AGENERALHISTORY AND COLLECTIONOFVOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER: FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESSOF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME. BY ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. VOL. VIII. MDCCCXXIV. CONTENTS OF VOL. VIII. * * * * * PART II. BOOK III. CONTINUED. CHAP. IX. Continued. --Early Voyages of the English to the East Indiesbefore the Establishment of an Exclusive Company. SECT. IV. Voyage of Mr John Eldred, by Sea, to Tripoli in Syria, andthence by Land and River to Bagdat and Basora, in 1583. V. Of the Monsoons, or periodical Winds, with which Ships depart fromPlace to Place in India. By William Barret. VI. First Voyage of the English to India in 1591; begun by CaptainGeorge Raymond, and completed by Captain James Lancaster. VII. Supplementary Account of the former Voyage, by John May. VIII. The unfortunate Voyage of Captain Benjamin Wood, towards the EastIndies, in 1596. IX. Voyage of Captain John Davis to the East Indies, in 1598, as Pilotto a Dutch Ship. X. Voyage of William Adams to Japan, in 1598, and long residence in thatIsland. Introduction. § 1. Brief Relation of the Voyage of Sebalt de Wert to the Straits ofMagellan. § 2. First Letter of William Adams. § 3. Letter of William Adams to his Wife. SECT. XI. Voyage of Sir Edward Michelburne to India, in 1604. CHAP. X. Early Voyages of the English to India, after the Establishment, of the East India Company. Introduction. SECT. I. First Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1601, underthe Command of Captain James Lancaster. Introduction. § 1. Preparation for the Voyage, and its Incidents till the Departure ofthe Fleet from Saldanha Bay. § 2. Continuation of the Voyage, to the Nicobar and Sombrero Islands. § 3. Their Reception and Trade at Acheen. § 4. Portuguese Wiles discovered, and a Prize taken near Malacca. § 5. Presents to and from the King of Acheen, and his Letters to QueenElizabeth. Their Departure to Priaman and Bantam, and Settlement ofTrade at these Places. § 6. Departure for England, and Occurrences in the Voyage. SECT. II. Account of Java, and of the first Factory of the English atBantam; with Occurrences there from the 11th February, 1603, to the 6thOctober, 1605. Introduction. § 1. Description of Java, with the Manners and Customs of itsInhabitants, both Javanese and Chinese. § 2. Brief Discourse of many Dangers by Fire, and other Treacheries ofthe Javanese. § 3. Differences between the Hollanders, styling themselves English, andthe Javans, and of other memorable Things. § 4. Treacherous Underminings, and other Occurrences. § 5. Arrival of General Middleton, and other Events. § 6. Account of Quarrels between the English and Dutch at Bantam, andother Occurrences. § 7. Observations by Mr John Saris of Occurrences during his Abode atBantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609 § 8. Rules for the Choice of sundry Drugs, with an Account of the Placeswhere they are procured. § 9. Of the principal Places of Trade in India, and the Commodities theyafford. SECT. III. Second Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1604, under the Command of Captain Henry Middleton. Introduction. § 1. Voyage of General Henry Middleton, afterwards Sir Henry, to Bantamand the Moluccas, in 1604. § 2. Voyage of Captain Colthurst, in the Ascension, to Banda. SECT. IV. Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, byCaptain William Keeling. Introduction. § 1. Disasters in the Outset of the Voyage, with Occurrences tillleaving Saldanha Bay. § 2. Departure from Saldanha Bay, and Occurrences till the Ships partedCompany. § 3. Instruction learnt at Delisa respecting the Monsoon; with theArrival of the Dragon at Bantam. § 4. Voyage of the Hector to Banda, with Occurrences there. SECT. V. Narrative by William Hawkins of Occurrences during hisResidence in the Dominions of the Great Mogul. Introduction. § 1. Barbarous Usage at Surat by Mucrob Khan; and the treacherousProcedure of the Portuguese and Jesuits. § 2. Journey of the Author to Agra, and his Entertainment at the Courtof the Great Mogul. § 3. The Inconstancy of the King, and the Departure of Captain Hawkinsto the Red Sea, Bantam, and England. SECT. VI. Observations of William Finch, Merchant, who accompaniedCaptain Hawkins to Surat, and returned over Land to England. Introduction. § 1. Remembrances respecting Sierra Leona, in 1607. § 2. Observations made at St Augustine in Madagascar, and at the Islandof Socotora. § 3. Occurrences in India, respecting the English, Dutch, Portuguese, and Moguls. § 4. Journey to Agra, and Observations by the Way; with some Notices ofthe Deccan Wars. § 5. Description of Futtipoor, Biana, &c. Of Nill, or Indigo; and ofother Matters. § 6. Description of Lahore, with other Observations. SECT. VII. Voyage of Captain David Middleton, in 1607, to Bantam and theMoluccas. Introduction. SECT. VIII. Fourth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1608, byCaptain Alexander Sharpey. Introduction. § 1. Relation of this Voyage, as written by Robert Coverte. § 2. Supplement to the foregoing Narrative, from the Account of the sameunfortunate Voyage, by Thomas Jones. § 3. Additional Supplement, from the Report of William Nichols. SECT. IX. Voyage of Captain Richard Rowles in the Union, the Consort ofthe Ascension. Introduction. § 1. Of the Voyage of the Union, after her Separation from theAscension, to Acheen and Priaman. § 2. Return of the Union from Priaman towards England. SECT. X. Fifth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1609, underthe Command of Captain David Middleton. Introduction. § 1. Occurrences at Bantam, Booton, and Banda. § 2. Occurrences at Banda; Contests with the Hollanders; Trade atPulo-way, and many Perils. § 3. Departure for Bantam, Escape from the Hollanders, and Voyage Home. SECT. XI. Sixth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1610, underthe Command of Sir Henry Middleton. Introduction. § 1. Incidents of the Voyage till the Arrival of the Squadron at Mokha. § 2. Transactions at Mokha, and Treachery of the Turks there, and atAden. § 3. Journey of Sir Henry Middleton to Zenan, in the Interior of Yemen, or Arabia Felix, with some Description of the Country, and Occurrencestill his Return to Mokha. § 4. Sir Henry Middleton makes his Escape from the Turks, and forcesthem to make Satisfaction. § 5. Voyage from the Red Sea to Surat, and Transactions there. § 6. Voyage from Surat to Dabul, and thence to the Red Sea, andProceedings there. SECT. XII. Journal of the preceding Voyage by Nicholas Downton, Captainof the Pepper-corn. Introduction. § 1. Notices of the Voyage between Saldanha Bay and Socotora, bothinclusive. § 2. Of Abdal Kuria, Arabia Felix, Aden, and Mokha, and the treacherousProceedings of both Places. § 3. Account of Proceedings in the Red Sea on the second Visit. § 4. Voyage from Mokha to Sumatra, and Proceedings there. § 5. Voyage of the Pepper-corn Home to England. SECT. XIII. The Seventh Voyage of the English East India Company, in1611, commanded by Captain Anthony Hippon. Introduction. SECT. XIV. Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris. Introduction. § 1. The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam. § 2. Narrative of strange Occurrences in Pegu, Siam, Johor, Patane, andthe adjacent Kingdoms. § 3. Voyage to Masulipatam, and Incidents during a long Stay at thatPlace. § 4. Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England. SECT. XV. Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, byCaptain John Saris. Introduction. § 1. Incidents of the Voyage from England to Socotora. § 2. Occurrences at Socotora and in the Red Sea. § 3. Adventures along with Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, and otherObservations in those Parts, with our Arrival at Bantam. § 4. The Voyage of Captain Saris, in the Clove, towards Japan, withObservations respecting the Dutch and Spaniards at the Molucca Islands. [Illustration: Map of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope] AGENERAL HISTORYANDCOLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. * * * * * PART II. BOOK III. (CONTINUED. ) * * * * * CHAPTER IX. --Continued. EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH. TO THE EAST INDIES, BEFORE THEESTABLISHMENT OF AN EXCLUSIVE COMPANY. SECTION IV. Voyage of Mr John Eldred, by Sea, to Tripoli, in Syria, and thence, byLand and River, to Bagdat and Basora, in 1583. [1] I departed from London in the Tiger on Shrove-Tuesday, 1583, in companywith Mr John Newberry, Mr Ralph Fitch, and six or seven other honestmerchants, and arrived at Tripoli in Syria on the next ensuing 1st ofMay. On our arrival, we went a _Maying_ on the Island of St George, where the Christians who die here on ship board are wont to be buried. In this city of Tripoli our English merchants have a consul, and all ofthe English nation who come here reside along with him, in a house orfactory, called _Fondeghi Ingles_, which is a square stone building, resembling a cloister, where every person has his separate chamber, asis likewise the custom of all the other Christian nations at this place. [Footnote 1: Hakluyt, II. 402. As Eldred accompanied Newberry and Fitchfrom England to Basora, this article is, in a great degree, connectedwith our present purpose: It may likewise be mentioned, that Eldred isone of the persons with whom Newberry corresponded. --E. ] Tripolis stands under a part of Mount Lebanon, at the distance of twoEnglish miles from the port. On one side of this port, in the form of ahalf-moon, there are five block-houses, or small forts, in which thereare some good pieces of artillery, and they are occupied by about anhundred janisaries. Right before the town there is a hill of shiftingsand, which gathers and increases with a west wind, insomuch, that theyhave an old prophecy among them, that this sand hill will one dayswallow up and overwhelm the town, as it every year increases anddestroys many gardens, though they employ every possible device todiminish this sand-bank, and to render it firm ground. The city iswalled round, though of no great strength, and is about the size ofBristol: Its chief defence is the citadel or castle, which stands on thesouth side of the town, and within the walls, overlooking the wholetown, being armed with some good artillery, and garrisoned by twohundred janisaries. A river passes through the middle of the city, bymeans of which they water their gardens and plantations of mulberrytrees, on which they rear great numbers of silk-worms, which producegreat quantities of white silk, being the principal commodity of thisplace, which is much frequented by many Christian merchants, asVenetians, Florentines, Genoese, Marsilians, Sicilians, and Ragusans, and, of late, by the English, who trade more here than in any other portof the Turkish dominions. I departed from Tripolis with a caravan, on the 14th May, passing, inthree days, over the ridge of Mount Libanus; and at the end of that timecame to the city of _Hammah_, which stands in a goodly plain, aboundingin corn and cotton-wool. On these mountains grow great quantities of_gall-trees_, which are somewhat like our oaks, but less, and morecrooked; and, on the best trees, a man shall not find above a pound ofgalls on each. This town of Hammah is fallen into decay, and continuesto decay more and more, so that at this day scarcely is the half of thewall standing, which has once been strong and handsome; but, because itcost many lives to win it, the Turks will not have it repaired, and havecaused to be inscribed in Arabic, over one of the gates, "Cursed be thefather and the son of him who shall lay hands to the repairing of thisplace. " Refreshing ourselves one day here, we went forwards three days more, with our camels, and came to Aleppo, where we arrived on the 21st ofMay. This has the greatest trade, for an inland town, of any in allthose parts, being resorted to by Jews, Tartars, Persians, Armenians, Egyptians, Indians, and many different kinds of Christians, all of whomenjoy liberty of conscience, and bring here many different kinds ofmerchandise. In the middle of the city there is a goodly castle, raisedon high, having a garrison of four or five hundred janisaries. Withinfour miles round about there are many goodly gardens and vineyards, withmany trees, which bear excellent fruit, near the side of the river, which is very small. The walls of the city are about three miles incircuit, but the suburbs are nearly as large as the city, the wholebeing very populous. We departed from Aleppo on the 31st of May, with a caravan of camels, along with Mr John Newberry, and his company, and came to _Birrah_, [Bir] in three days, being a small town on the Euphrates, where thatriver first assumes the name, being here collected into one channel, whereas before it comes down in numerous branches, and is thereforecalled by the people of the country by a name which signifies a_thousand heads_. We here found abundance of provisions, and furnishedourselves for a long journey down the river; and, according to thecustom of those who travel on this river, we provided a small bark forthe conveyance of ourselves and our goods. These boats areflat-bottomed, because the river is shallow in many places; and whenpeople travel in the months of July, August, and September, the waterbeing then at the lowest, they have to carry a spare boat or two alongwith them, to lighten their own boats in case of grounding on theshoals. We were twenty-eight days upon the river in going between Birand Feluchia, at which last place we disembarked ourselves and ourgoods. During our passage down the Euphrates, we tied our boat to a stake everynight at sun-set, when we went on land and gathered some sticks to makea fire, on which we set our pot, with rice or bruised wheat; and whenwe had supped, the merchants went on board to sleep, while the marinerslay down for the night on the shore, as near the boats as they could. Atmany places on the river side we met with troops of Arabs, of whom webought milk, butter, eggs, and lambs, giving them in barter, for theycare not for money, glasses, combs, coral, amber, to hang about theirnecks; and for churned milk we gave them bread and pomegranate peels, with which they tan their goat skins which they use for churns. Thecomplexion, hair, and apparel of these Arabs, are entirely like to thosevagabond Egyptians who heretofore used to go about in England. All theirwomen, without one exception, wear a great round ring of gold, silver, or iron, according to their abilities, in one of their nostrils, andabout their legs they have hoops of gold, silver, or iron. All of them, men, women, and children, are excellent swimmers, and they often broughtoff in this manner vessels with milk on their heads to our barks. Theyare very thievish, as I proved to my cost, for they stole a casketbelonging to me, containing things of good value, from under my man'shead as he lay asleep. At Bir the Euphrates is about as broad as the Thames at Lambeth, in someplaces broader, and in others narrower, and it runs very swiftly, almostas fast as the Trent. It has various kinds of fish, all having scales, some like our barbels, as large as salmon. We landed at Feluchia on the28th of June, and had to remain there seven days for want of camels tocarry our goods to Babylon, [Bagdat, ] the heat at that season being soviolent that the people were averse from hiring their camels to travel. Feluchia is a village of some hundred houses, and is the place appointedfor discharging such goods as come down the river, the inhabitants beingall Arabs. Not being able to procure camels, we had to unlade our goods, and hired an hundred asses to carry our English merchandize to NewBabylon, or Bagdat, across a short desert, which took us eighteen hoursof travelling, mostly in the night and morning, to avoid the great heatof the day. In this short desert, between the Euphrates and Tigris, formerly stoodthe great and mighty city of ancient Babylon, many of the old ruins ofwhich are easily to be seen by day-light, as I, John Eldred, have oftenbeheld at my good leisure, having made three several journeys betweenAleppo and New Babylon. Here also are still to be seen the ruins of theancient Tower of Babel, which, being upon plain ground, seems very largefrom afar; but the nearer you come towards it, it seems to grow less andless. I have gone sundry times to see it, and found the remnants stillstanding above a quarter of a mile in circuit, and almost as high as thestone-work of St Paul's steeple in London, but much bigger. [2] Thebricks remaining in this most ancient monument are half a yard thick, and three quarters long, having been dried in the sun only; and betweenevery course of bricks there is a course of matts made of canes, whichstill remain as sound as if they had only lain one year. [Footnote 2: It is hardly necessary to observe, that this refers to theold St Paul's before the great fire, and has no reference to the presentmagnificent structure, built long after the date of this journey. --E. ] The new city of Babylon, or Bagdat, joins to the before-mentioned smalldesert, in which was the old city, the river Tigris running close underthe walls, so that they might easily open a ditch, and make the watersof the river, encompass the city. [3] Bagdat is above two English milesin circumference. The inhabitants, who generally speak three languages, Persian, Arabic, and Turkish, are much of the same complexion with theSpaniards. The women mostly wear, in the gristle of the nose, a ringlike a wedding-ring, but rather larger, having a pearl and a turquoisestone set in it; and this however poor they may be. This is a place ofgreat trade, being the thoroughfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. Thetown is well supplied with provisions, which are brought down the riverTigris from Mosul, in Diarbekir, or Mesopotamia, where stood the ancientcity of Nineveh. These provisions, and various other kinds of goods, arebrought down the river Tigris on rafts of wood, borne up by a greatnumber of goat-skin bags, blown up with wind like bladders. When thegoods are discharged, the rafts are sold for fuel, and letting the windout of the goat skins, they carry them home again upon asses, to servefor other voyages down the river. [Footnote 3: It may be proper to remark, as not very distinctly markedhere, though expressed afterwards in the text, that Bagdat is on theeast side of the Tigris, whereas the plain, or desert of ancientBabylon, is on the west, between that river and the Euphrates. --E. ] The buildings here are mostly of brick, dried in the sun, as little orno stone is to be found, and their houses are all low and flat-roofed. They have no rain for eight months together, and hardly any clouds inthe sky by day or night. Their winter is in November, December, January, and February, which is almost as warm as our summer in England. I knowthis well by experience, having resided, at different times, in thiscity for at least the space of two years. On coming into the city fromFeluchia, we have to pass across the river Tigris on a great bridge ofboats, which are held together by two mighty chains of iron. From this place we departed in flat-bottomed boats, which were largerand more strongly built than those on the Euphrates. We weretwenty-eight days also in going down this river to Basora, though wemight have gone in eighteen days, or less, if the water had been higher. By the side of the river there stand several towns, the names of whichresemble those of the prophets of the Old Testament. The first of thesetowns is called _Ozeah_, and another _Zecchiah_. One day's journeybefore we came to Basora, the two rivers unite, and there stands, at thejunction, a castle belonging to the Turks, called _Curna_, where allmerchants have to pay a small custom. Where the two rivers join, theirunited waters are eight or nine miles broad; and here also the riverbegins to ebb and flow, the overflowing of the water rendering all thecountry round about very fertile in corn, rice, pulse, and dates. The town of Basora is a mile and a half in circuit; all the houses, withthe castle and the walls, being of brick dried in the sun. The GrandTurk has here five hundred janisaries always in garrison, besides othersoldiers; but his chief force consists in twenty-five or thirty finegallies, well furnished with good ordnance. To this port of Basora therecome every month divers ships from Ormus, laden with all sorts of Indiangoods, as spices, drugs, indigo, and calico cloth. These ships are fromforty to sixty tons burden, having their planks sewed together withtwine made of the bark of the date-palm; and, instead of oakum, theirseams are filled with slips of the same bark, of which also their tackleis made. In these vessels they have no kind of iron-work whatever, except their anchors. In six days sail down the Gulf of Persia, they goto an island called. Bahrein, midway to Ormus, where they fish forpearls during the four months of June, July, August, and September. I remained six months at Basora, in which time I received severalletters from Mr John Newberry, then at Ormus, who, as he passed thatway, proceeded with letters, from her majesty to Zelabdim Echebar, kingof Cambaia, [4] and to the mighty Emperor of China, was treacherouslythere arrested, with all his company, by the Portuguese, and afterwardssent prisoner to Goa, where, after a long and cruel imprisonment, he andhis companions were released, upon giving surety not to depart fromthence without leave, at the instance of one Father Thomas Stevens, anEnglish priest, whom they found there. Shortly afterwards three of themmade their escape, of whom Mr Ralph Fitch is since come to England. Thefourth, who was Mr John Story, painter, became a religious in thecollege of St Paul, at Goa, as we were informed by letters from thatplace. [Footnote 4: Akbar Shah, padishah or emperor of the Moguls inIndia. --E. ] Having completed all our business at Basora, I and my companion, WilliamShales, embarked in company with seventy barks, all laden withmerchandize; every bark having fourteen men to drag it up the river, like our west country barges on the river Thames; and we were forty-fourdays in going up against the stream to Bagdat. We there, after payingour custom, joined with other merchants, to form a caravan, boughtcamels, and hired men to load and drive them, furnished ourselves withrice, butter, dates, honey made of dates, and onions; besides which, every merchant bought a certain number of live sheep, and hired certainshepherds to drive them along with us. We also bought tents to lie in, and to put our goods under; and in this caravan of ours there were fourthousand camels laden with spices and other rich goods. These camels cansubsist very well for two or three days without water, feeding onthistles, wormwood, _magdalene_, and other coarse weeds they find by theway. The government of the caravans, the deciding of all quarrels thatoccur, and the apportionment of all duties to be paid, are committed tothe care of some one rich and experienced merchant in the company, whosehonour and honesty can best be confided in. We spent forty days in ourjourney from Bagdat to Aleppo, travelling at the rate of from twenty totwenty-four miles a-day, resting ourselves commonly from two in theafternoon till three next morning, at which time we usually began ourjourney. Eight days journey from Bagdat, near to a town called Heit, where wecross the Euphrates in boats, and about three miles from that place, there is a valley in which are many mouths, or holes, continuallythrowing out, in great abundance, a black kind of substance like tar, which serves all this country for paying their boats and barks. Everyone of these springs makes a noise like a smith's forge, continuallypuffing and blowing; and the noise is so loud, that it may be heard amile off. This vale swalloweth up all heavy things that are thrown intoit. The people of the country call it _Bab-el-gehenam_, or the gate ofhell. In passing through these deserts we saw certain wild beasts, suchas asses, all white, roebucks, leopards, foxes, and many hares, aconsiderable number of which last we chaced and killed. _Aborise_, theking of the wandering Arabs in these deserts, receives a duty of 40shillings value for every loaded camel, which he sends his officers toreceive from the caravans; and, in consideration of this, he engages toconvoy the caravans in safety, if need be, and to defend them againstthe prowling thieves. I and my companion, William Shales, came to Aleppo on the 11th June, 1584, being joyfully welcomed at twenty miles distance by Mr WilliamBarret, our consul, accompanied by his people and janisaries. He fellsick immediately after, and departed this life in eight days illness, having nominated, before he died, Mr Anthony Bate to succeed him asconsul for the English nation, who laudably executed the office forthree years. In the mean time, I made two other journeys to Bagdat andBasora, returning in the same manner through the desert. Beingafterwards desirous to see other parts of the country, I went fromAleppo to Antioch, which is 60 miles, and from thence to Tripoli, where, going on board a small vessel, I arrived at Joppa, and travelled by landto Rama, Lycia, Gaza, Jerusalem, Bethlem, the river Jordan, and the seaof Sodom, and returned to Joppa, from whence I went back to Tripoli; butas many others have published large discourses of these places, I thinkit unnecessary to write of them here. Within a few days after my returnto Tripoli, I embarked in the Hercules of London, on the 22d December, 1587, and arrived safe, by the blessing of God, in the Thames, withdivers other English merchants, on the 26th March, 1588; our ship beingthe richest in merchant goods that ever was known to arrive in thisrealm. SECTION V. _Of the Monsoons, or Periodical Winds, with which Ships depart fromPlace to Place in India. By William Barret. _[5] It is to be noted, that the city of Goa is the principal place of allthe oriental India, and that the winter begins there on the 15th of May, with very great rain, and so continues till the 1st of August; duringwhich time no ship can pass the bar of Goa, as, by these continualrains, all the sands join together hear a mountain called _Oghane_, andrun into the shoals of the bar and port of Goa, having no other issue, and remain there, so that the port is shut up till the 1st of August;but it opens again on the 10th of August, as the rains are then ceased, and the sea thus scours away the sand. [Footnote 5: Hakluyt, II. 413. It appears, from the journal of John Eldred, in the preceding section, that William Barret was English consul at Aleppo, and died in 1584. In the immediately preceding article in Hakluyt, vol. II. P. 406, etseq. , is a curious account of the money weights and measures of Bagdat, Basora, Ormus, Goa, Cochin, and Malacca, which we wished to haveinserted, but found no sufficient data by which to institute acomparison with the money weights and measures of England, without whichthey would have been entirely useless. In the present article, the dates are certainly of the old stile, and, to accommodate these to the present new stile, it may be perhaps rightto add _nine_ days to each for the sixteenth century, or _twelve_ days toreduce them to corresponding dates of the present nineteenthcentury. --E. ] To the northward, as Chaul, Diu, Cambay, Damaun, Basseen, and otherplaces, the ships depart from Goa between the 10th and 24th of August;and ships may sail to these places at all times of the year, except inwinter, as already described. Ships depart for Goa from Chaul, Diu, Cambay, and other parts to thenorthward, betwixt the 8th and 15th of January, and come to Goa aboutthe end of February. From Diu ships depart for the straits of Mecca, or the Red-Sea, aboutthe 15th of January, and return from thence to Diu in the month ofAugust. They likewise depart from Din for the Red-Sea in the secondmonsoon, betwixt the 25th of August and 25th of September, and returnto Diu between the 1st and 15th of May following. From Socotora, which hath only few ships, they depart for Ormus aboutthe 10th of August. About the 15th of September the Moors of the firm land begin to come toGoa from all parts, as from Balagnete, Bezenegar, Sudalcan, and otherplaces; and they depart from Goa betwixt the 10th and 15th of November. It is to be understood, that, by going to the north, is meant departingfrom Goa for Chaul, Diu, Cambay, Damaun, Basseen, and other places asfar as Sinde; and, by the south, is meant departing from Goa for Cochin, and all that coast, as far as Cape Comorin. In the _first_ monsoon for Ormus, ships depart from Goa in the month ofOctober, passing with easterly winds along the coast of Persia. In the_second_ monsoon, the ships depart from Goa about the 20th of January, passing by a like course, and with a similar wind; this second monsoonbeing called by the Portuguese the _entremonson_. There is likewise a_third_ monsoon for going from Goa to Ormus, when ships set out from Goabetwixt the 25th March and 6th April, having easterly winds, when theyset their course for the coast of Arabia, which they fell in with atCape Rasalgate and the Straits of Ormus. This monsoon is the mosttroublesome of all, for they make two navigations in the latitude ofCeylon, somewhat lower than six degrees. [6] [Footnote 6: This is by no means obvious; but means, perhaps, that theyare obliged to bear away so far south, owing to the wind not allowing adirect passage. --E. ] The _first_ monsoon from Ormus for Chaul and Goa is in the month ofSeptember, with the wind at north or north-east. The _second_ is betweenthe 25th and 30th of December, with like winds. In the _third_, shipsleave Ormus between the 1st and 15th of April, with the wind atsouth-east, east, or north-east, when they coast along Arabia from CapeMosandon to Cape Rasalgate; and after losing sight of Rasalgate, theyhave westerly winds which carry them to Chaul and Goa. But if they donot leave Ormus on or before the 25th of April, they must winter atOrmus, and wait the first monsoon in September. The _first_ monsoon from Ormus to Sinde is between the 15th and 20th ofApril; the second between the 10th and 20th of October. From Ormusships depart for the Red Sea in all January. From Goa for Calicut, Cochin, Ceylon, and other places to the southward, the ships depart from the 1st to the 15th of August, and find these seasnavigable all the year, except in winter, that is, from the 15th May tothe 10th August. In like manner, ships can go from these places to Goaevery time of the year except in winter; but the best time is in themonths of December, January, and February. In the first monsoon from Goa for Pegu, the ships depart from Goabetween the 15th and 20th of April, and winter at San Thome, whence theysail for Pegu after the 5th of August. In the second, they leave Goabetween the 8th and 24th of August, going direct for Pegu; but, if theypass the 24th of August, they cannot make out their voyage that monsoon, and must wait till next April. It may be noticed, that the best tradefor Pegu is to take ryals and patechoni to San Thome, and there purchaseTellami, which is fine cotton cloth, of which great quantities are madein Coromandel. Other merchandize is not good in Pegu, except a fewdozens of very fair oriental emeralds. Gold, silver, and rubies are inPegu sufficiently abundant. In coming from Pegu for Western India, shipssail between the 15th and 25th of January, and come to Goa about the25th of March, or beginning of April. If it pass the 10th of May beforereaching Goa, ships cannot reach Goa that monsoon; and if they have notthen made the coast of India, they will with much peril fetch San Thome. In the first monsoon for Malacca, the ships leave Goa between the 15thand 30th of September, and reach Malacca about the end of October. Inthe second, they leave Goa about the 5th of May, and arrive at Malaccaabout the 15th of June. In the first monsoon from Malacca for Goa, theyleave Malacca about the 10th September, and come to Goa about the end ofOctober. In the second, they leave Malacca about the 10th February, andreach Goa about the end of March. If any ship is detained on this voyagetill the 10th May, they cannot enter the harbour of Goa; and, if theyhave not then got to Cochin, they must return to Malacca, as the winterand the contrary winds then come on. Ships sail from Goa for China in the month of April; and they must sailin such time from China as to reach Goa before the 10th of May. If notthen arrived, they must put back to Cochin; and if not able to get inthere, must go to Malacca to winter. Ships going from Goa for the Moluccas must sail on or before the 10th or15th May; after which period they cannot pass the bar of Goa: and theships returning from the Moluccas usually reach Goa about the 15th ofApril. The ships from Portugal for India usually depart between the 10th and15th of March, going direct for the coast of Melinda and Mozambique, which they reach in July, whence they proceed to Goa. If they do notreach the coast of Melinda in July, they cannot fetch Melinda that year, but must return to the island of St Helena. If they are unable to makethat island, then they run as lost on the coast of Guinea. If they reachthe coast of Melinda in time, and set forwards for Goa, but are unableto make that port by the 15th September, they then go to Cochin; but, ifunable to get into Cochin, they must return and winter on the coast ofMozambique. Yet, in the year 1580, the ship San Lorenzo arrived there onthe 8th of October, sore tempest-beaten, to the great admiration ofevery one, as the like had not been seen before. The ships bound for Portugal leave Cochin between the 15th and 31stJanuary, steering for _Cabo de buona Speranza_, and the isle of StHelena, which island is about midway, being in lat. 16° S. It is a smallisland, but fruitful of all things, with great store of fruit, and givesgreat succour to the ships homeward-bound from India to Portugal. It isnot long since that island was discovered, by a ship that came from theIndies in a great storm. They found in it such abundance of wild beastsand boars, and all sorts of fruit, that, by these means, this ship, which had been four months at sea, was wonderfully refreshed both withfood and water. It received its name because discovered on the day of StHelen. This island is so great a succour to the Portuguese ships, thatmany of them would surely perish if it were not for the aid they gethere. For this reason, the King of Portugal caused a church to be builthere to the honour of St Helena, where only two hermits reside, allothers being forbidden to inhabit there, that the ships may be thebetter supplied with victuals, as on coming from India they are usuallybut slenderly provided, because no corn grows there, nor do they makeany wine. The ships which go from Portugal for India do not touch there, because, on leaving Portugal, they are fully provided with bread andwater for eight months. No other person can inhabit St Helena except thetwo hermits, or perchance some sick person who may be left there onshore under the care of the hermits, for his help and recovery. Ships depart from Goa for Mozambique between the 10th and 15th ofJanuary; and from Mozambique for Goa between the 8th and 31st August, arriving at Chaul or Goa any time in October, or till the 15th ofNovember. From Ormus ships bound for Bengal depart between the 15th and 20th ofJune, going to winter at _Teve_? whence they resume their voyage forBengal about the 15th of August. SECTION VI. _First Voyage of the English to India in 1591; begun by Captain GeorgeRaymond, and completed by Captain James Lancaster_. [7] INTRODUCTION. We have at length arrived at the period when the English began to visitthe East Indies in their own ships; this voyage of Captain Raymond, or, if you will, Lancaster, being the first of the kind ever performed bythem. From this year, therefore, 1591, the oriental navigations of theEnglish are to be dated; they did not push them with any vigour till thebeginning of the next century, when they began to pursue the commerce ofIndia with unwearied diligence and success, as will appear from thenarratives in the next succeeding chapter. [Footnote 7: Hakluyt, II. 286. Astley, I. 235. ] "As for Captain Raymond, his ship was separated near Cape Corientes, onthe eastern coast of Africa, from the other two, [8] and was never heardof more during the voyage, so that, whether he performed the voyage, orwas lost by the way, does not appear from Hakluyt; from whose silence, however, nothing can be certainly concluded either way, for reasonsthat will appear in the sequel[9]. "--_Astley_. [Footnote 8: This is a singular oversight in the editor of Astley'sCollection, as by that time there were only two ships, the RoyalMerchant having been sent home from Saldanha bay. --E. ] [Footnote 9: These promised reasons no where appear. --E. ] The full title of this voyage in Hakluyt's Collection is thus: "A Voyagewith three tall ships, the Penelope, Admiral; the Merchant-Royal, Vice-Admiral; and the Edward Bonadventure, Rear-Admiral, to the EastIndies, by way of the Cape of Buona Speranza, to Quitangone, nearMozambique, to the isles of Comoro and Zanzibar, on the backside ofAfrica, and beyond Cape Comorin, in India, to the isles of Nicobar, andof Gomes Palo, within two leagues of Sumatra, to the Islands of PuloPinaom, and thence to the Mainland of Malacca; begun by Mr GeorgeRaymond in the year 1591, and performed by Mr James Lancaster, andwritten from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich, his Lieutenant inthe said Voyage, by Mr Richard Hakluyt. " This voyage is chiefly remarkable as being the first ever attempted bythe English to India, though not with any view of trade, as its onlyobject seems to have been to commit privateering depredations upon thePortuguese trading ships in India, or, as we would now call them, thecountry ships, which were employed in trading between Goa and thesettlements to the eastwards. It is unnecessary here to point out theentire disappointment of the adventurers, or the disastrous conclusionof the expedition, as these are clearly related by Mr Edmund Barker. This article is followed by a supplementary account of the same voyage, by John May, one of the people belonging to the Edward Bonadventure, whorelates some of the occurrences rather differently from Edmund Barker, or rather gives some information that Mr Barker seems to have wished toconceal. For these reasons, and because of some farther adventures in aFrench ship in which May embarked, it has been thought proper to insertthat narrative in our collection--E. * * * * * Our fleet, consisting of three tall ships, the Penelope, Merchant-Royal, and Edward Bonadventure, sailed from Plymouth the 10th April, 1591, andarrived at the Canary Islands on 25th of that month, whence we againtook our departure on the 29th. The 2d May we were in the latitude ofCape Blanco, and passed the tropic of Cancer on the 5th. All this timewe had a fair wind at north-east, sailing always before the wind, tillthe 13th May, when we came within eight degrees of the line, where wemet a contrary wind. We lay off and on from that time till the 6th June, when we crossed the equinoctial line. While thus laying off and on, wecaptured a Portuguese caravel, laden by some merchants of Lisbon forBrasil, in which vessel we got about 60 tons of wine, 1200 jars of oil, 100 jars of olives, some barrels of capers, three vats of pease, andvarious other necessaries fit for our voyage; the wine, oil, olives, andcapers, being more valuable to us than gold. We had two men died before passing the line, and several sick, who firstbecame unwell in these hot climates, as it is wonderfully unwholsomefrom 8° N. Lat. To the equator at that season of the year; for we hadnothing but tornadoes, [10] with such thunder, lightning, and rain, thatwe could not keep our men dry three hours together; which, with scantycloathing to shift them, and living entirely on salt provisions, occasioned an infection among them. After passing the line, we had thewind continually at east-south-east, which carried us along the coast ofBrasil, at 100 leagues from the land, till we were in lat. 26° S. Whenwe had the wind from the north; at which time we estimated the Cape ofGood Hope to bear E. By S. 900 or 1000 leagues distant. [Footnote 10: Tornado signifies a storm, during which the wind shiftsabout, or _turns_ to all points of the compass. --E. ] In passing this great gulf from the coast of Brasil to the Cape of GoodHope, we had the wind often variable, as it is on our own coast, but, for the most part, so as that we could hold our course. The 28th of Julywe had sight of the Cape; and till the 31st we plied off and on, with acontrary wind, always in hopes to double the Cape, meaning to have gone70 leagues farther, to a place called _Aguada de San Bras_, beforeseeking to put in at any harbour. But as our men were sick in all ourships, we thought it good to seek some place of refreshment for them;wherefore we bore up with the land to the northward of the Cape, on thewest coast of Africa; and going along shore, we espied a goodly bay, having an island to leeward of its mouth, into which we entered, andfound it very commodious to ride in at anchor. This bay is called_Aguada de Saldanha_, being in lat. 33° S. 15 leagues northward on thisside from the Cape;[11] and in it we anchored on Sunday the 1st August, and immediately sent our sick men on shore. [Footnote 11: It will appear distinctly in the sequel of these earlyvoyages, that this Aguada de Saldanha, called likewise Saldanha orSaldania bay, was that now named Table bay, on which stands Cape Town, and not that which is now called Saldanha bay, which is ten or twelveleagues farther north, and on the same western coast of Africa. --E. ] Certain very brutish black savages came to them, but would not stay, andimmediately retired. For the space of 15 or 20 days, we could procure nofresh provisions, except some cranes and geese which we shot; and wecould get no fish but mussels and other shell-fish, which we gathered onthe rocks. At the end of this time, our admiral went one day with hispinnace to the island off the mouth of the bay, where he found greatnumbers of penguins and seals, of which he brought plenty with him tothe ships, and twice afterwards some of our people brought their boatsloaded with these animals. Alter we had been here some time, we got holdof a negro, whom we compelled to go along with us into the country, making signs to him to procure us some cattle; but not being able atthis time to come in sight of any, we let the negro go, giving him sometrifling presents. [12] Within eight days after, he and 30 or 40 othernegroes brought us down about 40 oxen and as many sheep, at which timewe only bought a few of them; but, about eight days afterwards, theybrought down as many more, when we bought 24 oxen and as many sheep. Theoxen were large and well-fleshed, but not fat; and we bought an ox fortwo knives, and a stirk, or young beast, for one knife. The sheep arevery large, and excellent mutton, having hair instead of wool, and greattails like those of Syria. We gave a knife for a sheep, and even gotsome for less value. We saw various wild beasts, as antilopes, red andfallow deer, and other large beasts, which we knew not, with a greatnumber of overgrown monkies or baboons. Mr Lancaster killed an antilopeas large as a young colt. [Footnote 12: This negro must, of course, have been a Hotentot. --E. ] Holding a consultation in respect to the prosecution of our, voyage, itwas thought best to proceed rather with two ships well manned, than withtwo weakly manned, having only 198 men in sound health, of whom 100 wentin the Penelope with our admiral, and 98 in the Edward, with theworshipful Captain Lancaster. We left behind 50 men in the RoyalMerchant, Captain Abraham Kendal, of whom a good many were wellrecovered, thinking proper, for many reasons, to send home that ship. The disease that consumed our men was the scurvy. Our soldiers, who hadnot been used to the sea, held out best, while our mariners dropt away, which, in my judgment, proceeded from their evil diet at home. Six days after sending home the Royal Merchant from Saldanha bay, ouradmiral, Captain Raymond, in the Penelope, and Captain James Lancasterin the Edward Bonadventure, set forward to double the Cape of Good Hope, which they now did very readily. When we had passed as far as CapeCorientes, on the east coast of Africa, at the entry into the channel ofMozambique, we encountered a dreadful storm, with excessive gusts ofwind, during which we lost sight of our admiral, and could never hear ofhim nor his ship more, though we used our best endeavours to seek him, by plying up and down a long while, and afterwards staid for him severaldays at the island of Comoro, which we had appointed our rendezvous incase of separation. Four days after this unfortunate separation, we hada tremendous clap of thunder at ten o'clock one morning, which slew fourof our men outright, without speaking one word, their necks being wrungasunder. Of 94 other men, not one remained untouched, some being struckblind, some bruised in their arms and legs, others in their breasts, sothat they voided blood for two days: some were as it were drawn out inlength, as if racked. But, God be praised, they all recovered, exceptthe four men who were struck dead. With the same flash of lightning ourmainmast was terribly split from the head to the deck, some of thespikes that went ten inches into the wood being melted by the ferventheat. From thence[13] we shaped our course north-east, and not long afterwardsfell in with the north-west point[14] of the island of St Lawrence, orMadagascar, which, by God's blessing, one of our men espied late in theevening by moonlight. [Footnote 13: The place of shaping this course is by no means obvious. It could not be from Comoro, which is farther north than the north endof Madagascar, and was therefore probably from near Cape Corientes. --E. ] [Footnote 14: From the sequel, the text is certainly not accurate inthis place, as they were not so far as this cape by 100 leagues. Itprobably was Cape St Andrews. --E. ] Seeing from afar the breaking of the sea, he called to some of hiscomrades, asking what it meant, when they told him it was the seabreaking upon shoals or rocks, upon which we put about ship in goodtime, to avoid the danger we were like to have incurred. Continuing ourvoyage, it was our lot to overshoot Mozambique, and to fall in with_Quitangone_, two leagues farther north, where we took three or fourbarks belonging to the Moors, laden with millet, hens, and ducks, goingas provisions for Mozambique, and having one Portuguese boy on board. These barks are called _pangaias_ in their language. Within a few days after, we came to an island called Comoro, which wefound exceedingly populous, the inhabitants being tawny Moors, of goodstature, but very treacherous, and requiring to be sharply looked after. Being desirous of procuring fresh water, of which we stood in greatneed, we sent sixteen of our men, well armed, on shore, whom the nativesallowed very quietly to land and take the water. A good many of themcame on board, along with their king, who was dressed in a gown ofcrimson satin, reaching to the knee, pinked after the Moorish fashion. We entertained him in the best manner we could, and had some conferencewith him as to the state of the place and merchandise, using thePortuguese boy we had taken as our interpreter. We then dismissed theking and his company courteously, and sent our boat on shore again forwater, when also they dispatched their business quietly, and returned. Athird time the boat went for the same purpose, and returned unmolested. We now thought ourselves sufficiently provided; but our master, WilliamMace, of Ratcliff, pretending that it might be long before we shouldfind any good watering-place, would needs go again on shore, muchagainst the will of our captain. He went accordingly with sixteen men ina boat, which were all we had, other sixteen of our men being on shorewith our other boat, washing their clothes, directly over against ourship. The perfidious Moors attacked all these men, who were mostly slainin our sight, while we could not yield them the smallest aid, as we hadnow no boat. Going from thence with heavy hearts on the 7th November, we shaped ourcourse for the island of Zanzibar, where we arrived shortly after, andthere made ourselves a new boat, of such boards as we had in our ship. We continued here till the 15th of February, 1591, during which time wesaw several _pangaias_, or boats, of the Moors, which are pinned withwooden pins, and sewed together with cords made of the palmito, andcaulked with the husks of the cocoa-nut, beaten into a substance likeoakum. At length a Portuguese pangaia came out of the harbour ofZanzibar, where they have a small factory, and sent a Moor to us who hadbeen christened, bringing with him a letter in a canoe, in which theydesired to know what we were, and what was our business. We sent themback word that we were Englishmen, who had come from Don Antonio, uponbusiness to his friends in the East Indies. They returned with thisanswer to their factory, and would never more look near us. Not longafter this we manned our boat, and took a pangaia belonging to theMoors, in which was one of their priests, called in their language a_sherife_, [15] whom we used very courteously. The king took this in verygood part, having his priests in high estimation, and furnished us withtwo months' provisions for his ransom, during all which time we detainedhim on board. From these Moors we were informed of the false andspiteful dealing of the Portuguese towards us, as they had given out wewere barbarous people, and canibals, desiring the Moors, as they lovedtheir safety, not to come near us; using these contrivances to cut usoff from all knowledge of the state and commerce of the country. [Footnote 15: _Sheríf, sharíf, _ in Arabic, more properly denotes one ofthe descendants of Mahomet. --Astl. 1. 