's Island, or Terougge mou Attooa, found to beinhabited. --Transactions with the Natives, --Their Persons, Dress, Language, Canoes. --Fruitless Attempt to land there. --Reasons for bearingaway for the Friendly Islands. --Palmerston's Island touchedat. --Description of the two Places where the Boats landed. --Refreshmentsobtained there. --Conjectures on the Formation of such lowIslands. --Arrival at the Friendly Islands_. Light airs and calms having prevailed, by turns, all the night of the 3dof April, the easterly swell had carried the ships some distance fromWateeoo before day-break. But as I had failed in my object of procuringat that place some effectual supply, I saw no reason for staying thereany longer. I therefore quitted it, without regret, and steered, for theneighbouring island, which, as has been mentioned, we discovered threedays before. With a gentle breeze at E. We got up with it before ten o'clock in themorning, and I immediately dispatched Mr Gore, with two boats, toendeavour to land, and get some food for our cattle. As there seemed tobe no inhabitants here to obstruct our taking away whatever we mightthink proper, I was confident of his being able to make amends for ourlate disappointment, if the landing could be effected. There was a reefhere surrounding the land as at Wateeoo, and a considerable surfbreaking against the rocks. Notwithstanding which, our boats no soonerreached the lee, or west side of the island, but they ventured in, andMr Gore and his party got safe on shore. I could, from the ship, seethat they had succeeded so far, and I immediately sent a small boat toknow what farther assistance was wanting. She did not return till threeo'clock in the afternoon, having waited to take in a lading of whatuseful produce the island afforded. As soon as she was cleared, she wassent again for another cargo; the jolly boat was also dispatched, and MrGore was ordered to be on board, with all the boats, before night, whichwas complied with. The supply obtained here consisted of about a hundred cocoa nuts foreach ship; and, besides this refreshment for ourselves, we got for ourcattle some grass, and a quantity of the leaves and branches of youngcocoa-trees, and of the _wharra_-tree, as it is called at Otaheite, the_pandanus_ of the East Indies. This latter being of a soft, spungy, juicy nature, the cattle eat it very well when cut into small pieces; sothat it might be said, without any deviation from truth, that we fedthem upon billet wood. This island lies in the latitude of 19° 51' S. And the longitude of 201°37' E, about three or four leagues from Wateeoo, the inhabitants ofwhich called it Otakootaia; and sometimes they spoke of it under theappellation of Wenooa-ette, which signifies little island. Mr Anderson, who was on shore with our party, and walked round it, guessed that itcould not be much more than three miles in circuit. From him I alsolearned the following particulars: The beach, within the reef, iscomposed of a white coral sand, above which the land within does notrise above six or seven feet, and is covered with a light reddish soil, but is entirely destitute of water. The only common trees found there were cocoa-palms, of which there wereseveral clusters, and vast numbers of the _wharra_. There was likewisethe _callophyllum, suriana, guettarda_, a species of _tournefortia_, and_tabernae montanae_, with a few other shrubs, and some of the _etoa_tree seen at Wateeoo. A sort of bind-weed over-ran the vacant spaces, except in some places, where was found a considerable quantity of_treacle-mustard_, a species of _spurge_, with a few other small plants, and the _morinda citrifolia_, the fruit of which is eaten by the nativesof Otaheite in times of scarcity. Omai, who had landed with the party, dressed some of it for their dinner, but it proved very indifferent. The only bird seen amongst the trees was a beautiful cuckoo, of achesnut brown, variegated with black, which was shot. But upon the shorewere some egg-birds; a small sort of curlew; blue and white herons; anda great number of noddies; which last, at this time, laid their eggs alittle farther up on the ground, and often rested on the wharra-tree. One of our people caught a lizard of a most forbidding aspect, thoughsmall, running up a tree; and many of another sort were seen. The bushestoward the sea were frequented by infinite cumbers of a sort of moth, elegantly speckled with red, black, and white. There were also severalother sorts of moths, as well as some pretty butterflies, and a fewother insects. Though there were, at this time, no fixed inhabitants upon the island, indubitable marks remained of its being at least occasionallyfrequented. In particular, a few empty huts were found. There were alsoseveral large stones erected, like monuments, under the shade of sometrees, and several spaces inclosed with smaller ones, where, probably, the dead had been buried. And, in one place, a great many cockle-shells, of a particular sort, finely grooved, and larger than the first, were tobe seen; from which it was reasonable to conjecture, that the island hadbeen visited by persons who feed partly on shell-fish. In one of thehuts Mr Gore left a hatchet and some nails, to the full value of what wetook away. As soon as the boats were hoisted in, I made sail again to thenorthward, with a light air of wind easterly, intending to try ourfortune at Hervey's Island, which was discovered in 1773, during my lastvoyage. Although it was not above fifteen leagues distant, yet we didnot get sight of it till day-break in the morning of the 6th, when itbore W. S. W. At the distance of about three leagues. As we drew near it, at eight o'clock, we observed several canoes put off from the shore, andthey came directly toward the ships. This was a sight that indeedsurprised me, as no signs of inhabitants were seen when the island wasfirst discovered; which might be owing to a pretty brisk wind that thenblew, and prevented their canoes venturing out as the ships passed toleeward, whereas now we were to windward. As we still kept on toward the island, six or seven of the canoes, alldouble ones, soon came near us. There were from three to six men in eachof them. They stopped at the distance of about a stone's throw from theship, and it was some time before Omai could prevail upon them to comealong-side; but no entreaties could induce any of them to venture onboard. Indeed, their disorderly and clamorous behaviour by no meansindicated a disposition to trust us, or treat us well. We afterwardlearnt that they had attempted to take some oars out of the Discovery'sboat, that lay along-side, and struck a man who endeavoured to preventthem. They also cut away, with a shell, a net with meat, which hung overthat ship's stern, and absolutely refused to restore it, though weafterward purchased it from them. Those who were about our ship behavedin the same daring manner; for they made a sort of hook of a longstick, with which they endeavoured openly to rob us of several things, and, at last, actually got a frock, belonging to one of our people thatwas towing, overboard. At the same time they immediately shewed aknowledge of bartering, and sold some fish they had (amongst which wasan extraordinary flounder, spotted like porphyry, and a cream-colouredeel, spotted with black) for small nails, of which they wereimmoderately fond, and called them _goore_. But, indeed, they caughtwith the greatest avidity bits of paper, or any thing else that wasthrown to them; and if what was thrown fell into the sea, they made noscruple to swim after it. These people seemed to differ as much in person as in disposition fromthe natives of Wateeoo, though the distance between the two islands isnot very great. Their colour was of a deeper cast; and several had afierce, rugged aspect, resembling the natives of New Zealand, but somewere fairer. They had strong black hair, which, in general, they woreeither hanging loose about the shoulders, or tied in a bunch on thecrown of the head. Some, however, had it cropped pretty short; and intwo or three of them it was of a brown or reddish colour. Their onlycovering was a narrow piece of mat, wrapt several times round the lowerpart of the body, and which passed between the thighs; but a fine cap ofred feathers was seen lying in one of the canoes. The shell of apearl-oyster polished, and hung about the neck, was the only ornamentalfashion that we observed amongst them, for not one of them had adoptedthat mode of ornament so generally prevalent amongst the natives of thisocean, of puncturing, or _tatooing_, their bodies. Though singular in this, we had the most unequivocal proofs of theirbeing of the same common race. Their language approached still nearer tothe dialect of Otaheite than that of Wateeoo or Mangeea. Like theinhabitants of these two islands, they enquired from whence our shipscame, and whither bound, who was our chief, the number of our men onboard, and even the ship's name. And they very readily answered suchquestions as we proposed to them. Amongst other things, they told usthey had seen two great ships like ours before, but that they had notspoken with them as they sailed past. There can be no doubt that thesewere the Resolution and Adventure. We learnt from them, that the nameof their island is Terouggemon Atooa, and that they were subject toTeerevatooeah, king of Wateeoo. [155] According to the account that theygave, their articles of food are cocoa-nuts, fish, and turtle; theisland not producing plantains, or bread-fruit, and being destitute ofhogs and dogs. Their canoes, of which near thirty were, at one time, insight, are pretty large, and well built. In the construction of thestern, they bear some resemblance to those of Wateeoo; and the headprojects out nearly in the same manner, but the extremity is turned upinstead of down. [Footnote 155: The reader will observe, that this name bears littleaffinity to anyone of the names of the three chiefs of Wateeoo, aspreserved by Mr Anderson. --D. ] Having but very little wind, it was one o'clock before we drew near theN. W. Part of the island, the only part where there seemed to be anyprobability of finding anchorage for our ships, or a landing-place forour boats. In this position I sent Lieutenant King, with two armedboats, to sound and reconnoitre the coast, while we stood off and onwith the ships. The instant the boats were hoisted out, our visitors inthe canoes, who had remained alongside all the while, bartering theirlittle trifles, suspended their traffic, and, pushing for the shore asfast as they could, came near us no more. At three o'clock the boats returned, and Mr King informed me, "Thatthere was no anchorage for the ships, and that the boats could only landon the outer edge of the reef, which lay about a quarter of a mile fromthe dry land. He said that a number of the natives came down upon thereef, armed with long pikes and clubs, as if they intended to oppose hislanding. And yet, when he drew near enough, they threw some cocoa-nutsto our people, and invited them to come on shore, though, at the verysame time, he observed that the women were very busy bringing down afresh supply of spears and darts. But, as he had no motive to land, hedid not give them an opportunity to use them. " Having received this report, I considered, that, as the ships could notbe brought to an anchor, we should find that the attempt to procuregrass here would occasion much delay, as well as be attended with somedanger. Besides, we were equally in want of water; and though theinhabitants had told us that there was water on their island, yet weneither knew in what quantity, nor from what distance we might beobliged to fetch it. And, after all, supposing no other obstruction, wewere sure, that to get over the reef would be an operation equallydifficult and tedious. Being thus disappointed at all the islands we had met with since ourleaving New Zealand, and the unfavourable winds, and other unforeseencircumstances, having unavoidably retarded our progress so much, it wasnow impossible to think of doing any thing this year in the highlatitudes of the northern hemisphere, from which we were still at sogreat a distance, though the season for our operations there was alreadybegun. In this situation it was absolutely necessary to pursue suchmeasures as were most likely to preserve the cattle we had on board inthe first place; and, in the next place, (which was still a more capitalobject, ) to save the stores and provisions of the ships, that we mightbe better enabled to prosecute our northern discoveries, which could notnow commence till a year later than was originally intended. If I had been so fortunate as to have procured a supply of water and ofgrass at any of the islands we had lately visited, it was my purpose tohave stood back to the S. Till I had met with a westerly wind. But thecertain consequence of doing this, without such a supply, would havebeen the loss of all the cattle, before we could possibly reachOtaheite, without gaining any one advantage with regard to the greatobject of our voyage. I therefore determined to bear away for the Friendly Islands, where Iwas sure of meeting with abundance of every thing I wanted; and it beingnecessary to run in the night as well as in the day, I ordered CaptainClerke to keep about a league a-head of the Resolution. I used thisprecaution because his ship could best claw off the land; and it wasvery possible we might fall in with some in our passage. The longitude of Hervey's Island, when first discovered, deduced fromOtaheite, by the time-keeper, was found to be 201° 6' E. , and now, bythe same time-keeper, deduced from Queen Charlotte's Sound, 200° 56' E. Hence I conclude, that the error of the time-keeper, at this time, didnot exceed twelve miles in longitude. When we bore away, I steered W. By S. With a fine breeze easterly. Iproposed to proceed first to Middleburgh, or Eooa, thinking, if the windcontinued favourable, that we had food enough on board for the cattle tolast till we should reach that island. But, about noon next day, thosefaint breezes that had attended and retarded us so long, again returned;and I found it necessary to haul more to the N. To get into thelatitude of Palmerston's and Savage Islands, discovered in 1774, duringmy last voyage, that, if necessity required it, we might have recourseto them. This day, in order to save our water, I ordered the still to be kept atwork from six o'clock in the morning to four in the afternoon, duringwhich time we procured from thirteen to sixteen gallons of fresh water. There has been lately made some improvement, as they are pleased to callit, of this machine, which, in my opinion, is much for the, worse. These light breezes continued till the 10th, when we had, for somehours, the wind blowing fresh from the N. And N. N. W. , being then in thelatitude of 18° 38', and longitude 198° 24' E. In the afternoon we hadsome thunder squalls from the S. Attended with heavy rain; of whichwater we collected enough to fill five puncheons. After these squallshad blown over, the wind came round to the N. E. And N. W. , being veryunsettled both in strength and in position till about noon the next day, when it fixed at N. W. And N. N. W. And blew a fresh breeze, with fairweather. Thus were we persecuted with a wind in our teeth whichever way wedirected our course; and we had the additional mortification to findhere those very winds which we had reason to expect 8° or 10° farther S. They came too late, for I durst not trust their continuance; and theevent proved that I judged right. At length, at day-break in the morning of the 13th, we saw PalmerstonIsland, bearing W. By S. Distant about five leagues. However, we did notget up with it till eight o'clock the next morning. I then sent fourboats, three from the Resolution and one from the Discovery, with anofficer in each, to search the coast for the most convenientlanding-place. For now we were under an absolute necessity of procuringfrom this island some food for the cattle, otherwise we must have lostthem. What is comprehended under the name of Palmerston's Island, is a groupof small islets, of which there are in the whole nine or ten, lying in acircular direction, and connected together, by a reef of coral rocks. The boats first examined the south-easternmost of the islets whichcompose this group, and, failing there, ran down to the second, where wehad the satisfaction to see them land. I then bore down with the shipstill abreast of the place, and there we kept standing off and on; for nobottom was to be found to anchor upon, which was not of muchconsequence, as the party who had landed from our boats were the onlyhuman beings upon the island. About one o'clock one of the boats came on board, laden withscurvy-grass and young cocoa-nut trees, which, at this time, was a feastfor the cattle. The same boat brought a message from Mr Gore, whocommanded the party, informing me that there was plenty of such produceupon the island, as also of the wharra tree, and some cocoa-nuts. Thisdetermined me to get a good supply of these articles before I quittedthis station, and, before evening, I went ashore in a small boat, accompanied by Captain Clerke. We found every body hard at work, and the landing place to be in a smallcreek, formed by the reef, of something more than a boat's length inevery direction, and covered from the force of the sea by rocksprojecting out on each side of it. The island is scarcely a mile incircuit, and not above three feet higher than the level of the sea. Itappeared to be composed entirely of a coral sand, with a small mixtureof blackish mould, produced from rotten vegetables. Notwithstanding thispoor soil, it is covered with trees and bushes of the same kind as atWanooa-ette, though with less variety; and amongst these are some cocoapalms. Upon the trees or bushes that front the sea, or even farther in, we found a great number of men-of-war birds, tropic birds, and two sortsof boobies, which at this time were laying their eggs, and so tame, thatthey suffered us to take them off with our hands. Their nests were onlya few sticks loosely put together; and the tropic birds laid their eggson the ground, under the trees. These differ much from the common sort, being entirely of a most splendid white, slightly tinged with red, andhaving the two long tail-feathers of a deep crimson or blood colour. Ofeach sort our people killed a considerable number; and, though not themost delicate food, they were acceptable enough to us who had been longconfined to a salt diet, and who, consequently, could not but be glad ofthe most indifferent variety. We met with vast numbers of red crabs, creeping about every where amongst the trees; and we caught severalfish that had been left in holes upon the reef when the sea retired. At one part of the reef, which looks into, or bounds, the lake that iswithin, there was a large bed of coral, almost even with the surface, which afforded, perhaps, one of the most enchanting prospects thatnature has any where produced. Its base was fixed to the shore, butreached so far in that it could not be seen; so that it seemed to besuspended in the water, which deepened so suddenly, that at the distanceof a few yards there might be seven or eight fathoms. The sea was atthis time quite unruffled; and the sun shining bright, exposed thevarious sorts of coral in the most beautiful order; some parts branchinginto the water with great luxuriance; others lying collected in roundballs, and in various other figures;--all which were greatly heightenedby spangles of the richest colours, that glowed from a number of largeclams, which were every where interspersed: But the appearance of thesewas still inferior to that of the multitude of fishes that glided gentlyalong, seemingly with the most perfect security. The colours of thedifferent sorts were the most beautiful that can be imagined, theyellow, blue, red, black, &c. Far exceeding any thing that art canproduce. Their various forms, also, contributed to increase the richnessof this submarine grotto, which could not be surveyed without a pleasingtransport, mixed however with regret, that a work so stupendouslyelegant should be concealed in a place where mankind could seldom havean opportunity of rendering the praises justly due to so enchanting ascene. [156] [Footnote 156: How beautifully does Captain Cook's descriptionillustrate those lines of Dr Young-- --Such blessings Nature pours, O'erstock'd mankind enjoy but half her stores; In distant wilds, by human eyes unseen, She rears her flowers, and spreads her velvet green: Pure gurgling rills the lonely desert trace, And waste their music on the savage race. Gray has a similar thought in His inimitable elegy, which every readerwill immediately recollect. Can it be imagined, that nature, which doesnothing in vain, nor indeed without a reference to the being who iseminently signalized as lord of the lower creation, has been at pains todecorate these spots, but in anticipation, if one may use theexpression, of the praise and enjoyment which their loveliness will sometime or other occasion? He that remembers the nature and formation ofthe coral isles in the southern-ocean, will at once conjecture that theGreat Architect is raising up the materials of a new world, which, fromaught we can yet perceive, will not less indicate his power and goodnessthan that which we now inhabit. How readily, then, can imaginationfashion out the future destiny of our globe, on the supposition that theconflagration by which its presently inhabited portions are expected tobe destroyed, shall not be so complete as to annihilate it from theuniverse! Or, believing what is usually understood, by that event, onthe authority of scripture, how clearly can reason deduce from presentappearances certain minor, but nevertheless immense, changes, which itmay undergo previous to this final dissolution! But the reader, it isprobable, will not chuse to venture on so terrific an excursion, andthere is a motive for caution with respect to it, with which it may notbe amiss to apprise the too zealous enquirer. The fact is, that none ofthe causes which we know to be now operating on our globe, seem at alladequate to account for all the changes it has already undergone. Wemay, therefore, very fairly infer, that an indefinite allowance must begranted to exterior interference of some sort or other, the agency ofwhich may altogether subvert whatever is now known to exist. --SeeCuvier's Essay, lately published at Edinburgh. --E. ] There were no traces of inhabitants having ever been here, if we excepta small piece of a canoe that was found upon the beach, which, probably, may have drifted from some other island. But, what is prettyextraordinary, we saw several small brown rats on this spot, acircumstance, perhaps, difficult to account for, unless we allow thatthey were imported in the canoe of which we saw the remains. After the boats were laden I returned on board, leaving Mr Gore, with aparty, to pass the night on shore, in order to be ready to go to workearly the next morning. That day, being the 15th, was accordingly spent as the preceding one hadbeen, in collecting and bringing on board food for the cattle, consisting chiefly of palm-cabbage, young cocoa-nut trees, and thetender branches of the wharra tree. Having got a sufficient supply ofthese by sun-set, I ordered every body on board. But having little or nowind, I determined to wait, and to employ the next day by endeavouringto get some cocoa-nuts for our people from the next island to leeward, where we could observe that those trees were in much greater abundancethan upon that where we had already landed, and where only the wants ofour cattle had been relieved. With this view I kept standing off and on all night, and in the morning, between eight and nine o'clock, I went with the boats to the W. Side ofthe island, and landed with little difficulty. I immediately set thepeople with me to work to gather cocoa-nuts, which we found in greatabundance. But to get them to our boats was a tedious operation, for wewere obliged to carry them at least half a mile over the reef up to themiddle in water. Omai, who was with me, caught, with a scoop net, in avery short time, as much fish as served the whole party on shore fordinner, besides sending some to both ships. Here were also greatabundance of birds, particularly men-of-war and tropic birds, so that wefared sumptuously. And it is but doing justice to Omai to say, that inthese excursions to the uninhabited islands he was of the greatest use;for he not only caught the fish, but dressed these, and the birds wekilled, in an oven with heated stones, after the fashion of his country, with a dexterity and good-humour that did him great credit. The boatsmade two trips before night, well laden: With the last I returned onboard, leaving Mr Williamson, my third lieutenant, with a party of men, to prepare another lading for the boats, which I proposed to send nextmorning. I accordingly dispatched them at seven o'clock; and they returned ladenby noon. No time was lost in sending them back for another cargo; andthey carried orders for every body to be on board by sunset. This beingcomplied with, we hoisted in the boats and made sail to the westward, with a light air of wind from the N. We found this islet near a half larger than the other, and almostentirely covered with cocoa-palms, the greatest part of which aboundedwith excellent nuts, having often both old and young on the same tree. They were, indeed, too thick in many places to grow with freedom. Theother productions were, in general, the same as at the other islet. Twopieces of board, one of which was rudely carved, with an ellipticalpaddle, were found on the beach. Probably these had belonged to the samecanoe, the remains of which were seen on the other beach, as the twoislets are not above half a mile apart. A young turtle had also beenlately thrown ashore here; as it was still full of maggots. There werefewer crabs than at the last place; but we found some scorpions, a fewother insects, and a greater number of fish upon the reefs. Amongstthese were some large eels, beautifully spotted, which, when followed, would raise themselves out of the water, and endeavour with an openmouth to bite their pursuers. The other sorts were chiefly parrot-fish, snappers, and a brown spotted rock-fish, about the size of a haddock, sotame, that instead of swimming away, it would remain fixed and gaze atus. Had we been in absolute want, a sufficient supply might have beenhad; for thousands of the clams, already mentioned, stuck upon the reef, some of which weighed two or three pounds. There were, besides, someother sorts of shell-fish, particularly the large periwinkle. When thetide flowed several sharks came in over the reef, some of which ourpeople killed, but they rendered it rather dangerous to walk in thewater at that time. The party who were left on shore with Mr Williamson, were a good dealpestered (as Mr Gore's had been) with musquitoes in the night. Some ofthem, in their excursions, shot two curlews, exactly like those ofEngland, and saw some plovers, or sand-pipers, upon the shore; but inthe wood no other bird, besides one or two of the cuckoos that were seenat Wenooa-ette. Upon the whole, we did not spend our time unprofitably at this lastislet, for we got there about twelve hundred cocoa-nuts, which wereequally divided amongst the whole crew, and were, doubtless, of greatuse to them, both on account of the juice and of the kernel. A ship, therefore, passing this way, if the weather be moderate, may expect tosucceed as we did. But there is no water upon either of the islets wherewe landed. Were that article to be had, and a passage could be got intothe lake, as we may call it, surrounded by the reef, where a ship couldanchor, I should prefer this to any of the inhabited islands, if theonly want were refreshment. For the quantity of fish that might beprocured would be sufficient, and the people might roam about unmolestedby the petulance of any inhabitants. The nine or ten low islets, comprehended under the name of Palmerston'sIsland, may be reckoned the heads or summits of the reef of coral rockthat connects them together, covered only with a thin coat of sand, yetclothed, as already observed, with trees and plants, most of which areof the same sorts that are found on the low grounds of the high islandsof this ocean. There are different opinions amongst ingenious theorists concerning theformation of such low islands as Palmerston's. Some will have it, thatin remote times these little separate heads or islets were joined, andformed one continued and more elevated tract of land, which the sea, inthe revolution of ages, has washed away, leaving only the highergrounds; which, in time also, will, according to this theory, share thesame fate. Another conjecture is, that they have been thrown up byearthquakes, and are the effect of internal convulsions of the globe. Athird opinion, and which appears to me as the most probable one, maintains, that they are formed from shoals or coral banks, and, ofconsequence, increasing. Without mentioning the several arguments madeuse of in support of each of these systems, I shall only describe suchparts of Palmerston's Island as fell under my own observation when Ilanded upon it. The foundation is every where a coral rock; the soil is coral sand, withwhich the decayed vegetables have but in a few places intermixed, so asto form any thing like mould. From this a very strong presumption may bedrawn, that these little spots of land are not of very ancient date, northe remains of larger islands now buried in the ocean; for, upon eitherof these suppositions, more mould must have been formed, or some part ofthe original soil would have remained. Another circumstance confirmedthis doctrine of the increase of these islets. We found upon them, farbeyond the present reach of the sea even in the most violent storms, elevated coral rocks, which, on examination, appeared to have beenperforated in the same manner that the rocks are that now compose theouter edge of the reef. This evidently shews that the sea had formerlyreached so far; and some of these perforated rocks were almost in thecentre of the land. But the strongest proof of the increase, and from the cause we haveassigned, was the gentle gradation observable in the plants round theskirts of the islands; from within a few inches of high-water mark tothe edge of the wood. In many places, the divisions of the plants ofdifferent growths were very distinguishable, especially on the lee orwest side. This I apprehend to have been the operation of extraordinaryhigh tides, occasioned by violent, accidental gales from the westward, which have heaped up the sand beyond the reach of common tides. Theregular and gentle operation of these latter, again, throw up sandenough to form a barrier against the next extraordinary high tide orstorm, so as to prevent its reaching as far as the former had done, anddestroying the plants that may have begun to vegetate from cocoa-nuts, roots, and seed brought thither by birds, or thrown up by the sea. This, doubtless, happens very frequently, for we found many cocoa-nuts, andsome other things, just sprouting up, only a few inches beyond where thesea reaches at present, in places where it was evident they could nothave had their origin from those farther in, already arrived at theirfull growth. At the same time, the increase of vegetables will add fastto the height of this new-created land, as the fallen leaves and brokenbranches are, in such a climate, soon converted into a true black mouldor soil. [157] [Footnote 157: Mr Anderson, in his journal, mentions the followingparticulars relative to Palmerston's Island, which strongly confirmCaptain Cook's opinion about its formation. "On the last of the twoislets, where we landed, the trees, being in great numbers, had alreadyformed, by their rotten parts, little risings or eminences, which intime, from the same cause, may become small hills. Whereas, on the firstislet, the trees being less numerous, no such thing had as yet happened. Nevertheless, on that little spot the manner of formation was moreplainly pointed out; for, adjoining to it was a small isle, which haddoubtless been very lately formed, as it was not as yet covered with anytrees, but had a great many shrubs, some of which were growing amongpieces of coral that the sea had thrown up. There was still a more sureproof of this method of formation a little farther on, where two patchesof sand, about fifty yards long, and a foot or eighteen inches high, layupon the reef, but not as yet furnished with a single bush or tree. "--D. In a former volume we quoted a passage from Dr Forster's observationsrespecting the formation of coral islands. Captain Flinders gives asimilar account in vol. Ii. P. 114, of his voyage, drawn up from his ownobservations on Half-way Island, on the north coast of Terra Australis. It is too long for this place. The reader will find it transcribed, together with Forster's, in the notes to the translation of Cuvier'swork, already referred to. --E. ] Perhaps there is another cause, which, if allowed, will accelerate theincrease of these islands as much as any other, and will also accountfor the sea having receded from those elevated rocks before mentioned. This is the spreading of the coral bank, or reef, into the sea, which, in my opinion, is continually, though imperceptibly, effected. The wavesreceding, as the reef grows in breadth and height, leave a dry rockbehind, ready for the reception of the broken coral and sand, and everyother deposit necessary for the formation of land fit for the vegetationof plants. In this manner, there is little doubt, that in time the whole reef willbecome one island; and, I think, it will extend gradually inward, eitherfrom the increase of the islets already formed, or from the formation ofnew ones upon the beds of coral within the inclosed lake, if once theyincrease so as to rise above the level of the sea. After leaving Palmerston's Island, I steered W. , with a view to make thebest of my way to Annamooka. We still continued to have variable winds, frequently between the N. And W. , with squalls, some thunder, and muchrain. During these showers, which were generally very copious, we saveda considerable quantity of water; and finding that we could get agreater supply by the rain in one hour than we could get by distillationin a month, I laid aside the still as a thing attended with more troublethan profit. The heat, which had been great for about a month, became now much moredisagreeable in this close rainy weather; and, from the moistureattending it, threatened soon to be noxious, as the ships could not bekept dry, nor the skuttles open, for the sea. However, it is remarkableenough, that though the only refreshment we had received since leavingthe Cape of Good Hope was that at New Zealand, there was not as yet asingle person on board sick from the constant use of salt food, orvicissitude of climate. In the night between the 24th and 25th we passed Savage Island, which Ihad discovered in 1774; and on the 28th, at ten o'clock in the morning, we got sight of the islands which lie to the eastward of Annamooka, bearing N. By W. About four or five leagues distant. I steered to the S. Of these islands, and then hauled up for Annamooka, which, at four inthe afternoon, bore N. W. By N. , Fallafajeea S. W. By S. , and Komango N. By W. , distant about five miles. The weather being squally, with rain, Ianchored, at the approach of night, in fifteen fathoms deep water, overa bottom of coral-sand and shells, Komango bearing N. W. About twoleagues distant. SECTION IV. _Intercourse with the Natives of Komango, and other Islands. --Arrival atAnnamooka. --Transactions there. --Feenou, a principal Chief, fromTongataboo, comes on a Visit. --The Manner of his Reception in theIsland, and on board. --Instances of the pilfering Disposition of theNatives. --Some Account of Annamooka. --The Passage from it to Hapaee_. Soon after we had anchored, (April 28) two canoes, the one with four, and the other with three men, paddled toward us, and came alongsidewithout the least hesitation. They brought some cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, plantains, and sugar-cane, which they bartered with us for nails. One ofthe men came on board; and when these canoes had left us, anothervisited us; but did not stay long, as night was approaching. Komango, the island nearest to us, was, at least, five miles off; which shews thehazard these people would run, in order to possess a few of our mosttrifling articles. Besides this supply from the shore, we caught, thisevening, with hooks and lines, a considerable quantity of fish. Next morning, at four o'clock, I sent Lieutenant King, with two boats, to Komango, to procure refreshments; and, at five, made the signal toweigh, in order to ply up to Annamooka, the wind being unfavourable atN. W. It was no sooner day-light, than we were visited by six or seven canoesfrom different islands, bringing with them, besides fruits and roots, two pigs, several fowls, some large wood-pigeons, small rails, and largeviolet-coloured coots. All these they exchanged with us for beads, nails, hatchets, &c. They had also other articles of commerce; such aspieces of their cloth, fish-hooks, small baskets, musical reeds, andsome clubs, spears, and bows. But I ordered, that no curiosities shouldbe purchased, till the ships should be supplied with provisions, andleave given for that purpose. Knowing also, from experience, that, ifall our people might trade with the natives, according to their owncaprice, perpetual quarrels would ensue, I ordered that particularpersons should manage the traffic both on board and on shore, prohibiting all others to interfere. Before mid-day, Mr King's boatreturned with seven hogs, some fowls, a quantity of fruit and roots forourselves, and some grass for the cattle. His party was very civillytreated at Komango. The inhabitants did not seem to be numerous; andtheir huts, which stood close to each other, within a plantain wall, were but indifferent. Not far from them was a pretty large pond of freshwater, tolerably good; but there was not any appearance of a stream. With Mr King, came on board the chief of the island, namedTouboulangee; and another, whose name was Taipa. They brought with thema hog, as a present to me, and promised more the next day. As soon as the boats were aboard, I stood for Annamooka; and the windbeing scant, I intended to go between Annamooka-ette, [158] and thebreakers to the S. E. Of it. But, on drawing near, we met with veryirregular soundings, varying, every cast, ten or twelve fathoms. Thisobliged me to give up the design, and to go to the southward of all;which carried us to leeward, and made it necessary to spend the nightunder sail. It was very dark; and we had the wind, from every direction, accompanied with heavy showers of rain. So that, at day-light the nextmorning, we found ourselves much farther off than we had been theevening before; and the little wind that now blew, was right in ourteeth. [Footnote 158: That is, Little Annamooka. ] We continued to ply, all day, to very little purpose; and, in theevening, anchored in thirty-nine fathoms water; the bottom coral rocks, and broken shells; the west point of Annamooka bearing E. N. E. , fourmiles distant. Touboulangee and Taipa kept their promise, and broughtoff to me some hogs. Several others were also procured by bartering, from different canoes that followed us; and as much fruit as we couldwell manage. It was remarkable, that, during the whole day, our visitorsfrom the islands would hardly part with any of their commodities to anybody but me. Captain Clerke did not get above one or two hogs. At four o'clock next morning, I ordered a boat to be hoisted out, andsent the master to sound the S. W. Side of Annamooka; where thereappeared to be a harbour, formed by the island on the N. E. , and by smallislets, and shoals, to the S. W. And S. E. In the mean time, the shipswere got under sail, and wrought up to the island. When the masterreturned, he reported, that he had sounded between Great and LittleAnnamooka, where he found ten and twelve fathoms depth of water, thebottom coral sand; that the place was very well sheltered from allwinds; but that there was no fresh water to be found, except at somedistance inland; and that, even there, little of it was to be got, andthat little not good. For this reason only, and it was a verysufficient one, I determined to anchor on the north side of the island, where, during my last voyage, I had found a place fit both for wateringand landing. It was not above a league distant; and yet we did not reach it till fiveo'clock in the afternoon, being considerably retarded by the greatnumber of canoes that continually crowded round the ships, bringing tous abundant supplies of the produce of their island. Amongst thesecanoes there were some double ones, with a large sail, that carriedbetween forty and fifty men each. These sailed round us, apparently, with the same ease as if we had been at anchor. There were several womenin the canoes, who were, perhaps, incited by curiosity to visit us;though, at the same time, they bartered as eagerly as the men, and usedthe paddle with equal labour and dexterity; I came to an anchor ineighteen fathoms water, the bottom coarse coral sand; the islandextending from E. To S. W. ; and the W. Point of the westernmost coveS. E. , about three quarters of a mile distant. Thus I resumed the verysame station which I had occupied when I visited Annamooka three yearsbefore; and, probably, almost in the same place where Tasman, the firstdiscoverer of this, and some of the neighbouring islands, anchored in1643. The following day, while preparations were making for watering, I wentashore, in the forenoon, accompanied by Captain Clerke, and some of theofficers, to fix on a place where the observatories might be set up, anda guard be stationed; the natives having readily given us leave. Theyalso accommodated us with a boat-house, to serve as a tent, and shewedus every other mark of civility. Toobou, the chief of the island, conducted me and Omai to his house. We found it situated on a pleasantspot, in the centre of his plantation. A fine grass-plot surrounded it, which, he gave us to understand, was for the purpose of cleaning theirfeet, before they went within doors. I had not, before, observed such aninstance of attention to cleanliness at any of the places I had visitedin this ocean; but, afterward, found that it was very common at theFriendly Islands. The floor of Toobou's house was covered with mats; andno carpet, in the most elegant English drawing-room, could be keptneater. While we were on shore, we procured a few hogs, and some fruit, by bartering; and, before we got on board again, the ships were crowdedwith the natives. Few of them coming empty-handed, every necessaryrefreshment was now in the greatest plenty. I landed again in the afternoon, with a party of marines; and, at thesame time, the horses, and such of the cattle as were in a weakly state, were sent on shore. Every thing being settled to my satisfaction, Ireturned to the ship at sunset, leaving the command upon the island toMr King. Taipa, who was now become our fast friend, and who seemed to bethe only active person about us, in order to be near our party in thenight, as well as the day, had a house brought, on men's shoulders, afull quarter of a mile, and placed close to the shed which our partyoccupied. Next day, our various operations on shore began. Some were employed inmaking hay for the cattle; others in filling our water-casks at theneighbouring stagnant pool; and a third party in cutting wood. Thegreatest plenty of this last article being abreast of the ships, and ina situation the most convenient for getting it on board, it was naturalto make choice of this. But the trees here, which our people erroneouslysupposed to be manchineel, but were a species of pepper, called_faitanoo_ by the natives, yielded a juice of a milky colour, of socorrosive a nature, that it raised blisters on the skin, and injured theeyes of our workmen. They were, therefore, obliged to desist at thisplace, and remove to the cove, in which our guard was stationed, andwhere we embarked our water. Other wood, more suitable to our purposes, was there furnished to us by the natives. These were not the onlyemployments we were engaged in, for Messrs King and Bayly began, thisday, to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order to get the rate ofthe timekeepers. In the evening, before the natives retired from ourpost, Taipa harangued them for some time. We could only guess at thesubject; and judged, that he was instructing them how to behave towardus, and encouraging them to bring the produce of the island to market. We experienced the good effects of his eloquence, in the plentifulsupply of provisions which, next day, we received. Nothing worth notice happened on the 4th and 5th, except that, on theformer of these days, the Discovery lost her small bower-anchor, thecable being cut in two by the rocks. This misfortune made it necessaryto examine the cables of the Resolution, which were found to be unhurt. On the 6th, we were visited by a great chief from Tongataboo, whosename was Feenou, and whom Taipa was pleased to introduce to us as Kingof all the Friendly Isles. I was now told, that, on my arrival, a canoehad been dispatched to Tongataboo with the news; in consequence ofwhich, this chief immediately passed over to Annamooka. The officer onshore informed me, that when he first arrived, all the natives wereordered out to meet him, and paid their obeisance by bowing their headsas low as his feet, the soles of which they also touched with each hand, first with the palm, and then with the back part. There could be littleroom to suspect that a person, received with so much respect, could beany thing less than the king. In the afternoon, I went to pay this great man a visit, having firstreceived a present of two fish from him, brought on board by one of hisservants. As soon as I landed, he came up to me. He appeared to be aboutthirty years of age, tall, but thin, and had more of the Europeanfeatures, than any I had yet seen here. When the first salutation wasover, I asked if he was the king. For, notwithstanding what I had beentold, finding he was not the man whom I remembered to have seen underthat character during my former voyage, I began to entertain doubts. Taipa officially answered for him, and enumerated no less than onehundred and fifty-three islands, of which, he said, Feenou was thesovereign. After a short stay, our new visitor, and five, or six of hisattendants, accompanied me on board. I gave suitable presents to themall, and entertained them in such a manner, as I thought would be mostagreeable. In the evening, I attended them on shore in my boat, into which thechief ordered three hogs to be put, as a return for the presents he hadreceived from me. I was now informed of an accident which had justhappened, the relation of which will convey some idea of the extent ofthe authority exercised here over the common people. While Feenou was onboard my ship, an inferior chief, for what reason our people on shoredid not know, ordered all the natives to retire from the post weoccupied. Some of them having ventured to return, he took up a largestick, and beat them most unmercifully. He struck one man on the side ofthe face, with so much violence, that the blood gushed out of his mouthand nostrils; and, after lying some time motionless, he was, at last, removed from the place, in convulsions. The person who had inflicted theblow, being told that he had killed the man, only laughed at it; and, itwas evident, that he was not in the least sorry for what had happened. We heard, afterward, that the poor sufferer recovered. The Discovery having found again her small bower anchor, shifted herbirth on the 7th; but not before her best bower cable had shared thefate of the other. This day I had the company of Feenou at dinner; andalso the next day, when he was attended by Taipa, Toubou, and some otherchiefs. It was remarkable, that none but Taipa was allowed to sit attable with him, or even to eat in his presence. I own that I consideredFeenou as a very convenient guest, on account of this etiquette. For, before his arrival, I had, generally, a larger company than I could wellfind room for, and my table overflowed with crowds of both sexes. For itis not the custom at the Friendly Islands, as it is at Otaheite, to denyto their females the privilege of eating in company with the men. The first day of our arrival at Annamooka, one of the natives hadstolen, out of the ship, a large junk axe. I now applied to Feenou toexert his authority to get it restored to me; and so implicitly was heobeyed, that it was brought on board while we were at dinner. Thesepeople gave us very frequent opportunities of remarking what expertthieves they were. Even some of their chiefs did not think thisprofession beneath them. On the 9th, one of them was detected carryingout of the ship, concealed under his clothes, the bolt belonging to thespun-yarn winch; for which I sentenced him to receive a dozen lashes, and kept him confined till he paid a hog for his liberty. After this, wewere not troubled with thieves of rank. Their servants, or slaves, however, were still employed in this dirty work; and upon them aflogging seemed to make no greater impression, than it would have doneupon the main-mast. When any of them happened to be caught in the act, their masters, far from interceding for them, would often advise us tokill them. As this was a punishment we did not choose to inflict, theygenerally escaped without any punishment at all; for they appeared to usto be equally