287. B. ] While we rode from the end of November till the middle of February inthis harbour, which has sufficient water for a ship of 500 tons, we oneday attempted to take a Portuguese pangaia; but as our boat was so smallthat our men had not room to move, and as they were armed with ten goodguns, like fowling-pieces, we were not able to take them. For theexcellence of its harbour and watering-place; its plenty of fish, ofwhich we took great store with our nets; for sundry sorts of fruits, ascocoa-nuts and others, which were brought to us in abundance by theMoors; and for oxen and poultry, this place is well worth beingcarefully sought after by such of our ships as shall hereafter pass thisway; but our people had good need to beware of the Portuguese. While welay here their admiral of the coast, from Melinda to Mozambique, cameto view us, and would have taken our boat, if he had found anopportunity. He was in a galley frigate, or armed pinnace, with eight ornine oars of a side. We were advertised of the strength of this galley, and their treacherous intentions, by an Arabian Moor, who camefrequently to us from the King of Zanzibar, about the delivery of thepriest, and afterwards by another Moor, whom we carried from thencealong with us: for, wheresoever we came, we took care to get one or twoof the natives into our hands, to learn the languages and conditions ofthe parts at which we touched. We had at this place another thunder clap, which shivered our foremastvery much, which we fished and repaired with timber from the shore, ofwhich there is abundance, the trees being about forty feet high, thewood red and tough, and, as I suppose, a kind of cedar. At this placeour surgeon, Mr Arnold, negligently caught a great heat, or stroke ofthe sun, in his head, while on land with the master in search of oxen, owing to which he fell sick, and shortly died, though he might have beencured by letting blood before the disease had settled. Before leavingthis place we procured some thousand weight of pitch, or rather a greyand white gum, like frankincense, as clammy as turpentine, which growsblack when melted, and very brittle; but we mixed it with oil, of whichwe had 300 jars from the prize taken to the north of the equator, notfar from Guinea. Six days before leaving Zanzibar, the head merchant ofthe factory sent a letter to our captain, in friendship, as hepretended, requesting a jar of wine, a jar of oil, and two or threepounds of gunpowder. This letter he sent by a negro servant and a Moor, in a canoe. Our captain sent him all he asked by the Moor, but took thenegro along with us, as we understood he had been formerly in theIndies, and knew something of the country. By this negro we wereadvertised of a small bark of some thirty tons, called _junco_ by theMoors, which was come hither from Goa, laden with pepper for thefactory, and for sale in that kingdom. Having put our ship into as good order as we could, while we lay in theroad of Zanzibar, we set sail for India on the 15th of February, 1592, as said before, intending, if we could, to have reached Cape Comorin, the head-land, or promontory, of the main-land of Malabar, and there tohave lain off and on for such ships as should pass from Ceylon, SanThome. Bengal, Pegu, Malacca, the Moluccas, China, or Japan, which shipsare full of wealth and riches. But in our course we were much deceivedby the currents, which set into the gulf of Arabia, all along the coastof Melinda; and the winds so scanted upon us from the east andnorth-east, that we could not get off, and set us to the northward, within fourscore leagues of Socotoro, far from our destined course. During all this time we never wanted dolphins, bonitos, and flyingfishes. Finding ourselves thus far to the northward, and the seasonbeing far spent, we determined upon going to the Red Sea, or the islandof Socotoro, both for refreshment and to look out for some purchase, (prize). But, while in this mind, the wind fortunately sprung up atnorth-west, and carried us direct for Cape Comorin. Before doubling that cape, it was our intention to touch at the islandsof _Mamale_[16] in 12° of N. Lat. At one of which we were informed wemight procure provisions. But it was not our luck to find it, partly bythe obstinacy of our master; for the day before we should have fallen inwith part of these islands, the wind shifted to the south-west, and wemissed finding it. As the wind now became more southerly, we feared notbeing able to double the cape, which would have greatly hazarded ourbeing cast away upon the coast of Malabar, the winter season and westernmonsoon being already come in, which monsoon continues on that coasttill August. But it pleased God that the wind came about more westerly, so that in May, 1592, we happily doubled Cape Comorin, without being insight of the coast of India. Having thus doubled the cape, we directedour course for the islands of Nicobar, which lie north and south withthe western part of Sumatra, and in lat. 7° N. [17] We ran from CapeComorin to the meridian of these islands in six days, having a verylarge wind, though with foul weather, excessive rain, and gusts of wind. [Footnote 16: Perhaps the Maldives are here meant; but the northernextremity of that group is in lat. 7° N. , and the latitude of 10°, whichreaches to the southernmost of the Lakedives, is very far out of the wayfor doubling Cape Comorin. --E. ] [Footnote 17: The Nicobar Islands are in 8° N. ; but Great Sambelong isin the latitude mentioned in the text, and may have been considered asbelonging to the Nicobar group. --E. ] Through the negligence of our master, by not taking due observation ofthe south star, we missed these islands, falling to the southward ofthem, within sight of the islands of _Gomes Polo_, [18] immediately offthe great island of Sumatra, it being then the 1st of June; and we laytwo or three days becalmed at the north-east side of these islands, hoping to have procured a pilot from the island of Sumatra, which was insight, within two leagues of us. Winter now coming on, with muchtempestuous weather, we directed our course for the islands of _PuloPinao_:[19] it is to be noted that Pulo, in the Malayan language, signifies island. We arrived there early in June, and came to anchor ina very good harbour between three islands. At this time our men werevery sick, and many of them fallen; and we determined to remain heretill the winter were well over. This place is in lat. 5° 15' N. Andabout five leagues from the main land, between Malacca and Tanaserim, belonging to Pegu. [Footnote 18: Probably the islands now called Pulo Brasse, and PuloWay. --E. ] [Footnote 19: Most probably the same with Pulo Pinang, now called Princeof Wales's Island: the Portuguese orthography being used in the text, inwhich language _ao_, or rather _aom_, as in the next section, has oarsound of _ang_. --E. ] We remained at this place till the end of August, our refreshments beingvery small, consisting only of oysters, growing on the rocks, greatwilks, or conchs, and a few fish, which we took with hooks and lines. Welanded our sick upon one of these uninhabited islands, for the sake oftheir health, yet twenty-six of them died here, among whom was JohnHall, our master, and Rainald Golding, a merchant of much honesty anddiscretion. There are abundance of trees in these islands of white wood, so tall and straight as to be well fitted for masts, being often anhundred feet long. When winter was past, and our ship fitted for goingto sea, we had only now remaining thirty-three men and one boy, twenty-two only of whom were sound and fit for labour, and not above athird even of these were mariners. Being under the necessity of seekingsome place for refreshments, we went over to the main-land of Malacca, and came next day to anchor in a bay two leagues from the shore. Thenour captain, Mr James Lancaster, with his lieutenant, Mr Edmund Barker, the author of this narrative, having manned the boat, went on shore, tosee if we could fall in with any inhabitants. On landing, we could seethe tracks of some barefooted people, who had been there not longbefore, for their foe was still burning; yet we could see no people, nor any living creature, except a fowl called oxbird, being a greysea-bird, in colour like a _snipe_, but different in the beak. Being byno means shy, we killed about eight dozen of them with small shot, andhaving spent the day fruitlessly, we went on board in the evening. About two o'clock next day we saw a canoe, in which were about sixteennaked Indians, who came near us, but would not come on board; yet, goingafterwards on shore, we had some friendly converse with them, and theypromised to bring us victuals. Next morning we espied three ships, allof them about sixty or seventy tons burden, one of which surrenderedeven to our boat; and understanding that they were of the city ofMartaban, a chief sea-port of the great city of Pegu, and that the goodsbelonged to some Portuguese jesuits, and a biscuit-baker of that nation, we took that ship; but as the other two were laden on account ofmerchants of Pegu, we let them go. Having this other along with us, wecame to anchor together at night; and in the night time all her men, being mostly natives of Pegu, fled away in their boat, except twelve, whom we had taken on board our ship. Next day we weighed anchor, andwent to leeward of an island hard by, where we took out her lading ofpepper, which they had taken on board at Pera, a place on the main-land, thirty leagues to the south. We likewise stopt another ship of Pegu, laden with pepper; but finding her cargo to belong to native merchantsof Pegu, we dismissed her untouched. Having employed about ten days in removing the goods from the prize intoour own ship, and our sick men being greatly refreshed, and strengthenedby the relief we had found in the prize, we weighed anchor about thebeginning of September, determining to run into the straits of Malacca, to the islands called Pulo Sambilam, about forty-five leagues north fromthe city of Molucca, past which islands the Portuguese ships mustnecessarily pass on their voyages from Goa, or San Thome, for theMoluccas, China, or Japan. After cruizing off and on here for aboutfive-days, we one Sunday espied a Portuguese ship of 250 tons, fromNegapatnam, a town on the main-land of India, opposite the northern endof Ceylon, laden with rice for Malacca, and took her that night. CaptainLancaster ordered her captain and master on board our ship, and sent me, Edmund Barker, his lieutenant, with seven men, to take charge of theprize. We came to anchor in thirty fathoms, as in all that channel thereis good anchorage three or four leagues from shore. While thus at anchor, and keeping out a light for the Edward, anotherPortuguese ship of 400 tons, belonging to San Thome, came to anchor hardby us. The Edward had fallen to leeward, for want of a sufficient numberof men to handle her sails, and was not able next morning to fetch up tothis other ship, until we who were in the prize went in our boat to helpher. We then made sail towards the ship of San Thome: but our ship wasso foul that she escaped us. We then took out of our prize what wethought might be useful to us, after which we liberated her with all hermen, except a pilot and four Moors, whom we detained to assist innavigating the Edward. We continued to cruize here till the 6th ofOctober, at which time we met the galeon of the captain of Malacca, aship of 700 tons, coming from Goa. After shooting at her many times, weat length shot through her main-yard, on which she came to anchor andsurrendered. We then commanded the captain, master, pilot, and purser tocome on board our ship; but only the captain came, accompanied by onesoldier, saying that the others would not come, unless sent for; buthaving got to some distance from us in the evening, all the people ofthe ship, to the number of about 300, men, women, and children, got onshore in two great boats, and we saw no more of them. When we came on board, we found she was armed with sixteen brass cannon. She had 300 butts of wine, Canary, Nipar wine, which is made of thepalm-trees, and raisin-wine, which is very strong. She had likewise anassortment of all kind of haberdashery wares; as hats, red caps, knit ofSpanish wool, knit worsted stockings, shoes, velvets, camblets, andsilks; abundance of _surkets_, (sweet-meats, ) rice, Venice glasses, papers full of false and counterfeit stones, brought from Venice by anItalian, wherewith to deceive the rude Indians, abundance of playingcards, two or three bales of French paper, and sundry other things. Whatbecame of the treasure usually brought in this vessel, in ryals ofplate, we could not learn. After the mariners had pillaged this richship in a disorderly manner, as they refused to unlade the excellentwines into the Edward, Captain Lancaster abandoned the prize, lettingher drive at sea, after taking out of her the choicest of her goods. Being afraid that we might be attacked by a greatly superior force fromMalacca, we now departed from the neighbourhood of the Sambilam islands, and went to a bay in the kingdom of Junkseylon, between Malacca andPegu, in the lat. Of 8° N. We here sent on shore the soldier who hadbeen left on board our ship by the captain of the galeon, because hecould speak the Malay language, to deal with the people for pitch, ofwhich we were in much need, which he did very faithfully, procuring twoor three quintals, with promise of more, and several of the natives cameoff along with him to our ship. We sent commodities to their king, tobarter for ambergris and the horns of the _abath_, the trade in both ofwhich articles is monopolized by the king of this country. This _abath_is a beast having only one horn in her forehead, thought to be thefemale _unicorn_, and the horn is highly prized by all the Moors inthose parts, as a most sovereign remedy against poison. [20] We got twoor three of these horns, and a reasonable quantity of ambergris. Atlength the king was disposed to detain the Portuguese soldier and ourmerchandise treacherously; but he told the king that we had gilt armour, shirts of mail, and halberts, which things they prize greatly, and inhope of procuring some of these he was allowed to return on board. [21] [Footnote 20: This _Abath_, or _Abadia_, is the Rhinoceros Monoceros, orOne-horned Rhinoceros. The virtue of the horn, mentioned in the text, isaltogether imaginary. --E. ] [Footnote 21: At this place Hakluyt makes the following remark on themargin:--"Some small quantity of these things might be carried out topleasure those kings. "] Leaving this coast, we returned in sight of Sumatra, and went thence tothe islands of Nicobar, which we found inhabited by Moors. After we cameto anchor, the people came daily on board in their canoes, bringingfowls, cocoas, plantains, and other fruits; and within two days theybrought ryals of plate, which they gave us in exchange for calicutcloth. They find these ryals by diving for them in the sea, having beenthere lost in two Portuguese ships not long before, that were cast awaywhen bound for China. In their language the cocoa-nut is called_calambo_; the plantain, _pison_; a hen, _jam_; a fish, _iccan_; and ahog, _babee_. Departing from the Nicobar Islands on the 21st November, we made sail for the island of Ceylon, where we arrived about the 3dDecember, 1592, and anchored on its south side, in six fathoms water, but lost our anchor, as the ground was foul and rocky. We then ran alongthe south-west side of the island, and anchored at a place called _Puntadel Galle_, meaning to remain there in waiting for the Bengal fleet ofseven or eight ships, the Pegu fleet of two or three, and the ships fromTanaserim, a great bay to the south of Martaban, in the kingdom of Siam, which ships, according to different informations we had got, wereexpected to come this way within fourteen days, with commodities for thecaraks, which usually depart from Cochin, on the homeward voyage, aboutthe middle of January. The commodities of the ships which come from Bengal are, fine pavilionsfor beds, wrought quilts, fine cotton cloth, _pintados_, (paintedchintz, ) and other fine goods, together with rice; and they usually makethis voyage twice a year. The ships from Pegu bring the most preciousjewels, as rubies and diamonds; but their principal lading is rice andcertain cloths. Those from Tanaserim are chiefly freighted with rice andNipar wine, which is very strong, and as colourless as rock water, witha somewhat whitish tinge, and very hot in taste, like _aqua vitae_. [22]We came to anchor at Punta Galle, in foul ground, so that we lay allthat night a-drift, having only two anchors left, which were in thehold, and had no stocks. Upon this our men took occasion to insist upongoing home, our captain at that time being very sick, and more likely todie than recover. In the morning we set our foresail, meaning to bear upto the northward, standing off and on to keep away from the current, which otherwise would have set us to the south, away from, all knownland. When the foresail was set, and we were about to hand our othersails, to accomplish our before-mentioned purpose, our men unanimouslydeclared that they would stay no longer in this country, and insistedupon directing our course for England; and as they would listen to nopersuasions, the captain was under the necessity of giving way to theirdemand, leaving all hope of the great possibility we had of making somerich prizes. [Footnote 22: Most probably what we now call arrack is here meant. --E. ] Accordingly, on the 8th of December, 1592, we made sail for the Cape ofGood Hope, passing the Maldive Islands, and leaving the great island ofSt Lawrence to starboard, or on our right hand; we passed its southernend in lat. 26° S. In our passage from the island of St Lawrence, orMadagascar, to the main-land of Africa, we found immense quantities ofbonitos and albicores, which, are large fishes, and of which ourcaptain, who was now recovered from his sickness, took as many with ahook in two or three hours as would have served forty persons a wholeday. This _skole_ of fish continued with us for five or six weeks, inall which time we took every day as many as sufficed our whole company, which was no small refreshment to us. In February, 1593, we fell in with the eastern coast of Africa, at aplace called _Baia de Agoa_, something more than 100 leagues to thenorth-east of the Cape of Good Hope; and having contrary winds, we spenta month before we could double the cape. After doubling that cape inMarch, we steered for the island of St Helena, where we arrived on the3d of April, and remained there to our great comfort nineteen days, inwhich time several individuals amongst us caught thirty sizeable congersin a day, with other rock fish, and some bonitos. I, Edmund Barker, wentone day on shore, with four or five _Peguers_ and our surgeon, where Ifound an Englishman in a house near the chapel, one John Segar, of Bury, in Suffolk, who was left there eighteen months before by Abraham Kendal;who put in there with the Royal Merchant, and who left him there torefresh on the island, being like to perish on shipboard. At our cominghe was fresh in colour, and seemed in perfect health of body; but he wascrazed in mind, and half out of his wits, as appeared afterwards. Whether it was that he was terrified at our arrival, not knowing atfirst whether we were friends or foes, or if sudden joy so affected himon finding again his countrymen and old comrades, I know not, but hebecame quite light headed, and during eight days and nights he could notget any natural rest, so that he died for lack of sleep. At this placetwo of our men recovered their health in a short time, one of whom wasdiseased with the scurvy, and the other had been nine months sick of theflux. We found abundance of green figs, fine oranges and lemons, plentyof goats and hogs, and numbers of partridges, pintados, and other wildfowls. Having now supplied the ship with fresh water, and having somestore of fish, our discontented mariners insisted upon resuming thevoyage home; and our captain, being inclined to go for Fernambuco, inBrasil, agreed to their request. We departed therefore from St Helenaabout the 12th April, 1593, directing our course for the Brasils; andnext day, on calling the sailors to finish a foresail they had then inhand, some of them declared they would not put their hands to any thing, unless the ship's course was directed for England; so that he wasobliged to follow their humour, henceforwards directing our coursetowards our own country, which we continued to do till we came to lat. 8° N. Between the equator and which latitude we spent about six weeks, with perpetual calms or contrary winds from the north, sometimesnorth-east and north-west; owing to which loss of time, and our smallstore of provisions, we were very doubtful of being able to keep ourcourse. At this time some of our men became very mutinous, threateningto break up other people's chests, to the entire consumption of ourprovisions and ourselves; for every man had now his share of provisionsin his own custody, that they might know what they had to trust to, andhusband that the more thriftily. Anxious to prevent the occurrence of absolute famine, and being informedby one of the ship's company who had been at the island of Trinidada, ina voyage with Mr Chudlei, and that we might be sure of having provisionsthere, our captain directed the course for that island; but not knowingthe currents, we overshot it in the night, getting into the gulf ofParia, in which we were for eight days, unable to get out again, as thecurrent constantly set in, and our ship was often in three fathomswater. At length the current put us over to the western side of thegully under the main-land, so that by keeping close in shore, and havingthe wind off the land in the night, we got out to the northward. Beingnow clear, we came in four or five days to the isle of _Mona_, where weanchored and remained about eighteen days, during which time the Indiansof Mona gave us some victuals. In the mean time there arrived a Frenchship of Caen, in Normandy, of which one Monsieur de Barbaterre wascaptain, from whom we bought two butts of wine, with some bread, andother provisions. We then watered and repaired our ship, stopping agreat leak that sprung upon us while beating out of the gulf of Paria;and being thus in readiness for sea, we determined upon going to theisland of Newfoundland: but, before we could put this in execution, there arose a great storm from the north, which drove us from ouranchor, and forced us to the southwards of San Domingo. We were thatnight in great danger of shipwreck upon an island called _Savona_, whichis environed with flats for four or five miles all round; yet it pleasedGod to enable us to clear them, when we directed our course westwards, along the southern shore of St Domingo, and having doubled CapeTiberoon, we passed through the old channel between St Domingo and Cuba, shaping our course for Cape Florida. In this part of our course we again met with the Caen ship, which couldnow spare us no more victuals; but having some hides, which he had takenin traffic among the islands, we were glad to procure them, and gave himfor them to his contentment. After this we passed Cape Florida, andclearing the Bahama channel, we directed our course for Newfoundland. Running to the lat. Of 36° N. And as far east as the isle of Bermuda, wefound the winds, on the 17th September, very variable, contrary toexpectation and all men's writings, so that we lay there a day or twowith a north wind, which continually increased, till it blew a storm, which continued twenty-four hours with such violence that it carriedaway our sails, though furled, and occasioned the ship to take in muchwater, so that we had six feet water in our hold. Having freed our shipby baling, the wind shifted to the north-west, and somewhat dulled; butpresently after the storm renewed with such violence, and our shiplaboured so hard, that we lost our foremast, and our ship became as fullof water as before. When the storm ceased, the wind remained as much contrary as ever, onwhich we consulted together how we might best save our lives. Ourvictuals were now utterly spent; and as we had subsisted for the lastsix or seven days entirely on hides, we thought it best to bear awayback again for Dominica and the adjoining islands, as we might therehave some relief. Upon this we turned back for these islands; but beforewe could get there the wind scanted upon us, so that we were in theutmost extremity for want of water and provisions; wherefore we wereforced to bear away to the westwards, to the islands called _LasNueblas_, or the Cloudy Islands, towards the isle of _San Juan de PortoRico_. At these islands we found land-crabs and fresh water, andsea-tortoises, or turtle, which come mostly on land about full noon. Having refreshed ourselves there for seventeen or eighteen days, andhaving supplied our ship with fresh water and some provision of turtle, we resolved to return again for Mona, upon which determination five ofour men left us, remaining on the isles of Nueblas, in spite of everything we could say to the contrary. These men came afterwards home in anEnglish ship. Departing from the Nueblas, we arrived again at Mona about the 20thDecember, 1593, and came to anchor there towards two or three in themorning. The captain and I, with a few others, went on shore to thedwelling of an old Indian and his three sons, thinking to procure somefood, our victuals being all expended, so that we could not possiblyproceed without a supply. We spent two or three days on shore, seekingprovisions to carry on board for the relief of our people; and on goingto the shore, for the purpose of returning with these to the ship, thewind being somewhat northerly and the sea rough, our people could notcome near the shore with the boat, which was small and feeble, andunable to row in a rough sea. We remained therefore till the nextmorning, in hopes there might then be less wind and smoother sea. Butabout twelve o'clock that night our ship drove away to sea, having onlyfive men and a boy, our carpenter having secretly cut the cable, leavingnineteen of us on shore, to our great distress, having no boat or anything else. In this miserable situation we reposed our trust in God, who had manytimes before succoured us in our greatest extremity, and contentingourselves with our poor estate, sought for the means of preserving ourlives. As one place was unable to sustain us, we divided ourselves intoseveral companies, six of us remaining with our captain. The greatestrelief that we could find during twenty-nine days was the stalks ofpurselin, boiled in water, with now and then a pompion, or gourd, whichwe found in the garden of the old Indian, who, on this our secondarrival, fled with his three sons, and kept himself continually aloft onthe mountains. At the end of these twenty-nine days we espied a Frenchship, which we afterwards learnt was the Louisa, of Dieppe, commanded bya Monsieur Felix. As a signal to this ship we made a fire, at sight ofwhich he took in his top-sails, and bore up for the land, shewing hisFrench colours. Then coming to anchor at the Western end of the island, we came down with all speed towards him; and the old Indian, with histhree sons, now joined us, and accompanied us towards the ship. Thisnight Captain Lancaster went on board the ship, where he received goodentertainment; and next morning they fetched other eleven of us onboard, and used us all very courteously. This day came another French ship belonging to Dieppe, which remainedtill night, expecting our other seven men to come down; but thoughseveral shots were fired to call them, none of them came. Next morning, therefore, we departed thence for the north side of St Domingo, where weremained till April, 1594, spending two months in traffic, uponpermission, with the inhabitants, for hides and other articles, six ofus being in one of the ships and six in the other. In this time we werejoined by a third French ship of Newhaven, by which we had intelligenceof the seven men who were left by us at the island of Mona. Two of themhad broken their necks by clambering on the cliffs to catch fowls; otherthree were slain by the Spaniards, who came over from St Domingo, havingreceived information of our being on Mona, from our people who went awayin the Edward; the other two were in this ship of Newhaven, which hadrelieved them from the bloody hands of the Spaniards. From this place Captain Lancaster and I shipped ourselves in anothership belonging to Dieppe, of which one Monsieur Jean la Noe was captain, being the first that was ready to come away, leaving the rest of our menin the other ships, where they were all well treated. We sailed forEurope on Sunday the 7th April, 1594; and passing through the _Caycos_, we arrived safe in Dieppe in forty-two days after, on the 19th of May. After staying two days to refresh ourselves, giving thanks to God and toour friendly preservers, we took our passage for Rye, where we landed onFriday the 24th May, 1594, having spent in this voyage three years, sixweeks, and two days, which the Portuguese perform in half the time, chiefly because we lost the fit time and season to begin our voyage. We understood, in the East Indies, from certain Portuguese, that theyhave lately discovered the coast of China as high as the latitude of59° N. Finding the sea still open to the northwards, by which greathopes are entertained of finding the north-east or north-west passage. Witness, JAMES LANCASTER. SECTION VII. _Supplementary Account of the former Voyage, by John May_. [23] We departed from Plymouth on the 10th April, 1591, with three tallships; the Penelope, Captain Raimond admiral; the Merchant Royal, Captain Samuel Foxcroft[24] vice-admiral; and the Edward Bonadventure, Captain James Lancaster rear-admiral; on board of which I sailed, together with a small pinnace. In May following we arrived at GranCanaria, one of the Fortunate Islands; and towards the end of thatmonth, being within three degrees of the equator on the north side, wetook a Portuguese ship, bound for Brasil, which tended much to ourrefreshment. The 29th July we came to Saldanha Bay. (_Aguada Saldania_, )a good harbour, near the Cape of Good Hope, where we staid about amonth, and whence we sent home the Merchant Royal for England, becauseof great sickness among our people, with a considerable number of ourweak men. We here bought an ox for a knife worth three-pence, a sheepfor a broken knife, or any other odd trifle, from the natives, who arenegroes, clad in cloaks of raw-hides, both men and women. [Footnote 23: Hakluyt, III. 52. ] [Footnote 24: In the account of this voyage, penned from the relation ofEdmund Barker, forming the immediately preceding section, the captain ofthe Merchant Royal is named Abraham Kendal. --E. ] The 8th of September the Penelope and Edward Bonadventure weighedanchor, and that day we doubled the cape. The 12th following we wereassailed by a fierce tempest, or hurricane; and in the evening we saw agreat sea break over our admiral, the Penelope, which struck out theirlight, and we never saw them any more. In October we in the Edward fellin with the westernmost part of the island of St Lawrence aboutmidnight, not knowing where we were. Next day we came to anchor atQuitangone, a place on the main-land of Africa, two or three leaguesnorth of Mozambique, which is supplied from hence with fresh water. Wehere took a _pangaia_, in which was a Portuguese boy, being a vessellike a barge, with one mat-sail of cocoa-nut leaves. The hull of thisbarge is pinned with wooden pins, and sewed with cord made of the barkof trees. In this pangaia we found a kind of corn called _millio_, ormillet, a considerable number of hens, and some bales of blue calicutcloth. We took the Portuguese boy with us, and dismissed the rest. Fromthis place we went to an island called Comoro, off the coast of Melinda, in about 11° S. , where we staid all November, finding the people blackand comely, but very treacherous; for the day before we left that islandthey killed thirty of our men on shore, among whom was William Mace ourmaster, and two of his mates, one of them being in the boat along withhim to fetch water, and the other on shore, over against the ship. Theyfirst took possession of our boat, and then slaughtered our men. Fromthence we went to the island of Zanzibar, on the coast of Melinda, wherewe staid to winter, till the beginning of February, 1592. The 2d February, 1592, we weighed anchor, and set sail for the EastIndies; but, having calms and contrary winds, we were not able to fetchthe coast of India, near Calicut, till the month of June, by which longdelay many of our men died for want of refreshments. In this month ofJune we came to anchor at the islands of _Pulo Pinaom_, where we staidtill the 1st September, our men being very sick, and dying fast. We setsail that day, directing our course for Malacca, and had not gone far atsea when we took a ship of the kingdom of Pegu, of about eighty tons, having wooden anchors, a crew of about fifty men, and a pinnace of someeighteen tons at her stern, laden with pepper; but the pinnace stolefrom us in the morning in a gust of wind. We might likewise have takentwo other Pegu vessels, laden with pepper and rice. In this month alsowe took a great Portuguese ship of six or seven hundred tons, chieflyladen with victuals, but having chests of hats, pintados, and calicutcloths. [25] We took likewise another Portuguese ship, of some hundredtons, laden with victuals, rice, white and painted cotton cloth, (orcalicoes and chintzes, ) and other commodities. These ships were boundfor Malacca, mostly laden with victuals, as that place is victualledfrom Goa, San Thome, and other places in India, provisions being veryscarce in its own neighbourhood. [Footnote 25: Painted and white calicoes or cotton cloths. --E. ] In November, 1592, we steered for the Nicobar Islands, some degrees tothe north-west of the famous island of Sumatra, at which islands wefound good refreshment, as the inhabitants, who are Mahometans, came onboard of us in their canoes, with hens, cocoas, plantains, and otherfruits; and within two days brought ryals of plate, which they gave usfor cotton cloth, which ryals they procured by diving in the sea, havingbeen lost not long before in two Portuguese ships bound for China, thathad been there cast away. Our ship's company was now so much wasted bysickness, that we resolved to turn back to Ceylon, for which purpose weweighed anchor in November, and arrived off Ceylon about the end of thatmonth. In this island grows excellent cinnamon; and the best diamonds inthe world are found there. Our captain proposed to have staid at thisisland to make up our voyage, of which he had great hope, in consequenceof certain intelligence we had received; but our company, now reduced tothirty-three men and boys, mutinied, and would not stay, insisting upongoing home, and our captain was very sick, and like to die. We accordingly set sail, homeward bound, on the 8th December, 1592; butsome days before our arrival within sight of the Cape of Good Hope, wewere forced to divide our bread, to each man his portion, in his ownkeeping, as certain flies had devoured most of it before we were aware. We had now only thirty-one pounds of bread a man to carry us to England, with a small quantity of rice daily. We doubled the Cape of Good Hope onthe 31st March, 1593, and came next month to anchor at the island of StHelena, where we found an Englishman, a tailor, who had been therefourteen months. Having sent ten men on shore in the boat, they foundthis man in the chapel, into which he had gone to avoid the heat; andhearing some one sing in the chapel, whom our people supposed to havebeen a Portuguese, they thrust open the door, and went in upon him: butthe poor man, on seeing so many men of a sudden, and believing them tobe Portuguese, was at first in great fear, not having seen a human beingfor fourteen months, and afterwards knowing them to be English, andsome of them his acquaintance, he became exceeding joyful, insomuchthat between sudden and excessive fear and joy, he became distracted inhis wits, to our great sorrow. We here found the carcasses of fortygoats, which he had dried. The party which left him had made for him twosuits of goats'-skins, with the hairy side outmost, like the dressesworn by the savages of Canada. This man lived till we came to the WestIndies, and then died. We remained at St Helena all the month of April, and arrived at theisland of Trinidada, in the West Indies, in June, 1593, hoping toprocure some refreshments there, but could not, as the Spaniards hadtaken possession. We got here embayed between the island and the main;and, for want of victuals, our company would have forsaken the ship, onwhich our captain had to swear every man not to forsake her till themost urgent necessity. It pleased God to deliver us from this bay, called _Boca del Dragone_, from whence we directed our course for theisland of _San Juan de Puerto Rico_, but fell in with the small islandof Mona, between Porto Rico and Hispaniola, where we remained aboutfifteen days, procuring some small refreshment. There arrived here aship of Caen, in Normandy, of which Monsieur Charles de la Barbotierewas captain, who greatly comforted us by a supply of bread and otherprovisions, of which we were greatly in need, after which we parted. Having foul weather at Mona, we weighed anchor and set sail, directingour course for Cape Tiberoon, at the west end of Hispaniola; and, indoubling that cape, we had so violent a gust of wind from the shore, that it carried away all our sails from the yards, leaving us only onenew fore-course, the canvass of which we had procured from theFrenchman. Having doubled the cape in that distress, thebefore-mentioned Captain de la Barbotiere gave us chase with hispinnace; and when come near, I went on board to inform him of ourdistress; and he now said, there was nothing in his ship but what hewould spare for our assistance; so we agreed with him for some canvass. He said likewise, if we would accompany him to a harbour called_Gonnavy_, [26] to the northward of Tiberoon, that he would procure usplenty of fresh provisions. I went back to our ship, and reported thisto our captain, who made it known to the company, and it was unanimouslyagreed to go there, which was done accordingly. We remained therefifteen days along with the Frenchman, but could get very smallrefreshment, as the Spaniards were in great fear of the Frenchman, supposing him a man of war, and that our ship was Portuguese, which hehad captured, and could not be persuaded to the contrary by any thing hecould say. Thus staying long, and procuring very little refreshment, ourpeople begun to grow mutinous, pretending that the captain and I went onboard the Frenchman to make good chear ourselves, taking no care ofthem; but I protest before God that our sole care was to procurevictuals that we might leave him. [Footnote 26: Hakluyt, on the margin, gives _Guanaba_ as a synonime: itwas probably Gonaives' Bay, in the northern part of the west end ofHispaniola. --E. ] In the mean time a great part of our people entered into a conspiracy toseize the Frenchman's pinnace, and with her to board the French ship;but while this was concerting among them, one of themselves went onboard the Frenchman, and revealed the plot. Upon this Monsieur de laBarbotiere sent for the captain and me to dine with him. We wentaccordingly, and remained all the afternoon, being invited likewise tosupper. While we were at supper the French captain did not come to usfor a long time, and when he at length came into the cabin, he told uswe must either leave him, or he must go seek another port. InformingCaptain Lancaster of this, he desired me to say, that rather as be anyhindrance to him we would depart. While we were thus talking together, the Frenchman weighed and set sail, which we perceived, and asked whathe meant. He said he proposed to keep us as his sureties, because ourmen had plotted to seize his ship, as before mentioned. When the French ship came athwart ours, it blowing then a stiff breeze, their boat, which was astern, and had in her two Moors and two Peguers, whom we had given to them, broke away. The French captain was now worsethan before, and threatened sore to make us pay for his voyage. Seeingus pass, the Edward weighed and set sail, meaning to go for England; andthe people shared among them all the captain's victuals and mine, whenthey saw us kept as prisoners. Next morning the French ship went in search of her pinnace, which was at_Laguna_, and on firing a gun she came off, having three of our peopleon board, Edmund Barker our lieutenant, one John West, and RichardLackland, one of our mutineers. Of this I told the French captain, whichLackland could not deny but that such a scheme was intended. I was thenput into the French pinnace to seek their boat, while they went to seeif they could overtake our ship. Next day we all met at Cape St Nicholas, but could hear no tidings ofthe French boat. As there were Spaniards and negroes on board our ship, Captain de la Barbotiere requested to have them; on which our captaindesired him to send his boat for them, and he might have them with allhis heart. After much ado this was done, and they were brought on board. He then demanded of these people if his boat were in our ship, and beingassured she was not, we became good friends again, to our great joy. The12th August, 1593, our captain was again sent on board his own ship;but, before his departure, he requested the French captain to take mehome with him, that I might certify to the owners all that had passed inour unfortunate voyage, as also the mutinous behaviour of our crew. Accordingly we took our leaves of each other, the Edward setting sailfor England, while we in the French ship bore up again for _Gonnavy_, orGonaives, where we afterwards found the French boat. [27] [Footnote 27: In this part of the narrative, May is somewhat differentfrom that formerly given from Edmund Barker, in the preceding section, or rather he is more minutely particular. The remainder of the narrativehas no farther connection with the unfortunate Edward Bonadventure. --E. ] The last of November, 1593, Monsieur de la Barbotiere departed from aport called Laguna, in Hispaniola. The 17th of December we had themisfortune to be cast away on the north-west part of the island ofBermuda, about midnight. At noon of that day the pilots reckonedthemselves twelve leagues to the south of that island, and certifyingthe captain that the ship was out of all danger, they demanded andreceived their _wine of height_. [28] After having their wine, it wouldseem that they became careless of their charge, so that through theirdrunkenness and negligence a number of good men were cast away. Itpleased God that I, a stranger among above fifty Frenchmen and others, was among those who were saved: I trust to his service and glory. Atfirst we comforted ourselves in the hope that we were wrecked hard bythe shore of the island, being high cliffs; but we found ourselves sevenleagues off. By means of our boat, and a raft which we made, abouttwenty-six of us were saved, among whom I was the only Englishman. Beingamong so many strangers, and seeing there was not room for half thepeople, I durst neither press to get into the boat or upon the raft, lest they should have thrown me overboard or killed me; so I remained inthe ship, which, was almost full of water, till the captain called meinto the boat, in which he was; so I presently entered, leaving thebetter half of our company to the mercy of the sea. [Footnote 28: Probably alluding to some customary perquisite on gettingsafely through the dangerous navigation of the Bahama Islands. --E. ] We rowed all day, and an hour or two of the night, towing the raft afterus, before we got to land: and, being all that day without drink, everyman dispersed in search of water, but it was long before any was found. At length one of the pilots, by digging among a tuft of weeds, foundwater, to our great comfort. As there are many fine bays in this island, I think abundance of fresh water might be got by digging for it. Bermudais all divided into broken islets; the largest, upon which I was, mightbe about four or five miles long, by two and a half miles over, allcovered with wood, as cedar and other kinds, but cedar is the mostabundant. It pleased God, before our ship broke to pieces, that we saved ourcarpenter's tools, otherwise we must have remained on the island. Withthese tools we went immediately to work, cutting down trees, of which webuilt a small bark of about eighteen tons, almost entirely fastened withtrunnels, having very few nails. As for tackle, we made a trip to ourship in the boat, before she split, cutting down her shrouds, and someof her sails and other tackle, by which means we rigged our bark. Instead of pitch, we made some lime, which we mixed with oil oftortoises; and as soon as the carpenters had caulked a seam, I andanother, with small sticks, plastered the mortar into the seams, andbeing fine dry warm weather, in the month of April, it became dry, andas hard as stone, as soon as laid on. Being very hot and dry weather, wewere afraid our water might fail us, and made therefore the more hasteto get away. Before our departure, we built two great wooden chests, well caulked, which we stowed on each side of our mast, into which weput our provision of water, together with thirteen live sea-tortoisesfor our food during the voyage, which we proposed for Newfoundland. There are hogs in the south part of Bermuda; but they were so lean, owing to the barrenness of the island, that we could not eat them. Ityielded us, however, abundance of fowl, fish, and tortoises. To theeastwards this island has very good harbours, so that a ship of 200 tonsmight ride in them, perfectly land-locked, and with enough of water. This island also has as good pearl-fishing as any in the West Indies;but is subject to foul weather, as thunder, lightning, and rain. InApril and part of May, however, when we were there, the weather was hot, and quite fair. On the 11th of May it pleased God that we got clear of this island, tothe no small joy of us all, after we had lived in it for five months. The 20th of that month we fell in with the land near Cape Breton, wherewe ran into a fresh water river, of which there are many on this coast, and took in wood, water, and ballast. Here the people of the countrycame to us, being cloathed in furs, with the hair side inwards, andbrought with them sundry sorts of furs to sell, together with greatquantities of wild ducks; and as some of our company had saved a fewsmall beads, we bought a few of their ducks. We staid only about fourhours at this place, which seemed a very good country, as we saw veryfine champaign ground and woods. We ran from this place to the Banks ofNewfoundland, where we met several vessels, none of which would take usin. At length, by the blessing of God, we fell in with a bark belongingto Falmouth, which received us all for a short time; and in her weovertook a French ship, in which I left my dear friend, Captain de laBarbotiere, and all his company, remaining myself in the English bark, in which I arrived at Falmouth in August, 1594. SECTION VIII. _The unfortunate Voyage of Captain Benjamin Wood, towards the EastIndies, in_ 1596. [29] INTRODUCTION. In the year 1596, a squadron of three ships, the Bear, Bear's Welp, andBenjamin, was fitted out, chiefly at the charges of Sir Robert Dudley, and the command given to Mr Benjamin Wood. The merchants employed inthis voyage were, Mr Richard Allot and Mr Thomas Bromfield, both of thecity of London. As they intended to have proceeded as far as China, theyobtained the gracious letters of Queen Elizabeth, of famous memory, tothe king or emperor of that country, recommending these two merchants, or factors, to his protection. [Footnote 29: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 110, Astl. I. 252. ] This their honourable expedition, and gracious recommendations from hermajesty for the furtherance of their mercantile affairs, had noanswerable effects, but suffered a double disaster: first, in themiserable perishing of the squadron; and next, in losing the history, orrelation, of that tragedy. Some broken plank, however, as after ashipwreck have yet been encountered from the West Indies, which gives ussome notice of this East-Indian misadventure. Having the followingintelligence by the intercepted letters of the licentiate _Alcasar deVilla Senor_, auditor in the royal audience of St Domingo, judge of thecommission in Porto Rico, and captain-general of the province of NewAndalusia, written to the King of Spain and his royal council of theIndies; an extract of which, so far as concerns this business, herefollows; wherein let not the imputation of robbery and piracy troublethe minds of the reader, being the words of a Spaniard concerning thedeeds of Englishmen, done in the time of war between us and them. So far we have exactly followed the introductory remarks of Purchas. Inthe sequel, however, we have thought it better to give only anabridgement of the letter from Alcasar de Villa Senor, which Purchasinforms us, in a side note, he had found among the papers of Mr RichardHakluyt. In this we have followed the example of the editor of Astley'sCollection, because the extract given by Purchas is very tedious, andoften hardly intelligible. This letter, dated from Porto Rico, 2dOctober, 1601, gives no light whatever into the voyage itself, nor bywhat accident the ships, which had set out for the East Indies, had comeinto the West Indies; neither what became of the ships, nor the natureof the sickness which had reduced their men to four, but wholly refersto what passed after these sailors had quitted their ship, and landed onthe island of _Utias_, near Porto Rico. All these circumstances wereprobably communicated in a former letter, alluded to in the commencementof that which was intercepted, as it proceeds upon having received acommission from the royal audience, to punish certain offenders who hadusurped a great quantity of property belonging to the King of Spain inthe island of Utias; the plunder taken by the English, and with whichthese four men had landed in that island--E. * * * * * It appears by this letter, that three English ships bound for the EastIndies, belonging to Portugal, had captured three Portuguese ships, oneof them from Goa, from the captain of which they took a large richprecious stone, which the captain had charge of for the King of Spain;the particulars of which had been communicated the year before in aletter from Alcasar to the king, together with a copy of the declarationof one Thomas, of the goods he and his three companions had in the saidisland of Utias. They had also many bags of ryals of eight and four, intended for the pay of the garrison in a frontier castle of India, andmuch more goods belonging to the Portuguese. After this all the men died of some unexplained sickness, except fourmen, whose names were Richard, Daniel, Thomas, and George. These men, with all the jewels, money, and rich goods they could remove, put into ariver or bay of the island of _Utias_, [30] three leagues from PortoRico; where, after landing their goods, their boat sunk, and theyremained on that island with only a small boat made of boards, whichthey had taken from some fishermen at Cape San Juan, the north-eastheadland of Porto Rico. With that small boat they crossed over to PortoRico in search of water, and, on their return to Utias, left Georgebehind them on Porto Rico. He, being found by Don Rodrigo de Fuentes andfive others, gave information of all that had happened to them, and ofthe large stone, jewels, gold, plate, testoons, and other rich goodsthat were in the said island, and of the places where the other threeEnglishmen and their goods might be found. [Footnote 30: From the context, it would appear, that the island ofUtias is to the east of Porto Rico, among or towards the group calledthe Virgin isles. The ships of Wood were probably suffering from scurvyand famine, like the Edward Bonadventure; and, endeavouring, likeLancaster, to seek relief in the West Indies, may have perished amongthe Virgin isles. --E. ] Consulting together on this information, they agreed to pass over intothe island, to take possession for their own benefit of these richgoods, and did so, carrying with them a letter from George theEnglishman to his: comrades, advising them to submit to the Spaniards, and to deliver up to them their arms and riches. Coming near to wherethe three Englishmen dwelt, these Spaniards displayed a white flag intoken of peace, and the Englishmen set up another; after which they helda friendly conference together, the Spaniards pledging their good faithand friendship. Upon which the Englishmen yielded themselves to DonRodrigo and his companions, with their arms and all their goods, whichthey took possession of, and parted all the money among themselves. Theyhid and kept secret the great stone and other jewels, with a greatquantity of gold, silver, and other rich goods; keeping out only a smallquantity of silver in bars, and some silks, as a cover for the rest. And, that it might not be known what quantity of jewels, gold, silver, and other rich goods they had usurped, they agreed to murder the threeEnglishmen with whom they had eaten, drank, and slept in peace. Theyaccordingly killed Richard and Daniel, and would have slain George, buthe escaped from them to a mountain. They then returned to Porto Rico, where they put George to death by poison, and sent to Utias to seek outThomas and put him to death; but he got over to this island in awonderful manner by means of a piece of timber; which they hearing of, sought by all the means they could to kill him, but to no purpose. Meanwhile Don Rodrigo, and two others of his accomplices, came to thecity of San Juan, and informed the governor that they had found a smallquantity of goods in the island of Utias, having slain three Englishmenin fight to get them; and their other accomplices presented themselvesas witnesses, falsely declaring that they had found no more goods. Butnot agreeing in their story on farther investigation, and Thomas theEnglishman being at length procured as evidence against them, they wereall sent to prison; whence Don Rodrigo, though bolted and guarded by twosoldiers, contrived to get out by filing off his irons in the night. After Don Rodrigo's escape, the rest confessed the whole affair; buteither through favour or fear, no one would assist Alcasar to bring thisrascally ringleader to justice. He pronounced sentence on all the rest, with a denunciation that they were to be put to death in five days, unless the goods were delivered up. How this affair ended does not appear, as the letter was written beforethe expiry of the five days. Neither indeed is this letter of muchimportance, except to shew the miserable end of that unfortunate voyage, the villainy of Don Rodrigo and his comrades in murdering the poorEnglishmen to conceal their plunder, and that Alcasar, in theprosecution, was solely intent upon recovering the treasure for the Kingof Spain, without any consideration of the murder of the threeEnglishmen; who, in his letter, are treated as robbers and thieves, though England was then at war with Spain, and they were consequentlyjustifiable in taking the Portuguese ships as lawful prizes. SECTION IX. _Voyage of Captain John Davis to the East Indies, in 1598, as Pilot to aDutch Ship_. [31] This voyage was written by Davis himself, and appears to have been sentby him in a letter to Robert Earl of Essex, dated Middleburgh, 1stAugust, 1600. From this letter we learnt that Mr Davis had been employedby his lordship, for discovering these eastern parts of the world, forthe service of Queen Elizabeth, and the good of England. He informs hisnoble patron, that his journal only contains such things as had fallenunder his own observation; but, when favoured with an opportunity, hewould give him an account of all that he had learnt abroad relating tothe places of trade and strength belonging to the crown of Portugal, andrespecting the commerce of those eastern nations with each other. ThePortuguese possessions, he says, beginning at Sofala, being the firstbeyond the Cape of Good Hope, are Mozambique, Ornuus, Diu, Gor, Coulan, Onore, Mangalore, Cochin, Columbo, Negapatam, Portogrande or Chittigongin Bengal, Malacca, and Macao in China, with the islands of Molucca andAmboyna. That the Portuguese likewise trade to Monomotapa, Melinda, Aden, Arabia, Cambaya or Guzerat, the coast of Coromandel, Balagate, andOrissa. [Footnote 31: Purch. Pilg. I. 116. Astley, I. 254. ] Of all these nations, as he says, there are some traders residing atAcheen, in the island of Sumatra; where likewise he met with Arabians, and a nation called _Ramos_, [32] from the Red-Sea, who have traded theremany hundred years. There are there also many Chinese engaged in trade, who have been used to trade there for many hundred years, and used Daviskindly, so that he says he was able to give his lordship muchinformation concerning the great empire of China. He concludes bysaying, that the Portuguese had long industriously concealed all thesethings, which were now providentially laid open. He concludes by saying, that he had inclosed the alphabet of the Acheen language, with somewords of their language, written from right to left, after the manner ofthe Hebrews; but this has not been printed in the Collection of Purchas. He says that he had also sent by one Mr Tomkins, probably the bearer ofthe letter and journal, some of the coin used there in common payments;The gold piece called _mas_, being worth about ninepence half-penny; andthose of lead called _caxas_, of which it takes 1600 to make one _mas_. [Footnote 32: Constantinople is called New Rome, and thence In the eastthe Turks are called Rumos. --_Purchas_. By the _Rumos_, or _Rúms_, are to be understood the people of Egypt;which, having been a part of the Roman empire, is, like Anatolia andother provinces of the Turkish empire, called _Rúm_ by the orientals. Hence likewise the Turks are called _Rúms_; and not, as Purchas says, because they are in possession of Constantinople, which was called _NewRome_: For these provinces were called _Rúm_ several ages before theTurks took that city. --ASTLEY, I. 254, b. ] "The relation which follows, titled "A brief Relation of Master JohnDavis, chief Pilot to the Zealanders in their East India Voyage, departing from Middleburgh, " is obscure in some places, but must only beconsidered as an abstract of his large journal, perhaps written inhaste. The latitudes are by no means to be commended for exactness, andseem to have been taken on shipboard, only two or three of them with anycare. It is rather singular that he gives no observation for Acheen, though the chief object of the voyage, and that he staid there solong. "--ASTLEY. * * * * * We departed from Flushing on the 15th of March, 1598, being two ships incompany, the Lion of 400 tons, having 123 persons on board, and theLioness of 250 tons, with 100 men. These ships were the sole property ofMessrs Mushrom, Clarke, and Monef of Middleburgh, and entirely at theirrisk. Cornelius Howteman was chief commander of both ships, with thetitle of general, having a commission from Prince Maurice. The seventh day after, being the 22d, we anchored in Torbay, having acontrary wind. We sailed thence on the 7th of April, and had sight ofPorto Santo on the 20th; fell in with Palma on the 23d, and the 30threached the Cape Verd islands. We first anchored at St Nicholas, in lat. 16° 16' N. We here watered on the 7th of May, and setting sail on the9th, fell in with St Jago. The 9th June we got sight of Brazil, in lat. 7° S, not being able to double Cape St Augustine; for, being near theequator, we had very inconstant weather and bad winds; in whichdesperate case we shaped our course for the island of Fernando Noronho, in lat. 4° S. Where on the 15th June we anchored on the north side ineighteen fathoms. In this island we found twelve negroes, eight men andfour women. It is a fertile island, having good water, and abounds ingoats; having also beeves, hogs, hens, melons, and Guinea corn withplenty of fish and sea-fowl. These negroes had been left here by thePortuguese to cultivate the island, and no ships had been there forthree years. Leaving this island on the 26th August, with the wind at E. N. E. Wedoubled Cape St Augustine on the 30th. The 10th September we passed the_Abrolhos_, which we were in much fear of; these shoals being far out atsea in lat. 21° S. And are very dangerous. On this occasion our _Baas_, for so a Dutch captain is called, appointed a _Master of Misrule_, namedthe _Kesar_, the authority of which disorderly officer lay in riot, asafter dinner he would neither salute his friends, nor understand thelaws of reason, those who ought to have been most respectful being bothlawless and witless. We spent three days in this dissolute manner, andthen shaped our course for the Cape of Good Hope, sailing towards thecoast of Bacchus, to whom this idolatrous sacrifice was made, asappeared afterwards. The 11th November we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, in lat. 34° S. Tenleagues short of the Cape of Good Hope, where there are three freshwater rivers. [33] The people came to us with great plenty of oxen andsheep, which they sold for spike nails and pieces of old iron, givingthe best for not more than the value of a penny. Their cattle are large, and have a great lump of flesh on the shoulder, like the back of acamel. Their sheep have prodigiously large tails, entirely composed offat, weighing twelve or fourteen pounds, but are covered with hairinstead of wool. The people are not circumcised; are of an olive blackcolour, blacker than the Brazilians, with black curled hair like thenegroes of Angola. Their words are mostly inarticulate, and in speakingthey cluck with the tongue like a brood hen, the cluck and the wordbeing pronounced together in a very strange manner. They go naked, except a short cloak of skins, and sandals tied to their feet, paintingtheir faces with various colours, and are a strong active people, whorun with amazing swiftness. They are subject to the King ofMonomotapa, [34] who is reported to be a mighty sovereign. Their onlyweapons are darts. [Footnote 33: It has been before remarked, that the Saldanha bay of theolder navigators was Table bay. What is now called Saldanha bay has noriver, or even brook, but has been lately supplied by means of a cut orcanal from Kleine-berg river, near twenty-five miles in length. --E. ] [Footnote 34: This is an error, the Hotentots having been independentnomadic herders of cattle and sheep, divided into a considerable numberof tribes, and under a kind of patriarchal government. --E. ] As the Dutchmen offered them some rudeness, they absented themselvesfrom us for three days, during which time they made great fires on themountains. On the 19th of November, there came a great multitude of themto us, with a great number of cattle, and taking a sudden opportunitywhile bartering, they set upon us and slew thirteen of our people withtheir hand-darts, which could not have hurt any of us at the distance offour pikes' length. The Dutchmen fled from them like mice before cats, basely throwing away their weapons. Our _Baas_ or captain kept on boardto save himself, but sent us corslets, two-handed swords, pikes, muskets, and targets, so that we were well laden with weapons, but hadneither courage nor discretion, for we staid at our tents besieged bysavages and cows. We were in muster giants, with great armed bodies; butin action babes with wrens' hearts. Mr Tomkins and I undertook to orderthese fellows, according to that excellent way which we had seen in yourlordship's most honourable actions. Some consented to go with us, thoughunwillingly; but most of them ran to the pottage pot, swearing it wasdinner time. We went all on board this night, except our great mastiffdog, which we could not induce to follow us, for I think he was ashamedof our cowardly behaviour. The land here is of an excellent soil, andthe climate is quite healthy; the soil being full of good herbs, asmints, calamint, plantain, ribwort, trefoil, scabious, and such like. Weset sail from Saldanha bay on the 27th of December, and doubled the Capeof Good Hope on the last day of the year. The 6th of January, 1599, we doubled Cape Aguillas, the most southernpoint of Africa, in lat. 35° S. [34° 45'] where the compass has novariation. [35] The 6th of February we fell in with Madagascar, short ofSt Romano, [or Cape St Mary, at its southern end;] and not being able todouble it, we bore room with [bore away to leeward for] the bay of StAugustine on the south-west side of that island, in lat. 23° 50' S. [23°30'. ] The 3d of March we anchored in that bay, where we saw many peopleon the shore, but they all fled when we landed; for when, our _baas_ wasin this bay on the former voyage, he greatly abused the people, andhaving taken one of them, he had him tied to a post and shot to death, having besides used them otherwise most shamefully. After seven days, weenticed some of them to come to us, from whom we bought some milk andone cow; but they soon left us, and would not have any more connexionwith us. They are a strong well-shaped people, of a coal-black colour, having a sweet and pleasing language. Their weapons are spears or halfpikes, headed with iron, which they keep very clear; and they go quitenaked. The soil appeared very fertile, and we saw a vast number oftamarind trees. We found another high tree producing beans very good toeat, in pods two feet long, and the beans of a proportional size. We sawhere many cameleons. We English suffered no small misery, especially inthis bay: but God, the ever living commander, was our only succour. [Footnote 35: This, it must be noticed, was in the year 1599. Thevariation alters progressively, increasing to a maximum in onedeflexion; it then retrogrades till it points true north, which itprogressively overpasses in the opposite deflexion to a maximum again. But these changes do not proceed with sufficient regularity to admit ofbeing predicted with any certainty. --E. ] This 8th of March we came on board hungry and meatless, and on the 14thwe set sail from this place, which we called Hungry bay, shaping ourcoarse to the northward along the west side of the island. The 29th, wecame to the islands of Comoro, between 12° and 13° S. [12° 32' and 15°16'. ] There are five of these islands, named Mayotta, Anzuame, Magliaglie, San Christophero, and Spiritu Santo. [36] The 30th, weanchored at Mayotta close by a town, where there were many people whoseemed rejoiced at our arrival, and came on board, bringing us presentsof victuals. The king sent a message to our _baas_, inviting him onshore with promise of much kindness; and when he landed, the king methim with a great retinue, having three drums beaten before him. He andhis principal followers were richly dressed, in long silken robes, embroidered in the Turkish fashion: and after using us with greatkindness, gave us a letter of recommendation for the Queen of Anzuame, or Hinzuan, as that island has no king. [Footnote 36: There are six islands in the Comoro group: 1. Comoro, Gasidza, of Angazesio: 2. Malalio, Senbraeas, or Moelia: 3. Mayotta: 4. St Christophus: 5. Hinzuan, Angouan, or Joanna: 6. St Esprit. Which lasthas four inlets off its western side, and one to the N. E. Of itsnorthern end. --E. ] We sailed from Mayotta on the 17th of April, and anchored at Hinzuan onthe 19th, before a town named _Demos_, which appears from its ruins tohave been a strong place, the houses being built of hewed freestone, andwhat remains being as large as Plymouth, but the walls are almostruined. The queen used us in a most friendly manner, yet would not allowany of us to see her. In these islands we had rice, oxen, goats, cocoas, bananas, oranges, lemons, and citrons. The inhabitants are negroes, butsmooth-haired, and follow the Mahometan religion. Their weapons areswords, targets, bows and arrows. These islands are very beautiful andfertile; and among them we found merchants of Arabia and India, but Icould not learn what commodities they yielded. They greatly covetedweapons and iron, and were fond of procuring paper. The 28th we departedfrom Hinzuan, passing through the islands of Mascarenhas and the Shoalsof Almirante. The 23d of May, we fell in with the islands called Maldives, which arevery low close to the water, and are so covered with cocoa-nut trees, that we saw only trees and no shore. Many of the native boats passedclose by us, but none would come to us, wherefore our _baas_ sent aship's boat to take one of them, which on the 24th brought a boat to us, which was covered with mats like a close barge. In this boat was agentleman and his wife. He was dressed in very fine white linen, madeafter the Turkish fashion, having several rings with red stones; and hiscountenance was so modest, his behaviour so sweet and affable, and hisspeech so graceful, that we concluded he could not be less than anobleman. He was very unwilling to let his wife be seen; but our _baas_went into the boat along with him to see her, and even opened hercasket, in which were some jewels and ambergris. He reported that shesat in mournful modesty, not speaking a word. What was taken from them Iknow not, but on departing, this gentleman shewed a princely spirit. Hewas a man of middle stature, of a black colour, with smooth or lankhair. There is considerable trade in these islands, by reason of thecocoa-trees; for they make ropes, cables, sails, wine, oil, and a kindof bread from that tree and its fruit. It is said that there are 11, 000of these islands. The 27th of May we set sail, and that morning there came on board of usan old man who could speak a little Portuguese, who piloted us throughthe channel, as by chance we had fallen upon the right channel calledMaldivia, in lat. 4° 15' N. Here the compass varied 17° westerly. It isa very dangerous thing to miss the right channel, the trade andnavigation through which is very great of various nations, to mostplaces of India, as I hope in your lordship's presence to inform you atlarge. The 3d June we fell in with the coast of India near Cochin, inlat. 8° 40' N. [37] and coasting along the shore, we shaped our courseeastwards for Cape Comorin, and thence to the island of Sumatra. [Footnote 37: Cochin is in lat. 9° 56' 30" N. 8° 40', the lat. In thetext falls very near Anjengo; to the south of Coulan. --E. ] The 13th June we saw the coast of Sumatra, in lat. 5° 40' N. At its mostnortherly extremity; and when stopping at an island near the shore totake in water, on the 16th, we spoke with some of the people. The 21st, we anchored in the bay of Acheen in twelve fathoms, on which the kingsent off his officers to measure the length and breadth of our vessels, and to take the number of our ordnance and men, which they did. Our_baas_ sent two of his people on shore along with these officers, with apresent to the king, consisting of a looking glass, a drinking glass, and a coral bracelet. Next day our people returned on board, beingapparelled by the king after the country fashion, in dresses of whitecalico, and brought a friendly message of peace, welcome, and plenty ofspices. We found, three barks belonging to Arabia and one of Pegu ridingin the bay, which had come to lade pepper. There was here also aPortuguese officer, Don Alfonso Vincente, with four barks from Malacca, who had come expressly to endeavour to prevent our trade, as was shewnin the sequel. On the 23d June, the king sent at midnight for our _baas_ to come towait upon him, sending a noble as his hostage. He went immediately onshore, and was kindly used by the king, who promised him a free trade, and cloathed him after the fashion of the country, giving him likewise a_criss_ of honour. This _criss_ is a dagger, having a haft or handle ofa kind of metal of fine lustre esteemed far beyond gold, and set withrubies. It is death to wear a criss of this kind, except it has beengiven by the king; and he who possesses it is at absolute freedom totake victuals without money, and to command all the rest as slaves. Our_baas_, or captain, came on board the 26th with a boat-load of pepper, making incredible boasts of his mighty good fortune, and the wonderfultrade he had procured, with no small rejoicing in his pride. He saidlikewise that the king had often asked if he were from England, which hestrongly denied, using many unhandsome speeches of our nation; and aftercoming on board, he said he would have given a thousand pounds to havehad no English with him, thus thrusting us poor souls into a corner. The 27th of June, our merchants went on shore with their goods, having ahouse appointed for their residence by the king. On the 20th July, ourcaptain being with the king, was well entertained by him, and on thisoccasion the king was very importunate to know if he were English. "Tellme truly, " said he, "for I love the English; and I must farther tell youthat Alfonso Vincente has been earnest with me to betray you, but itshall not be, for I am your friend. " With that he gave him a purse ofgold. The captain gave him thanks for the present and his friendlydisposition, declaring that he was not from England but from Flanders, and entirely disposed to serve his majesty. "I have heard of England, "said the king, "but never of Flanders; pray what land is that?" Hefarther enquired who was their king, and what was the state andgovernment of the country? The captain made a large report on thistopic, saying that they had no king, but were governed by anaristocracy. He likewise requested that the king would give orders tohis subjects not to call him an Englishman, as that gave him muchdispleasure, which the king promised should be done. The king then askedif there were no English in the ships? To which the captain answered, that there were some, but they had been bred up in Flanders. The kingthen said, he understood there were some men in the ships that differedfrom the others in apparel, language, and manners, and desired to knowwho these were? To this the _baas_ answered, that they were English, andthat his chief pilot was one of them. The king then said that he mustsee these men. "As for your merchandize, " added he, "I have war with theking of Johor, and if you will assist me against him with your ships, your recompence shall be a full lading of pepper. " To this our captainagreed. The 28th of July, the _Sabandars_, [38] the secretary, themerchants of Mecca, who were Turks and Arabians, together with DonAlfonso Vincente and some others of the Portuguese, came on board withour _baas_, and all returned passing drunk. [Footnote 38: The _Shah bandar_, signifies in Persian, the King of thePort; being the title of the principal officer of the customs. --Astl. I. 257. A. ] The 20th of August the king began to change his countenance to ourcaptain, demanding why the English pilot had not been to wait upon him;for hitherto Mr Tomkins and I had not been permitted to go on shore;adding, that when the Dutch had got their pepper, he supposed they wouldran away without performing the service they had promised. Upon this Iwas immediately sent for, and came ashore on the 21st. I waited on theking early next morning, and he treated me very kindly. I staid with himfour boars, or more, banqueting And drinking. After an hour, he orderedthe _sabandar_ to stand up, and me likewise; upon which the sabandertook off my hat, and put a roll of white linen about my head. He thenput about my middle a long white linen cloth, embroidered with gold, which went twice about me, the ends hanging down half my leg. Afterthis, taking the roll from my head, and laying it before the king, heput a white garment on me, and above that a red one. Then, replacing theroll on my head, I sat down before the king, who drank to me in_aquavitae_, [arrak, or brandy, ] and made me eat of many strange meats. All his service was in gold, except some of the dishes, which were fineporcelain. These were all set upon the floor, without table, napkins, orother linen. He asked me many questions about England, about the queen, and her _bashas_, or nobles; and enquired how she could carry on waragainst so great a monarch as the king of Spain, for he believed thatall Europe was under his government. I satisfied him as well as I couldon all these points, and he seemed very much pleased. On the 23d I was sent for by the prince, and rode to his court on anelephant. He used me extremely well, our entertainment consisting inexcessive eating and drinking. While I was on shore, I met with a verysensible merchant of China, who spoke Spanish, and of whom I learnt somethings which I hope will give your lordship good contentment hereafter. There are many people here from China who follow trade, and who havetheir separate town. So have the Portuguese, the Guzurates, the Arabs, Bengalese, and Peguers. As our _baas_ disliked that I should so muchfrequent the company of the Chinese, he ordered me on board, and cameoff himself next day in a very dull humour, having had some sour looksfrom the king. The 1st of September the king gave out that we were to receive ordnanceon board for battering Johor, and to take in soldiers for that service. Many gallies were manned and brought out of the river, and rode atanchor about half a mile from our ships. The sea was all full of_paraws_ and boats. There came that day on board our ship the secretary, named _Corcoun_, and the chief sabander, named _Abdala_, accompanied bymany soldiers armed with cutlasses, darts, crisses, and targets. Theybrought with them many kinds of meats, and a great jar of aquavitae, making a great shew of friendship and banqueting. Suspecting sometreachery, we filled our tops with stones, made fast and prepared ourgratings, all without orders from our _baas_, who was exceedingly angry, and ordered us to discontinue, but we would not. There is a kind of seed in this country, by eating a little of which aman becomes quite foolish, all things seeming to be metamorphosed; but, above a certain quantity, it is deadly poison. With this all the meatand drink they brought on board was infected. While banqueting, thesabandar sent for me and Mr Tomkins, who kept me company, and said somewords to one of their attendants, which I did not understand. In a shorttime we were foolishly frolicsome, gaping one upon another in a mostridiculous manner, our captain, or _baas_, being at that time a prisonerin their hands, yet knew it not. A signal was made from the other ship, where the like treachery was going on under the direction of thesecretary, who went there from our ship for that purpose. Theyimmediately set upon us, murdered our _baas_, and slew several others. Mr Tomkins and I, with the assistance of a Frenchman, defended the poop, which, if they had gained, our ship had been lost, for they already hadthe cabin, and some of their fellows were below among our guns, havingcrept in at the port-holes. The master of our ship, whom the Dutch callcaptain, leapt into the sea, with several others, but came on boardagain when all was over. In the end, we put them to flight, for ourpeople in the tops annoyed them sore; and, when I saw them run, I leaptfrom the poop to pursue them, Mr Tomkins following my example. At thistime a Turk came out of the cabin, who wounded him grievously, and theylay tumbling over each other on the deck. On seeing this, I ran the Turkthrough the body with my rapier, and our skipper thrust him down thethroat into the body with a half pike. All the principal people in the other ship were murdered, and the shipobviously in possession of the Acheenese; on which we instantly cut ourcables and drove towards her, and, with our shot, made the Indiansabandon her, so that we recovered her likewise. The gallies did notventure near us. In our great distress, it was some comfort to see howthese base Indians fled, how they were killed, and how they weredrowned; the whole sea being covered with dead Indians, floating aboutin hundreds. Abdala, the sabandar, and one of the king's near kinsmen, were slain, with many others, and the secretary was wounded. The kingwas by the shore at this time, attended by a vast many, people; and, onlearning the death of the sabandar, and the overthrow of this treachery, the furious infidels murdered all of our people who were on shore, except eight, who were put in irons as slaves. In this great calamity welost sixty-eight persons, of whom we are not certain how many may be incaptivity, having only knowledge of these eight. We lost at this timetwo fine pinnaces of twenty tons each, and our ship's boat. We left Acheen that same day, and anchored at _Pedier_, where we hadsent a small pinnace for rice, but could get no tidings of her. Nextday, the 2d September, there came eleven gallies to take our ships, having Portuguese in them, as we thought. We sank one of them, anddefeated all the rest, so that they fled amain. That same afternoon, theson of Lafort, a French merchant, dwelling in Seethinglane, London, cameon board of us, being one of the eight prisoners. He brought thefollowing message from the king:--"Are you not ashamed to be suchdrunken beasts, as, in your drunkenness, to murder my people whom I senton board of you in kindness?" He farther required of us, in satisfactionof his pretended wrong, that we should give up our best ship, on whichhe would release our men, telling Lafort, if he could succeed in this, that he would make him a great nobleman. To this ridiculous proposal wegave a flat denial; and, being in distress for water, we went over to_Pulo Lotum_, on the coast of Queda, or northern part of Malacca, on itswestern coast, in lat. 6° 50' N. Where we refreshed and watered. During our stay at Acheen, we received into both our ships 140 tons ofpepper, what precious stones and other merchandize besides I know not. But, on the day of treason, our merchants lost all the money and goodsthey had on shore, which was said to be of great value. On thisoccasion, many of our young adventurers were utterly ruined; among whom, I most grieve at the loss sustained by _poor John Davis_, having notonly lost my friendly factor, but all my European commodities, withthose things I had provided to shew my love and duty to my best friends;so that, though India did not receive me rich, she hath sent me backsufficiently poor. The island of Sumatra is pleasant and fertile, abounding in manyexcellent fruits; but their only grain is rice, which serves them forbread. They plough the land with buffaloes, which they have in greatnumbers, but with small skill, and less industry. The rice grows in allrespects like our barley. They have plenty of pepper, which is grown inlarge gardens or plantations, often a mile square. It grows like hops, from a planted root, winding about a stake set to support it, till itgrows like a great bushy tree, whence the pepper hangs in smallclusters, three inches long, and an inch about, each cluster havingforty pepper-corns; and it yields as great increase as mustard-seed. AtAcheen they are able to load twenty ships every year, and might supplymore, if the people were industrious. The whole country resembles apleasure-garden, the air being temperate and wholesome, having everymorning a fruitful dew, or small rain. The harbour of Acheen is verysmall, having only six feet water on the bar, at which there is a stonefort, the ramparts of which are covered or flanked with battlements, allvery low, and very despicable. In front of this fort is an excellentroad, or anchoring ground for ships, the wind being, always off shore, so that a ship may ride safely a mile from the shore, in eighteenfathoms, and close in, in six and four fathoms. In this country there are elephants, horses, buffaloes, oxen, and goats, with many wild-hogs. The land has plenty of mines of gold and copper, with various gums, balsams, many drugs, and much indigo. Its preciousstones are rubies, sapphires, and garnets; but I know not whether theyare found there, or are brought from other places. It has likewise mostexcellent timber for building ships. The city of Acheen, [39] if such itmay be called, is very spacious, and is built in a wood, so that thehouses are not to be seen till we are close upon them; neither could wego into any place but we found houses and a great concourse of people, so that the town seems to spread over the whole land. Their houses areraised on posts, eight feet or better from the ground, leaving freepassage under them, the walls and roofs being only of mats, the poorestand weakest things that can be conceived. I saw three greatmarket-places, which were every day crowded like fairs, with all kindsof commodities exposed for sale. [Footnote 39: This place, called likewise _Achin_ and _Achien_ by Davis, is commonly called _Achen_; but in the letters from the king to QueenElizabeth, which will be mentioned in the sequel it is called_Ashi_. --Astl. I. 259. B. ] The king, called Sultan Aladin, is said to be an hundred years old, yetis a lively man, exceedingly gross and fat. In his young days he was afisherman, of which there are many in this place, as they live mostly onfish. Going to the wars with the former king, he shewed himself sovaliant and discreet in ordering the king's gallies, that he acquiredthe royal favour so much as to be appointed admiral of all thesea-force, in which he conducted himself so valiantly and wisely, thatthe king gave him one of his nearest kinswomen to wife. The king had anonly daughter, whom he married to the king of Johor, by whom she had ason, who was sent to Acheen to be brought up as heir to his grandfather. The king who now is, being commander in chief by sea and land, the oldking died suddenly; on which the present king took the child under hisguardianship, against which the nobility protested: but, as he had thecommand of the whole armed force, he maintained his point, putting todeath more than a thousand of the nobles, raised the rascal people to benew lords, and made new laws. Finally, the young prince was murdered, and he proclaimed himself king, in right of his wife; on which therearose great wars between him and the king of Johor, which continue tothis day. He has held the kingdom by force these twenty years, and seemsnow secure in his usurped and ill-got power. The king's court, or residence, is situated upon the river, about half amile from the city, having three inclosures, and guards, before any onecan come to him, and a wide green between each guarded inclosure. Hishouse is built like all the rest, but much higher, so that he can see, from where he sits, all that come to any of his guards, yet no one cansee him. The walls and covering of his house are made of mats, whichare sometimes hung with cloth of gold, sometimes with velvet, and atother times with damask. He sits on the ground, cross-legged, like atailor, and so must all do who are admitted into his presence. He alwayswears four _crisses_, two before and two behind, richly ornamented withdiamonds and rubies, and has a sword lying in his lap. He is attended byat least forty women; some with fans to cool him, some with cloths towipe off sweat, others to serve him with aquavitae or water, and therest to sing pleasant songs. He doth nothing all day but eat and drink, there being no end of banqueting from morning till night; and, whenready to burst, he eats _areka betula_[40], which is a fruit like anutmeg, wrapped in a leaf like tobacco, with _sharp-chalk_ [lime] madeof the shells of pearl oysters. Chewing these ingredients makes thespittle very red, causes a great, flow of saliva, and occasions a greatappetite; it also makes the teeth very black, and the blacker they areis considered as so much the more fashionable. Having recovered hisappetite by this means, he returns again to banqueting. By way ofchange, when his belly is again gorged, he goes into the river to bathe, where he has a place made on purpose, and gets a fresh appetite by beingin the water. He, with his women and great men, do nothing but eat, drink, and talk of venery; so that, if the poets have any truth, then isthis king _the great Bacchus_, for he practises all the ceremonies ofgluttony. He spends his whole time in eating and drinking with hiswomen, or in cock-fighting. Such is the king, and such are his subjects;for the whole land is entirely given to such habits of enjoyment. [Footnote 40: _Areka_ is the nut, and _betel_ the leaf in which it iswrapped, along with _chunam_, or lime, called _sharp-chalk_ in thetext. --E. ] While, in all parts of Christendom, it is the custom to uncover the headin token of reverence, it is here the direct contrary; as, before anyman can come into, the presence of this king, he must put off his shoesand stockings, coming before him bare-footed and bare-legged, holdinghis hands joined over his head, bowing his body, and saying _dowlat_;which duty performed, he sits down, cross-legged, in the king'spresence. The state is governed by five principal officers, hissecretary, and four others, called _sabandars_, in whom are all theauthority of government, and who have inferior officers under them. Thewill of the king is the law: as there seemed to be no freemen in all theland, the lives and properties of all being at the king's pleasure. Inpunishing offenders, he makes no man happy by death, but orders theirhands and feet to be cut off, and then banishes them to an island called_Pulo Wey_. When any one is condemned to die, he is either trodden todeath by elephants, or empaled. Besides those in jails, many prisonersin fetters are seen going about the town. The king has three wives, andmany concubines, who are very closely kept, and his women are his chiefcounsellors. The king has many gallies, an hundred, as I think, some of them so largeas to carry four hundred men. These are all made like wherries, verylong, narrow, and open, without deck, forecastle, or poop, or any upperworks whatever. Instead of oars, they have paddles, about four feetlong, made like shovels, which they hold in their hands, not restingthem on the gunwales, or in row-locks, as we do. The gallies have noordnance; yet with these he holds all his neighbours under subjection. His admiral is a woman, as he trusts no man with that high office. Theirweapons are bows and arrows, javelins, swords, and targets, having nodefensive armour, and fighting entirely naked. They have a great manypieces of brass ordnance, which they fire lying on the ground, using nocarriages. Some of these are the greatest I ever saw, and the metal ofwhich they are made is said to be rich in gold. The great dependence ofhis land-force is in the elephants. These people boast of being descended from Abraham, through Ismael, theson of Hagar, and can distinctly reckon the genealogies in our Bible. They follow the Mahometan religion, and use rosaries, or strings ofbeads, in praying, like the papists. They bring up their children inlearning, and have many schools. They have an archbishop, and otherspiritual dignitaries. There is a prophet in Acheen, who is greatlyhonoured, and is alleged to have the spirit of prophecy, like theancients. This person is distinguished from all the rest by his dress, and is in great favour with the king. The natives are entirely addictedto commerce, in which they are very expert; and they have many mechanicsor artisans, as goldsmiths, cannon-founders, shipwrights, tailors, weavers, hatters, potters, cutlers, smiths, and distillers ofaquavitae, [arrak, ] which is made from rice, as they must drink no wine. Every family or tribe has its own particular place of burial, which areall in the fields. The bodies are all deposited in graves, with theheads laid towards Mecca, having a stone at the head, and another at thefeet, curiously wrought, so as to designate the rank and worth of eachperson. In the burial-place of the kings, as we were told, every gravehas a piece of gold at the head, and another at the feet, each weighing500 pounds, curiously embossed and carved. I was very desirous to seethis royal cemetery, because of its great riches, but could not obtainpermission; yet am disposed to believe it to be true, as the reigningking has made two such costly ornaments for his own grave, which arealmost finished. They are each of gold, a thousand pounds weighta-piece, and are to be richly ornamented with precious stones. [41] [Footnote 41: In the Portuguese Asia is a story which confirms thisreport. George Brito, who went in 1521 to Acheen with six ships, andthree hundred men, having been informed, by an ungrateful Portuguese, whom the king had relieved from shipwreck, that there was a greattreasure of gold in the tombs of the kings, and having made otherinquiries on this subject, picked a quarrel with the king, and landedwith two hundred men in order to seize it: But being opposed by theking, at the head of a thousand men, and six elephants, he, and most ofhis men, were slain; a just reward of injustice, ingratitude, andavarice. --Astl. 1. 260. A. ] The people who trade to this port are from China, Bengal, Pegu, Java, Coromandel, Guzerata, Arabia, and _Rumos_. _Rumos_ is in the Red-Sea, whence Solomon sent his ships to Ophir for gold; which Ophir is nowAcheen, as they affirm upon tradition; and the _Rumos_ people havefollowed the same trade from the time of Solomon to this day. [42] Theirpayments are made in different denominations, called cash, mas, cowpan, pardaw, and tayel. I only saw two sorts of coin, one of gold, and theother of lead: The gold coin, or _mas_, is of the size of asilver-penny, and is as common at Acheen as pence are in England. Theother, of lead, called _cash_, is like the little leaden tokens used inLondon by the vintners: 1600 _cashes_ make one _mas_; 400 _cashes_ makea _cowpan_, and four cowpans a mas; five _mases_ are equal to fourshillings sterling; four _mases_ make a _pardaw_, and four _pardaws_ a_tayel_. Hence one _mas_ is 9-3/5d. Sterling; one pardaw, 3s. 2-2/5d. ;one _tayel_, 12s. 9-3/5d. ; one cowpan, 2-3/5d. ; and one cash is atwo-hundredth part of a penny. Pepper is sold by the _Bahar_, which is360 English pounds, for 3l. 4s. Their pound is called _catt_, beingtwenty-one of our ounces; and their ounce is larger than ours in theproportion of sixteen to ten. They sell precious stones by a weightnamed _masse_, 10-3/4 of which make an ounce. [Footnote 42: The Turks are called _Rumos_ in India, because their chiefcity, Constantinople, was called New Rome. Their tradition of Ophir ismore to be marked than this conceit of _Rumos_ in the Red-Sea. --_Purchas_, in a marginal note. The Egyptians might follow this trade from the days of Solomon, but the_Rums_, or Romans, could not, as they did not possess Egypt till longafter Solomon. --Astl. 1. 260. C. It would be too long, in a note, to enter upon any critical discussionrespecting the _Ophir_ of Solomon, which was more probably at _Sofala_, on the eastern coast of Africa. --E. ] Once every year they have the following strange custom, which happenedwhile we were there. The king and all his nobles go in great pomp to thechurch, or mosque, to see if the _Messias_ be come. On that occasion, Ithink, were at least forty elephants, all richly covered with silk, velvet, and cloth of gold, several nobles riding on each elephant. Oneelephant was exceedingly adorned beyond the rest, having a little goldencastle on his back, which was led for the expected _Messias_ to rideupon. On another elephant, the king sat alone in a little castle, sothat the whole made a very splendid procession; in which some boretargets of pure massy gold, others large golden crescents, withstreamers, banners, ensigns, drums, trumpets, and various otherinstruments of music. Going to the church with great solemnity, andusing many ceremonies, they looked into the church, and not finding the_Messias_ there, the king descended from his own elephant, and rode homeon that prepared for the _Messias_. After which, the day was concludedwith great feastings, and many pleasant sports. The island of Sumatra is divided into four kingdoms, Acheen, Pedier, Monancabo, and Aru, of which Acheen is the chief, Pedier and Monancabobeing tributary to it; but Aru refuses subjection, and adheres to theking of Johor, in Malacca. I only heard of five principal cities in thisisland, Acheen, Pedier, Pacem, [Pisang, ] Daia, [perhaps Daga, ] andMonancabo. I now return to our proceedings after the slaughter of Acheen. On the10th September we anchored at the islands of _Pulo Lotum_, in lat. 6°50' N. Near the coast of the kingdom of _Queda_, where we watered, andprocured refreshments. There were in our ship three sealed letters, superscribed A. B. C. Which were to be opened on the death of our _baas_, or captain. On opening that marked A. One Thomas Quymans was appointedour chief; but, as he was slain at Acheen, we opened B. By which GuyanLafort, who escaped death by bringing the message from the king to us atPedier, was nominated our chief, and was accordingly received by us inthat capacity. The letter marked C. Was not opened. Leaving Pulo Lotum on the 30th September, we sailed for Acheen, for thepurpose of endeavouring to recover our men who were there in captivity. We came in sight of Acheen on the 6th October, and got into the bay onthe 12th, where twelve of their gallies set upon us. We got up with oneof them, and gave her several shots; but, as the weather was very calm, she escaped from us under the land, and the rest did not dare toapproach us, for they are proud base cowards. On the 18th, we set sailfor Tanaserim, [43] which is a place of great trade, and anchored amongthe islands in the bay belonging to that place, in lat. 11° 20' N. On the25th. We were here so much crossed by contrary winds, that we could notget up to the city, which stands twenty leagues within the bay; and, being in great distress for provisions, we made sail for the Nicobarislands, hoping there to find relief. We anchored at these islands onthe 12th November, in lat. 8° N. When the people brought us off greatabundance of poultry, oranges, lemons, and other fruit, with someambergris, which we paid for in pieces of linen cloth and table napkins. These islands consist of pleasant and fertile low land, and have goodanchorage for ships; but the people are very barbarous, living on fishand natural fruits, not cultivating the ground, and consequently havingno rice. [Footnote 43: Mergui, the sea-port of Tanaserim, is in lat. 12° N. ] We departed on the 16th of November, shaping our course for Ceylon, being in great distress, especially for rice. By the great goodness ofGod, on the 6th December, we took a ship from Negapatam, on the coast ofCoromandel, laden with rice, and bound for Acheen. There were in herabout sixty persons, belonging to Acheen, Java, Ceylon, Pegu, Narsinga, and Coromandel. From these people we learnt that there is a city inCeylon called _Matecalon_, [44] a place of great trade, where we mightload our ships with cinnamon, pepper, and cloves. They also told us thatthere were great store of precious stones and pearls to be had inCeylon; that the country abounded in all kinds of provisions, and thatthe king was a bitter enemy to the Portuguese. They likewise told us ofa city called _Trinquanamale_, [Trinconomale, usually calledTrinquamalee, ] at which was a similar trade. They engaged that we mightload our ships, and procure a plentiful supply of provisions, at eitherof these places, for little money; and we accordingly used our utmostpossible exertions to get to them, but all to no purpose, as the windwas quite contrary. The Indians then told us, that if we would remaintill January, we should meet above an hundred sail of ships, laden withspiceries, linen cloth, [cottons, ] and commodities of China; but ourcommander would not agree to stay there for the purpose of war, as hiscommission only authorised him to trade, but proposed to remain fortraffic, paying for every thing he might be able to procure. To this, however, the company would not consent; and we accordingly began ourvoyage homewards on the 28th of December, after beating up for sixteendays to endeavour to make Batacolo. We had discharged our prize on the18th, after taking out most of her rice, for which our commander paidthem to their satisfaction; but our men plundered the Indians of theirgoods and money in a disorderly manner. We took with us twelve of theIndians, belonging to different countries; and after they had been withus some time, they informed us that the merchants in the Negapatam shiphad a large quantity of precious stones in the ship, hidden under theplanks of her lining. How far this might be true I know not, as, forsome unknown reason, Mr Tomkins and I were not allowed to go on boardher. [Footnote 44: Perhaps Batacolo is here meant, on the east side ofCeylon, in lat. 7° 45' N. ] The 5th March, 1600, our victuals were poisoned, but God preserved us;for one of our people tasting it by chance, or from greediness, wasinfected. It was strongly poisoned before it came to us, being freshfish; for our surgeon took almost a spoonful of poison out of one fish. But this is not the first time, if the grieved would complain. [45] The10th March we fell in with the Cape of Good Hope, where we encountered aheavy storm; and on the 26th we doubled that Cape. [Footnote 45: This story is very unintelligible, as no circumstance ismentioned as to where the fish were got, nor who was suspected ofintroducing the poison. --E. ] We anchored at St Helena on the 13th March. This island is in lat. 16°S. [15° 45'. ] We here found plenty of water, with abundance of figs, andas many fish as we chose to take. At sun-set, on the 15th, a caravelcame into the roads, and anchored a large musket-shot to windward of us. She was totally unprepared for fighting, as none of her guns weremounted. We fought her all night, giving her in that time, as I think, upwards of 200 shots, though, in the course of eight hours, she did notreturn a single shot, nor seemed to regard us. By midnight she got sixpieces mounted, which she used to good purpose, shooting us oftenthrough, and slew two of our men. So, on the 16th, in the morning, wedeparted, having many of our men sick, and shaped our course for theisland of Ascension, where we hoped to find relief. The 23d April we gotsight of that island, which is in lat. 8° S. [7° 50'. ] But it hasneither wood, water, or any green thing upon it, being a barren greenrock, five leagues broad. The 24th, at midnight, we agreed to proceed tothe island of _Fernando Loronio_, [Noronho, ] where we knew thatsufficient relief could be had, as we had stopt ten weeks there whenoutward-bound, when unable to double Cape St Augustine. We arrived on the 6th May at Fernando Noronho, [in lat. 3° 28' S. Offthe coast of Brazil, ] where we remained six days to take in water, andto refresh ourselves. The 13th of the same month we departed, shapingour course for the English channel, and arrived at Middleburgh, inZealand, on the 29th of July, 1600. SECTION X. _Voyage of William Adams to Japan, in 1598, and long Residence in thatIsland_. [46] INTRODUCTION. This very curious article consists chiefly of two letters from Japan, written by William Adams, an Englishman, who went there as pilot in aDutch fleet, and was detained there. His _first_ letter, dated Japan, 22d October, 1611, is addressed, --"To my unknown Friends and Countrymen;desiring this letter, by your good means, or the news or copy thereofmay come to the hands of one, or many of my acquaintance, at Limehouse, or elsewhere; or at Gillingham, in Kent, by Rochester. " The _second_letter has no date, the concluding part of it being suppressed or lost, by the malice of the bearers, as Purchas suspected; but is addressed tohis wife, and was probably inclosed in the former, or perhaps sent homeby Saris, whose voyage will be found in the sequel. Adams appears tohave died about 1620, in Japan, as reported by the ship James, whicharrived from that island, in England, in 1621. Purchas observes, thatthough this voyage was not by the Cape of Good Hope, he had yet insertedit among the early English voyages to India, because performed to Japan. The editor of Astley's Collection says that he once intended to haveplaced it in a different division of his work, as performed by asouth-west course; but, because Adams is frequently mentioned in thejournals of Saris and Cocks, to whom he was serviceable in Japan, hechose to follow the example of Purchas. One of the views of Adams, inthe first of these letters, in the opinion of the editor of Astley'sCollection, appears to have been to excite the English to repair toJapan; and they seem to have entertained that object at the same time, as Saris set out upon his voyage to that island six months before thedate of the letter from Adams. [Footnote 46: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 125. Astley, I. 525. ] In Astley's Collection, the editor has used the freedom, as he has donein a variety of other instances, to make great alterations in thearrangement of the original document, and even often makes importantchanges in the sense, which is by no means commendable. In this article, as in all others, we have chosen to have recourse to the originalsource, merely accommodating the language to that of the present day. Before the letters of Adams, it seemed proper to give the followingshort notice of the earlier part of the voyage in which Adams went toJapan, as contained in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. P. 78. --E. * * * * * § 1. _Brief Relation of the Voyage of Sebalt de Wert to the Straits ofMagellan_. In the year 1598, the following ships were fitted out at Amsterdam for avoyage to India: The Hope, of 250 tons, admiral, with 136 persons; theCharity, of 160 tons, vice-admiral, with 110 men; the Faith, of 160tons, and 109 men; the Fidelity, of 100 tons, and 86 men; and the GoodNews, of 75 tons, and 56 men; of which fleet Sir Jaques Mabu wasgeneral, and Simon de Cordes vice-admiral; the captains of the otherthree ships being Benninghen, Bockholt, and Sebalt de Wert. Beingfurnished with all necessary provisions, they set sail on the 27th June, 1598. After much difficulty, and little help at the Cape de Verdislands, where they lost their general, to whom Cordes succeeded, theywere forced, by their pressing wants, and the wiles of the Portuguese, being severely infected with the scurvy in all their ships, to leavethese islands, with the intention of going to the Isle of Anabon, in thegulf of Guinea, in lat. 1° 40' S. To make better provision of water, andother necessaries, and to refresh their men. Falling in unexpectedlywith the land, in about the lat. Of 3° S. 120 miles before theirreckoning, they determined to go to Cape Lope Gonsalves, driving apeddling trade with the negroes as they went along the coast. Arriving at the bay of Cape Lope, the sick men were sent a-shore on the10th November. The 23d, a French sailor came aboard, who promised toprocure them the favour of the negro king, to whom Captain Sebalt deWert was sent. This king was found on a throne hardly a foot high, having a lamb's skin under his feet. He was dressed in a coat of violetcloth, with tinsel lace, without shirt, shoes, or stockings, having aparty-coloured cloth on his head, with many glass beads hanging from hisneck, attended by his courtiers adorned with cocks feathers. His palacewas not comparable to a stable. His provisions were brought to him bywomen, being a few roasted plantains and some smoke-dried fish, servedin wooden vessels, with palm-wine, in such sparing measure, thatMassinissa, and other renowned examples of temperance, might have beendisciples to this negro monarch. One time the Dutch captain regaled hismajesty with some of the ship's provisions; but he forgot all histemperance on being treated with Spanish wine, and had to be carried offmortal drunk. Very little refreshment could be procured here. Theykilled a boar and two buffaloes in the woods, and snared a few birds, besides buying some provisions from the negroes. The worst of all was, as the scurvy subsided, they were afflicted with dangerous fevers. Departing from this place on the 8th December, they came to the islandof _Anobon_ on the 16th, where they procured some provisions by force. By the scurvy and fever they lost thirty men, among whom was ThomasSpring, a young Englishman of promising parts. In the beginning of theyear 1599, they departed from Anabon, steering for the straits ofMagellan, being too late for passing the Cape of Good Hope. The 10thMarch they observed the sea all red, as if mixed with blood, occasionedby being full of red worms, which when taken up leapt like fleas. Theyentered the straits on the 6th April, supplying themselves at Penguinislands with thirteen or fourteen hundred of these birds. On the 18th ofthat month they anchored in Green bay within the straits, where they gotfresh water and large mussels. They remained at this place till the 23dof August, in a perpetually stormy winter, and lost a hundred of theirmen. The storm found them continual labour, without any furtherance oftheir intended voyage; suffering continual rain, wind, snow, hail, hunger, loss of anchors, and spoiling of their ships and tackling, sickness, death, and savages, want of stores and store of wants, so thatthey endured a fulness of misery. The extreme cold increased theirappetites, which decreased their provisions, and made them anxious tolook out for more. On the 7th May, going in their boats to take gudgeons on the south sideof the straits, opposite Green bay, they descried seven canoes withsavages, who _seemed_ ten or eleven feet high, with red bodies and longhair. [47] The Dutch were much amazed at these men, who likewiseterrified them with stones and loud cries. The Dutch got immediatelyinto their boats, and stood on their defence; but when the savages sawfour or five of their companions fall down dead, slain by Dutch thunder, they fled to the land; and plucking up large trees, barricadedthemselves against the Hollanders, who left them. After this, three ofthe Dutchmen, in seeking food to preserve their life, found death at thehands of naked savages, who were armed with barbed darts, which, if theyentered the flesh, had to be cut out. [Footnote 47: This is the first notice we have yet met with of thelong-famed Patagonians; but their enormous stature in the text is verydiffidently asserted. We shall have future opportunities of becomingbetter acquainted with these South American giants. Perhaps the originalmay only have said they seemed ten or eleven _spans_ high, and somecareless editor chose to substitute _feet_. --E. ] This Green bay, in which they staid so long, was named Cordes bay afterthe commander. In another, called Horse bay, they erected a new guild orfraternity, binding themselves with much solemnity and many oaths tocertain articles, and calling it the _Fraternity of the Freed Lion_. Thegeneral added six chosen men to himself in this society, and causedtheir names to be engraven on a board, which was hung up on highpillars, to be seen by all passing that way; but it was defaced by thesavages, who likewise disinterred the dead bodies from their graves anddismembered them, carrying one away. The 3d September, they left the straits, and continued till the 7th, when De Wert was forced to stay by a storm, and the Faith and Fidelitywere left behind in much misery, hunger, tempests, leaks, and otherdistress. The death of their master, and the loss of their consorts, added much to their misery, and in the end of the month they were forcedagain into the straits; after which, in two months, they had not onefair day to dry their sails. The 14th October, the Faith lost twoanchors. To one place they gave the name of Perilous bay, and calledanother Unfortunate bay, in remembrance of their distresses, to all ofwhich the devil added mutiny among their people and thieving. They tooka savage woman who had two children, one of whom they thought to be onlysix months old, yet it could walk readily, and had all its teeth. Iloath to relate their loathsome feeding, with the blood running fromtheir mouths. They here met General Oliver Noort, whose men were alllusty, and was yet unable to spare them any relief. After a world ofstraits in these straits, too long to rehearse, they departed thence onthe 22d January, 1600, and arrived in the Maese on the 14th July. Without the straits, in lat. 50° 40' S. They saw three islands, sixtymiles from land, stored with penguins, which they called the Sebaldinesof the Indies, but which are not inserted in maps. [48] [Footnote 48: The only islands which agree in any respect with theposition assigned in the text, are the north-westermost of the Malouinesor Falkland islands, which are nearly in that latitude, but much fartherfrom the land. --E. ] § 2. _First Letter of William Adams_. Hearing that some English merchants are residing in the island of Java, although by name unknown, and having an opportunity, I presume to writethese lines, desiring your worshipful company, being unknown to me, topardon my boldness. The reason of my writing is chiefly that myconscience binds me to love my country and country men. Your worshipswill therefore please to understand that I am a Kentish man, born in thetown of Gillingham, two miles from Rochester and one mile from Chatham, where the king's ships lie; and that from the age of twelve years I wasbrought up at Limehouse near London, being apprentice twelve years toone Mr Nicholas Diggines. I have served both as master and pilot in hermajesty's ships; and served eleven or twelve years with the worshipfulcompany of Barbary merchants. When the Indian trade of Holland began, Iwas desirous of making some trial of the small knowledge which God hathgiven me in that navigation. So, in the year 1598, I was hired as chiefpilot of a fleet of five sail, which was fitted out by Peter Vanderhagand Hans Vanderuke, the chiefs of the Dutch India company. A merchantnamed Jaques Mayhay, [49] was general of this fleet, in whose ship I waspilot. [Footnote 49: Called Mahu in the preceding narrative. --E. ] It being the 23d or 24th of June before we set sail, we were too late incoming to the line to pass it without contrary winds, for it was thenthe middle of September, at which time we found much southerly winds, and many of our men fell sick, so that we were obliged to go upon thecoast of Guinea to Cape Lopo Gonsalves, where we landed our sick men, many of whom died. Few recovered here, as the climate was