insensible of the shame and of the pain of corporalchastisement. Captain Clerke, at last, hit upon a mode of treatment, which, we thought, had some effect. He put them under the hands of thebarber, and completely shaved their heads; thus pointing them out asobjects of ridicule to their countrymen, and enabling our people todeprive them of future opportunities for a repetition of theirrogueries, by keeping them at a distance. Feenou was so fond of associating with us, that he dined on board everyday; though, sometimes, he did not partake of our fare. On the 10th, some of his servants brought a mess, which had been dressed for him onshore. It consisted of fish, soup, and yams. Instead of common water tomake the soup, cocoa-nut liquor had been made use of, in which the fishhad been boiled or stewed; probably in a wooden vessel, with hot stones;but it was carried on board in a plantain leaf. I tasted of the mess, and found it so good, that I, afterward, had some fish dressed in thesame way. Though my cook succeeded tolerably well, he could producenothing equal to the dish he imitated. Finding that we had quite exhausted the island of almost every articleof food that it afforded, I employed the 11th in moving off, from theshore, the horses, observatories, and other things that we had landed, as also the party of marines who had mounted guard at our station, intending to sail, as soon as the Discovery should have recovered herbest bow anchor. Feenou, understanding that I meant to proceed directlyto Tongataboo, importuned me strongly to alter this plan, to which heexpressed as much aversion, as if he had some particular interest topromote by diverting me from it. In preference to it, he warmlyrecommended an island, or rather a group of islands, called Hepaee, lying to the N. E. There, he assured us, we could be supplied plentifullywith every refreshment, in the easiest manner; and, to add weight to hisadvice, he engaged to attend us thither in person. He carried his pointwith me; and Hepaee was made choice of for our next station. As it hadnever been visited by any European ships, the examination of it becamean object with me. The 12th and the 13th were spent in attempting the recovery of CaptainClerke's anchor, which, after much trouble, was happily accomplished;and on the 14th, in the morning, we got under sail, and left Annamooka. This island is somewhat higher than the other small isles that surroundit; but, still, it cannot be admitted to the rank of those of a moderateheight, such as Mangeea and Wateeoo. The shore, at that part where ourships lay, is composed of a steep, rugged, coral rock, nine or ten feethigh, except where there are two sandy beaches, which have a reef of thesame sort of rock extending cross their entrance to the shore, anddefending them from the sea. The salt-water lake that is in the centreof the island, is about a mile and a half broad; and round it the landrises like a bank, with a gradual ascent. But we could not trace itshaving any communication with the sea. And yet, the land that runsacross to it, from the largest sandy beach, being flat and low, and thesoil sandy, it is most likely that it may have, formerly, communicatedthat way. The soil on the rising parts of the island, and especiallytoward the sea, is either of a reddish clayey disposition, or a black, loose mould; but there is, no where, any stream of fresh water. The island is very well cultivated, except in a few places; and thereare some others, which, though they appear to lie waste, are only leftto recover the strength exhausted by constant culture; for we frequentlysaw the natives at work upon these spots, to plant them again. Theplantations consist chiefly of yams and plantains. Many of them are veryextensive, and often inclosed with neat fences of reed, disposedobliquely across each other, about six feet high. Within these we oftensaw other fences of less compass, surrounding the houses of theprincipal people. The breadfruit, and cocoa-nut trees, are interspersedwith little order, but chiefly near the habitations of the natives; andthe other parts of the island, especially toward the sea, and about thesides of the lake, are covered with trees and bushes of a most luxuriantgrowth; the last place having a great many mangroves, and the first avast number of the _faitanoo_ trees already mentioned. There seem to beno rocks or stones, of any kind, about the island, that are not coral, except in one place, to the right of the sandy beach, where there is arock twenty or thirty feet high, of a calcareous stone, of a yellowishcolour, and a very close texture. But even about that place, which isthe highest part of the land, are large pieces of the same coral rockthat composes the shore. Besides walking frequently up into the country, which we were permittedto do without interruption, we sometimes amused ourselves in shootingwild-ducks, not unlike the widgeon, which are very numerous upon thesalt lake, and the pool where we got our water. In these excursions, wefound the inhabitants had often deserted their houses to come down tothe trading place, without entertaining any suspicion, that strangers, rambling about, would take away, or destroy, any thing that belonged tothem. But though, from this circumstance, it might be supposed that thegreater part of the natives were sometimes collected at the beach, itwas impossible to form any accurate computation of their number; as thecontinual resort of visitors from other islands, mixing with them, mighteasily mislead one. However, as there was never, to appearance, above athousand persons collected at one time, it would, perhaps, be sufficientto allow double that number for the whole island. To the N. And N. E. Of Annamooka, and in the direct track to Hepaee, whither we were now bound, the sea is sprinkled with a great number ofsmall isles. Amidst the shoals and rocks adjoining to this group, Icould not be assured that there was a free or safe passage for suchlarge ships as ours, though the natives sailed through the intervals intheir canoes. For this substantial reason, when we weighed anchor fromAnnamooka, I thought it necessary to go to the westward of the aboveislands, and steered N. N. W. , toward Kao[159] and Toofoa, the two mostwesterly islands in sight, and remarkable for their great height. Feenou, and his attendants, remained on board the Resolution till nearnoon, when he went into the large sailing canoe, which had brought himfrom Tongataboo, and stood in amongst the cluster of islands abovementioned, of which we were now almost abreast; and a tide or currentfrom the westward had set us, since our sailing in the morning, muchover toward them. [Footnote 159: As a proof of the great difficulty of knowing accuratelythe exact names of the South Sea Islands, as procured from the natives, I observe that what Captain Cook calls _Aghao_, Mr Anderson calls _Kao_;and Tasman's drawing, as I find it in Mr Dalrymple's Collection ofVoyages, gives the name of _Kayhay_ to the same island. Tasman's andCaptain Cook's _Amattafoa_, is, with Mr Anderson, _Tofoa_. CaptainCook's _Komango_, is Tasman's _Amango_. There is scarcely an instance, in which such variations are not observable. Mr Anderson's greatattention to matters of this sort being, as we learn from Captain King, well known to every body on board, and admitted always by Captain Cookhimself, his mode of spelling has been adopted. --D. ] They lie scattered, at unequal distances, and are, in general, nearly ashigh as Annamooka; but only from two or three miles, to half a mile inlength, and some of them scarcely so much. They have either steep rockyshores like Annamooka, or reddish cliffs; but some have sandy beachesextending almost their whole length. Most of them are entirely clothedwith trees, amongst which are many cocoa palms, and each forms aprospect like a beautiful garden placed in the sea. To heighten this, the serene weather we now had contributed very much; and the whole mightsupply the imagination with an idea of some fairy land realized. Itshould seem, that some of them, at least, may have been formed, as wesupposed Palmerston's Island to have been; for there is one, which, asyet, is entirely sand, and another, on which there is only one bush, ortree. At four o'clock in the afternoon, being the length of Kotoo, thewesternmost of the above cluster of small islands, we steered to thenorth, leaving Toofoa and Kao on our larboard, keeping along the westside of a reef of rocks, which lie to the westward of Kotoo, till wecame to their northern extremity, round which we hauled in for theisland. It was our intention to have anchored for the night; but it cameupon us before we could find a place in less than fifty-five fathomswater; and rather than come-to in this depth, I chose to spend the nightunder sail. We had, in the afternoon, been within two leagues of Toofoa, the smokeof which we saw several times in the day. The Friendly Islanders havesome superstitious notions about the volcano upon it, which they call_Kollofeea_, and say it is an _Otooa_, or divinity. According to theiraccount, it sometimes throws up very large stones; and they compare the_crater_ to the size of a small islet, which has never ceased smoking intheir memory; nor have they any tradition that it ever did. We sometimessaw the smoke rising from the centre of the island, while we were atAnnamooka, though at the distance of at least ten leagues. Toofoa, wewere told, is but thinly inhabited, but the water upon it is good. At day-break the next morning, being then not far from Kao, which is avast rock of a conic figure, we steered to the east, for the passagebetween the islands Footooha and Hafaiva, with a gentle breeze at S. E. About ten o'clock, Feenou came on board, and remained with us all day. He brought with him two hogs, and a quantity of fruit; and, in thecourse of the day, several canoes, from the different islands round us, came to barter quantities of the latter article, which was veryacceptable, as our stock was nearly expended. At noon, our latitude was19° 49' 45" S. , and we had made seven miles of longitude from Annamooka;Toofoa bore N. , 88° W. ; Kao N. , 71° W. ; Footooha N. , 89° W. ; and HafaivaS. 12° W. After passing Footooha, we met with a reef of rocks; and, as there wasbut little wind, it cost us some trouble to keep clear of them. Thisreef lies between Footooha and Neeneeva, which is a small low isle, inthe direction of E. N. E. From Footooha, at the distance of seven or eightmiles. Footooha is a small island, of middling height, and bounded allround by a steep rock. It lies S. 67° E. , distant six leagues from Kao, and three leagues from Kotoo, in the direction of N. 33° E. Being pastthe reef of rocks just mentioned, we hauled up for Neeneeva, in hopes offinding anchorage; but were again disappointed, and obliged to spend thenight, making short boards. For, although we had land in everydirection, the sea was unfathomable. In the course of this night, we could plainly see flames issuing fromthe volcano upon Toofoa, though to no great height. At day-break in the morning of the 16th, with a gentle breeze at S. E. , we steered N. E. For Hepaee, which was now in sight; and we could judgeit to be low land, from the trees only appearing above the water. Aboutnine o'clock we could see it plainly forming three islands, nearly of anequal size; and soon after, a fourth to the southward of these, as largeas the others. Each seemed to be about six or seven miles long, and of asimilar height and appearance. The northernmost of them is calledHaanno, the next Foa, the third Lefooga, and the southernmost Hoolaiva;but all four are included, by the natives, under the general nameHepaee. The wind scanting upon us, we could not fetch the land, so that we wereforced to ply to windward. In doing this, we once passed over some coralrocks, on which we had only six fathoms water; but the moment we wereover them, found no ground with eighty-fathoms of line. At this time, the isles of Hepaee bore, from N. , 50° E. , to S. , 9 W. We got up withthe northernmost of these isles by sunset; and there found ourselves inthe very same distress, for want of anchorage, that we had experiencedthe two preceding evenings; so that we had another night to spend undersail, with land and breakers in every direction. Toward the evening, Feenou, who had been on board all day, went forward to Hepaee, and tookOmai in the canoe with him. He did not forget our disagreeablesituation; and kept up a good fire, all night, by way of a land-mark. As soon as the day-light returned, being then close in with Foa, we sawit was joined to Haanno, by a reef running even with the surface of thesea, from the one island to the other. I now dispatched a boat to lookfor anchorage. A proper place was soon found; and we came-to, abreast ofa reef, being that which joins Lefooga to Foa (in the same manner thatFoa is joined to Haanno), having twenty-four fathoms depth of water; thebottom coral sand. In this station, the northern point of Hepaee, orthe north end of Haanno, bore N. , 16° E. The southern point of Hepaee, or the south end of Hoolaiva, S. , 29° W. ; and the north end of Lefooga, S. , 65° E. Two ledges of rocks lay without us; the one bearing S. , 50°W. ; and the other W. By N. 1/2 N. , distant two or three miles. We laybefore a creek in the reef, which made it convenient landing at alltimes; and we were not above three quarters of a mile from the shore. SECTION V. _Arrival of the Ships at Hepaee, and friendly Reception there. --Presentsand Solemnities on the Occasion. --Single Combats with Clubs. --Wrestlingand Boxing Matches. --Female Combatants. --Marines exercised. --A Danceperformed by Men. --Fireworks exhibited. --The Night-entertainments ofSinging and Dancing particularly described_. By the time we had anchored, (May 17) the ships were filled with thenatives, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes, filled also with them. They brought from the shore, hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots, which theyexchanged for hatchets, knives, nails, beads, and cloth. Feenou and Omaihaving come on board, after it was light, in order to introduce me tothe people of the island, I soon accompanied them on shore, for thatpurpose, landing at the north part of Lefooga, a little to the right ofthe ship's station. The chief conducted me to a house, or rather a hut, situated close tothe sea-beach, which I had seen brought thither, but a few minutesbefore, for our reception. In this, Feenou, Omai, and myself, wereseated. The other chiefs, and the multitude, composed a circle, on theoutside, fronting us; and they also sat down. I was then asked, How longI intended to stay? On my saying, Five days, Taipa was ordered to comeand sit by me, and proclaim this to the people. He then harangued them, in a speech mostly dictated by Feenou. The purport of it, as I learntfrom Omai, was, that they were all, both old and young, to look upon meas a friend, who intended to remain with them a few days; that, duringmy stay, they must not steal any thing, nor molest me any other way; andthat it was expected, they should bring hogs, fowls, fruit, &c. To theships, where they would receive, in exchange for them, such and suchthings, which he enumerated. Soon after Taipa had finished this addressto the assembly, Feenou left us. Taipa then took occasion to signify tome, that it was necessary I should make a present to the chief of theisland, whose name was Earoupa. I was not unprepared for this, and gavehim such articles as far exceeded his expectation. My liberality to himbrought upon me demands, of the same kind, from two chiefs of otherisles who were present; and from Taipa himself. When Feenou returned, which was immediately after I had made the last of these presents, hepretended to be angry with Taipa for suffering me to give away so much;but I looked upon this as a mere finesse; being confident that he actedin concert with the others. He now took his seat again, and orderedEaroupa to sit by him, and to harangue the people as Taipa had done, andto the same purpose; dictating, as before, the heads of the speech. These ceremonies being performed, the chief, at my request, conducted meto three stagnant pools of fresh water, as he was pleased to call it:And, indeed, in one of these the water was tolerable, and the situationnot inconvenient for filling our casks. After viewing thewatering-place, we returned to our former station, where I found a bakedhog, and some yams, smoking hot, ready to be carried on board for mydinner. I invited Feenou, and his friends, to partake of it; and weembarked for the ship; but none but himself sat down with us at thetable. After dinner I conducted them on shore; and, before I returned onboard, the chief gave me a fine large turtle, and a quantity of yams. Our supply of provisions was copious; for, in the course of the day, wegot, by barter, alongside the ship, about twenty small hogs, besidefruit and roots. I was told, that on my first landing in the morning, aman came off to the ships, and ordered every one of the natives to go onshore. Probably this was done with a view to have the whole body ofinhabitants present at the ceremony of my reception; for when that wasover, multitudes of them returned again to the ships. Next morning early, Feenou, and Omai, who scarcely ever quitted thechief, and now slept on shore, came on board. The object of the visitwas to require my presence upon the island. After some time, Iaccompanied them; and, upon landing, was conducted to the same placewhere I had been seated the day before; and where I saw a largeconcourse of people already assembled. I guessed that something morethan ordinary was in agitation; but could not tell what, nor could Omaiinform me. I had not been long seated, before near a hundred of the nativesappeared in sight, and advanced, laden with yams, bread-fruit, plantains, cocoa-nuts, and sugar-canes. They deposited their burdens, intwo heaps, or piles, upon our left, being the side they came from. Soonafter, arrived a number of others from the right, bearing the same kindof articles, which were collected into two piles upon that side. Tothese were tied two pigs, and six fowls; and to those upon the left, sixpigs, and two turtles. Earoupa seated himself before the severalarticles upon the left; and another chief before those upon the right;they being, as I judged, the two chiefs who had collected them, by orderof Feenou, who seemed to be as implicitly obeyed here, as he had been atAnnamooka; and, in consequence of his commanding superiority over thechiefs of Hepaee, had laid this tax upon them for the present occasion. As soon as this munificent collection of provisions was laid down inorder, and disposed to the best advantage, the bearers of it joined themultitude, who formed a large circle round the whole. Presently after, anumber of men entered this circle, or area, before us, armed with clubs, made of the green branches of the cocoa-nut tree. These paraded aboutfor a few minutes, and then retired; the one half to one side, and theother half to the other side; seating themselves before the spectators. Soon after, they successively entered the lists, and entertained us withsingle combats. One champion, rising up and stepping forward from oneside, challenged those of the other side, by expressive gestures, morethan by words, to send one of their body to oppose him. If the challengewas accepted, which was generally the case, the two combatants putthemselves in proper attitudes, and then began the engagement, whichcontinued till one or other owned himself conquered, or till theirweapons were broken. As soon as each combat was over, the victorsquatted himself down facing the chief, then rose up, and retired. Atthe same time, some old men, who seemed to sit as judges, gave theirplaudit in a few words; and the multitude, especially those on the sideto which the victor belonged, celebrated the glory he had acquired intwo or three huzzas. This entertainment was, now and then, suspended for a few minutes. During these intervals there were both wrestling and boxing matches. Thefirst were performed in the same manner as at Otaheite; and the seconddiffered very little from the method practised in England. But whatstruck us with most surprise, was, to see a couple of lusty wenches stepforth, and begin boxing; without the least ceremony, and with as muchart as the men. This contest, however, did not last above half a minute, before one of them gave it up. The conquering heroine received the sameapplause from the spectators which they bestowed upon the successfulcombatants of the other sex. We expressed some dislike at this part ofthe entertainment; which, however, did not prevent two other femalesfrom entering the lists. They seemed to be girls of spirit, and wouldcertainly have given each other a good drubbing, if two old women hadnot interposed to part them. All these combats were exhibited in themidst of, at least, three thousand people, and were conducted with thegreatest good humour on all sides; though some of the champions, womenas well as men, received blows, which, doubtless, they must have feltfor some time after. As soon as these diversions were ended, the chief told me, that theheaps of provisions on our right hand were a present to Omai; and thatthose on our left hand, being about two-thirds of the whole quantity, were given to me. He added, that I might take them on board whenever itwas convenient; but that there would be no occasion to set any of ourpeople as guards over them, as I might be assured, that not a singlecocoa-nut would be taken away by the natives. So it proved; for I leftevery thing behind, and returned to the ship to dinner, carrying thechief with me; and when the provisions were removed on board, in theafternoon, not a single article was missing. There was as much as loadedfour boats; and I could not but be struck with the munificence ofFeenou; for this present far exceeded any I had ever received from anyof the sovereigns of the various islands I had visited in the PacificOcean. I lost no time in convincing my friend, that I was not insensibleof his liberality; for, before he quitted my ship, I bestowed upon himsuch of our commodities, as, I guessed, were most valuable in hisestimation. And the return I made was so much to his satisfaction, that, as soon as he got on shore, he left me still indebted to him, by sendingme a fresh present, consisting of two large hogs, a considerablequantity of cloth, and some yams. Feenou had expressed a desire to see the marines go through theirmilitary exercise. As I was desirous to gratify his curiosity, I orderedthem all ashore, from both ships, in the morning of the 20th. After theyhad performed various evolutions, and fired several vollies, with whichthe numerous body of spectators seemed well pleased, the chiefentertained us, in his turn, with an exhibition, which, as wasacknowledged by us all, was performed with a dexterity and exactness, far surpassing the specimen we had given of our military manoeuvres. Itwas a kind of a dance, so entirely different from any thing I had everseen, that, I fear, I can give no description that will convey anytolerable idea of it to my readers. It was performed by men; and onehundred and five persons bore their parts in it. Each of them had in hishand an instrument neatly made, shaped somewhat like a paddle, of twofeet and a half in length, with a small handle, and a thin blade; sothat they were very light. With these instruments they made many andvarious flourishes, each of which was accompanied with a differentattitude of the body, or a different movement. At first, the performersranged themselves in three lines; and, by various evolutions, each manchanged his station in such a manner, that those who had been in therear came into the front. Nor did they remain long in the same position;but these changes were made by pretty quick transitions. At one timethey extended themselves in one line; they, then, formed into asemicircle; and, lastly, into two square columns. While this lastmovement was executing, one of them advanced, and performed an anticdance before me; with which the whole ended. The musical instruments consisted of two drums, or rather two hollowlogs of wood, from which some varied notes were produced, by beating onthem with two sticks. It did not, however, appear to me, that thedancers were much assisted or directed by these sounds, but by a chorusof vocal music, in which all the performers joined at the same time. Their song was not destitute of pleasing melody; and all theircorresponding motions were executed with so much skill, that thenumerous body of dancers seemed to act, as if they were one greatmachine. It was the opinion of every one of us, that such a performancewould have met with universal applause on a European theatre; and it sofar exceeded any attempt we had made to entertain them, that they seemedto pique themselves upon the superiority they had over us. As to ourmusical instruments, they held none of them in the least esteem, exceptthe drum; and even that they did not think equal to their own. OurFrench horns, in particular, seemed to be held in great contempt; forneither here, nor at any other of the islands, would they pay thesmallest attention to them. In order to give them a more favourable opinion of English amusements, and to leave their minds fully impressed with the deepest sense of oursuperior attainments, I directed some fireworks to be got ready; and, after it was dark, played them off in the presence of Feenou, the otherchiefs, and a vast concourse of their people. Some of the preparationswe found damaged; but others of them were in excellent order, andsucceeded so perfectly, as to answer the end I had in view. Our waterand sky-rockets, in particular, pleased and astonished them beyond allconception; and the scale was now turned in our favour. This, however, seemed only to furnish them with an additional motive toproceed to fresh exertions of their very singular dexterity; and ourfireworks were no sooner ended, than a succession of dances, whichFeenou had got ready for our entertainment, began. As[160] a prelude tothem, a band of music, or chorus of eighteen men, seated themselvesbefore us, in the centre of the circle, composed by the numerousspectators, the area of which was to be the scene of the exhibitions. Four or five of this band had pieces of large bamboo, from three to fiveor six feet long, each managed by one man, who held it nearly in avertical position, the upper end open, but the other end closed by oneof the joints. With this close end, the performers kept constantlystriking the ground, though slowly, thus producing different notes, according to the different lengths of the instruments, but all of themof the hollow or base sort; to counteract which, a person kept strikingquickly, and with two sticks, a piece of the same substance, split, andlaid along the ground, and, by that means, furnishing a tone as acuteas those produced by the others were grave. The rest of the band, aswell as those who performed upon the bamboos, sung a slow and soft air, which so tempered the harsher notes of the above instruments, that nobye-stander, however accustomed to hear the most perfect and variedmodulation of sweet sounds, could avoid confessing the vast power, andpleasing effect, of this simple harmony. [Footnote 160: Mr Andersen's account of the night dances being muchfuller than Captain Cook's, the reader will not be displeased that ithas been adopted. --D. ] The concert having continued about a quarter of an hour, twenty womenentered the circle. Most of them had, upon their heads, garlands of thecrimson flowers of the China rose, or others; and many of them hadornamented their persons with leaves of trees, cut with a deal of nicetyabout the edges. They made a circle round the chorus, turning theirfaces toward it, and began by singing a soft air, to which responseswere made by the chorus in the same tone; and these were repeatedalternately. All this while, the women accompanied their song withseveral very graceful motions of their hands toward their faces, and inother directions at the same time, making constantly a step forward, andthen back again, with one foot, while the other was fixed. They thenturned their faces to the assembly, sung some time, and retreated slowlyin a body, to that part of the circle which was opposite the hut wherethe principal spectators sat. After this, one of them advanced from eachside, meeting and passing each other in the front, and continuing theirprogress round, till they came to the rest. On which, two advanced fromeach side, two of whom also passed each other, and returned as theformer; but the other two remained, and to these came one, from eachside, by intervals, till the whole number had again formed acircle-about the chorus. Their manner of dancing was now changed to a quicker measure, in whichthey made a kind of half turn by leaping, and clapped their hands, andsnapped their fingers, repeating some words in conjunction with thechorus. Toward the end, as the quickness of the music increased, theirgestures and attitudes were varied with wonderful vigour and dexterity;and some of their motions, perhaps, would, with us, be reckoned ratherindecent. Though this part of the performance, most probably, was notmeant to convey any wanton ideas, but merely to display the astonishingvariety of their movements. To this grand female ballet, succeeded one performed by fifteen men. Some of them were old; but their age seemed to have abated little oftheir agility or ardour for the dance. They were disposed in a sort ofcircle, divided at the front, with their faces not turned out toward theassembly, nor inward to the chorus; but one half of their circle facedforward as they had advanced, and the other half in a contrarydirection. They, sometimes, sung slowly, in concert with the chorus;and, while thus employed, they also made several very fine motions withtheir hands, but different from those made by the women, at the sametime inclining the body to either side alternately by raising one leg, which was stretched outward, and resting on the other; the arm of thesame side being also stretched fully upward. At other times they recitedsentences in a musical tone, which were answered by the chorus; and, atintervals, increased the measure of the dance, by clapping the hands, and quickening the motions of the feet, which, however, were nevervaried. At the end, the rapidity of the music, and of the dancing, increased so much, that it was scarcely possible to distinguish thedifferent movements; though one might suppose the actors were now almosttired, as their performance had lasted near half an hour. After a considerable interval, another act, as we may call it, began. Twelve men now advanced, who placed themselves in double rows frontingeach other, but on opposite sides of the circle; and, on one side, a manwas stationed, who, as if he had been a prompter, repeated severalsentences, to which the twelve new performers, and the chorus, replied. They then sung slowly; and afterward danced and sung more quickly, forabout a quarter of an hour, after the manner of the dancers whom theyhad succeeded. Soon after they had finished, nine women exhibited themselves, and satdown fronting the hut where the chief was. A man then rose, and struckthe first of these women on the back, with both fists joined. Heproceeded, in the same manner, to the second and third; but when he cameto the fourth, whether from accident or design I cannot tell, instead ofthe back, he struck her on the breast. Upon this a person rose instantlyfrom the crowd, who brought him to the ground with a blow on the head;and he was carried off without the least noise or disorder. But this didnot save the other five women from so odd a discipline, or perhapsnecessary ceremony; for a person succeeded him, who treated them in thesame manner. Their disgrace did not end here; for when they danced, theyhad the mortification to find their performance twice disapproved of, and were obliged to repeat it. This dance did not differ much from thatof the first women, except in this one circumstance, that the presentset sometimes raised the body upon one leg, by a sort of double motion, and then upon the other alternately, in which attitude they keptsnapping their fingers; and, at the end, they repeated, with greatagility, the brisk movements, in which the former group of femaledancers had shewn themselves so expert. In a little tine, a person entered unexpectedly, and said something in aludicrous way, about the fireworks that had been exhibited, whichextorted a burst of laughter from the multitude. After this, we had adance composed of the men, who attended, or had followed, Feenou. Theyformed a double circle (i. E. One within another) of twenty-four each, round the chorus, and began a gentle soothing song, with correspondingmotions of the hands and head. This lasted a considerable time, and thenchanged to a much quicker measure, during which they repeated sentences, either in conjunction with the chorus, or in answer to some spoken bythat band. They then retreated to the back part of the circle, as thewomen had done, and again advanced, on each side, in a triple row, tillthey formed a semicircle, which was done very slowly, by inclining thebody on one leg, and advancing the other a little way, as they put itdown. They accompanied this with such a soft air as they had sung at thebeginning; but soon changed it to repeat sentences in a harsher tone, atthe same time quickening the dance very much, till they finished with ageneral shout and clap of the hands. The same was repeated severaltimes; but, at last, they formed a double circle, as at the beginning, danced, and repeated very quickly, and finally closed with several verydexterous transpositions of the two circles. The entertainments of this memorable night concluded with a dance, inwhich the principal people present exhibited. It resembled theimmediately preceding one, in some respects, having the same number ofperformers, who began nearly in the same way; but their ending, at eachinterval, was different; for they increased their motions to aprodigious quickness, shaking their heads from shoulder to shoulder, with such force, that a spectator, unaccustomed to the sight, wouldsuppose, that they ran a risk of dislocating their necks. This wasattended with a smart clapping of the hands, and a kind of savage holla!or shriek, not unlike what is sometimes practised in the comic dances onour European theatres. They formed the triple semicircle, as thepreceding dancers had done; and a person, who advanced at the head onone side of the semicircle, began by repeating something in a trulymusical recitative, which was delivered with an air so graceful, asmight put to the blush our most applauded performers. He was answered inthe same manner, by the person at the head of the opposite party. Thisbeing repeated several times, the whole body, on one side, joined in theresponses to the whole corresponding body on the opposite side, as thesemicircle advanced to the front; and they finished, by singing anddancing as they had begun. These two last dances were performed with so much spirit, and so greatexactness, that they met with universal approbation. The nativespectators, who, no doubt, were perfect judges whether the severalperformances were properly executed, could not withhold their applausesat some particular parts; and even a stranger, who never saw thediversion before, felt similar satisfaction, at the same instant. Forthough, through the whole, the most strict concert was observed, some ofthe gestures were so expressive, that it might be said, they spoke thelanguage that accompanied them; if we allow that there is any connectionbetween motion and sound. At the same time, it should be observed, thatthough the music of the chorus, and that of the dancers, corresponded, constant practice in these favourite amusements of our friends, seems tohave a great share in effecting the exact time they keep in theirperformances. For we observed, that if any of them happened accidentallyto be interrupted, they never found the smallest difficulty inrecovering the proper place of the dance or song. And their perfectdiscipline was in no instance more remarkable, than in the suddentransitions they so dexterously made from the ruder exertions, and harshsounds, to the softest airs, and gentlest movements. [161] [Footnote 161: In a former note, it was observed, that the songs anddances of the Caroline Islanders, in the North Pacific, bear a greatresemblance to those of the inhabitants of Wateeoo. The remark may benow extended to those of the Friendly Islanders, described at large inthis chapter. That the reader may judge for himself, I have selected thefollowing particulars from Father Cantova's account. "Pendant la nuit, au clair de la lune, ils s'assemblent, de temps en temps, pour chanter &danser devant la maison de leur _Tumole_. Leurs danses se font au son dela voix, car ils n'ont point d'instrument de musique. La beauté de ladanse, consiste dans l'exacte uniformité des mouvemens du corps. Leshommes, separés des femmes, se postent vis-à-vis les uns des autres;après quoi, ils remuent la tête, les bras, les mains, les pieds, encadence. Leur tête est couverte de plumes, on de fleurs;--et l'on voit, attachées à leurs oreilles, des feuilles de palmier tissues avec assezd'art--Les femmes, de leur coté, --se regardant les unes les autres, commencent un chant pathétique & langoureux, accompagnant le son de leurvoix du mouvement cadencé de la tête & des bras. "--_Lettres Edifiantes &Curiesues_, tom. Xv. P. 314, 315. --D. ] The place where the dances were performed was an open space amongst thetrees, just by the sea, with lights, at small intervals, placed roundthe inside of the circle. The concourse of people was pretty large, though not equal to the number assembled in the forenoon, when themarines exercised. At that time, some of our gentlemen guessed theremight be present about five thousand persons; others thought there weremore; but they who reckoned that there were fewer, probably, came nearerthe truth. SECTION VI. _Description of Lefooga. --Its cultivated State. --ItsExtent. --Transactions there. --A female Oculist. --Singular Expedients forshaving off the Hair. --The Ships change their Station. --A remarkableMount and Stone. --Inscription of Hoolaiva. --Account of Poulaho, King ofthe friendly Islands. --Respectful Manner in which he is treated by hisPeople. --Departure from the Hapaee Islands. --Some Account ofKotoo. --Return of the Ships to Annamooka. --Poulaho and Feenoumeet. --Arrival at Tongataboo. _ Curiosity on both sides being now sufficiently gratified by theexhibition of the various entertainments I have described, I began tohave time to look about me. Accordingly, next day (May 21) I took a walkinto the island of Lefooga, of which I was desirous to obtain someknowledge. I found it to be, in several respects, superior to Annamooka. The plantations were both more numerous and more extensive. In manyplaces, indeed, toward the sea, especially on the east side, the countryis still waste, owing perhaps to the sandy soil, as it is much lowerthan Annamooka, and its surrounding isles. But toward the middle of theisland the soil is better; and the marks of considerable population, andof improved cultivation, were very conspicuous. For we met here withvery large plantations, inclosed in such a manner that the fences, running parallel to each other, form fine spacious public roads, thatwould appear ornamental in countries where rural conveniences have beencarried to the greatest perfection. We observed large spots covered withthe paper mulberry-trees; and the plantations, in general, were wellstocked with such roots and fruits as are the natural produce of theisland. To these I made some addition, by sowing the seeds of Indiancorn, melons, pumpkins, and the like. At one place was a house, four orfive times as large as those of the common sort, with a large area ofgrass before it; and I take it for granted, the people resort thither oncertain public occasions. Near the landing-place we saw a mount, two orthree feet high, covered with gravel; and on it stood four or five smallhuts, in which the natives told us the bodies of some of their principalpeople had been interred. The island is not above seven miles long, and in some places not abovetwo or three broad. The east side of it, which is exposed to thetrade-wind, has a reef running to a considerable breadth from it, onwhich the sea breaks with great violence. It is a continuation of thisreef that joins Lefooga to Foa, which is not above half a mile distant;and at low water the natives can walk upon this reef, which is thenpartly dry from the one island to the other. The shore itself is eithera coral rock, six or seven feet high, or a sandy beach, but higher thanthe west side, which in general is not more than three or four feet fromthe level of the sea, with a sandy beach its whole length. When I returned from my excursion into the country, and went on boardto dinner, I found a large sailing canoe fast to the ship's stern. Inthis canoe was Latooliboula, whom I had seen at Tongataboo during mylast voyage, and who was then supposed by us to be the king of thatisland. He sat in the canoe with all that gravity, by which, as I havementioned in my journal, [162] he was so remarkably distinguished at thattime; nor could I, by any entreaties, prevail upon him now to come intothe ship. Many of the islanders were present, and they all called him_Areekee_, which signifies king. I had never heard any one of them givethis title to Feenou, however extensive his authority over them, bothhere and at Annamooka, had appeared to be, which had all along inclinedme to suspect that he was not the king, though his friend Taipa hadtaken pains to make me believe he was. Latooliboula remained under thestern till the evening, when he retired in his canoe to one of theislands. Feenou was on board my ship at the same time; but neither ofthese great men took the least notice of the other. [Footnote 162: The name of this extraordinary personage is there said tobe _Kohagee too Fallangou_, which cannot, by the most skilfuletymologist, be tortured into the least most distant resemblance of_Latooliboula_. It is remarkable that Captain Cook should not take anynotice of his having called the same person by two names so verydifferent. Perhaps we may account for this, by supposing one to be thename of the person, and the other the description of his title or rank. This supposition seems well founded, when we consider that _Latoo_, inthe language of these people, is sometimes used to signify a greatchief; and Dr Forster, in his Observations, p. 378, 379, and elsewhere, speaks of the sovereign of Tongataboo under the title of their _Latoo_. This very person is called by Dr Forster, p. 370, _Latoo-Nipooroo_, which furnishes a very striking instance of the variations of our peoplein writing down the same word as pronounced by the natives. However, wecan easily trace the affinity between _Nipooroo_ and _Liboula_, as thechanges of the consonants are such as are perpetually made upon hearinga word pronounced to which our ears have not been accustomed. MrAnderson here agrees with Captain Cook in writing Latooliboula. --D. ] Nothing material happened the next day, except that some of the nativesstole a tarpaulin, and other things, from off the deck. They were soonmissed, and the thieves pursued, but a little too late. I applied, therefore, to Feenou, who, if he was not king, was at least vested withthe highest authority here to exert it, in order to have my thingsrestored. He referred me to Earoupa, who put me off from time to time, and at last nothing was done. In the morning of the 23d, as we were going to unmoor, in order toleave the island, Feenou, and his prime minister Taipa, came alongsidein a sailing canoe, and informed me that they were setting out forVavaoo, an island which they said lies about two days sail to thenorthward of Hepaee. The object of their voyage, they would have mebelieve, was to get for me an additional supply of hogs, and somered-feathered caps for Omai to carry to Otaheite, where they are in highesteem. Feenou assured me that he should be back in four or five days, and desired me not to sail till his return, when he promised he wouldaccompany me to Tongataboo. I thought this a good opportunity to getsome knowledge of Vavaoo, and proposed to him to go thither with theships. But he seemed not to approve of the plan; and, by way ofdiverting me from it, told me that there was neither harbour noranchorage about it. I therefore consented to wait, in my presentstation, for his return, and he immediately set out. The next day, our attention was for some time taken up with a report, industriously spread about by some of the natives, that a ship like ourshad arrived at Annamooka since we left it, and was now at anchor there. The propagators of the report were pleased to add, that Toobou, thechief of that island, was hastening thither to receive these new comers;and as we knew that he had actually left us, we were the more ready tobelieve there might be some foundation for the story of this unexpectedarrival. However, to gain some farther information, I went on shore withOmai, in quest of the man who, it was said, had brought the firstaccount of this event from Annamooka. We found him at the house ofEaroupa, where Omai put such questions to him as I thought necessary;and the answers he gave were so clear and satisfactory, that I had not adoubt remaining. But, just about this time, a chief of some note, whomwe well knew, arrived from Annamooka, and declared that no ship was atthat island, nor had been, since our leaving it. The propagator of thereport, finding himself detected in a falsehood, instantly withdrew, andwe saw no more of him. What end the invention of this tale could answerwas not easy to conjecture, unless we suppose it to have been artfullycontrived, to get us removed from the one island to the other. In my walk on the 25th, I happened to step into a house, where a womanwas dressing the eyes of a young child, who seemed blind, the eyes beingmuch inflamed, and a thin film spread over them. The instruments sheused were two slender wooden probes, with which she had brushed the eyesso as to make them bleed. It seems worth mentioning, that the natives ofthese islands should attempt an operation of this sort, though I enteredthe house too late to describe exactly how this female oculist employedthe wretched tools she had to work with. I was fortunate enough to see a different operation going on in the samehouse, of which I can give a tolerable account. I found there anotherwoman shaving a child's head, with a shark's tooth, stuck into the endof a piece of stick. I observed that she first wetted the hair with arag dipped in water, applying her instrument to that part which she hadpreviously soaked. The operation seemed to give no pain to the child, although the hair was taken off as close as if one of our razors hadbeen employed. Encouraged by what I now saw, I soon after tried one ofthese singular instruments upon myself, and found it to be an excellent_succedaneum_. However, the men of these islands have recourse toanother contrivance when they shave their beards. The operation isperformed with two shells, one of which they place under a small part ofthe beard, and with the other, applied above, they scrape that part off. In this manner they are able to shave very close. The process is, indeed, rather tedious, but not painful; and there are men amongst themwho seemed to profess this trade. It was as common, while we were here, to see our sailors go ashore to have their beards scraped off, after thefashion of Hepaee, as it was to see their chiefs come on board to beshaved by our barbers. Finding that little or nothing of the produce of the island was nowbrought to the ships, I resolved to change our station, and to waitFeenou's return from Vavaoo, in some other convenient anchoring-place, where refreshments might still be met with. Accordingly, in the forenoonof the 26th, we got under sail, and stood to the southward along thereef of the island, having fourteen and thirteen, fathoms water, with asandy bottom. However, we met with several detached shoals. Some of themwere discovered by breakers, some by the water upon them appearingdiscoloured, and others by the lead. At half past two in the afternoonhaving already passed several of these shoals, and seeing more of thembefore us, I hauled into a bay that lies between the S. End of Lefoogaand the N. End of Hoolaiva, and there anchored in seventeen fathomswater, the bottom a coral sand; the point of Lefooga bearing S. E. By E. A mile and a half distant. The Discovery did not get to an anchor tillsunset. She had touched upon one of the shoals, but backed off againwithout receiving any damage. As soon as we had anchored, I sent Mr Bligh to sound the bay where wewere now stationed; and myself, accompanied by Mr Gore, landed on thesouthern part of Lefooga, to examine the country, and to look for freshwater. Not that we now wanted a supply of this article, having filledall the casks at our late station; but I had been told that this part ofthe island could afford us some preferable to any we had got at theformer watering-place. This will not be the only time I shall haveoccasion to remark that these people do not know what good water is. Wewere conducted to two wells, but the water in both of them proved to beexecrable, and the natives, our guides, assured us that they had nonebetter. Near the S. End of the island, and on the W. Side, we met with anartificial mount. From the size of some trees that were growing upon it, and from other appearances, I guessed that it had