veryunhealthy, and we could procure little or no refreshment. We determinedtherefore, for the fulfilment of our voyage, to sail for the coast ofBrazil, and to pass through the straits of Magellan. By the way we cameto an island called _Ilha da Anobon_, where we landed and took the town, consisting of about eighty houses. We refreshed in this island, where wehad plenty of lemons, oranges, and various other fruits; but such wasthe unhealthiness of the air, that as one grew better another fell sick. We spent upon the coast of Cape Gonsalves and at Anobon about twomonths, till the 12th or 13th of November, when we sailed from Anobon, having the wind still at S. By E. And S. S. E. Till we got four degreessouth of the line; at which time the winds became more favourable, coming to S. E. E. S. E. And E. So that we ran from Anobon to the straitsin about five months. During this passage, one of our ships carried awayher mainmast, by which we were much hindered, having to set up a newmast at sea. The 29th of March we espied the land in the latitude of 50° S. Afterhaving the wind for two or three days contrary; but the wind becomingagain fair, we got into the straits of Magellan on the 6th April, 1599, by which time the winter was come on, so that there was much snow. Through cold and hunger combined, our men became very weak. We had thewind at east for five or six days, in which time we might have passedthrough the straits; but we waited refreshing our men, taking in woodand water, and setting up a pinnace of about fifteen or sixteen tons. Atlength, we would have passed the straits, but could not, on account ofsoutherly winds, attended by much rain and great cold, with snow andice; so that we had to winter in the straits, remaining there from the6th April till the 24th September, by which time almost all ourprovisions were spent, so that many of our men died of hunger. Havingpassed through the straits into the South Sea, we found many violentcurrents, and were driven south into 54 degrees, where we found theweather excessively cold. Getting at last favourable winds, weprosecuted our intended voyage towards the coast of Peru; but in theend lost our whole fleet, being all separated from each other. Before the fleet separated, we had appointed, in case of separation byfoul weather, that we should wait on the coast of Chili, in the latitudeof 46° S. For thirty days, in hopes of rejoining. Accordingly, I went tothat latitude, where we remained twenty-eight days, and procuredrefreshments from the natives, who were very good-natured, though theSpaniards had nearly prevented them at first from dealing with us. Theybrought us sheep and potatoes, for which we gave them bells and knives;but at length they retired into the country, and came no more near us. Having set up a pinnace which we brought with us, and remained inwaiting for our consorts during twenty-eight days, we proceeded to theport of _Baldivia_ in lat. 40° 20' S. But entered not by reason ofcontrary winds, on which we made for the island of _Mocha_, where wearrived next day. Finding none of our ships there, we sailed for theisland of _Santa Maria_, [50] and came next day to the Cape, which iswithin a league and half of that island, where we saw many people; beingmuch tempest-tost endeavouring to go round that cape, and finding goodground, we came to anchor in a fine sandy bay, in fifteen fathoms water. [Footnote 50: The island of Santa Maria, or St Mary, is on the coast ofChili near Conception, in about the latitude 86° 50' N. ] We went in our boat, to endeavour to enter into a friendly conferencewith the natives, but they opposed our landing, and shot a great manyarrows at our men. Yet, having no victuals in our ship, and hoping toprocure refreshments here, we forcibly landed between twenty-seven andthirty men, driving the natives from the shore, but had most of our menwounded by their arrows. Being now on land, we made signs to them offriendship, and at length succeeded in bringing them to an amicableconference, by means of signs and tokens which the people understood. Byour signs we communicated our desire to procure provisions, in exchangefor iron, silver, and cloth. They gave us some wine, potatoes, andfruits; and desired us by signs to return to our ship, and come back thenext day, when they would supply us with victuals. It being now late, our people came on board, most of them more or less hurt, yet glad ofhaving brought the natives to a parley. Next day, the 9th November, 1599, our captain and all our officersprepared to land, having come to the resolution of only going to theshore, and landing two or three men at the most, as the people were verynumerous, and our people were not willing to put too much trust in them. Our captain went in one of our boats, with all the force we were able tomuster; and when near the shore, the natives made signs for him to land, which our captain was not willing to do. But as the natives did not comenear the boats, our captain and the rest determined to land, notwithstanding what had been agreed upon in the ship. At lengthtwenty-three men landed, armed with muskets, and marched up towards fouror five houses; but had hardly got a musketshot shot from the boats, when above a thousand Indians fell upon them from an ambush, with suchweapons as they had, and slew them all within our sight. Our boatswaited long, to see if any of our men would return; but seeing no hopeto recover any of them, they returned to the ship with, the sorrowfulnews that all who had landed were slain. This was a most lamentableaffair, as we had scarcely as many men remaining as could weigh ouranchor. We went next day over to the island of St Mary, where we found ouradmiral, who had arrived there four days before us, and had departedfrom the island of _Mocha_ the day after we came from thence, thegeneral, master, and all the officers having been _wounded_ onshore. [51] We were much grieved for our reciprocal misfortunes, so thatthe one bemoaned the other, yet were glad that we had come togetheragain. My good friend Timothy Shotten of London was pilot of this ship. At this island of St Mary, which is in lat. 37° S, [36° 50'] near thecoast of Chili, it was concluded to take every thing into one of theships, and burn the other; but the new captains could not agree which ofthe ships to burn, so that this agreement was not executed. Having muchcloth in our ships, it was agreed to steer for Japan, which weunderstood was a good market for cloth; and we were the more inclined tothis measure, because the King of Spain's ships upon the coast of Peruhaving now intelligence of us, would come in search of us, and knew thatwe were weak by the loss of our men, which was all too true, for one ofour ships, as we learnt afterwards, was forced to surrender to the enemyat St Jago. [Footnote 51: In the second letter, the general and twenty-seven men aresaid to have been _slain_ at Mocha. --E. ] Having procured refreshments at Santa Maria, more by policy than force, we departed from the road of that island on the 27th November with ourtwo ships, having heard nothing of the rest of our fleet. We took ourcourse direct for Japan, and passed the line together, keeping companytill we came into the latitude of 28° N. In which latitude, on the 22dand 23d of February, we had as heavy a storm of wind as I ever saw, accompanied with much rain; during which storm we lost sight of ourother and larger ship, being very sorry to be left alone, yet comfortedourselves with the hope of meeting again at Japan. Continuing our courseas we best could for wind and weather, till we were in the lat. Of 30°N. We sought for the _north_ cape of that island, but found it not;because it is falsely laid down in all charts, maps, and globes, forthat cape is 35° 30' N. Which is a great difference. [52] At length, in32° 30' N. We saw land on the 19th April, having been four months andtwenty-two days between Santa Maria and Japan, and at this time therewere only six men, besides myself, who could stand on their feet. [Footnote 52: The geographical notices in the text are hardlyintelligible. The northern cape of Japan is in 40° 30' N. _Sanddown_point, towards the _south_ end of the eastern side of the great islandof Niphon, is nearly in the latitude indicated in the text. The latitudeof 32° 30', where, according to Adams, they had first sight of Japan, ison the eastern side of Kiusiu, the south-western island of Japan, inlong. 131° 25' E. While Sanddown point is in long. 141° E. FromGreenwich. --E. ] Being now in safety, we let go our anchor about a league from a placecalled _Bungo_. [53] Many boats came off to us, and we allowed the peopleto come on board, being quite unable to offer any resistance; yet, though we could only understand each other very imperfectly by signs, the people did us no harm. After two or three days, a jesuit came to usfrom a place called Nangasacke, to which place the Portuguese caraksfrom Macao are in use to come yearly. This man, with some Japanesechieftains, interpreted for us, which was bad for us, being our mortalenemies; yet the King of Bungo, where we had arrived, shewed us greatfriendship, giving us a house on shore for our sick, and everyrefreshment that was needful. When we came to anchor off Bungo, we hadtwenty-four men living, sick and well, of whom three died next day, andother three after continuing long sick, all the rest recovering. [Footnote 53: In modern maps, Bungo is the name of the middle provinceon the eastern side of Japan, and includes the indicated latitude, thenearest sea-port town being named _Nocea_, thirty-five miles farthernorth. But as we have hardly any intercourse with Japan, our maps ofthat country are very imperfect. --E. ] The Emperor of Japan hearing of us, sent presently five gallies, orfrigates, to us at Bungo, with orders to bring me to the court where heresided, which was almost eighty English leagues from Bungo. [54] When Icame before him, he demanded to know from what country we were, and Ianswered him in all points. There was nothing almost that he did notenquire about, more especially concerning war and peace betweendifferent countries, to all of which I answered to the best of myknowledge, which were too long to write off at this time. After thisconference, I was ordered to prison along with one of our mariners, whohad accompanied me to serve me, but we were well used there. Some twodays afterwards the emperor sent for me again, and demanded the reasonof our having come so far. I made answer, that we were a people whosought peace and friendship with all nations, and to have trade with allcountries, bringing such merchandise as our country had, and buying suchothers in foreign countries as were in request in ours, through whichreciprocal traffic both countries were enriched. He enquired muchrespecting the wars between us and the Spaniards and Portuguese, and thecauses of the same, all the particulars of which I explained to him, with which he seemed much pleased. After this I was again remanded toprison, but in another place, where my lodging was bettered. [55] [Footnote 54: This was Osaca, which is eighty leagues fromBungo. --_Purchas_. Osaka, in a straight line, is about ninety marine leagues, or 276English miles, from the coast of Bungo. --E. ] [Footnote 55: The second letter, addressed to his wife, breaks offhere. --E. ] I continued thirty-nine days in prison, hearing no news of our ship orcaptain, and knew not whether he were recovered or not, neitherrespecting the rest of our company. In all that time I expectedcontinually to be crucified, as is the custom of Japan, as hanging iswith us; for during my long imprisonment, the Portuguese and jesuitsgave many false accounts against us to the emperor, alledging that wewere thieves, who went about to rob and plunder all nations, and that ifwe were suffered to live it would be to the injury of the emperor andhis nation; for then no nation would come there without robbing, but ifjustice were executed upon us, it would terrify the rest of our nationfrom coming there any more. They thus persuaded the emperor daily to cutus off, making all the friends at court they could to back them. But Godwas merciful to us, and would not permit them to have their will againstus. At length the emperor gave them this answer: "That, as we had doneno hurt to him or any of his subjects, it was contrary to reason andjustice to put us to death; and if our country and theirs were at war, that was no reason why he should punish us. " They were quite cast downby this answer, seeing their cruel intentions towards us disappointed, for which God be praised for ever and ever. While I remained in prison, the emperor gave orders for our ship to bebrought as near to the city where he resided as possible, which was doneaccordingly. Then, on the one and fortieth day of my imprisonment, I wasagain brought before the emperor, who asked me many more questions, which were too long to write. In conclusion, he asked me if I wished togo to the ship to see my countrymen, which I said would give me muchsatisfaction. So he bad me go, and I departed, being freed fromimprisonment. I now first learnt that our ship and company were come tothe city where the emperor resided; whereupon, with a joyous heart, Itook a boat and went on board, where I found our captain and the restrecovered from their sickness. At our meeting they saluted me withtears, having heard that I was long since put to death. Thus, God bepraised, all we that were left alive came again together. All our things were taken out of our ship, all my instruments and otherthings being taken away, so that I had nothing left but the clothes onmy back, and all the rest were in a similar predicament. This had beendone unknown to the emperor, and, being informed of it, he gave ordersto restore every thing to us; but they were all so dispersed among manyhands that this could not be done. Wherefore 50, 000 ryals were orderedto be given us, which the emperor himself saw delivered into the handsof one of his officers, who was appointed our governor, with orders tosupply us from that fund as we had occasion, to enable us to purchaseprovisions, and all other necessary charges. At the end of thirty days, during which time our ship lay before a city called _Sakay_, threeleagues, or two and a half, from _Osaka_, where the emperor thenresided, an order was issued that our ship should be carried to theeastern part of the land of Japan called _Quanto_, whither, according tohis commands, we went, the distance being about 120 leagues. Our passagethere was long, owing to contrary winds. Coming to the land of _Quanto_, and near to the city of _Eddo, [Jedo, ]_[56] where the emperor then was, we used many supplications to get ourship set free, and to be allowed to seek our best profit at the placewhere the Hollanders have their trade, [57] in the prosecution of whichsuit we expended much of the money given us by the emperor. In this timethree or four of our men mutinied against the captain and me, and drewin the rest of our men, by which we had much trouble with them, everyone endeavouring to be commander, and all being desirous to share amongthem the money given us by the emperor. It would be too tedious torelate all the particulars of this disturbance. Suffice it to say, thatwe divided the money, giving to every one a share according to hisplace. This happened when we had been two years in Japan. After this, when we had received a positive denial to our petition for having ourship restored, and were told that we must abide in Japan, our people, who had now their shares of the money, dispersed themselves, every oneto where he thought best. In the end, the emperor gave to every one tolive upon two pounds of rice daily, and so much yearly as was wortheleven or twelve ducats, the captain, myself, and the mariners allequal. [Footnote 56: Osaka, at the head of a bay of the same name on the southside of Niphon, is in lat. 34° 58' N. Long. 135° 5' E. Sakay, or Sakai, on the eastside of the same bay, is about fifteen miles directly southfrom Osaka. Eddo, or Jedo, at the head of a bay of that name, likewiseon the south side of Niphon, is in lat. 35° 38' long. 140° E. FromGreenwich--E. ] [Footnote 57: This is probably an anachronism, meaning the place wherethe Hollanders had been allowed to trade by the time when Adams wrote in1611. --E. ] In the course of three or four years the emperor called me before him, as he had done several times before, and on this occasion he would haveme to build him a small ship. I answered that I was not a carpenter, andhad no knowledge in ship-building. "Well then, " said he, "do it as wellas you can, and if it be not well done, there is no matter. " AccordinglyI built a ship for him of about eighty tons burthen, constructed in allproportions according to our manner. He came on board to see her, andwas much pleased, so that I grew into favour with him, was oftenadmitted to his presence, and received presents from him from time totime, and at length got an yearly revenue to live upon, equal to aboutseventy ducats, besides two pounds of rice daily, as before. Being insuch grace and favour, owing to my having taught him some parts ofgeometry and mathematics, with other things, I so pleased him, thatwhatever I said was not to be contradicted. My former enemies, thejesuits and Portuguese, wondered much at this, and often solicited me tobefriend them with the emperor, so that through my means both Spaniardsand Portuguese have frequently received favours, and I thus recompensedtheir evil with good. In this manner, though at first it cost me muchlabour and pains to pass my time and procure a living, God hath atlength blessed my endeavours. At the end of five years I made supplication to the emperor for leave toquit Japan, desiring to see my poor wife and children, according tonature and conscience; but he was displeased with my request, and wouldnot permit me to go away, saying that I must continue in the country. Yet in process of time, being greatly in his favour, I made supplicationagain, hearing that the Hollanders were in Acheen and Patane, whichrejoiced us much, in the hopes that God would enable us to return againto our country by some means or other. I told him, if he would permit meto depart, I would be the means of bringing both the English andHollanders to trade in his country. He said that he was desirous of boththese nations visiting his country in the way of trade, and desired meto write to them for that purpose, but would by no means consent to mygoing away. Seeing, therefore, that I could not prevail for myself; Ipetitioned him for leave to our captain to depart, which he readilygranted. Having thus procured his liberty, the captain embarked in aJapanese junk, in which he went to Patane, where he waited a year forDutch ships; but none arriving in that time, he went from Patane toJohor, where he found a fleet of nine sail, of which _Matleet_ wasgeneral, and in which fleet he was again made a master. This fleet sailed for Malacca, where it fought with a Portuguesesquadron, in which battle he was slain; so that I think as yet there canbe no certain news respecting me, whether I be alive or dead. WhereforeI am very desirous that my wife and two children may learn that I amalive in Japan; my wife being in a manner a widow, and my childrenfatherless; which alone is my greatest grief of heart, and sorelyafflicts me. I am a man not unknown in Ratcliff and Limehouse;particularly to my good master Mr Nicholas Diggines, Mr Thomas Best, MrNicholas Isaac and Mr William Isaac, brothers, with many others, as alsoto Mr William Jones and Mr Becket. Therefore, if this letter, or a copyof it, may come into any of their hands, I am sure that such is theirgoodness, that they will communicate the news to my family and friends, that I do as yet live in this vale of sinful pilgrimage: Which, thing Ido again and again earnestly desire may be done, for the sake of Jesus. You are to understand, that the first ship I built for the emperor madea voyage or two, whereupon he commanded me to build another, which I didof the size of 120 tons. In this ship I made a voyage from Meaco[58][inlat. 35° 12' N. Long. 135° 37' E. ] to Jeddo, being about as far asLondon is from the Lizard or Land's-end of England. In the year 1609, the emperor lent this ship to the governor of Manilla, to go with 86 ofhis men to Accapulco. In the same year 1609, a great ship of about 1000tons, called the San Francisco, was cast away on the east coast ofJapan, in the latitude of 30° 50' N. Being in great distress in a storm, she cut her mainmast by the board, and bore away for Japan; and in thenight time, before they were aware, the ship ran on shore, and wasutterly wrecked, 136 men being drowned, and 340 or 350 saved, in whichship the governor of Manilla was going as a passenger for New Spain. This governor was sent off to Accapulco, as before said, in the largership of my building, and 1611 he sent back another ship in her stead, with a great present, and an ambassador to the emperor, giving him greatthanks for his kindness, and sending the value of the emperor's ship ingoods and money: which ship of my building, the Spaniards now have atthe Philippine islands. [Footnote 58: Meaco is entirely an inland city, thirty-five miles fromOsaka, and on the same river, which runs into the bay of Osaka two orthree miles below the latter city. It is probable, therefore, that thisship may have been built at Meaco, and floated down the river to the bayof Osaka. --E. ] At this time, for the services which I have performed to the emperor, and am daily performing, he hath given me a living, like unto alordship in England, in which there are eighty or ninety husbandmen, whoare as my servants and slaves, the like having never been done to anystranger before in this country. Thus God hath amply provided for meafter my great misery To his name be the praise for ever and ever. _Amen_. But whether I shall ever get out of this land or not I know not. Until this present year, 1611, there has been no way or manner ofaccomplishing this my earnest desire, which there now is through thetrade of the Hollanders. In 1609, two ships belonging to Holland came toJapan, in the intention of taking the carak which comes yearly fromMacao. Being five or six days too late for that purpose, they camenotwithstanding to Firando. [59] From thence they waited on the emperor, and were received in a friendly manner, receiving permission to comeyearly to Japan with one or two ships, and so departed with theemperor's pass or licence. In consequence of this permission, a smallship is arrived this year, 1611, with cloth, lead, elephants' teeth, damask, black taffeties, raw silk, pepper, and other commodities; andhave given a sufficient excuse why they missed the former year, as hadbeen promised. This ship was well received, and entertained in afriendly manner. [Footnote 59: Firando is an island about twenty miles in diameter, inthe west of Japan, the centre of which is in lat. 33° 10' N. And long. 128° 30' E. From Greenwich. --E. ] You must understand that the Hollanders have here _an Indies_ of moneyand profit; as by this trade they do not need to bring silver fromHolland to the East Indies; for in Japan there is much silver and gold, to serve their turn in other places of the East Indies where it isneeded. The merchandise that is most vendible here for ready money, israw silk, damask, black taffety, black and red cloth of the best kind, lead, and such like goods. Learning, by this lately-arrived Hollander, that a settled trade is now carried on by my countrymen in the EastIndies, I presume that some among them, merchants, masters, or mariners, must needs know me. Therefore am I emboldened to write these few lines, which I have made as short as I could, not to be too tedious to thereaders. This country of Japan is a great island, reaching in its northern partto the latitude of forty-eight degrees, [60] and its most southerly partis in thirty-five degrees, both north. Its length from east by north towest by south, for such is its direction, is 220 English leagues. Thebreadth from south to north is thirteen degrees, twenty leagues to thedegree, or 260 leagues, so that it is almost square. The inhabitants ofJapan are good-natured, courteous above measure, and valiant in war. Justice is executed with much severity, and is distributed impartially, without respect of persons, upon all transgressors of the law. They aregoverned in great civility, and I think that no part of the world hasbetter civil policy. The people are very superstitious in theirreligion, and entertain various opinions or beliefs. There are manyjesuits and franciscan friars in the country, and who have many churchesin the land. [Footnote 60: The island of Japan Proper reaches only to lat. 40° 37' N. And the southern coast of Tacuxima, its most southerly detached isle, isin lat. 32° 28'. The most southerly point of the largest island of Niphonbeing in 33° 3' N. The extreme length of Niphon, in a slight curve fromN. E. To S. W. Is about 815 English miles; or, continuing the measure tothe S. W. Extremity of Kiusiu at Cape Nomo, about 1020 miles. The breadthis very irregular, but cannot exceed 100 miles on the average. --E. ] Thus shortly am I constrained to write, hoping that by one means orother I may hear of my wife and children in process of time, and so withpatience I wait the good will and pleasure of Almighty God; earnestlydesiring all those to whom this letter may come, to use means toacquaint my good friends before named of its contents; that so my wifeand children may hear of me, and I may have hope to hear of them beforeI die. Which God grant, to his glory and my comfort. _Amen_. Dated in Japan, the 22d of October, 1611, by your unworthy friend andservant, to command in what I can, WILLIAM ADAMS. §3. _Letter of William Adams to his Wife_. [61] Loving wife, you shall hereby understand how all things have passed withme since I left you. We sailed from the Texel with five ships, on the24th June, 1598, and took our departure from the coast of England the5th July. The 21st August we came to St Jago, one of the Cape VerdIslands, where we remained twenty-four days. In this time many of ourmen fell sick, through the unwholesomeness of the air, and our generalamong the rest. We abode so long among these islands, because one of thecaptains of our fleet made our general believe that we should findplenty of refreshments there, as goats and other things, which was notthe case. I and all the pilots in the fleet were here called to council;but as we all declared ourselves much averse to the place, our opinionswere so much disliked by the captains, that they agreed among themselvesto call us no more to council. [Footnote 61: Although this fragment relates to the same circumstancesthat are detailed in the former letter, these are frequently given moreat large, and it has therefore been retained. --E. ] The 15th September we departed from St Jago, and passed the equator; andin the lat. Of 3° S. Our general died. The season being much too late, we were forced upon the coast of Guinea, falling in with a headlandcalled _Cabo de Spiritu Santo_. The new general commanded us to bear upfor Cape Lopo Gonsalves, to seek refreshments for our men, which wasdone accordingly. We landed all our sick at that place, where they didnot find much benefit, as we could get no store of provisions. The 29thDecember we resumed our voyage, and on our way fell in with an islandcalled Anobon, where we landed our sick men, taking possession of theisland by force, the town containing about eighty houses. Having hererefreshed our men, we again set sail, our general giving out in orders, that each man was only to have the allowance of one pound of bread infour days, being a quarter of a pound daily, with a like reducedallowance of wine and water. This scarcity of victuals made our men sofeeble, that they fell into great weakness and sickness for very hunger, insomuch that they eat the calf-skins with which our ropes were covered. The 3d April, 1599, we fell in with port St Julian, ; and on the 6th weentered the Straits of Magellan, which are at first narrow. The 8th daywe passed the second narrows with a fair wind, and came to anchor atPenguin Island, where we landed, and loaded our boat with penguins. These are fowls larger than ducks, and proved a great refreshment to us. The 10th we weighed anchor, having much wind, yet fair for our passage;but our general insisted upon taking in wood and water for all ourships, of which there is great abundance in all parts of the straits, and good anchoring grounds every three or four leagues. In the mean timethe wind changed, and became southerly; so we sought for a good harbouron the north side of the straits, four leagues from Elizabeth Bay. Aprilbeing out, we had a wonderful quantity of snow and ice, with greatwinds; for the winter there is in April, May, June, July, and August, being in 52° 30' S. Many times during the winter we had the wind fairfor passing through the straits, but our general would not; so that weremained in the straits till the 24th August, [62] 1599, on which day wecame into the South Sea. Six or seven days after the whole fleet wasseparated, and the storm-continuing long, we were driven south, into 1st54° 30' S. The weather clearing up, with a fair wind, we saw the admiralagain, to our great joy. Eight or ten days afterwards, having very heavywind in the night, our foresail was blown away, and we again lost sightof the admiral. [Footnote 62: In the former letter this is called the 24th September, which seems to be the true date from what follows--E. ] Having a fair wind for that purpose, we directed our course for thecoast of Chili, where we arrived on the 29th October, at a placeappointed by the general for a rendezvous, in lat. 46° S. Where wewaited twenty-eight days, and set up a pinnace. In this place we foundpeople, with whom we had friendly intercourse for five or six days, during which they brought us sheep, for which we gave them bells andknives, with which they seemed contented. But shortly afterwards theyall went away from the place where our ship lay, and we saw no more ofthem. The twenty-eight days being expired, we set sail in the intentionto go to Baldivia, and came to the mouth of the port; but as the windwas high, our captain changed his mind, and we directed our course forthe island of Mocha, in thirty-eight degrees, where we arrived the 1stNovember. The wind being still high, we durst not come to anchor, anddirected our course for Cape St Mary, two leagues south of the island ofthat name. Having no knowledge of the people, our men landed on the 2dof November, and the natives fought with them, wounding eight or, nineof our people; but in the end the natives made a false composition offriendship with them, which our men believed sincere. Next day our captain went on shore, with twenty-three of our best men, meaning to get victuals in exchange for goods, as we were reduced togreat straits. Two or three of the natives came immediately to the boat, bringing a kind of wine and some roots, and making signs for our peopleto land, where they would get sheep and oxen. The captain and men wentaccordingly on shore, being very anxious to get provisions; but above athousand of the natives broke out upon them from an ambush, and slewthem all, among whom was my brother, Thomas Adams. After this severeloss we had hardly as many men remaining as could hoist our anchor; soon the 3d November, in great distress and heaviness of mind, we went tothe island of Santa Maria, where we found our admiral ship, by which ourhearts were somewhat comforted: but when we went on board, we found themin as great distress as ourselves, the general and twenty-seven of theirmen having been slain at the island of Mocha, from whence they haddeparted the day before we passed that island. We here consulted what weshould do to procure victuals, not being in condition to go to land andtake them by force, as most of our remaining men were sick. While in this sad dilemma, there came a Spaniard on board by compositionto see our ship. He came on board again the next day, and we allowed himquietly to depart. The following day two Spaniards came, on board, without pawn or surety, to see if they could betray us. When they hadseen our ship, they were for going again on land; but we would not letthem, saying, as they had come on board without leave, we should notpermit them to go away till we thought fit, at which they were very muchoffended. We then told them how much we were in want of victuals, andsaid if they would let us have such a number of sheep and ewes, that wewould set them at liberty. Thus, against their wills, they entered intoa composition with us, which, within the time appointed, theyaccomplished. Having procured so much refreshment, most of our menrecovered. In consequence of the death of the general, one Hudcopee, a young man, who knew nothing, and had served the former, was made general in hisstead; and the master of our ship, Jacob Quaternack, of Rotterdam, wasmade captain of our ship, in the place of him who had been slain. So thenew general and vice-admiral called me and the other pilot, anEnglishman, named Timothy Shorten, who had been with Mr Thomas Candishin his voyage round the world, and desired our advice how to prosecutethe voyage for the best profits of our merchants. It was at lastresolved to go for Japan, as, by the report of one Dirrick Gerritson, who had been there with the Portuguese, woollen cloth was in greatestimation in that island; and we concluded that the Moluccas, and mostother parts of the East Indies, being hot countries, our woollen clothwould not be there in much request: wherefore we all agreed to go forJapan. Leaving, therefore, the coast of Chili, in lat. 36° S. On the 27thNovember, 1599, we shaped our course direct for Japan, and passed theequinoctial line with a fair wind, which lasted several months. In ourway we fell in with certain islands in lat. 16° N. Of which theinhabitants are canibals. [63] Coming near these islands, our pinnace, with eight men, ran from us, and were eaten, as we supposed, by thesavages, of whom we took one man. [Footnote 63: These islands seem to be the Ladrones. --_Purchas_. ] In the latitude of 27 or 28 degrees north, we had variable winds andstormy weather; and on the 24th February, 1600, we lost sight of ouradmiral, and never saw his ship more; yet we still continued our coursefor Japan. The 24th March we saw an island called _Una Colona_, at whichtime many of our men were again sick, and several dead. We were in theutmost misery, not above nine or ten of our men being able to creepabout on their hands and knees; while our captain and all the rest wereexpecting every hour to die. The 11th April, 1600, we had sight ofJapan, near to _Bungo_, at which time there were not more than five ofus able to stand. The 12th we came close to Bungo, and let go ouranchor, many barks coming aboard of us, the people whereof we willinglyallowed to come into our ship, having indeed no power to resist them. These people did us no personal injury; but they stole every thing theycould lay their hands upon, for which some paid very dear afterwards. Next day the king of that land sent a party of soldiers on board, toprevent the merchant goods from being stolen. Two or three days after, our ship was brought into a good harbour, there to remain till theemperor of the whole island was informed of our arrival, and should givehis orders as to what was to be done with us. In the meantime wepetitioned the King of Bungo for leave to land our captain and the othersick men, which was granted, having a house appointed for them, in whichthey were all laid, and had all manner of refreshments given them. After we had been five or six days here, there came a Portuguese jesuit, with other Portuguese, who falsely reported of us that we were pirates, and not at all in the way of trade; which scandalous reports caused thegovernors and people to think very ill of us, so that we even looked forbeing set upon crosses, which is the punishment in this land forthievery and some other crimes. Thus daily did the Portuguese incensethe rulers and the people against us. At this time two of our men becametraitors, giving themselves up to the service of the emperor, andbecoming all in all with the Portuguese, who warranted them their lives. One was named Gilbert de Conning, whose mother dwelt in Middleburg, whogave himself out as the merchant over all the goods in the ship; thename of the other was John Abelson van Oudwater. These traitors triedevery means to get the goods into their hands; and made known to thePortuguese every thing that had happened during our voyage. Nine days after our arrival, the emperor, or great king of the land, sent for me to come to him. So, taking one man with me, I went to him, taking leave of our captain and the sick men, and commending myself intoHIS hands who had hitherto preserved me from the perils of the sea. Iwas carried in one of the emperor's gallies to the court of Osaka, wherethe emperor then resided, being about eighty leagues from where our shiplay. On the 12th May, 1600, I came to the city of Osaka, and was broughtimmediately into the presence of the emperor, his palace being awonderfully costly house, gilded with gold in great profusion. On comingbefore him, he viewed me well, and seemed favourably disposed towardsme, making many signs to me, some of which I comprehended, and othersnot. After some time there came one who could speak Portuguese, whoacted as interpreter. Through this person the king demanded to know fromwhat country I was, and what had induced us to come to his land, at sogreat a distance from our own country. I then told him whence we were, that our country had long sought out the East Indies, desiring to livein peace and friendship with all kings and potentates in the way oftrade; having in our country various commodities which these lands hadnot, and wishing to purchase such commodities in this land as ourcountry did not possess. He then asked me if our country had any wars;to which I answered, that we were at war with the Spaniards andPortuguese, but at peace with all other nations. He farther asked me, what was my religious belief; to which I made answer, that I believed inGod, who created the heavens and the earth. After many questions aboutreligion and many other things, he asked me by what way we came to hiscountry. Having with me a chart of the world, I showed him the way inwhich we had come, through the straits of Magellan; at which hewondered, and seemed as if he did not believe I spoke truth. Asking mewhat merchandise we had in our ship, I gave him an account of the whole. Thus, from one thing to another, I remained with him till midnight. Inthe end, when he was ready to depart, I desired that we might be allowedthe same freedom of trade which the Spaniards and Portuguese enjoyed. Hemade me some answer, but what it was I did not understand, and thencommanded me to be carried to prison. Two days afterwards he sent for me again, and made many inquiries aboutthe qualities and conditions of our countries; about wars and peace, ofbeasts and cattle of all sorts, of the heavens, and many other things;and he seemed well pleased with my answers. Yet was I again remanded toprison; but my lodging was bettered in another place. * * * * * "The rest of this letter, by the malice of the bearers, was suppressed, but was probably the same in substance with the former; yet I have addedthis also, because it contains several things not mentioned in theother. This William Adams _lately_[64] died at Firando, in Japan, as bythe last ship, the James, returning home in the year 1621, we havereceived intelligence. "--_Purchas_. [Footnote 64: This is in reference to the year 1625, when the Pilgrimsof Purchas was published. --E. ] SECTION XI. _Voyage of Sir Edward Michelburne to India, in_ 1604. [65] INTRODUCTION This voyage is given by Purchas under the title of "The Second Voyage ofJohn Davis, with Sir Edward Michelburne, into the East Indies, in theTiger, a ship of 240 tons, with a pinnace, called the Tiger's Whelp. "Purchas adds, that, though later in time than the first voyage set forthby the English East India Company, he had chosen to insert it in hiswork previous to their voyages, because not performed in theiremployment; and we have here followed his example, because not one ofthe voyages equipped by the Company. It is called the _second_ voyage ofJohn Davis, because he had been to the East Indies before, as related inthe ninth section of this chapter, and went upon this voyage with SirEdward Michelburne. But it ought to have been called his _third_, andindeed it is actually so named in the table of contents of the Pilgrims;as, besides his _first_ voyage along with the Dutch in 1594, he appearsto have sailed in the first voyage instituted by the Company for India, in 1601, under Lancaster. The editor of Astley's Collection supposesthis journal to have been written by the captain or master of one of theships, from some expressions in the narrative; at all events, it waswritten by some person actually engaged in the voyage. It is verysingular that Sir Edward Michelburne, though a member of the first EastIndia Company, and the fourth of the list in the original patent, shouldhave set forth this voyage on private account. [Footnote 65: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 192. Astley, I. 306. ] We learn from the annals, of the India Company, that the lord-treasurerof England, in 1600, when the company was first instituted, proposedthat Sir Edward Michelburne should be appointed to command the firstfleet dispatched to India; but this was firmly declined, as willafterwards appear. Sir Edward now commanded what may be called aninterloping trading voyage to India, under a licence granted by James I. In absolute contravention of the exclusive privilege granted to theCompany. --E. * * * * * The 5th of December, 1604, we sailed from Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, and arrived in the road of Aratana, in the island of Teneriffe, on the23d of that month. During the whole night of the 14th January, 1605, wewere troubled with excessive heat, thunder, lightning, and rain. The 6thwe passed the line, shaping our course for the isle of _Noronha_, withthe wind at S. S. E. , our course being S. S. W. About three degrees south ofthe line, we met with incredible multitudes of fish; so that, with hooksand harping irons, we took so many dolphins, bonitos, and other fishes, that our men were quite weary with eating them. There were likewise manyfowls, called _parharaboves_ and _alcatrarzes_. We took many of theformer, as it delights to come to a ship in the night-time, insomuch, that if you hold up your hand, they will light upon it. The alcatrarzeis a kind of hawk that lives on fish; for, when the bonitos and dolphinschase the flying fishes in the water till they are forced to take wingfor safety, the alcatrarzes fly after them like hawks after partridges. I have seen often so many of these flying fishes at one time in the air, that they appeared at a distance like a large flock of birds. They aresmall fishes, hardly so large as a herring. The 22d of January we came to anchor at the island of Fernando Noronba, in lat. 4° S. Where our skiff was overset going ashore, by the violenceof the surf, and Richard Michelburne, a kinsman of our general, wasdrowned, all the rest being saved. The 25th, our long-boat, while goingto fill some empty casks with water, fell in with the same unfortunatesurf, and was overset, when two more of our men were drowned. We were somuch put about in getting wood and water on board, by the danger of thesurf, that we had to pull our casks on shore by means of ropes, and soback again when filled. Not six days before our arrival, there was aHolland ship here, whose boat, in going for water, was stove on therocks, and all the men dashed to pieces, having their legs and arms cutfrom their bodies. The 26th, the general went on shore to view the island, which was foundentirely waste, being only inhabited by six negro slaves. There wereformerly in this island many goats, and some wild cattle; but as thePortuguese caraks sometimes water here in their way to the East Indies, and these poor slaves are left here purposely to kill goats and drytheir flesh for these ships, we could find very few of them. There are, however, great quantities of turtle-doves, alcatrarzes, and other fowls, of which we killed many with our fire-arms, and found them excellenteating. There is likewise here plenty of maize or Guinea wheat, andabundance of cotton trees, on which grows fine _bombast_; with greatnumbers of wild gourds and water melons. Having completed our supply ofwood and water, we came on board, and continued our voyage. The 12th February, when in lat. 7° 5' S. We saw at night the mostextraordinary sight, in my opinion, that ever was seen. The sea seemedall night, though the moon was down, all over, as it were, burning andshining with flames of fire, so that we could have seen to read any bookby its light. The 15th, in the morning, we descried the island, or rockrather, of Ascension, in lat. 8° 30' S. Towards night, on the 1st April, we descried land from the maintop, bearing S. S. E. When, according to ourreckoning, we were still 40 leagues off. The 2d, in the morning, we wereclose to the land, being ten or twelve leagues north of Saldanha bay. The 3d we sailed by a small island, which Captain John Davis took to beone that is some five or six leagues from Saldanha bay, called _Dassen_island, which our general was desirous to see; wherefore he went onshore in the skiff, with only the master's mate, the purser, and myself, with four rowers. While we were on shore, a storm arose, which drove theship out of sight of the island, so that we were forced to remain onshore two days and nights. This island has great numbers of seals andconies, or rabbits, on which account we called it Conie island. The 8th, we came to anchor in the road or bay of Saldanha, [66] and wentashore on the 9th, finding a goodly country, inhabited by the mostsavage and beastly people that ever were created. In this place we hadmost excellent refreshments, the like of which is not to be found amongany other savage people; for we wanted neither for beef nor mutton, norwild-fowl, all the time we lay there. This country is very full ofcattle and sheep, which they keep in great flocks and herds, as we do inEngland; and it abounds likewise in wild beasts and birds, as wild deer, in great abundance, antelopes, baboons, foxes, hares, ostriches, cranes, pelicans, herons, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, and various otherexcellent kinds, of which we killed as many as we pleased, with ourfire-arms. The country is most pleasantly watered with many wholesomesprings and brooks, which have their origin in the tops of exceedinghigh mountains, and which, pervading the vallies, render them veryfertile. It has many trees growing close-to the sea-shore, not muchunlike our bay trees, but of a much harder consistence. The nativesbrought us more cattle and sheep than we could use during all the timewe remained there, so that we carried fresh beef and mutton to sea withus. For a piece of an old iron hoop, not worth two-pence, we couldpurchase a large bullock; and a sheep for a small piece of iron notworth two or three good hob-nails. These natives go quite naked, havingonly a sheep skin on their shoulders, and a small flap of skin beforethem, which covers them just as much as if it were not there. While wewere there, they lived on the guts and offal of the meat which we threwaway, feeding in a most beastly manner, as they neither washed norcleaned the guts, but covered them merely with hot ashes, and, beforethey were heated through, pulled them out, shook them a little, and eatguts, excrements, ashes and all. They live on raw flesh, and a kind ofroots, which they have in great abundance. [Footnote 66: This Bay was probably that now called Table bay, which allthe early navigators seem to have denominated Saldanha, or Saldaniabay. --E. ] We continued here from the 9th April, till the 3d May, by which goodrecreation on shore and excellent refreshment, we were all in as goodhealth as when we first put to sea. The 7th May we were off the Cape ofGood Hope, ten leagues south by estimation, and that night we passedover the shoals of _cabo das Aguilhas_. The 9th there arose a greatstorm, when we lost sight of our pinnace, being driven from her by theviolence of the gale. This storm continued in a most tremendous mannerfor two days and two nights, with much rain, thunder, and lightning, andwe often shipped a great deal of water. By reason of the extreme fury ofthe tempests, and the danger they find in passing the southernpromontory of Africa, the Portuguese call this place the _Lion of theSea_. At night, during the extremity of the storm, there appeared aflame on our top-mast head, as big as a great candle, which thePortuguese call _corpo sancto_, holding it as a divine token that theworst is past when it appears; as, thanks be to God, we had betterweather after. It appeared to us two successive nights, after which wehad a fair wind and good weather. Some think this to be a spirit, whileothers say that it is an exhalation of moist vapours. Some affirm thatthe ship is fortunate on which it appears, and that she shall notperish. The 24th, the island of Diego Roiz, in 1st. 19° 40' S. And long. 98° 30'E. Bore north of us, eight leagues distant, about five o'clock[67] Webore down, intending to have landed there, but the wind freshened somuch in the night that we changed our purpose. We saw many white birdsabout this island, having two long feathers in their tails. These birds, and various other kinds, accompanied us along with, such contrary windsand gusts that we often split our sails, and being obliged to lie to, ortack to and again, we rather went to leeward than gained way, having thewind strong at E. S. E. [Footnote 67: The latitude and the name agree with Diego Rodriguez; butthe longitude is inexplicable, as Diego Rodriguez is in long. 63° 10' E. From Greenwich, or 80° 56' from Ferro; making an error of excess in thetext at the least of 17° 51'. --E. ] The 3d June, while standing for the isle _de Cisne_[68] we came again insight of Diego Roiz, and bore down for it, intending to wait there for afair wind; but finding it a dangerous place, we durst not come theretoanchor, for fear of the rocks and shoals that lie about it, so that wechanged our purpose, and stood for the East Indies. The 15th of June, wehad sight of the isle _dos Banhos_, in lat. 6° 37' S. And long. 109°E. [69] These islands are laid down far too much to the west in mostcharts. We sent our boats to try if they could here find any goodanchoring ground, but they could find none either on the south or westshore. There are five of these islands, which abound in fowls, fish, andcocoa-nuts; and our boats going on shore, brought us off a great storeof all these, which proved a great refreshment to us. Seeing we couldfind no good anchorage, as in some places close to the shore we couldfind no bottom, while in other places the ground was full of shoals andsharp rocks, we stood our course as near as we could for India, thewinds being bad and contrary. [Footnote 68: By some thought to be Diego Rodriguez, by others theMauritius, or isle of France. --Astl. 1. 507. A. ] [Footnote 69: A group of islands, one of which is called _Peros Banhos_, is found about the indicated latitude, and between the longitude of 70°and 74° E. Having a similar excess with what was mentioned before inregard to Diego Roiz or Rodriguez. --E. ] The 19th of June, we fell in with the island of _Diego Grasiosa_, inlat. 7° 30' S. And in long. 110° 40' S. By our reckoning. [70] Thisseemed a pleasant island, and a good place for refreshment, if anyproper place could be found for anchoring. We sought but little foranchoring there, as the wind was bad, and the tide set towards theshore, so that we durst not stay to search any farther. The islandseemed to be some ten or twelve leagues long, abounding in fish andbirds, and appeared an entire forest of cocoa-trees. What else ityielded we knew not. The 11th July, we again passed the equator, wherewe were becalmed, with excessive heat, and much thunder and lightning. The 19th we descried land, which seemed many islands, locked as it wereinto one, in lat. 2° N. Under the high coast of the great island ofSumatra. [71] We here sent off our boat to get some fresh water; but thesea went with so violent a _breach_ [surf] upon the shore, that thepeople durst not land. The natives of the island, or islands, made greatfires along the shore, as if inviting us to land. [Footnote 70: Diego Garcia, in the indicated latitude nearly, and inlong. 72° E. From Greenwich. --E. ] [Footnote 71: There is no such cluster of islands in the indicatedlatitude and situation; but off the S. W. Coast of Sumatra, between theline and lat. 2° N. Are several islands of some size, considerablydistant from each other and from Sumatra. --E. ] The 28th we anchored near a small island, where we sent our boat ashorefor fresh water; but finding none, the people brought off somecocoa-nuts, saying that the island was quite full of cocoa palms, whichhad very few nuts upon them. We saw three or four persons on thisisland, but they went away and would not come near us: It was supposedthese people were left here to gather cocoa-nuts, to have them readywhen others should come to carry them away. The 26th of the same month, July 1605, we came to anchor within a league of a large island called_Bata_, [72] in lat. 20' S. We here set up a shallop or bark, and namedher the _Bat_. This island has no inhabitants, but abounds in woods andstreams of water, as also with fish, monkies, and a kind of bird, saidto be the _bat_ of the country, of which I killed one as large as ahare. In shape it resembled a squirrel; only that from its sides therehung down great flaps of skin; which, when he leapt from tree to tree, he could spread out like a pair of wings, as though to fly withthem. [73] They are very nimble, and leap from bough to bough, oftenholding only by their tails. As our shallop was built in _the kingdom ofthese beasts_, we called her therefore _the Bat_. [Footnote 72: _Pulo Botoa_ is about as much north of the line as _Bata_is said in the text to be south. But the island at which they stopt mayhave been _Pulo Mintaon_, about 40 minutes in length from S. To N. Andthe north end of which reaches to the equator. --E. ] [Footnote 73: There are a considerable number of animals of thisdescription, known to naturalists by the general name of flyingsquirrels, sciuri volantes, or _Petauri_. The species mentioned in thetext may have been the sciurus petaurista of Linnaeus, the taguan, flying-cat, flying-hare, or Indian flying-squirrel of various authors. It is much larger than any others of this genus, being eighteen incheslong from nose to rump. Two varieties are mentioned in authors; one of abright chesnut colour; and the other black on the upper parts of thebody, and hoary underneath. --E. ] While walking along the shore on the 29th, I noticed a _roader_, orsmall vessel, riding at anchor under a small island about four leaguesoff, which made me very glad, hoping it might be our pinnace which welost sight of in a great storm near the Cape of Good Hope, and madehaste on board with the news to our general, who sent me with CaptainJohn Davis next morning to endeavour to find her. On coming to theplace, we found three barks riding under the small isle, the people ofwhich made signs for us to come to them, informing us they had hens forsale. Some of them understood Portuguese, so we told them we would goback to our ship for money, not being then provided; but in reality wedurst not go on board them, not being strong enough in case oftreachery. We went back next morning better furnished, thinking to havemade some purchases; but they had weighed anchor and gone away, seemingto have been afraid of us. The 4th August we weighed anchor and stood for Priaman, and on the 9ththe general manned the shallop, and sent us along the coast to see if wecould find any _roaders_, [coasters. ] Spying a sail we gave chase, andfinding they could not get away, the people came to anchor and forsooktheir bark, going all ashore to an island in a small boat, where wecould not follow them. Going on board the bark, in which not a manremained, we found it loaded with cocoanuts, cocoa-oil, and fine mats. Seeing it was such mean stuff, and knowing our general would not haveliked us to take her, we came away, not taking any thing worth speakingof. The 10th and 11th we stood close along the shore of Sumatra, wherewe espied eight _praws_ riding at anchor over against a place called_Ticoo_. Being in great hope of finding our pinnace, the Tiger's Whelp, among them, we stood on; and although she was not there, they put us ingood hope, by telling us there was an English ship at Priaman, not abovesix leagues from this town of Ticoo. Then standing out to sea to rejoinour admiral, we got soon on board, and told the news to our general. Wehad not sailed a league farther, when our ship grounded on a rock ofwhite coral: But, God be praised, having a strong breeze, we got hersoon off again without any hurt. On approaching the road of Priaman, wehad the great satisfaction to see our pinnace there, which we had lostsight of so long before in the storm at the Cape of Good Hope. Thecaptain and master of the pinnace came to meet us in their skiff, half aleague from the road, and on coming aboard, our general welcomed them, with a peal of cannon. After many discourses, recounting what hadhappened to each during our separation, we came to anchor in the road ofPriaman in good ground and five fathoms water. The 14th August, the general sent me on shore with a present to thegovernor and others, to enquire the price of pepper, to buy freshprovisions, and to know if our people might land in safety. But oncoming on shore, the governor durst not speak with us in private, onaccount of wars then subsisting among them, owing to which they werejealous of each other. The cause of these wars was this: The old King ofAcheen had two sons, the elder of whom he kept with himself intendinghim as his successor, and made the younger King of Pedier; upon whichthe elder made his father a prisoner, pretending that he was too old togovern any longer, and afterwards made war on his younger brother. Seeing that little good could be done here, and having refreshed withfresh provisions, we weighed anchor on the 21st, and stood for Bantam. That same day we took two praws, in which there was nothing but a littlerice. In one of these praws two of our men were sore wounded. Thinkingthat all the people had leapt overboard, they boarded the praw; but twoof the natives had hidden themselves behind the sail, and as soon asthe two foremost of our men had entered, they came suddenly from theirconcealment, wounded our men very severely, and then leapt into thewater, where they swam like water spaniels. Taking such things as weliked from the praws, we left them without any farther harm. We took a fishing boat on the 23d, and let her go again, as she hadnothing of value; only that one of her men was shot through the thigh, as they resisted us at the first. The 25th we descried a sail, and sentour shallop, long-boat, and skiff to see what she was, as neither ourship nor pinnace was able to fetch her, being becalmed. On coming upwith her we desired her to strike, but she would not, so we fought withher from three in the afternoon till ten at night, by which time ourpinnace came up, when she struck her sails and yielded. We made her fastto our pinnace, and towed her with us all night. In the morning ourgeneral sent for them to know what they were, and sent three of us onboard to see what she was loaden with. They told our general they wereof Bantam; for which reason, as not knowing what injury he might do tothe English merchants who had a factory at Bantam, and learning from usthat their loading was salt, rice, and china dishes, he sent them againon board their bark, not suffering the value of a penny to be taken fromthem. They stood on for Priaman, and we for Bantam. This bark was of theburden of about forty tons. We met a small ship of Guzerat or Cambaya, on the 2d September, of abouteighty tons, which we took and carried into the road of Sillibar, in lat. 4° S. Into which road many praws continually come for refreshments, asthey may here have wood, water, rice, buffaloes, goats, hens, plantains, and fresh fish, but all very dear. Having dispatched our business, weweighed anchor on the 28th September, and stood for Bantam. The 23dOctober, we came to anchor in the road of Marrah in the strait of Sunda, where we took in fresh water. In this place there is great plenty ofbuffaloes, goats, hens, ducks, and many other good things forrefreshment; and the people do not esteem money so much in payment, aswhite and painted calicoes, and such like stuffs. If well used, thesepeople will use you well; but they must be sharply looked after forstealing, as they think all well got that is stolen from a stranger. We weighed anchor on the 28th of October from before Marrah, and stoodfor Bantam; which is in lat. 6' 40' S. We came this day within threeleagues of Bantam, and anchored for the night. Here we expected to havemet the English fleet, but it had sailed for England three weeks beforeour arrival. Yet those who had been left as factors of our nation cameon board us, being glad to see any of their countrymen in so distant aforeign land. They told our general, that the Hollanders belonging tothe ships in the road, had made very slanderous reports of us to theKing of Bantam, to the following purport: "That we were all thieves andlawless persons, who came there only to deceive and cheat them, or touse violence, as time and opportunity might serve; adding, that we durstnot come into the road among them, but kept two or three leagues fromthence for fear of them. " When our general heard this report, he was somuch moved to anger, that he immediately weighed anchor, sending word tothe Hollanders that he was coming to ride close by them, and bade theproudest of them all that durst be so bold as to put out a piece ofordnance against him: Adding, if they dared either to brave or disgracehim or his countrymen, he would either sink them or sink by their sides. There were five ships of these Hollanders, one of which was seven oreight hundred tons, but all the rest much smaller. We went and anchoredclose beside them, but no notice was taken of our general's message; andthough the Hollanders were wont to swagger and make a great stir onshore, they were so quiet all the time we lay there, that we hardly eversaw one of them on land. We took leave of our countrymen, and departed from Bantam on the 2d ofNovember, shaping our course for Patane. While on our way between theChersonesus of Malacca and _Piedra branca_, we met with three praws, which being afraid of us, anchored so close to the shore that we couldnot come near them, either in our ship or pinnace. Our general thereforemanned the shallop with eighteen of us, and sent us to request that hemight have a pilot for money, to carry his ship to Pulo Timaon, which isabout five days sail from where we met them. But, as they saw that ourship and pinnace were at anchor a mile from them, and could not comenear, they told us flatly that none of them would go with us, andimmediately weighed anchor to go away. We therefore began to fight themall three, and took one of them in less than, half an hour, all hermen, to the number of seventy-three, getting ashore. Another fought withus all night, but yielded about break of day next morning, our generalhaving joined us in his skiff a little while before she yielded. Theywere laden with benzoin, storax, pepper, china dishes, and pitch. Thethird praw got away while we were fighting the other. Our general wouldnot allow any thing to be taken out of them, because they belonged toJava, except two of their men to pilot us to Pulo Timaon. The people ofJava are very resolute in a desperate case. Their principal weapons arejavelins, darts, daggers, and a kind of poisoned arrows which they blowfrom trunks or tubes. They have likewise some arquebusses, but are by nomeans expert in using these; they use also targets, and most of them areMahometans. They had been at _Palimbangan_, and were on their way backto _Grist_, a port town on the north-east coast of Java, to which placethey belonged. The 12th November we dismissed them, pursuing our course for Patane. The26th we saw certain islands to the N. W. Of us, which neither we nor ourpilots knew; but, having a contrary wind for Patane, we thought itnecessary to search these islands for wood and water, hoping to have abetter wind by the time we had watered. The 27th we came to anchorwithin a mile of the shore, in sixteen fathoms, on good ground, on thesouth side of these islands. Sending our boat on shore, we found some ofthem sunken islands, having nothing above water but the trees or theirroots. All these islands were a mere wilderness of woods, but in one ofthem we found a tolerably good watering place; otherwise it was a veryuncomfortable place, having neither fruits, fowls, or any otherrefreshment for our men. We took these islands to be some of the brokenlands which are laid down to the south-east of the island of Bantam. Having taken in wood and water, we weighed anchor and stood for Patane, as well as a bad wind would permit; for we found the winds in thesemonths very contrary, keeping always at N. Or N. W. Or N. E. While near Pulo Laor, on the 12th December, we descried three sail, andsent our pinnace and shallop after one of them which was nearest, whilewe staid with the ship, thinking to intercept the other two; but theystood another course in the night, so that we saw them no more. In themorning we descried our pinnace and shallop about four leagues toleeward, with the other ship which they had taken; and as both wind andcurrent were against them, they were unable to come up to us, so that wehad to go down to them. On coming up with them, we found the prize was ajunk of _Pan-Hange_, [74] of about 100 tons, laden with rice, pepper, andtin, going for Bantam in Java. Not caring for such mean luggage, ourgeneral took as much rice as was necessary for provisioning our ship, and two small brass guns, paying them liberally for all; and tooknothing else, except one man to pilot us to Patane, who came willinglyalong with us, when he saw our general used them well. The other twopilots, we had taken before from the three praws, were very unskilful, wherefore our general rewarded them for the time they had been with us, and sent them back to their own country in this junk. [Footnote 74: This should rather be, perhaps, _Pau-hang_, being the sameplace called by other writers Pahaung, Pahang, or Pahan, often called_Pam_ in the Portuguese accounts, and pronounced by them Pang. --Astl. I. 310. C. ] We parted from her on the 13th, steering for Pulo Timaon, adjoining tothe country of the King of Pan-Hange, [Pahan, ] and were much vexed withcontrary winds and adverse currents: For, from the beginning of Novemberto the beginning of April, the sea runs always to the southwards, andfrom April to November back again towards the north. The wind also inthese first five months is most commonly northerly, and in the otherseven months southerly. All the ships, therefore, of China, Patane, Johor, Pahan, and other places, going to the northward, come to Bantam, or Palimbangan, when the northern monsoon is set in, and return backagain when the southern monsoon begins, as before stated, by observingwhich rule they have the wind and current along with them; but byfollowing the opposite course, we found such violent contrary winds andcurrents, that in three weeks we did not get one league forwards. Thecountry of Pahan is very plentiful, being full of gentry according tothe fashion of that country, having great store of victuals, which arevery cheap, and many ships. It lies between Johor and Patane, stretchingalong the eastern coast of Malacca, and reaches to Cape _Tingeron_, which is a very high cape, and the first land made by the caraks ofMacao, junks of China, or praws of Cambodia, on coming from China forMalacca, Java, Jumbe, Johor Palimbangan, Grisi, or any other parts tothe southwards. Here, as I stood for Patane, about the 27th December, I met with aJapanese junk, which had been pirating along the coasts of China andCambodia. Their pilot dying, what with ignorance and foul weather, theyhad lost their own ship on certain shoals of the great island of Borneo;and not daring to land there, as the Japanese are not allowed to comea-shore in any part of India with their weapons, being a desperatepeople, and so daring that they are feared in all places; wherefore, bymeans of their boats, they had entered this junk, which belonged toPatane, and slew all the people except one old pilot. This junk wasladen with rice; and having furnished her with such weapons and otherthings as they had saved from their sunken ship, they shaped theircourse for Japan; but owing to the badness of their junk, contrarywinds, and the unseasonable time of the year, they were forced toleeward, which was the cause of my unfortunately meeting them. Having haled them and made them come to leeward, and sending my boat onboard, I found their men and equipment very disproportionate for sosmall a junk, being only about seventy tons, yet they were ninety men, most of them in too gallant habits for sailors, and had so much equalityof behaviour among them that they seemed all comrades. One among themindeed was called captain, but he seemed to be held in very littlerespect. I made them come to anchor, and on examining their lading, found nothing but rice, and that mostly spoilt with wet, for theirvessel was leaky both in her bottom and upper works. Questioning them, Iunderstood they were pirates, who had been making pillage on the coastof China and Cambodia, and had lost their own ship on the shoals ofBorneo, as already related. We rode by them at anchor under a smallisland near the isle of Bintang for two days, giving them good usage, and not taking any thing out of them, thinking to have gathered fromthem the place and passage of certain ships from the coast of China, soas to have made something of our voyage: But these rogues, beingdesperate in minds and fortunes, and hopeless of ever being able toreturn to their own country in that paltry junk, had resolved amongthemselves either to gain my ship or lose their own lives. During mutual courtesy and feastings, sometimes five or six and twentyof the principal persons among them came aboard my ship, of whom I wouldnever allow more than six to have weapons; but there never was so manyof our men on board their junk at one time. I wished Captain John Davis, in the morning, to possess himself of their weapons, putting the companybefore the mast, and to leave a guard over their weapons, while theysearched among the rice; doubting that by searching, and perhaps findingsomething that might displease them, they might suddenly set upon my menand put them to the sword, as actually happened in the sequel. But, beguiled by their pretended humility, Captain Davis would not takepossession of their weapons, though I sent two messages to him from myship, expressly to desire him. During the whole day my men weresearching among the rice, and the Japanese looking on. After a longsearch, nothing was found except a little storax and benzoin. Atsun-set, seeking opportunity, and talking to their comrades who were inmy ship, which was very near, they agreed to set upon us in both shipsat once, on a concerted signal. This being given, they suddenly killedand drove overboard all of my men that were in their ship. At the sametime, those who were on board my ship sallied out of my cabin, with suchweapons as they could find, meeting with some targets there, and otherthings which they used as weapons. Being then aloft on the deck, andseeing what was likely to follow, I leapt into the waste, where, withthe boatswains, carpenter, and some few more, we kept them under thehalf-deck. At first coming from the cabin, they met Captain Davis comingout of the gun-room, whom they pulled into the cabin, and giving him sixor seven mortal wounds, they pushed him before them out of the cabin. Hewas so sore wounded, that he died immediately on getting to the waste. They now pressed so fiercely upon us, while we received them on ourlevelled pikes, that they attempted to gather them with one hand thatthey might reach us with their swords, so that it was near half an hourbefore we could force them back into the cabin, after having killedthree or four of their leaders. When we had driven them into the cabin, they continued to fight us for at least four hours, before we couldfinally suppress them, in which time they several times set the cabin onfire, and burnt the bedding and other furniture; and if we had notbeaten down the bulkhead and poop, by means of two demi-culverines fromunder the half-deck, we had never been able to prevent them fromburning the ship. Having loaded these pieces of ordnance with bar-shot, case-shot, and musket-bullets, and discharged them close to thebulk-head, they were so annoyed and torn with shot and splinters, thatat last only one was left out of two and twenty. Their legs, arms, andbodies were so lacerated as was quite wonderful to behold. Such was thedesperate valour of these Japanese, that they never once asked quarterduring the whole of this sanguinary contest, though quite hopeless ofescape. One only leapt overboard, who afterwards swam back to our shipand asked for quarter. On coming on board, we asked him what was theirpurpose? To which he answered, that they meant to take our ship and putus all to death. He would say no more, and desired to be cut in pieces. Next day, being the 28th December, we went to a small island to leeward;and when about five miles from the land, the general ordered theJapanese who had swum back to our ship to be hanged; but the rope broke, and he fell into the sea, but whether he perished or swam to the islandI know not. Continuing our course to that island, we came to anchorthere on the 30th December, and remained three days to repair our boatand to take in wood and water. At this island we found a ship belongingto Patane, out of which we took the captain, whom we asked whether theChina ships were yet come to Patane? He said they were not yet come, butwere expected in two or three days. As he knew well the course of theChina ships, we detained him to pilot us, as we determined to wait forthem. The 12th January, 1606, one of our mates from the top of the mastdescried two ships coming towards us, but which, on account of the wind, fell to leeward of the island. As soon as we had sight of them, weweighed anchor and made sail towards them, and came up with the largerthat night. After a short engagement, we boarded and took her, andbrought her to anchor. Next morning we unladed some of her cargo, being raw silk and silkgoods. They had fifty tons of their country silver, but we took littleor none of it, being in good hope of meeting with the other China ships. So we allowed them to depart on the 15th January, and gave them to thevalue of twice as much as we had taken from them. Leaving this ship, weendeavoured to go back to China Bata, but could not fetch it on accountof contrary wind, so that we had to go to leeward to two small islands, called Palo Sumatra by the people of Java, where we anchored on the 22dJanuary. On the 24th there arose a heavy storm, during which we partedour cable, so that we were under the necessity of taking shelter in thenearest creek. The 5th February, five homeward-bound ships belonging to Holland putinto the same road where we lay. Captain Warwick, who was general ofthese ships, invited our general to dine with him, which he accepted. Hetold us, that our English merchants at Bantam were in great peril, andlooked for nothing else but that the King of Java would assault them, because we had taken the China ship, by which he was deprived of hiscustoms. For which reason Captain Warwick requested our general todesist from his courses, and to go home along with him. But our generalanswered, that he had not yet made out his voyage, and would not returntill it should please God to send him somewhat to make up his charges. Seeing that he could not persuade our general to give up his purpose, Captain Warwick and the Hollanders departed from us on the 3d February. Our general now considered, if he were to continue his voyage, that itmight bring the English merchants who were resident in those parts intodanger; and besides, as he had only two anchors and two cablesremaining, he thought it best to repair his ships and return home withthe poor voyage he had made. Our ships being ready, and having taken ina supply of wood and water, we set sail on the 5th February, on ourreturn to England. The 7th April, after encountering a violent storm, wehad sight of the Cape of Good Hope. The 17th of the same month we cameto the island of St Helena, where we watered and found refreshments, asswine and goats, which we ourselves killed, as there are many of theseanimals wild in that island. There are also abundance of partridges, turkies, and guinea fowls, though the island is not inhabited. LeavingSt Helena on the 3d May, we crossed the line on the 14th of that month, and came to Milford Haven in Wales on the 27th June. The 9th of July, 1606, we came to anchor in the roads of Portsmouth, where all ourcompany was dismissed, and here ended our voyage, having occupied us forfull nineteen months. CHAPTER X. EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO INDIA, AFTER THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THEEAST INDIA COMPANY. INTRODUCTION. We have now to record the early voyages, fitted out from England, fortrading to file East Indies, by THE GOVERNOR AND COMPANY OF MERCHANTS OFLONDON, TRADING INTO THE EAST INDIES. [75] By which stile, or legaldenomination, George Earl of Cumberland, Sir John Hart, Sir JohnSpencer, and Sir Edward Mitchelburne, knights, with 212 others, whosenames are all inserted in the patent, were erected into a body corporateand politic, for trading to and from all parts of the East Indies, withall Asia, Africa, and America, and all the islands, ports, havens, cities, creeks, towns, and places of the same, or any of them, beyondthe Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, for fifteen years, from and after Christmas 1600; prohibiting all other subjects ofEngland, not free of this company, from trading to these parts withoutlicence from the company, under forfeiture of their goods and ships, half to the crown and half to the company, together with imprisonmentduring the loyal pleasure, and until they respectively grant bond in thesum of £1000 at the least, not again to sail or traffic into any part ofthe said East Indies, &c. During the continuance of this grant. Withthis proviso, "That, if the exclusive privilege thus granted be foundunprofitable for the realm, it may be voided on two years notice: But, if found beneficial, the privilege was then to be renewed, with suchalterations and modifications as might be found expedient" Thisexclusive grant, in the nature of a patent, was dated at Westminster onthe 31st December, 1600, being the 43d year of the reign of QueenElizabeth, signed by herself, and sealed with her privy seal. [Footnote 75: So denominated in the copy of the charter in the Pilgrimsof Purchas, vol. I. P. 139--147, which we have not deemed it necessaryto insert. --E. ] It is by no means intended to attempt giving in this place any historyof our East India Company, the early Annals of which, from itsestablishment in 1600, to the union of the London and English Companiesin 1708, have been lately given to the public, in three quarto volumes, by John Bruce, Esq. M. P. And F. R. S. Historiographer to the HonourableEast India Company, &c. &c. &c. To which we must refer such of ourreaders as are desirous of investigating that vast portion of thehistory of our commerce. All that we propose on the present occasion, isto give a short introduction to the series of voyages contained in thischapter, all of which have been preserved by _Samuel Purchas_, in hiscurious work, which he quaintly denominated PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS, published in five volumes folio at London in 1625. In the first extension of English commerce, in the sixteenth century, consequent upon the discoveries of Western Africa, America, and themaritime route to India, it seems to have been conceived that exclusivechartered companies were best fitted for its effectual prosecution. "Thespirit of enterprise in distant trade, which had for a century broughtlarge resources to Spain and Portugal, began to diffuse itself as a newprinciple, in the rising commerce of England, during the long and ableadministration of Queen Elizabeth. Hence associations were beginning tobe formed, the joint credit of which was to support experiments forextending the trade of the realm. "[76] [Footnote 76: Ann. Of the Honb. East India Co, I. 206. ] In the reign of Edward VI. A company was projected with this view; whichobtained a charter in 1553, from Philip and Mary, under the name of_Merchant Adventurers for the Discovery of Lands, Countries, Isles, &c. Not before known to the English_. This company, of which Sebastian Cabotwas governor, in the last year of Queen Mary, had extended its tradethrough Russia into Persia, to obtain raw silks, &c. In the course oftheir proceedings, the agents of this company met with merchants fromIndia and China, from whom they acquired a knowledge of the productionsof these countries, and of the profits which might be derived fromextending the trade of England to these distant regions. [77] In 1581, Queen Elizabeth gave an exclusive charter to the Levant or TurkeyCompany, for trading to the dominions of the Grand Signior or Emperorof Turkey. In the prosecution of this trade, of which some account hasbeen given in our preceding chapter, the factors, or travellingmerchants, having penetrated from Aleppo to Bagdat and Basora, attemptedto open an overland trade to the East Indies, and even penetrated toAgra, Lahore, Bengal, Malacca, and other parts of the East, whence theybrought information to England of the riches that might be acquired by adirect trade by sea to the East Indies. [78] The circumnavigations of SirFrancis Drake in 1577-1580, and of Mr Thomas Cavendish, or Candish, in1586, of which voyages accounts will be found in a future division ofthis work, who brought back great wealth to England, obtained by makingprizes of the Spanish vessels, contributed to spread the idea among themerchants of England, that great profits and national advantages mightbe derived from a direct trade to India by sea. [79] [Footnote 77: Ann. Of the H. E. I. Co. I. 107. ] [Footnote 78: Ann. Of the Hon. E. India Co. I. 108. ] [Footnote 79: Id. Ib. ] In consequence of these views, a memorial was presented to the lords ofcouncil in 1589, requesting a royal licence for three ships and threepinnaces to proceed for India, which gave rise to the expedition ofCaptain Raymond, in 1591, already related. In 1599, an association ofLondon Adventurers entered into a contract for embarking, what was thenconsidered as a _large joint stock_, for the equipment of a voyage tothe East Indies. The fund subscribed amounted to £30, 133: 6: 8, dividedinto 101 shares or adventures, the subscriptions of individuals varyingfrom £100 to £3000. [80] This project, however, seems to have merged intothe East India Company, at the close of the next year 1600, as alreadymentioned. [Footnote 80: Id. III. --From the peculiar amount of this capital sum, the subscriptions were most probably in marks, of 13s 4d. Each. --E. ] On the 30th September, 1600, a draft of the patent, already said to havebeen subsequently sealed on the last day of that year, was read beforethe _seventeen committees_, such being then the denomination of what arenow called _directors_; and being approved of, was ordered to besubmitted to the consideration of the Queen and Privy Council. "In thisearly stage of the business, the lord-treasurer applied to the _Court ofCommittees_ or Directors, recommending Sir Edward Mitchelburne to beemployed in the voyage; and thus, before the Society of Adventurers hadbeen constituted an East India Company, that influence had itscommencement, which will be found, in the sequel, to have been equallyadverse to the prosperity of their trade and to the probity of thedirectors. "[81] Yet, though still petitioners for their charter, thedirectors had the firmness to resist this influence, and resolved _Notto employ any gentleman in any place of charge_, requesting to bepermitted to _sort_ their business with men of _their own quality_, lestthe suspicion of employing _gentlemen_ might drive a great number of theadventurers to withdraw their contributions. [82] [Footnote 81: Ann. Of the H. E. I. Co. I. 128. ] [Footnote 82: Id. Ib. ] In the commencement of its operations, the East India Company proceededupon rather an anomalous plan for a great commercial company. Instead ofan extensive joint stock for a consecutive series of operations, a newvoluntary subscription was entered into among its members for eachsuccessive adventure. That of the _first_ voyage was about £70, 000. The_second_ voyage was fitted out by a new subscription of £60, 450. The_third_ was £53, 500. The _fourth_ £33, 000. The _fifth_ was a branch orextension of the third, by the same subscribers, on an additional callor subscription of £13, 700. The subscription for the _sixth_ was£82, 000. The _seventh_ £71, 581. The _eighth_ £76, 375. The _ninth_ only£7, 200. In 1612, the trade began to be carried on upon a broader basis by ajoint stock, when £429, 000 was subscribed, which was apportioned to the_tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages. In 1618, a new_joint stock_ was formed by subscription, amounting to £1, 600, 000. [83] [Footnote 83: Ann. Of the H. E. I. Co. Vol. I. Passim. ] In the year 1617, King James I. Of England and VI. Of Scotland, grantedletters patent under the great seal of Scotland, dated at Kinnard, 24thMay, 1617, to Sir James Cunningham of Glengarnock, appointing him, hisheirs and assigns, to be governors, rulers, and directors of a _ScottishEast India Company_, and authorizing him "to trade to and from the EastIndies, and the countries or parts of Asia, Africa, and America, beyondthe Cape of _Bona Sperantia_, to the straits of Magellan, and to theLevant Sea and territories under the government of the Great Turk, andto and from the countries of Greenland, and all other countries andislands in the north, north-west, and north-east seas, and other partsof America and Muscovy. " Which patent, and all the rights andprivileges annexed to it, was subsequently, for a valuableconsideration, assigned by Sir James Cunningham to the London East IndiaCompany. [84] [Footnote 84: Ann. &c. I. 192. --_Note_. ] It is quite unnecessary to extend this introductory view of the rise ofthe India Company any farther, as our limits could not possibly admitany satisfactory deduction of its history, any farther than is containedin the following series of the _Early Voyages_, for which we are almostentirely indebted to the Collection of Purchas. By this _first_ EnglishEast India Company, with a capital or joint stock of about 70, 000l. Atleast for the _first_ voyage, were laid the stable foundations of thatimmense superstructure of trade and dominion now held by the presentcompany. Their first joint stock did not exceed the average of 325l. Or330l. For each individual of 216 members, whose names are recorded inthe copy of the charter in _Purchas his Pilgrims_, already referred to. Yet _one_ of these was disfranchised on the 6th July, 1661, not sixmonths after the establishment of the company, probably for not payingup his subscription, as the charter grants power to disfranchise any onewho does not bring in his promised adventure. The East India Company of Holland, the elder sister of that of England, now a nonentity, though once the most extensive and most flourishingcommercial establishment that ever existed, long ago published, orpermitted to be published, a very extensive series of voyages ofcommerce and discovery, called _Voyages which contributed to establishthe East India Company of the United Netherlands_. It were, perhaps, worthy of the _Royal Merchants_ who constitute the _English East IndiaCompany_, now the unrivalled possessors of the entire trade andsovereignty of all India and its innumerable islands, to publish orpatronize a similar monument of its early exertions, difficulties, andultimate success. --E. SECTION I. _First Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1601, under theCommand of Captain James Lancaster_. [85] INTRODUCTION. From the historiographer of the company[86] we learn, that the period ofthis voyage being estimated for twenty months, the charges of provisionswere calculated at £6, 600 4:10: and the investment, exclusive ofbullion, at £4, 545; consisting of iron and tin, wrought and unwrought, lead, 80 pieces of broad cloth of all colours, 80 pieces of Devonshirekersies, and 100 pieces of Norwich stuffs, with smaller articles, intended as presents for the officers at the ports where it was meant toopen their trade. Captain John Davis, who appears to have gone as chiefpilot, was to have £100 as wages for the voyage, with £200 on credit foran adventure; and, as an incitement to activity and zeal, if the profitof the voyage yielded _two for one_, he was to receive a gratuity of£500; if _three for one_, £1000; if _four for one_, £1500; and if _fivefor one_, £2000. [87] Thirty-six factors or supercargoes were directed tobe employed for the voyage: _Three_ of the _first_ class, who seem tohave been denominated _cape merchants_, were to have each £100 forequipment, and £200 for an adventure; _four_ factors of the _second_class at £50 each for equipment, and £100 for an adventure; _four_ ofthe _third_ class, with £30 each for equipment, and £50 for adventure;and _four_ of the _fourth_ class, with £20 each for equipment, and £40for adventure. [88] They were to give security for their fidelity, and toabstain from _private trade_; the _first_ class under penalties of £500the second of 500 marks, the _third_ at £200 and the _fourth_ of £100each. [89] These only exhaust fifteen of the thirty-six, and we areunable to account for the remaining twenty-one ordered to be nominated. [Footnote 85: Purch. Pilgr. I. 147. Astl. I. 262. ] [Footnote 86: Ann. Of the H. E. I. Co. I. 129. ] [Footnote 87: Id. I. 130. ] [Footnote 88: Ann. Of the H. E. I. Co. I. 131. ] [Footnote 89: Id. I. 133. ] In the Annals of the Company, [90] we are told that the funds providedfor this first voyage amounted to £68, 373, of which £39, 771 wereexpended in the purchase and equipment of the ships, £28, 742 beingembarked in bullion, and £6, 860 in goods. But the aggregate of thesesums amounts to £77, 373; so that the historiographer appears to havefallen into some error, either in the particulars or the sum total. Weare not informed of the particular success of this first voyage; onlythat the conjunct profits of it and of the second amounted to £95 percent. Upon the capitals employed in both, clear of all charges. [91] [Footnote 90: Id. I. 146. ] [Footnote 91: Ann. Of the H. E. I. Co. I. 153. ] We may state here from the Annals of the Company, that the profits ofthe _third_ and _fifth_ voyage combined amounted to £234 per cent. Ofthe _fourth_ voyage to a total loss, as one of the vessels was wreckedin India on the outward-bound voyage, and the other on the coast ofFrance in her return. The profits of the _sixth_ voyage were £121 13:4:per cent. Of the _seventh_ £218 per cent. Of the _eighth_ £211 per cent. Of the _ninth_ £160 per cent. The average profits of the _tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages were reduced to £87-1/2 percent. Captain James Lancaster, afterwards Sir James, who was general in thisvoyage, was a member of the company; and is the same person who went toIndia in 1591, along with Captain Raymond. Captain John Davis, who hadbeen in India with the Dutch, was pilot-major and second in command ofthe Dragon, or admiral ship. It does not appear who was the author ofthe following narrative; but, from several passages, he seems to havesailed in the Dragon. [92]--E. [Footnote 92: Astl. I. 262. , a and b. ] § 1. _Preparation for the Voyage, and its Incidents till the Departureof the Fleet from Saldanha Bay_. Having collected a joint stock of _seventy thousand pounds_, to beemployed in ships and merchandize in the prosecution of their privilegedtrade to the East Indies, by means of which they were to bring spicesand other commodities into this realm, the company bought and fitted outfour large ships for their first adventure. These were the Dragon[93] of600 tons, and 202 men, admiral, in which Mr James Lancaster was placedas general;[94] the Hector of 300 tons, and 108 men, commanded by MrJohn Middleton, vice-admiral; the Ascension of 260 tons, and 82 men, Captain William Brand;[95] and the Susan, [96] commanded by Mr JohnHayward, with 84 men:[97] Besides these commanders, each ship carriedthree merchants or factors, to succeed each other in rotation in case ofany of them dying. These ships were furnished with victuals and storesfor twenty months, and were provided with merchandize and Spanish moneyto the value of _twenty-seven thousand pounds_; all the rest of thestock being expended in the purchase of the ships, with their necessarystores and equipment, and in money advanced to the mariners[98] andsailors who went upon the voyage. To these was added, as a victualler, the _Guest_ of 130 tons. [99] [Footnote 93: This ship, originally called the Malice Scourge, waspurchased from the Earl of Cumberland for 3, 700l. --Ann. Of the H. E. I. Co. I. 128. ] [Footnote 94: In these early voyages the chief commander is usuallystyled _general_, and the ship in which he sailed the _admiral_. --E. ] [Footnote 95: This person is called by Purchas _chief governor_. Perhapsthe conduct of commercial affairs was confided to his care. --E. ] [Footnote 96: The burden of this ship was 240 tons. --Ann. I. 129. ] [Footnote 97: Besides there was a pinnace of 100 tons and 40 men. --Ann. I. 129. ] [Footnote 98: In many of the old voyages, this distinction is madebetween mariners and sailors: Unless a mere pleonasm, it may indicateable and ordinary seamen; or the former may designate the officers ofall kinds, and the latter the common men. --E. ] [Footnote 99: Perhaps the pinnace already mentioned. --E. ] On application to the queen, her majesty furnished the merchants withfriendly letters of recommendation to several of the sovereigns inIndia, offering to enter into treaties of peace and amity with them, which shall be noticed in their proper places. And, as no greatenterprize can be well conducted and accomplished without an absoluteauthority for dispensing justice, the queen granted a commission ofmartial law to Captain Lancaster, the general of the fleet, for thebetter security of his command. Every thing being in readiness, the fleet departed from Woolwich, in theriver Thames, on the 13th of February, 1600, after the English mode ofreckoning, [100] or more properly 1601. They were so long delayed in theThames and the Downs, for want of wind, that it was Easter before theyarrived at Dartmouth, where they spent five or six days, taking inbread and other provisions, appointed to be procured there. Departingthence on the 18th of April, they came to anchor in Torbay, at whichplace the general sent on board all the ships instructions for theirbetter keeping company when at sea, and directions as to what placesthey were to repair to for meeting again, in case of being separated bystorms or other casualties. These were the _calms of Canary_; Saldanhabay, [101] in case they could not double the Cape of Good Hope; Cape StRoman, in Madagascar; the island of Cisne, Cerne, or Diego Rodriguez;and finally, Sumatra, their first intended place of trade. [Footnote 100: At this time, and for long after, there was a strangelyconfused way of dating the years, which were considered as beginning atLady-day, the 25th of March. Hence, what we would now reckon the year1601, from the 1st January to the 24th March inclusive, retained theformer date of 1600. The voyage actually commenced on the 13th February, 1601, according to our present mode of reckoning. --E. ] [Footnote 101: It will appear distinctly in the sequel of these voyages, that the place then named Saldanha, or Saldania bay, was what is nowtermed Table bay at the Cape of Good Hope. --E. ] * * * * * The wind came fair on the 22d of April, when we weighed and stood out ofTorbay, directing our course for the Canaries. As the wind continuedfair, we had sight of _Alegranza_, or Great Island, the northermost ofthe Canaries, on the 5th of May, and we directed our course to passbetween Fuertaventura and Gran Canaria; and coming to the south of GranCanaria, thinking to have watered there, we fell into _the calms_, whichare occasioned by the high lands being so near the sea. About three inthe afternoon of the 7th of May, having the wind at N. E. We departedfrom Gran Canaria, shaping our course S. W. By S. And S. S. W. Till we cameinto the lat. Of 21° 30' N. From the 11th to the 20th, our course wasmostly S till we came to lat. 8° N. The wind being always northerly andN. E. In this latitude we found calms and contrary winds, which, at thisseason of the year, prevail much off this part of the coast of Guinea, alternating with many sudden gusts of wind, storms, and thunder andlightning very fearful to behold, and very dangerous to the ships, unless the utmost care be taken suddenly to strike all the sails, onperceiving the wind to change even never so little. Yet such was thesuddenness many times, although the masters of the ships were verycareful and diligent, that it could hardly be done in time. From the 20th of May till the 21st of June, we lay mostly becalmed, orwith contrary winds at south; and, standing to and again to bear upagainst this contrary wind, we got with much ado to 2° N. Where weespied a ship, to which the general gave chace, commanding all theships to follow him. By two in the afternoon we got up with and tookher. She was of Viana, in Portugal, and came from Lisbon, in company oftwo caraks and three galleons, bound for the East Indies, but had partedfrom them at sea. The three galleons were ships of war, intended to keepthe coast of India from being traded with by other nations. From thisship we took 146 butts of wine, 176 jars and 12 casks of oil, and 55hogsheads and vats of meal, [102] which were of great service to usafterwards during our voyage. The general divided these victualsimpartially among all the ships, giving a due proportion to each. [Footnote 102: Probably wheaten meal or flour. --E. ] The 31st June about midnight we crossed the line, having the wind atS. E. And lost sight of the north star; and continuing our course S. S. W. We passed Cape St Augustine about 26 leagues to the eastward. The 20thJuly, we reached the latitude of 19° 40' S. The wind getting daily moreand more towards the east. We here unloaded the _Guest_, which wentalong with us to carry such provisions as we could not stow in the otherfour ships; after which we took out her masts, sails, yards, and allother tackle; broke up her upper works for fire-wood, and left her hullfloating in the sea, following our own course southwards. We passed thetropic of Capricorn on the 24th July, the wind N. E. By N. Our courseE. S. E. On account of our having been so long near the line, by reason ofleaving England too late in the season by six or seven weeks, many ofour men fell sick; for which reason the general sent written orders tothe captain of each ship, either to make Saldanha bay or St Helena forrefreshment. The 1st August we were in 30° S. At which time we got the wind at S. W. To our great comfort, for by this time many of our men were sick of thescurvy; insomuch, that in all our ships, except the admiral, they werehardly able to manage the sails. This wind held fair till we were within250 leagues of the Cape of Good Hope, and then came clean contrary at E. Continuing so for fifteen or sixteen days, to the great discomfort ofour men; for now the few that had continued sound began also to fallsick, so that in some of the ships the merchants had to take their turnat the helm, and to go into the tops to hand the top-sails along withthe common mariners. But God, shewing us mercy in our distress, sent usagain a fair wind, so that we got to Saldanha bay on the 9th September, when the general, before the other ships bore in and came to anchor, sent his boats to help the other ships. The state of the other threeships was such that they were hardly able to let go their anchors. Thegeneral went on board them all with a number of men, and hoisted outtheir boats for them, which they were not able to do of themselves. The reason of the men in the admiral being in such better health than inthe other three ships was this: He brought with him to sea severalbottles of lemon juice, of which he gave to each man, as long as itwould last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting, not suffering them toeat any thing afterwards till noon. This juice worketh much the betterif the person keeps a spare diet, wholly refraining from salt meat;which salt meat, and being long at sea, are the only causes of breedingthis disease. By this means the general cured many of his men andpreserved the rest; so that, though his ship had double the number ofmen of any of the rest, he had not so many sick, nor did he lose so manymen, as any of the rest. After getting all the ships to anchor, and hoisting out their boats, thegeneral went immediately aland, to seek refreshments for our sick andweak men. He presently met with some of the natives, to whom he gavevarious trifles, as knives, pieces of old iron, and the like; makingsigns for them to bring him down sheep and oxen. For he spoke to them inthe cattle's language, which was not changed at the confusion of Babel;using _mouth_ for oxen, and _baa_ for sheep, imitating their cries;which language the people understood very well without any interpreter. Having sent the natives away, well contented with the kind usage andpresents he had given them, orders were given for so many men from everyship to bring sails ashore, to make tents for the sick; and also tothrow up fortifications for defence, lest by any chance the nativesmight take offence and offer violence. He at the same time prescribedregulations for buying and selling with the natives; directing, whenthey should come down with cattle, that only five or six men selectedfor the purpose should go to deal with them, and that the rest, whichshould never be under thirty muskets and pikes, should keep at thedistance of at least eight or ten score yards, always drawn up in orderand readiness, with their muskets in the rests, whatever might befal. This order was so strictly enforced, that no man was permitted to goforward to speak with the natives, except with special leave. Iattribute our continuing in such amity and friendship with the nativesto these precautions, for the Hollanders had lately five or six of theirmen slain by the treachery of these natives. The third day after our arrival in Saldanha bay, the natives broughtdown beeves and sheep, which we bought for pieces of old iron hoops; astwo pieces of eight inches each for an ox, and one piece for a sheep, with which the natives seemed perfectly satisfied. In ten or twelvedays, we bought 1000 sheep and 42 oxen, and might have had more if wewould. After this they discontinued bringing any more cattle, but thepeople often came down to us afterwards; and when we made signs for moresheep, they would point to those we had already, which the general keptgrazing on the hills near our tents; which, as we judged, was the reasonwhy they did not bring us more, as they thought we meant to inhabitthere. But, God be thanked, we were now well provided, and could verywell pass without farther purchases. The oxen were as large as ours inEngland, and very fat; and the sheep were many of them bigger than ours, of excellent flesh, sweet and fat, and to our liking much better thanour English mutton, but having coarse hairy wool. The people of this place are all of a tawny colour, of reasonablestature, swift of foot, and much given to pick and steal. Their languageis entirely uttered through their throats, and they _cluck_ with theirtongues in so strange a manner, that, in seven weeks which we remainedhere, the sharpest wit among us could not learn one word of theirlanguage, yet the natives soon understood every sigh we made them. Whilewe staid at this bay, we had such royal refreshing that all our menrecovered their health and strength, except four or five. Includingthese, and before we came in, we lost out of all our ships 105 men; yet, on leaving this bay, [103] we reckoned ourselves stronger manned thanwhen we left England, our men were now so well inured to the southernclimates and to the sea. [Footnote 103: In a marginal note, Purchas gives the lat. Of Saldanhabay as 34° S. The place then called Saldanha bay was certainly Tablebay, the entrance to which is in 33° 50' S. So that Purchas is heresufficiently, accurate. --E. ] § 2. _Continuation of the Voyage, from Saldanha Bay to the Nicobar andSombrero Islands. _ The general ordered all our tents to be taken down on the 24th ofOctober, and all our men to repair on board their respective ships, having laid in an ample supply of wood and water. We put to sea the 29thof that month, passing a small island in the mouth of the bay, which isso full of seals and penguins, that if no better refreshment could havebeen procured, we might very well have refreshed here. Over the bay ofSaldanha there stands a very high and flat hill, called the Table; noother harbour on all this coast having so plain a mark to find it by, asit can be easily seen seventeen or eighteen leagues out at sea. In themorning of Sunday the 1st November, we doubled the Cape of Good Hope ina heavy gale at W. N. W. On the 26th November we fell in with the head-land of the island of StLawrence or Madagascar, somewhat to the eastward of cape St Sebastian, and at five mile from the shore we had 20 fathoms; the variation of thecompass being 16°, a little more or less. In an east and west course, the variation of the compass serves materially, and especially in thisvoyage. [104] From the 26th November till the 15th December we plied tothe eastwards, as nearly as we could, always striving to get to theisland of Cisne, called Diego Rodriguez in some charts; but ever fromour leaving Madagascar, we found the wind at E. Or E. S. E. Or E. N. E. Sothat we could not accomplish it, and we could not continue to strivelong in hopes of the wind changing, as our men began again to fall sickof the scurvy. The captain of our vice-admiral, John Middleton of theHector, now proposed to our general to bear away for the bay of_Antongit_, on the east coast of Madagascar, where we might refresh ourmen with oranges and lemons, so as to get rid again of this crueldisease; which counsel was approved by him and the whole company. [Footnote 104: At this period, and for long afterwards, marinersestimated their longitudes by dead reckonings, or by the observedvariations of the compass; both very uncertain guides. --E. ] We had sight of the southernmost part of the island of St Mary [in lat. 16° 48' S. Long. 50° 17' E. ] and anchored next day between that islandand the main of Madagascar. We immediately sent our boats to St Mary, where we procured some store of lemons and oranges, being very preciousfor our sick men to purge them of the scurvy. While riding here, a greatstorm arose, which drove three of our ships from their anchors; butwithin sixteen hours the storm ceased, and our ships returned andrecovered their anchors. The general thought it improper to remain hereany longer, on account of the uncertainty of the weather, the danger ofriding here, and because we were able to procure so little refreshmentat this island; having got, besides a few lemons and oranges, a verylittle goats milk, and a small quantity of rice: But as our men weresick, and the easterly winds still prevailed, he gave orders to sail forAntongil. The isle of St Mary is high land and full of wood. The natives are tallhandsome men, of black colour and frizzled hair, which they stroke up attheir foreheads as our women do in England, so that it stands threeinches upright. They go entirely naked, except covering their parts; andare very tractable and of familiar manners, yet seemed valiant. Most oftheir food is rice, with some fish; yet while we were there we could getvery little rice to purchase, as their store was far spent, and theirharvest near at hand. There are two or three watering places on thenorth part of this island, none of them very commodious, yet there iswater enough to be had with some trouble. Departing from this island of St Mary on the 23d December, we came intothe bay of Antongil on Christmas-day, and anchored in eight fathomswater, at the bottom of the bay, between a small island and themain. [105] The best riding is nearest under the lee of that smallisland, which serves as a defence from the wind blowing into the bay;for while we were there it blew a very heavy storm, and those shipswhich were nearest the island fared best Two of our ships drove withthree anchors a-head, the ground being oosy and not firm. Going a-landon the small island, we perceived by a writing on the rocks, that fiveHolland ships had been there, and had departed about two months beforeour arrival, having had sickness among them; for, as we could perceive, they had lost between 150 and 200 men at this place. [Footnote 105: This island of _Maroise_ is in lat. 15° 10' S. And almostin the same longitude with the isle of St Mary, being 62 English milesfrom its northern extremity. --E. ] The day after we anchored, we landed on the main, where the peoplepresently came to us, making signs that five Dutch ships had been there, and had bought most of their provisions. Yet they entered into tradewith us for rice, hens, oranges, lemons, and another kind of fruitcalled plantains; but held every thing very high, and brought only smallquantities. Our market was beside a considerable river, into which wewent in our boats, such of our men as were appointed to make thepurchases going ashore; the rest always remaining in the boats withtheir arms in readiness, and the boats about twenty or thirty yards fromthe land, where the natives could not wade to them, and were ready atall times, if needful, to take our marketers from the land. In thismanner we trifled off some days before we could get the natives tocommence a real trade; for all these people of the south and east partsof the world are subtle and crafty in bartering, buying, and selling, sothat, without sticking close to them, it is difficult to bring them totrade in any reasonable sort, as they will shift continually to get alittle more, and then no one will sell below that price. Upon this, thegeneral ordered measures to be made of about a quart, and appointed howmany glass beads were to be given for its fill of rice, and how manyoranges, lemons, and plantains were to be given for every bead, withpositive orders not to deal at all with any who would not submit to thatrule. After a little holding off, the natives consented to this rule, and our dealing became frank and brisk; so that during our stay wepurchased 15-1/4 tons of rice, 40 or 50 bushels of their peas and beans, great store of oranges, lemons, and plantains, eight beeves, and greatnumbers of hens. While at anchor in this bay, we set up a pinnace which we had brought inpieces from England; and cutting down trees, which were large and inplenty, we sawed them into boards, with which we sheathed her. Thispinnace was about 18 tons burden, and was very fit and necessary forgoing before our ships at our getting to India. While we remained here, there died out of the Admiral, the master's mate, chaplain, and surgeon, with about ten of the common men; and out of the Vice-Admiral, themaster and some two more. By very great mischance, the captain andboatswain's mate of the Ascension were slain: For, when the master'smate of the Admiral was to be buried, the captain of the Ascension tookhis boat to go on shore to his funeral; and as it is the rule of the seato fire certain pieces of ordnance at the burial of an officer, thegunner fired three pieces that happened to be shotted, when the ball ofone of them struck the Ascension's boat, and slew the captain andboatswain's mate stark dead; so that, on going ashore to witness thefuneral of another, they were both buried themselves. Those who diedhere were mostly carried off by the flux, owing, as I think, to thewater which we drank; for it was now in the season of winter, when itrained very much, causing great floods all over the country, so that thewaters were unwholesome, as they mostly are in these hot countries inthe rainy season. The flux is likewise often caught by going open, andcatching cold at the stomach, which our men were very apt to do whenhot. We sailed from this bay on the 6th March, 1602, steering our course forIndia, and on the 16th fell in with an island called _Rogue Pize_, [inlat. 