been raised in remotetimes. I judged it to be about forty feet high, and the diameter of itssummit measured fifty feet. At the bottom of this mount stood a stone, which must have been hewn out of coral rock. It was four feet broad, twoand a half thick, and fourteen high; and we were told by the nativespresent that not above half its length appeared above ground. Theycalled it _Tangata Arekee_, [163] and said that it had been set up, andthe mount raised, by some of their forefathers, in memory of one oftheir kings, but how long since they could not tell. [Footnote 163: _Tangata, _ in their language, is man; _Arekee_, king. ] Night coming on, Mr Gore and I returned on board; and, at the same time, Mr Bligh got back from sounding the bay, in which he found from fourteento twenty fathoms water, the bottom for the most part sand, but notwithout some coral rocks. The place where we now anchored is muchbetter sheltered than that which we had lately come from; but betweenthe two is another anchoring station, much better than either. Lefoogaand Hoolaiva are divided from each other by a reef of coral rocks, whichis dry at low water; so that one may walk at that time from the one tothe other, without wetting a foot. Some of our gentlemen, who landed inthe latter island, did not find the least mark of cultivation, orhabitation, upon it, except a single hut, the residence of a manemployed to catch fish and turtle. It is rather extraordinary that itshould be in this deserted state, communicating so immediately withLefooga, which is so perfectly cultivated; for though the soil is quitesandy, all the trees and plants found in a natural state on theneighbouring islands, are produced here with the greatest vigour. The E. Side of it has a reef like Lefooga, and the W. Side has a bending at theN. Part, where there seems to be good anchorage. Uninhabited as Hoolaivais, an artificial mount, like that at the adjoining island, has beenraised upon it, as high as some of the surrounding trees. At day-break, next morning, I made the signal to weigh; and as Iintended to attempt a passage to Annamooka, in my way to Tongataboo, bythe S. W. Amongst the intervening islands, I sent the master in a boat tosound before the ships. But before we could get under sail the windbecame unsettled, which made it unsafe to attempt a passage this waytill we were better acquainted with it. I therefore lay fast, and madethe signal for the master to return; and afterward sent him and themaster of the Discovery, each in a boat, with instructions to examinethe channels, as far as they could, allowing themselves time to get backto the ships before the close of the day. About noon a large sailing canoe came under our stern, in which was aperson named Futtafaihe, or Poulaho, or both, who, as the natives thenon board told us, was King of Tongataboo, and of all the neighbouringislands that we had seen or heard of. It was a matter of surprise to meto have a stranger introduced under this character, which I had so muchreason to believe really belonged to another. But they persisted intheir account of the supreme dignity of this new visitor; and now, forthe first time, they owned to me, that Feenou was not the king, but onlya subordinate chief, though of great power, as he was often sent fromTongataboo to the other islands on warlike expeditions, or to decidedifferences. It being my interest, as well as my inclination, to paycourt to all the great men, without making enquiry into the validity oftheir assumed titles, I invited Poulaho on board, as I understood he wasvery desirous to come. He could not be an unwelcome guest, for hebrought with him, as a present to me, two good fat hogs, though not sofat as himself, if weight of body could give weight in rank and power, he was certainly the most eminent man in that respect we had seen; for, though not very tall, he was very unwieldy, and almost shapeless withcorpulence. He seemed to be about forty years of age, had straight hair, and his features differed a good deal from those of the bulk of hispeople. I found him to be a sedate, sensible man. He viewed the ship, and the several new objects, with uncommon attention, and asked manypertinent questions, one of which was, What could induce us to visitthese islands? After he had satisfied his curiosity in looking at thecattle, and other novelties which he met with upon deck, I desired himto walk down into the cabin. To this some of his attendants objected, saying, that if he were to accept of that invitation, it must happen, that people would walk over his head, which could not be permitted. Idirected my interpreter Omai, to tell them that I would obviate theirobjection, by giving orders that no one should presume to walk upon thatpart of the deck which was over the cabin. Whether this expedient wouldhave satisfied them was far from appearing, but the chief himself, lessscrupulous in this respect than his attendants, waved all ceremony, andwalked down without any stipulation. He now appeared to be as solicitoushimself, as his people were, to convince us that he was king, and notFeenou, who had passed with us as such; for he soon perceived that wehad some doubts about it, which doubts Omai was not very desirous ofremoving. The closest connection had been formed between him and Feenou, in testimony of which they had exchanged names; and therefore he was nota little chagrined, that another person now put in his claim to thehonours which his friend had hitherto enjoyed. Poulaho sat down with us to dinner, but he ate little, and drank less. When we rose from the table, he desired me to accompany him ashore. Omaiwas asked to be of the party, but he was too faithfully attached toFeenou to shew any attention to his competitor, and therefore excusedhimself. I attended the chief in my own boat, having first made presentsto him of such articles as I could observe he valued much, and were evenbeyond his expectation to receive. I was not disappointed in my view ofthus securing his friendship, for the moment the boat reached the beach, and before he quitted her, he ordered two more hogs to be brought, anddelivered to my people to be conveyed on board. He was then carried outof the boat by some of his own people, upon a board resembling ahand-barrow, and went and seated himself in a small house near theshore, which seemed to have been erected there for his accommodation. Heplaced me at his side, and his attendants, who were not numerous, seatedthemselves in a semicircle before us, on the outside of the house. Behind the chief, or rather on one side, sat an old woman, with a sortof fan in her hand, whose office it was to prevent his being pesteredwith the flies. The several articles which his people had got, by trading on board theships, were now displayed before him. He looked over them all withattention, enquired what they had given in exchange, and seemed pleasedwith the bargains they had made. At length he ordered every thing to berestored to the respective owners, except a glass bowl, with which hewas so much pleased that he reserved it for himself. The persons whobrought these things to him, first squatted themselves down before him, then they deposited their several purchases, and immediately rose up andretired. The same respectful ceremony was observed in taking them away, and not one of them presumed to speak to him standing. I stayed tillseveral of his attendants left him, first paying him obeisance, bybowing the head down to the sole of his foot, and touching or tappingthe same with the upper and under side of the fingers of both hands. Others, who were not in the circle, came, as it seemed, on purpose, andpaid him this mark of respect and then retired, without speaking a word. I was quite charmed with the decorum that was observed. I had no whereseen the like, not even amongst more civilized nations. I found the master returned from his expedition when I got on board. Heinformed me, that, as far as he had proceeded, there was anchorage, anda passage for the ships, but that toward the S. And S. E. He saw a numberof small isles, shoals, and breakers. Judging, from this report, that myattempting a passage that way would be attended with some risk, I nowdropped all thoughts of it, thinking it better to return towardAnnamooka by the same route, which we had so lately experienced to be asafe one. Having come to this resolution, I should have sailed next morning if thewind had not been too far southerly, and at the same time veryunsettled. Poulaho, the king, as I shall now call him, came on boardbetimes, and brought, as a present to me, one of their caps, made, or atleast covered, with red feathers. These caps were much sought after byus, for we knew they would be highly valued at Otaheite. But thoughvery large prices were offered, not one was ever brought for sale; whichshewed that they were no less valuable in the estimation of the peoplehere; nor was there a person in either ship that could make himself theproprietor of one, except myself, Captain Clerke, and Omai. These caps, or rather bonnets, are composed of the tail feathers of the tropic bird, with the red feathers of the parroquets wrought upon them, or jointlywith them. They are made so as to tie upon the forehead without anycrown, and have the form of a semicircle, whose _radius_ is eighteen ortwenty inches. The chief stayed on board till the evening, when he leftus; but his brother, whose name was also Futtafaihe, and one or two ormore of his attendants, continued in the ship all night. At day-break, the next morning, I weighed with a fine breeze at E. N. E. And stood to the westward, with a view to return to Annamooka, by thetrack we had already experienced. We were followed by several sailingcanoes, in one of which was the king. As soon as he got on board theResolution, he enquired for his brother, and the others who had remainedwith us all night. It now appeared that they had stayed without hisleave, for he gave them, in a very few words, such a reprimand asbrought tears from their eyes, and yet they were men not less thanthirty years of age. He was, however, soon reconciled to their making alonger stay, for, on quitting us, he left his brother, and five of hisattendants, on board. We had also the company of a chief just thenarrived from Tongataboo, whose name was Tooboueitoa. The moment hearrived he sent his canoe away, and declared, that he and five more, whocame with him, would sleep on board, so that I had now my cabin filledwith visitors. This, indeed, was some inconvenience; but I bore with itmore willingly, as they brought plenty of provisions with them aspresents to me, for which they always had suitable returns. About one o'clock in the afternoon, the easterly wind was succeeded by afresh breeze at S. S. E. Our course now being S. S. W. Or more southerly, wewere obliged to ply to windward, and did but just fetch the N. Side ofFootooha by eight o'clock, where we spent the night, making shortboards. The next morning we plyed up to Lofanga, where, according to theinformation of our friends, there was anchorage. It was one o'clock inthe afternoon before we got soundings under the lee or N. W. Side, inforty fathoms water, near half a mile from the shore; but the bank wassteep, and the bottom rocky, and a chain of breakers lay to leeward. Allthese circumstances being against us, I stretched away for Kotoo, withthe expectation of finding better anchoring ground under that island. But so much time had been spent in plying up to Lofanga, that it wasdark before we reached the other; and finding no place to anchor in, thenight was spent as the preceding one. At day-break on the 31st I stood for the channel, which is between Kotooand the reef of rocks that lie to the westward of it; but, on drawingnear, I found the wind too scant to lead us through. I therefore bore upon the outside of the reef, and stretched to the S. W. Till near noon, when, perceiving that we made no progress to windward, and beingapprehensive of losing the islands with so many of the natives on board, I tacked and stood back, intending to wait till some more favourableopportunity. We did but just fetch in with Footooba, between which andKotoo we spent the night, under reefed top-sails and fore-sail. The windblew fresh, and by squalls, with rain; and we were not withoutapprehensions of danger. I kept the deck till midnight, when I left itto the master, with such directions as I thought would keep the shipsclear of the shoals and rocks that lay round us. But, after making atrip to the N. , and standing back again to the S. , our ship, by a smallshift of the wind, fetched farther to the windward than was expected. Bythis means she was very near running full upon a low sandy isle, calledPootoo Pootooa, surrounded with breakers. It happened, very fortunately, that the people had just been ordered upon the deck to put the shipabout, and the most of them were at their stations, so that thenecessary movements were not only executed with judgment, but also withalertness, and this alone saved us from destruction. The Discovery beinga-stern was out of danger. Such hazardous situations are the unavoidablecompanions of the man who goes upon a voyage of discovery. This circumstance frightened our passengers so much that they expresseda strong desire to get ashore. Accordingly, as soon as day-lightreturned, I hoisted out a boat, and ordered the officer who commandedher, after landing them at Kotoo, to sound along the reef that spits offfrom that island for anchorage; for I was full as much tired as theycould be with beating about amongst the surrounding isles and shoals, and determined to get to an anchor somewhere or other if possible. Whilethe boat was absent, we attempted to turn the ships through the channel, between the sandy isle and the reef of Kotoo, in expectation of findinga moderate depth of water behind them to anchor in. But, meeting with atide or current against us, we were obliged to desist, and anchor infifty fathoms water, with the sandy isle bearing E. By N. One miledistant. We lay here till the 4th of June. While in this station we were severaltimes visited by the king, by Touboueitoa, and by people from theneighbouring islands, who came off to trade with us, though the windblew very fresh most of the time. The master was now sent to sound thechannels between the islands that lie to the eastward; and I landed onKotoo to examine it in the forenoon of the 2d. This island is scarcely accessible by boats, on account of coral reefsthat surround it. It is not more than a mile and half, or two miles, long, and not so broad. The N. W. End of it is low, like the islands ofHapaee; but it rises suddenly in the middle, and terminates in reddishclayey cliffs at the S. E. End, about thirty feet high. The soil, in thatquarter, is of the same sort as in the cliffs, but in the other parts itis a loose black mould. It produces the same fruits and roots which wefound at the other islands; is tolerably cultivated, but thinlyinhabited. While I was walking all over it, our people were employed incutting some grass for the cattle; and we planted some melon seeds, withwhich the natives seemed much pleased, and inclosed them with branches. On our return to the boat we passed by two or three ponds of dirtywater, which was more or less brackish in each of them; and saw one oftheir burying-places, which was much neater than those that were metwith at Hepaee. On the 4th, at seven in the morning, we weighed, and, with a fresh galeat E. S. E. , stood away for Annamooka, where we anchored next morning, nearly in the same station which we had so lately occupied. I went on shore soon after, and found the inhabitants very busy in theirplantations, digging up yams to bring to market; and, in the course ofthe day, about two hundred of them had assembled on the beach, andtraded with as much eagerness, as during our late visit. Their stockappeared to have been recruited much, though we had returned so soon;but instead of bread-fruit, which was the only article we could purchaseon our first arrival, nothing was to be seen now but yams, and a fewplantains. This shews the quick succession of the seasons, at least ofthe different vegetables produced here, at the several times of theyear. It appeared also that they had been very busy while we were absentin cultivating, for we now saw several large plantain fields, in placeswhich we had so lately seen lying waste. The yams were now in thegreatest perfection, and we procured a good quantity in exchanges forpieces of iron. These people, in the absence of Toubou, whom we left behind us at Kotoo, with Poulaho and the other chiefs, seemed to be under littlesubordination. For we could not perceive this day that one man assumedmore authority than another. Before I returned on board I visited theseveral places where I had sown melon seeds, and had the mortificationto find that most of them were destroyed by a small ant; but somepine-apple plants, which I had also left, were in a thriving state. About noon next day, Feenou arrived from Vavaoo. He told us, thatseveral canoes, laden with hogs and other provisions, which had sailedwith him from that island, had been lost, owing to the late blowingweather, and that every body on board them had perished. This melancholytale did not seem to affect any of his countrymen who heard it, and, asto ourselves, we were by this time too well acquainted with hischaracter to give much credit to such a story. The truth probably was, that he had not been able to procure at Vavaoo the supplies which heexpected; or, if he got any there, that he had left them at Hepaee, which lay in his way back, and where he could not but receiveintelligence that Poulaho had been with us; who, therefore, he knew, would, as his superior, have all the merit and reward of procuring them, though he had not any share of the trouble. The invention of this lossat sea was however well imagined, for there had lately been very blowingweather; insomuch, that the king, and other chiefs, who had followed usfrom Hepaee to Kotoo, had been left there, not caring to venture to seawhen we did, but desired I might wait for them at Annamooka, which wasthe reason of my anchoring there this second time, and of my notproceeding directly to Tongataboo. The following morning Poulaho, and the other chiefs who had beenwind-bound with him, arrived. I happened, at this time, to be ashore incompany with Feenou, who now seemed to be sensible of the impropriety ofhis conduct, in assuming a character that did not belong to him. For henot only acknowledged Poulaho to be King of Tongataboo, and the otherisles, but affected to insist much on it, which, no doubt, was with aview to make amends for his former presumption. I left him to visit thisgreater man, whom I found sitting with a few people before him. Butevery one hastening to pay court to him, the circle increased prettyfast. I was very desirous of observing Feenou's behaviour on thisoccasion, and had the most convincing proof of his superiority, for heplaced himself amongst the rest that sat before Poulaho, as attendantson his majesty. He seemed at first rather abashed, as some of us werepresent who had been used to see him act a different part; but he soonrecovered himself. Some little conversation passed between these twochiefs, which none of us understood, nor were we satisfied with Omai'sinterpretation of it. We were, however, by this time sufficientlyundeceived as to Feenou's rank. Both he and Poulaho went on board withme to dinner, but only the latter sat at table. Feenou, having made hisobeisance in the usual way, saluting his sovereign's foot with his headand hands, retired out of the cabin. [164] The king had before told usthat this would happen, and it now appeared that Feenou could not eveneat or drink in his royal presence. [Footnote 164: Marks of profound respect, very similar to those paid bynatives of the Friendly Islands to their sovereign, are also paid to theprincipal chiefs, or _Tamoles_, of the Caroline Islands, as appears fromFather Cantova's account here transcribed. "Lorsqu'un _Tamole_ donneaudience, il paroit assis sur une table elevée: les peuples s'inclinentdevant lui jusqu'à terre; et du plus loin qu'ils arrivent, il marchentle corps tout courbé, et la tête presqu'entre les génoux, jusqu'à cequ'ils soient auprès de sa personne; alors ils s'asseyent à plate terre;et, les yeux baissés, il reçoivent ses ordres avec le plus profondrespect. Quand le _Tamole_ les congédie, ils se retirent, en se courbantde la même manière que quand ils sont venus, et ne se relevent quelorsqu'ils sont hors de sa presence. Ses paroles sont autant d'oraclesqu'on revere; on rend à ses ordres une obeissance aveugle; enfin, onbaise les mains et les pieds, quand on lui demande quelquegrace. "--_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, _tom. _ xv. P. 312, 313. --D. ] At eight o'clock next morning we weighed and steered for Tongataboo, having a gentle breeze at N. E. About fourteen or fifteensailing-vessels, belonging to the natives, set out with us, but everyone of them outrun the ships considerably. Feenou was to have taken hispassage in the Resolution, but preferred his own canoe, and put two menon board to conduct us to the best anchorage. We steered S. By W. Bycompass. At five in the afternoon we saw two small islands bearing W. , about fourleagues distant. Our pilots called the one Hoonga Hapaee, and the otherHoonga Tonga. They lie in the latitude of 20° 36', and ten or elevenleagues from the W. Point of Annamooka, in the direction of S. 46° W. According to the account of the islanders on board, only five men resideupon Hoonga Hapaee, and Hoonga Tonga is uninhabited; but both of themabound with sea-fowl. We continued the same course till two o'clock next morning, when, seeingsome lights ahead, and not knowing whether they were on shore, or onboard the canoes, we hauled the wind, and made a short trip each waytill daybreak. We then resumed our course to the S. By W. ; and presentlyafter saw several small islands before us, and Eooa and Tongataboobeyond them. We had, at this time, twenty-five fathoms water, over abottom of broken coral and sand. The depth gradually decreased as wedrew near the isles above mentioned, which lie ranged along the N. E. Side of Tongataboo. By the direction of our pilots we steered for themiddle of it, and for the widest space between the small isles which wewere to pass, having our boats ahead employed in sounding. We wereinsensibly drawn upon a large flat, upon which lay innumerable coralrocks, of different depths, below the surface of the water. Notwithstanding all our care and attention to keep the ship clear ofthem, we could not prevent her from striking on one of these rocks. Nordid the Discovery, though behind us, escape any better. Fortunately, neither of the ships stuck fast, nor received any damage. We could notget back without increasing the danger, as we had come almost before thewind. Nor could we cast anchor, but with the certainty of having ourcables instantly cut in two by the rocks. We had no other resource butto proceed. To this, indeed, we were encouraged, not only by beingtold, but by seeing, that there was deeper water between us and theshore. However, that we might be better informed, the moment we found aspot where we could drop the anchor, clear of rocks, we came-to, andsent the masters with the boats to sound. Soon after we had anchored, which was about noon, several of theinhabitants of Tongataboo came off in their canoes to the ships. These, as well as our pilots, assured us that we should find deep water fartherin, and a bottom free from rocks. They were not mistaken; for about fouro'clock the boats made the signal for having found good anchorage. Uponthis we weighed, and stood in till dark, and then anchored in ninefathoms, having a fine, clear, sandy bottom. During the night we had some showers of rain, but toward the morning thewind shifted to the S. And S. E. , and brought on fair weather. Atday-break we weighed, and, working in to the shore, met with noobstructions, but such as were visible and easily avoided. While we were plying up to the harbour, to which the natives directedus, the king kept sailing round us in his canoe. There were, at the sametime, a great many small canoes about the ships. Two of these, whichcould not get out of the way of his royal vessel, he run quite over, with as little concern as if they had been bits of wood. Amongst manyothers who came on board the Resolution, was Otago, who had been souseful to me when I visited Tongataboo during my last voyage, and oneToubou, who, at that time, had attached himself to Captain Furneaux. Each of them brought a hog and some yams, as a testimony of hisfriendship; and I was not wanting, on my part, in making a suitablereturn. At length, about two in the afternoon, we arrived at our intendedstation. It was a very snug place, formed by the shore of Tongataboo onthe S. E. And two small islands on the E. And N. E. Here we anchored inten fathoms water, over a bottom of oozy sand, distant from the shoreone-third of a mile. SECTION VII. _Friendly Reception at Tongataboo. --Manner of distributing a baked Hogand Kava to Poulaho's Attendants. --The Observatory, &c. Erected. --TheVillage where the Chiefs reside, and the adjoining Country, described. --Interviews with Mareewagee, and Toobou, and the King'sSon. --A grand Haiva, or Entertainment of Songs and Dances, given byMareewagee. --Exhibition of Fireworks. --Manner of Wrestling andBoxing. --Distribution of the Cattle. --Thefts committed by theNatives. --Poulaho, and the other Chiefs, confined on thatAccount. --Poulaho's Present and Haiva. _ Soon after we had anchored, having first dined, I landed, accompanied byOmai and some of the officers. We found the king waiting for as upon thebeach. He immediately conducted us to a small neat house, situated alittle within the skirts of the wood, with a fine large area before it. This house, he told me, was at my service during our stay at the island;and a better situation we could not wish for. We had not been long in the house before a pretty large circle of thenatives were assembled before us, and seated upon the area. A root ofthe _kava_ plant being brought, and laid down before the king, heordered it to be split into pieces, and distributed to several people ofboth sexes, who began the operation of chewing it, and a bowl of theirfavourite liquor was soon prepared. In the mean time, a baked hog, andtwo baskets of baked yams, were produced, and afterward divided into tenportions. These portions were then given to certain people present; buthow many were to share in each I could not tell. One of them, Iobserved, was bestowed upon the king's brother, and one remainedundisposed of, which, I judged, was for the king himself, as it was achoice bit. The liquor was next served out, but Poulaho seemed to giveno directions about it. The first cup was brought to him, which heordered to be given to one who sat near him. The second was also broughtto him, and this he kept. The third was given to me, but their manner ofbrewing having quenched my thirst, it became Omai's property. The restof the liquor was distributed to different people, by direction of theman who had the management of it. One of the cups being carried to theking's brother, he retired with this, and with his mess of victuals. Some others also quitted the circle with their portions, and the reasonwas, they could neither eat nor drink in the royal presence; but therewere others present, of a much inferior rank, of both sexes, who didboth. Soon after most of them withdrew, carrying with them what they hadnot eat of their share of the feast. I observed that not a fourth part of the company had tasted either thevictuals or the drink; those who partook of the former I supposed to beof the king's household. The servants who distributed the baked meat andthe _kava_, always delivered it out of their hand sitting, not only tothe king but to every other person. It is worthy of remark, though thiswas the first time of our landing, and a great many people were presentwho had never seen us before, yet no one was troublesome, but thegreatest good order was preserved throughout the whole assembly. Before I returned on board, I went in search of a watering-place, andwas conducted to some ponds, or rather holes, containing fresh water, asthey were pleased to call it. The contents of one of these indeed weretolerable, but it was at some distance inland, and the supply to be gotfrom it was very inconsiderable. Being informed that the little islandof Pangimodoo, near which the ships lay, could better furnish thisnecessary article, I went over to it next morning, and was so fortunateas to find there a small pool that had rather fresher water than any wehad met with amongst these islands. The pool being very dirty, I orderedit to be cleaned; and here it was that we watered the ships. As I intended to make some stay at Tongataboo, we pitched a tent in theforenoon, just by the house which Poulaho had assigned for our use. Thehorses, cattle, and sheep, were afterward landed, and a party ofmarines, with their officer, stationed there as a guard. The observatorywas then set up, at a small distance from the other tent; and Mr Kingresided on shore, to attend the observations, and to superintend theseveral operations necessary to be conducted there. For the sails werecarried thither to be repaired; a party was employed in cutting woodfor fuel, and plank for the use of the ships; and the gunners of bothwere ordered to remain on the spot, to conduct the traffic with thenatives, who thronged from every part of the island with hogs, yams, cocoa-nuts, and other articles of their produce. In a short time ourland post was like a fair, and the ships were so crowded with visitors, that we had hardly room to stir upon the decks. Feenou had taken up his residence in our neighbourhood; but he was nolonger the leading man. However we still found him to be a person ofconsequence, and we had daily proofs of his opulence and liberality, bythe continuance of his valuable presents. But the king was equallyattentive in this respect, for scarcely a day passed without receivingfrom him some considerable donation. We now heard that there were othergreat men of the island whom we had not as yet seen. Otago and Toobou, in particular, mentioned a person named Mareewagee, who, they said, wasof the first consequence in the place, and held in great veneration, nay, if Omai did not misunderstand them, superior even to Poulaho, towhom he was related; but being old, lived in retirement, and thereforewould not visit us. Some of the natives even hinted that he was toogreat a man to confer that honour upon us. This account exciting mycuriosity, I this day mentioned to Poulaho that I was very desirous ofwaiting upon Mareewagee; and he readily agreed to accompany me to theplace of his residence the next morning. Accordingly, we set out pretty early in the pinnace, and Captain Clerkejoined me in one of his own boats. We proceeded round, that is, to theeastward of the little isles that form the harbour, and then, turning tothe S. , according to Poulaho's directions, entered a spacious bay orinlet, up which we rowed about a league, and landed amidst aconsiderable number of people, who received us with a sort ofacclamation, not unlike our huzzaing. They immediately separated, to letPoulaho pass, who took us into a small inclosure, and shifted the pieceof cloth he wore for a new piece, neatly folded, that was carried by ayoung man. An old woman assisted in dressing him, and put a mat over hiscloth, as we supposed, to prevent its being dirtied when he sat down. Onour now asking him where Mareewagee was, to our great surprise, he saidhe had gone from the place to the ship just before we arrived. However, he desired us to walk with him to a _malaee_, or house of public resort, which stood about half a mile up the country. But when we came to alarge area before it, he sat down in the path, and desired us to walk upto the house. We did so, and seated ourselves in front, while the crowdthat followed us filled up the rest of the space. After sitting a littlewhile, we repeated our enquiries, by means of Omai, Whether we were tosee Mareewagee? But receiving no satisfactory information, andsuspecting that the old chief was purposely concealed from us, we wentback to our boats much piqued at our disappointment; and when I got onboard I found that no such person had been there. It afterward appeared, that in this affair we had laboured under some gross mistakes, and thatour interpreter Omai had either been misinformed, or, which is morelikely, had misunderstood what was told him about the great man, onwhose account we had made this excursion. The place we went to was a village, most delightfully situated on thebank of the inlet, where all, or most of the principal persons of theisland reside, each having his house in the midst of a small plantation, with lesser houses, and offices for servants. These plantations areneatly fenced round; and, for the most part, have only one entrance. This is by a door, fastened on the inside by a prop of wood, so that aperson has to knock before he can get admittance. Public roads, andnarrow lanes, lie between each plantation, so that no one trespassethupon another. Great part of some of these inclosures is laid out ingrass-plots, and planted with such things as seem more for ornament thanuse; but hardly any were without the _kava_ plant, from which they maketheir favourite liquor. Every article of the vegetable produce of theisland abounded in others of these plantations; but these, I observed, are not the residence of people of the first rank. There are some largehouses near the public roads, with spacious smooth grass-plots beforethem, and uninclosed. These, I was told, belonged to the king; andprobably they are the places where their public assemblies are held. Itwas to one of these houses, as I have already mentioned, that we wereconducted soon after our landing at this place. About noon, the next day, this Mareewagee, of whom we had heard so much, actually came to the neighbourhood of our post on shore, and with him avery considerable number of people of all ranks. I was informed, that hehad taken this trouble on purpose to give me an opportunity of waitingupon him; having probably heard of the displeasure I had shewn on mydisappointment the day before. In the afternoon, a party of us, accompanied by Feenou, landed, to pay him a visit. We found a personsitting under a large tree near the shore, a little to the right of thetent. A piece of cloth, at least forty yards long, was spread beforehim, round which a great number of people of both sexes were seated. Itwas natural to suppose that this was the great man, but we wereundeceived by Feenou, who informed us that another, who sat on a pieceof mat, a little way from this chief, to the right hand, was Mareewagee, and he introduced us to him, who received us very kindly, and desired usto sit down by him. The person who sat under the tree, fronting us, wascalled Toobou; and, when I have occasion to speak of him afterward, Ishall call him old Toobou, to distinguish him from his namesake, CaptainFurneaux's friend. Both he and Mareewagee had a venerable appearance. The latter was a slender man, and, from his appearance, seemed to beconsiderably above threescore years of age; the former was rathercorpulent, and almost blind with a disorder of his eyes, though not soold. Not expecting to meet with two chiefs on this occasion, I had onlybrought on shore a present for one. This I now found myself under anecessity of dividing between them; but it happened to be prettyconsiderable, and both of them seemed satisfied. After this, weentertained them for about an hour with the performance of two Frenchhorns and a drum. But they seemed most pleased with the firing off apistol, which Captain Clerke had in his pocket. Before I took my leave, the large piece of cloth was rolled up, and, with a few cocoa-nuts, presented to me. The next morning old Toobou returned my visit on board the ship. He alsovisited Captain Clerke; and if the present we made to him the eveningbefore was scanty, the deficiency was now made up. During this timeMareewagee visited our people ashore, and Mr King shewed to him, everything we had there. He viewed the cattle with great admiration, and thecross-cut saw fixed his attention for some time. Toward noon Poulaho returned from the place where we had left, him twodays before, and brought with him his son, a youth about twelve years ofage. I had his company at dinner; but the son, though present, was notallowed to sit down with him. It was very convenient to have him for myguest. For when he was present, which was generally the case while westayed here, every other native was excluded from the table, and but fewof them would remain in the cabin. Whereas, if by chance it happenedthat neither he nor Feenou were on board, the inferior chiefs would bevery importunate to be of our dining party, or to be admitted into thecabin at that time, and then we were so crowded that we could not sitdown to a meal with any satisfaction. The king was very soon reconciledto our manner of cookery. But still I believe he dined thus frequentlywith me more for the sake of what we gave him to drink, than for what weset before him to eat. For he had taken a liking to our wine, couldempty his bottle as well as most men, and was as cheerful over it. Henow fixed his residence at the house, or _malaee_, by our tent; andthere he entertained our people this evening with a dance. To thesurprise of every body the unwieldy Poulaho endeavoured to vie withothers in that active amusement. In the morning of the 15th I received a message from old Toobou that hewanted to see me ashore. Accordingly Omai and I went to wait upon him. We found him, like an ancient patriarch, seated under the shade of atree, with a large piece of the cloth, made in the island, spread out atfull length before him, and a number of respectably looking peoplesitting round it. He desired us to place ourselves by him; and then hetold Omai, that the cloth, together with a piece of red feathers, andabout a dozen cocoa-nuts, were his present to me. I thanked him for thefavour, and desired he would go on board with me, as I had nothing onshore to give him in return. Omai now left me, being sent for by Penlaho; and soon after Feenou came, and acquainted me that young Fattafaihe, Poulaho's son, desired to seeme. I obeyed the summons, and found the prince and Omai sitting under alarge canopy of the finer sort of cloth, with a piece of the coarsersort spread under them and before them, that was seventy-six yards long, and seven and a half broad. On one side was a large old boar, and on theother side a heap of cocoa-nuts. A number of people were seated roundthe cloth, and amongst them I observed Mareewagee, and others of thefirst rank. I was desired to sit down by the prince; and then Omaiinformed me, that he had been instructed by the king to tell me, that, as he and I were friends, he hoped that his son might be joined in thisfriendship, and that, as a token of my consent, I would accept of hispresent. I very readily agreed to the proposal; and it being now dinnertime, I invited them all on board. Accordingly, the young prince, Mareewagee, old Toobou, three or fourinferior chiefs, and two respectable old ladies of the first rank, accompanied me. Mareewagee was dressed in a new piece of cloth, on theskirts of which were fixed six pretty large patches of red feathers. This dress seemed to have been made on purpose for this visit; for, assoon as he got on board, he put it off, and presented it to me; having, I guess, heard that it would be acceptable, on account of the feathers. Every one of my visitors received from me such presents, as, I hadreason to believe, they were highly satisfied with. When dinner cameupon table, not one of them would sit down, or eat a bit, of any thingthat was served up. On expressing my surprise at this, they were all_taboo_, as they said; which word has a very comprehensive meanings but, in general, signifies that a thing is forbidden. Why they were laidunder such restraints, at present, was not explained. Dinner being over, and, having gratified their curiosity, by shewing to them every part ofthe ship, I then conducted them ashore. As soon as the boat reached the beach, Feenou, and some others, instantly stepped out. Young Fattafaihe following them, was called backby Mareewagee, who now paid the heir-apparent the same obeisance, and inthe same manner, that I had seen it paid to the king. And when oldToobou, and one of the old ladies, had shewn him the same marks ofrespect, he was suffered to land. This ceremony being over, the oldpeople stepped from my boat into a canoe that was waiting to carry themto their place of abode. I was not sorry to be present on this occasion, as I was thus furnishedwith the most unequivocal proofs of the supreme dignity of Poulaho andhis son, over the other principal chiefs. Indeed, by this time, I hadacquired some certain information about the relative situations of theseveral great men, whose names have been so often mentioned. I now knew, that Mareewagee and old Toobou were brothers. Both of them were men ofgreat property in the island, and seemed to be in high estimation withthe people; the former, in particular, had the very honourableappellation given to him, by every body, of _Motooa Tonga_; that is tosay, Father of Tonga, or of his country. The nature of his relationshipto the king was also no longer a secret to us; for we now understood, that he was his father-in-law; Poulaho having married one of hisdaughters, by whom he had this son; so that Mareewagee was the prince'sgrandfather. Poulaho's appearance having satisfied us, that we had beenunder a mistake in considering Feenou as the sovereign of these islands, we had been, at first, much puzzled about his real rank; but that was, by this time, ascertained. Feenou was one of Mareewagee's sons; andTooboueitoa was another. On my landing, I found the king, in the house adjoining to our tent, along with our people who resided on shore. The moment I got to him, hebestowed upon me a present of a large hog and a quantity of yams. Aboutthe dusk of the evening, a number of men came, and, having sat down in around group, began to sing in concert with the music of bamboo drums, which were placed in the centre. [165] There were three long ones, andtwo short. With these they struck the ground endwise, as beforedescribed. There were two others, which lay on the ground, side by side, and one of them was split or shivered; on these a man kept beating withtwo small sticks. They sung three songs while I stayed; and, I was told, that, after I left them, the entertainment lasted till ten o'clock. Theyburnt the leaves of the _wharra_ palm for a light; which is the onlything I ever saw them make use of for this purpose. [Footnote 165: The same sort of evening concert is performed round thehouse of the chief, or _Tamole_, at the Caroline Islands. "Le _Tamole_ne s'endort qu'au bruit d'un concert de musique que forme une troupe dejeunes gens, qui s'assemblent le soir, autour de sa maison, et quichantent, à leur manière, certaines poësies. "--_Lettres Edifiantes &Curieuses_, tom, xv. P. 314. --D. ] While I was passing the day in attendance on these great men, MrAnderson, with some others, made an excursion into the country, whichfurnished him with the following remarks: "To the westward of the tent, the country is totally uncultivated for near two miles, though quitecovered with trees and bushes, in a natural state, growing with thegreatest vigour. Beyond this is a pretty large plain, on which are somecocoa-trees, and a few small plantations that appear to have been latelymade; and, seemingly, on ground that has never been cultivated before. Near the creek, which runs to the westward of the tent, the land isquite flat, and partly overflowed by the sea every tide. When thatretires, the surface is seen to be composed of coral rock, with holes ofyellowish mud scattered up and down; and toward the edges, where it is alittle firmer, are innumerable little openings, from which issue as manysmall crabs, of two or three different sorts, which swarm upon the spot, as flies upon a carcase; but are so nimble, that, on being approached, they disappear in an instant, and baffle even the natives to catch anyof them. At this place is a work of art, which shews that these people arecapable of some design, and perseverance, when they mean to accomplishany thing. This work begins, on one side, as a narrow causeway, which, becoming gradually broader, rises, with a gentle ascent, to the heightof ten feet, where it is five paces broad, and the whole lengthseventy-four paces. Joined to this is a sort of circus, whose diameteris thirty paces, and not above a foot or two higher than the causewaythat joins it, with some trees planted in the middle. On the oppositeside, another causeway of the same sort descends; but this is not aboveforty paces long, and is partly in ruin. The whole is built with largecoral stones, with earth on the surface, which is quite overgrown withlow trees and shrubs; and, from its decaying in several places, seems tobe of no modern date. Whatever may have been its use formerly, it seemsto be of none now; and all that we could learn of it from the nativeswas, that it belonged to Poulaho, and is called _Etchee_. On the 16th, in the morning, after visiting the several works nowcarrying on ashore, Mr Gore and I took a walk into the country; in thecourse of which nothing remarkable appeared, but our havingopportunities of seeing the whole process of making cloth, which is theprincipal manufacture of these islands, as well as of many others inthis ocean. In the narrative of my first voyage, a minute description isgiven of this operation, as performed at Otaheite; but the process, here, differing in some particulars, it may be worth while to give thefollowing account of it: The manufacturers, who are females, take the slender stalks or trunks ofthe paper-mulberry, which they cultivate for that purpose, and whichseldom grow more than six or seven feet in height, and about fourfingers in thickness. From these they strip the bark, and scrape offthe outer rind with a muscle-shell. The bark is then rolled up, to takeoff the convexity which it had round the stalk, and macerated in waterfor some time (they say, a night). After this, it is laid across thetrunk of a small tree squared, and beaten with a square woodeninstrument, about a foot long, full of coarse grooves on all sides; but, sometimes, with one that is plain. According to the size of the bark, apiece is soon produced; but the operation is often repeated by anotherhand, or it is folded several times, and beat longer, which seems ratherintended to close than to divide its texture. When this is sufficientlyeffected, it is spread out to dry; the pieces being from four to six, ormore, feet in length, and half as broad. They are then given to anotherperson, who joins the pieces, by smearing part of them over with theviscous juice of a berry, called _tooo_, which serves as a glue. Havingbeen thus lengthened, they are laid over a large piece of wood, with akind of stamp, made of a fibrous substance pretty closely interwoven, placed beneath. They then take a bit of cloth, and dip it in a juice, expressed from the bark of a tree, called _kokka_, which they rubbriskly upon the piece that is making. This, at once, leaves a dullbrown colour, and a dry gloss upon its surface; the stamp, at the sametime, making a slight impression, that answers no other purpose, that Icould see, but to make the several pieces, that are glued together, stick a little more firmly. In this manner they proceed, joining andstaining by degrees, till they produce a piece of cloth, of such lengthand breadth as they want; generally leaving a border, of a foot broad, at the sides, and longer at the ends, unstained. Throughout the whole, if any parts of the original pieces are too thin, or have holes, whichis often the case, they glue spare bits upon them, till they become ofan equal thickness. When they want to produce a black colour, they mixthe soot procured from an oily nut, called _dooedooe_, with the juice ofthe _kokka_, in different quantities, according to the proposed depth ofthe tinge. They say, that the black sort of cloth, which is commonlymost glazed, makes a cold dress, but the other a warm one; and, toobtain strength in both, they are always careful to join the smallpieces lengthwise, which makes it impossible to tear the cloth in anydirection but one. On our return from the country, we met with Feenou, and took him, andanother young chief, on board to dinner. When our fare was set upon thetable, neither of them would eat a bit; saying, that they were _tabooavy_. But, after enquiring how the victuals had been dressed, havingfound that no _avy_ (water) had been used in cooking a pig; and someyams, they both sat down, and made a very hearty meal; and, on beingassured that there was no water in the wine, they drank of it also. Fromthis we conjectured, that, on some account or another, they were, atthis time, forbidden to use water; or, which was more probable, they didnot like the water we made use of, it being taken up out of one of theirbathing-places. This was not the only time of our meeting with peoplethat were _taboo avy_; but, for what reason, we never could tell withany degree of certainty. Next day, the 17th, was fixed upon by Mareewagee, for giving a grand_Haiva_, or entertainment, to which we were all invited. For thispurpose a large space had been cleared, before the temporary hut of thischief, near our post, as an area where the performances were to beexhibited. In the morning, great multitudes of the natives came