10° 30' S. And long. 64° 20' E. ] The general sent his boat to seeif there were any safe anchorage, but the water was found almost everywhere too deep. As we sailed along, it seemed every where pleasant, andfull of cocoa-nut trees and fowls, and there came from the land a mostdelightful smell, as if it had been a vast flower garden. Had there beenany good anchorage, it must surely have been an excellent place ofrefreshment; for, as our boats went near the land, they saw vastquantities of fish, and the fowls came wondering about them in suchflocks, that the men killed many of them with their oars, which were thebest and fattest we had tasted in all the voyage. These fowls were insuch vast multitudes, that many more ships than we had might have beenamply supplied. The 30th March, 1602, being in lat. 6° S[106] we happened upon a ledgeof rocks, and looking overboard, saw them under the ship about fivefathoms below the surface of the water, which amazed us exceedingly bytheir sudden and unexpected appearance. On casting the ship about, wehad eight fathoms, and so held on our course to the east. Not longafter, one of our men in the top saw an island S. E. Of us, some five orsix leagues off, being low land, which we judged to be the island of_Candu_, [107] though our course by computation did not reach so fareast. Continuing our course some thirteen or fourteen leagues, we fellupon another flat of sunken rocks, when we cast about southwards, and insailing about twelve leagues more found other rocks, and in tryingdifferent ways we found rocks all round about, having twenty, thirty, forty, and even fifty fathoms among the flats. We were here two days anda half in exceeding great danger, and could find no way to get out. Atlast we determined to try to the northward and in 6° 40' S. Thank God, we found six fathoms water. The pinnace went always before, continuallysounding, with orders to indicate by signals what depth she had, that wemight know how to follow. [Footnote 106: The Speaker bank, in long. 78° E. Is nearly in theindicated latitude. --E. ] [Footnote 107:4 There are two islands called Candu, very small, anddirect N. And S. Of each other, in lat. 50° 40' S. Long. 78° E. And lessthan half a degree N. N. E. Is a small group called the Adu islands, surrounded by a reef--E. ] Being delivered out of this _pound_, we followed our course till the 9thMay about four in the afternoon, when we got sight of the islands ofNicobar, on which we bore in and anchored on the north side of thechannel. But as the wind changed to S. W. We had to weigh again, and goover to the south side of the channel, where we came to an anchor undera small island on that shore. We here got fresh water and cocoa-nuts, but very little other refreshments; yet the natives came off to us inlong canoes that could have carried twenty men in each. They broughtgums to sell instead of amber, with which they deceived several of ourmen; for these eastern people are wholly given to deceit. They broughtalso hens and cocoa-nuts for sale; but held them at so dear a rate thatwe bought very few. We staid here ten days, putting our ordnance inorder and trimming our ships, that we might be in readiness at our firstport, which we were not now far from. In the morning of the 20th April, we set sail for Sumatra, but the windblew hard at S. S. W. And the current set against us, so that we could notproceed. While beating up and down, two of our ships sprung leaks, onwhich we were forced to go to the island of Sombrero, [108] ten ortwelve leagues north of Nicobar. Here we in the Admiral lost an anchor, for the ground is foul, and grown full of false coral and some rocks, which cut our cable asunder, so that we could not recover our anchor. The people of these islands go entirely naked, except that their partsare bound up in a piece of cloth, which goes round the waist like agirdle, and thence between their legs. They are all of a tawny hue, andpaint their faces of divers colours. They are stout and well-made, butvery fearful, so that none of them would come on board our ships, oreven enter our boats. The general reported that he had seen some oftheir priests all over cloathed, but quite close to their bodies, as ifsewed on; having their faces painted green, black, and yellow, and hornson their heads turned backwards, painted of the same colours, togetherwith a tail hanging down behind from their buttocks, altogether as wesee the devil sometimes painted in Europe. Demanding why they went inthat strange attire, he was told that the devil sometimes appeared tothem in such form in their sacrifices, and therefore his servants thepriests were so cloathed. There grew many trees in this island, sufficiently tall, thick, and straight to make main-masts for thelargest ship in all our fleet, and this island is full of such. [Footnote 108: So called, because on the north end of the largest islandof the cluster there is a hill resembling the top of an umbrella--ASTL. I. 267. A. ] Upon the sands of this island of Sombrero we found a small twig growingup like a young tree, and on offering to pluck it up, it shrinks down tothe ground, and sinks, unless held very hard. On being plucked up, agreat worm is found to be its root, and as the tree groweth ingreatness, so doth the worm diminish; and as soon as the worm isentirely turned into tree, it rooteth in the earth, and so becomesgreat. This transformation is one of the strangest wonders that I saw inall my travels: For, if this tree is plucked up while young, and theleaves and bark stripped off, it becomes a hard stone when dry, muchlike white coral: Thus is this worm twice transformed into differentnatures. Of these we gathered and brought home many. * * * * * The editor of Astley's Collection supposes this a mere fiction, or thatit might take its rise from coral growing accidentally on shell fish. The _first_ part of the story probably arose from some of the animalscalled _animal flowers_, the body of which, buried in the sand, andresembling a worm, extends some member having the appearance of a youngtree, which retracts when touched rudely. The second part may have beensome corraline or madrepore growing in shallow water, the coriaccouspart of which, and the animals residing in the cells, may have resembledthe bark and leaves of a plant. Considering both of these erroneously asthe same plant in different states, might easily give occasion to thewonders in the text, without the smallest intention of fiction. --E. § 3. _Their Reception and Trade at Acheen. _ We set sail from the island of Sombrero on the 29th May, and got sightof Sumatra on the 2d June, coming to anchor in the road of Acheen on the5th, about two miles from the city. We here found sixteen or eighteensail of different countries, Guzerat, Bengal, Calicut, Malabar, Pegu, and Patane, which had come for trade. There came on board two Dutchmerchants or factors, who had been left behind by their ships, to learnthe language and the customs of the country; who told us we should bemade welcome by the king, who was desirous to entertain strangers; andthat the Queen of England was already famous in those parts, on accountof the wars and great victories she had gained over the King of Spain. That same day, the general sent Captain John Middleton, with four orfive gentlemen in his train, to wait upon the king, and to inform him, that the general of our ships had a message and letter from the mostfamous Queen of England to the most worthy King of Acheen and Sumatra, to request the king would vouchsafe to give audience to the saidambassador, to deliver his message and letter, giving sufficientwarranty for the safety of him and his people, according to the law ofnations. Captain Middleton was very kindly entertained by the king, who, on hearing the message, readily granted the request, and communed withhim on many topics; after which a royal banquet was served up to him;and, at his departure, he was presented with a robe, and a _tuke_ orturban of calico wrought with gold, as is the manner of the kings ofthis place to those whom they are pleased to favour. The king sent hiscommendations to the general, desiring him to remain yet another day onboard, to rest from the fatigues of his voyage, and to come the dayfollowing on shore, when he might be sure of a kind reception and freeaudience, in as much safety as if in the dominions of the queen hismistress: but, if he doubted the royal word, such honourable pledgesshould be sent for his farther assurance as might give him entiresatisfaction. The general went ashore on the third day after our arrival with thirtyattendants or more. He was met on landing by the Holland merchants, whoconducted him to their house, as had been appointed; as the general didnot think fit to have a house of his own till he had been introduced tothe king. He remained at the Holland factory, where a nobleman from theking came and saluted him kindly, saying that he came from the king, whose person he represented, and demanded the queen's letter. Thegeneral answered, that he must himself deliver the letter to the king, such being the custom of ambassadors in Europe. The nobleman then askedto see the superscription of the letter, which was shewn him. He readthe same, looked very earnestly at the seal, took a note of thesuperscription and of the queen's name, and then courteously took hisleave, returning to tell the king what had passed. Soon afterwards sixgreat elephants were sent, with many drums, trumpets and streamers, andmuch people, to accompany the general to court. The largest elephant wasabout thirteen or fourteen feet high, having a small castle like a coachon his back, covered with crimson velvet. In the middle of the castlewas a large basin of gold, with an exceedingly rich wrought cover ofsilk, under which the queen's letter was deposited. The general wasmounted upon another of the elephants, some of his attendants riding, while others went a-foot. On arriving at the gate of the palace, theprocession was stopped by a nobleman, till he went in to learn theking's farther pleasure; but he presently returned, and requested thegeneral to come in. On coming into the presence of the king, the general made his obeisanceaccording to the manner of the country, saying, that he was sent by themost mighty Queen of England, to compliment his majesty, and to treatwith him concerning peace and amity with the queen his mistress, if itpleased him to do so. He then began to enter upon farther discourse;but the king stopt him short, by desiring him to sit down and refreshhimself, saying, that he was most welcome, and that he would readilylisten to any reasonable conditions, for the queen's sake, who wasworthy of all kindness and frank conditions, being a princess of greatnobleness, of whom fame reported much. The general now delivered thequeen's letter, which the king graciously received, delivering it to anobleman who waited on him. The general then delivered his present, consisting of a basin of silver, having a fountain in the middle of it, weighing 205 ounces; a large standing cup of silver; a rich mirror; ahead-piece with a plume of feathers; a _case of very fair dagges_[109];a richly embroidered sword-belt; and a fan made of leathers. All thesewere received in the king's presence by a nobleman of the court, theking only taking into his own hand the fan of feathers, with which hemade one of his women fan him, as if this had pleased him more than allthe rest. [Footnote 109: A case of handsomely mounted pistols. --E. ] The general was then commanded to sit down in the presence, on theground, after the manner of the country, and a great banquet was served, all the dishes being either of pure gold, or of _tomback_, a metalbetween gold and brass, which is held in much estimation. During thisbanquet, the king, who sat aloft in a gallery about six feet from theground, drank often to the general in the wine of the country, calledarrack, which is made from rice, and is as strong as our brandy, alittle of it being sufficient to set one to sleep. After the firstdraught of this liquor, the general either drank it mixed with water, orpure water, craving the king's pardon, as not able to take such strongdrink; and the king gave him leave. After the feast was done, the king caused his damsels to come forth anddance, and his women played to them on several instruments of music. These women were richly attired, and adorned with bracelets and jewels;and this was accounted a great favour, as the women are not usually seenof any but such as the king will greatly honour. The king gave also tothe general a fine robe of white calico, richly wrought with gold: avery fine girdle of Turkey work; and two _crisses_, which are a kind ofdaggers all of which were put on him by a nobleman in the king'spresence. He was then courteously dismissed, and a person was sentalong with him, to make choice of a house in the city, wherever thegeneral might think most suitable. But at that time he refused theproffered kindness, chusing rather to go on board the ships, till theking had considered the queen's letter. The letter from the queen was superscribed, To the great and mighty Kingof Achem, &c. In the island of Sumatra, our loving brother, greeting. [110] After a long complimentary preamble, and complainingagainst the Portuguese and Spaniards for pretending to be absolute lordsof the East Indies, and endeavouring to exclude all other nations fromtrading thither, it recommended the English to his royal favour andprotection, that they might be allowed to transact their business freelythen and afterwards in his dominions, and to permit their factors toremain with a factoryhouse in his capital, to learn the language andcustoms of the country, till the arrival of another fleet. It likewiseproposed that reasonable capitulations, or terms of commercialintercourse, should be entered into by the king with the bearer of theletter, who was authorised to conclude the same in her name; andrequested an answer accepting the proffered league of amity. [Footnote 110: In the Pilgrims this letter is given at full length; but, being merely complimentary, is here only abridged. --E. ] At his next audience, the general had a long conference with the kingrespecting the queen's letter, with which he seemed well satisfied;saying, if the contents came from the heart he had reason to think of ithighly, and was well pleased to conclude the proposed treaty of amityand commerce. As for the particular demands made in the queen's name bythe general, respecting trade, the king referred him to two noblemen, who were authorised to confer with him, promising that all which wasrequested by the queen should be granted. With this satisfactory answer, and after another banquet, the general departed. He sent next day to thetwo noblemen appointed to treat with him, to know when they proposed tomeet, and confer with him. One of these was chief bishop or high-priestof the realm, [111] a person in high estimation with the king and people, as he well deserved, being a very wise and prudent person. The otherwas one of the ancient nobility of the country, a man of much gravity, but not so fit for conferring on the business in hand as the former. [Footnote 111: As the grand Turk has his Mufti, so other Mahomedanprinces have their chief priests in all countries of thatprofession. --Purch. ] After a long conference, [112] the general demanded that proclamationmight be instantly made, that none of the natives should abuse theEnglish, but that they might be permitted to follow their business inpeace and quietness. This was so well performed, that though there was astrict order for none of their people to walk by night, yet ours wereallowed to go about by day or night without molestation; only, when anyof our people were found abroad at unlawful hours, the justice broughtthem home to the general's house, and delivered them there. [Footnote 112: A long train of formal particulars are here omitted, astedious and uninteresting. --E. ] At the close of the conference, the chief-priest required from thegeneral notes of his demands of privileges for the merchants in writing, with the reasons of the same, that they might be laid before the king;promising that he should have answers within a few days. With theseconferences, and much courtesy, and after some conversation on theaffairs of Christendom, they broke up for that time. The general was notnegligent in sending his demands in writing to the noblemen, as theywere mostly drawn up before coming ashore, being not unready for such abusiness. On his next going to court, and sitting before the king, beholding acock-fight, which is one of the sports in which the king takes greatdelight, the general sent his interpreter with his obeisance to theking, requesting him to be mindful of the business on which he hadconferred with the two noblemen. The king then made him draw near, telling him he was careful of his dispatch, and would willingly enterinto a league of peace and amity with the Queen of England, which hewould truly perform: and that the demands and articles he had set downin writing should all be extended in proper form by one of hissecretaries, which he should then authorise and confirm. Within five orsix days these were delivered to the general, from the king's own hands, with many gracious words. It were too long to insert the entire articlesof this treaty; but the whole demands of the English were granted. _First_, free trade and entry. _Second_, freedom from customs on importand export. _Third_, assistance of their vessels to save our goods andmen from wreck, and other dangers. _Fourth_, liberty of testament, tobequeath their goods to whom they pleased. _Fifth_, stability ofbargains and payments by the subjects of Acheen, &c. _Sixth_, authorityto execute justice on their own people offending. _Seventh_, justiceagainst injuries from the natives. _Eighth_, not to arrest or stay ourgoods, or to fix prices upon them. _Lastly_, freedom of conscience. This important treaty being settled, the merchants were incessantlyoccupied in providing pepper for loading the ships; but it came inslowly and in small quantities, as the last year had been very sterile. Hearing of a port called Priaman, about 150 leagues from Acheen, in thesouth part of Sumatra, where one of the smaller ships might be loaded, the general prepared to send the Susan thither, placing in her Mr HenryMiddleton as captain and chief merchant. The general was not a littlegrieved, that Mr John Davis, his chief pilot, had told the merchantsbefore leaving London, that pepper was to be had at Acheen for fourSpanish, ryals of eight the hundred, whereas it cost us almost twenty. Owing to this, the general became very thoughtful, considering how toload his ships, and save his credit in the estimation of his employers;as it would be a disgrace to all concerned, in the eyes of all theneighbouring nations of Europe, seeing there were merchandise enough tobe bought in the East Indies, while his ships were likely to returnempty. § 4. _Portuguese Wiles discovered, and a Prize taken near Malacca_. A Portuguese ambassador was at this time in Acheen, who looked with anevil eye on every step we took, but was by no means in favour with theking: for, on the last day of his being at court, on demanding leave tosettle a factory in the country, and to build a fort at the entrance ofthe harbour, for the protection of the merchants goods, because the citywas subject to fire, the king, perceiving what he meant, gave him thissharp answer: "Has your master a daughter to give my son, that he is socareful for the security of my country? He shall not need to be at thecharge of building a fort; for I have a fit house about two leaguesinland from the city, which I can give him for a factory, where youneed neither fear enemies nor fire, for I will protect you. " The kingwas much displeased with this insolent demand, and the ambassador leftthe court much discontented. Shortly after this, an Indian, who belonged to a Portuguese captain, whocame to the port with a ship-load of rice from Bengal, came to our houseto sell hens. The Portuguese captain lodged at the ambassador's house, and our general suspected he came only as a spy to see what we wereabout; yet he gave them orders to treat the Indian well, and always togive him a reasonable price for his hens. At last he took occasion tocommune with this Indian, asking whence he came and what he was, sayingto him pleasantly, that a young man of his appearance deserved a betteremployment than buying and selling hens. To this he answered, "I servethis Portuguese captain, yet am neither bound nor free; for, thoughfree-born, I have been with him so long that he considers me as hisproperty, and he is so great a man that I cannot strive with him. " Then, said the general, "If thy liberty be precious to thee, thy person, seemsto merit it; but what wouldst thou do for him who should give thee thyliberty, without pleading to thy master for it?" "Sir, " said the Indian, "freedom is as precious as life, and I would venture my life for himthat would procure it for me: Try me, therefore, in any service that Ican perform for you, and my willingness shall make good my words. ""Then, " said the general, "thou desirest me to try thee? What says theambassador of me and my shipping, and what are his purposes?" The Indiantold him, that the Portuguese had a spy employed over his ships, being aChinese who was intimate with the men, so that he has procured drawingsof the ships, and of every piece of ordnance in them, and how they areplaced, with a list of all the men in each: That he thought the shipsstrong and well equipped, but being weak in men, believed they mighteasily be taken, if any force could be had to attack them suddenly; andintended in a few days to send his draughts to Malacca, to induce thePortuguese to send a force from thence to attack them as they lay atanchor. The general laughed heartily at this account, but said theambassador was not so idle as the Indian thought, for he well knew theEnglish ships were too strong for all the forces in those parts. He thendesired the Indian to go his way, and return in a day or two to informhim if the ambassador continued his project, and when he was to send hismessenger to Malacca. Saying, that although it would serve him little toknow these things, yet he would give the Indian his liberty for thegood-will he shewed to serve him. The Indian went away well pleased, as might easily be seen by hiscountenance and the lightness of his steps. When he was gone, thegeneral said to me, that we had now met with a fit person to betray hismaster, if we could derive any benefit from his treachery; and in thishe was not deceived, for by his means, whatever was done or said by theambassador during the day, was regularly reported to our general thatnight or next morning; yet did this fellow conduct himself so prudently, that neither was he suspected by any one in the Portuguese ambassador'shouse, nor was it known to any one in ours, what business he was engagedin. He had the right character for a spy, being crafty, careful, andsubtle, never trusting any one to hear his conversation with ourgeneral, but always spoke to him when alone, and that in a carelessmanner, as if he had answered idly; for he was in fear that our peopleshould discover that the selling of hens was a mere pretence for comingcontinually to our house. The general was sent for to court next day, when the king had aconference with him about an embassy from the King of Siam respectingthe conquest of Malacca, having sent to know what force he would employfor that service by sea, if the King of Siam undertook to besiege it byland. This King of Acheen is able to send a great force of gallies tosea, if he may have four or five months warning to make them ready. Thegeneral endeavoured to further this proposal with many reasons; and tookoccasion to talk about the Portuguese ambassador, who conducted himselfwith much proud insolence, and who, he said, had come to Acheen for noother reason but to spy out the strength of his kingdom. "I know itwell, " said the king, "for they are my enemies, as I have been to them;but what makes you see this?" The general then said, that he could takenothing in hand but that they employed spies to mark his conduct, andthat the ambassador intended to send drawings of all his ships toMalacca, to procure a force from thence to fall upon him suddenly. Theking smiled at this, saying that he need fear no strength that couldcome from Malacca, as all the force they had there was quiteinsufficient to do the English any harm. Then said the general, that hedid not fear their strength or what they could do against him; but asthey would know when he was to go to sea, the ambassador would send themnotice to keep in port, so that he would be unable to do them harm;wherefore he entreated the king to arrest two of the ambassador'sservants that were to go for Malacca in a few days, not meaning to sailfrom Acheen, but to go thence to another port of the king's, and thereto hire a bark for Malacca. "Well, " said the king, "let me know whenthey depart from hence, and thou shall see what I will do for thee. " Thegeneral now took leave of the king, well pleased with his friendlyintentions, and continued his daily conferences with his hen-merchant, so that he became privy to everything that was either done or said inthe ambassador's house. When the time was come, the ambassador's servants went away to a portabout twenty-five leagues from Acheen; upon which the general wentimmediately to inform the king, who had already given proper orders, sothat, on their arrival at the port, when they had hired a vessel inwhich they embarked with their letters, and were even going over the bara mile from the town, a galley went after them, and caused the bark tostrike sail, that the justice might see what was their lading. On thejustice coming on board, and seeing the two Portuguese, he asked whencethey came and whither they were going? They answered, that they camefrom Acheen, being in the service of the Portuguese ambassador. "Nay, "said the justice, "but you have robbed your master and run away with hisgoods; wherefore I shall return you again to him, that you may answerfor your conduct. " In this confusion they lost their plots and letters, their trunks having been broke open; and they were sent back to Acheento the king, to be delivered to the ambassador, if they belonged to him. The general was immediately sent for to court, and asked by the king ifhe were satisfied; on which he gave the king humble and hearty thanksfor his friendship in the business. The merchant of hens continued tocome daily to our house with his goods; and the general suspected, notwithout his master's knowledge, as indeed he afterwards confessed, tocarry news from us as well as bringing us intelligence. It was now September, and summer being past, and the general intendingto go to sea to seek for means to supply his necessities, was like tohave been crossed worse than ever. The Portuguese ambassador had got hisdispatches of leave from the king, and was about to go from Acheen;which coming to the knowledge of our general, he went immediately tocourt, where the king sat looking at certain sports which were made forhis amusement. The general sent his interpreter to request permission tospeak with the king, who immediately called him, desiring to know whathe wished. "It has pleased your majesty, " said the general, "to shew memany courtesies, by which I am emboldened to entreat one more favour. ""What is that?" said the king, smiling: "Are there any more Portuguesegoing to Malacca to hinder your proceedings?" "The ambassador himself, "said the general, "as I am given to understand, has received yourmajesty's dispatches, with licence to go when he pleases, and isdetermined to go in five days. " Then, said the king, "What would youhave me do?" To this the general replied, "Only stay him for ten daysafter I have sailed. " "Well, " said the king, laughing, "you must bringme a fair Portuguese maiden at your return. " With this answer the general took his leave, and made all the haste hecould to be gone, having recommended the factors during his absence tothe protection and favour of the king, and to purchase pepper, to helpout the loading of the Ascension, which was now more than three partsladen; yet he did not chuse to leave her behind, as the road was open. When all the three ships were nearly ready, the captain of a Hollandship, called the Sheilberge, then in the roads, requested permission ofthe general to join company with him, and take part in the adventureupon which he was going. This ship was above 200 tons burden; but hercaptain was as short of money in proportion as we were, and wastherefore desirous of a chance of making some addition to his stock; andas our general was content to have his aid, he agreed to let him have aneighth part of what might be taken. The general then went to take leaveof the king, to whom he presented two of the chief merchants, MessrsStarkie and Styles, whom the king graciously took under his protection, as they and some others were to remain behind to provide pepper againstthe return of the ships. We sailed on the 11th September, 1602, steering our course for thestraits of Malacca; but, before giving an account of this adventure, Ishall relate how the king dealt with the Portuguese ambassador after ourdeparture. Every day the ambassador urgently pressed for permission todepart; but still, on one pretence or another, the king delayed hisvoyage; till at last, twenty-four days after our departure, the kingsaid to him, "I wonder at your haste to be gone, considering that theEnglish ambassador is at sea with his ships, for if he meet you he willdo you some wrong or violence. " "I care little for him, " said theambassador, "for my _frigate_[113] is small and nimble, with sails andoars; and if I were only her length from the Englishman, I could easilyescape all his force. " The king then gave him his dispatch, and allowedhim to depart. This delay served well for us, for had he got away intime, such advices would have been sent from Malacca into the straits by_frigates_, that all ships would have had warning to avoid us: But bydetaining the ambassador, we lay within 25 leagues of Malacca, and werenever descried. [Footnote 113: Frigates, in the present day, are single-decked ships ofwar, of not less than 20 guns: The term seems then to have been appliedto a swift-sailing vessel of small size and force; and is frequentlyapplied to armed or even unarmed barks or grabs, small Malabar vesselsemployed by the Portuguese for trade and war. --E. ] While we lay in the straits of Malacca, on the 3d October, the Hectorespied a sail, and calling to us, we all saw her likewise. Being towardsnight, the general directed us to spread out in a line, a mile and ahalf from each other, that she might not pass us in the night. Duringthe night the strange sail fell in with the Hector, which first espiedher. The captain immediately hailed her to surrender, firing two orthree shots to bring her to; so that the rest of our ships were apprizedof where she was, and all gathered about her, firing at her with theircannon, which she returned. On the coming up of the admiral, which shotoff six pieces at once out of her prow, the main-yard of the chase felldown, so that she could not escape. The admiral now ordered all ourships to discontinue firing, lest some unfortunate shot might strikebetween wind and water, and sink our expected prize; so we lay by hertill morning without any more fighting. At break of day, the captain ofthe chase, and some of his men, went into his boat; on which the Hector, being nearest, called to them to come to his ship. Mr John Middleton, the captain of the Hector, being vice-admiral, brought the boat andcaptain immediately aboard the general, to whom they surrendered theirship and goods. The general gave immediate orders to remove all the principal men of theprize on board our ships, and only placed four of our men in the prize, for fear of rifling and pillaging the valuable commodities shecontained, and gave these men strict warning, if any thing wereamissing, that they should answer for the value out of their wages andshares, ordering them on no account to allow any one to come on boardthe prize, unless with his permission. When the prize was unloaded, herown boatswain and mariners did the whole work, none of our men beingallowed to go on board even to assist. They only received the goods intoour boats, carrying them to such ships as they were directed by thegeneral; by which orderly proceeding there was neither rifling, pillaging, nor spoil, which could hardly have been otherwise avoided insuch a business. Within five or six days we had unladen her of 950 packsof calicoes and pintados, or chintzes, besides many packages of othermerchandise. She had likewise much rice and other goods, of which wemade small account: And as a storm now began to blow, all their men wereput on board, and we left her riding at anchor. She came from San Thome, [or Meliapour near Madras, ] in the bay of Bengal, and was going toMalacca, being of the burden of about 900 tons. When we intercepted her, there were on board 600 persons, including men, women, and children. The general would never go on board to see her, that there might be nosuspicion, either among our mariners, or the merchants in London, of anydishonest dealing on his part, by helping himself to any part of hergoods. He was exceeding glad and thankful to God for this good fortune, which had eased him of a heavy care, as it not only supplied hisnecessities, to enable him to load his ships, but gave him sufficientfunds for loading as many more; so that now his care was not aboutmoney, but how he should leave these goods, having so much more thanenough, till the arrival of other ships from England. The 21st October, we began our voyage from the straits of Malacca toreturn to Acheen; and by the way there came a great spout of water, pouring from the heavens, and fell not far from our ship, to our extremeterror. These spouts come pouring down like a river of water; so that, if they were to fall upon a ship, she would be in imminent danger ofsinking downright; as the water falls all at once like one vast drop, oras a prodigious stream poured from a vessel, and with extreme violence, sometimes enduring for an hour together, so that the sea boils and foamsto a great height. § 5. _Presents to and from the King of Acheen, and his Letters to QueenElizabeth. Their Departure to Priaman and Bantam, and Settlement ofTrade at these Places. _ We again cast anchor in the road of Acheen, on the 24th of October, whenthe general went immediately on shore, and found all our merchants welland in safety, giving great commendations of the kind entertainment theyhad from the king in the absence of the general. On this account, thegeneral, willing to gratify the king with some of the most valuablearticles taken in the prize, selected a present of such things as hethought might be most to his liking, and presented them to him on hisfirst going to court. The king received the present very graciously, andwelcomed the general on his return, seeming to be much pleased with hissuccess against the Portuguese; but jestingly added, that the generalhad forgotten his most important commission, which was to bring backwith him a fair Portuguese maid. To this the general replied, that therewere none worthy of being offered. The king smiled, and said, if therewere any thing in his dominions that could gratify the general, heshould be most welcome to have it. The merchants were now directed to ship in the Ascension, all thepepper, cinnamon, and cloves they had bought in the absence of theships, which was scarcely enough to complete her loading; but there wasno more to be had at the time, nor could any more be expected that year. The general, therefore, ordered every thing to be conveyed on board theships, as he was resolved to depart from Acheen, and to sail for Bantamin _Java Major_, where he understood good sale might be procured for hiscommodities, and a great return of pepper at a much more reasonableprice than at Acheen. Upon this order being promulgated, every personmade haste to get their things embarked. The general went to court, and communicated to the king his intentionsof departing, and had a long conference with his majesty, who deliveredto him a complimentary letter for the Queen of England. [114] A presentwas likewise delivered to him for the queen, consisting of three finevestments, richly woven and embroidered with gold of exquisiteworkmanship, and a fine ruby set in a gold ring, the whole enclosed in a_red box of Tzin_. [115] He likewise presented the general with anotherruby set in a ring, and when about to take leave, he asked the generalif we had the Psalms of David extant among us. On being told that wehad, and sang them daily, he said, that he and his nobles would sing apsalm to God for our prosperous voyage, which they did very reverently. He then desired that we might sing another psalm in our own language;and being about twelve of us present, we sang a psalm. That being ended, the general took leave of the king, who shewed him much kindness at hisdeparture, desiring God to bless us during our voyage, and to guide ussafely to our country; adding, that if any of our ships should comehereafter to his ports, they might depend on receiving as kind treatmentas we had got. [Footnote 114: Purchas gives a copy of this letter, as translated fromthe Arabic by William Bedwell. It is long, tedious, and merely composedof hyperbolical compliment; and therefore omitted. --E. ] [Footnote 115: This was probably a casket of red Chinese lacker orvarnish, usually denominated Japanned. --E. ] All our goods and men being shipped, we departed from Acheen on the 9thNovember, 1602, with three ships, the Dragon, Hector, and Ascension, theSusan having been long before sent to Priaman. We kept company for twodays, in which time the general prepared his letters for England, sending them away in the Ascension, which now directed her course by theCape of Good Hope for England; while we steered along the south-westerncoast of Sumatra, in our way to Bantam, meaning to look for the Susan, which had been sent formerly to endeavour to procure a loading on thatcoast. While in this course we suddenly fell in among a number ofislands in the night, and when the morning dawned were astonished how wehad got in among them, without seeing or running upon any of them. Theywere all low land, environed with rocks and shoals, so that we were ingreat danger; but thanks be to God, who had delivered us from manydangers, and enabled us to extricate ourselves from the presentdifficulty. Continuing our course, we passed the equinoctial line forthe third time, and coming to Priaman, the 26th November, we rejoinedthe Susan, which the general had sent there from Acheen to load withpepper. The people of the Susan were rejoiced at our arrival, having alreadyprovided 600 bahars of pepper, and sixty-six bahars of cloves. Pepperwas cheaper here than at Acheen, though none grows in the neighbourhoodof this port, being all brought from a place called _Manangcabo_, eightor ten leagues within the country; which place has no other merchandise, except a considerable store of gold in dust and small grains, which iswashed out of the sands of rivers after the great floods of the rainyseason, by which it is brought down from the mountains. Priaman is agood place of refreshment, and is very pleasant and healthy, though itlies within 15' of the line. Having refreshed ourselves here with goodair, fresh victuals, and water, the general left orders for the Susan tocomplete her loading in all speed, which wanted only a few hundredbahars of pepper, and then to proceed direct for England. Leaving the Susan at Priaman, we left that place with the Dragon andHector on the 4th December, directing our course for Bantam in Java. Entering the straits of Sunda, the 15th December, we came to anchorunder an island three leagues from Bantam, called _Pulo Pansa_. Nextmorning we got into the road of Bantam, and fired a great peal ofordnance from our two ships, the like of which had never been heard inthat place before. Next morning, the general sent Captain John Middletonon shore with a message for the king, to say that he, the general, wassent by the Queen of England with a letter and message for his majesty, and required his majesty's licence and safe conduct to come on shore todeliver them. The king sent back word that he was glad of his arrival, sending a nobleman along with Captain Middleton to welcome the general, and accompany him on shore. Taking about sixteen attendants, thegeneral went on shore with this nobleman to the court, where he foundthe king, being a boy of ten or eleven years of age, sitting in _a roundhouse_, surrounded in some decent state by sixteen or eighteen of hisnobles. The general made his obeisance after the custom of the country, and was welcomed very kindly by the young king. After some conferenceabout his message, he delivered the queen's letter into the king'shands, and made him a present of plate and some other things, which theking received with a smiling countenance, and referred the general forfarther conference to one of his nobles, who was protector or regent ofthe kingdom in his minority. After a conference of an hour and a half; the regent in the king's namereceived the general and all his company under the king's protection, with perfect freedom to come on land, to buy and sell withoutmolestation, assuring him of as great security as in his own country, toall which the other nobles gave their consent and assurance. Therepassed many discourses upon other topics at this conference, which Iomit troubling the reader with for the sake of brevity; my purpose beingto shew the effect of this first settlement of trade in the East Indies, rather than to be tediously particular. After this kind welcome andsatisfactory conference, the general took his leave of the king andnobles, and immediately gave orders for providing houses, of which hehad the king's authority to make choice to his liking. Within two days, the merchants brought their goods ashore, and began to make sales; butone of the nobles came to the general, saying, that it was the custom ofthe place, for the king to buy and provide himself before the subjectscould purchase any thing. The general readily consented to thisarrangement, being informed that the king would give a reasonable priceand make punctual payment. When the king was served, the merchants went on with their sales, and ina few weeks sold more goods than would have sufficed to purchase loadingfor both ships, yet we only brought away from thence 276 bags of pepper, each containing sixty-two pounds. Each bag cost at first rate 5-1/2ryals of eight, of 4s. 6d. Being £1:4:9 per bag, or something less than5d. A pound. This was, however, besides duty of anchorage and custom tothe king. By agreement with the _Sabander_ or governor of thecity, [116] the general paid as anchorage duty for the two ships, 1500ryals of eight; and one ryal of eight as custom for each bag of pepper. We traded here very peaceably, though the Javans are reckoned thegreatest thieves in the world: But; after having received one or twoabuses, the general had authority from the king to put to death whoeverwas found about his house in the night, and after four or five were thusslain, we lived in reasonable peace and quiet, yet had continually tokeep strict watch all night. [Footnote 116: This officer, as his title implies, which ought to bewritten Shah-bander, is lord of the port or harbour. --E. ] We went on with our trade, so that by the 10th February, 1603, our shipswere fully laden and ready to depart. In the mean time, Mr JohnMiddleton, captain of the Hector, fell sick on board his ship in theroad. For, from the very first of our voyage, the general made it aninvariable rule, if he were ashore, that the vice-admiral must be onboard, and _vice versa_, that both might not be at one time from theircharge. Hearing of his sickness, the general went aboard to visit him, and found him much weaker than he himself felt or suspected, whichexperience in these hot climates had taught our general to know; for, although Captain Middleton was then walking about the deck, he diedabout two o'clock next morning. The general now proceeded to put every thing in order for our speedydeparture, and appointed a pinnace of about 40 tons, which we had, to beladen with commodities, putting into her twelve mariners with certainmerchants, whom he sent to the Moluccas, to trade there and settle afactory, against the arrival of the next ships from England. He likewiseleft eight men and three factors in Bantam, Mr William Starkie beinghead factor; whom he appointed to sell such commodities as were left, and to provide loading for the next ships. Every thing being arranged, the general went to court to take his leave of the king, from whom hereceived a letter for Queen Elizabeth, with a present of some finebezoar stones. To the general he gave a handsome Java dagger, which ismuch esteemed there, a good bezoar stone, and some other things. Afterthis the general took leave of the king, with many courteous expressionson both sides. § 6. _Departure for England, and Occurrences in the Voyage_. We all embarked on the 20th February, 1603, shot off our ordnance, andset sail for England, giving thanks to God with joyful hearts for hismerciful protection. We were in the straits of Sunda on the 22d and 23dof that month, and on the 26th we got clear of all the islands in thesestraits and of the land, shaping our course S. W. So that on the 28th wewere in lat. 8° 40' S. On Sunday the 13th March, we were past the tropicof Capricorn, holding our course mostly S. W. With a stiff gale at S. E. The 14th April we were in lat. 34° S. Judging the great island ofMadagascar to be north of us. We had a great and furious storm on the28th, which forced us to take in all our sails. This storm continued aday and night, during which the sea so raged that none of us expectedour ships to live; but God, in his infinite mercy, calmed the violenceof the storm, and gave us opportunity to repair the losses and injurieswe had received; but our ships were so shaken by the violence of thewind and waves, that they continued leaky all the rest of the voyage. We had another great storm on the 3d May, which continued all night, anddid so beat on the quarter of our ship that it shook all the iron workof our rudder, which broke clean off next morning from our stern, andinstantly sunk. This misfortune filled all our hearts with fear, so thatthe best and most experienced among us knew not what to do, especiallyseeing ourselves in so tempestuous a sea, and a so stormy place, so thatI think there be few worse in the world. Our ship now drove about at themercy of the winds and waves like a wreck, so that we were sometimeswithin a few leagues of the Cape of Good Hope, when a contrary wind cameand drove us almost into 40° S. Among hail, snow, and sleety coldweather. This was a great misery to us, and pinched us sore with cold, having been long used to hot weather. All this while the Hectorcarefully kept by us, which was some comfort, and many times the masterof the Hector came aboard our ship to consult upon what could be done. At length it was concluded to put our mizen-mast out at a stern port, toendeavour to steer our ship into some place where we might make and hanga new rudder to carry us home. This device, was however to littlepurpose; for, when we had fitted it and put it out into the sea, it didso lift up with the strength of the waves, and so shook the stem of ourship, as to put us in great danger, so that we were glad to use allconvenient haste to get the mast again into the ship. We were now apparently without hope or remedy, unless we made a newrudder, and could contrive to hang it at sea, which may easily be judgedwas no easy matter, in so dangerous a sea, and our ship being of sevenor eight hundred tons. [117] But necessity compelled us to try allpossible means. The general ordered our carpenters to make a new rudderof the mizen-mast; but there was this great obstacle, that we had lostall our rudder-irons along with the old rudder: Yet we proceeded withall expedition; One of our men dived, to search what might remain of ourrudder-irons on the stern port, who found but two, and another that wasbroken. Yet, with God's help, finding a fair day, we made fast our newrudder, and were able to make sail homewards. Within three or fourhours, the sea took it off again, and we had great difficulty to saveit, losing another of our irons, so that only two now remained to hangit by, and our men began to propose quitting the ship and going on boardthe Hector to save themselves. "Nay, " said the general, "we will abideGod's leisure, and see what mercy he will shew us; for I do not yetdespair to save ourselves, the ship, and the goods, by some means whichGod will appoint. " With that, he went into his cabin, and wrote a letterfor England, proposing to send it by the Hector, commanding her tocontinue her voyage and leave us; but not one of our ship's company knewof this command. The tenor of the letter was as follows, little more orless, addressed to the Governor and Company: RIGHT WORSHIPFUL, _What hath passed in this voyage, and what trades I have settled for thecompany, and what other events have befallen us, you shall understand bythe bearers hereof, to whom (as occasion has fallen) I must refer you, Ishall strive with all diligence to save my ship and her goods, as youmay _perceive by the course I take in venturing my own life, and thosethat are with me. I cannot tell where you should look for me, if yousend any pinnace to seek me; because I live at the devotion of the windsand seas. And that, fare you well, praying God to send us a merrymeeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure. The passage to the_ East India _lieth in 62 1/2 degrees, by thenorth-west on the America side_. [118] _Your very loving friend, JAMES LANCASTER_. [Footnote 117: At the commencement of this article, the burden of theDragon is only stated at 600 tons. --E. ] [Footnote 118: This latter paragraph obviously refers to the _ignisfatuus_ of a northwest passage by sea to India, to be noticed in anafter part of this work. --E. ] When this letter was delivered to the Hector, together with his ordersfor her departure, the general expected she would have gone off from usin the night, according to instructions; but when he espied her in themorning, he said to me that they regarded no orders. But the Hector keptsome two or three leagues from us, not coming any nearer; for the masterwas an honest and good man, who loved our general, and was loth to leavehim in such great distress. It was now incumbent upon us to try everymeans to save ourselves and the ship. Our carpenter mended our newrudder, and in a few days the weather became somewhat fair and the seasmooth. So we made a signal for the Hector to come near, out of whichcame the master, Mr Sander Cole, bringing the best swimmers and diversbelonging to his ship, who helped us materially in our work. By theblessing of God, we hung our rudder again on the two remaining hooks, and then had some hope of being able to fetch some port for our relief. We were sore beaten to and fro in these raging seas, and had many morestorms than are here expressed, sometimes for a whole month together, sothat our men began to fall sick, and the wind was so scant that we couldfetch no port on the coast of Africa, which was the nearest land. Committing ourselves therefore into the hands of God, we made sail forthe island of St Helena, knowing that we were to the westwards of theCape of Good Hope, especially by the height we were now in to thenorthward. While in this course our main-yard fell down, and drove oneof our men into the sea, where he was drowned; this being the last ofour misfortunes. The 5th June, we passed the tropic of Capricorn, and inthe morning of the 16th we got sight of St Helena to our great joy. Webore close along shore, to get to the best part of the road, where wecame to anchor in twelve fathoms water, right over against a chapelwhich the Portuguese had built there long since. When we went ashore, we found by many writings, that the Portuguesecaraks had departed from thence only eight days before our arrival. Inthis island there are excellent refreshments to be had, especially waterand wild goats; but the latter are hard to be got at, unless good meansare followed. For this purpose the general selected four stout activemen, the best marksmen among our people, who were directed to go intothe middle of the island, each of these, having four men to attend him, and to carry the goats he killed to an appointed place, whence every daytwenty men went to bring them to the ships. By this plan there was nohooting or hallooing about the island to scare the goats, and the shipswere plentifully supplied to the satisfaction of all. While we remainedhere, we refitted our ships as well as we could, and overhauled ourtemporary rudder, securing it so effectually that we had good hope itmight last us home. All our sick men recovered their health, through theabundance of goats and hogs we procured for their refreshment. Indeedall of us stood in great need of fresh provisions, having seen no laudin three months, but being continually beaten about at sea. We departed from St Helena on the 5th July, steering N. W. And passed theisland of Ascension, in lat. 8° S. On the 13th. No ships touch at thisisland, for it is altogether barren and without water; only that itabounds with fish all around in deep water, where there is ill ridingfor ships. Holding our course still N. W. With the wind at E. And S. E. Till the 19th of that month, we then passed the equator, and on the 24thwere in lat. 6° N. At which time we judged ourselves to be 150 leaguesfrom the coast of Guinea. We then steered N. By W. And N. Till the 29th, when we got sight of the island of _Fuego_, one of the Cape Verds, wherewe were becalmed five days, striving to pass to the eastwards of thisisland but could not, for the wind changed to the N. E. So that we had tosteer W. N. W. We were in lat. 16° N. On the 7th August, and on the 12thwe passed the tropic of Cancer, in lat. 23° 30' N. Holding our course tothe north. The 23d the wind came westerly; and on the 29th we passed StMary, the southeastermost of the Azores, with a fair wind. We hadsoundings on the 7th September, 1603, the coast of England being then 40leagues from us by our reckoning; and we arrived in the Downs on the11th of that month, where we came safe to anchor: For which we thankedthe Almighty God, who hath delivered us from infinite perils anddangers, in this long and tedious navigation; having been, from the 2dApril, 1601, when we sailed from Torbay, two years five months and ninedays absent from England. SECTION II. _Account of Java, and of the first Factory of the English at Bantam;with Occurrences there from the 11th February, 1603, to the 6th October, 1605_. [119] INTRODUCTION. The entire title of this article, in the Pilgrims of Purchas, is, "ADiscourse of Java, and of the first English Factory there, with diversIndian, English, and Dutch Occurrences; written by Mr Edmund Scot, containing a History of Things done from the 11th February, 1602, tillthe 6th October, 1605, abbreviated. " [Footnote 119: Purch. Pilgr. I. 164. Astl. I. 284. ] It is to be observed, that February, 1602, according to the old way ofreckoning time in England, was of the year 1603 as we now reckon, forwhich reason we have changed the date so far in the title of thesection. Mr Edmund Scot, the author of this account of Java, was one ofthe factors left there by Sir James Lancaster. He became latterly headfactor at that place, and returned from thence to England with CaptainHenry Middleton, leaving Mr Gabriel Towerson to take charge of the tradein his room; doubtless the same unhappy person who fell a sacrifice, seventeen years afterwards, to the avarice, cruelty, and injustice ofthe Dutch. This article may be considered as a supplement to the voyageof Sir James Lancaster, and is chiefly adopted as giving an account ofthe first factory established by the English in the East Indies. Beingin some parts rather tediously minute upon matters of trifling interest, some freedom has been used in abbreviating its redundancies. Thefollowing character is given of it by the editor of Astley'scollection. --E. "The whole narrative is very instructive and entertaining, except someinstances of barbarity, and affords more light into the affairs of theEnglish and Dutch, as well as respecting the manners and customs of theJavanese and other inhabitants of Bantam, than if the author had dressedup a more formal relation, in the usual way of travellers: From theminute particulars respecting the Javanese and Chinese, contained in thelast sections, the reader will be able to collect a far better notion ofthe genius of these people, than from the description of the countryinserted in the first; and in these will be found the bickerings betweenthe Dutch and English, which laid the foundations of these quarrels andanimosities which were afterwards carried to such extreme length, andwhich gave a fatal blow to the English trade in the EastIndies. "--_Astl. _ * * * * * § 1. _Description of Java, with the Manners and Customs of itsInhabitants, both Javanese and Chinese_. Java Major is an island in the East Indies, the middle of which is inlong. 