in fromthe country, every one carrying a pole, about six feet long, upon hisshoulder; and at each end of every pole, a yam was suspended. These yamsand poles were deposited on each side of the area, so as to form twolarge heaps, decorated with different sorts of small fish, and piled upto the greatest advantage. They were Mareewagee's present to CaptainClerke and me; and it was hard to say, whether the wood for fuel, or theyams for food, were of most value to us. As for the fish, they mightserve to please the sight, but were very offensive to the smell; part ofthem having been kept two or three days, to be presented to us on thisoccasion. Every thing being thus prepared, about eleven o'clock they began toexhibit various dances, which they call _mai_. The music[166] consisted, at first, of seventy men as a chorus, who sat down; and amidst them wereplaced three instruments, which we called drums, though very unlikethem. They are large cylindrical pieces of wood, or trunks of trees, from three to four feet long, some twice as thick as an ordinary sizedman, and some smaller, hollowed entirely out, but close at both ends, and open only by a chink, about three inches broad, running almost thewhole length of the drums; by which opening, the rest of the wood iscertainly hollowed, though the operation must be difficult. Thisinstrument is called _naffa_; and, with the chink turned toward them, they sit and beat strongly upon it, with two cylindrical pieces of hardwood, about a foot long, and as thick as the wrist; by which means theyproduce a rude, though loud and powerful sound. They vary the strengthand rate of their beating, at different parts of the dance; and alsochange the tones, by beating in the middle, or near the end, of theirdrum. [Footnote 166: Mr Anderson's description of the entertainments of thisday being much fuller than Captain Cook's, it has been adopted, as on aformer occasion. --D. ] The first dance consisted of four ranks, of twenty-four men each, holding in their hands a little, thin, light, wooden instrument, abovetwo feet long, and, in shape, not unlike a small oblong paddle. Withthese, which are called _pagge_, they made a great many differentmotions; such as pointing them toward the ground on one side, at thesame time inclining their bodies that way, from which they were shiftedto the opposite side in the same manner; then passing them quickly fromone hand to the other, and twirling them about very dextrously; with avariety of other manoeuvres, all which were accompanied by correspondingattitudes of the body. Their motions were, at first, slow, but quickenedas the drums beat faster; and they recited sentences, in a musical tone, the whole time, which were answered by the chorus; but at the end of ashort space they all joined, and finished with a shout. After ceasing about two or three minutes, they began as before, andcontinued, with short intervals, above a quarter of an hour; when therear rank dividing, shifted themselves very slowly round each end, and, meeting in the front, formed the first rank; the whole number continuingto recite the sentences as before. The other ranks did the samesuccessively, till that which, at first, was the front, became the rear;and the evolution continued, in the same manner, till the last rankregained its first situation. They then began a much quicker dance(though slow at first), and sung for about ten minutes, when the wholebody divided into two parts, retreated a little, and then approached, forming a sort of circular figure, which finished the dance; the drumsbeing removed, and the chorus going off the field at the same time. The second dance had only two drums, with forty men for a chorus; andthe dancers, or rather actors, consisted of two ranks, the foremosthaving seventeen, and the other fifteen persons. Feenou was at theirhead, or in the middle of the front rank, which is the principal placein these cases. They danced and recited sentences, with some very shortintervals, for about half an hour, sometimes quickly, sometimes moreslowly, but with such a degree of exactness, as if all the motions weremade by one man, which did them great credit. Near the close, the backrank divided, came round, and took the place of the front, which, againresumed its situation, as in the first dance; and when they finished, the drums and chorus, as before, went off. Three drums (which, at least, took two, and sometimes three men to carrythem) were now brought in; and seventy men sat down as a chorus to thethird dance. This consisted of two ranks, of sixteen persons each, withyoung Toobou at their head, who was richly ornamented with a sort ofgarment covered with red feathers. These danced, sung, and twirled the_pagge_, as before; but, in general, much quicker, and performed sowell, that they had the constant applauses of the spectators. A motionthat met with particular approbation, was one in which they held theface aside, as if ashamed, and the _pagge_ before it. The back rankclosed before the front one, and that again resumed its place, as in thetwo former dances; but then they began again, formed a triple row, divided, retreated to each end of the area, and left the greatest partof the ground clear. At that instant, two men entered very hastily, andexercised the clubs which they use in battle. They did this, by firsttwirling them in their hands, and making circular strokes before themwith great force and quickness; but so skilfully managed, that, thoughstanding quite close, they never interfered. They shifted their clubsfrom hand to hand, with great dexterity; and, after continuing a littletime, kneeled, and made different motions, tossing the clubs up in theair, which they caught as they fell; and then went off as hastily asthey entered. Their heads were covered with pieces of white cloth, tiedat the crown (almost like a night-cap) with a wreath of foliage roundthe forehead; but they had only very small pieces of white cloth tiedabout their waists; probably, that they might be cool, and free fromevery encumbrance or weight. A person with a spear, dressed like theformer, then came in, and in the same hasty manner; looking abouteagerly, as if in search of somebody to throw it at. He then ranhastily to one side of the crowd in the front, and put himself in athreatening attitude, as if he meant to strike with his spear at one ofthem, bending the knee a little, and trembling, as it were with rage. Hecontinued in this manner only a few seconds, when he moved to the otherside, and having stood in the same posture there, for the same shorttime, retreated from the ground, as fast as when he made his appearance. The dancers, who had divided into two parties, kept repeating somethingslowly all this while: and now advanced, and joined again, ending withuniversal applause. It should seem that this dance was considered as oneof their capital performances, if we might judge from some of theprincipal people being engaged in it. For one of the drums was beat byFuttafaihe, the brother of Poulaho, another by Feenou, and the third, which did not belong to the chorus, by Mareewagee himself, at theentrance of his hut. The last dance had forty men, and two drums, as a chorus. It consistedof sixty men, who had not danced before, disposed in three rows, havingtwenty-four in front. But, before they began, we were entertained with apretty long preliminary harangue, in which the whole body made responsesto a single person who spoke. They recited sentences (perhaps verses)alternately with the chorus, and made many motions with the _pagge_, ina very brisk mode, which were all applauded with _mareeai!_ and_fufogge!_ words expressing two different degrees of praise. Theydivided into two bodies, with their backs to each other; formed again, shifted their ranks, as in the other dances; divided and retreated, making room for two champions, who exercised their clubs as before; andafter them two others; the dancers, all the time, reciting slowly inturn with the chorus; after which they advanced and finished. These dances, if they can properly be called so, lasted from eleven tillnear three o'clock; and though they were, doubtless, intended, particularly, either in honour of us, or to shew a specimen of theirdexterity, vast numbers of their own people attended as spectators. Their numbers could not be computed exactly, on account of theinequality of the ground; but, by reckoning the inner circle, and thenumber in depth, which was between twenty and thirty in many places, wesupposed that there must be near four thousand. At the same time, therewere round the trading place at the tent, and straggling about, at leastas many more; and some of us computed, that, aft this time, there wereno less than ten or twelve thousand people in our neighbourhood; thatis, within the compass of a quarter of a mile; drawn together, for themost part, by mere curiosity. It is with regret I mention, that we could not understand what wasspoken, while we were able to see what was acted, in these amusements. This, doubtless, would have afforded us much information, as to thegenius and customs of these people. It was observable, that, though thespectators always approved of the various motions, when well made, agreat share of the pleasure they received seemed to arise from thesentimental part, or what the performers delivered in their speeches. However, the mere acting part, independently of the sentences repeated, was well worth our notice, both with respect to the extensive plan onwhich it was executed, and to the various motions, as well as the exactunity, with which they were performed. Neither pencil nor pen candescribe the numerous actions and motions, the singularity of which wasnot greater, than was the ease and gracefulness with which they wereperformed. At night, we were entertained with the _bomai_, or night dances, on aspace before Feenou's temporary habitation. They lasted about threehours; in which time we had about twelve of them performed, much afterthe same manner as those at Hepaee. But, in two, that were performed bywomen, a number of men came and formed a circle within their's. And, inanother, consisting of twenty-four men, there were a number of motionswith the hands, that we had not seen before, and were highly applauded. The music was, also, once changed, in the course of the night; and inone of the dances, Feenou appeared at the head of fifty men who hadperformed at Hepaee, and he was well dressed with linen, a large pieceof gauze, and some little pictures hung round his neck. But it wasevident, after the diversions were closed, that we had put these poorpeople, or rather that they had put themselves, to much inconvenience. For being drawn together on this uninhabited part of their island, numbers of them were obliged to lie down and sleep under the bushes, bythe side of a tree, or of a canoe; nay, many either lay down in the openair, which they are not fond of, or walked about all the night. The whole of this entertainment was conducted with far better order, than could have been expected in so large an assembly. Amongst such amultitude, there must be a number of ill-disposed people; and we, hourly, experienced it. All our care and attention did not prevent theirplundering us, in every quarter; and that in the most daring andinsolent manner. There was hardly any thing that they did not attempt tosteal; and yet, as the crowd was always so great, I would not allow thesentries to fire, lest the innocent should suffer for the guilty. Theyonce, at noon day, ventured to aim at taking an anchor from off theDiscovery's bows; and they would certainly have succeeded, if the flookhad not hooked one of the chain-plates in lowering down the ship's side, from which they could not disengage it by hand; and tackles were thingsthey were unacquainted with. The only act of violence they were guiltyof, was the breaking the shoulder-bone of one of our goats, so that shedied soon after. This loss fell upon themselves, as she was one of thosethat I intended to leave upon the island; but of this, the person whodid it was ignorant. Early in the morning of the 18th, an incident happened, that stronglymarked one of their customs. A man got out of a canoe into the quartergallery of the Resolution, and stole from thence a pewter bason. He wasdiscovered, pursued, and brought alongside the ship. On this occasion, three old women, who were in the canoe, made loud lamentations over theprisoner, beating their breasts and faces in a most violent manner, withthe inside of their fists; and all this was done without shedding atear. This mode of expressing grief is what occasions the mark whichalmost all this people bear on the face, over the cheek-bones. Therepeated blows which they inflict upon this part, abrade the skin, andmake even the blood flow out in a considerable quantity; and when thewounds are recent, they look as if a hollow circle had been burnt in. Onmany occasions, they actually cut this part of the face with aninstrument, in the same manner as the people of Otaheite cut theirheads. This day, I bestowed on Mareewagee some presents, in return for those wehad received from him the day before; and as the entertainments which hehad then exhibited for our amusement, called upon us to make someexhibition in our way, I ordered the party of marines to go throughtheir exercise on the spot where his dances had been performed; and, inthe evening, played off some fire-works at the same place. Poulaho, withall the principal chiefs, and a great number of people, of alldenominations, were present. The platoon firing, which was executedtolerably well, seemed to give them pleasure; but they were lost inastonishment when they beheld our water-rockets. They paid but littleattention to the fife and drum, or French horns that played during theintervals. The king sat behind every body, because no one is allowed tosit behind him; and, that his view might not be obstructed, nobody satimmediately before him; but a lane, as it were, was made by the peoplefrom him, quite down to the space allotted for the fire-works. In expectation of this evening show, the circle of natives about ourtent being pretty large, they engaged, the greatest part of theafternoon, in boxing and wrestling; the first of which exercises theycall _fangatooa_, and the second _foohoo_. When any of them chooses towrestle, he gets up from one side of the ring, and crosses the ground ina sort of measured pace, clapping smartly on the elbow joint of one arm, which is bent, and produces a hollow sound; that is reckoned thechallenge. If no person comes out from the opposite side to engage him, he returns in the same manner, and sits down; but sometimes standsclapping in the midst of the ground, to provoke some one to come out. Ifan opponent appear, they come together with marks of the greatestgood-nature, generally smiling, and taking time to adjust the piece ofcloth which is fastened round the waist. They then lay hold of eachother by this girdle, with a hand on each side; and he who succeeds indrawing his antagonist to him, immediately tries to lift him upon hisbreast, and throw him upon his back; and if he be able to turn roundwith him two or three times, in that position, before he throws him, hisdexterity never fails of procuring plaudits from the spectators. If theybe more equally matched, they close soon, and endeavour to throw eachother by entwining their legs, or lifting each other from the ground; inwhich struggles they shew a prodigious exertion of strength, everymuscle, as it were, being ready to burst with straining. When one isthrown, he immediately quits the field, but the victor sits down for afew seconds, then gets up, and goes to the side he came from, whoproclaim the victory aloud, in a sentence delivered slowly, and in amusical cadence. After sitting a short space, he rises again andchallenges; when some-times several antagonists make their appearance;but he has the privilege of choosing which of them he pleases towrestle with; and has, likewise, the preference of challenging again, ifhe should throw his adversary, until he himself be vanquished; and thenthe opposite side sing the song of victory in favour of their champion. It also often happens, that five or six rise from each side, andchallenge together; in which case, it is common to see three or fourcouple engaged on the field at once. But it is astonishing to see whattemper they preserve in this exercise; for we observed no instances oftheir leaving the spot, with the least displeasure in theircountenances. When they find that they are so equally matched as not tobe likely to throw each other, they leave off by mutual consent. And ifthe fall of one is not fair, or if it does not appear very clearly whohas had the advantage, both sides sing the victory, and then they engageagain. But no person, who has been vanquished, can engage with hisconqueror a second time. The boxers advance side-ways, changing the side at every pace, with onearm stretched fully out before, the other behind; and holding a piece ofcord in one hand, which they wrap firmly about it, when they find anantagonist, or else have done so before they enter. This, I imagine, they do, to prevent a dislocation of the hand or fingers. Their blowsare directed chiefly to the head; but sometimes to the sides; and aredealt out with great activity. They shift sides, and box equally wellwith both hands. But one of their favourite and most dextrous blows, is, to turn round on their heel, just as they have struck their antagonist, and to give him another very smart one with the other hand backward. The boxing matches seldom last long; and the parties either leave offtogether, or one acknowledges his being beat. But they never sing thesong of victory in these cases, unless one strikes his adversary to theground; which shews, that, of the two, wrestling is their most approveddiversion. Not only boys engage, in both the exercises, but frequentlylittle girls box very obstinately for a short time. In all which cases, it doth not appear, that they ever consider it as the smallest disgraceto be vanquished; and the person overcome sits down, with as muchindifference, as if he had never entered the lists. Some of our peopleventured to contend with them in both exercises, but were alwaysworsted; except in a few instances, where it appeared, that the fearthey were in of offending us, contributed more to the victory, than thesuperiority of the person they engaged. The cattle, which we had brought, and which were all on shore, howevercarefully guarded, I was sensible, run no small risk, when I consideredthe thievish disposition of many of the natives, and their dexterity inappropriating to themselves, by stealth, what they saw no prospect ofobtaining by fair means. For this reason, I thought it prudent todeclare my intention of leaving behind me some of our animals; and evento make a distribution of them previously to my departure. With this view, in the evening of the 19th, I assembled all the chiefsbefore our house, and my intended presents to them were marked out. ToPoulaho, the king, I gave a young English bull and cow; to Mareewagee, aCape ram, and two ewes; and to Feenou, a horse and a mare. As my design, to make such a distribution, had been made known the day before, most ofthe people in the neighbourhood were then present. I instructed Omai totell them, that there were no such animals within many months sail oftheir island; that we had brought them, for their use, from that immensedistance, at a vast trouble and expence; that, therefore, they must becareful not to kill any of them, till they had multiplied to a numerousrace; and, lastly, that they and their children ought to remember, thatthey had received them from the men of _Britane_. He also explained tothem their several uses, and what else was necessary for them to know, or rather as far as he knew; for Omai was not very well versed in suchthings himself. As I intended that the above presents should remain withthe other cattle, till we were ready to sail, I desired each of thechiefs to send a man or two to look after their respective animals, along with my people, in order that they might be better acquainted withthem, and with the manner of treating them. The king and Feenou did so;but neither Mareewagee, nor any other person for him, took the leastnotice of the sheep afterward; nor did old Toobou attend at thismeeting, though he was invited, and was in the neighbourhood. I hadmeant to give him the goats, viz. A ram and two ewes; which, as he wasso indifferent about them, I added to the king's share. It soon appeared, that some were dissatisfied with this allotment ofour animals; for, early next morning, one of our kids, and twoturkey-cocks, were missing. I could not be so simple as to suppose, thatthis was merely an accidental loss; and I was determined to have themagain. The first step I took was to seize on three canoes that happenedto be alongside the ships. I then went ashore, and, having found theking, his brother, Feenou, and some other chiefs, in the house that weoccupied, I immediately put a guard over them, and gave them tounderstand, that they must remain under restraint, till not only the kidand the turkeys, but the other things that had been stolen from us, atdifferent times, were restored. They concealed, as well as they could, their feelings, on finding themselves prisoners; and, having assured me, that every thing should be restored, as I desired, sat down to drinktheir _kava_, seemingly much at their ease. It was not long before anaxe, and an iron wedge, were brought to me. In the mean time, some armednatives began to gather behind the house; but, on a part of our guardmarching against them, they dispersed; and I advised the chiefs to giveorders, that no more should appear. Such orders were accordingly givenby them, and they were obeyed. On asking them to go aboard with me todinner, they readily consented. But some having afterward objected tothe king's going, he instantly rose up, and declared he would be thefirst man. Accordingly we came on board. I kept them there till nearfour o'clock, when I conducted them ashore; and, soon after, the kid, and one of the turkey-cocks, were brought back. The other, they said, should be restored the next morning. I believed this would happen, andreleased both them and the canoes. After the chiefs had left us, I walked out with Omai, to observe how thepeople about us fared; for this was the time of their meals. I foundthat, in general, they were at short commons. Nor is this to be wonderedat, since most of the yams, and other provisions which they brought withthem, were sold to us; and they never thought of returning to their ownhabitations, while they could find any sort of subsistence in ourneighbourhood. Our station was upon an uncultivated point of land; sothat there were none of the islanders, who, properly, resided withinhalf a mile of us. But, even at this distance, the multitude ofstrangers being so great, one might have expected, that every housewould have been much crowded. It was quite otherwise. The familiesresiding there were as much left to themselves, as if there had not beena supernumerary visitor near them. All the strangers lived in littletemporary sheds, or under trees and bushes; and the cocoa-trees werestripped of their branches, to erect habitations for the chiefs. In this walk we met with about half a dozen women, in one place, atsupper. Two of the company, I observed, being fed by the others, on ourasking the reason, they said _taboo mattee_. On farther enquiry wefound, that one of them had, two months before, washed the dead corpseof a chief; and that, on this account, she was not to handle any foodfor five months. The other had performed the same office to the corpseof another person of inferior rank, and was now under the samerestriction; but not for so long a time. At another place, hard by, wesaw another woman fed; and we learnt, that she had assisted in washingthe corpse of the above-mentioned chief. Early the next morning, the king came on board, to invite me to anentertainment, which he proposed to give the same day. He had alreadybeen under the barber's hands; his head being all besmeared with redpigment, in order to redden his hair, which was naturally of adark-brown colour. After breakfast, I attended him to the shore; and wefound his people very busy, in two places, in the front of our area, fixing, in an upright and square position, thus [::], four very longposts, near two feet from each other. The space between the posts wasafterward filled up with yams; and as they went on filling it, theyfastened pieces of sticks across, from post to post, at the distance ofabout every four feet, to prevent the posts from separating by theweight of the inclosed yams, and also to get up by. When the yams hadreached the top of the first posts, they fastened others to them, and socontinued till each pile was the height of thirty feet, or upward. Onthe top of one, they placed two baked hogs; and on the top of the other, a living one; and another they tied by the legs, half-way up. It wasmatter of curiosity to observe, with what facility and dispatch thesetwo piles were raised. Had our seamen been ordered to execute such awork, they would have sworn that it could not be performed withoutcarpenters; and the carpenters would have called to their aid a dozendifferent sorts of tools, and have expended, at least, a hundred weightof nails; and, after all, it would have employed them as many days as itdid these people hours. But seamen, like most other amphibious animals, are always the most helpless on land. After they had completed these twopiles, they made several other heaps of yams and bread-fruit on eachside of the area; to which were added a turtle, and a large quantity ofexcellent fish. All this, with a piece of cloth, a mat, and some redfeathers, was the king's present to me; and he seemed to pique himselfon exceeding, as he really did, Feenou's liberality, which I experiencedat Hepaee. About one o'clock they began the _mai_, or dances; the first of whichwas almost a copy of the first that was exhibited at Mareewagee'sentertainment. The second was conducted by Captain Furneaux's Toobou, who, as we mentioned, had also danced there; and in this, four or fivewomen were introduced, who went through the several parts with as muchexactness as the men. Toward the end, the performers divided to leaveroom for two champions, who exercised their clubs, as described on aformer occasion. And, in the third dance, which was the last nowpresented, two more men, with their clubs, displayed their dexterity. The dances were succeeded by wrestling and boxing; and one man enteredthe lists with a sort of club, made from the stem of a cocoa-leaf, whichis firm and heavy; but could find no antagonist to engage him at sorough a sport. At night we had the _bomai_ repeated; in which Poulahohimself danced, dressed in English manufacture. But neither these, northe dances in the daytime, were so considerable, nor carried on with somuch spirit, as Feenou's, or Mareewagee's; and, therefore, there is lessoccasion to be more particular in our description of them. In order to be present the whole time, I dined ashore. The king sat downwith us, but he neither ate nor drank. I found that this was owing tothe presence of a female, whom, at his desire, I had admitted to thedining-party; and who, as we afterward understood, had superior rank tohimself. As soon as this great personage had dined, she stepped up tothe king, who put his hands to her feet, and then she retired. Heimmediately dipped his fingers into a glass of wine, and then receivedthe obeisance of all her followers. This was the single instance weever observed of his paying this mark of reverence to any person. At theking's desire, I ordered some fire-works to be played off in theevening; but, unfortunately, being damaged; this exhibition did notanswer expectation. SECTION VIII. _Some of the Officers plundered by the Natives. --A fishing Party. --AVisit to Poulaho. --A Fiatooka described. --Observations on the CountryEntertainments at Poulaho's House. --His Mourning Ceremony. --Of the KavaPlant, and the Manner of preparing the Liquor. --Account of Onevy, alittle Island. --One of the Natives wounded by a Sentinel. --Messrs Kingand Anderson visit the Kings Brother. --Their Entertainment. --AnotherMourning Ceremony. --Manner of passing the Night. --Remarks on the Countrythey passed through. --Preparations made for Sailing. --An Eclipse of theSun, imperfectly observed. --Mr Anderson's Account of the Island, and itsProductions_. As no more entertainments were to be expected on either side, and thecuriosity of the populace was, by this time, pretty well satisfied, onthe day after Poulaho's _haiva_, most of them left us. We still, however, had thieves about us; and, encouraged by the negligence of ourown people, we had continual instances of their depredations. Some of the officers, belonging to both ships, who had made an excursioninto the interior parts of the island, without my leave, and, indeed, without my knowledge, returned this evening, after an absence of twodays. They had taken with them their musquets, with the necessaryammunition, and several small articles of the favourite commodities; allwhich the natives had the dexterity to steal from them in the course oftheir expedition. This affair was likely to be attended withinconvenient consequences. For our plundered travellers, upon theirreturn, without consulting me, employed Omai to complain to the king ofthe treatment they had met with. He, not knowing what step I shouldtake, and, from what had already happened, fearing lest I might lay himagain under restraint, went off early the next morning. His example wasfollowed by Feenou; so that we had not a chief of any authorityremaining in our neighbourhood. I was very much displeased at this, andreprimanded Omai for having presumed to meddle. This reprimand put himupon his mettle to bring his friend Feenou hack; and he succeeded in thenegociation, having this powerful argument to urge, that he might dependupon my using no violent measures to oblige the natives to restore whathad been taken from the gentlemen. Feenou, trusting to this declaration, returned toward the evening; and, encouraged by the reception, Poulahofavoured us with his company the day after. Both these chiefs, upon thisoccasion, very justly observed to me, that, if any of my people, at anytime, wanted to go into the country, they ought to be acquainted withit; in which case they would send proper people along with them; andthen they would be answerable for their safety. And I am convinced, fromexperience, that, by taking this very reasonable precaution, a man andhis property may be as safe among these islanders, as in other parts ofthe more civilized world. Though I gave myself no trouble about therecovery of the things stolen upon this occasion, most of them, throughFeenou's interposition, were recovered, except one musquet, and a fewother articles of inferior value. By this time, also, we had recoveredthe turkey-cock, and most of the tools, and other matters, that had beenstolen from our workmen. On the 25th, two boats, which I had sent to look for a channel, by whichwe might, most commodiously, get to sea, returned. The masters, whocommanded them, reported, that the channel to the north, by which wecame in, was highly dangerous, being full of coral rocks from one sideto the other; but that, to the eastward, there was a very good channel, which, however, was very much contracted in one place by the smallislands, so that a leading wind would be requisite to get through it;that is, a westerly wind, which, we had found, did not often blow here. We had now recruited the ships with wood and water, we had finished therepairs of our sails, and had little more to expect from the inhabitantsof the produce of their island. However, as an eclipse of the sun was tohappen upon the 5th of next month, I resolved to defer sailing till thattime had elapsed, in order to have a chance of observing it. Having, therefore, some days of leisure before me, a party of us, accompanied by Poulaho, set out, early next morning, in a boat for Mooa, the village where he and the other great men usually reside. As we rowedup the inlet, we met with fourteen canoes fishing in company, in one ofwhich was Poulaho's son. In each canoe was a triangular net, extendedbetween two poles; at the lower end of which was a cod to receive andsecure the fish. They had already caught some fine mullets, and they putabout a dozen into our boat. I desired to see their method of fishing, which they readily complied with. A shoal of fish was supposed to beupon one of the banks, which they instantly inclosed in a long net likea seine, or set-net. This the fishers, one getting into the water out ofeach boat, surrounded with the triangular nets in their hands, withwhich they scooped the fish out of the seine, or caught them as theyattempted to leap over it. They shewed us the whole process of thisoperation, (which seemed to be a sure one, ) by throwing in some of thefish they had already caught; for, at this time, there happened to benone upon the bank that was inclosed. Leaving the prince and his fishing party, we proceeded to the bottom ofthe bay, and landed where we had done before, on our fruitless errand tosee Mareewagee. As soon as we got on shore, the king desired Omai totell me, that I need be under no apprehensions about the boat, or anything in her, for not a single article would be touched by any one; andwe afterward found this to be the case. We were immediately conducted toone of Poulaho's houses not far off, and near the public one, or_malaee_, in which we had been, when we first visited Mooa. This, thoughpretty large, seemed to be his private habitation, and was situatedwithin a plantation. The king took his seat at one end of the house, andthe people who came to visit him, sat down, as they arrived, in asemicircle at the other end. The first thing done, was to prepare a bowlof _kava_, and to order some yams to be baked for us. While these weregetting ready, some of us, accompanied by a few of the king'sattendants, and Omai as our interpreter, walked out to take a view of a_fiatooka_, or burying-place, which we had observed to be almost closeby the house, and was much more extensive, and seemingly of moreconsequence, than any we had seen at the other islands. We were toldthat it belonged to the king. It consisted of three pretty large houses, situated upon a rising ground, or rather just by the brink of it, witha small one at some distance, all ranged longitudinally. The middlehouse of the three first, was by much the largest, and placed in asquare, twenty-four paces by twenty-eight, raised about three feet. Theother houses were placed on little mounts, raised artificially to thesame height. The floors of these houses, as also the tops of the mountsround them, were covered with loose, fine pebbles, and the whole wasinclosed by large flat stones[167] of hard coral rock, properly hewn, placed on their edges, one of which stones measured twelve feet inlength, two in breadth, and above one in thickness. One of the houses, contrary to what we had seen before, was open on one side; and within itwere two rude wooden busts of men, one near the entrance, and the otherfarther in. On enquiring of the natives, who had followed us to theground, but durst not enter here, What these images were intended for?they made us as sensible as we could wish, that they were merelymemorials of some chiefs who had been buried there, and not therepresentations of any deity. Such monuments, it should seem, are seldomraised; for these had, probably, been erected several ages ago. We weretold that the dead had been buried in each of these houses, but no marksof this appeared. In one of them, was the carved head of an Otaheitecanoe, which had been driven ashore on their coast, and deposited here. At the foot of the rising ground, was a large area, or grass-plot, withdifferent trees planted about it, amongst which were several of thosecalled _etoa_, very large. These, as they resemble the cypress, had afine effect in such a place. There was, also, a row of low palms nearone of the houses, and behind it a ditch, in which lay a great number ofold baskets. [Footnote 167: The burying places of the chiefs at the Caroline Islands, are also inclosed in this manner. See Lettres Edifiantes & Curiouses, tom. Xv. P. 309. --D. ] After dinner, or rather after we had refreshed ourselves with someprovisions which we had brought with us from our ship, we made anexcursion into the country, taking a pretty large circuit, attended byone of the king's ministers. Our train was not great, as he would notsuffer the rabble to follow us. He also obliged all those whom we metupon our progress, to sit down till we had passed, which is a mark ofrespect due only to their sovereigns. We found by far the greatest partof the country cultivated, and planted with various sorts ofproductions; and most of these plantations were fenced round. Somespots, where plantations had been formerly, now produced nothing, lyingfallow; and there were places that had never been touched, but lay in astate of nature, and yet even these were useful, in affording themtimber, as they were generally covered with trees. We met with severallarge uninhabited houses, which, we were told, belonged to the king. There were many public and well-beaten roads, and abundance offoot-paths leading to every part of the island. The roads being good, and the country level, travelling was very easy. It is remarkable, thatwhen we were on the most elevated parts, at least a hundred feet abovethe level of the sea, we often met with the same coral rock, which isfound at the shore, projecting above the surface, and perforated and cutinto all those inequalities which are usually seen in rocks that liewithin the wash of the tide. And yet these very spots, with hardly anysoil upon them, were covered with luxuriant vegetation. We wereconducted to several little pools, and to some springs of water; but, ingeneral, they were either stinking or brackish, though recommended to usby the natives as excellent. The former were mostly inland, and thelatter near the shore of the bay, and below high-water mark, so thattolerable water could be taken up from them, only when the tide was out. When we returned from our walk, which was not till the dusk of theevening, our supper was ready. It consisted of a baked hog, some fish, and yams, all excellently well cooked, after the method of theseislands. As there was nothing to amuse us after supper, we followed thecustom of the country, and lay down to sleep, our beds being mats spreadupon the floor, and cloth to cover us. The king, who had made himselfvery happy with some wine and brandy which we had brought, slept in thesame house, as well as several others of the natives. Long beforeday-break, he and they all rose, and sat conversing by moon-light. Theconversation, as might well be guessed, turned wholly upon us; the kingentertaining his company with an account of what he had seen, orremarked. As soon as it was day, they dispersed, some one way, and someanother; but it was not long before they all returned, and, with them, several more of their countrymen. They now began to prepare a bowl of _kava_; and, leaving them soemployed, I went to pay a visit to Toobou, Captain Furneaux's friend, who had a house hard by, which, for size and neatness, was exceeded byfew in the place. As I had left the others, so I found here a companypreparing a morning draught. This chief made a present to me of a livinghog, a baked one, a quantity of yams, and a large piece of cloth. When Ireturned to the king, I found him, and his circle of attendants, drinking the second bowl of _kava_. That being emptied, he told Omai, that he was going presently to perform a mourning ceremony, called_Tooge_, on account of a son who had been dead some time, and he desiredus to accompany him. We were glad of the opportunity, expecting to seesomewhat new or curious. The first thing the chief did, was to step out of the house, attended bytwo old women, and put on a new suit of clothes, or rather a new pieceof cloth, and, over it, an old ragged mat, that might have served hisgreat grandfather, on some such occasion. His servants, or those whoattended him, were all dressed in the same manner, excepting that noneof their mats could vie, in antiquity, with that of their master. Thusequipped, we marched off, preceded by about eight or ten persons, in allthe above habits of ceremony, each of them, besides, having a smallgreen bough about his neck. Poulaho held his bough in his hand till wedrew near the place of rendezvous, when he also put it about his neck. We now entered a small inclosure, in which was a neat house, and wefound one man sitting before it. As the company entered, they pulled offthe green branches from round their necks, and threw them away. The kinghaving first seated himself, the others sat down before him, in theusual manner. The circle increased, by others dropping in, to the numberof a hundred or upward, mostly old men, all dressed as above described. The company being completely assembled, a large root of _kava_, broughtby one of the king's servants, was produced, and a bowl which containedfour or five gallons. Several persons now began to chew the root, andthis bowl was made brimful of liquor. While it was preparing, otherswere employed in making drinking cups of plantain leaves. The first cupthat was filled, was presented to the king, and he ordered it to begiven to another person. The second was also brought to him, which hedrank, and the third was offered to me. Afterward, as each cup wasfilled, the man who filled it, asked who was to have it? Another thennamed the person; and to him it was carried. As the bowl grew low, theman who distributed the liquor seemed rather at a loss to whom cups ofit should be next sent, and frequently consulted those who sat near him. This mode of distribution continued, while any liquor remained; andthough not half the company had a share, yet no one seemed dissatisfied. About half a dozen cups served for all; and each, as it was emptied, wasthrown down upon the ground, where the servants picked it up, andcarried it to be filled again. During the whole time, the chief and hiscircle sat as was usually the case, with a great deal of gravity, hardlyspeaking a word to each other. We had long waited in expectation, each moment, of seeing the mourningceremony begin; when, soon after the _kava_ was drank out, to our greatsurprise and disappointment, they all rose up and dispersed; and Poulahotold us, he was now ready to attend us to the ships. If this was amourning ceremony, it was a strange one. Perhaps it was the second, third, or fourth mourning; or, which was not very uncommon, Omai mighthave misunderstood what Poulaho said to him. For, excepting the changeof dress, and the putting the green bough round their necks, nothingseemed to have passed at this meeting, but what we saw them practise, too frequently, every day. [168]"We had seen the drinking of _kava_ sometimes at the other islands, but, by no means, so frequently as here, where it seems to be the onlyforenoon employment of the principal people. The _kava_ is a species ofpepper, which they cultivate for this purpose, and esteem it a valuablearticle, taking great care to defend the young plants from any injury;and it is commonly planted about their houses. It seldom grows to morethan a man's height, though I have seen some plants almost double that. It branches considerably, with large heart-shaped leaves, and jointedstalks. The root is the only part that is used at the Friendly Islands, which, being dug up, is given to the servants that attend, who, breakingit in pieces, scrape the dirt off with a shell, or bit of stick, andthen each begins and chews his portion, which he spits into a piece ofplantain leaf. The person who is to prepare the liquor, collects allthese mouthfuls; and puts them into a large wooden dish, or bowl, addingas much water as will make it of a proper strength. It is then wellmixed up with the hands, and some loose stuff, of which mats are made, is thrown upon the surface, which intercepts the fibrous part, and iswrung hard, to get as much liquid out from it, as is possible. Themanner of distributing it need not be repeated. The quantity which isput into each cup is commonly about a quarter of a pint. The immediateeffect of this beverage is not perceptible on these people, who use itso frequently; but on some of ours, who ventured to try it, though sonastily prepared, it had the same power as spirits have, in intoxicatingthem; or, rather, it produced that kind of stupefaction, which is theconsequence of using opium, or other substances of that kind. It shouldbe observed, at the same time, that though these islanders have thisliquor always fresh prepared, and I have seen them drink it seven timesbefore noon, it is, nevertheless, so disagreeable, or, at least, seemsso, that the greatest part of them cannot swallow it without making wryfaces, and shuddering, afterward, " [Footnote 168: The following account of _kava_, to the end of thisparagraph, is inserted from Mr Anderson's journal. --D. ] As soon as this mourning ceremony was over, we left Mooa, and set out toreturn to the ships. While we rowed down the _lagoon_, or inlet, we metwith two canoes coming in from fishing. Poulaho ordered them to becalled alongside our boat, and took from them every fish and shell theyhad got. He, afterward, stopped two other canoes, and searched them, butthey had nothing. Why this was done I cannot say, for we had plentyprovisions in the boat. Some of this fish he gave to me, and hisservants sold the rest on board the ship. As we proceeded down theinlet, we overtook a large sailing canoe. Every person on board her, that was upon his legs when we came up, sat down till we had passed;even the man who steered, though he could not manage the helm, except ina standing posture. Poulaho, and others, having informed me, that there was some excellentwater on Onevy, a little island, which lies about a league off the mouthof the inlet, and on the north side of the eastern channel, we landedthere, in order to taste it. But I found it to be as brackish as mostthat we had met with. This island is quite in a natural state, beingonly frequented as a fishing place, and has nearly the same productionsas Palmerston's Island, with some _etoa_ trees. After leaving Onevy, where we dined, in our way to the ship, we took a view of a curiouscoral rock, which seems to have been thrown upon the reef where itstands. It is elevated about ten or twelve feet above the surface of thesea that surrounds it. The base it rests upon, is not above one-third ofthe circumference of its projecting summit, which I judged to be aboutone hundred feet, and is covered with _etoa_ and _pandanus_ trees. When we got on board the ship, I found that every thing had been quietduring my absence, not a theft having been committed, of which Feenou, and Futtafaihe, the king's brother, who had undertaken the management ofhis countrymen, boasted not a little. This shews what power the chiefshave, when they have the will to execute it; which we were seldom toexpect, since, whatever was stolen from us, generally, if not always, was conveyed to them. The good conduct of the natives was of short duration; for, the nextday, six or eight of them assaulted some of our people, who were sawingplanks. They were fired upon by the sentry, and one was supposed to bewounded, and three others taken. These I kept confined till night, anddid not dismiss them without punishment. After this, they behaved with alittle more circumspection, and gave us much less trouble. This changeof behaviour was certainly occasioned by the man being wounded; for, before, they had only been told of the effect of fire-arms, but now theyhad felt it. The repeated insolence of the natives, had induced me toorder the musquets of the sentries, to be loaded with small shot, and toauthorise them to fire on particular occasions. I took it for granted, therefore, that this man had only been wounded with small shot. But MrKing and Mr Anderson, in an excursion into the country, met with him, and found indubitable marks of his having been wounded, but notdangerously, with a musquet ball. I never could find out how thismusquet happened to be charged with ball; and there were people enoughready to swear, that its contents were only small shot. Mr Anderson's account of the excursion just mentioned, will fill up aninterval of two days, during which nothing of note happened at theships: "Mr King and I went, on the 30th, along with Futtafaihe, asvisitors to his house, which is at Mooa, very near that of his brotherPoulaho. A short time after we arrived, a pretty large hog was killed;which is done by repeated strokes on the head. The hair was thenscraped off, very dexterously, with the sharp edge of pieces of splitbamboo, taking the entrails out at a large oval hole cut in the belly, by the same simple instrument. Before this, they had prepared an oven, which is a large hole dug in the earth, filled at the bottom withstones, about the size of the fist; over which a fire is made till theyare red hot. They took some of these stones, wrapt up in leaves of thebread-fruit tree, and filled the hog's belly, stuffing in a quantity ofleaves, to prevent their falling out, and putting a plug of the samekind in the _anus_. The carcass was then placed on some sticks laidacross the stones, in a standing posture, and covered with a greatquantity of plantain leaves. After which, they dug up the earth allround; and having thus effectually closed the oven, the operation ofbaking required no farther interference. "In the mean time we walked about the country, but met with nothingremarkable, except a _fiatooka_ of one house, standing on an artificialmount, at least thirty feet high. A little on one side of it, was apretty large open area, and not far off, was a good deal of uncultivatedground, which, on enquiring why it lay waste, our guides seemed to say, belonged to the _fiatooka_, (which was Poulaho's, ) and was not, by anymeans, to be touched. There was also, at no great distance, a number of_etoa_ trees, on which clung vast numbers of the large _ternate_ bats, making a disagreeable noise. We could not kill any, at this time, forwant of musquets; but some that were got at Annamooka, measured nearthree feet, when the wings were extended. On our return to Futtafaihe'shouse, he ordered the hog that had been dressed, to be produced, withseveral baskets of baked yams, and some cocoa-nuts. But we found, that, instead of his entertaining us, we were to entertain him, the propertyof the feast being entirely transferred to us, as his guests, and wewere to dispose of it as we pleased. The same person who cleaned the hogin the morning, now cut it up (but not before we desired him) in a verydextrous manner, with a knife of split bamboo, dividing the severalparts, and hitting the joints, with a quickness and skill that surprisedus very much. The whole was set down before us, though at least fiftypounds weight, until we took a small piece away, and desired that theywould share the rest amongst the people sitting round. But it was notwithout a great many scruples they did that at last, and then theyasked, what particular persons they should give it to. However, theywere very well pleased, when they found that it was not contrary to anycustom of ours; some carrying off the portion they had received, andothers eating it upon the spot. It was with great difficulty that wecould prevail upon Futtafaihe himself to eat a small bit. " "After dinner, we went with him, and five or six people, his attendants, toward the place where Poulaho's mourning ceremony was transacted thelast time we were at Mooa; but we did not enter the inclosure. Everyperson who went with us, had the mat tied over his cloth, and someleaves about the neck, as had been done on the former occasion; and whenwe arrived at a large open boat-house, where a few people were, theythrew away their leaves, sat down before it, and gave their cheeks a fewgentle strokes with the fist; after which they continued sitting, forabout ten minutes, with a very grave appearance, and then dispersed, without having spoken a single word. This explained what Poulaho hadmentioned about _Tooge_; though, from the operation only lasting a fewseconds, he had not been observed to perform it. And this seems to beonly a continuation of the mourning ceremony, by way of condolence. For, upon enquiring, on whose account it was now performed, we were told, that it was for a chief who had died at Vavaoo some time ago; that theyhad practised it ever since, and should continue to do so for aconsiderable time longer. " "In the evening, we had a pig, dressed as the hog, with yams andcocoa-nuts, brought for supper; and Futtafaihe finding that we did notlike the scruples they had made before, to accept of any part of theentertainment, asked us immediately to share it, and give it to whom wepleased. When supper was over, abundance of cloth was brought for us tosleep in, but we were a good deal disturbed, by a singular instance ofluxury, in which their principal men indulge themselves, that of beingbeat while they are asleep. Two women sat by Futtafaihe, and performedthis operation, which is called _tooge tooge_, by beating briskly on hisbody and legs, with both fists, as on a drum, till he fell asleep, andcontinuing it the whole night, with some short intervals. When once theperson is asleep, they abate a little in the strength and quickness ofthe beating, but resume it, if they observe any appearance of hisawaking. In the morning, we found that Futtafaihe's women relieved eachother, and went to sleep by turns. In any other country, it would besupposed, that such a practice would put an end to all rest, but here itcertainly acts as an opiate, and is a strong proof of what habit mayeffect. The noise of this, however, was not the only thing that kept usawake; for the people, who passed the night in the house, not onlyconversed amongst each other frequently, as in the day, but all got upbefore it was light, and made a hearty meal on fish and yams, which werebrought to them by a person, who seemed to know very well the appointedtime for this nocturnal refreshment. " "Next morning, July 1, we set out with Futtafaihe, and walked down theeast side of the bay to the point. The country, all along this side, iswell cultivated, but, in general, not so much inclosed as at Mooa; andamongst many other plantain fields that we passed, there was one atleast a mile long, which was in excellent order, every tree growing withgreat vigour. We found, that, in travelling, Futtafaihe exercised apower, though by no means wantonly, which pointed out the greatauthority of such principal men; or is, perhaps, only annexed to thoseof the royal family. For he sent to one place for fish, to another foryams, and so on, at other places, and all his orders were obeyed withthe greatest readiness, as if he had been absolute master of thepeople's property. On coming to the point, the natives mentionedsomething of one, who, they said, had been fired at by some of ourpeople; and, upon our wishing to see him, they conducted us to a house, where we found a man who had been shot through the shoulder, but notdangerously, as the ball had entered a little above the inner part ofthe collar-bone, and passed out obliquely backward. We were sure, fromthe state of the wound, that he was the person who had been fired at byone of the sentinels three days before, though positive orders had beengiven, that none of them should load their pieces with any thing butsmall shot. We gave some directions to his friends how to manage thewound, to which no application had been made; and they seemed pleased, when we told them it would get well in a certain time. But, on our goingaway, they asked us to send the wounded man some yams, and other thingsfor food, and, in such a manner, that we could not help thinking theyconsidered it to be our duty to support him till he should get well. " "In the evening we crossed the bay to our station, in a canoe, whichFuttafaihe had exercised his prerogative in procuring, by calling to thefirst that passed by. He had also got a large hog at this place, andbrought a servant from his house with a bundle of cloth, which he wantedus to take with us, as a present from him. But the boat being small, weobjected; and he ordered it to be brought over to us the next day. " I had prolonged my stay at this island, on account of the approachingeclipse; but, on the 2d of July, on looking at the micrometer belongingto the board of longitude, I found some of the rack work broken, and theinstrument useless till repaired, which there was not time to do beforeit was intended to be used. Preparing now for our departure, I got onboard, this day, all the cattle, poultry, and other animals, except suchas were destined to remain. I had designed to leave a turkey-cock andhen, but having now only two of each undisposed of, one of the hens, through the ignorance of one of my people, was strangled, and died uponthe spot. I had brought three turkey-hens to these islands. One waskilled as above-mentioned, and the other by an useless dog belonging toone of the officers. These two accidents put it out of my power to leavea pair here; and, at the same time, to carry the breed to Otaheite, forwhich island they were originally intended. I was sorry, afterward, thatI did not give the preference to Tongataboo, as the present would havebeen of more value there than at Otaheite; for the natives of the formerisland, I am persuaded, would have taken more pains to multiply thebreed. The next day we took up our anchor, and moved the ships behindPangimodoo, that we might be ready to take the advantage of the firstfavourable wind, to get through the narrows. The king, who was one ofour company this day at dinner, I observed, took particular notice ofthe plates. This occasioned me to make him an offer of one, either ofpewter, or of earthenware. He chose the first; and then began to tell usthe several uses to which he intended to apply it. Two of them are soextraordinary, that I cannot omit mentioning them. He said, that, whenever he should have occasion to visit any of the other islands, hewould leave this plate behind him at Tongataboo, as a sort ofrepresentative, in his absence, that the people might pay it the sameobeisance they do to himself in person. He was asked, what had beenusually employed for this purpose before he got this plate? and we hadthe satisfaction of learning from him, that this singular honour hadhitherto been conferred on a wooden bowl in which he washed his hands. The other extraordinary use to which he meant to apply it, in the roomof his wooden bowl, was to discover a thief. He said, that, when anything was stolen, and the thief could not be found out, the people wereall assembled together before him, when he washed his hands in water inthis vessel; after which it was cleaned, and then the whole multitudeadvanced, one after another, and touched it in the same manner as theytouch his foot, when they pay him obeisance. If the guilty persontouched it, he died immediately upon the spot, not by violence, but bythe hand of Providence; and if any one refused to touch it, his refusalwas a clear proof that he was the man. In the morning of the 5th, the day of the eclipse, the weather was darkand cloudy, with showers of rain, so that we had little hopes of anobservation. About nine o'clock, the sun broke out at intervals forabout half an hour; after which it was totally obscured, till within aminute or two of the beginning of the eclipse. We were all at ourtelescopes, viz. Mr Bayly, Mr King, Captain Clerke, Mr Bligh, andmyself. I lost the observation, by not having a dark glass at hand, suitable to the clouds that were continually passing over the sun; andMr Bligh had not got the sun into the field of his telescope; so thatthe commencement of the eclipse was only observed by the other threegentlemen; and by them, with an uncertainty of several seconds, asfollows:-- H. M. S. By Mr Bayly, at 11 46 23 1/2 } Mr King, at 11 46 28 }Apparent time. Capt. Clerke, at 11 47 5 } Mr Bayly and Mr King observed, with the achromatic telescopes, belongingto the board of longitude, of equal magnifying powers; and CaptainClerke observed with one of the reflectors. The sun appeared atintervals, till about the middle of the eclipse, after which it was seenno more during the day, so that the end could not be observed. Thedisappointment was of little consequence, since the longitude was morethan sufficiently determined, independently of this eclipse, by lunarobservations, which will be mentioned hereafter. As soon as we knew the eclipse to be over, we packed up the instruments, took down the observatories, and sent every thing on board that had notbeen already removed. As none of the natives had taken the least noticeor care of the three sheep allotted to Mareewagee, I ordered them to becarried back to the ships. I was apprehensive, that, if I had left themhere, they run great risk of being destroyed by dogs. That animal didnot exist upon this island, when I first visited it in 1773; but I nowfound they had got a good many, partly from the breed then left bymyself, and partly from some, imported since that time, from an islandnot very remote, called Feejee. The dogs, however, at present, had notfound their way into any of the Friendly Islands, except Tongataboo; andnone but the chiefs there had, as yet, got possession of any. Being now upon the eve of out departure from this island, I shall addsome particulars about it, and its productions, for which I am indebtedto Mr Anderson. And, having spent as many weeks there, as I had donedays, [169] when I visited it in 1773, the better opportunities that nowoccurred, of gaining more accurate information, and the skill of thatgentleman, in directing his enquiries, will, in some measure, supply theimperfection of my former account of this island. [Footnote 169: From the 4th to the 7th of October. ] "Amsterdam, Tongataboo, or (as the natives also very frequently calledit) Tonga, is about twenty leagues in circuit, somewhat oblong, thoughby much broadest at the east end, and its greatest length from east towest. The south shore, which I saw in 1773, is straight, and consists ofcoral rocks, eight or ten feet high, terminating perpendicularly, exceptin some places, where it is interrupted by small sandy beaches, onwhich, at low water, a range of black rocks may be seen. The west end isnot above five or six miles broad, but has a shore somewhat like that ofthe south side, whereas the whole north side is environed with shoalsand islands, and the shore within them low and sandy. The east side orend is, most probably, like the south, as the shore begins to assume arocky appearance toward the north-east point, though not above seven oreight feet high. "The island may, with the greatest propriety, be called a low one, asthe trees on the west part, where we now lay at anchor, only appeared;and the only eminent part, which can be seen from a ship, is thesouth-east point, though many gently rising and declining grounds areobservable by one who is ashore. The general appearance of the countrydoes not afford that beautiful kind of landscape that is produced from avariety of hills and valleys, lawns, rivulets, and cascades; but, at thesame time, it conveys to the spectator an idea of the most exuberantfertility, whether we respect the places improved by art, or those stillin a natural state, both which yield all their vegetable productionswith the greatest vigour, and perpetual verdure. At a distance, thesurface seems entirely clothed with trees of various sizes, some ofwhich are very large. But, above the rest, the tall cocoa-palms alwaysraise their tufted heads, and are far from being the smallest ornamentto any country that produces them. The _boogo_, which is a species offig, with narrow pointed leaves, is the largest sized tree of theisland; and on the uncultivated spots, especially toward the sea, themost common bushes and small trees are the _pandanus_, several sorts of_hibiscus_, the _faitanoo_, mentioned more than once in the course ofour voyage, and a few others. It ought also to be observed, that thoughthe materials for forming grand landscapes are wanting, there are manyof what might, at least, be called neat prospects, about the cultivatedgrounds and dwelling-places, but more especially about the _fiatookas_, where sometimes art, and sometimes nature, has done much to please theeye. "From the situation of Tongataboo, toward the tropic, the climate ismore variable, than in countries farther within that line, though, perhaps, that might be owing to the season of the year, which was nowthe winter solstice. The winds are, for the most part, from some pointbetween south and east; and, when moderate, are commonly attended withfine weather. When they blow fresher, the weather is often cloudy, though open; and, in such cases, there is frequently rain. The windsometimes veers to the N. E. , N. N. E, or even N. N. W. , but never lastslong, nor blows strong from thence, though it is commonly accompanied byheavy rain, and close sultry weather. The quick succession, ofvegetables has been already mentioned; but I am not certain that thechanges of weather, by which it is brought about, are considerableenough to make them perceptible to the natives as to their method oflife, or rather that they should be very sensible of the differentseasons. This, perhaps, may be inferred from the state of theirvegetable productions, which are never so much affected, with respect tothe foliage, as to shed that all at once; for every leaf is succeeded byanother as fast as it falls, which causes that appearance of universaland continual spring found here. "The basis of the island, as far as we know, is entirely a coral rock, which is the only sort that presents itself on the shore. Nor did we seethe least appearance of any other stone, except a few small blue pebblesstrewed about the _fiatookas_; and the smooth, solid black stone, something like the _lapis lydius_, of which the natives make theirhatchets. But these may, probably, have been brought from other islandsin the neighbourhood; for a piece of slaty, iron-coloured stone wasbought at one of them, which was never seen here. Though the coralprojects in many places above the surface, the soil is, in general, of aconsiderable depth. In all cultivated places, it is commonly of a loose, black colour, produced seemingly, in a great measure, from the rottenvegetables that are planted there. Underneath which is, very probably, aclayey _stratum_; for a soil of that kind is often seen, both in the lowand in the rising grounds, but especially in several places toward theshore, where it is of any height, and, when broken off, appearssometimes of a reddish, though oftener of a brownish yellow colour, andof a pretty stiff consistence. Where the shore is low, the soil iscommonly sandy, or rather composed of triturated coral, which, however, yields bushes growing with great luxuriance, and is sometimes planted, not unsuccessfully, by the natives. "Of cultivated fruits, the principal are plantains, of which they havefifteen different sorts or varieties; breadfruit; two sorts of fruitfound at Otaheite, and known there under the names of _jambu_ and_geevee_; the latter a kind of plumb; and vast numbers of shaddocks, which, however, are found as often in a natural state, as planted. "The roots are yams, of which are two sorts; one black, and so large, that it often weighs twenty or thirty pounds; the other white and long, seldom weighing a pound; a large root called _kappe_; one not unlike ourwhite potatoes, called _mawhaha_; the _talo_, or _coccos_ of otherplaces; and another named _jeejee_. "Besides vast numbers of cocoa-nut trees, they have three other sorts ofpalms, two of which are very scarce. One of them is called _beeoo_, which grows almost as high as the cocoa-tree, has very large leavesplaited like a fan, and clusters or bunches of globular nuts, not largerthan a small pistol ball, growing amongst the branches, with a very hardkernel, which is sometimes eat. The other is a kind of cabbage-tree, notdistinguishable from the cocoa, but by being rather thicker, and byhaving its leaves more ragged. It has a cabbage three or four feet long;at the top of which are the leaves, and at the bottom the fruit, whichis scarcely two inches long, resembling an oblong cocoa-nut, with aninsipid tenacious kernel, called, by the natives, _neeoogoola_, or redcocoa-nut, as it assumes a reddish cast when ripe. The third sort iscalled _ongo ongo_, and much commoner, being generally found plantedabout their _fiatookas_. It seldom grows higher than five feet, thoughsometimes to eight, and has a vast number of oval compressed nuts, aslarge as a pippin, sticking immediately to the trunk, amongst theleaves, which are not eat. There is plenty of excellent sugar-cane, which is cultivated; gourds, bamboo, turmeric, and a species of fig, about the size of a small cherry, called _matte_, which, though wild, issometimes eat. But the catalogue of uncultivated plants is too large tobe enumerated here. Besides the _pemphis decaspermum, mallococca, maba_, and some other new genera, described by Dr Forster, [170] there are a fewmore found here, which, perhaps, the different seasons of the year, andhis short stay, did not give him an opportunity to take notice of. Although it did not appear, during our longer stay, that above a fourthpart of the trees, and other plants, were in flower; a circumstanceabsolutely necessary to enable one to distinguish the various kinds. [Footnote 170: See his _Characteres Generum Plantarum_. Lond. 1776. ] "The only quadrupeds, besides hogs, are a few rats, and some dogs, which are not natives of the place, but produced from some left by us in1773, and by others got from Feejee. Fowls, which are of a large breed, are domesticated here. "Amongst the birds, are parrots, somewhat smaller than the common greyones, of an indifferent green on the back and wings, the tail bluish, and the rest of a sooty or chocolate brown; parroquets, not larger thana sparrow, of a fine yellowish green, with bright azure on the crown ofthe head, and the throat and belly red; besides another sort as large asa dove, with a blue crown and thighs, the throat and under part of thehead crimson, as also part of the belly, and the rest a beautiful green. "There are owls about the size of our common sort, but of a finerplumage; the cuckoos mentioned at Palmerston's Island; king-fishers, about the size of a thrush, of a greenish blue, with a white ring aboutthe neck; and a bird of the thrush kind, almost as big, of a dull greencolour, with two yellow wattles at the base of the bill, which is theonly singing one we observed here; but it compensates a good deal forthe want of others by the strength and melody of its notes, which fillthe woods at dawn, in the evening, and at the breaking up of badweather. The other land-birds are rails, as large as a pigeon, of a variegatedgrey colour, with a rusty neck; a black sort with red eyes, not largerthan a lark; large violet-coloured coots, with red bald crowns; twosorts of fly-catchers; a very small swallow; and three sorts of pigeons, one of which is _le ramier cuivre_ of Mons. Sonnerat;[171] another, halfthe size of the common sort, of a light green on the back and wings, with a red forehead; and a third, somewhat less, of a purple brown, butwhitish underneath. [Footnote 171: _Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée_, Tab. CII. ] "Of water-fowl, and such as frequent the sea, are the ducks seen atAnnamooka, though scarce here; blue and white herons; tropic birds;common noddies; white terns; a new species of a leaden colour, with ablack crest; a small bluish curlew; and a large plover, spotted withyellow. Besides the large bats, mentioned before, there is also thecommon sort. "The only noxious or disgusting animals of the reptile or insect tribe, are sea-snakes, three feet long, with black and white circlesalternately, often found on shore; some scorpions, and _centipedes_. There are fine green _guanoes_, a foot and a half long; another brownand spotted lizard about a foot long; and two other small sorts. Amongstthe other insects are some beautiful moths, butterflies, very largespiders, and others, making, in the whole, about fifty different sorts. The sea abounds with fish, though the variety is less than might beexpected. The most frequent sorts are mullets; several sorts ofparrot-fish; silver-fish; old wives; some beautifully spotted soles;leather-jackets; bonnetos, and albicores; besides the eels mentioned atPalmerston's Island, some sharks, rays, pipe-fish, a sort of pike, andsome curious devil-fish. "The many reefs and shoals on the north side of the island, affordshelter for an endless variety of shell-fish; amongst which are manythat are esteemed precious in Europe. Such as the true hammer oyster, ofwhich, however, none could be obtained entire; a large indentatedoyster, and several others, but none of the common sort, panamas, cones, a sort of gigantic cockle, found also in the East Indies, pearl shelloysters, and many others, several of which, I believe, have beenhitherto unknown to the most diligent enquirers after that branch ofnatural history. There are likewise several sorts of sea-eggs, and manyvery fine star-fish, besides a considerable variety of corals, amongstwhich are two red sorts, the one most elegantly branched, the othertubulous. And there is no less variety amongst the crabs and cray-fish, which are very numerous. To which may be added, several sorts of sponge, the sea-hare, _holothuriae_, and the like. " SECTION IX. _A grand Solemnity, called Natche, in Honour of the King's Son, performed. --The Processions and other Ceremonies, during the first day, described. --The Manner of passing the Night at the King'sHouse. --Continuation of the Solemnity, the next Day. --Conjectures aboutthe Nature of it. --Departure from Tongataboo, and Arrival atEooa. --Account of that Island, and Transactions there_. We were now ready to sail, but the wind being easterly, we had notsufficient day-light to turn through the narrows, either with themorning, or with the evening flood, the one falling out too early, andthe other too late. So that, without a leading wind, we were under anecessity of waiting two or three days. I took the opportunity of this delay to be present at a publicsolemnity, to which the king had invited us, when we went last to visithim, and which, he had informed us, was to be performed on the 8th. Witha view to this, he and all the people of note quitted our neighbourhoodon the 7th, and repaired to Mooa, where the solemnity was to beexhibited. A party of us followed them the next morning. We understood, from what Poulaho had said to us, that his son and heir was now to beinitiated into certain privileges, amongst which was, that of eatingwith his father, an honour he had not, as yet, been admitted to. We arrived at Mooa about eight o'clock, and found the king, with a largecircle of attendants sitting before him, within an inclosure so smalland dirty, as to excite my wonder that any such could be found in thatneighbourhood. They were intent upon their usual morning occupation, inpreparing a bowl of _kava_. As this was no liquor for us, we walked outto visit some of our friends, and to observe what preparations might bemaking for the ceremony, which was soon to begin. About ten o'clock, thepeople began to assemble in a large area, which is before the _malaee_, or great house, to which we had been conducted the first time we visitedMooa. At the end of a road, that opens into this area, stood some menwith spears and clubs, who kept constantly reciting or chanting shortsentences in a mournful tone, which conveyed some idea of distress, andas if they called for something. This was continued about an hour; and, in the mean time, many people came down the road, each of them bringinga yam, tied to the middle of a pole, which they laid down before thepersons who continued repeating the sentences. While this was going on, the king and prince arrived, and seated themselves upon the area; and wewere desired to sit down by them, but to pull off our hats, and to untieour hair. The bearers of the yams being all come in, each pole was takenup between two men, who carried it over their shoulders. After formingthemselves into companies of ten or twelve persons each, they marchedacross the place with a quick pace; each company headed by a man bearinga club or spear, and guarded on the right by several others armed withdifferent weapons. A man carrying a living pigeon on a perch, closed therear, of the procession, in which about two hundred and fifty personswalked. Omai was desired by me to ask the chief, to what place the yams were tobe thus carried with so much solemnity? but, as he seemed unwilling togive us the information we wanted, two or three of us followed theprocession contrary to his inclination. We found that they stoppedbefore a _morai_ or _fiatooka_ of one house standing upon a mount, whichwas hardly a quarter of a mile from the place where they firstassembled. Here we observed them depositing the yams, and making them upinto bundles; but for what purpose we could not learn. And, as ourpresence seemed to give them uneasiness, we left them and returned toPoulaho, who told us we might amuse ourselves by walking about, asnothing would be done for some time. The fear of losing any part of theceremony prevented our being long absent. When we returned to the king, he desired me to order the boat's crew not to stir from the boat; for, as every thing would very soon be _taboo_, if any of our people, or oftheir own, should be found walking about, they would be knocked downwith clubs, nay _mateed_, that is, killed. He also acquainted us, thatwe could not be present at the ceremony, but that we should be conductedto a place, where we might see every thing that passed. Objections weremade to our dress. We were told, that, to qualify us to be present, itwas necessary that we should be naked as low as the breast, with ourhats off, and our hair untied. Omai offered to conform to theserequisites, and began to strip; other objections were then started; sothat the exclusion was given to him equally with ourselves. I did not much like this restriction, and, therefore, stole out to seewhat might now be going forward. I found very few people stirring, except those dressed to attend the ceremony; some of whom had in theirhands small poles about four feet long, and to the underpart of thesewere fastened two or three other sticks; not bigger than one's finger, and about six inches in length. These men were going toward the _morai_just mentioned. I took the same road, and was several times stopped bythem, all crying out _taboo_. However, I went forward without muchregarding them, till I came in sight of the _morai_, and of the peoplewho were sitting before it. I was now urged very strongly to go back, and, not knowing what might be the consequence of a refusal, I complied. I had observed, that the people who carried the poles passed this_morai_, or what I may as well call temple; and guessing from thiscircumstance that something was transacting beyond it, which might beworth looking at, I had thoughts of advancing by making a round for thispurpose; but I was so closely watched by three men, that I could not putmy design in execution. In order to shake these fellows off, I returnedto the _malaee_, where I had left the king, and from thence made anelopement a second time; but I instantly met with the same three men, sothat it seemed as if they had been ordered to watch my motions. I paidno regard to what they said or did, till I came within sight of theking's principal _fiatooka_ or _morai_, which I have already described, before which a great number of men were sitting, being the same personswhom I had just before seen pass by the other _morai_, from which thiswas but a little distant. Observing that I could watch the proceedingsof this company from the king's plantation, I repaired thither very muchto the satisfaction of those who attended me. As soon as I got in, I acquainted the gentlemen who had come with mefrom the ships, with what I had seen; and we took a proper station towatch the result. The number of people at the _fiatooka_ continued toincrease for some time; and, at length, we could see them quit theirsitting-posture, and march off in procession. They walked in pairs, oneafter another, every pair carrying between them one of the small polesabove-mentioned on their shoulders. We were told, that the small piecesof sticks fastened to the poles were yams; so that probably they weremeant to represent this root emblematically. The hindmost man of eachcouple, for the most part, placed one of his hands to the middle of thepole, as if, without this additional support, it were not strong enoughto carry the weight that hung to it, and under which they all seemed tobend as they walked. This procession consisted of one hundred and eightpairs, and all or most of them men of rank. They came close by the fencebehind which we stood, so that we had a full view of them. Having waited here till they had all passed, we then repaired toPoulaho's house, and saw him going out. We could not be allowed tofollow him, but were forthwith conducted to the place allotted to us, which was behind a fence, adjoining to the area of the fiatooka, wherethe yams had been deposited in the forenoon. As we were not the onlypeople who were excluded from being publicly present at this ceremony, but allowed to peep from behind the curtain, we had a good deal ofcompany; and I observed, that all the other inclosures round the placewere filled with people. And yet all imaginable care seemed to be taken, that they should see as little as possible; for the fences had not onlybeen repaired that morning, but in many places raised higher thancommon, so that the tallest man could not look over them. To remedy thisdefect in our station; we took the liberty to cut holes in the fencewith our knives, and by this means we could see pretty distinctly everything that was transacting on the other side. On our arrival at our station, we found two or three hundred peoplesitting on the grass, near the end of the road that opened into the areaof the _morai_, and the number continually increased by others joiningthem. At length, arrived a few men carrying some small poles, andbranches or leaves of the cocoa-nut tree; and, upon their firstappearance, an old man seated himself in the road and, with his facetoward them, pronounced a long oration in a serious tone. He thenretired back, and the others advancing to the middle of the area, beganto erect a small shed, employing for that purpose the materialsabove-mentioned. When they had finished their work, they all squatteddown for a moment before it, then rose up, and retired to the rest ofthe company. Soon after came Poulaho's son, preceded by four or fivemen, and they seated themselves a little aside from the shed, and ratherbehind it. After them, appeared twelve or fourteen women of the firstrank, walking slowly in pairs, each pair carrying between them a narrowpiece of white cloth extended, about two or three yards in length. Thesemarched up to the prince, squatted down before him, and, having wrappedsome of the pieces of the cloth they had brought round his body, theyrose up, and retired in the same order to some distance on his left, andthere seated themselves. Poulaho himself soon made his appearance, preceded by four men, who walked two and two abreast, and sat down onhis son's left hand, about twenty paces from him. The young prince thenquitting his first position, went and sat down under the shed with, hisattendants; and a considerable number more placed themselves on thegrass before this royal canopy. The prince himself sat facing thepeople, with his back to the _morai_. This being done, three companies, of ten or a dozen men in each, started up from amongst the large crowd alittle after each other, and running hastily to the opposite side of thearea, sat down for a few seconds; after which they returned in the samemanner to their former stations. To them succeeded two men, each of whomheld a small green branch in his hand, who got up and approached theprince, sitting down for a few seconds three different times as theyadvanced; and then, turning their backs, retired in the same manner, inclining their branches to each other as they sat. In a little time, two more repeated this ceremony. The grand procession which I had seen march off from the other _morai_, now began to come in. To judge of the circuit they had made from thetime they had been absent, it must have been pretty large. As theyentered the area, they marched up to the right of the shed, and, havingprostrated themselves on the grass, deposited their pretended burthens(the poles above-mentioned), and faced round to the prince. They thenrose up, and retired in the same order, closing their hands, which theyheld before them, with the most serious aspect, and seated themselvesalong the front of the area. During all the time that this numerous bandwere coming in, and depositing their poles, three men who sat under theshed with the prince, continued pronouncing separate sentences in amelancholy tone. After this, a profound silence ensued for a littletime, and then a man, who sat in the front of the area, began an oration(or prayer), during which, at several different times, he went and brokeone of the poles, which had been brought in by those who had walked inprocession. When he had ended, the people sitting before the shedseparated, to make a lane, through which the prince and his attendantspassed, and the assembly broke up. Some of our party, satisfied with what they had already seen, nowreturned to the ships; but I, and two or three more of the officers, remained at Mooa to see the conclusion of the solemnity, which was notto be till the next day, being desirous of omitting no opportunity, which might afford any information about the religious or the politicalinstitutions of this people. The small sticks or poles, which had beenbrought into the area by those who walked in procession, being leftlying on the ground, after the crowd had dispersed, I went and examinedthem. I found, that to the middle of each, two or three small stickswere tied, as has been related. Yet we had been repeatedly told by thenatives, who stood near us, that they were young yams, insomuch thatsome of our gentlemen believed them, rather than their own eyes. As Ihad the demonstration of my senses to satisfy me, that they were notreal yams, it is clear, that we ought to have understood them, that theywere only the artificial representations of these roots. Our supper was got ready about seven o'clock. It consisted of fish andyams. We might have had pork also, but we did not choose to kill a largehog, which the king had given to us for that purpose. He supped with us, and drank pretty freely of brandy and water, so that he went to bed witha sufficient dose. We passed the night in the same house with him andseveral of his attendants. About one or two o'clock in the morning they waked, and conversed forabout an hour, and then went to sleep again. All, but Poulaho himself, rose at day-break, and went, I know not whither. Soon after a woman, oneof those who generally attended upon the chief, came in, and enquiredwhere he was. I pointed him out to her, and she immediately sat down byhim, and began the same operation, which Mr Anderson had seen practisedupon Futtafaihe, tapping of beating gently, with her clinched fists, onhis thighs. This, instead of prolonging his sleep, as was intended, hadthe contrary effect; however, though he awaked, he continued to liedown. Omai and I now went to visit the prince, who had parted from us early inthe evening. For he did not lodge with the king, but in apartments ofhis own, or at least such as had been allotted to him at some distancefrom his father's house. We found him with a circle of boys or youthsabout his own age, sitting before him, and an old woman and an old man, who seemed to have the care of him, sitting behind. There were others, both men and women, employed about their necessary affairs in differentdepartments, who probably belonged to his household. From the prince we returned to the king. By this time he had got up, andhad a crowded circle before him, composed chiefly of old men. While alarge bowl of _kava_ was preparing, a baked hog and yarns, smoking hot, were brought in; the greatest part of which fell to our share, and wasvery acceptable to the boat's crew; for these people eat very little ina morning, especially the _kava_-drinkers. I afterward walked out, andvisited several other chiefs, and found that all of them were takingtheir morning draught, or had already taken it. Returning to the king, Ifound him asleep in a small retired hut, with two women tapping on hisbreech. About eleven o'clock he arose again, and then some fish andyams, which tasted as if they had been stewed in cocoa-nut milk, werebrought to him. Of these he eat a large portion, and lay down once moreto sleep. I now left him, and carried to the prince a present of cloth, beads, and other articles, which I had brought with me from the ship forthe purpose. There was a sufficient quantity of cloth to make him acomplete suit, and he was immediately decked out with it. Proud of hisdress, he first went to shew himself to his father, and then conductedme to his mother, with whom were about ten or a dozen other women of arespectable appearance. Here the prince changed his apparel, and made mea present of two pieces of the cloth manufactured in the island. By thistime it was past noon, when, by appointment, I repaired to the palace todinner. Several of our gentlemen had returned this morning from theships, and we were all invited to the feast, which was presently servedup, and consisted of two pigs and yams. I roused the drowsy monarch topartake of what he had provided for our entertainment. In the mean time, two mullets, and some shellfish, were brought to him, as I supposed, forhis separate portion. But he joined it to our fare, sat down with us, and made a hearty meal. When dinner was over, we were told that the ceremony would soon begin, and were strictly enjoined not to walk out. I had resolved, however, topeep no longer from behind the curtain, but to mix with the actorsthemselves, if possible. With this view, I stole out from theplantation, and walked toward the _morai_, the scene of the solemnity. Iwas several times desired to go back by people whom I met, but I paid noregard to them, and they suffered me to pass on. When I arrived at the_morai_, I found a number of men seated on the side of the area, oneach side of the road that leads up to it. A few were sitting on theopposite side of the area, and two men in the middle of it, with their, faces turned to the _morai_. When I got into the midst of the firstcompany, I was desired to sit down, which I accordingly did. Where Isat, there were lying a number of small bundles or parcels, composed ofcocoa-nut leaves, and tied to sticks made into the form of hand-barrows. All the information I could get about them was, that they were _taboo_. Our number kept continually increasing, every one coming from the samequarter. From time to time, one or another of the company turned himselfto those who were coming to join us, and made a short speech, in which Icould remark that the word _arekee_, that is, king, was generallymentioned. One man said something that produced bursts of heartylaughter from all the crowd; others of the speakers met with publicapplause. I was several times desired to leave the place, and, at last, when they found that I would not stir, after some seeming consultation, they applied to me to uncover my shoulders as theirs were. With thisrequest I complied, and then they seemed to be no longer uneasy at mypresence. I sat a full hour, without any thing more going forward, beside what Ihave mentioned. At length the prince, the women, and the king, all camein, as they had done the day before. The prince being placed under theshed, after his father's arrival, two men, each carrying a piece of mat, came repeating something seriously, and put them about him. Theassembled people now began their operations; and first, three companiesran backward and forward across the area, as described in the account ofthe proceedings of the former day. Soon after, the two men, who sat inthe middle of the area, made a short speech or prayer, and then thewhole body, amongst whom I had my place, started up, and ran and seatedthemselves before the shed under which the prince, and three or fourmen, were sitting. I was now partly under the management of one of thecompany, who seemed very assiduous to serve me. By his means, I wasplaced in such a situation, that if I had been allowed to make use of myeyes, nothing that passed could have escaped me. But it was necessary tosit with down-cast looks, and demure as maids. Soon after the procession came in, as on the day before; each twopersons bearing on their shoulders a pole, round the middle of which, acocoa-nut leaf was plaited. These were deposited with ceremonies similarto those observed on the preceding day. This first procession wasfollowed by a second; the men composing which, brought baskets, such asare usually employed by this people to carry provisions in, and made ofpalm leaves. These were followed, by a third procession, in which werebrought different kinds of small fish, each fixed at the end of a forkedstick. The baskets were carried up to an old man, whom I took to be thechief priest, and who sat on the prince's right hand, without the shed. He held each in his hand, while he made a short speech or prayer, thenlaid it down, and called for another, repeating the same words asbefore; and thus he went through the whole number of baskets. The fishwere presented, one by one, on the forked sticks, as they came in, totwo men, who sat on the left, and who, till now, held green branches intheir hands. The first fish they laid down on their right, and thesecond on their left. When the third was presented, a stout-looking man, who sat behind the other two, reached his arm over between them, andmade a snatch at it; as also did the other two at the very same time. Thus they seemed to contend for every fish that was presented; but asthere were two hands against one, besides the advantage of situation, the man behind got nothing but pieces; for he never quitted his bold, till the fish was torn out of his hand, and what little remained in ithe shook out behind him. The others laid what they got on the right andleft alternately. At length, either by accident or design, the manbehind got possession of a whole fish, without either of the other twoso much as touching it. At this the word _mareeai_, which signifies_very good_ or _well done_, was uttered in a low voice throughout thewhole crowd. It seemed that he had performed now all that was expectedfrom him, for he made no attempt upon the few fish that came after. These fish, as also the baskets, were all delivered, by the persons whobrought them in, sitting; and, in the same order and manner, the smallpoles, which the first procession carried, had been laid upon theground. The last procession being closed, there was some speaking or praying bydifferent persons. Then, on some signal being given, we all started up, ran several paces to the left, and sat down with our backs to theprince, and the few who remained with him; I was desired not to lookbehind me. However, neither this injunction nor the remembrance of Lot'swife, discouraged me from facing about. I now saw that the prince hadturned his face to the _morai_. But this last movement had brought somany people between him and me, that I could not perceive what wasdoing. I was afterward assured, that, at this very time, the prince wasadmitted to the high honour of eating with his father, which, till now, had never been permitted to him; a piece of roasted yam being presentedto each of them for this purpose; This was the more probable, as we hadbeen told before-hand, that this was to happen during the solemnity, andas all the people turned their backs to them at this time, which theyalways do when their monarch eats. After some little time, we all faced about, and formed a semicirclebefore the prince, leaving a large open space between us. Presentlythere appeared some men coming toward us, two and two, bearing largesticks or poles upon their shoulders, making a noise that might becalled singing, and waving their hands as they advanced. When they hadgot close up to us, they made a shew of walking very fast, withoutproceeding a single step. Immediately after, three or four men startedup from the crowd, with large sticks in their hands, who ran towardthose newcomers. The latter instantly threw down the poles from theirshoulders, and scampered off; and the others attacked the poles, and, having beat them most unmercifully, returned to their places. As thepole-bearers ran off, they gave the challenge that is usual here inwrestling; and, not long after, a number of stout fellows came from thesame quarter, repeating the challenge as they advanced. These wereopposed by a party who came from the opposite side almost at the sameinstant. The two parties paraded about the area for a few minutes, andthen retired, each to their own side. After this, there were wrestlingand boxing-matches for about half an hour. Then two men seatedthemselves before the prince, and made speeches, addressed, as Ithought, entirely to him. With this the solemnity ended, and the wholeassembly broke up. I now went and examined the several baskets which had been presented; acuriosity that I was not allowed before to indulge, because every thingwas then _taboo_. But the solemnity being now over, they became simplywhat I found them to be, empty baskets. So that, whatever they weresupposed to contain, was emblematically represented. And so, indeed, wasevery other thing which had been brought in procession, except the fish. We endeavoured in vain to find out the meaning, not only of the ceremonyin general, which is called _Natche_, but of its different parts. Weseldom got any other answer to our enquiries, but _taboo_, a word which, I have before observed, is applied to many other things. But as theprince was evidently the principal person concerned in it, and as we hadbeen told by the king ten days before the celebration of the _Natche_, that the people would bring in yams for him and his son to eat together, and as he even described some part of the ceremony, we concluded, fromwhat he had then said, and from what we now saw, that an oath ofallegiance, if I may so express myself, or solemn promise, was on thisoccasion made to the prince, as the immediate successor to the regaldignity, to stand by him, and to furnish him with the several articlesthat were here emblematically represented. This seems the more probable, as all the principal people of the island, whom we had ever seen, assisted in the processions. But, be this as it may, the whole wasconducted with a great deal of mysterious solemnity; and that there wasa mixture of religion in the institution was evident, not only from theplace where it was performed, but from the manner of performing it. Ourdress and deportment had never been called in question upon any formeroccasion