104° E. And in lat. 9° S. [120] It is 146 leagues long from east towest, and about 90 leagues broad from south to north. [121] The middle ofthe island is for the most part mountainous, yet no where so steep as toprevent the people from travelling to their tops either a-foot or onhorseback. Some inhabitants dwell on the hills nearest the sea; but inthe middle of the land, so far as I could learn, there were noinhabitants; but wild beasts of several sorts, some of which come to thevalleys near the sea, and devour many people. Towards the sea the landfor the most part is low and marshy, whereon stand their towns ofprincipal trade, being mostly on the north and north-east sides of theisland, as Chiringin, Bantam, Jackatra, and Jortan or Greesey. These lowlands are very unwholesome, and breed many diseases, especially amongthe strangers who resort thither, and yield no merchandise worthspeaking of, except pepper, which has been long brought from all partsof the island to Bantam, as the chief mart or trading town of thecountry. Pepper used formerly to be brought here from several othercountries for sale, which is not the case now, as the Dutch trade toevery place where it can be procured, and buy it up. [Footnote 120: The longitude of the middle of Java may be assumed at110° E. From Greenwich, and its central latitude 7° 15' S. The westernextremity is in long. 105° 20' and the eastern in 114° 48' both E. Theextreme north-west point is in lat. 6°, the most southeastern in 8° 45', both S. It is hard to guess what Mr Scot chose as his first meridian, giving an error of excess or difference of 30° from the true position;as the meridian of Ferro would only add about 18 degrees. --E. ] [Footnote 121: The difference of longitude in the preceding note gives189 leagues, being 43 more than in the text, whereas its greatestbreadth does not exceed 28 leagues, not a third part of what is assignedin the text. --E. ] The town of Bantam is about three English miles long, and very populous. It has three markets held every day, one in the forenoon and two in theafternoon. That especially which is held in the morning abounds as muchin people, and is equally crowded with many of our fairs in England; yetI never saw any cattle there for sale, as very few are bred or kept inthe country. The food of the people is almost entirely confined to rice, with some hens and fish, but not in great abundance. All the houses arebuilt of great canes, with a few small timbers, being very slightstructures; yet in many houses of the principal people there is muchgood workmanship, with fine carvings and other embellishments. Some ofthe chiefest have a square chamber built of brick, in a quite rudemanner, no better than a brick-kiln; the only use of which is to securetheir household stuff in time of fires, for they seldom or never lodgeor eat in them. Many small rivers pervade the town, which also has an excellent road forshipping; so that if the people were of any reasonable capacity, itcould easily be made a goodly city. It is entirely surrounded by abrick-wall, built in a very warlike manner, with flankers and towers, scouring in all directions; and I have been told by some that it wasfirst built by the Chinese. In many places this wall has fallen to ruin. At one end of the city is the Chinese town, being divided from that ofthe Javanese by a narrow river, which, after crossing the end of theChinese town, runs past the king's palace, and then through the middleof the great town, where the tide ebbs and flows, so that at high watergalleys and junks of heavy burden can go into the middle of the city. The Chinese town is mostly built of brick, every house being square andflat-roofed, formed of small timbers, split canes, and boards, on whichare laid bricks and sand to defend them from fire. Over these brickwarehouses a shed is placed, constructed of large canes, and thatched;some being of small timber, but mostly of canes. Of late years, since wecame here, many wealthy persons have built their houses fire-proof allthe way to the top: but, on our first coming, there were none other inthat manner except the house of the Sabander, and those of the richChinese merchants: yet even these, by means of their windows, and thesheds around them, have been consumed by fire. In this town stand thehouses of the English and Dutch, built in the same manner with theothers; but of late the Dutch have built one of their houses to the topof brick, but with much trouble and expence, in hopes of securingthemselves from fire. The King of Bantam is an absolute sovereign, and since the depositionand death of the late Emperor of _Damacke_ he is considered as theprincipal king of the whole island. He uses martial law on any offenderhe is disposed to punish. If the wife or wives of any private individualare guilty of adultery, upon good proof, both the woman and her paramourare put to death. They may put their slaves to death for any smallfault. For every wife that a free Javan marries he must keep ten femaleslaves, though some keep forty such for each wife, and may have as manymore as they please, but can only have three wives; yet may use alltheir female slaves as concubines. The Javanese are exceedingly proud, yet very poor, as hardly one among them of a hundred will work. Thegentry among them are reduced to poverty by the number of their slaves, who eat faster than their pepper and rice grow. The Chinese plant, dress, and gather all the pepper, and sow the rice, living as slavesunder the Javanese proprietors; yet they absorb all the wealth of theland by their industry, from the indolent and idle Javanese. All theJavanese are so proud that they will not endure an equal to sit an inchhigher than themselves. They are a most blood-thirsty race, yet seldomfight face to face, either among themselves or with other nations, always seeking their revenge after a cowardly manner, although stout menof good stature. The punishment for murder among them is to pay a fineto the king: but evermore the relations of the murdered person seek forrevenge upon the murderer or his kindred; so that the more they kill oneanother the more fines come to the king. The ordinary weapon, which theyall wear, is a dagger, called a _criss_, about two feet long, with awaved blade, crooked to and fro indenture ways, like what is called aflaming sword, and exceedingly sharp, most of them being poisoned, sothat not one among five hundred wounded in the body escapes with life. The handles of these weapons are of horn or wood, curiously carved inthe likeness of a devil, which many of these people worship. In theirwars they use pikes, darts, and targets; and of late some of them havelearnt to use fire-arms, but very awkwardly. The better sort wear a _tuke_ or turban on their heads, and a fine pieceof painted calico round their loins, all the rest of their bodies beingnaked. They sometimes wear a close coat like a _mandilion_, [122] made ofcloth, camblet, velvet, or some other silk; but this is seldom, and onlyon extraordinary occasions. The common people have a flat cap of velvet, taffeta, or calico, on their heads, cut out in many pieces, and neatlysewed together, so as to fit close. About their loins they wrap a pieceof calico made at _Clyn_, put on like a girdle, but at least a yardbroad, being mostly of two colours. There come also from the same placemany sorts of white cloth, which they dye, paint, and gild, according totheir own fashions. They can also weave a kind of striped stuff, eitherof cotton or the rinds of trees; but, owing to their indolence, verylittle of that is made or worn. The men for the most part wear theirhair, which is very thick and curly, and in which they take great pride, and often go bare-headed to show their hair. The women go allbare-headed, many of them having their hair tucked up like a cart-horse, but the better sort tuck it up like our riding geldings. About theirloins they wear the same stuffs like the men; and always have a piece offine painted calico, of their country fashion, thrown over theirshoulders, with the ends hanging down loose behind. [Footnote 122: The editor of Astley's Collection substitutes the word_cassock_ at this place. --E. ] The principal people are very religious, yet go seldom to church. Theyacknowledge Jesus to have been a great prophet, calling him _Nabu Isa_, or the prophet Jesus, and some of them entertain Mahometan priests intheir houses: but the common people have very little knowledge of anyreligion, only saying that there is a God who made heaven and earth andall things. They say that God is good, and will not hurt them, but thatthe devil is bad, and will do them harm; wherefore many of them are soignorant as to pray to him, for fear he should harm them. Assuredly, ifthere were here men of learning, and having a sufficient knowledge oftheir language to instruct them, many of these ignorant people might bedrawn over to the true Christian faith, and civilized; for many withwhom I have conversed upon Christian laws have liked all very well, except the prohibition of a plurality of wives, as they are all verylascivious, both men and women. The better sort of the Javanese, who are in authority, are great takersof bribes; and all of them are bad payers when trusted, although theirlaws for debt are so strict, that the creditor may take his debtor, wives, children, slaves, and all that he hath, and sell them insatisfaction of the debt. They are all much given to stealing, from thehighest to the lowest; and surely they were, in times past, canibals orman-eaters, before they had trade with the Chinese, which some say isnot above a hundred years ago. They delight much in indolent ease and inmusic, and for the most part spend the day sitting cross-legged liketailors, cutting a piece of stick, by which many of them become goodcarvers, and carve their criss handles very neatly; which is all thework that most of them perform. They are great eaters; but the gentryallow nothing to their slaves except rice sodden in water, with someroots and herbs. They have also an herb called _betel_, which they carrywith them wherever they go; in boxes, or wrapped up in a cloth like asugar-loaf; and also a nut called _pinang_, [123] which are both veryhot-tasted, and which they chew continually to warm them within, and tokeep away the flux. They also use much tobacco, and take opium. TheJavanese are a very dull and blockish people, very unfit for managingthe affairs of a commonwealth, so that all strangers who come to theirland get beyond them; and many who come here to dwell from the countryof _Clyn_, grow very rich, and rise to high offices, as the _sabander, laytamongon_, and others. The Chinese especially, who live crouchingunder them like Jews, rob them of their wealth, and send it to China. [Footnote 123: Probably that called _areka_ on the continent of India;the areka and betel being chewed together, along with powdered chunam, or shell-lime. --E. ] The Chinese are very crafty in trade, using every conceivable art tocheat and deceive. They have no pride in them, neither will they refuseany labour, except they turn Javans, when they have committed murder orsome other villainy, when they become every whit as proud and lazy as aJavan. [124] They follow several different sects of religion, but aremostly atheists; many of them believing, that if they lead good lives, they will be born again to great riches, and be made governors; whereasthose who lead bad lives will be changed to some vile animal, as a frogor toad. They burn sacrifices every new moon, mumbling over certainprayers in a kind of chanting voice, tingling a small bell, which theyring aloud at the close of each prayer. When any of them of good accountlies sick and like to die, they sacrifice in this manner: Their altarsare furnished with goats, hens, ducks, and various kinds of fruit, somedressed fit for eating, and others raw, which are all dressed and eaten;after which they burn a great many pieces of paper, painted and cut outinto various devices. I have often asked them, to whom they burn theirsacrifices? when they always said, it was to God; but the Turks andGuzerates who were there, alleged it was to the devil: If so, they areashamed to confess. [Footnote 124: Though not obviously expressed, it would appear, that formurder, and some other crimes, the Chinese had to become Mahometans, tobe entitled to redeem their lives by a fine. --E. ] Many of them are well skilled in astronomy, keeping an exact account ofthe months and years. They observe no Sabbaths, neither keep they anyday holier than another; except that, on laying the foundation of ahouse, or beginning any great work, they note down the day, and keep itever after as a festival. When any of them that are wealthy die atBantam, their bodies are burnt to ashes, which are collected into closejars, and carried to their friends in China. I have seen when some ofthem lay dying, that there were set up seven burning perfumes, four ofthem great shining lights, arranged on a cane laid across two crochets, six feet from the ground, and three small dim lights on the grounddirectly under the others. On asking frequently the meaning of thisceremony, I could never get any other answer than that it was the customof China. They do many other such foolish things, not knowing wherefore, but only that it has been so done by their ancestors. They delight much in the exhibition of plays, and in singing, butcertainly have the worst voices in the world. These plays and interludesare exhibited in honour of their gods, after burning sacrifices at thebeginning, the priests many times kneeling down, and kissing the groundthree times in quick succession. These plays are made most commonly whenthey think their junks are setting out from China, and likewise whenthey arrive at Bantam, and when they go away back to China. These playssometimes begin at noon, and continue till next morning, being mostlyexhibited in the open streets, on stages erected on purpose. They havelikewise among them some soothsayers, who sometimes run raging up anddown the streets, having drawn swords in their hands, tearing their hairlike so many madmen, and throwing themselves on the ground. When in thisfrantic state, they themselves affirm, and it is believed by theChinese, that they can foretell what is to happen. Whether they bepossessed of the devil, who reveals things to them, I know not; but manyof the Chinese use these conjurers when they send away a junk on anyvoyage, to learn if the voyage shall succeed or not; and they allegethat it hath happened according as the soothsayer told them. The Chinese are apparelled in long gowns, wearing kirtles, or shortergarments, under these; and are assuredly the most effeminate andcowardly nation in the world. On their heads they wear a caul or closebonnet, some of silk and some of hair, having the hair of their headsvery long, and bound up in a knot on their crowns. Their nobles andgovernors wear hoods of sundry fashions, some being one half like a hatand the other half like a French hood, others of net-work with a highcrown and no brims. They are tall and strong built, having all verysmall black eyes, and very few of them have any beards. They will stealand commit all manner of villainy to procure wealth. At Bantam theypurchase female slaves, as they cannot bring any women out of China. Bythese slaves they have many children; and when they go back to China, without intending to return to Bantam, they carry all their childrenalong with them, but sell their women. They send always some of theirgoods to China by every fleet of junks; for if they die at Bantam, allthe goods they have there fall to the king. If they cut their hair, theymust never return to China; but their children may, providing their hairhas never been cut. § 2. _A brief Discourse of many Dangers by Fire, and other Treacheries ofthe Javanese_. After our two ships, the Dragon and Hector, were laden, and all thingsset in order, our general, Sir James Lancaster, departed from Bantam onthe 21st February, 1603, leaving nine persons resident in that city, over whom he appointed Mr William Starkie to be chief commander. Helikewise left thirteen others, who were appointed to go in our pinnacefor Banda, over whom Thomas Tudd, merchant, was constituted chiefcommander, and Thomas Keith master of the pinnace. At his departure, thegeneral left orders that the pinnace should be sent away with all speed;wherefore, having taken on board fifty-six chests and bales of goods, she set sail at night on the 6th March; but meeting with contrary winds, was forced to return to Bantam after having been two months at sea, beating up to no purpose. Also, at our general's departure, he left ustwo houses full of goods, besides some being at the Dutchman's house;but we were too few in number to have kept one house well, had not Godof his great mercy preserved us. Before the departure of our ships, a quarrel had taken place between ourpeople and the Javanese, who sought by all manner of ways to berevenged; so that presently after the departure of our pinnace, theybegan to attempt setting fire to our principal house, by means offire-arrows and fire-darts in the night; and when we brought out anyquantity of our goods to air, they were sure to set some part of thetown on fire to windward not far from us. If these fire-arrows had not, by God's good providence, been seen by some of our people, that houseand all its goods had surely been consumed, as plainly appeared when wecame afterwards to repair the roof. But, as the malice of the rascalsort began now plainly to appear, and continued for two years againstus, so did the merciful protection of God begin to shew itself, andcontinued to the last day, as will manifestly be seen in the sequel ofthis discourse: For which blessed be his holy name. Immediately after dispatching the pinnace, we began to lay thefoundation of our new house, which was seventy-two feet long, andthirty-six broad. And as at this time a new protector of the kingdom waschosen, we were put to some trouble and cost before we could getpermission to go through with it. In airing our prize goods, Mr Starkieunadvisedly caused the leather covers to be stripped off from most ofthe bales, by which we found afterwards that they did not keep theircolour near so well as the others. On the 21st of March, in consequenceof a cannon being fired off by a Chinese captain, the town was set onfire, and many houses full of goods were consumed. Among the rest theDutch house was burnt down, in which we had sixty-five packs of goods, besides some pepper. We had also a considerable quantity of pepper inthe house of a Chinese which was burnt down, in which we lost 190 sacksentirely, besides damage received by the rest. Our loss by this fire wasgreat, yet we were thankful to God it was no worse, considering how nearthe fire came to our two houses, which were at that time very unfit forsuch danger, especially one to which the fire came within three yards, so that the jambs of the windows were so hot one could hardly lay theirhand upon them, yet did not its old dry thatch take fire, to the greatadmiration of all who were there of many nations. All the villains ofthe place gathered round our house, so that we durst take no rest, lestthey should set it on fire. Some of them even were so impudent in theevening as to ask how many of us lay in that house, as if meaning to setupon us in the night and cut all our throats. They were even so bold asto come in the day time before our very faces, to observe how our doorswere fastened in the inside; and we were often warned by ourwell-wishers to keep good watch, as there were a knot of thieves whointended to rob and murder us. There were only four of us in this house, who, with over-watching, and by the disease of the country, which is adysentery, were quite spent with weakness, and two of us neverrecovered. Nine sail of Hollanders came into the road on the 19th ofApril, 1603, of which fleet Wyorne van Warwicke was general; who shortlyafter sent two ships to China, two to the Moluccas, and one to Jortan, two remaining at Bantam. We were much beholden to this general forbread, wine, and many other necessaries, and for much kindness. He usedoften to say that Sir Richard Lewson had relieved himself, when like toperish at sea, for which he held himself bound to be kind to the Englishwherever he met them; and he shewed much reverence for our queen on alloccasions. Thomas Morgan, our second factor, died on the 25th of April, afterhaving been long sick; and Mr Starkie began to grow very weak. The 28th, our pinnace which had gone to Banda came back to Bantam, having lostWilliam Chace, one of her factors, and all the others in her were weakand sickly. The new protector now forbade us from proceeding with ourhouse; but by the favour of the Sabander, and _Cay Tomogone Goboy_ theadmiral, we were with much ado allowed to finish it. Mr Starkie, ourprincipal factor, died on the 30th June, whose burial General Warwickecaused to be honoured by the attendance of a company of shot and pikes, with the colours trailed, as at the funeral of a soldier. The great market-place on the east side of the river was set fire to onthe 4th July, in which fire several Chinese who were indebted to us losttheir all, so that we sustained some loss. Thomas Dobson, one of thefactors appointed for Banda, died on the 17th July. The town was firedagain on the east side of the river on the 27th. The 5th, several Dutchcaptains came to our house, saying that the regent had asked if theywould take our parts in case he did us any violence; when they told himwe were their neighbours, and they would not see us wronged. I wentimmediately to the regent, to whom I gave a small present, and thankedhim for the men he had lent us to help our building; but I could see byhis countenance that he was angry. The same day the admiral of Bantamsent his son to the regent to enquire why he used threats against us, which he denied; and, sending for me next morning, he asked me who hadsaid he meant to harm us. Saying it was the Dutch captains, he answeredif any Javan or Chinese had said so, he would have sent for them and cuttheir throats before my eyes. He then blamed me for not coming to himwhen we had any suits, and going always to the sabander and admiral;upon which, I said that he was only newly appointed, and we were not yetacquainted with him, but should apply to him in future. About this time an affray broke out between the Hollanders and theChinese, in which some on both sides were slain and wounded, owing tothe disorderly and drunken behaviour of the lower Dutchmen when onshore. They got the worst on this occasion, not indeed from the Chinesethemselves, but from some Javan slaves of turn-coat Chinese, who wouldsteal unawares on the Hollanders of an evening, and stab them in acowardly manner. One day, when the Hollanders were very importunateabout one of their men who had been assassinated, the regent asked, whether they brought a law along with them into a foreign country, orwhether they were governed by the laws of the country in which theyresided? They answered, that they were governed by their own laws whenon ship board, and by those of the country when on shore. Then said theregent, "I will tell you what are the laws of this country in regard tomurder. If one kill a slave, he must pay 20 ryals of eight, if a freeman50, and if a gentleman 100. " This was all the redress they had for theslaughter of their man. About the 5th September there came a junk full of men from the island of_Lampon_ in the straits of Sunda, who are great enemies to the Javans, and yet so very like them as not to be distinguishable. These men, having their junk in a creek near Bantam, and being in all points likethe Javans, used to come boldly into the town and into the houses, evenat noonday, and cut off the people's heads, so that for near a month wehad little rest for the grievous lamentations of the towns people. Aftera time, many of them becoming known, were taken and put to death. Theywere men of comely stature, and the reason of their strange procedurewas, that their king rewarded them with a female slave for every headthey brought him, so that they would often dig up newly-buried personsat Bantam and cut off their heads, to impose upon their savage king. About this time, we got notice from the admiral and other friends to bemuch on our guard, as some of the principal natives in respect to birth, though not in wealth or office, had conspired to murder us for the sakeof our goods, and then to give out that it had been done by the_Lampons_. These devils came several times in the intention to executetheir horrid purpose, but seeing always lights about our house, which wehad set up that we might see them, and hearing our drum at the end ofevery watch, their hearts failed them for fear of our small arms, bothwhich and our _murderers_ [blunderbusses] we had always ready for theirreception. At length they fell out among themselves and dispersed. By our continual alarms, and the grievous outcries of men, women, andchildren, who were nightly murdered around us, our men were so wroughtupon, that even in their sleep they would dream of pursuing the Javans, and would suddenly start out of bed, catch at their weapons, and evenwound each other before those who had the watch could part them; but yetwe durst not remove their weapons, lest they should be instantly wanted, of which we were in constant dread. Being but few of us, I had to takemy regular turn of watch with the rest, and have often been more in fearof our own men than of the Javans, so that I had often to snatch up atarget when I heard them making any noise in their sleep, lest theymight treat me as they did each other. So terrified were we on accountof fire, that though, when we went to sleep after our watches wereexpired, our men often sounded their drum at our ears without awakeningus, if the word fire had been spoken, however softly, we would allinstantly run from our chambers; so that I was forced to warn them notto talk of fire in the night without urgent occasion. I do not mentionthese things to discourage others from going hereafter to Bantam: for wewere then strangers, but have now many friends there, and the country isunder much better regulation, and will more and more improve ingovernment as the young king grows older. In three months time, the townon the east side of the river was five times burnt down; but, God bepraised, the wind always favoured us; and although the Javans often setit on fire near us, it pleased God still to preserve us, as there waslittle wind, and the fire was put out before it got our length. § 3. _Differences between the Hollanders, styling themselves English, and the Javans, and of other memorable Things_. About this time there was again a great outcast between the Hollandersand the natives, owing to the rude behaviour of the former, and many ofthem were stabbed in the evenings. The common people did not thendistinguish between us and the Hollanders, calling both of us English, because the Hollanders had usurped our name on first coming here fortrade, in which they did us much wrong, as we used often to hear thepeople in the streets railing against the English, when they actuallymeant the Hollanders; so that, fearing some of our men might be stabbedinstead of them, we endeavoured to fall upon some plan to make ourselvesbe distinguished from them. And as the 17th of November drew nigh, whichwe still held as the coronation-day of queen Elizabeth, knowing nobetter, we dressed ourselves in new silk garments, and made us scarfsand hat-bands of red and white taffeta, the colours of our country, anda banner of St George, being white with a red cross in the middle. We, the factors, distinguished ourselves from our men, by edging our scarfswith a deep gold fringe. When the day arrived, we set up our banner on the top of our house, and, with our drum and fire-arms, marched up and down the yard of our house;being but fourteen in number, we could only _cast ourselves in rings andesses_ in single file, and so plied our shot. Hearing our firing, thesabander, and some others of the chief people of the land, came to seeus, and enquired the cause of our rejoicing; when we told them that ourqueen was crowned on that day forty-seven years ago, for which reasonall Englishmen, in whatever country they might then happen to be, werein use to shew their joy on that day. The sabander commended usmightily, for shewing our reverence to our sovereign at so great adistance from our country. Some of the others asked, how it happenedthat the Englishmen at the other house or factory did not do solikewise; on which we told them that they were not English butHollanders, having no king, and their land being ruled only bygovernors, being of a country near England, but speaking quite adifferent language. The multitude greatly admired to see so few of us discharge so manyshots, for the Javans and Chinese are very inexpert in the use offire-arms. In the afternoon, I made our people walk out into the townand market-place, that the people might see their scarfs and hat-bands, making a shew that the like had never been seen there before, and thatthe natives might for the future know them from the Hollanders; and manytimes the children ran after us in the streets, crying out, _OrangEngrees bayk, Orang Hollanda jahad_: The Englishmen are good, theHollanders are bad. The 6th December two Dutch ships came in, that had taken a richPortuguese carak near Macao, by which they got great plunder, and wereenabled so to bribe the regent, that he began to listen to their desireof being permitted to build a handsome house. About this time the regentsent for me to lend him 2000 pieces of eight, or at least 1000; but Iput him off with excuses, saying we had been left there with goods, notmoney, that the natives owed us much which we could not get in, and thatwe were under the necessity of purchasing pepper to load our ships, which we were expecting to arrive daily. The 6th February, 1604, Robert Wallis, one of our company, died, andseveral others of our men were very weak and lame, owing to the heat ofthe pepper, in dressing, screening, and turning it; so that we were infuture obliged to hire Chinese to do that work, our own men onlysuperintending them. The 16th of that month there came in a great shipof Zealand from Patane, which made us believe that General Warwicke wascoming to load all his ships here; for which reason we immediatelybought up all the good and merchantable pepper we could get. This shiphad made some valuable prizes, but they had sworn all the Englishmariners on board to tell us nothing, on pain of losing their wages, which we took as very unkind. There was at this time in Bantam threehouses of the Hollanders, all upon separate accounts, which all boughtup as much pepper as they could get. The 5th March, the regent sent again to borrow 1000 pieces of eight inthe name of the king; and I was forced to lend him 500, lest he mighthave quarrelled with me, which would have given much pleasure to theHollanders. In this country, when a Javan of any note is to be put todeath, although there is a public executioner, yet the nearest of kinto the criminal is generally allowed to execute the office, which isconsidered as a great favour. The 14th March, Thomas Tudd, who had beenleft here as chief factor for Banda, departed this life, having beenlong sick; so that of seven factors left here for Bantam and Banda, twoonly were in life, besides several others of our men having died; webeing now only ten men living and one boy. A great junk from China came in on the 22d of April, which was thoughtto have been cast away, being so late, as they usually come in duringFebruary and March. In consequence of her very late coming, _cashes_kept all this year at a very cheap rate, which was a great hindrance toour trade, as when _cashes_ are cheap, and pieces of eight consequentlydear, we could not sell any of our prize goods at half the value we didat our first arrival. Besides this, the Chinese sent all the ryals theycould get this year to China; for which reason we were obliged to givethem credit, or must have lost the principal time of the year for makingsales. The Hollanders had purchased all the pepper, except what was inour hands, and what belonged to the sabander, who would not sell at anyreasonable price. Our goods now began to be old, and many of theircolours to fade; for the warehouses are so hot and moist, that they willspoil any kind of cloth that is long in them, though we take never somuch pains in airing and turning them. § 4. _Treacherous Underminings, and other Occurrences_. A Chinaman turned Javan was our next neighbour, who kept avictualling-house or tavern, and brewed arack, a hot drink used in theseparts instead of wine. He had two outhouses, in one of which his guestswere in use to sit, and the other was his brewhouse, which joined thepales on the south side of our house. He now commenced a new trade, andbecame an engineer, having leagued with eight other villains to set ourhouse on fire and plunder our goods. These nine ruffians dug a well inthe brewhouse, from the bottom of which they wrought a mine quite underthe foundation of our house, and then upwards to our warehouse; but oncoming to the planked floor of the warehouse, they were at a stand howto get through, being afraid to cut them, as they always heard some ofus walking over them night and day. They had gone wrong to work; for ifthey had continued their mine only to our next adjoining wareroom, theywould have found 30, 000 pieces of eight buried in jars for fear of fire;beside that room was not boarded. After waiting two months in vain foran opportunity to cut the boards, one of them, who was a smith, proposedto work through our planks by means of fire. Accordingly, about ten atnight of the 28th May, 1604, they put a candle to the planks, throughwhich they presently burnt a round hole. When the fire got through, itimmediately communicated to the mats of our bales, which began to burnand spread. All the while we knew nothing of the matter, by reason ofthe closeness of the warehouse, all the windows being plastered up forfear of fire over-head. After the first watch was out, one of which I had been, the second watchsmelt a strong _funk_ of fire, as it was by that time much increased, but they could not find out where it was after searching every corner. One of them remembered a rat-hole behind his trunk, whence he couldplainly perceive the smoke steaming out, on which he came immediately tome, and told me our cloth warehouse was on fire. Going down immediately, and opening the doors of the warehouse, we were almost suffocated by thesmoke, which was so thick we could not perceive whence it came. We hadat this time two jars of gunpowder in this warehouse, which made usgreatly fear being blown up: But, laying aside fear, we pulled everything away that lay upon these jars, and got them out to our back-yard, the jars being already very hot. We now searched boldly for the fire, and at last found it. At length, by the aid of some Chinese merchantsand others, we cleared the room of above fifty packs of goods, sixteenof which were on fire. We wondered how this fire had come, suspecting the Portuguese had hiredsome Malays to do it: But a Chinese bricklayer, who wrought at the Dutchhouse, told a Hollander next morning, who had been long in the country, that it was done by the Chinese brewer and his accomplices, who were nowfled, and if we looked well in the room we should find how it had beendone. The Dutchman told this to an English surgeon, desiring him to comeand tell us, while he, the Dutchman, being perfect in the nativelanguage, would go and enquire after the incendiaries. The surgeon cameto me, and desired to see the room which had been on fire; on going intowhich with a candle, he presently discovered a little round hole, burntquite through one of the planks of the floor, and putting down a longstick, we could feel no bottom. I then called for an axe, with which wewrenched up the plank as softly as possible, under which was a holethrough which the largest trunk or pack in our warehouse might have gonedown. I immediately took three of our men armed, and went to the housewhence the mine came. Leaving one at the door, with orders to let noperson out, I went into the house with the other two of my men, where wefound three men in one of the rooms. There were two more in anotherroom, who immediately fled on hearing us, by means of a back-door whichwe did not know of. After a few blows, we made the three men prisoners, and brought them away. One was an inhabitant of the brewer's house, butwe could prove nothing against the others, yet we laid all three inirons. I immediately sent Mr Towerson to the regent, to give him anaccount of the matter, and to desire the villains might be sought outand punished. He promised this should be done, but was very slack inperformance. The Dutch merchants, hearing we had taken some of theincendiaries, and fearing the Chinese might rise against us, came verykindly to us armed, and swore they would live and die in our quarrel. After laying out such of our goods to dry as had been wetted inextinguishing the fire, we examined the person who dwelt with thebrewer, who told us the names of six who were fled, but would notconfess that he knew any thing about the mine, or setting our warehouseon fire. Then threatening him with a hot iron, but not touching him, heconfessed the whole affair, and that he was concerned in it, saying, that the two out-houses were built expressly for the purpose, though putto other uses to avoid suspicion. I sent him next morning to execution;and as he went out at our gate, the Javans reviled him, to which heanswered, that the English were rich and the Chinese poor, therefore whyshould not they steal if they could from the English? Next day the Javan admiral took one of the incendiaries, who was foundhid in a privy. This was he who put the fire to our house. He confessedto the admiral that he had clipped many ryals, and had counterfeitedsome; he even confessed some things concerning our matter, but notmuch, and would tell us nothing. Because of his obstinacy, and that hehad set our house on fire, I caused him to be burnt, by means of sharpirons thrust under the nails of his thumbs, fingers, and toes, and thenails to be torn, off; and, because he never flinched, we thought hishands and feet had been benumbed with tying, wherefore we burnt him inother parts, as the hands, arms, shoulders, and neck, but even this hadno effect. We then burnt him quite through the hands, and tore out theflesh and sinews with rasps, causing his shins to be knocked with hotsearing irons. I then caused cold iron screws to be screwed into thebones of his arms, and suddenly snatched out, and to break all the bonesof his fingers and toes with pincers: Yet for all this he never shed atear, neither once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand or foot; but, when we asked a question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, andstrike his chin on his knees to bite it off. After using the utmostextremity of torture in vain, I made him be again laid fast in irons, when the ants, which greatly abound there, got into his wounds, andtormented him worse than we had done, as might be seen by his gestures. The king's officers desired me to shoot him to death, which I thoughttoo good a death for such a villain; but as they insisted, we led himout into the fields and made him fast to a stake. The first shot carriedaway a piece of his arm, bone and all; the next went through his breastnear the shoulder, on which he bent down his head and looked at thewound. At the third shot, one of our men used a bullet cut in threepieces, which struck his breast in a triangle, on which he sunk as lowas the stake would allow. Finally, between, our men and the Hollandershe was shot almost in pieces. [125] [Footnote 125: This monster might have graced the holy office! He musthave delighted in cruelty, or he could not have devised such horribletorments, and given a recital of them. The Dutch at Amboyna did notinflict more savage tortures on the English. Had not these things beenrelated by the author himself, we could scarcely have believed suchcruelty could have existed in an Englishman. --_Astl. _ I. 295, a. ] At this time the admiral and sabander sent us an armed guard everynight, lest the Chinese might rise against us. We were not, however, inany fear of them; yet we kept four of them to be witnesses for us, incase of their rising, that what we did was in our own defence. By meansof a bribe, I procured another of the incendiaries, who confessedagainst his associates. These were _Uniete_ the chief; _Sawman_ hispartner, dwelling in the same house; _Hynting_, Omygpayo, Hewsamcow;Utee_, who was shortly after _crissed_ for being caught with a woman;the informant, named _Boyhoy; Irrow_ and _Lackow_, who were fled toJackatra, neither of whom I had before heard of. I used every means toget them, but could not, unless I had been at great charges. Some ofthem belonged to great men among the Javans, and had taken refuge intheir houses, so that we could not get at them: Yet some of theirmasters offered to sell them, on which we higgled for their price as onewould do for an ox or calf, but they held them so dear that I could notdeal with them. I offered as much for each as would have bought a slavein their stead; but they were fit instruments for their purpose, beingpractised in all manner of villainy, so that they would not part withthem, except for large sums; for all the Javans and Chinese, from thehighest to the lowest, are thorough-paced villains, without one spark ofgrace. Were it not for the sabander and admiral, and one or two more, who are natives of _Clyn_, there would be no living for Christians amongthem, without a fort, or a strong house all of brick or stone. We didnot torture _Boyhoy_, because he had confessed, but crissed him. Among the other instruments of the devil on earth in Bantam, there was akinsman of the king, named _Pangram Mandelicko_, who kept one of theincendiaries of our house under his protection. He came one day to ourhouse to buy cloth, when I desired him to deliver up this fellow intoour hands, telling him how good it would be for the country to root outall such villains. "Tell them so, " said he, "who have the government intheir hands, or care for the good of the country, for I do not. " Onanother time, wanting me to give him credit for cloth to the value ofsix or seven hundred pieces of eight, because I refused to trust him, hewent away very angry, saying at the gate, it was a pity our house wasnot again set on fire. The regent or protector gave us all the houses and ground that joinedour inclosure, and had belonged to the incendiaries that undermined ourhouse, but made us pay enormously dear for the property. We bought alsofrom a _Pangram_, or gentleman, a house which came so near the door ofour pepper warehouse as to be very troublesome to us, so that now we hada spacious yard. The 9th September, the regent made proclamation, that no Chinese shouldweigh pepper to the English and Hollanders; which proclamation wasprocured by the Hollanders, for they told us themselves that day atdinner, that the protector owed them 10, 000 sacks of pepper; but I saidto them that it was not so, as they would not be such fools as to trustthem so largely. I went next morning to an old woman, who was calledqueen of the land by the sabander and others, and commands theprotector, though not even of the royal blood, but is held in suchestimation among them for her wisdom, that she rules as though she werequeen of the country. Having made known our griefs, she sent for theprotector that I might talk with him in her presence. I asked the reasonwhy he had prohibited our trade, on which he said that he must buy10, 000 sacks of pepper for the king; but I then said that I was informedby the Hollanders he owed them 10, 000 sacks, and that he was workingunderhand for them against us. He used many shifts; but the old queen, who was our fast friend, said he should not hurt us. Finding they couldhave no trade with the people for pepper, the Hollanders had bribed theprotector into this plan. But if we had possessed 10, 000 pieces of eightmore than we had, the Hollanders would have got little pepper that yearin Bantam, for they are much disliked, and what trade they have isthrough fear of their ships, which they have in great numbers in thoseseas. In the end of September, the _Pangran Mandelicko_ fell to robbing thejunks, and seized one from Johor laden with rice, and having a number ofmen and women on board, all of whom he carried off as prisoners, andconverted the rice to his own use. This was a ready way to keep allother junks from the place, and to starve the inhabitants, as the landis not able to feed a quarter of its people. The king and protector sentto command him to deliver up the people and goods, but he refused, andfortified his house, being supported by all the other _pangrans_ of theroyal blood, who were all, like him, traitors to the king, so that theking's officers durst not meddle with him. The protector, sabander, andadmiral, sent to us to take heed to ourselves, as the rebels grewstronger every day. I borrowed some small pieces of cannon of theChinese merchants, who were our friends, causing our men to makechain-shot, lang-ridge, and bar-shot, and fortified our quarters thebest way I could with bushes and chains. So much were the inhabitants infear of the rebels, that all trade was at an end. Every day some spiesof the rebels used to come into our yard, very inquisitive about what wewere doing, so that we looked nightly to be attacked, and made everypreparation to give them a warm reception. About the 20th October, the King of Jackatra came to Bantam with 1500fighting men, besides stragglers, and was to be followed by 1000 more. He challenged the rebels and _pangrans_ to fight him, having a greatquarrel against them all, as they had endeavoured to have him deposedfrom his kingdom. But the rebels kept within their fortifications. TheKing of Jackatra and the Admiral of Bantam sent for us on the 26thOctober, to know if there were any means to fire their fortificationsfrom a reasonable distance, beyond reach of their _bases_, of which theyhad a great number. We told them, if we had a ship in the roads it mighthave been easily done, but we hardly expected to find materials for thepurpose, such as camphor, salt-petre, and sulphur, having already someother things, for the purpose of making fire-arrows. The admiralproposed the use of a long bow and arrows for this service, but in myopinion a musket would have answered better. We meant likewise to haveshot red-hot bullets among them from the king's ordnance, which wouldhave made sad work among their thatched houses and fortifications ofcanes; for as Mandelicko had sought all means to set us on fire, we nowmeant to try if we could return the compliment. But, whether from fearof the King of Jackatra, or hearing that we were employed, the rebelsand pangrans came to an agreement two days after, by which Mandelickoengaged to depart from the dominions of Bantam within six days, withonly thirty followers, which he did. The Javans are very unwilling tofight if that can be avoided, as their wealth consists chiefly inslaves, so that they are beggared if these be slain; wherefore they hadalways rather come to a set feast than a pitched battle. In November and the beginning of December, we were constantly busy incompleting our buildings, and getting in and cleaning pepper. A Dutchpinnace came into the roads on the 14th December, by which we wereinformed of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and the great plague andsickness that had prevailed over all Christendom. This occasioned moredistress to us than all our late troubles; but they told us that theKing of Scots was crowned, that our land was in peace, and that peacewas likely to be concluded between England and Spain; which news wasvery comfortable to us. They could give us no intelligence of our ships, having no letters for us: But the Dutch fleet soon followed, on which Iwent immediately on board their admiral to welcome him, and enquire forletters, which were found in the vice-admiral. _Uniete_, the chief of those who undermined and set fire to our house, having