whatever. Now, it was expected that we should be uncovered aslow as the waist; that our hair should be loose, and flowing over ourshoulders; that we should, like themselves, sit cross-legged; and, attimes, in the most humble posture, with down-cast eyes, and hands lockedtogether; all which requisites were most devoutly observed by the wholeassembly. And, lastly, every one was excluded from the solemnity; butthe principal people, and those who assisted in the celebration. Allthese circumstances were to me a sufficient testimony, that, upon thisoccasion, they consider themselves as acting under the immediateinspection of a Supreme Being; The present _Natche_ may be considered, from the above account of it, as merely figurative. For the small quantity of yams, which we saw thefirst day, could not be intended as a general contribution; and, indeed, we were given to understand, that they were a portion consecrated to the_Otooa_, or Divinity. But we were informed, that, in about three months, there would be performed, on the same account, a far more important andgrander solemnity; on which occasion, not only the tribute ofTongataboo, but that of Hepaee, Vavaoo, and of all the other islands;would be brought to the chief, and confirmed more awfully, bysacrificing ten human victims from amongst the inferior sort of people. A horrid solemnity indeed! and which is a most significant instance ofthe influence of gloomy and ignorant superstition, over the minds of oneof the most benevolent and humane nations upon earth. On enquiring intothe reasons of so barbarous a practice, they only said, that it was anecessary part of the _Natche_, and that, if they omitted it, the Deitywould certainly destroy their king. Before the assembly broke up, the day was far spent; and as we were atsome distance from the ships, and had an intricate navigation to gothrough, we were in haste to set out from Mooa. When I took leave ofPoulaho, he pressed me much to stay till the next day, to be present ata funeral ceremony. The wife of Mareewagee, who was mother-in-law to theking, had lately died, and her corpse had, on account of the _Natche_, been carried on board a canoe that lay in the _lagoon_. Poulaho told me, that, as soon as he had paid the last offices to her, he would attend meto Eooa, but, if I did not wait, he would follow me thither. Iunderstood at the same time, that, if it had not been for the death ofthis woman, most of the chiefs would have accompanied us to that island, where, it seems, all of them have possessions. I would gladly havewaited to see this ceremony also, had not the tide been now favourablefor the ships to get through the narrows. The wind besides, which, forseveral days past, had been very boisterous, was now moderate andsettled, and to have lost this opportunity, might have detained us afortnight longer. But what was decisive against my waiting, weunderstood that the funeral ceremonies would last five days, which wastoo long a time, as the ships lay in such a situation, that I could notget to sea at pleasure. I, however, assured the king, that, if we didnot sail, I should certainly visit him again the next day. And so we alltook leave of him, and set out for the ships, where we arrived abouteight o'clock in the evening. I had forgot to mention, that Omai was present at this second day'sceremony as well as myself, but we were not together, nor did I knowthat he was there, till it was almost over. He afterward told me, that, as soon as the king saw that I had stolen out from the plantation, hesent several people, one after another, to desire me to come back. Probably, these messengers were not admitted to the place where I was, for I saw nothing of them. At last, intelligence was brought to thechief, that I had actually stripped, in conformity to their custom; andthen he told Omai, that he might be present also, if he would complywith all necessary forms. Omai had no objection, as nothing was requiredof him, but to conform to the custom of his own country. Accordingly, hewas furnished with a proper dress, and appeared at the ceremony as oneof the natives. It is likely, that one reason of our being excluded atfirst, was an apprehension, that we would not submit to the requisitesto qualify us to assist. While I was attending the _Natche_ at Mooa, I ordered the horses, bulland cow, and goats, to be brought thither, thinking that they would besafer there, under the eyes of the chiefs, than at a place that wouldbe, in a manner, deserted, the moment after our departure. Besides theabove-mentioned animals, we left with our friends here, a young boar, and three young sows, of the English breed. They were exceedinglydesirous of them, judging, no doubt, that they would greatly improvetheir own breed, which is rather small. Feenou also got from us tworabbits, a buck and a doe; and, before we sailed, we were told thatyoung ones had been already produced. If the cattle succeed, of which Imake no doubt, it will be a vast acquisition to these islands; and asTongataboo is a fine level country, the horses cannot but be useful. On the 10th, at eight o'clock in the morning, we weighed anchor, and, with a steady gale at S. E. , turned through the channel, between thesmall isles called Makkahaa and Monooafai, it being much wider than thechannel between the last-mentioned island and Pangimodoo. The flood setstrong in our favour, till we were the length of the channel leading upto the _lagoon_, where the flood from the eastward meets that from thewest. This, together with the indraught of the _lagoon_, and of theshoals before it, causeth strong ripplings and whirlpools. To add tothese dangers, the depth of water in the channel exceeds the length of acable; so that there is no anchorage, except close to the rocks, wherewe meet with forty and forty-five fathoms, over a bottom of dark sand. But then, here, a ship would be exposed to the whirlpools. Thisfrustrated the design which I had formed, of coming to an anchor as soonas we were through the narrows, and of making an excursion to see thefuneral. I chose rather to lose that ceremony, than to leave the shipsin a situation in which I did not think them safe. We continued to plyto windward, between the two tides, without either gaining or losing aninch, till near high water, when, by a favourable slant, we got into theeastern tide's influence. We expected, there, to find the ebb to runstrong to the eastward in our favour, but it proved so inconsiderable, that, at any other time, it would not have been noticed. This informedus, that most of the water which flows into the _lagoon_, comes from theN. W. , and returns the same way. About five in the afternoon, findingthat we could not get to sea before it was dark, I came to an anchor, under the shore of Tongataboo, in forty-five fathoms water, and abouttwo cables length from the reef, that runs along that side of theisland. The Discovery dropped anchor under our stern; but before theanchor took hold, she drove off the bank, and did not recover it tillafter midnight. We remained at this station till eleven o'clock the next day, when weweighed, and plyed to the eastward. But it was ten at night before weweathered the east end of the island, and were enabled to stretch awayfor Middleburgh, or Eooa, (as it is called by the inhabitants, ) where weanchored, at eight o'clock in the next morning, in forty fathoms water, over a bottom of sand, interspersed with coral rocks; the extremes ofthe island extending from N. 40° E. , to S. 22° W. ; the high land ofEooa, S. 45° E. ; and Tongataboo, from N. 70° W. , to N. 19° W. , distantabout half a mile from the shore, being nearly the same place where Ihad my station in 1773, and then named by me, _English Road_. We had no sooner anchored, than Taoofa, the chief, and several othernatives, visited as on board, and seemed to rejoice much at our arrival. This Taoofa[172] had been my _Tayo_, when I was here, during my lastvoyage; consequently, we were not strangers to each other. In a littletime, I went ashore with him, in search of fresh water, the procuring ofwhich was the chief object that brought me to Eooa. I had been told atTongataboo, that there was here a stream, running from the hills intothe sea; but this was not the case now. I was first conducted to abrackish spring, between low and high water mark, amongst rocks, in thecove where we landed, and where no one would ever have thought oflooking for what we wanted. However, I believe the water of this springmight be good, were it possible to take it up before the tide mixes withit. Finding that we did not like this, our friends took us a little wayinto the island, where, in a deep chasm, we found very good water;which, at the expence of some time and trouble, might be conveyed downto the shore, by means of spouts or troughs, that could be made withplantain leaves, and the stem of the tree. But, rather than to undertakethat tedious task, I resolved to rest contented with the supply theships had got at Tongataboo. [Footnote 172: In the account of Captain Cook's former voyage, he callsthe only chief he then met with, at this place, _Tioony_. --D. ] Before I returned on board, I set on foot a trade for hogs and yams. Ofthe former, we could procure but few; but of the latter, plenty. I putashore, at this island, the ram and two ewes, of the Cape of Good Hopebreed of sheep, entrusting them to the care of Taoofa, who seemed proudof his charge. It was fortunate, perhaps, that Mareewagee, to whom I hadgiven them, as before mentioned, slighted the present. Eooa not having, as yet, got any dogs upon it, seems to be a properer place thanTongataboo for the rearing of sheep. As we lay at anchor, this island bore a very different aspect from anywe had lately seen, and formed a most beautiful landscape. It is higherthan any we had passed since leaving New Zealand, (as Kao may justly bereckoned an immense rock, ) and from its top, which is almost flat, declines very gently toward the sea. As the other isles of this clusterare level, the eye can discover nothing but the trees that cover them;but here the land, rising gently upward, presents us with an extensiveprospect, where groves of trees are only interspersed at irregulardistances, in beautiful disorder, and the rest covered with grass. Nearthe shore, again, it is quite shaded with various trees, amongst whichare the habitations of the natives; and to the right of our station, wasone of the most extensive groves of cocoa-palms we had ever seen. The 13th, in the afternoon, a party of us made an excursion to thehighest part of the island, which was a little to the right of ourships, in order to have a full view of the country. About half way up, we crossed a deep valley, the bottom and sides of which, though composedof hardly any thing but coral rock, were clothed with trees. We were nowabout two or three hundred feet above the level of the sea, and yet, even here, the coral was perforated into all the holes and inequalitieswhich usually diversify the surface of this substance within the reachof the tide. Indeed, we found the same coral till we began to approachthe summits of the highest hills; and it was remarkable, that these werechiefly composed of a yellowish, soft, sandy stone. The soil there, is, in general, a reddish clay, which, in many places, seemed to be verydeep. On the most elevated part of the whole island, we found a roundplatform, or mount of earth, supported by a wall of coral stones; tobring which to such a height, must have cost much labour. Our guidestold us, that this mount had been erected by order of their chief; andthat they, sometimes, meet there to drink/_kava_. They called it_etchee_; by which name, an erection which we had seen at Tongataboo, asalready mentioned, was distinguished. Not many paces from it, was aspring, of excellent water; and, about a mile lower down, a runningstream, which, we were told, found its way to the sea when the rainswere copious. We also met with water in many little holes; and, nodoubt, great plenty might be found by digging. From the elevation to which we had ascended, we had a full view of thewhole island, except a part of the south point. The S. E. Side, fromwhich the highest hills we were now upon, are not far distant, riseswith very great inequalities, immediately from the sea, so that theplains and meadows, of which there are here some of great extent, lieall on the N. W. Side; and as they are adorned with tufts of trees, intermixed with plantations, they form a very beautiful landscape inevery point of view. While I was surveying this delightful prospect, Icould not help flattering myself with the pleasing idea, that somefuture navigator may, from the same station, behold these meadowsstocked with cattle, brought to these islands by the ships of England;and that the completion of this single benevolent purpose, independentlyof all other considerations, would sufficiently mark to posterity, thatour voyages had not been useless to the general interests of humanity. Besides the plants common on the other neighbouring islands, we found, on the height, a species of _acrosticum, melastoma_, and fern tree, witha few other ferns and plants not common lower down. Our guides informed us, that all, or most of the land, on this island, belonged to the great chiefs of Tongataboo, and that the inhabitantswere only tenants or vassals to them. Indeed, this seemed to be the caseat all the other neighbouring isles, except Annamooka, where there weresome chiefs, who seemed to act with some kind of independence. Omai, whowas a great favourite with Feenou, and these people in general, wastempted with the offer of being made chief of this island, if he wouldhave staid amongst them; and it is not clear to me, that he would nothave been glad to stay, if the scheme had met with my approbation. I ownI did disapprove of it, but not because I thought that Omai would dobetter for himself in his own native isle. On returning from my country expedition, we were informed that a partyof the natives had, in the circle where our people traded, struck one oftheir own countrymen with a club, which laid bare, or as others said, fractured his skull, and then broke his thigh with the same, when ourmen interposed. He had no signs of life when carried to a neighbouringhouse, but afterward recovered a little. On my asking the reason of sosevere a treatment, we were informed, that he had been discovered in asituation rather indelicate, with a woman who was _taboo'd_. We, however, understood, that she was no otherwise _taboo'd_, than bybelonging to another person, and rather superior in rank to her gallant. From this circumstance we had an opportunity of observing how thesepeople treat such infidelities. But the female sinner has, by far, thesmaller share of punishment for her misdemeanor, as they told us thatshe would only receive a slight beating. The next morning, I planted a pine-apple, and sowed the seeds of melonsand other vegetables, in the chief's plantation. I had someencouragement, indeed, to flatter myself, that my endeavours of thiskind would not be fruitless; for, this day, there was served up at mydinner, a dish of turnips, being the produce of the seeds I had lefthere during my last voyage. I had fixed upon the 15th for sailing, till Taoofa pressed me to stay aday or two longer, to receive a present he had prepared for me. Thisreason, and the daily expectation of seeing some of our friends fromTongataboo, induced me to defer my departure. Accordingly, the next day I received the chiefs present, consisting oftwo small heaps of yams, and some fruit, which seemed to be collected bya kind of contribution, as at the other isles. On this occasion, most ofthe people of the island had assembled at the place; and, as we hadexperienced on such numerous meetings amongst their neighbours, gave usnot a little trouble to prevent them from pilfering whatever they couldlay their hands upon. We were entertained with cudgelling, wrestling, and boxing-matches; and, in the latter, both male and female combatantsexhibited. It was intended to have finished the shew with the _bomai_, or night dance, but an accident either put a total stop to it, or, atleast, prevented any of us from staying ashore to see it. One of mypeople, walking a very little way, was surrounded by twenty or thirty ofthe natives, who knocked him down, and stripped him of every thing hehad on his back. On hearing of this, I immediately seized two canoes, and a large hog, and insisted on Taoofa's causing the clothes to berestored, and on the offenders being delivered up to me. The chiefseemed much concerned at what had happened, and forthwith took thenecessary steps to satisfy me. This affair so alarmed the assembledpeople, that most of them fled. However, when they found that I took noother measures to revenge the insult, they returned. It was not longbefore one of the offenders was delivered up to me, and a shirt and apair of trowsers restored. The remainder of the stolen goods not comingin before night, I was under a necessity of leaving them to go aboard;for the sea run so high, that it was with the greatest difficulty theboats could get out of the creek with day-light, much less in the dark. The next morning I landed again, having provided myself with a presentfor Taoofa, in return for what he had given me. As it was early, therewere but few people at the landing-place, and those few not withouttheir fears. But on my desiring Omai to assure them that we meant noharm; and, in confirmation of this assurance, having restored the canoesand released the offender, whom they had delivered up to me, theyresumed their usual gaiety; and presently a large circle was formed, inwhich the chief, and all the principal men of the island, took theirplaces. The remainder of the clothes were now brought in; but as theyhad been torn off the man's back by pieces, they were not worth carryingon board. Taoofa, on receiving my present, shared it with three or fourother chiefs, keeping only a small part for himself. This presentexceeded their expectation so greatly, that one of their chiefs, avenerable old man, told me, that they did not deserve it, consideringhow little they had given to me, and the ill treatment one of my peoplehad met with. I remained with them till they had finished their bowl of_kava_; and having then paid for the hog, which I had taken the daybefore, returned on board, with Taoofa, and one of Poulaho's servants, by whom I sent, as a parting mark of my esteem and regard for thatchief, a piece of bar iron, being as valuable a present as any I couldmake to him. Soon after, we weighed, and with a light breeze at S. E. , stood out tosea; and then Tafooa, and a few other natives, that were in the ship, left us. On heaving up the anchor, we found that the cable had sufferedconsiderably by the rocks; so that the bottom, in this road, is not tobe depended upon. Besides this, we experienced, that a prodigious swellrolls in there from the S. W. We had not been long under sail, before we observed a sailing canoecoming from Tongataboo, and entering the creek before which we hadanchored. Same hours after, a small canoe, conducted by four men, cameoff to us. For, as we had but little wind, we were still at no greatdistance front the land. These men told us, that the sailing canoe, which we had seen arrive from Tongataboo, had brought orders to thepeople of Eooa, to furnish us with a certain number of hogs; and that, in two days, the king and other chiefs, would be with us. They, therefore, desired we would return to our former station. There was noreason to doubt the truth of what these men told us. Two of them hadactually come from Tongataboo in the sailing canoe; and they had noview in coming off to us, but to give this intelligence. However, as wewere now clear of the land, it was not a sufficient inducement to bringme back, especially as we had already on board a stock of freshprovisions, sufficient, in all probability, to last during our passageto Otaheite. Besides Taoofa's present, we had got a good quantity ofyams at Eooa, in exchange chiefly for small nails. Our supply of hogswas also considerably increased there; though, doubtless, we should havegot many more, if the chiefs of Tongataboo had been with us, whoseproperty they mostly were. At the approach of night, these men findingthat we would not return, left us; as also some others who had come offin two canoes, with a few cocoa-nuts and shaddocks, to exchange them forwhat they could get; the eagerness of these people to get into theirpossession more of our commodities, inducing them to follow the shipsout to sea, and to continue their intercourse with us to the lastmoment. SECTION X. _Advantages derived from visiting the Friendly Islands. --Best Articlesfor Traffic. --Refreshments that may be procured. --The Number of theIslands, and their Names. --Keppel's and Boscawen's Islands belong tothem. --Account of Vavaoo--Of Hamoa--Of Feejee. --Voyages of the Nativesin their Canoes. --Difficulty of procuring exact Information. --Persons ofthe Inhabitants of both Sexes. --Their Colour. --Diseases. --Their generalCharacter. --Manner of wearing their Hair. --Of puncturing theirBodies. --Their Clothing and Ornaments. --Personal Cleanliness_. Thus we took leave of the Friendly Islands and their inhabitants, aftera stay of between two and three months, during which time, we livedtogether in the most cordial friendship. Some accidental differences, itis true, now and then happened, owing to their great propensity tothieving; but too often encouraged by the negligence of our own people. But these differences were never attended with any fatal consequences, to prevent which, all my measures were directed; and I believe few onboard our ships left our friends here without some regret. The timeemployed amongst them was not thrown away. We expended very little ofour sea provisions, subsisting, in general, upon the produce of theislands, while we staid, and carrying away with us a quantity ofrefreshments sufficient to last till our arrival at another station, where we could depend upon a fresh supply. I was not sorry, besides, tohave had an opportunity of bettering the condition of these good people, by leaving the useful animals before-mentioned among them; and, at thesame time, those designed for Otaheite, received fresh strength in thepastures of Tongataboo. Upon the whole, therefore, the advantages wereceived by touching here were very great; and I had the additionalsatisfaction to reflect, that they were received, without retarding onemoment, the prosecution of the great object of our voyage; the seasonfor proceeding to the north, being, as has been already observed, lost, before I took the resolution of bearing away for these islands. But besides the immediate advantages, which both the natives of theFriendly Islands and ourselves received by this visit, future navigatorsfrom Europe, if any such should ever tread our steps, will profit by theknowledge I acquired of the geography of this part of the Pacific Ocean;and the more philosophical reader, who loves to view human nature in newsituations, and to speculate on singular, but faithful representationsof the persons, the customs, the arts, the religion, the government, andthe language of uncultivated man, in remote and fresh-discoveredquarters of the globe, will perhaps find matter of amusement, if not ofinstruction, in the information which I have been enabled to convey tohim, concerning the inhabitants of this Archipelago. I shall suspend mynarrative of the progress of the voyage, while I faithfully relate whatI had opportunities of collecting on these several topics. We found by our experience, that the best articles for traffic at theseislands, are iron tools in general. Axes and hatchets, nails, from thelargest spike down to tenpenny ones, rasps, files, and knives, are muchsought after. Red cloth, and linen, both white and coloured, looking-glasses and beads are also in estimation; but of the latterthose that are blue are preferred to all others, and white ones arethought the least valuable. A string of large blue beads would at anytime purchase a hog. But it must be observed, that such articles as aremerely ornaments, may be highly esteemed at one time, and not so atanother. When we first arrived at Annamooka, the people there wouldhardly take them in exchange even for fruit; but when Feenou came, thisgreat man set the fashion, and brought them into vogue, till they rosein their value to what I have just mentioned. In return for the favourite commodities which I have enumerated, all therefreshments may be procured that the islands produce. These are, hogs, fowls, fish, yams, breadfruit, plantains, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane, and, in general, every such supply as can be met with at Otaheite, or any ofthe Society Islands. The yams of the Friendly Islands are excellent, and, when grown to perfection, keep very well at sea. But their pork, bread-fruit, and plantains, though far from despicable, are neverthelessmuch inferior in quality to the same articles at Otaheite, and in itsneighbourhood. Good water, which ships on long voyages stand so much in need of, isscarce at these islands. It may be found, it is true, on them all; butstill either in too inconsiderable quantities, or in situations tooinconvenient, to serve the purposes of navigators. However, as theislands afford plenty of provisions, and particularly of cocoa-nuts, ships may make a tolerable shift with such water as is to be got; and ifone is not over nice, there will be no want. While we lay at anchorunder Kotoo, on our return from Hepaee, some people from Kao informedus, that there was a stream of water there, which, pouring down from themountain, runs into the sea on the S. W. Side of the island; that is, on, the side that faces Toofoa, another island remarkable for its height, asalso for having a considerable volcano in it, which, as has been alreadymentioned, burnt violently all the time that we were in itsneighbourhood. It may be worth while for future navigators to attend tothis intelligence about the stream of water at Kao, especially as welearned that there was anchorage on that part of the coast. The blackstone, of which the natives of the Friendly Islands make their hatchetsand other tools, we were informed, is the production of Toofoa. Under the denomination of Friendly Islands, we must include, not onlythe group at Hepaee which I visited, but also all those islands thathave been discovered nearly under the same meridian to the north, aswell as some others that have never been seen hitherto by any Europeannavigators, but are under the dominion of Tongataboo, which, though notthe largest, is the capital and seat of government. According to the information that we received there, this archipelago isvery extensive. Above one hundred and fifty islands were reckoned up tous by the natives, who made use of bits of leaves to ascertain theirnumber; and Mr Anderson, with his usual diligence, even procured alltheir names. Fifteen of them are said to be high or hilly, such, asToofoa and Eooa, and thirty-five of them large. Of these, only threewere seen this voyage; Hepaee, (which is considered by the natives asone island, ) Tongataboo, and Eooa: Of the size of the unexploredthirty-two, nothing more can be mentioned, but that they must be alllarger than Annamooka, which those from whom we had our informationranked amongst the smaller isles. Some, or indeed several of this latterdenomination, are mere spots without inhabitants. But it must be left tofuture navigators to introduce into the geography of this part of theSouth Pacific Ocean the exact situation and size of near a hundred moreislands in this neighbourhood, which we had not an opportunity toexplore, and whose existence we only learnt from the testimony of ourfriends as above-mentioned. On their authority the following list ofthem was made, and it may serve as a ground-work for fartherinvestigation. _Names of the Friendly Islands, and others, in that Neighbourhood, mentioned by the Inhabitants of Anamooka, Hepaee, and Tongataboo_. [173] [Footnote 173: Those islands which the natives represented as largeones, are distinguished in Italics. ] Komooefeeva, Noogoofaeeou, Novababoo, Kollalona, Koreemou, Golabbe, Felongaboonga, Failemaia, Vagaeetoo, Kovereetoa, Koweeka, Gowakka, Fonogooeatta, Konookoonama, _Goofoo_, Modooanoogoo Kooonoogoo, Mafanna, noogoo Geenageena, Kolloooa, Tongooa, Kowourogoheefo, Tabanna, Koooa, Kottejeea, Motooha, Fenooa eeka, Kokabba, Looakabba, _Vavaoo_ Boloa, Toofanaetollo, Koloa, Toofagga, Toofanaelaa, Fafeene, Loogoobahanga, _Kogoopoloo_, Taoonga, Taoola, _Havaeeeeke_, Kobakeemotoo, Maneeneeta, _Tootooeela_, Kongahoonoho, Fonooaooma, _Manooka_, Komalla, Fonooonneonne, _Leshainga_, Konoababoo, Wegaffa, _Pappataia_, Konnetalle, Fooamotoo, _Loubatta_, Komongoraffa, Fonooalaiee, _Oloo_, Kotoolooa, Tattahoi, _Takounove_, Kologobeele, Latte, _Kapaoo_, Kollokolahee, _Neuafo, Kovooeea_, Matageefaia, _Feejee, Kongaireekee_; Mallajee, _Oowaia, Tafeedoowaia_, Mallalahee, _Kongaiarahoi, Hamoa_, Gonoogoolaiee, _Kotoobooo, Neeootabootaboo_, Toonabai, _Komotte, Fotoona_, Konnevy, _Komoarra, Vytooboo_, Konnevao, _Kolaiva, Lotooma_, Moggodoo, _Kofoona, Toggelao_, Looamoggo, _Konnagillelaivoo, Talava_. I have not the least doubt that Prince William's Islands, discovered andso named by Tasman, are included in the foregoing list. For while we layat Hapaee, one of the natives told me, that three or four days sail fromthence to the N. W. , there was a cluster of small islands, consisting ofupwards of forty. This situation corresponds very well with thatassigned in the accounts we have of Tasman's voyage, to his PrinceWilliam's Islands. [174] [Footnote 174: Tasman saw eighteen or twenty of these small islands, every one of which was surrounded with sands, shoals, and rocks. Theyare also called in some charts, Heemskirk's Banks. See Dalrymple'sCollection of Voyages to the South Pacific Ocean, vol. Ii. P. 38, andCampbell's edition of Harris's, vol. I. P. 325. --D. ] We have also very good authority to believe that Keppel's andBoscawen's Island, two of Captain Wallis's discoveries in 1765, arecomprehended in our list; and that they are not only well known to thesepeople, but are under the same sovereign. The following informationseemed to me decisive as to this: Upon my enquiring one day of Poulaho, the king, in what manner the inhabitants of Tongataboo had acquired theknowledge of iron, and from what quarter they had procured a small irontool which I had seen amongst them when I first visited their island, during my former voyage, he informed me, that they had received thisiron from an island which he called Neeootabootaboo. Carrying myenquiries further, I then desired to know whether he had ever beeninformed from whom the people of Neeootabootaboo had got it. I found himperfectly acquainted with its history. He said that one of thoseislanders sold a club for five nails, to a ship which had touched there, and that these five nails afterward were sent to Tongataboo. He added, that this was the first iron known amongst them, so that what Tasmanleft of that metal must have been worn out, and forgot long ago. I wasvery particular in my enquiries about the situation, size, and form ofthe island; expressing my desire to know when this ship had touchedthere, how long she staid, and whether any more were in company. Theleading facts appeared to be fresh in his memory. He said that there wasbut one ship; that she did not come to an anchor, but left the islandafter her boat had been on shore. And from many circumstances which hementioned, It could not be many years since this had happened. Accordingto his information, there are two islands near each other, which hehimself had been at. The one he described as high and peaked, like Kao, and he called it Kootahee; the other, where the people of the shiplanded, called Neeootabootaboo, he represented as much lower. He added, that the natives of both are the same sort of people with those ofTongataboo, built their canoes in the same manner, that their islandshad hogs and fowls, and in general the same vegetable productions. Theship so pointedly referred to in this conversation, could be no otherthan the Dolphin; the only single ship from Europe, as far as we haveever learned, that had touched of late years at any island in this partof the Pacific Ocean, prior to my former visit of the FriendlyIslands. [175] [Footnote 175: See Captain Wallis's Voyage in this Collection, vol. Xii. Captain Wallis calls both these islands high ones. But the superiorheight of one of them may be inferred, from his saying, that it appearslike a sugar-loaf. This strongly marks its resemblance to Kao. Fromcomparing Poulaho's intelligence to Captain Cook, with Captain Wallis'saccount, it seems to be past all doubt that Boscawen's Island is ourKotahee, and Keppel's Island our Neeootabootaboo. The last is one of thelarge islands marked in the foregoing list. The reader, who has beenalready apprized of the variations of our people in writing down whatthe natives pronounced, will hardly doubt that Kottejeea and Kootaheeare the same. --D. ] But the most considerable islands in this neighbourhood that we nowheard of, (and we heard a great deal about them, ) are Hamoa, Vavaoo, andFeejee. Each of these was represented to us as larger than Tongataboo. No European that we know of, has, as yet, seen any of them. Tasman, indeed, lays down in his chart an island nearly in the situation where, I suppose Vavaoo to be, that is about the latitude of 91°. [176] But thenthat island is there marked as a very small one, whereas Vavaoo, according to the united testimony of all our friends at Tongataboo, exceeds the size of their own island, and has high mountains, I shouldcertainly have visited it, and have accompanied Feenou from Hapaee, ifhe had not then discouraged me, by representing it to be veryinconsiderable, and without any harbour. But Poulaho, the king, afterward assured me that it was a large island; and that it not onlyproduced every thing in common with Tongataboo, but had the peculiaradvantage of possessing several streams of fresh water, with as good aharbour as that which we found at his capital island. He offered toattend me if I would visit it; adding, that if I did not find everything agreeing with his representation, I might kill him. I had not theleast doubt of the truth of his intelligence; and was satisfied thatFeenou, from some interested view, attempted to deceive me. [Footnote 176: Neither Dalrymple nor Campbell, in their accounts ofTasman's voyage, take any particular notice of his having seen such anisland. The chart here referred to by Captain Cook, is probably MrDalrymple's, in his Collection of Voyages, where Tasman's track ismarked accurately; and several very small spots of land are laid down inthe situation here mentioned. --D. ] Hamoa, which is also under the dominion of Tongataboo, lies two dayssail N. W. From Vavaoo; it was described to me as the largest of alltheir islands, as affording harbours and good water, and as producing inabundance every article of refreshment found at the places we visited. Poulaho himself frequently resides there. It should seem that the peopleof this island are in high estimation at Tongataboo; for we were toldthat some of the songs and dances with which we were entertained, hadbeen copied from theirs; and we saw some houses said to be built aftertheir fashion. Mr Anderson, always inquisitive about such matters, learnt the three following words of the dialect of Hamoa; _Tamolao_, [177] a chief man. _Tamaety_, a chief woman. _Solle_, a common man. Feejee, as we were told, lies three days sail from Tongataboo, in thedirection of N. W. By W. It was described to us as a high, but veryfruitful island, abounding with hogs, dogs, fowls, and all the kinds offruit and roots that are found in any of the others, and as much largerthan Tongataboo; to the dominion of which, as was represented, to us, itis not subject, as the other islands of this archipelago are. On thecontrary, Feejee and Tongataboo frequently make war upon each other. Andit appeared from several circumstances, that the inhabitants of thelatter are much afraid of this enemy. They used to express their senseof their own inferiority to the Feejee men by bending the body forward, and covering the face with their hands. And it is no wonder that theyshould be under this dread; for those of Feejee are formidable onaccount of the dexterity with which they use their bows and slings, butmuch more so on account of the savage practice to which they areaddicted, like those of New Zealand, of eating their enemies whom theykill in battle. We were satisfied that this was not a misrepresentation;for we met with several Feejee people at Tongataboo, and, on enquiringof them, they did not deny the charge. [Footnote 177: In two or three preceding notes, extracts have been madefrom the Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, as marking a strongresemblance between some of the customs of the inhabitants of theCaroline Islands, and those which Captain Cook describes as prevailingat an immense distance, in the islands which he visited in the SouthPacific Ocean. Possibly, however, the presumption arising from thisresemblance, that all these islands were peopled by the same nation, ortribe, may be resisted, under the plausible pretence, that customs verysimilar prevail amongst very distant people, without inferring any othercommon source, besides the general principles of human nature, the samein all ages, and every part of the globe. The reader, perhaps, will notthink this pretence applicable to the matter before us, if he attends tothe following very obvious distinction: Those customs which have theirfoundation in wants that are common to the whole human species, andwhich are confined to the contrivance of means to relieve those wants, may well be supposed to bear a strong resemblance, without warrantingthe conclusion, that they who use them have copied each other, or havederived them from one common source; human sagacity being the same everywhere, and the means adapted to the relief of any particular naturalwant, especially in countries similarly uncultivated, being but few. Thus the most distant tribes, as widely separated as the Kamtschadalesare from the Brazilians, may produce their fire by rubbing two sticksupon each other, without giving us the least foundation for supposing, that either of them imitated the other, or derived the invention from asource of instruction common to both. But this seems not to be the case, with regard to those customs to which no general principle of humannature has given birth, and which have their establishment solely fromthe endless varieties of local whim and national fashion. Of this latterkind, those customs obviously are, that belong both to the North and tothe South Pacific Islands, from which we would infer, that they wereoriginally one nation; and the men of Mangeea, and the men of the NewPhilippines, who pay their respects to a person whom they mean tohonour, by rubbing his hand over their faces, bid fair to have learnttheir mode of salutation in the same school. But if this observationshould not have removed the doubts of the sceptical refiner, probably hewill hardly venture to persist in denying the identity of race, contended for in the present instance, when he shall observe, that, tothe proof drawn from affinity of customs, we have it in our power to addthat most unexceptionable one, drawn from affinity of language. _Tamoloa_, we now know, is the word used at Hamoa, one of the FriendlyIslands, to signify a chief: And whoever looks into the LettresEdifiantes et Curieuses, will see this is the very name by which theinhabitants of the Caroline Islands distinguish their principal men. Wehave, in two preceding notes, inserted passages from Father Cantova'saccount of them, where their _Tamoles_ are spoken of; and he repeats theword at least a dozen times in the course of a few pages. But I cannotavoid transcribing from him, the following very decisive testimony, which renders any other quotation superfluous:--"L'autoritié duGouvernement se partage entre plusieurs familles nobles, dont les Chefss'appellent _Tamoles_. Il y a outre cela, dans chaque province, unprincipale _Tamole_, auquel tous les autres sont soumis. "--LettresEdifiantes et Curieuses, tom, xv p. 312. --D. Mr Faber, in a prospectus to his work on Pagan Idolatry, has availedhimself of the important principle contained in this note, to infer acommon origin from the peculiar resemblance of religious opinions andceremonies among the various systems of paganism. His reasoning isprecisely the same as that which is used in tracing the descent ofnations, and it is very distinctly stated by him in the followingpassage:--"Things, in themselves not _arbitrary_, prove nothingwhatsoever: And tribes may be alike hunters, and fishers, and bowmen, though they have sprung from very different ancestors. But things, inthemselves _altogether arbitrary_, are acknowledged to form the basis ofa reasonable argument: And, if tribes are found to speak dialects of thesame language, and to be attached throughout to the same whimsicalcustoms, which are not deducible from _the nature of things_, but from_pure caprice_ merely, _such _points of coincidence are commonly andrationally thought to furnish a moral demonstration of the common originof those tribes. " An objection to this reasoning instantly rises from adenial of the notion, that any thing can be arbitrary, in which such alimited being as man is concerned. A skilful opponent, in other words, will move the previous question respecting man's free agency, and willnot move a step in consequences, till it be decided. Nay, even if itwere so, in favour of the highest claims which have ever been put in onthe side of liberty, still he might demur, and with good reason indeed, till the fact of arbitrariness in any case, or cases, was ascertained. Obviously, would he say, we are not entitled to make inferences from thenature of things, till we are acquainted with it. But who, he would ask, can with propriety say, his acquaintance with nature is so complete, that he can at once, and without possibility of mistake, determine, whatdoes and what does not belong to it? It is to be feared, that a man hasbut a bad case in hand, who, in order to establish its truth, must firstprove his own infallibility. Such an objection, therefore, as has beennow stated, is evidently not destitute of strength. But on the whole, acareful examination will convince any unprejudiced person, that thereasoning alluded to, is entitled to considerable regard, and yieldsvery probable deductions. Only let us not urge it too far, and let us byall means recollect, that things which to lookers-on seem altogetherarbitrary, may nevertheless be accounted for by the agents themselves, on principles which have their foundation in the common nature of ourspecies, independent of any casual communication or intercourse betweenus. --E. ] Now that I am again led to speak of cannibals, let me ask those whomaintain, that the want of food first brings men to feed on human flesh, what is it that induces the Feejee people to keep it up in the midst ofplenty? This practice is detested very much by those of Tongataboo, whocultivate the friendship of their savage neighbours of Feejee, apparently out of fear, though they sometimes venture to skirmish withthem on their own ground, and carry off red feathers as their booty, which are in great plenty there, and, as has been frequently mentioned, are in great estimation amongst our Friendly Islanders. When the twoislands are at peace, the intercourse between them seems to be prettyfrequent, though they have, doubtless, been but lately known to eachother; or we may suppose that Tongataboo, and its adjoining islands, would have been supplied before this with a breed of dogs, which aboundat Feejee, and had not been introduced at Tongataboo so late as 1773, when I first visited it. The natives of Feejee, whom we met with here, were of a colour that was a full shade darker than that of theinhabitants of the Friendly Islands in general. One of them had his leftear slit, and the lobe was so distended, that it almost reached hisshoulder, which singularity I had met with at other islands of the SouthSea, during my second voyage. It appeared to me that the Feejee men whomwe now saw were much respected here, not only perhaps from the power andcruel manner of their nation's going to war, but also from theiringenuity. For they seem to excel the inhabitants of Tongataboo in thatrespect, if we might judge from several specimens of their skill inworkmanship which we saw, such as clubs and spears, which were carved ina very masterly manner, cloth beautifully chequered, variegated mats, earthen pots, and some other articles, all which had a cast ofsuperiority in the execution. I have mentioned that Feejee lies three days sail from Tongataboo, because these people have no other method of measuring the distance fromisland to island, but by expressing the time required to make the voyagein one of their canoes. In order to ascertain this with some precision, or at least to form some judgment how far these canoes can sail in amoderate gale in any given time, I went on board one of them, when undersail, and, by several trials with the log, found that she went sevenknots, or miles, in an hour, close hauled, in a gentle gale. From this Ijudge, that they will sail, on a medium, With such breezes as generallyblow in their sea, about seven or eight miles in an hour. But thelength of each day is not to be reckoned at twenty-four hours. For whenthey speak of one day's sail, they mean no more than from the morning tothe evening of the same day, that is, ten or twelve hours at most. Andtwo days sail with them signifies from the morning of the first day tothe evening of the second, and so for any other number of days. In thesenavigations, the sun is their guide by day, and the stars by night. Whenthese are obscured, they have recourse to the points from whence thewinds and the waves came upon the vessel. If during the obscuration, both the wind and the waves should shift, (which, within the limits ofthe trade-wind seldom happens at any other time, ) they are thenbewildered, frequently miss their intended port, and are never heard ofmore. The history of Omai's countrymen, who were driven, to Wateeoo, leads us to infer, that those not heard of are not always lost. Of all the harbours and anchoring places I have met with among theseislands, that of Tongataboo is by far the best, not only on account ofits great security, but of its capacity, and of the goodness of itsbottom. The risk that we ran in entering it from the north, ought to bea sufficient caution to every future commander, not to attempt thatpassage again with a ship of burden, since the other, by which we leftit, is so much more easy and safe. To sail into it by this easternchannel, steer in for the N. E. Point of the island, and keep along thenorth shore, with the small isles on your starboard, till you are thelength of the east point of the entrance into the _lagoon_, then edgeover for the reef of the small isles, and, on following its direction, it will conduct you through between Makkahaa and Monoofai, or the fourthand fifth isles, which you will perceive to lie off the west point ofthe _lagoon_. Or you may go between the third and fourth islands, thatis, between Pangimodoo and Monooafai, but this channel is much narrowerthan the other. There runs a very strong tide in both. The flood, as Ihave observed before, comes in from the N. W. , and the ebb returns thesame way; but I shall speak of the tides in another place. As soon asyou are through either of these channels, haul in for the shore ofTongataboo, and anchor between it and Pangimodoo, before a creek leadinginto the _lagoon_, into which boats can go at half flood. Although Tongataboo has the best harbour, Annamooka furnishes the bestwater, and yet it cannot be called good. However, by digging holes nearthe side of the pond, we can get what may be called tolerable. Thisisland too is the best situated for drawing refreshments from all theothers, as being nearly in the centre of the whole group. Besides theroad in which we anchored, and the harbour within the south-west point, there is a creek in the reef before the eastern sandy cove, on the northside of the island, in which two or three ships may lie very securely bymooring head and stern, with their anchors or moorings fast to therocks. I have already described the Hepaee Islands, and shall only add to thatdescription, by mentioning that they extend S. W. By S. , and N. E. By N. , about nineteen miles. The north end lies in the latitude of 19° 39" S. , and 33' of longitude to the east of Annamooka. Between them are a greatmany small islands, sand-banks, and breakers; so, that, the safest wayto arrive at Hepaee, is either by the course I held, or round by thenorth, according to the situation of the ship bound thither. Lefooga, off which we anchored, is the most fertile isle of those that are calledHepaee, and consequently is the best inhabited. There is anchorage alongthe north-west side of this island; but it will be necessary to examinethe ground well before you moor. For, although the lead may bring upfine sand, there are nevertheless some sharp coral rocks, that wouldsoon destroy the cables. What has been here omitted concerning the geography of these islands, will be found in the narrative of my last voyage. To that narrative Imust also refer, for such particulars concerning the inhabitants, theirmanners, and arts, as I had observed then, and about which I saw noreason to change my judgment. At present, I shall confine myself to suchinteresting particulars, as either were not mentioned in that narrative, or were imperfectly or incorrectly represented there, and to such as mayserve to explain some passages in the foregoing account of ourtransactions with the natives. It may, indeed, be expected, that after spending between two and threemonths amongst them, I should be enabled to clear up every difficulty, and to give a tolerably satisfactory account of their customs, opinions, and institutions, both civil and religious, especially as we had aperson on board, who might be supposed qualified to act the part of aninterpreter, by understanding their language and ours. But poor Omai wasvery deficient. For unless the object or thing we wanted to enquireabout, was actually before us, we found it difficult to gain a tolerableknowledge of it from information only, without falling into a hundredmistakes; and to such mistakes Omai was more liable than we were. For, having no curiosity, he never gave himself the trouble to make remarksfor himself; and, when he was disposed to explain matters to us, hisideas appeared to be so limited, and perhaps so different from ours, that his accounts were often so confused, as to perplex instead ofinstructing us. Add to this, that it was very rare that we found amongstthe natives, a person who united the ability and the inclination to giveus the information we wanted; and we found, that most of them hated tobe troubled with what they probably thought idle questions. Oursituation at Tongataboo, where we remained the longest, was like-wiseunfavourable. It was in a part of the country where there were fewinhabitants, except fishers. It was always holiday with our visitors, aswell as with those we visited; so that we had but few opportunities ofobserving what was really the domestic way of living of the natives. Under these disadvantages, it is not surprising that we should not beable to bring away with us satisfactory accounts of many things; butsome of us endeavoured to remedy those disadvantages by diligentobservation, and I am indebted to Mr Anderson for a considerable shareof what follows in this and in the following section. In other matters, I have only expressed, nearly in his own words, remarks that coincidedwith mine; but what relates to the religion and language of these peopleis entirely his own. The natives of the Friendly Islands seldom exceed the common stature(though we have measured some who were above six feet), but are verystrong and well-made, especially as to their limbs. They are generallybroad about the shoulders, and though the muscular disposition of themen, which seems a consequence of much action, rather conveys theappearance of strength than of beauty, there are several to be seen whoare really handsome. Their features are very various, insomuch, that itis scarcely possible to fix on any general likeness by which tocharacterize them, unless it be a fullness at the point of the nose, which is very common. But, on the other hand, we met with hundreds oftruly European faces, and many genuine Roman noses amongst them. Theireyes and teeth are good; but the last neither so remarkably white nor sowell set, as is often found amongst Indian nations; though to balancethat, few of them have any uncommon thickness about the lips, a defectas frequent as the other perfection. The women are not so much distinguished from the men by their features, as by their general form, which is, for the most part, destitute of thatstrong fleshy firmness that appears in the latter. Though the featuresof some are so delicate, as not only to be a true index of their sex, but to lay claim to a considerable share of beauty and expression, therule is by no means so general as in many other countries. But, at thesame time, this is frequently the most exceptionable part; for thebodies and limbs of most of the females, are well proportioned, and someabsolutely perfect models of a beautiful figure. But the most remarkabledistinction in the women, is the uncommon smallness and delicacy oftheir fingers, which may be put in competition with the finest inEurope. The general colour is a cast deeper than the copper brown; but severalof the men and women have a true olive complexion, and some of the lastare even a great deal fairer, which is probably the effect of being lessexposed to the sun, as a tendency to corpulence, in a few of theprincipal people, seems to be the consequence of a more indolent life. It is also amongst the last, that a soft clear skin is most frequentlyobserved. Amongst the bulk of the people, the skin is more commonly of adull hue, with some degree of roughness, especially the parts that arenot covered, which perhaps may be occasioned by some cutaneous disease. We saw a man and boy at Hepaee, and a child at Annamooka, perfectlywhite. Such have been found amongst all black nations; but I apprehendthat their colour is rather a disease, than a natural phenomenon. There are nevertheless, upon the whole, few natural defects ordeformities to be found amongst them, though we saw two or three withtheir feet bent inward, and some afflicted with a sort of blindness, occasioned by a disease of the _cornea_. Neither are they exempt fromsome other diseases. The most common of which is the tetter, orring-worm, that seems to affect almost one half of them, and leaveswhitish serpentine marks every where behind it. But this is of lessconsequence than another disease which is very frequent, and appears onevery part of the body in large broad ulcers, with thick white edges, discharging a clear thin matter, some of which had a very virulentappearance, particularly those on the face, which were shocking to lookat. And yet we met with some who seemed to be cured of it, and others ina fair way of being cured; but this was not effected without the loss ofthe nose, or of the best part of it. As we know for a certainty, (andthe fact is acknowledged by themselves), that the people of theseislands were subject to this loathsome disease before the English firstvisited them, notwithstanding the similarity of symptoms, it cannot bethe effect of the venereal contagion, unless we adopt a supposition, which I could wish had a sufficient foundation in truth, that thevenereal disorder was not introduced here from Europe by our ships in1773. It assuredly was now found to exist amongst them, for we had notbeen long there, before some of our people received the infection; and Ihad the mortification to learn from thence, that all the care I tookwhen I first visited these islands to prevent this dreadful disease frombeing communicated to their inhabitants, had proved ineffectual. What isextraordinary, they do not seem to regard it much; and as we saw fewsigns of its destroying effects, probably the climate, and the way ofliving of these people, greatly abate its virulence. There are two otherdiseases frequent amongst them; one of which is an indolent firmswelling, which affects the legs and arms, and increases them to anextraordinary size in their whole length. The other is a tumour of thesame sort in the testicles, which sometimes exceed the size of the twofists. But, in other respects, they may be considered as uncommonlyhealthy, not a single person having been seen, during our stay, confinedto the house by sickness of any kind. On the contrary, their strengthand activity are every way answerable to their muscular appearance; andthey exert both, in their usual employment and in their diversions, insuch a manner, that there can be no doubt of their being; as yet, littledebilitated by the numerous diseases that are the consequence ofindolence, and an unnatural method of life. The graceful air and firm step with which these people walk, are not theleast obvious proof of their personal accomplishments. They considerthis as a thing so natural, or so necessary to be acquired, that nothingused to excite their laughter sooner, than to see us frequentlystumbling upon the roots of trees, or other inequalities of the ground. Their countenances very remarkably express the abundant mildness orgood-nature which they possess; and are entirely free from that savagekeenness which marks nations in a barbarous state. One would, indeed, beapt to fancy that they had been bred up under the severest restrictions, to acquire an aspect so settled, and such a command of their passions, as well as steadiness in conduct. But they are, at the same time, frank, cheerful, and good-humoured; though sometimes in the presence of theirchiefs, they put on a degree of gravity, and such a serious air, asbecomes stiff and awkward, and has an appearance of reserve. Their peaceable disposition is sufficiently evinced from the friendlyreception all strangers have met with who have visited them. Instead ofoffering to attack them openly or clandestinely, as has been the casewith most of the inhabitants of these seas, they have never appeared, inthe smallest degree, hostile; but, on the contrary, like the mostcivilized people, have courted an intercourse with, their visitors bybartering, which is the only medium that unites all nations in a sort offriendship. They understand barter (which they call _fukkatou_) soperfectly, that at first we imagined they might have acquired thisknowledge of it by commercial intercourse with the neighbouring islands;but we were afterward assured, that they had little or no traffic, except with Feejee, from which they get the red feathers, and the fewother articles mentioned before. Perhaps no nation in the world trafficwith more honesty and less distrust. We could always safely permit themto examine our goods, and to hand them about one to another; and theyput the same confidence in us. If either party repented of the bargain, the goods were re-exchanged with mutual consent and good-humour. Uponthe whole, they seem possessed of many of the most excellent qualitiesthat adorn the human mind; such as industry, ingenuity, perseverance, affability, and, perhaps, other virtues which our short stay with themmight prevent our observing. The only defect sullying their character, that we know of, is apropensity to thieving, to which we found those of all ages, and bothsexes, addicted, and to an uncommon degree. It should, however, beconsidered, that this exceptionable part of their conduct seemed toexist merely with respect to us; for, in their general intercourse withone another, I had reason to be of opinion, that thefts do not happenmore frequently (perhaps less so) than in other countries, the dishonestpractices of whose worthless individuals are not supposed to authoriseany indiscriminate censure on the whole body of the people. Greatallowances should be made for the foibles of these poor natives of thePacific Ocean, whose minds were overpowered with the glare of objects, equally new to them, as they were captivating. Stealing, amongst thecivilized and enlightened nations of the world, may well be consideredas denoting a character deeply stained with moral turpitude, withavarice unrestrained by the known rules of right, and with profligacyproducing extreme indigence, and neglecting the means of relieving it. But at the Friendly and other islands which we visited, the thefts, sofrequently committed by the natives, of what we had brought along withus, may be fairly traced to less culpable motives. They seemed to arisesolely from an intense curiosity or desire to possess something whichthey had not been accustomed to before, and belonging to a sort ofpeople so different from themselves. And, perhaps, if it were possible, that a set of beings, seemingly as superior in our judgment, as we arein theirs, should appear amongst us, it might be doubted, whether ournatural regard to justice would be able to restrain many from fallinginto the same error. That I have assigned the true motive for theirpropensity to this practice, appears from their stealing every thingindiscriminately at first sight, before they could have the leastconception of converting their prize to any one useful purpose. But Ibelieve with us, no person would forfeit his reputation, or exposehimself to punishment, without knowing, before-hand, how to employ thestolen goods. Upon the whole, the pilfering disposition of theseislanders, though certainly disagreeable and troublesome to strangers, was the means of affording us some information as to the quickness oftheir intellects. For their small thefts were committed with muchdexterity; and those of greater consequence with a plan or scheme suitedto the importance of the objects. An extraordinary instance of the lastsort, their attempts to carry away one of the Discovery's anchors atmid-day, has been already related. Their hair is, in general, straight, thick, and strong, though a fewhave it bushy and frizzled. The natural colour, I believe, almostwithout exception, is black; but the greatest part of the men, and someof the women, have it stained of a brown or purple colour, and a few ofan orange cast. The first colour is produced by applying a sort ofplaster of burnt coral, mixed with water; the second, by the raspings ofa reddish wood, which is made up with water into a poultice, and laidover the hair; and the third is, I believe, the effect of _turmeric_root. When I first visited these islands, I thought it had been an universalcustom for both men and women to wear the hair short; but, during ourpresent longer stay, we saw a great many exceptions. Indeed, they are sowhimsical in their fashions of wearing it, that it is hard to tell whichis most in vogue. Some have it cut off from one side of the head, whilethat on the other remains long; some have only a portion of it cutshort, or perhaps shaved; others have it entirely cut off, except asingle lock, which is left commonly on one side; or it is suffered togrow to its full length, without any of these mutilations. The women ingeneral wear it short. The men have their beards cut short; and both menand women strip the hair from their arm pits. The operation by whichthis is performed has been already described. The men are stained fromabout the middle of the belly, to about half way down their thighs, with a deep, blue colour. This is done with a flat bone instrument, cutfull of fine teeth, which, being dipped in the staining mixture, prepared from the juice of the _dooe dooe_, is struck into the skin witha bit of stick, and, by that means, indelible marks are made. In thismanner they trace lines and figures, which, in some, are very elegant, both from the variety, and from the arrangement. The women have only afew small lines or spots, thus imprinted, on the inside of their hands. Their kings, as a mark of distinction, are exempted from this custom, asalso from inflicting on themselves any of those bloody marks ofmourning, which shall be mentioned in another place. The men are all circumcised, or rather supercised; as the operationconsists in cutting off only a small piece of the foreskin at the upperpart, which, by that means, is rendered incapable ever after of coveringthe _glans_. This is all they aim at; as they say, the operation ispractised from a notion of cleanliness. The dress of both men and women is the same, and consists of a piece ofcloth or matting (but mostly the former), about two yards wide, and twoand a half long; at least, so long as to go once and a half round thewaist, to which it is confined by a girdle or cord. It is double before, and hangs down like a petticoat, as low as the middle of the leg. Theupper part of the garment, above the girdle, is plaited into severalfolds; so that when unfolded, there is cloth sufficient to draw up andwrap round the shoulders, which is very seldom done. This, as to form, is the general dress; but large pieces of cloth, and fine matting, areworn only by the superior people. The inferior sort are satisfied withsmall pieces, and very often wear nothing but a covering made of leavesof plants, or the _maro_, which is a narrow piece of cloth, or matting, like a sash. This they pass between the thighs, and wrap round thewaist; but the use of it is chiefly confined to the men. In their great_haivas_, or entertainments, they have various dresses made for thepurpose; but the form is always the same, and the richest dresses arecovered, more or less, with red feathers. On what particular occasiontheir chiefs wear their large red feather-caps, I could not learn. Bothmen and women sometimes shade their faces from the sun with littlebonnets, made of various materials. As the clothing, so are the ornaments, worn by those of both sexes, thesame. The most common of these are necklaces, made of the fruit of the_pandamus_, and various sweet-smelling flowers, which go under thegeneral name of _kahulla_. Others are composed of small shells, the wingand leg-bones of birds, shark's teeth, and other things; all which hangloose upon the breast. In the same manner, they often wear amother-of-pearl shell, neatly polished, or a ring of the same substancecarved, on the upper part of the arm; rings of tortoise-shell on thefingers, and a number of these joined together as bracelets on thewrists. The lobes of the ears (though most frequently only one) are perforated, with two holes, in which they wear cylindrical bits of ivory, aboutthree inches long, introduced at one hole, and brought out of the other;or bits of reed of the same size, filled with a yellow pigment. Thisseems, to be a fine powder of turmeric, with which the women rubthemselves all over, in the same manner, as our ladies use their dryrouge upon the cheeks. Nothing appears to give them greater pleasure than personal cleanliness;to produce which, they frequently bathe in the ponds, which seem toserve no other purpose. [178] Though the water in most of them stinksintolerably, they prefer them to the sea; and they are so sensible thatsalt water hurts their skin, that, when necessity obliges them to bathein the sea, they commonly have some cocoa-nut shells, filled with freshwater, poured over them, to wash it off. They are immoderately fond ofcocoa-nut oil for the same reason; a great quantity of which they notonly pour upon their head and shoulders, but rub the body all over, briskly, with a smaller quantity. And none but those who have seen thispractice, can easily conceive how the appearance of the skin is improvedby it. This oil, however, is not to be procured by every one; and theinferior sort of people, doubtless, appear less smooth for want of it. [Footnote 178: So at the Caroline Islands. "Ils sont accoutumés a sebaigner trois fois le jour, le matin, à midi, et sur le soir. " _LettresEdifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 314. --D. ] SECTION XI. _Employments of the Women, at the Friendly Islands. --Of theMen. --Agriculture. --Construction of their Houses. --Their workingTools. --Cordage and fishing Implements. --Musical Instruments. --Weapons. --Food and Cookery. --Amusements. --Marriage. --Mourning Ceremonies for theDead. --Their Divinities. --Notions about the Soul, and a FutureState. --Their Places of Worship. --Government. --Manner of payingObeisance to the King. --Account of the Royal Family. --Remarks on theirLanguage, and a Specimen of it. --Nautical, and other Observations_. Their domestic life is of that middle kind, neither so laborious as tobe disagreeable, nor so vacant as to suffer them to degenerate intoindolence. Nature has done so much for their country, that the first canhardly occur, and their disposition seems to be a pretty good bar to thelast. By this happy combination of circumstances, their necessary laborseems to yield in its turn to their recreations, in such a manner, thatthe latter are never interrupted by the thoughts of being obliged torecur to the former, till satiety makes them wish for such a transition. The employment of the women is of the easy kind, and, for the most part, such as may be executed in the house. The manufacturing their cloth iswholly consigned to their care. Having already described the process, Ishall only add, that they have this cloth of different degrees offineness. The coarser sort, of which they make very large pieces, doesnot receive the impression of any pattern. Of the finer sort, they havesome that is striped and chequered, and of other patterns differentlycoloured. But how these colours are laid on, I cannot say, as I neversaw any of this sort made. The cloth, in general, will resist water forsome time; but that which has the strongest glaze will resist longest. The manufacture next in consequence, and also within the department ofthe women, is that of their mats, which excel every thing I have seen atany other place, both as to their texture and their beauty. Inparticular, many of them are so superior to those made at Otaheite, thatthey are not a bad article to carry thither by way of trade. Of thesemats, they have seven or eight different sorts, for the purposes ofwearing or sleeping upon, and many are merely ornamental. The last arechiefly made from the tough membraneous part of the stock of theplantain tree; those that they wear from the _pandanus_, cultivated forthat purpose, and never suffered to shoot into a trunk; and the coarsersort, which they sleep upon, from a plant called _evarra_. There aremany other articles of less note, that employ the spare time of theirfemales; as combs, of which, they make vast numbers; and little basketsmade of the same substance as the mats, and others of the fibrouscocoa-nut husk, either plain, or interwoven with small beads; but allfinished with such neatness and taste in the disposition of the variousparts, that a stranger cannot help admiring their assiduity anddexterity. The province allotted to the men is, as might be expected, far morelaborious and extensive than that of the women. Agriculture, architecture, boat-building, fishing, and other things that relate tonavigation, are the objects of their care. [179] Cultivated roots andfruits being their principal support, this requires their constantattention to agriculture, which they pursue very diligently, and seem tohave brought almost to as great perfection as circumstances will permit. The large extent of the plantain fields has been taken notice ofalready, and the same may be said of the yams; these two together, beingat least as ten to one, with respect to all the other articles. Inplanting both these, they dig small holes for their reception, andafterward root up the surrounding grass, which, in this hot country, isquickly deprived of its vegetating power, and, soon rotting, becomes agood manure. The instruments they use for this purpose, which they call_hooo_, are nothing more than pickers or stakes of different lengths, according to the depth they have to dig. These are flattened andsharpened to an edge at one end, and the largest have a short piecefixed transversely, for pressing it into the ground with the foot. Withthese, though they are not more than from two to four inches broad, theydig and plant ground of many acres in extent. In planting the plantainsand yams, they observe so much exactness, that, whichever way you look, the rows present themselves regular and complete. [Footnote 179: How remarkably does Captain Cook's account of theemployments of the women and men here, agree with Father Cantova's, ofthe Caroline Islanders?--"La principale occupation des hommes, est deconstruire des barques, de pecher, et de cultiver la terre. L'affairedes femmes est de faire la cuisine, et de mettre en oeuvre un espece deplante sauvagé, et un arbre, --pour en faire de la toile. "--_LettresEdifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 313. --D. ] The cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees are scattered about without anyorder, and seem to give them no trouble, after they have attained acertain height. The same may be said of another large tree, whichproduces great numbers of a large, roundish, compressed nut, called_eeefee_; and of a smaller tree that bears a rounded oval nut, twoinches long, with two or three triangular kernels, tough and insipid, called _mabba_, most frequently planted near their houses. The _kappe_ is commonly regularly planted, and in pretty large spots;but the _mawhaha_ is interspersed amongst other things, as the _jeejee_and _yams_ are; the last of which I have frequently seen in theinsterspaces of the plantain trees at their common distance. Sugar-caneis commonly in small spots, crowded closely together; and the mulberry, of which the cloth is made, though without order, has sufficient roomallowed for it, and is kept very clean. The only other plant, that theycultivate for their manufactures, is the _pandanus_, which is generallyplanted in a row, close together, at the sides of the other fields; andthey consider it as a thing so distinct in this state, that they have adifferent name for it, which shews, that they are very sensible of thegreat changes brought about by cultivation. It is remarkable, that these people, who, in many things shew much tasteand ingenuity, should shew little of either in building their houses, though the defect is rather in the design than in the execution. Thoseof the lower people are poor huts, scarcely sufficient to defend themfrom the weather, and very small. Those of the better sort are largerand more comfortable, but not what one might expect. The dimensions ofone of a middling size, are about thirty feet long, twenty broad, andtwelve high. Their house is, properly speaking, a thatched roof or shed, supported by posts and rafters, disposed in a very judicious manner. Thefloor is raised with earth smoothed, and covered with strong thickmatting, and kept very clean. The most of them are closed on theweather-side, (and some more than two-thirds round), with strong mats, or with branches of the cocoa-nut tree plaited or woven into each other. These they fix up edgewise, reaching from the eaves to the ground, andthus they answer the purpose of a wall. A thick strong mat, about twoand one-half or three feet broad, bent into the form of a semicircle, and set up on its edge, with the ends touching the side of the house, inshape resembling the fender of a fire-hearth, incloses a space for themaster and mistress of the family to sleep in. The lady, indeed, spendsmost of her time during the day within it. The rest of the family sleepupon the floor, wherever they please to lie down; the unmarried men andwomen apart from each other. Or, if the family be large, there are smallhuts adjoining, to which the servants retire in the night; so thatprivacy is as much observed here as one could expect. They have matsmade on purpose for sleeping on; and the clothes that they wear in theday, serve for their covering in the night. Their whole furnitureconsists of a bowl or two, in which they make _kava_; a few gourds, cocoa-nut shells, some small wooden stools which serve them for pillows;and, perhaps, a large stool for the chief or master of the family to situpon. The only probable reason I can assign for their neglect of ornamentalarchitecture in the construction of their houses, is their being fond ofliving much in the open air. Indeed, they seem to consider their houses, within which they seldom eat, as of little use but to sleep in, and toretire to in bad weather. And the lower sort of people, who spend agreat part of their time in close attendance upon the chiefs, can havelittle use for their own houses, but in the last case. They make amends for the defects of their houses by their greatattention to, and dexterity, in, naval architecture, if I may be allowedto give it that name. But I refer to the narrative of my last voyage, for an account of their canoes, and their manner of building andnavigating them. [180] [Footnote 180: The reader, by comparing that account with what Cantovasays of the sea-boats of the Caroline Islands, will find, in thisinstance, also, the greatest similarity. See _Lettres Edifiantes etCurieuses_, p. 286. --D. ] The only tools which they use to construct these boats, are hatchets, orrather thick adzes, of a smooth black stone that abounds at Toofooa;augres, made of sharks' teeth, fixed on small handles; and rasps of arough skin of a fish, fastened on flat pieces of wood, thinner on oneside, which also have handles. The labour and time employed in finishingtheir canoes, which are the most perfect of their mechanicalproductions, will account for their being very careful of them. For theyare built and preserved under sheds, or they cover the decked part ofthem with cocoa leaves, when they are hauled on shore, to prevent theirbeing hurt by the sun. The same tools are all they have for other works, if we except differentshells, which they use as knives. But there are few of their productionsthat require these, unless it be some of their weapons; the otherarticles being chiefly their fishing materials and cordage. The cordage is made from the fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, which, thoughnot more than nine or ten inches long, they plait, about the size of aquill or less, to any length that they please, and roll it up in balls, from which the larger ropes are made, by twisting several of thesetogether. The lines that they fish with, are as strong and even as thebest cord we make, resembling it almost in every respect. Their otherfishing implements are large and small hooks. The last are composedentirely of pearl-shell, but the first are only covered with it on theback, and the points of both commonly of tortoise-shell; those of thesmall being plain, and the others barbed. With the large ones they catchbonnetos and albicores, by putting them to a bamboo rod, twelve orfourteen feet long, with a line of the same length, which rests in anotch of a piece of wood, fixed in the stern of the canoe for thatpurpose, and is dragged on the surface of the sea, as she rows along, without any other bait than a tuft of flaxy stuff near the point. Theyhave also great numbers of pretty small seines, some of which are of avery delicate texture. These they use to catch fish with, in the holeson the reefs, when the tide ebbs. The other manual employments consist chiefly in making musical reeds, flutes, warlike weapons, and stools, or rather pillows, to sleep on. Thereed have eight, nine, or ten pieces, placed parallel to each other, butnot in any regular progression, having the longest sometimes in themiddle, and several of the same length; so that I have seen none withmore than six notes, and they seem incapable of playing any music onthem, that is, distinguishable by our ears. The flutes are a joint ofbamboo, close at both ends, with a hole near each, and four others; twoof which, and one of the first only, are used in playing. They apply thethumb of the left hand to close the left nostril, and blow into the holeat one end with the other. The middle finger of the left hand is appliedto the first hole on the left, and the fore-finger of the right to thelowest hole on that side. In this manner, though the notes are onlythree, they produce a pleasing, yet simple music, which they vary muchmore than one would think possible, with so imperfect an instrument. Their being accustomed to a music which consists of so few notes, is, perhaps, the reason why they do not seem to relish any of ours, which isso complex. But they can taste what is more deficient than their own;for, we observed, that they used to be well pleased with hearing thechant of our two young New Zealanders, which consisted rather in merestrength, than in melody of expression. The weapons which they make, are clubs of different sorts (in theornamenting of which they spend much time), spears, and darts. They havealso bows and arrows; but these seemed to be designed only foramusement, such as shooting at birds, and not for military purposes. Thestools are about two feet long, but only four or five inches high, andnear four broad, bending downward in the middle, with four strong legs, and circular feet; the whole made of one piece of black or brown wood, neatly polished, and sometimes inlaid with bits of ivory. They alsoinlay the handles of fly-flaps with ivory, after being neatly carved;and they shape bones into small figures of men, birds, and other things, which must be very difficult, as their carving instrument is only ashark's tooth. Yams, plantains, and cocoa-nuts, compose the greatest part of theirvegetable diet. Of their animal food, the chief articles are hogs, fowls, fish, and all sorts of shellfish; but the lower people eat rats. The two first vegetable articles, with bread-fruit, are what may becalled the basis of their food at different times of the year, with fishand shell-fish; for hogs, fowls, and turtle, seem only to be occasionaldainties reserved for their chiefs. The intervals between the seasons ofthese vegetable productions, must be sometimes considerable, as theyprepare a sort of artificial bread from plantains, which they put underground before ripe, and suffer them to remain till they ferment, whenthey are taken out, and made up into small balls; but so sour andindifferent, that they often said our bread was preferable, thoughsomewhat musty. Their food is generally dressed by baking, in the same manner as atOtaheite; and they have the art of making, from different kinds offruit, several dishes, which most of us esteemed very good. I never sawthem make use of any kind of sauce, nor drink any thing at their mealsbut water, or the juice of the cocoa-nut; for the _kava_ is only theirmorning draught. I cannot say that they are cleanly, either in theircookery, or manner of eating. The generality of them will lay theirvictuals upon the first leaf they meet with, however dirty it may be;but when food is served up to the chiefs, it is commonly laid upon greenplantain leaves. When the king made a meal, he was, for the most part, attended upon by three or four persons. One cut large pieces of thejoint, or of the fish; another divided it into mouthfuls; and othersstood by with cocoa-nuts, and whatever else he might want. I never saw alarge company sit down to what we should call a sociable meal, by eatingfrom the same dish. The food, be what it will, is always divided intoportions, each to serve a certain number; these portions are againsubdivided; so that one seldom sees above two or three persons eatingtogether. The women are not excluded from eating with the men; but thereare certain ranks or orders amongst them, that can neither eat nor drinktogether. This distinction begins with the king; but where it ends, Icannot say. They seem to have no set time for meals; though it should be observed, that, during our stay amongst them, their domestic economy was muchdisturbed by their constant attention to us. As far as we could remark, those of the superior rank only drink _kava_ in the forenoon, and theothers eat, perhaps, a bit of yam; but we commonly saw all of them eatsomething in the afternoon. It is probable that the practice of making ameal in the night is pretty common, and their rest being thusinterrupted, they frequently sleep in the day. They go to bed as soon asit is dark, and rise with the dawn in the morning. [181] [Footnote 181: Cantova says of his islanders, "Ils prennent leur reposdes que le soleil est couché, et ils se levent avec l'aurore. "--_LettresEdifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 314. --D. ] They are very fond of associating together; so that it is common to findseveral houses empty and the owners of them convened in some other one, or, rather, upon a convenient spot in the neighbourhood, where theyrecreate themselves by conversing and other amusements. Their privatediversions are chiefly singing, dancing, and music performed by thewomen. When two or three women sing in concert, and snap their fingers, it is called _hoobai_; but when there is a greater number, they divideinto several parties, each of which sings on a different key, whichmakes a very agreeable music, and is called _heeva_ or _haiva_. In thesame manner, they vary the music of their flutes by playing on those ofa different size; but their dancing is much the same as when theyperform publicly. The dancing of the men (if it is to be calleddancing), although it does not consist much in moving the feet, as wedo, has a thousand different motions with the hands, to which we areentire strangers; and they are performed with an ease and grace whichare not to be described, nor even conceived, but by those who have seenthem. But I need add nothing to what has been already said on thissubject, in the account of the incidents that happened during our stayat the islands. [182] [Footnote 182: If, to the copious descriptions that occur in thepreceding pages, of the particular entertainments exhibited in Hepaeeand Tongataboo, we add the general view of the usual amusements of theinhabitants of these islands, contained in this paragraph, and compareit with the quotation from the Jesuit's Letters, in a former note, weshall be still more forcibly struck with the reasonableness of tracingsuch singularly resembling customs to one common source. The argument, in confirmation of this, drawn from identity of language, has beenalready illustrated, by observing the remarkable coincidence of the nameby which the chiefs of the Caroline Islands, and those at Hamao, one ofthe friendly ones, are distinguished. But the argument does not rest ona single instance, though that happens to be a very striking one. Another of the very few specimens of the dialect of the North Pacificislanders, preserved by Father Cantova, furnishes an additional proof. Immediately after the passage above referred to, he proceeds thus: "Cedivertissement s'appelle, en leur langue, _tanger ifaifil_; qui veutdire, la plainte des femmes. "--_Lettres tres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 315. Now it is very remarkable, that we learn from MrAnderson's collection of words, which will appear in this chapter, that_la plainte des femmes_, or, in English, _the mournful song of thewomen_, which the inhabitants of the Caroline Islands express in theirlanguage _tanger ifaifil_, would, by those of Tongataboo, be expressed_tangee vefaine_. If any one should still doubt, in spite of this evidence, it may berecommended to his consideration, that long separation and other causes, have introduced greater variations in the mode of pronouncing these twowords, at places confessedly inhabited by the same race, than subsist inthe specimen just given. It appears, from Mr Anderson's vocabulary, printed in Captain Cook's second voyage, that what is pronounced_tangee_ at the Friendly Islands, is _taee_ at Otaheite; and the_vefaine_ of the former, is the _waheine_ of the latter. --D. ] Whether their marriages be made lasting by any kind of solemn contract, we could not determine with precision; but it is certain, that the bulkof the people satisfied themselves with one wife. The chiefs, however, have commonly several women;[183] though some of us were of opinion, that there was only one that was looked upon as the mistress of thefamily. [Footnote 183: Cantova says of his Caroline islanders, "La pluralité desfemmes est non seulement permise à tous ces insulaires, elle est encoreune marque d'honneur et de distinction. Le _Tamole_ de l'isle d'Huogoleuen a neuf. "--_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 310. --D. ] As female chastity, at first sight, seemed to be held in no greatestimation, we expected to have found frequent breaches of theirconjugal fidelity; but we did them great injustice. I do not know that asingle instance happened daring our whole stay. [184] Neither are thoseof the better sort, that are unmarried, more free of their favours. Itis true, there was no want of those of a different character; and, perhaps, such are more frequently met with here, in proportion to thenumber of people, than in many other countries. But it appeared to me, that the most, if not all of them, were of the lowest class; and such ofthem as permitted familiarities to our people, were prostitutes byprofession. [Footnote 184: At the Caroline Islands, "Ils ont horreur de l'adultere, comme d'une grand pêché. "--_Ibid_. Tom. Xv. P. 310. --D. ] Nothing can be a greater proof of the humanity of these people, than theconcern they shew for the dead. [185] To use a common expression, theirmourning is not in words, but deeds. For, besides the _tooge_ mentionedbefore, and burnt circles and scars, they beat the teeth with stones, strike a shark's tooth into the head, until the blood flows in streams, and thrust spears into the inner part of the thigh, into their sidesbelow the arms-pits, and through the cheeks into the mouth. All theseoperations convey an idea of such rigorous discipline, as must requireeither an uncommon degree of affection, or the grossest superstition, toexact. I will not say, that the last has no share in it; for sometimesit is so universal, that many could not have any knowledge of the personfor whom the concern is expressed. Thus we saw the people of Tongataboomourning the death of a chief at Vavaoo; and other similar instancesoccurred during our stay. It should be observed, however, that the morepainful operations are only practised on account of the death of thosemost nearly connected with the mourners. [186] When a person dies, he isburied, after being wrapped up in mats and cloth, much after our manner. The chiefs seem to have the _fiatookas_ appropriated to them as theirburial-places; but the common people are interred in no particular spot. What part of the mourning ceremony follows immediately after, isuncertain; but that there is something besides the general one, which iscontinued for a considerable length of time, we could infer, from beinginformed, that the funeral of Mareewagee's wife, as mentioned before, was to be attended with ceremonies that were to last five days, and inwhich all the principal people were to commemorate her. [Footnote 185: How the inhabitants of the Caroline Islands express theirgrief on such occasions, may be seen, _ibid_. Tom. Xv. P. 308. --D. ] [Footnote 186: The practice of wounding the body on the death offriends, appears to have existed in ancient times, and among differentpeople. Moses forbids it to the Israelites, in Levit. Xix. 28. "Ye shallnot make _any cutting in your flesh_ for the dead, nor print any markupon you. " So in Deut. Xiv. 1. ; and Parkhurst, in his Heb. Lexicon, commenting on the passage in Deuteronomy, says, the word rendered _tocut_, is of more general signification, including "all assaults on theirown persons from immoderate grief, such as beating the breasts, tearingthe hair, &c. Which were commonly practised by the heathen, who have nohope of a resurrection. " He instances in the Iliad xix, line 284, in theEneid iv, line 673, the case of the Egyptians mentioned by Herodotus, Q. 85, and several other passages in different writers. It would be easy tofind out similar examples in the accounts of more modern nations. Butthe subject is not very inviting to extensive research. --E. ] Their long and general mourning proves that they consider death as avery great evil. And this is confirmed by a very odd custom which theypractise to avert it. When I first visited these islands, during my lastvoyage, I observed that many of the inhabitants had one or both of theirlittle fingers cut off, and we could not then receive any satisfactoryaccount of the reason of this mutilation. [187] But we now learned, thatthis operation is performed when they labour under some grievousdisease, and think themselves in danger of dying. They suppose, that theDeity will accept of the little finger, as a sort of sacrificeefficacious enough to procure the recovery of their health. They cut itoff with one of their stone hatchets. There was scarcely one in ten ofthem whom we did not find thus mutilated in one or both hands, which hasa disagreeable effect, especially as they sometimes cut so close, thatthey encroach upon the bone of the hand, which joins to the amputatedfinger. [188] [Footnote 187: Cantova's account of the practice of the CarolineIslands, is as follows: "Lorsqu'il meurt quelque personne d'un rangdistmgué, ou qui leur est chere par d'autres endroits, ses obseques sefont avec pompe. Il y eu a qui renferment le corps da défunct dans unpetit edifice de pierre, qu'ils gardent au-dedans de leur maisons. D'autres les enterrent loin de leurs habitations. "--_Lettres Edifianteset Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 308, 309. --D. ] [Footnote 188: It may be proper to mention here, on the authority ofCaptain King, that it is common for the inferior people to cut off ajoint of their little finger, on account of the sickness of the chiefsto whom they belong. --D. ] From the rigid severity with which some of these mourning and religiousceremonies are executed, one would expect to find, that they meantthereby to secure to themselves felicity beyond the grave; but theirprincipal object relates to things merely temporal. For they seem tohave little conception of future punishment for faults committed in thislife. They believe, however, that they are justly punished upon earth;and consequently use every method to render their divinities propitious. The Supreme Author of most things they call _Kallafootonga_, who, theysay, is a female residing in the sky, and directing the thunder, wind, rain, and, in general, all the changes of weather. They believe, thatwhen she is angry with them, the productions of the earth are blasted;that many things are destroyed by lightning; and that they themselvesare afflicted with sickness and death, as well as their hogs and otheranimals. When this anger abates, they suppose that every thing isrestored to its natural order; and it should seem that they have a greatreliance on the efficacy of their endeavours to appease their offendeddivinity. They also admit a plurality of deities, though all inferior to_Kallafootonga_. Amongst them, they mention _Toofooa-boolootoo_, god ofthe clouds and fog; _Talleteboo_, and some others, residing in theheavens. The first in rank and power, who has the government of the sea, and its productions. , is called _Futtafaihe_, or, as it was sometimespronounced, _Footafooa_, who, they say, is a male, and has for his wife_Fykava kajeea_; and here, as in heaven, there are several inferiorpotentates, such as _Vahaa fonooa, Tareeava, Mattaba, Evaroo_, andothers. The same religious system, however, does not extend all over thecluster of the Friendly Isles; for the supreme god of _Hepaee_, forinstance, is called _Alo Alo_; and other isles have two or three ofdifferent names. But their notions of the power and other attributes ofthese beings are so very absurd, that they suppose they have no fartherconcern with them after death. They have, however, very proper sentiments about the immateriality andthe immortality of the soul. They call it life, the living principle, or, what is more agreeable to their notions of it, an _Otooa_, that is, a divinity, or invisible being. They say, that immediately upon death, the souls of their chiefs separate from their bodies, and go to a placecalled _Boolootoo_, the chief, or god, of which is _Gooleho_. This_Gooleho_ seems to be a personification of death; for they used to sayto us, "You, and the men of Feejee (by this junction meaning to pay acompliment, expressive of their confession of our superiority overthemselves), are also subject to the power and dominion of _Gooleho_. "His country, the general receptacle of the dead, according to theirmythology, was never seen by any person; and yet, it seems, they knowthat it lies to the westward of Feejee; and that they who are oncetransported thither, live for ever; or, to use their own expression, arenot subject to death again, but feast upon all the favourite products oftheir own country, with which this everlasting abode is supposed toabound. As to the souls of the lower sort of people, they undergo a sortof transmigration; or, as they say, are eat by a bird called _loata_, which walks upon their graves for that purpose. I think I may venture to assert, that they do not worship any thing thatis the work of their own hands or any visible part of the creation. Theydo not make offerings of hogs, dogs, and fruit, as at Otaheite, unlessit be emblematically; for their _morais_ were perfectly free from everything of the kind. But that they offer real human sacrifices, is, withme, beyond a doubt. Their _morais_ or _fiatookas_, (for they are calledby both names, but mostly by the latter), are, as at Otaheite, and manyother parts of the world, burying-grounds, and places of worship; thoughsome of them seemed to be only appropriated to the first purpose; butthese were small, and, in every other respect, inferior to the others. Of the nature of their government, we know no more than the generaloutline. A subordination is established among them, that resembles thefeudal system of our progenitors in Europe. But of its subdivisions, ofthe constituent parts, and in what manner they are connected, so as toform a body politic, I confess myself totally ignorant. Some of themtold us, that the power of the king is unlimited, and that the life andproperty of the subject is at his disposal. But the few circumstancesthat fell under our observation, rather contradicted than confirmed theidea of a despotic government. Mareewagee, old Toobou, and Feenou, actedeach like petty sovereigns, and frequently thwarted the measures of theking, of which he often complained. Neither was his court more splendidthan those of the two first, who are the most powerful chiefs in theislands; and, next to them, Feenou, Mareewagee's son, seemed to standhighest in authority. But, however independent on the despotic power ofthe king the great men may be, we saw instances enough to prove, thatthe lower order of people have no property, nor safety for theirpersons, but at the will of the chiefs to whom they respectively belong. Tongataboo is divided into many districts; of above thirty of which welearned the names. Each of these has its particular chief, who decidesdifferences, and distributes justice within his own district. But wecould not form any satisfactory judgment about the extent of their powerin general, or their mode of proportioning punishments to crimes. Mostof these chiefs have possessions in other islands from whence they drawsupplies. At least, we know this is so with respect to the king, who, atcertain established times, receives the product of his distant domainsat Tongataboo, which is not only the principal place of his residence, but seemingly of all the people of consequence amongst these isles. Itsinhabitants, in common conversation, call it the Land of Chiefs, whilethe subordinate isles are distinguished by the appellation of Lands ofServants. These chiefs are, by the people, styled not only lords of the earth, butof the sun and sky; and the king's family assume the name of Futtafaihe, from the god so called, who is probably their tutelary patron, andperhaps their common ancestor. The sovereign's peculiar earthly title ishowever, simply _Tooee Tunga_. There is a decorum observed in the presence of their principal men, andparticularly of their king, that is truly admirable. Whenever he sits, down, whether it be in an house, or without, all the attendants seatthemselves at the same time, in a semicircle before him, leaving alwaysa convenient space between him and them, into which no one attempts tocome, unless he has some particular business. Neither is any one allowedto pass, or sit behind him, nor even near him, without his order orpermission, so that our having been indulged with this privilege, was asignificant proof of the great respect that was paid us. When any onewants to speak with the king, he advances and sits down before him, delivers what he has to say in a few words, and, having received hisanswer, retires again to the circle. But if the king speaks to any one, that person answers from his seat, unless he is to receive some order, in which case he gets up from his place, and sits down before the chiefwith his legs across, which is a posture to which they are so muchaccustomed, that any other mode of sitting is disagreeable to them. [189]To speak to the king standing, would be accounted here as a strikingmark of rudeness, as it would be with us, for one to sit down and put onhis hat, when he addresses himself to his superior, and that superior onhis feet and uncovered. [Footnote 189: This is peculiar to the men; the women always sittingwith both legs thrown a little on one side. We owe this remark toCaptain King. --D] It does not, indeed, appear that any of the most civilized nations haveever exceeded this people in the great order observed on all occasions, in ready compliance with the commands of their chiefs; and in theharmony that subsists throughout all ranks, and unites them, as if theywere all one man, informed with, and directed by the same principle. Such a behaviour is remarkably obvious, whenever it is requisite thattheir chiefs should harangue any body of them collected together, whichis frequently done. The most profound silence and attention is observedduring the harangue, even to a much greater degree than is practisedamongst us, on the most interesting and serious deliberations of ourmost respectable assemblies. And whatever might have been the subject ofthe speech delivered, we never saw an instance, when any individualpresent shewed signs of his being displeased, or that indicated theleast inclination to dispute the declared will of a person who had aright to command. Nay, such is the force of these verbal laws, as I maycall them, that I have seen one of their chiefs express his beingastonished, at a person's having acted contrary to such orders, thoughit appeared, that the poor man could not possibly have been informed intime to have observed them. [190] [Footnote 190: Cantava gives us the same account of the profoundsubmission of the Caroline islanders, to the orders of the _Tamole_. "Ils reçoivent ses ordres avec le plus profond respect. Ses paroles sontautant d'oracles, qu' on revere. "--_Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses_, tom. Xv. P. 312. --D. ] Though some of the more potent chiefs may vie with the king in point ofactual possessions, they fall very short in rank, and in certain marksof respect, which the collective body have agreed to pay the monarch. Itis a particular privilege annexed to his sovereignty, not to bepunctured nor circumcised, as all his subjects are. Whenever he walksout, every one whom he meets must sit down till he has passed. No one isallowed to be over his head; on the contrary, all must come under hisfeet, for there cannot be a greater outward mark of submission, thanthat which is paid to the sovereign, and other great people of theseislands, by their inferiors. The method is this; the person who is topay obeisance, squats down before the chief, and bows the head to thesole of his foot, which, when he sits, is so placed, that it can beeasily come at, and having tapped, or touched it with the under andupper side of the fingers of both hands, he rises up and retires. Itshould seem that the king cannot refuse any one who chooses to pay himthis homage, which is called _moe moea_; for the common people wouldfrequently take it into their heads to do it when he was walking, and hewas always obliged to stop, and hold up one of his feet behind him, tillthey had performed the ceremony. This, to a heavy unwieldy man, likePoulaho, must be attended with some trouble and pain; and I havesometimes seen him make a run, though very unable, to get out of theway, or to reach a place where he might conveniently sit down. Thehands, after this application of them to the chief's feet, are, in somecases, rendered useless for a time; for, until they be washed, they mustnot touch any kind of food. This interdiction, in a country where wateris so scarce, would seem to be attended with some inconvenience, butthey are never at a loss for a succedaneum; and a piece of any juicyplant, which they can easily procure immediately, being rubbed uponthem, this serves for the purpose of purification, as well as washingthem with water. When the hands are in this state, they call it _taboorema_. _Taboo_, in general, signifies forbidden, and _rema_ is theirword for hand. When the _taboo_ is incurred, by paying obeisance to a great personage, it is thus easily washed off. But, in some other cases, it mustnecessarily continue for a certain time. We have frequently seen women, who have been _taboo rema_, fed by others. At the expiration of thetime, the interdicted person washes herself in one of their baths, whichare dirty holes, for the most part, of brackish water. She then waitsupon the king, and, after making her obeisance in the usual way, layshold of his foot and applies it to her breast, shoulders, and otherparts of her body. He then embraces her on each shoulder, after whichshe retires, purified from her uncleanness. I do not know that it isalways necessary to come to the king for this purpose, though Omaiassured me it was. If this be so, it may be one reason why he is, forthe most part, travelling from island to island. I saw this ceremonyperformed by him two or three times, and once by Feenou, to one of hisown women; but as Omai was not then with me, I could not ask theoccasion. _Taboo_, as I have before observed, is a word of an extensivesignification. Human sacrifices are called _tangata taboo_; and when anything is forbidden to be eat, or made use of, they say, that is _taboo_. They tell us, that if the king should happen to go into a housebelonging to a subject, that house would be _taboo_, and could never bemore inhabited by the owner; so that wherever he travels, there areparticular houses for his reception. Old Toobou at this time presidedover the _taboo_, that is, if Omai comprehended the matter rightly, heand his deputies inspected all the produce of the island, taking carethat every man should cultivate and plant his quota, and ordering whatshould he eat, and what not. By this wise regulation, they effectuallyguard against a famine; a sufficient quantity of ground is employed inraising provisions, and every article thus raised, is secured fromunnecessary waste. By another prudent regulation in their government, they have an officerover the police, or something like it. This department, when we wereamongst them, was administered by Feenou, whose business, we were told, it was to punish all offenders, whether against the state, or againstindividuals. He was also generalissimo, and commanded the warriors whencalled out upon service; but by all accounts this is very seldom. Theking frequently took some pains to inform us of Feenou's office; and, among other things, told us, that if he himself should become a bad man, Feenou would kill him. What I understood by this expression of being abad man, was, that if he did not govern according to law, or custom, Feenou would be ordered, by the other great men, or the people at large, to put him to death. There should seem to be no doubt, that a sovereignthus liable to be controuled, and punished for an abuse of power, cannotbe called a despotic monarch. When we consider the number of islands that compose this little state, and the distance at which some of them lie from the seat of government, attempts to throw off the yoke, and to acquire independency, it shouldseem, might be apprehended. But they tell us that this never happens. One reason why they are not thus disturbed, by domestic quarrels, may bethis: That all the powerful chiefs, as we have already mentioned, resideat Tongataboo. They also secure the dependence of the other islands, bythe celerity of their operations; for if, at any time, a troublesome andpopular man should start up in any of them, Feenou, or whoever holds hisoffice, is immediately dispatched thither to kill him. By this means, they crush a rebellion in its very infancy. The orders, or classes, amongst their chiefs, or those who callthemselves such, seemed to be almost as numerous as amongst us; butthere are few, in comparison, that are lords of large districts ofterritory, the rest holding their lands under those principal barons, asthey may be called. I was indeed told, that when a man of property dies, everything he leaves behind him falls to the king; but that it is usualto give it to the eldest son of the deceased, with an obligation to makea provision out of it for the rest of the children. It is not the customhere, as at Otaheite, for the son, the moment he is born, to take fromthe father the homage and title, but he succeeds to them at his decease, so that their form of government is not only monarchical, buthereditary. The order of succession to the crown has not been of late interrupted;for we know, from a particular circumstance, that the Futtafaihes(Poulaho being only an addition to distinguish the king from the rest ofthe family) have reigned in a direct line, for at least one hundred andthirty-five years. Upon enquiring, whether any account had beenpreserved amongst them, of the arrival of Tasman's ships, we found thatthis history had been handed down to them from their ancestors, with anaccuracy which marks, that oral tradition may sometimes be dependedupon. For they described the two ships as resembling ours, mentioningthe place where they had anchored, their having staid but a few days, and their moving from that station to Annamooka. And by way of informingus how long ago this had happened, they told us the name of theFuttafaihe who was then king, and of those who had succeeded, down toPoulaho, who is the fifth since that period, the first being an old manat the time of the arrival of the ships. From what has been said of the present king, it would be natural tosuppose, that he had the highest rank of any person in the islands. But, to our great surprise, we found it is not so; for Latoolibooloo, theperson who was pointed out to me as king, when I first visitedTongataboo, and three women, are, in some respects, superior to Poulahohimself. On our enquiring who these extraordinary personages were, whomthey distinguish by the name and title of Tammaha?[191] we weretold, that the late king, Poulaho's father, had a sister of equal rank, and elder than himself; that she, by a man that came from the island ofFeejee, had a son and two daughters, and that these three persons, aswell as their mother, rank above Futtafaihe the king. [Footnote 191: The reader need not be reminded that Tamoloa, whichsignifies a chief, in the dialect of Hamao, and Tammaha, become thesame word, by the change of a single letter, the articulation of whichis not very strongly marked. --D. ] We endeavoured, in vain, to trace the reason of this singularpre-eminence of the _Tammahas_, for we could learn nothing besides thisaccount of their pedigree. The mother, and one of the daughters calledTooeela-kaipa, live at Vavaoo. Latoolibooloo, the son, and the otherdaughter, whose name is Moungoula-kaipa, reside at Tongataboo. Thelatter is the woman who is mentioned to have dined with me on the 21stof June. This gave occasion to our discovering her superiority over theking, who would not eat in her presence, though she made no scruple todo so before him, and received from him the customary obeisance, bytouching her foot. We never had an opportunity of seeing him pay thismark of respect to Latoolibooloo, but we have observed him leave offeating, and have his victuals put aside, when the latter came into thesame house. Latoolibooloo assumed the privilege of taking any thing fromthe people, even if it belonged to the king; and yet, in the ceremonycalled _Natche_, he assisted only in the same manner as the otherprincipal men. He was looked upon, by his countrymen, as a madman; andmany of his actions seemed to confirm this judgment. At Eooa, theyshewed me a good deal of land said to belong to him; and I saw there ason of his, a child, whom they distinguished by the same title as hisfather. The son of the greatest prince in Europe could not be morehumoured and caressed than this little _Tammaha_ was. The language of the Friendly Islands has the greatest affinityimaginable to that of New Zealand, of Wateeoo, and Mangeea; and, consequently, to that of Otaheite and the Society Islands. There arealso many of their words the same with those used by the natives ofCocos Island, as appears from the vocabulary collected there by Le Maireand Schouten. [192] The mode of pronunciation differs, indeed, considerably, in many instances, from that both of New Zealand andOtaheite, but still a great number of words are either exactly the same, or so little changed, that their common original may be satisfactorilytraced. The language, as spoken at the Friendly Islands, is sufficientlycopious for all the ideas of the people; and we had many proofs of itsbeing easily adapted to all musical purposes, both in song and inrecitative, besides being harmonious enough in common conversation. Itscomponent parts, as far as our scanty acquaintance with it enabled us tojudge, are not numerous; and, in some of its rules, it agrees with otherknown languages. As for instance, we could easily discern the severaldegrees of comparison, as used in the Latin, but none of the inflectionsof nouns and verbs. [Footnote 192: See this vocabulary, at the end of vol. Ii. OfDalrymple's Collection of Voyages. And yet, though Tasman's people usedthe words of this vocabulary in speaking to the natives of Tongataboo, (his Amsterdam, ) we are told, in the accounts of his voyage, that theydid not understand one another;--a circumstance worth observing, as itshews how cautious we should be, upon the scanty evidence afforded bysuch transient visits as Tasman's, and, indeed, as those of most of thesubsequent navigators of the Pacific Ocean, to found any argument aboutthe affinity, or want of affinity, of the languages of the differentislands. No one, now, will venture to say, that a Cocos man, and one ofTongataboo, could not understand each other. Some of the words of HornIsland, another of Schouten's discoveries, also belong to the dialect ofTongataboo. --See Dalrymple, as above. --D. ] We were able to collect several hundreds of the words; and, amongstthese, are terms that express numbers as far as a hundred thousand, beyond which they never would reckon. It is probable, indeed, that theyare not able to go farther; for, after having got thus far, we observed, that they commonly used a word which expresses an indefinite number. Ashort specimen, selected from the larger vocabulary, is here inserted, with the corresponding words, of the same signification, as used atOtaheite, on the opposite column; which, while it will give, as we maysay, ocular demonstration of their being dialects of the same language, will, at the same time, point out the particular letters, by theinsertion, omission, or alteration of which, the variations of the twodialects, from each other, have been effected. It must be observed, however, that our vocabularies of this sort mustnecessarily be liable to great mistakes. The ideas of those, from whomwe were to learn the words, were so different from ours, that it wasdifficult to fix them to the object of enquiry. Or, if this could beobtained, to learn an unknown tongue from an instructor who did not knowa single word of any language that his scholar was conversant with, could not promise to produce much. But even when these difficultieswere surmounted, there still remained a fruitful source of mistake, Imean, inaccuracy in catching exactly the true sound of a word, to whichour ears had never been accustomed, from persons whose mode ofpronunciation was, in general, so indistinct, that it seldom happenedthat any two of us, in writing down the fame word, from the same mouth, made use of the same vowels in representing it. Nay, we even, verycommonly, differed about consonants, the sounds of which are leastliable to ambiguity. Besides all this, we found, by experience, that wehad been led into strange corruptions of some of the most common words, either from the natives endeavouring to imitate us, or from our havingmisunderstood them. Thus, _cheeto_ was universally used by us, toexpress a thief, though totally different from the real word, in thelanguage of Tongataboo. The mistake arose from a prior one, into whichwe had run, when at New Zealand. For though the word that signifiesthief there, be absolutely the same that belongs to the dialect of theFriendly Islands, (being _kaeehaa_ at both places, ) yet by some blunder, we had used the word _teete_, first at New Zealand, and afterwards atTongataboo, on our arrival there. The natives, endeavouring to imitateus as nearly as they could, and so fabricating the word _cheeto_; this, by a complication of mistakes, was adopted by us as their own. Greatcare has been taken to make the following table as correct aspossible:-- English. _Friendly Islands. Otaheite_. _The sun_, Elaa, Eraa. _Fire_, Eafoi, Eahoi. _Thunder_, Fatoore, Pateere. _Rain_, Ooha, Eooa. _The wind_, Matangee, Mataee. _Warm_, Mafanna, Mahanna. _The clouds_, Ao, Eao. _Land_, Fonooa, Fenooa. _Water_, Avy, Evy. _Sleep_, Mohe, Moe. _A man_, Tangata, Taata. _A woman_, Vefaine, Waheine. _A young girl_, Taheine, Toonea. _A servant_, or _person Tooa, Toutou, _or_ teou. Of mean rank_, _The dawn_, or Aho Aou. _daybreak_, English. _Friendly Islands. Otaheite_. _The hair_, Fooroo, Eroroo. _The tongue_, Elelo, Erero. _The ear_, Tareenga, Tareea. _The beard_, Koomoo, Ooma. _The sea_, Tahee, Taee. _A boat_, or _canoe_, Wakka, Evaa. _Black_, Oole, Ere. _Red_, Goola, Oora, oora. _A lance_, or _spear_, Tao, Tao. _A parent_, Motooa, Madooa. _What is that_? Kohaeea? Yahaeea? _To hold fast_, Amou, Mou. _To wipe_ or _clean_ Horo, Haroee. _any thing_, _To rise up_, Etoo, Atoo. _To cry_, or _shed tears_, Tangee, Taee. _To eat_, or _chew_, Eky, Ey. _Yes_, Ai, Ai. _No_, Kaee, Aee. _You_, Koe, Oe. _I_, Ou, Wou. _Ten_, Ongofooroo, Ahooroo. Having now concluded my remarks on these islands and people, I shalltake my final leave of them, after giving some account of theastronomical and nautical observations that were made during our stay. And, first, I must take notice, that the difference of longitude, between Annamooka and Tongataboo, is somewhat less than was marked inthe chart and narrative of my last voyage. This error might easilyarise, as the longitude of each was then found without any connectionwith the other. But now the distance between them is determined to adegree of precision, that excludes all possibility of mistake, which thefollowing table will illustrate:-- The latitude of the observatory at Tongataboo, by the mean of several observations 21° 8' 19"S. The longitude, by the mean of one hundred and thirty-one sets of lunar observations, amounting to above a thousand observed distances, between the moon, son, and stars 184° 55' 88"E. The difference of longitude, made by the time-keeper, between the above observatory and that at Anamooka 0 16 0 Hence, the longitude of Annamooka is 185 11 18 E. By the time {Greenwich rate 186 12 27 keeper it is {New Zealand rate 184 37 0 Its latitude 20 15 0 N. B. The observatory at Tongataboo was near the middle of the N. Side ofthe island, and that at Annamooka on its W. Side. The time-keeper was too slow for mean time at Greenwich, on the first ofJuly at noon, by 12h 34m 23', 2; and her daily rate, at that time, waslosing on mean time 1', 783 per day. This rate will now be used forfinding the longitude by the time-keeper, and 184° 55' 18", or 12h 19m41', 2, will be taken as the true longitude of Tongataboo, E. From. Greenwich. By the mean of several observations, the S. End of the needle was foundto dip, At Leefooga, one of the Hepaee islands 36° 55' Tongataboo 39 1 1/2 The variation of the compass was found to be At Annamooka, on board 0° 30' 3 1/2"E, Anchor off Kotoo, between Annamooka and Hepaee 0 12 29 1/2 Anchor off Leefooga 10 11 40 Tongataboo, on board 9 44 5 1/2 Ditto, on shore 10 12 58 I can assign no reason why the variation is so much less at and nearAnnamooka, than at either of the two places. I can only say, that thereis no fault in the observations; and that the variation ought to be moreat Annamooka than the above, as it has been found to be so to thenorthward, southward, eastward, and westward of it. But disagreements inthe variation, greater than this, even in the same needle, have beenoften observed. And I should not have taken notice of this instance, butfrom a belief that the cause, whatever it is, exists in the place, andnot in the needles, for Mr Bayley found the same, or rather moredifference. The tides are more considerable at these islands, than at any other ofmy discoveries in this ocean, that lie within the tropics. At Annamookait is high water, on the full and change days, nearly at six o'clock;and the tide rises and falls there, upon a perpendicular, about sixfeet. In the harbour of Tongataboo, it is high water on the full andchange days, at fifty minutes past six. The tide rises and falls onthose days, four feet nine inches, and three feet six inches at theQuadratures. In the channels between the islands, which lie in thisharbour, it flows near tide and half-tide, that is, the flood continuesto run up near three hours, after it is high water by the shore, and theebb continues to run down, after it is flood by the shore. It is only inthese channels, and in a few other places near the shores, that themotion of the water or tide is perceivable, so that I can only guess atthe quarter from which the flood comes. In the road of Annamooka, itsets W. S. W. , and the ebb the contrary; but it falls into the harbour ofTongataboo from the N. W. , passes through the two narrow channels, oneach side of Hoolaiva, where it runs with considerable rapidity, andthen spends itself in the _lagoon_. The ebb returns the same way, andruns with rather greater force. The N. W. Tide is met, at the entrance ofthe _lagoon_, by one from the E. ; but this, as I have before observed, was found to be very inconsiderable. [193] [Footnote 193: Tongataboo has been visited several times by Europeanssince Cook's last voyage, viz. By Perouse, in 1787; by Captain Edwards, in 1791; by D'Entrecasteaux, in 1793; and by some of the missionaries, in 1797. From the accounts furnished by some of these visits, severalparticulars might have been added to what has now been delivered. Butthey are comparatively unimportant, and did not seem to warrant anyspecific regard. Besides, if they had been more considerable, it wouldhave been improper to anticipate what belongs to another part of ourwork. On the whole, however, the information given by Captain Cook, andhis associate Mr Anderson, will ever be esteemed a faithful and veryvaluable description of an interesting island and people. --E. ] AVOCABULARYOF THELANGUAGE OF THE FRIENDLY ISLES, May, &c. 1777. * * * * * _Friendly Isles_. English. Ve faine, _A woman_. Maiee, _Bread-fruit_. Fukkaton, _Barter_. Woa, _Admiration_. My, fogge, _Good_. Attahoa, _A bead; a necklace_. Koehau, or Kohaeea? _What is that? or what is the name of it_? Magoo, _Give me_. Le laiee, _Good_. Hou, _Come here_. Moree, _A shaddock_. Omee, _Give me_. Hobba, _A sort of plantain_. Koajee, _or_ Kaoojee, _Done; finished_. Koeea, _Yes; it is so_. Amou, _Got; to holdfast_. Horo, horo, _A handkerchief, or wiper_. Ongofooroo, _Ten_. Gehai, _or_ geefai, _There; and that_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Kato, _A basket_. Egeeai, _A mat they wear round them_. Fooroo, _or_ fooloo, _Hair_. Fooee vy, _The leg_. Tooa, vy, _Upperpart of the foot_. Fooloo, fooloo, matta, _The eyebrow_. Emamae, _Painted plantains_. Evatta vatta, _The breast_. Eboore, _Ditto_. Etooa, _The back_. Erongootoo, _The lips_. Elelo, _The tongue_. Edainga, _The thigh_. Eraimoo, _The hips_. Evae, veene, _The arm pit_. Too, _The finger_. Vakka, vakka, _The side_. Hekaite, _The belly_. Tareenga, _The ear_. Horo, _To wipe_. Kouta, _Beating with two sticks_. Fangoo, fangoo, _A flute_. Motoo, _To break_. Koooma, _Burnt circular marks_. Taffa, _Raised marks burnt_. Kowy, _The cheeks_. Koomoo, koomoo, _The beard_. Peeto, _The navel_, Eoo, _The nipple_. Etarre, _To cough_, Hengatoo, _Cloth_. Efangoo, _To sneeze_. Eanoo, _To spit_. Etoogee, _To beat_, or _strike_. Etooee, _The elbow_. Efeelo, _A small rope_, or _thread_. Haro, _or_ halo, _Go; begone_. Egeea, _The throat_. Eky, _To eat_, or _chew_. Evagoo, _To scratch_. Ma matta, _Let me look_, or _see_. Egeea, _The neck_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Enofoa, haioo, _A seat_. Etoo, _To rise up_. Mamao, _To yawn_. Ehapee, _A box_, or _chest_. Moe, _or_ mohe, _Sleep_. Tangooroo, _To snore_. Ekatta, _To laugh_. Akka, _To kick_, or _stamp_. Feedjee, _A fillup_. Ekakava, _Sweat_. Eeoho, _To bellow_, or _cry_. Epooo, _A post_, or _staunchion. Etolle, _A hatchet_. Maalava, _To breathe_. Haila, _To pant_. Oooo, _To bite_. Taffa, _To cut_. Moevae, _The heel_. Eeegoo, _The tail of a dog_. Mapoo, _To whistle_, Aipa, _A fishing-hook_. Ainga, _A sort of paint_. Evaika, _A rail_. Kooroo kooroo, _A green dove_. Ekoopamea, cheele, _A net_. Efooo, _A gimlet, or shark's tooth used for that purpose_. Aiee, _A fan_. Emaimeea, _or_ meemeea, _A reed, or small organ_. Eneeoo, _A cocoa-nut_. Eoono, _Tortoise shell_. Enoo, _A belt_. Afooneema, _The palm of the hand_. Moemoeea, _A ceremony of putting the foot of one on the head, and turning the hand several times_, &c. Pooa, tareenga, _A sort of plantains_. Kahaoo hoonga, _An arrow_, or _reed_. Atoe farre, _The roof of a house_. Etovee, _A club_. Emamma, _A ring_. Eao, _A hat_. _Friendly Isles_ English. Tehou, _A hundred_. Keeroo, _A thousand_. Laoo varee, _Ten thousand_. Laoo noa, _A hundred thousand, or the greatest number they can reckon_. Poooree, _Night; darkness_. Maheena, _A month_. Fukkataane, _To sit cross-legged_. Kaffa, _A rope, or cord of cocoa-nut core_. Heegee, _To lift up_. Togoo, _To set down_, Fetooa tagee, _To tie_. Vevaite, _To untie_, Tollo, tolla, _Cocoa-nut skin_. Eooma, _The shoulder_. Fooo, _A nail_ (of iron). Atoo, _To give_. Epallo, _A rat_. Elafo, _To throw away_. Haaile, _To go_. Haaile atoo, _To go away_. Haaile my, _To come_. Elooa, _To puke_. Matangee, _Wind_. Mamma, _or_ mamma, reeva, _Light_. Tahee, _The sea_. Paho paho, _To paddle_. Hakaoo, _or_ toree, _Wood_; _a tree_. Ehoreeoo, _To scoop water out of a boat_. Booloo booloo, _A sail_. Fanna, _or_ fanna tooeeoroongo _A Mast_ Toula, _A hook_. Tamadje, _A child_. Tangee, _To weep_. Elango, _A fly_. Haingoo, toolaiee, _A tropic-bird_. Epalla _A bird's tail_. Kapukou, _A wing_. Hepoona, _To fly_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Togotto _To lie down_, Feenakka, _A bird cage_. Eallo, _The rolling of a ship_. Etooee, _A needle_. Epeepeege, _A girl that is a maid_. Efonno, _A turtle_. Maia, _A thing_. Mahee maia, _Give me something_. Koeea, _Yes, it is_. Geelee, _A file_. Owo, _Wait a little_. Temadoo, _Shall I come_? Kaee, _or_ Eekaee, _No_. Kafae, _A blue coat_. Oloonga, _A stool_. Takkabou, _A coarse mat to sleep upon_. Kakulla, _A sweet smell, sweet smelled_. Namooa, _To smell; smell it_. Koe, _It is; as_ Koe maa, _it is food_; Koe maiee, _it is fruitful_. Koatoooo, _A king-fisher_. Mogo, _A lizard_. Toutou, _A card_. Matte laiva, _Dead_. Moeha, _More_. Veenaga, _Fine_, _charming_, _wonderful_. Tougge my, _Bring it here_. Ai, (_long_, ) angrily, _No_. Tamma, _Boy_, _man_, _friend_, _calling to one_. Eeekoou, _Here am I_; _answering one who calls_. Haloo, _Go_; _to go_. Hengalo, _At a distance_, _a great way off_. Eafee, _or_ Eafoi, _Hire_. Yehaeea, (_inquisitively_, ) _What is that_? Kohaee koa, _or_ kowykoa, _What is your name_? Kovee, _or_ Koveeeea, _Bad_. Bongee, bongee, _To-morrow_. Peepee, _A pair of scissors_. Chenna, _Friend, I say_; _hark ye_. Geelee, _or_ geeree, _The skin_. Etchee, _To peel a cocoa-nut_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Taha pai, _One thing, as a day_, &c. Totto, _Blood_. Roatoo, _Shall I go_. Whakae, _Look, see_. Whakae my, _Let me see it_. Arooweevo, _Below; to let down a rope, or to go down over the ship's side to trade_. Aingy, _Large clams_, or _cockles_. Beegee, _A chief_. Eatooa, _God_. A bo, _To-night, at night_. Any, _Presently, by and by_. Elangee, _The sky_. Elaa, _The sun_. Ao, _Clouds_. Jeela, _A canoe's yard_. Laa, _A sail_. Falle wakaeea, _The hut in a large canoe_. Faee, _To play_. Tallafoo, _The fire-place in a large boat_. Goolee, _A sort of windlass, or belaying place for the rope of their sail_. Tataa, _A scoop for bailing out a boat_. Taia, _White_. Oolee, _Black_. Goola, _Red_. Ohooafee, _Smoke_. Geeai, _A close kind of mat_. Fofooa, _Pimples_. Maaloonga, _High, mountainous_. Mai, _Motions with the hands in dancing_. Touvaa, _A cap, or bonnet, they wear to shade them from the sun_. Majeela, _A large bamboo fishing-rod_. Pai, _A thing_. Mamahee, _Pain_. Echee, _or_ eeke, _Small, little_. Cheeatta, _A looking-glass_. Tangameeme, _A bladder_. _Friendly Isles_, English. Goobainga, _A fishing-net_. Elillo, _Below, underneath_. Faee, _To shave_. Motooa, _A parent_. Moumy, _To paddle_, or _row_. Avy, ava, _or_ govy, _A harbour_, or _anchoring-place_. Po, taha, pai, _In one day_. Ebaika, _A large bat_. Kakaa, _A parrot_. Tooge, _Marks on the cheek, made by beating_. Nono, _To hide a thing_. Fonooa, _or_ Kaeenga, _Land_. Beeoo, _A palm which bean clusters of very small nuts_. Haoomoo, _A large blunt sort of plantains_. Goolo, _A globular earthen pot_, or _vessel_. Manga, mangatei, _A large blue star-fish_. Hainga, _A parroquet_. Maagonna, _Full, satisfied with eating_. Maheena, _The moon_. Teeleeamoo, _A secret_. Fonooa bou, _A land of plenty_. Oobai, _A song_. Foolehaioo, _The green wattle bird_. Pailoo, _A spoon_. Kulle, velaive, _A large white spider, with brown and white legs_. Fageeta, _A ceremony of kissing, &c. On a new acquaintance_. Goomaa, _A rat_. Agoota, oomoo, _To put a thing in an oven_. Oomoo, _An oven_. Eadda, _A path_. Mattabaa, _A door_. Togga, _A large stick used as a bar behind the door_. Koheeabo, _The paper mulberry-plant_. Faa, _Palm, called Pandanas_. Tangata, _or_ tangatta, _A man_. Taheina, _A child_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Onne, onne, _White sand_. Pai, _Ripe, old_. Ea, _A fence made of bamboo_, &c. Toee, _The wood which they make their canoes of_. Mafaee, _Wasp's nests built in the pod of a plant_. Kappe, _A large cylindrical edible root_. Ongo, ongo, _A small palm growing to the height of eight feet_. Gooholla, _It is gone_, or _flown_. Mai, kawaia, _To take away a thing_. Mai, Evaheeoo, _To let a thing remain_. Kaeenga, _Land_, or _property the shore_. Fyatooka, _A burying-place_. Woee, _Admiration_. Koeee, _A fan_. Waggee hou, _Let it alone_. Bai, _Great_. Laika, laika, _Good_. Ooo, _A crayfish_. Feengafee, _A black and white mat_. Aingatooeea, _Stained red rushes, which they wear round the waist_. An, any, _A little while ago_. Hengatoo, _Glazed cloth which they wear_. Falla, _A thick strong mat_. Mahagee, _A sort of ulcer, that leaves large laced scars_. Akkaree, _A stool to lay the head on when asleep_. Naffa, _A large cylindrical piece of wood, hollowed with a slit, which serves as a drum_. Toa, _A spear_. Etanno, _To bury under ground_. Afai, _When_. Otoogoo, _Finished_. Maree, _or_ mareeai, _Well done; an acclamation_. Fafa, _To carry one on the back_. Mamao, _A great way; distant_. Meedje, meedje, _To drink out of a cocoa-nut_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Matta, _The face_. Ty, or Etae, _Excrement_. Faitanoo, _A sort of pepper-tree, the juice of which is very acrid_. Nafee, nafee, _A fine white sort of mat_. Abee, _A house to sleep in_. Touaa, _A square bonnet_. Fukke, fety, _To give a thing gratis_, or _for friendship's sake_. Tooa, or Tooaeea, _A servant_, or _person of inferior rank_. Fukkatooa, _A challenging motion, made by striking the hand on the bend of the opposite arm_. Kaeehya, or kaeehaa, _A thief_. Fooloo, _A quill_. Moojeekakka, _A basket made of cocoa-nut core, and white beads_. Mahanga, _A brother_. Macele, _An odoriferous shrub, planted near the Fyatooka_. Fofolla, _To unfold a piece of cloth_. Kotjee, _None_. Taboone, _To close_, or _shut; a partition_ or _skreen_. Too, _To draw back a curtain_, or _skreen_. Ava, _A window; hole_. Fonooa, foohoo, _A land of warriors_. Taboo, _Not to touch a thing_. Goomoo; goomoo, _A species of lichen, that grows plentifully on some trees_. Laiva, _For good and all; certainly_. Bagooee, _A prickly star-fish_. Bedjeeloa, _A crab, with black claws_. Fae, _A sister_. Makka fatoo, _Coral rock_. Gailee, gailee, _Dirt_. Maa, _Clean_. Ma, tagge tagge, _Let me look at it_. Konna, _Poison_. Fekaee, or smalte, fekaee. _Hunger_. _Friendly Isles_, English. Matte, fee aeenoo, _Thirst_. Aieenoo, _To drink_. Awhainne, _Near at hand_. Monoo, _An expression of thanks_. Mattahoa, _Very good_. Toooa, _Both, we; both of us_. Fooa, _repeated_, _A great number_. Boola, _Small white shells_. Anoo, anoo, _To swim_. Anga, _A man_. Haile, _A knife_. Haile, fofoo, _A knife that shuts_. Adoo, _Give it; to give_. Geehea, _Which_, or _what_. Tohagge, _Let me look at_, or _see it_. Namoogoo, _A stink_, or _bad smell_. Narooo, kakulla, _A sweet smell_. Boobooa, tahee, _Salt_. Meeme, _Urine_. Owo, owo, owo, _No, no, no_. Fohee, _To peel a plantain_. Ajeeneu, _A vessel to put drink in_. Tangee, fe toogee, _Striking the cheeks on the death of their relations_. Mamaha, _Coral rock under water_. Oohee, _A species of diosma_. Mawhaha, _An excellent root like a potatoe_. Baa, _A crackling noise; to crack, or snap_. Boogo, _The largest sort of tree in the islands_. Taifo, _A mullet_. Amou, _Whole; sound; true; valid_. Faigeeaika, _Iambos_. Kakou, _A shoal_, or _reef, on which the sea breaks_. Shainga (_in the language_ _No; there is none_. _of Feejee_), Fangoo, _A small calibash shell_. Oore, oore, _Black_. Looloo, _An owl_. Murroo, _Soft_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Faifaika, _Hard_. Feengotta, _A sort of shell_. Wouainee, _I am here_; i. E. _when called upon_. Mahaggee, fatoo, _A dropsy_. Goee enee, _Near at hand_. Fukka, ma fooa, _An arbour in which they catch pigeons, &c_. Fatooree, _Thunder_. A faa, _A Storm; lightning_. Toufarre, _A besom_. Tongo, _A wood, of which bows are made_. Ooha, _Rain_. Tooboo, _To grow_. Tawagge, totto, _The red-tailed tropic bird_. Kadjee, _There is no more_; or _none_. Fanna, fanna, _To wash the hands before meals_. Mooonga, _Mountains; a mountain_. Keeneeo, _Low land_. Laoo allee, _A great many; an endless number_. Ogookaee, _No; there is none_. Laia, _or_ koelaia, _Speech; words_. Kaho, _An arrow_. Aieeboo, _A vessel, _ or _dish_. Tooee, _A club_. Feila, _To pull a rope_. Eevee, aai, _A cheer, in pulling a rope_. Feilaa too, _A word given by one, on pulling a rope, and the rest repeat_ Woa, _as a response_. Engago, _Fat_, or _lard of a hog_. Kanno, matte, _The lean part of meat_. Kofooa, _A kidney_. Kollofeea, _The name of the volcano on Tofooa_. Moggocheea, _Cold_. Hooa, _The going about, _ or _tacking of a ship_. Ongonna, _To understand_. Kaee ongonna, _I do not understand you_. Mafanna, _Warm_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Anapo, _Last night_. Fakkahooa, _The southerly wind_; or _a foul wind_. Looloo, _To roll, as a ship_. Matangee, _The wind_. Matangee anga, _or_} _The east and north wind_, or _a_ matangee leeoo, } _fair wind_. Amooee, _or_ tamooree, _From behind_. Amooa, _or_ tamooa, _From before_. Ahaa, _or_ koehaa, _For what reason_? Mohe fai, _Where shall I sleep_? Koo mafoore, _To be along_, or _yield, as a ship close hauled_. Palla, _Rotten_. Elooa, _A hole_. Molle, _or_ molle molle, _Smooth_. Keeai, _A plant they make mats of; the cultivated Pandanus_. Tongo laiee, _Mangrove_. Reemoo, _Sea-weed_. Fety, _A term of friendship_. Jeejee, _Esculent dracaena_. Taboo laia, _Don't speak; hold your tongue_. Toonoa, _Dressed, cooked_. Tohke, _A measure_. Toohagge, _Let me see it_. Taheine, _A young girl; a daughter_. Haine, _Here_. Baiahou, _Swell of the sea_. Maea, _A rope_. Otta, _Raw; as raw meat_. Moho, _Meat well dressed_. Maoo lillo, _Low land_. Moanua, _Deep water; sea_. Kae haia, _Which is it you want_? Vava tahee, _Red coral_. Feefy, _A species of mimosa_. Fatoo, _The belly_. Mee mee, _To suck bones_. Meedje meedje, _To suck as a child_. Ooree, _A rudder_. Tainga, _A seed of a plant_. _Friendly Isles_, English. Oolel teffe, _Incisions in the foreskin, which contracting present its covering the glans_. Vefoo, _To Hide a thing_. Laifa, _A silver-fish_. Heenaheena, _White; yellow_. Feeoo, _Acrid; bitter_. Goomo, _To look for a thing that is lost_. Eeta, _Angry_. Aneafee, _Yesterday_. Gefai, _Unknown; strange; as a strange man_. Fono, _To eat_. Kailee tokee, _A Panama-shell_. Toffe, _A sort of hammer oyster_. Toogoo, _Let it lie, or remain_. Koehaa, hono, hengoa, _What is the name of it_? Loee, _To understand_. Booga, _To hold fast_. Loloa, _Long_. Kotjee, _To cut_. Fatjee, _To break_. Fohenna, _A son; a brother_. Matee, _A fig-tree_. Lohee, _A lie_. Mato, _Steep; high_. Patoo, _A stroke; to strike_. Hooho, _The breasts_. Momoggo, _Cold_. Saiouhai, _Admiration_. Noo, _Mine; of me_. Valla, _A piece of cloth worn round the waist_. Doooyoo, a matoo, eeoee, _A song in favour of a victor_. Mulloo, _Serene; settled; smooth_. Vaitte, _To untie a thing_. Moheefo, _Come down below_. Fetagee; malowhee, _To fight_. Tao, _A spear_. Eenee, _Now; immediately_. Mamanna; au manna manna, _Engaged; contracted to_. Fukka, booakka, _An epithet of abuse; contempt_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Aleolo, _To fan, or cool_. Tammaha, _Certain great chiefs_. Tamolao, _Chief_. Mahae, _A torn hole_. Goefai, _What is_. Laoo, _To count_, or _reckon_. Manakko, _To give_. Fooo, _New; lately made_. Modooa, _Old; worn_. Maa, _A sour plantain, by being put under ground_. Kaifoo, _A brownish yellow_. Eafee, _To play on the flute_. Mou afai, _When do you go?_ Afaia, _How many?_ Cheefa, _A pearl oyster_. Gooe, goee, _A saw shell_. Fotoohoa, _A rock oyster_. Ogoo, _Of me; belonging to me_. Lelange, _To make_. Behange, _Let me see it_. Foo, _To box_. Heeva, _A song, with many women singing different keys_. Ooloo pokko, _The head_. Koukou, _To bathe_. Mabba, _A three-kernelled nut_. Eelo, _To know_. Fotte, fotta, _To squeeze gently with the hands_. Fangootooa, _Wrestling_. Momoho, _Ripe_. Koffe, _Bamboo which they beat with on the ground_. Alla, _I say_. Waila, _Hot_. Pango, _Bad_. Orlongaa, _Thread of which they make their nets, or the plant_. Monee, _Truth_. Anga, _A shark_. Laffa, _Ringworm_. Fooa, _Fruit; flower_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Kokka, _A tree they stain their cloth brown with_, i. E. _the bark_. Moooee, _Alive; life; soul; God, or divine spirit_. Tooo, _A tree, with the berries of which they stain their cloth_. Ogoohaika, _Who shall I give this to? Who shall I help_? Maha, _Finished; empty_. Pagge, _A little paddle they exercise with_. Faio, _Small-branched coral_. Cheeagge, _To throw a thing away_. Faiee tamma, _Pregnancy_. Lalanga, _To make_. Vao, _A wild uncultivated country_. Neeoo goola, _Cabbage-tree_. Routte, _Hibiscus; rosa sinensis_. Foa, _A custom of beating the head with a tooth till it bleeds_. Cheelee neefo, _A custom of beating the teeth on the same occasion_. Hogga tainga, _A custom of thrusting a spear into their thighs; also a mourning ceremony_. Toofatao, _Thrusting a spear into the sides under the arm-pits on these occasions_. Tooengootoo, _Doing the same through the cheeks into the mouth_. Kafoo, _The garment they commonly wear_. Offa, _A term of friendship_; as, Taio offa, _My friend, I am glad to see you_. Toofa, _To divide, or share out food_. Maeneene, _To tickle_. Hailulla, _Sarcosma_. Hooo, _A wooden instrument with which they clear away grass from their fences_. Aho, _The dawn_, or _day-break_. _Friendly Isles_. English. Gooaa, _Who is it_? Avo, _To go_; or _take away_. Valle, _Mad_. Lelaiee a bee kovee, _Is it good_, or _bad_? Taboonee, _To shut_, or _close_. Taae, _To beat_, or _strike_. Ahae, _Who_, or _where_. Mamaa, _Light_. Mamaffa, _Heavy_. Faike, _A cuttle-fish_. Vai veegoo, _Wet; moist_. AVOCABULARYOF THELANGUAGE OF ATOOI, ONE OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. _January_, 1778. [194] [Footnote 194: This Vocabulary properly belongs to a subsequent part ofthe voyage, but is given here for the greater facility of comparisonwith the preceding, and as a fit companion also to that of the SocietyIsles, inserted in a former part of the volume. --E. ] * * * * * _Atooi_. English. Tehaia, _Where_. Mahaia, _Ditto_. Aorre, _or_ Aoe, _No_. He oho, _The hair_. E poo, _The head_. Papaiee aoo, _The ear_. Heraee, _The forehead_. Matta, _The eye_. Pappareenga, _The cheek_. Haieea, _Fish_. Eeeheu, _The nose_. Oome oome, _The beard_. Haire, _To go_. Erawha, _Tears of joy_. Aee, _The neck_. Poheeve, _The arm_. Ooma ooma, _The breast_. Heoo, _The nipple_. Peeto, _The navel_. _Atooi_. English, Hoohaa, _The thigh_. He, wawy, _The leg_. Eroui, _Wait a little_. Areea, _Wait a little_. Myao, _Finger and toe nails_. Eeno, _Bad_. Hootee, hootee, _To pluck up_, or _out_. Tooanna, _A brother_. Teina, _A younger brother_. Otooma heeva, _A man's name_. Nanna, _Let me see it_. Noho, _To sit_. Hoe, _To go_. Hooarra, _Sweet potatoes_. E Taeeai, _Calling to one_. Waheine, _A woman_. Teeorre, _To throw away a thing_. He, aieeree, _The skin_. Ma, ty ty, _To look at_, or _survey a thing_. Tommomy, _Come here_. Erooi, _To retch, to puke_. Too, _Sugar-cane_. Maa mona, _Sweet_ or _savoury food_. Tooharre, _To spit_. Matou, _I, first person singular_. My, ty, _Good_. Otaeaio, } _Names of two chiefs_. Terurotoa, } Oome, _A great number_. Poe, _Taro pudding_. Oohe, _Yams_. Booa, _A hog_. Eeneeoo, _Cocoa-nuts_. Ono, _To understand_. Eetee, _To understand_, or _know_. Otae, _A man's name_. Maonna, _Full, satisfied with eating_. Owytooehainoa, _What is your name_? Tanata, _A man_. Tangata, _Ditto_. Pahoo, _A drum_. Ehoora, _A kind of dance_. _Atooi_. English. Maro, _A narrow stripe of cloth they wear_. Hoemy; harremy, _To come_. Eroemy, _Fetch it here_. Taooa, _We_, first person plural. Toura, _A rope_. Ooroo, _Bread-fruit_. Etee, _Dracaena_. Appe, _Virginian Arum_. Matte, _Dead_. Aoonai, _In a short time; presently_. Paha, _Perhaps_. Ai, _Yes_. Ateera, _Done; at an end_. Hevaite, _To unfold_. Noona, _Above_. Tapaia, _To abide; to keep_, or _restrain from going_. Poore, _A prayer_. Tahouna, _A priest_. Atee, _To fetch_, or _bring_. Meeme, _To make water_. Ehaia, _Where_. Poota, _A hole_. Mao, _That way_. Mareira, _This place_. Eeo, _There_. Evaa, _A canoe_. Touroonoa, _A man's name_. My ty, _Let me look_. Aieeboo, _A vessel of gourd shell_. Ahewaite, _Mullus cretaceus_. Opoore, _Sparus parvus punctatus_. Taee, _The sea_. Evy, _Fresh water_. Aiva, _A harbour_. Eerotto, _Within, into_. Owyte eree, _What is the chief's name_? Toneoneo, _A chief's name_. Motoo, _To tear_, or _break_. Toe, _A stone adze_. Vaheoo, _Let it lie_, or _remain_. _Atooi_. English. Haieehe, _A barbed dart_. Hooroo manoo, _Birds' feathers_. Motoo, _An island_. Hamoea, _A ceremony of clapping the hands to the head, and prostrating themselves to the chief_. Worero, _Lost; stole_. Aeenoo, _To drink_. Tehaia, orooa, _Where are you_? Ou, _I_, first person singular. Eunai, _Here; at this place_. Pororee, _Hunger; hungry_. Hereema, _A species of Sida_. Meere, meere, _To look at_, or _behold_. Moa, _A fowl_. Manoo, _A bird_. Dirro, _Below_. Modooa, tanne, _Father_. Modooa, waheme, _Mother_. Naiwe, nawie, _Pleasant; agreeable_. Hai raa, _The sun_. Hairanee, _The sky_. Abobo, _To-morrow_. Heaho, _A small rope_. Tereira, _There; that way_. Pymy, _Throw it here_. Ewououtte, _Morus Papyrif_. Moe, _To sleep_. Nooe, _Large_. Poowha, _To yawn_. Ahaia, _When; at what time_. Wehai, _To uncover and undo a thing_. Tooto, _A small straw rope_. Eaha, nai, _What is this_? Maeea, _Plantains_. Parra, _Ripe; as, ripe fruit_. Toe, toe, _Cold_. Matanee, _The wind_. Etoo, _To rise up_. Haireetoo, _To go there_. Hoatoo, _To give_. _Atooi_. English. Eeapo, _Night_. Eahoiahoi, _Evening_. Oora, _Red feathers_. Teehe, _A present of cloth_. Herairemy, _A place on which fruit is laid as an offering to God_. Henananoo, _A square pile of wicker-work_, or _religious obelisk_. Hereeere, _A burying-ground_. Eteepappa, _The inside of a burying-ground_. Harre, _A house_. Harre pahoo, _A drum-house in a burying-ground_. Heneene, _A wall, the wall of a burying-ground_. Heho, _A stone set up in a burying-ground, consecrated to the Deity_. Eatooa, _A god_. Tangaroa, _The name of the god of the place we were at_. None, _Morinda citrifolia_. Hereanee, _Small twig things in a burying-ground_. Hemanaa, _A house_, or _hut, where they bury their dead_. Herooanoo, _Wooden images in a burying-house_. Tooraipe, _A kind of head-dress_, or _helmet on an image_. Eahoi, _Hire_. Pohootoo noa, _A cream-coloured whet-stone_. Poota paire, _A district, at the western part of the isle_. Eonnotaine, _A short cloak of black and white feathers_. Ottahoinoo, _One article_, or _thing_. Epappa, _A board used to swim upon_. Oneete, _A kind of cloth_. Heorro taire, _A small scarlet bird_, or _merops scarlatina_. Taa, _An interjection of admiration_. _Atooi_. English. Epoo, _A bracelet of a single shell_. Eou, _To swim_. Tearre, _Gardenia_, or _Cape Jasmine_. Heoudoo, _A refusal; I will not do it_, or _take that for this_. Eeorre, _A rat_. Ehooo, _A gimblet, or any instrument to bore with_. Epaoo, or ooapa, _There is no more; it is done_, or _finished_. Matou, _A particular sort of fish-hook_. Erahoi, dehoi, _Thin; as, thin cloth, board, &c_. Pattahaee, or he roui, _A sort of musical instrument_ or _rattle, ornamented with red feathers_. Eappanai, _A plume of feathers they wear_. Etooo, _The Cordia sebestina_. Whatte, _To break_. Oeea, _Yes; it is so_. Heoreeoree, _A song_. Paraoo, _A wooden bowl_. Apooava, _A shallow wooden dish they drink Ava out of_. Etoohe, toohee, _A particular sort of cloth_. Ootee, or otee, otee, _To cut_. Pappaneeheomano, _A wooden instrument beset with shark's teeth, used to cut up those they kill_. Maheine, _A wife_. Homy, _Give me_. Moena, or moenga, _A mat to sleep on_. Eeno, _An adjunct, when they express any thing good, though by itself, it signifies bad. Thus they say_, Erawha eeno, _good greeting, as the Otaheitans say_, Ehoa eeno, _or my good friend_. Taboo, or tafoo, _Any thing not to be touched, as being forbid. This is an example that shews the transmutation of the_ H, F, _and_ B, _Atooi_. English. _into each other. Thus at Otaheite yams are_ oohe, _at Tonga_ oofe, _at New Caledonia_ oobe; _and here_ taboo _is_ tafoo. Maooa, _I_, first person singular. Heno, _Little rods, about five feet long, with a tuft of hair on the small end_. Patae, _Salt_. Aheia, _A round pearl-shell_. Teanoo, _The cold arising from being in the water_. Tammata, _The sense of taste_. Ootoo, _A louse_. Ehone, _To salute by applying one nose to the other. _ Ehogge _at New Zealand, and_ Ehoe _at Otaheite_. My, _A sore of any kind_. Oura, _or_ ouraa, _Cured; recovered; alive; well_. Mango, _A shark_. Te _and_ he, _The_. Heneeoohe, _An instrument made of a shark's tooth fixed on a wooden handle, to cut with_. Eea, _An adjunct, as at Otaheite, to give strength to an expression_. Paoo roa, _Quite done; finished_. Ee, _At_. Taira, _That; the other_. Ahoo aura, _Red cloth_. Henaro, _A fly_. Ehateinoa, _What is the name of that_? Heweereweere, _An outrigger of a canoe_. Mawaihe, _The sail of a canoe_. Eheou, _The mast of a canoe_. Hetoa, _The yard of a sail. _ Ooamou, _Fast; secure; sound; whole_. Hono, _To go; to move_. Matou, _Fear_. Pooa, _An arrow_. _Atooi_. English. Teeto, _A bow_. Epaee, _Wooden bowls made from the Etoo_. Ohe, _Bamboo_. Henaroo, _The swell of the sea_. Motoo, _land_. Ehetoo, _A star_. Marama, _The moon_. Ouameeta, _A man's name_. _Numerals to Ten, as at Otaheite_. END OF VOLUME FIFTEENTH.