long lurked in the mountains, was now forced by want of food torepair to certain houses near Bantam, whence he was brought to the houseof the rich Chinese merchant. As soon as I heard of this, I sent MrTowerson to inform the protector, and that we meant shortly to executehim. Since the time of the mischief this man occasioned, I had nevergone out of our house, but once when the protector crossed us about thepepper, as before mentioned, being in constant fear that our house wouldbe fired before my return; and three times a week I used to search allthe Chinese houses in our neighbourhood, for fear of more undermining. § 5. _Arrival of General Middleton, and other Occurrences_. In the evening of the 22d December, 1604, we joyfully descried our shipscoming into the roads; but when we went on board the admiral, and sawtheir weakness, and also heard of the weakly state of the other threeships, we were greatly grieved; well knowing that Bantam is not a placefor the recovery of sick men, but rather to kill men who come there inhealth. At my first going on board, I found the general, Captain HenryMiddleton, very weak and sickly, to whom I made a brief relation of themany troubles we had endured. I also told him we had lading ready fortwo ships, which was some comfort to his mind, being much grieved forthe weakness of his men; as they had scarcely fifty sound men in thefour ships, and had lost many of their sick men. Even of those who camehere in health, many never went out of Bantam roads. The 24th we executed the arch-villain _Uniete_, who was the fourth ofthese rascals we had put to death, besides a fifth who was slain forstealing a woman. At my coming away four remained alive; two of whomwere at Jackatra, one with the rebel Mandelicko, and one with _CaySanapatta Lama_, whom we could not then get at. The same day ourvice-admiral, Captain Coulthurst, came on shore with some merchants, andwe accompanied him to court, to notify to the king that our general hadletters for him from the King of England, and a present, but being wearyand sick with his long voyage, would wait upon him as soon as he wasrefreshed. On Christmas-day we dined on board the general. But I ought to havepreviously mentioned, that, on the 23d, it was agreed the Dragon andAscension were to be sent to the Moluccas, and the Hector and Susan tobe loaded with pepper, and sent home. We busied ourselves to procurefresh victuals, vegetables, and fruits, for the recovery of our men, whowere in a most pitiable case with the scurvy. The 31st December, our general came on shore, and being accompanied byall the merchants who were in sufficient health, and by several others, he went to court with the king's letter, which he delivered along withthe following present: A fair basin and ewer, with two handsome standingcups, and a spoon, all of silver parell gilt, and six muskets with theirfurniture. The general employed two or three days following in visitingour chiefest friends, as the sabander, the admiral, and the rich Chinesemerchant, making them presents, which they thankfully received. We thenfell to work to pack up goods for the Moluccas; but as our men recoveredfrom the scurvy they fell ill of the flux, so that it seemed quiteimpossible for us to accomplish our business. The 7th January, 1605, the Dutch fleet, being nine tall ships, [126]besides pinnaces and sloops, set sail for Amboyna and the Moluccas, sothat we were long in doubt of getting any loading in those parts thisyear for our ships, so many having gone before us; nor was it possiblefor ours to go earlier, owing to their weakness. The 10th January, ourtwo ships that were to go home began taking in pepper, but were sooppressed with sickness that they could make no dispatch. The other twohaving taken in all the goods we thought meet for those parts, set sailon the 18th of January for the islands of Banda, their men being stillweak and sickly; but how they spent their time till their return toBantam, I must refer to their own reports. Immediately after thedeparture of these ships under the general, the protector sent to us forthe custom, which we thought had been quite well understood, by what waspaid when the ships were here before; but he demanded many duties ofwhich we had never heard formerly, and because I refused payment, heordered the porters not to carry any more pepper for us. To prevent, therefore, this hindrance in loading our ships, I was forced to pay himin hand, as had been done on the former occasion, and to let the fullagreement remain open till the return of our general. [Footnote 126: This expression, _tall ships_, so often used in theseearly voyages, evidently means square-rigged vessels having top-masts;as contradistinguished from low-masted vessels, such as sloops andpinnaces. --E. ] It pleased God to take away the two masters of the two ships which werenow loading, Samuel Spencer, master of the Hector, and Habakkuk Pery, ofthe Susan; as also William Smith, master's mate of the Hector, and soonafterwards Captain Styles, with several other principal men, and many oftheir sailors, so that we were forced to hire men to ease them of theirwork in loading, and also to engage as many as we could get of Guzeratand Chinese mariners, to help to navigate the ships home, at a greatexpence. With much ado we got them laden by the 16th February; but itwas the 4th of March before we could get ready for sea. They thensailed, the Hector having on board 63 persons of all sorts, English andothers, but many of their own men were sick. The Susan had 47 of allsorts, but likewise had many English sick: I pray God to send us goodnews of them. The 6th May a Holland ship came in, which came from the coast of Goa, [Malabar, ] where, along with two other Dutch ships bound forCambay, [127] they took four very rich Portuguese ships, one of which, laden with great horses, they set on fire. This ship had left Holland inJune, 1604, but could give us no farther news than we had already gotfrom our own ships. The captain of this ship was Cornelius Syverson, aproud boor, having neither wit, manners, honesty, nor humanity; andpresently after his arrival the Hollanders withdrew their familiarityfrom us. I shall now, however, leave this despiser of courtesy and haterof our nation, with his rascally crew, and give some account of theceremonial of the young king's circumcision, and the triumphs held dailyin consequence for more than a month before he went to church, [mosque]in preparations for which all the better sort had been busied sinceFebruary or March, till the 24th of June. [Footnote 127: Cambay, in this place, probably means Camboja, orCambodia, in Eastern India, not Cambay in Guzerat. --E. ] For this ceremonial a great pageant was prepared, the fore part of whichwas made in the resemblance of a great devil, on which were placed threechairs of state; that in the middle for the king, being elevated abouttwo feet above those on either side, which were for the two sons of_Pangran Goban_, heir to the crown if the king should die without issue. This pageant was placed on a green or open space, in front of the palacegate, and railed in all round. The custom of the country is, when theking comes to the throne, or at his circumcision, all that are able mustmake the king presents publicly, and with as much shew as possible; suchas cannot do so of themselves, whether natives or strangers, join incompanies to make their compliments. About the 25th June these shewsbegan, and continued all that month and the next, every day except somefew when it rained. The protector or regent of the kingdom began on thefirst day, and was succeeded daily by the nobles and others, each havingtheir day, not as they were in rank or birth, but as each happened to bein readiness, sometimes two or three companies in one day. As the Javans are not expert in the use of fire-arms, the protectorborrowed some shot both of us and the Hollanders. When these went forth, there was great strife which should go foremost, whether our men or theHollanders, they despising our small number, and ours their sordidappearance. Our men were in neat apparel, with coloured scarfs andhat-bands; they in greasy thrum caps, tarred coats, and their shirts, orat least such as had any, hanging between their legs. Our men, therefore, chose to take the rearward, refusing to go next after theHollanders. Every morning the king's guard, consisting both of shot and pikes, wasplaced round the inclosure without the rails, being usually threehundred men; but on some principal days there were upwards of sixhundred, in files according to our martial discipline. In our marching, we differ much from them, as we usually go in column of three, five, seven, or nine abreast; while they always march in single file, following as close as they can, and carrying their pikes upright. As fortheir fire-arms, not being used to them, they are very unhandy. Theirdrums are huge pans, [_gongs_, ] made of tomback, which make a mosthellish sound. They have also colours to their companies; but theirstandards and ensigns are not like ours. Their ensign staff is very longand high, being bent at top like a bow; but the colours, hardly a yardin breadth, hang down from the top like a long pendant. The first day, being the greatest shew, there were certain forts made of canes andother trash, set up in front of the king's pageant, in which some Javanswere placed to defend, and other companies to assault them, many timesthe assailants firing upon the defenders. All this was only in jestamong the Javans with their pikes; but our men and the Hollanders werein earnest with their shot, and were therefore forced to be keptasunder. Meeting the Dutch merchants in the evening, I asked one of them if hethought that Holland were able to wage war with England, that theyshould make such contention with our men, striving who should goforemost? I likewise told them all, that if the English had not oncegone before, they might have gone behind all the other nations of Europelong ago. But they answered, that times and seasons change: Anddoubtless, owing to their great numbers here in India, they holdthemselves able to withstand any other nation in the world. I cannot, however, say what may be the opinion of their states at home, and of thewiser of their nation. [128] [Footnote 128: In this business of the Dutch, wherein many shewed theirpride and ingratitude, as the fault I hope is not in their nation, butonly personal, I have mollified the author's style, and left out someharsher censures. _Beati pucifici. --Purch_. In a side note. ] Always, a little before the shews began, the king was brought out fromhis palace, sitting on a man's shoulders bestriding his neck, and theman holding him by the legs. Many rich _tirasols_, [parasols orumbrellas, ] were carried over and round about him. His principal guardwalked before him, and was placed within the rails, round about thepageant. After the king, a number of the principal people followed, seeming to have their stated days of attendance. The shews were in thismanner: First came a crew armed with match-locks, led by some_gentleman-slave_; then come the pike-men, in the middle of whom werethe colours and music, being ten or twelve pans of tomback, carried on astaff between two people. These were tuneable like a peal of bells, eacha note above the other, and always two people walked beside them whowere skilled in the country music, and struck upon them with somethingthey held in their hands. There was another kind of music, that wentboth before and after; but these pans or _gongs_ formed the principal. The pike-men were followed by a company of targeteers carrying darts. Then followed many sorts of trees with their fruit hanging upon them;and after these many sorts of beasts and birds, both alive, and alsoartificially made, that they could not be distinguished from those thatwere alive, unless one were near. Then came a number of maskers, who danced and vaulted before the king, shewing many strange tumbling tricks, some of these being men and otherswomen. After all these followed sometimes two hundred or even threehundred women, all carrying presents of some kind; only that every tenwere headed by an old motherly woman empty handed, to keep them in orderlike so many soldiers. These presents were commonly rice and_cashes_[129] on frames of split canes, curiously laid out for show, andadorned with gilt paper, but the present itself seldom exceeded thevalue of twelve-pence. Then followed the rich presents, being commonlysome rich _tuck_, [130] or some fine cloth of the country fashion, curiously wrought and gilded, or embroidered with gold, for the king'sown wearing. These were also carried by women, having two pikes borneupright before them; and every present intended for the king's wearinghad a rich parasol carried over it. Last of all followed the heir to theperson sending the present, being his youngest son, if he had any, veryrichly attired after their fashion, with many jewels at gold, diamonds, rubies, and other precious stones, on their, arms and round theirwaists, and attended by a number of men and women. After he has madehis obeisance to the king, he sits down on the ground on a mat, and allthe presents are carried past the king's pageant into the palace, wherecertain officers are ready to receive them. [Footnote 129: A species of coin formerly explained. --E. ] [Footnote 130: Tuck, tuke, or tuque, the old term for a turban, worn byMahometans, or for the sash of which it is made. --ASTL. I. 301. C. ] When all these were gone by, a person within the king's pageant spokeout of the devil's mouth, commanding silence in the king's name. Thenbegins the chief revels, accompanied with music, and now and then themusketeers discharged a volley. The pikemen and targeteers alsoexhibited their feats of arms, being very expert, but their shotexceedingly unskilful. Always when the pikemen and targeteers go up tocharge, they go forwards dancing and skipping about, that theiradversaries may have no steady aim to throw their darts or thrust theirpikes. During the shews, there likewise came certain representations ofjunks, as it were under sail, very artificially made, and laden withrice and _cashes_. There were also representations of former history, some from the Old Testament, and others from the chronicles of the Javankings. All these inventions have been learnt by the Javans from theChinese, or from the Guzerates, Turks, and others who come hither fortrade, for they are themselves ignorant blockheads. Our present was preceded by a fine pomegranate tree full of fruit, someripe, half ripe, green, and only budded. It had been dug up by theroots, and set in earth in a frame made of rattans like a cage. Theearth was covered with green sod, on which were three silver-hairedrabbits, given me by the vice-admiral of our fleet; and all among thebranches we had many small birds fastened by threads, which werecontinually fluttering and singing. We had likewise four very furiousserpents, very artificially made by the Chinese, on which we hung thecloths that were meant for the king's use, being five pieces verycuriously wrought and gilded in their fashion; together with otherpieces of stuff for the king to bestow on his followers. We likewisepresented a petronel, or horseman's pistol, and a brace of smallerpistols, finely damasked and in rich cases, having silken strings andgold tassels. Having no women to carry these things, we borrowed thirtyof the prettiest boys we could get, and two tall Javans to carry pikesbefore them. Mr Towerson had a very pretty Chinese boy, whose father hadbeen lately slain by thieves, and we sent this youth as gallantlyattired as the king himself, to present these things, and to make aspeech to the king, signifying, if our numbers and ability had equalledour good will, we would have presented his majesty with a much finershew. The king and those about him took much delight in our rabbits, being great rarities, and also in some fire-works which our men playedoff, but the women cried out, fearing they might set the palace on fire. The Hollanders gave but a small present, though they made a mighty bragabout it. Neither do they spare bragging of their king, as they calledPrince Maurice, whom at every word in those parts they styled _RaiaHollanda_. Many quarrels took place between their men and ours, theHollanders always beginning in their drink to brawl, and usually havingthe worst. I had much ado to restrain our men, which yet was necessary, considering our great charge of goods, all of which lay on me. We werealso in a dangerous country, and but badly housed; and if we had come toblows, it was likely that a great number would come upon us, and webeing few, could not have defended ourselves without bloodshed, whichwould occasion revenge. Now of them there were above an hundred men, including those in their house, ship, and fly-boat, all of whom wouldhave come against us, while we were only thirteen in a straw house. The king of Jackatra came on the 18th of July to present his shew beforethe king, attended by a guard of several hundred persons. Immediately onhis coming in sight, the guards of the king of Bantam rose up, andhandled their weapons, not from fear of the king of Jackatra offeringany violence, but because there were a number of other petty kingspresent, who were mortal enemies to the king of Jackatra. On coming nearthe innermost rank of the Bantam guards, and seeing that he had to passthrough among a number of these inimical petty kings, and being afraidof the cowardly stab so usual among this people, he appeared muchalarmed, though as brave as any in those parts; wherefore he would notpass through them, but sat down on a piece of leather, which everygentleman has carried along with him for that purpose. He then sent tothe king, to know if it was his pleasure he should wait upon him; uponwhich the king sent two principal noblemen to escort him into thepresence. And when the king of Jackatra had made his obeisance, theyoung king embraced him, and he of Jackatra took his seat in the placeappointed for him. Then came the presents of the king of Jackatra, carried by about 300women, and attended by about as many soldiers, consisting of rice, cashes, and many strange beasts and birds, both alive and dead. Amongthese was a furious beast, called by them a _Matchan_, somewhat largerthan a lion, and very princely to behold, if he had been at liberty. Hewas spotted white and red, having many black streaks from the reins downunder his belly. I have seen one of them leap eighteen feet for hisprey. These _matchans_ often kill many people near Bantam; and often theking and all the people go out to hunt them, sometimes even in thenight. This _matchan_ was in a great cage of wood, placed on the trucksof old gun carriages, and being drawn by buffaloes, seemed like atraitor drawn on a hurdle. [131] There were several other curiousarticles in this shew, with many maskers, vaulters, and tumblers, strangely and savagely attired. Last of all came the youngest son of theking of Jackatra, riding in a chariot drawn by buffaloes, which had tome an unseemly appearance. They have indeed few horses in this island, which are mostly small nags, none of which I ever saw draw; being onlyused for riding and running tilt, after the Barbary fashion, whichexercise they ordinarily use every Saturday towards evening, except intheir time of Lent or _ramadan_. [Footnote 131: This matchan of Java is obviously the tiger. --E. ] The second day after this shew, the king was carried on his pageant tothe mosque, where he was circumcised; his pageant being carried aloft bymany men, four hundred, as the king's nurse told me, but I think shelied, as in my opinion so many could not stand under it. * * * * * § 6. _Account of Quarrels between the English and Dutch at Bantam, andother Occurrences_. Our general returned into the road of Bantam from Ternate on the 24thJuly, 1605. As soon as we saw and knew the Dragon, I took a _praw_ andwent on board; when the general recounted all the dangers he had gonethrough, and the unkind usage he had received of the Hollanders, thoughhe had saved some of their lives. He told me that he had procured agood quantity of cloves towards his loading, though with much pains andturmoil. For this good news, and especially because our general wasreturned in safety, we gave hearty thanks to God, not doubting but weshould soon complete his loading. The 28th of the same month came in thegreat Enkhusen of Holland from Ternate; and on the same day the king ofJackatra came to visit our general. The 1st August, in the afternoon, while the general and all ourmerchants were very busy in the warehouse, taking an inventory of allthe prize goods remaining, and of all our other goods, word was broughtthat the Hollanders had wounded two of our men, whom we presentlyafterward saw enter the gate bleeding. Our general immediately orderedevery man to take his weapons, and to lay them soundly over theDutchmen's pates, which was done accordingly, and the Dutchmen werebanged home to their own house, one being run through the body, who wassaid by some to have recovered afterwards; and two more lost their arms. The Dutch merchants and several others came out with firearms; buthearing that their men began the fray, they said they had only theirdeserts: and, after taking a cup of wine in a friendly manner with ourgeneral, they kindly look their leave. News was carried to court thatthe Hollanders and us were by the ears, and that two were slain; onwhich some of the king's attendants asked, whether the slain were Dutchor English? and when told they were Hollanders, they said it was nomatter if they were all slain. I thank God that only two of our men werehurt in this affair, which were those mentioned at the first; one havinga cut over the hand, and the other a stab with a knife in the side, butnot very deep. This was the first serious affray, but it was not longbefore we were at it again pell-mell, again and again, when theHollanders sped as they did now. The 11th August two ships came in from Cambaya, which had taken muchwealth from the Portuguese, and the same day one ship came fromTenate. [132] The Ascension came in from Banda on the 16th. The 8thSeptember the Dutch merchants invited our general and his masters andmerchants to a feast, where we were treated with good cheer and muchfriendship. The 15th September, two Dutch ships set sail for Holland, one being a small ship laden with pepper at Bantam; and the other, having taken in some cloves at Ternate, was loaded out with prize goods, taken from the ships that came from Cambaya. The Dutch admiral came infrom Banda on the 21st, and next day our general sent some merchants tothe Dutch house to congratulate him; on which day a drunken Dutchmancaused a new fray, which began with our surgeon, but was augmented byseveral on both sides, and some of the Hollanders were wounded. [Footnote 132: Though not mentioned in the text, these three ships weremost probably Hollanders. --E. ] About one o'clock that same afternoon, while our general sat on a benchat our gate, conversing with a Portuguese, a drunken Dutch swab came andsat himself down between them, on which our general gave him a box inthe ear and thrust him away. Some of his comrades came presently roundour gate, drawing their knives and _sables_, [hangers, ] and began toswagger. Taking the butt-ends of our pikes and halberts, and some faggotsticks, we drove them to an arrack house, where they shut the door uponus; but we forced it open, knocked some of them down, and carried themprisoners to our general. Soon after another troop of Hollanders camedown the street to take part with their comrades, on whom we laid suchload that they took to their heels, some being knocked down, and manyhaving their pates pitifully broken, while others had to run through amiry ditch to escape us. The master of their admiral had occasioned thistumult, as he had gone from ship to ship, desiring the men to go armedon shore and kill all the English they could meet: and when some of ourpeople were going on board the Dutch ships, some Englishmen they had intheir ships called out to them not to come on board, as orders had beengiven to slay as many English as they could, on board or on shore. Thesefrays were much wondered at by all foreigners in Bantam, that we shoulddare to go to blows with the Hollanders, who had seven large tall shipsin the road, while we had but two. None of our men met with any harm inthis affray, except Mr Saris, one of our merchants, who got a cut on hisfore-finger with a hanger. At the end of this fray, the Dutch general came to our house with agreat guard of captains, merchants, and others, and being met in asimilar manner in the street by our general, was invited into ourhouse. When the cause of this affray was reported to the Dutch general, he approved of what we had done. When some of his people complained thattheir men bore all the blows, as was apparent by their bloody pates andshoulders, the Dutch general said he saw plainly the fault lay with hismen, and he would take order to prevent so many of his men coming onshore in future. After much talk, a banquet of sweetmeats was served, the Dutch general took a kindly leave of ours, and all the Dutch andEnglish merchants shook hands and parted. Some Javans, who belonged to two of the principal men of Bantam underthe king, had stolen nine muskets and callivers from the gun-room of ourship the Ascension; and two of them returning shortly after to stealmore, were taken by our people with the stolen goods upon them. Ourgeneral sent me to examine into the matter, and to bring them on shore. After some examination, they confessed whose slaves they were, and saidthe pieces were forthcoming. After they came on shore, the general sentto the king and protector, desiring to have the pieces back; but themasters of these slaves said they had no pieces except what they hadbought with their money; yet they requested our general to deferexecuting the slaves for two days, which he agreed to. But as thesenobles were not reckoned great good-wishers to the king, the protectorsent the executioner with a guard of pikes to put them to death. Whenthey came to the place of execution, our general wished to spare theirlives; but the executioner said he had the king's orders, and musttherefore put them to death, which was done accordingly. This thethieves very patiently submitted to, as is the manner of their nation;for they hold it their greatest glory to die resolutely, as I have seenthem do often, both men and women, in the most careless manner. Onewould think these men ought to be excellent soldiers, but they are not;as this valour is only when there is no remedy. Against their owncountrymen they are reasonably brave; but they will not venture withEuropeans, unless with manifest great advantage in numbers or otherwise. The 3d October our general made a farewell feast, to which he invitedthe Dutch admiral, with all his captains, masters, and merchants, and wewere all exceedingly merry on this occasion, with much friendshipbetween the two nations. Next day our general went to court, accompanied by our merchants and others, to take leave of the king andhis nobles. The 6th, being Sunday, our general, with all who were boundfor England, went on board, and on passing the Dutch house, went in andtook leave of the Dutch general and merchants. Mr Gabriel Towerson, whowas to remain agent at Bantam, and some other merchants, accompanied uson board, some returning on shore after dinner, and others staying tillnext day. We weighed anchor about three o'clock, saluting the town andDutch ships with our cannon. About eleven at night we came to anchorunder an island, where next day we took in wood, which our general hadsent some men to get ready cut beforehand. Towards evening of the 7thOctober, 1605, we again weighed anchor and set sail: Mr Towerson andsome other merchants now took their leaves to go on shore, whom wecommitted to the protection of the Almighty, and ourselves to thecourtesy of the seas, praying God to bless them and us, and, if it behis holy will, to send us a happy meeting again in England. § 7. _Observations by Mr John Saris, of Occurrences during his abode atBantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609_. [133] This, and the subsequent subdivisions of the present section, are givenby Purchas as a continuation of the foregoing observations by Mr Scot, to which Purchas affixes the following extended title, for the betterunderstanding of which it is to be noticed, that Mr Saris was afterwardscaptain or general, as it was then called, of the _eighth_ voyage fittedout by the English East India Company, which sailed in 1611. [Footnote 133: Purch. Pilg. I. 384. ] "Observations by _John Saris_, of Occurrences which happened in the_East Indies_, during his Abode at Bantam, from October, 1605, toOctober, 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandises of theseParts; observed by his own Experience, or taken from the Relation ofOthers; extracted out of his larger Book, and, here added as an Appendixto his greater Voyage. These may serve as a continuation of thepreceding Observations by Mr Scot; and to these are added, certainObservations by the same Author, touching the Towns and Merchandise ofprincipal Trade in those Parts of the World. "--_Purch_. In the Pilgrims, these observations are appended to the voyage ofCaptain Saris to India and Japan, in 1611, but are here placed morenaturally as a continuation of the observations by Scot, becauseconsiderably prior to that voyage, and precisely connected with theseobservations. Several uninteresting particulars are omitted from theseobservations in the present edition. --E. * * * * * On the 7th of October, 1605, our general Henry Middleton, and CaptainChristopher Coulthurst, departed from the road of Bantam, leavingeighteen men in all, of whom five were mariners and thirteensailors. [134] The 23d there arrived a Dutch junk from Priaman, by whichwe learnt that Sir Edward Mitchelburne and Captain Davis were upon thecoast, and that they had captured a Guzerat ship in the straits ofSunda, bound from Bantam to Priaman. On the report of the Hollanders, weof the English factory were summoned to court on the 25th, and worerequired to say if we knew Sir Edward, and why he had offered violenceto the king's friends, who had done him no wrong. We answered, that weknew a person of that name, but knew not if he were upon the coast, norwhether he had taken the Guzerat vessel, except by the report of theHollanders, which we held to be false, and were more apt to believe ithad been done by one of the Dutch-ships, which sailed from Bantam twodays before the departure of that Guzerat ship. We were then desired todepart till further proof could be had. [Footnote 134: This piece of information is placed as a marginal note byPurchas, and confirms an idea formerly hazarded, that mariners were inthese old times of a higher description than sailors; the former beingthoroughbred seamen, the latter only ordinary. --E. ] Sir Edward Mitchelburne came here to anchor in the road of Bantam on the29th, when Mr Towerson and I went on board to visit him, and were wellentertained. He then informed us of having taken the Guzerat vessel, andwe entreated of him that he would not capture the Chinese junks, whichhe promised not to do on the word of a gentleman. He set sail fromBantam on the 2d November, directing his course for the straits ofPalinbangan. The 18th November, a small Dutch pinnace sailed for the exploration ofthe land called New Guinea, which was said to produce great abundance ofgold. The 2d January, 1606, a junk set sail for Timor, freighted byChinese merchants. Besides English iron, coarse porcelain, taffetas, Chinese pans and bells, they carried with them what are called _brand_pieces of silver, being beaten out very thin and a hand-breadth in size. On the 20th there arrived a Chinese junk, which Sir Edward Mitchelburnehad captured notwithstanding his promise to Mr Towerson and me. We werecalled upon to make restitution, the _nokhada_ or pilot of the junkalleging to have lost many rich commodities, and the governor andprincipal courtiers were grievously offended; but by the favour of theadmiral and sabander we were let off. On the 23d May, there arrived a small vessel belonging to the Hollandersfrom Ternate, bringing away the merchants left there by _Bastianson_, who were sent away by the Spaniards, by whom that island was now taken, together with all their goods, the Spaniards having allowed them todepart, but had carried off the King of Ternate as a prisoner toManilla; and it was said they meant to send him to Spain. While aboutten leagues from Jackatra, this small vessel fell in with the king ofBantam's fleet, by which they were pillaged of every thing they hadsaved from the Spaniards; and though they now used every endeavour toprocure restitution, they could have no redress. On the 15th June, _Nokhada Tingall_, a _cling-man_, arrived in a Javanjunk from Banda with a cargo of mace and nutmegs, which be sold here tothe Guzerats for 150 dollars the Bantam _bahar_, which is 450 _cattees_. He told me that the Dutch pinnace, which went upon discovery to NewGuinea, had found the island; but that, on sending their men ashore toendeavour to procure trade, nine of them had been slain by the natives, who are canibals or man-eaters; so that the Dutch were forced to comeaway, and had gone, to Banda. The 6th August, the moon was eclipsed about eight in the evening, andcontinued so for two hours, during which time the Chinese and Javansmade a continual noise by beating on pots and pans, crying out that themoon was dead. The 4th October, the whole Chinese quarter of Bantam wasburnt down, yet it pleased God to preserve our house. That same night aDutch ship sailed for Holland, laden with 15, 000 sacks of pepper, besides some raw silk, and great store of China sugar. The 9th, arriveda pinnace from Succadanea in Borneo, laden with wax and _cavalacca_, andgreat store of diamonds. The 14th May, 1607, there arrived here at Bantam a junk from _Grese_, bywhich we learnt that one Julius, a Dutchman, who went from hence on the30th November, 1606, for Succadanea, had been put to death atBanjarmassen, in Borneo, and all his goods confiscated by the king ofthat place, because, as was reported, Julius had used certain insolentspeeches concerning the king, which came to his knowledge, upon which hesent for Julius and the master of the junk, and had them slain by theway. The 7th August arrived a pinnace from the island of _St Lucia_, in lat. 24° 30' S. About a mile from the coast of Madagascar, where they wereforced to take shelter in the ship which left this on the 4th October, 1606, having been obliged to throw overboard 3000 sacks of pepper, besides other commodities of great value, to lighten the ship andpreserve their lives. They found this island an excellent place forrefreshment, the natives having no knowledge of money; so that theybought a fat ox for a tin spoon, and a sheep for a small piece of brass. The anchorage, as they reported, was very good, being in seven or eightfathoms; upon hard ground. The 14th November, 1607, Captain David Middleton arrived here in theConsent. [135] [Footnote 135: Mr Saris gives here a long account of incidentsconcerning a Dutch fleet outward bound, having no connection with theaffairs of Bantam, or with those of the English trade, and which istherefore omitted. --E. ] The 2d October, 1608, the Dragon arrived here from Priaman, in which wasGeneral William Keeling, commander in the third voyage fitted out by ourEnglish East India Company. He went to court on the 7th, and deliveredour king's letter to the King of Bantam, together with a present of fivehandsome muskets, a bason, an ewer, and a barrel of gunpowder. Very early in the morning of the 13th, the governor of Bantam and his_Jerotoolies_ were put to death by the _Pangavas_; the sabander, theadmiral, _Key Depatty Utennagarra_, and others. The conspiratorsassembled over night at the house of _Keymas Patty_, and beset thecourt, laying hold in the first place of the king and his mother. Theythen hastened to the residence of the governor, thinking to have foundhim in bed; but he hid himself at the back of the bed, where they foundhim, and wounded him in the head. He then fled for protection to thepriest, called _Key Finkkey_, who came out to them, and entreated theywould spare his life; but they were inexorable, and having forced theirway in, they dispatched him. The 9th November, Samuel Plummer went from hence for Succadanca inBorneo, where he intended to remain. In the afternoon of Sunday the 4thDecember, our general, William Keeling, set sail from hence for England;but on the 6th he was forced back by bad weather and westerly winds. Heset sail again on the 10th, and returned a second time on the 13th, having met with the Dragon in the straits of Sunda, the men belonging tothat ship being very weak in consequence of the scurvy; besides whichthe Portuguese of Damaun had treacherously seized their boats at Surat, taking nineteen of their men, together with cloths which had cost 9000dollars at that place. In their way for Bantam, the Dragon had captureda pinnace belonging to Columbo, out of which they took eleven packs ofcloth, containing in all 83 pieces, thirteen pieces being _poulings_, which were sent to the island of Banda. On the 23d, the Dragon, commanded by Captain Gabriel Towerson, set sail again for England. The 1st January, 1609, our general, William Keeling, set sail in theHector for Banda. The 20th March, a Chinese house next to our warehousewas burnt down, but it pleased God that our house escaped. Next day Iwas sent for to court by Paugran Areaumgalla, the governor, and wentaccordingly, carrying the following present: One piece of _malleegoobaer_, one piece _mallayo pintado_, a musket with a bandeleer and aroll of match, which the governor accepted very kindly. He then told mehe had sent for me, having heard that there were two men in chains atour house for debt, and he desired to know by whose authority I thusconfined them. I said we had laid hold of them by order of the king, andI hoped he would not take them from us till I were satisfied for thedebt, or at least some part of it, and in proof of its being due Ishowed their bills. He said he knew that they were indebted, but knewlikewise that the king had not given us leave to chain them up, anddesired therefore they might be set free; but I persuaded him to allowme to keep them till _Tanyomge_, who owed 420-1/2 dollars, should pay100, and Bungoone, who owed 500 dollars and 100 sacks of pepper, shouldpay 20 sacks of pepper and 100 dollars in money, pursuant to hisagreement and bill. The governor sent one of his slaves home along withme, to inform the prisoners of this, and to desire them to pay me. The 24th I was again sent for to court, where the Hollanders werelikewise; on which occasion the governor asked the Hollanders, whetherit were customary in their country to take a man prisoner for debtwithout informing the king? The Hollanders said, it was not. Whereupon, forgetting his promise made only three days before, he commanded me toliberate the prisoners immediately, although I reminded him of hispromise to no purpose; and he sent one of the king's slaves to take themout of our house. I am satisfied this rigid course was taken on thesuggestion of the Dutch, induced by _Lackmoy_, the great Chinesemerchant, on purpose to prevent us from giving credit to the Chinese, that we might be constrained to deal only with himself: and, as he isprovided by the Hollanders with all kinds of commodities, he willentirely overthrow our trade, as we cannot now give credit to any one, justice being refused to us. Captain William Keeling arrived here from Banda on the 26th of August, having laden there 12, 484-1/2 _cattees_ of mace and 59, 846 _cattees_ ofnutmegs, which cost him 9, 10, and 11 dollars the _bahar_. The _cattee_there weighs 13-1/2 English ounces; the _small bahar_ of mace being tencattees, and the small bahar of nutmegs 100 _cattees_; while the _largebahar_ is 100 _cattees_ of mace, or 1000 cattees of nutmegs: so that ifa person owe _ten_ cattees of mace, and pay 100 cattees of nutmegs, thecreditor cannot refuse payment in that manner. Captain Keeling having taken in the rest of his loading at Bantam, consisting of 4900 bags and 3 cattees of pepper, set sail in the Hectorfor England on the 4th October, 1609; on which occasion I embarked inthat ship to return home, having been four years, nine months, andeleven days in the country. § 8. _Rules for the Choice of sundry Drugs, with an Account of thePlaces whence they are procured. _[136] _Lignum aloes_, a wood so called by us, is called _garroo_ by theMallays. The best comes from Malacca, Siam, and Cambodia, [137] being inlarge round sticks and very massy, of a black colour interspersed withash-coloured veins. Its taste is somewhat bitter, and odoriferous; andwhen a splinter is laid upon a burning coal it melts into bubbles likepitch, continuing to fry till the whole is consumed, diffusing a mostdelightful odour. [Footnote 136: Purch. Pilgr. I. 389, being a continuation of theObservations by Mr Saris. --E. ] [Footnote 137: In the Pilgrims this last place is called Cambaya, butwhich we suspect of being an error of the press. --E. ] _Benjamin_, or _Benzoin_, is a gum called _Minnian_ by the Mallays. Thebest kind comes from Siam, being very pure, clear, and white, withlittle streaks of amber colour. Another sort, not altogether so white, yet also very good, comes from Sumatra. A third sort comes from Priamanand _Barrowse_, which is very coarse, and not vendible in England. [138] [Footnote 138: On this subject Purchas has the following marginal note. "Burrowse yieldeth _Tincal_, called _buris_ in England; worth at Bantama dollar the _cattee_, and here in England ten shillings the pound. Itis kept in grease. "--Purch. The substance of this note has not the smallest reference to benjamin orbenzoin, and evidently means borax, called _burris_ or _burrowse_, whichused likewise to be called _tincal_, a peculiar salt much used insoldering, and which is now brought from Thibet by way of Bengal. --E. ] The best _civet_ is of a deep yellow colour, somewhat inclining togolden yellow, and not whitish, as that kind is usually sophisticatedwith grease. Yet when civet is newly taken from the animal, it iswhitish, and acquires a yellowish colour by keeping. There are three sorts of _musk_, black, brown, and yellow; of which thefirst is good for nothing, the second is good, and the last best. Itought to be of the colour of spikenard, or of a deep amber yellow, inclosed only in a single skin, and not one within another as it oftenis. It should not be too moist, which adds to its weight, but of amedium moisture, having a few hairs like bristles, but not many, andquite free from stones, lead, or other mixed trash, and having a verystrong fragrant smell, which to many is very offensive. When chewed itpierces the very brain with its scent; and should not dissolve too soonin the mouth, neither yet to remain very long undissolved. Musk must notbe kept near any sweet spices, lest it lose its scent. _Bezoar_, of which there are two kinds, one of which comes from the WestIndies, called _occidental_, and the other from the East Indies, called_oriental_; which latter is worth double the price of the other. Bothare of divers forms; some round, others oblong like the stones of dates, some like pigeons eggs; and others like the kidneys of a kid, and othersagain like chesnuts; but most are blunt at both ends, and not sharp. There is no less variety in the colours; some being light-red, otherslike the colour of honey, many of a dark ash-colour, but most of awaterish green. The East India or oriental bezoar consists of manycoats, artificially compacted together like the coats of an onion, eachinclosing the other, and all bright and shining, as if polished by art;when one coat is broken off that immediately below being still brighterthan the former. These several coats are of different thicknesses, inproportion to the size of the bezoars; and the larger is the stone somuch the more is it in request. There is one sure way to make trial ofbezoars: Take the exact weight of the stone, and then put it in waterfor four hours; then see that it is not cracked, and wipe it quite dry;and if it now weigh in the smallest degree heavier than before, you maybe assured that it is not good. I have ascertained this many times atBantam, having found many of them to turn out mere chalk, with a bit ofstick in the middle, that weighed a Javan _taile_, or two Englishounces. Most of the counterfeit bezoars come from Succadanea in Borneo. The true oriental bezoars come from Patane, Banjarmassen, Succadanea, Macasser, and the Isola das Vaccas at the entrance to Cambodia. [139] [Footnote 139: In old times, oriental bezoar was prized at a high ratein medicine, having many fancied valuable qualities, now found byexperience to be altogether imaginary; so that it is now confined tocabinets of curiosities. It is merely an accidental concretion, whichtakes place in the stomachs of various animals, somewhat similar to agall-stone. --E. ] Of Amber, [140] in regard to colour, there are many different kinds, asblack, white, brown, and grey; of all which the black is usually theworst, and the grey the best. That which is freest from filth or drossof any kind, and purest in itself, ought to be chosen; of a colourinclining to white, or ash-coloured, or intermixed with ash-colouredveins, and other white veins. When put into water it ought to swim; andthough some that is sophisticated will likewise float, it is certainthat none which is pure will sink. The greatest quantity of thiscommodity comes from Mozambique and Sofala. [Footnote 140: Ambergris is assuredly meant in the text. --E. ] § 9. _Of the principal Places of Trade in India, and the Commoditiesthey afford. _[141] Bantam, a town of Java Major, stands in latitude 6° S. And the variationhere is 3° W. [142] It is a place of great resort by various nations, andwhere many different commodities are to be bought and sold, though ofitself it produce few things, besides provisions, cotton-wool, andpepper. The quantity of this last at the yearly harvest, which is inOctober, may be about 32, 000 sacks, each containing 49-1/2 Chinesecattees, and each cattee 21-1/2 rials English. [143] A sack is called a_timbang_, two of which are one _pekul_, three pekuls a _small bahar_, and 4-1/4 pekuls a _great bahar_, or 445-1/2 _cattees_. As the Javaneseare not very expert in using the beam, they mostly deal by means of aweight called _coolack_, containing 7-1/4 cattees. Seven _coolacks_ areone _timbang_, water-measure, being 1-1/4 cattees more than the beamweight, although there ought to be no difference; but the weigher, whois always a Chinese, gives advantages to his countrymen, whom hefavours, as he can fit them with greater or smaller weights at hispleasure. [Footnote 141: This subdivision is likewise a continuation of theObservations of Saris, while factor at Bantam, and is to be found in thePilgrims, vol. I. P. 390. ] [Footnote 142: The latitude of Bantam is 6° S. As in the text, and itslongitude is 106° 10' W. From Greenwich. --E. ] [Footnote 143: This seems a mistake for English ounces. If so, the sackweighs 1065-1/2 ounces, or 66 libs. 6-1/2 ounces. --E. ] In the months of December and January, there always come many junks andproas to Bantam laden with pepper, from _Cherringin_ and _Jauby_, [144]so that there is always enough of pepper to be had at the end of Januaryto load three large ships. There is no money coined here, all thecurrent coin being from China, called _cashes_, which are made fromvery impure brass, in round thin pieces, having holes on which to stringthem: 1000 cashes on a string is called a _pecoo_, which is of differentvalues, according as cashes rise or fall in demand. Their accounts arekept in the following manner: 10 _pecoos_ are a _laxsau_, 10 _laxsaus_ a_cattee_, 10 _cattees_ an _uta_, and 10 _utas_ a _bahar_. There aretwo ways of stringing the _cashes_, one called China_ chuchuck_, and theother Java_ chuchuck_, of which the Java is the best, as there ought tobe 200 _cashes_ upon a _tack_, but in the Chinese _tacks_ you will onlyfind 160 to 175; and as 5 tacks make a _pecoo_, you may lose 200_cashes_, or 150, on each _pecoo_; which in extensive dealings will riseto a considerable matter. By the law of the country there ought to bejust 1000 cashes upon a string or _pecoo_, or they must give _basse_, which is allowance for the deficiency. On the departure of the junks, you may buy 34 or 35 _pecoos_ for a dollar; which, before next year, youmay sell at 22 or even 20 pecoos for a dollar; so that there is greatprofit to be made on this traffic; but the danger of loss by fire isgreat. [Footnote 144: Cherringin, is probably that now called Cheribon on thesouth side of Java; but Jauby is not to be recognised in our modernmaps. --E. ] The weight used in the purchase and sale of bezoars is called a _taile_which is 2-1/4 dollars, or 2 English ounces. A Mallay _taile_ is onlyequal to 1-1/2 dollar, or 1-1/3 English ounces. A China _taile_ is1-7/20 dollars, or 1-1/5 English ounces; so that 10 China _tailes_ areexactly equal to 6 Javan _tailes_. The English commodities vendible here are as follow: English iron inlong thin bars, sells for six dollars the _pekul_. Lead in small pigs, 5-1/2 dollars the pekul. The barrel of fine corned powder 25 dollars. Square pieces _sanguined_ 10 dollars each. Square pieces _damasked_ allover, 6-1/2 feet long, 15 dollars each. [145] Broad-cloth, of ten poundsthe cloth, of Venice red colour, sells for 3 dollars the _gasse_, whichis 3/4 of a yard. Opium _misseree_, [146] which is the best, 8 dollarsthe _cattee_. Amber, in large beads, one _wang_ and half a _taile_mallay, for 6 dollars. Coral in large branches, 5 or 6 dollars the_taile_ mallay. Dollars are the most profitable commodity that can becarried to Bantam. [Footnote 145: These _pieces_ were probably matchlocks. --E. ] [Footnote 146: Misseree here certainly means from Egypt. --E. ] In February and March every year, there come to Bantam three or fourjunks from China, richly laden with raw silk, and wrought silks ofvarious stuffs, China _cashes_, porcelain, cotton cloth, and otherthings. The prices of these are as follow: Raw silk of _Lanking_[Nankin] which is the best, 190 dollars the pekul; raw silk of Canton, which is coarser, 80 dollars the pekul; taffeta in bolts, 120 yards inthe piece, 46 dollars the _corge_, or 20 pieces; velvets of all colours, 13 yards the piece, for 12 dollars; Damasks of all colours, 12 yards thepiece, at 6 dollars; white sattins, in pieces of 12 yards, 8 dollarseach; _Burgones_, of 10 yards long the piece, 45 dollars the _corge_;sleeve silk, the best made colours, 3 dollars the _cattee_; the bestmusk, 22 dollars the _cattee_; the best sewing gold thread, 15 knots, and every knot 30 threads, one dollar; velvet hangings with goldembroidery, 18 dollars; upon sattins, 14 dollars; white curtain stuffs, 9 yards the piece, 50 dollars the _corge_; flat white damask, 9 yardsthe piece, 4 dollars each; white sugar, very dry, 3-1/2 dollars thepekul; very dry sugar-candy, 5 dollars the pekul; very fine broadporcelain basons, 2 dollars the piece; coarse calico cloths, white orbrown, 15 dollars the _corge_. They bring likewise coarse porcelain, drugs, and various other commodities; but as these are not suitable toour country, I omit to mention them, but the following may beenumerated: Very good and white benjamins, from 30 to 35 dollars thepekul; alum, from China, as good as English, 2-1/2 dollars the pekul. Coromandel cloths are a principal commodity here, and those mostvendible are _goobares_; pintadoes or chintz, of four or five colours;fine _tappies_ from St Thomas; _ballachos_; Java girdles, otherwisecalled _caine-goolong_; calico lawns; book calicos; and white calicosmade up in rolls. [147] A _goobar_ is double, and contains 12 yards, or 6_hastaes_ single; coarse and fine _ballachos_ contain from 32 to 34_hastaes_, but the finest are always longest. In general, all sorts ofcotton cloths that are broad and of good length are here in goodrequest. [Footnote 147: Probably turbans. --E. ] The king's custom, called _chuckey_, is 8 bags on the 100, rating pepperalways at 4 dollars the sack, whatever be its price. _Billa-billian_ isanother custom of this port, by which every ship that arrives here, whatever be its lading, as cloth or the like, must in the first placegive notice to the king of all the sorts and quantities of commodities, with their several prices, before landing any of them; upon which theking sends his officers to look at the goods, who take for him suchgoods as he inclines, at half the prices affixed to them, or somewhatmore, as can be agreed upon: Thus, if the cloths be rated at 20 dollarsper _corge_, the king will only give 15 or 16 dollars at the most. Instead of this, the Hollanders have been in use to pay to the king 700or 800 dollars at once for the freedom of a ship's loading, to clearthem of this troublesome _billa-billian_. By the custom of the country, this duty upon 6000 sacks of pepper is fixed at 666 dollars, if youpurchase and load the pepper from the merchants; or otherwise topurchase so many thousand sacks of pepper from the king, paying him halfor three quarters of a dollar more than the current price at the time. Even if you have provided a loading beforehand, you must pay thisexaction before you can be permitted to load. _Rooba-rooba_ is the dutyof anchorage, and is 500 dollars upon 6000 sacks. The sabander's duty is250 dollars on 6000 sacks. The weighers have one dollar on every 100sacks; and the _jerotoolies_, or weighers belonging to the customhouse, have a similar duty of one dollar the 100 sacks. _Jortan_ is a place to the eastwards of _Jackatra_, called likewise_Sourabaya_, which produces plenty of provisions, together with cottonwool, and yarn ready spun. There come to this place many junks from_Jauby_, laden with pepper, and several small proas belonging to thisplace trade with Banda; so that some mace and nutmegs are to be hadhere. _Macasser_ is an island not far from Celebes, having abundance of bezoarstones, which are there to be had at reasonable rates. It has plenty ofrice and other provisions; and as it has some junks which trade withBanda, nutmegs and mace are likewise to be procured there, but in nogreat quantity. _Balee_, or Bally, is an island to the eastward of Macasser, standing in8° 30' S. Latitude. [148] It produces great abundance of rice, cotton-yarn, slaves, and coarse white cloth, which is in great requestat Bantam. The commodities for sale there, are the smallest sort of blueand white beads, iron, and coarse porcelain. [Footnote 148: Instead of the eastwards, Bally is W. S. W. Of Macasser, inlong. 115° E. And lat. 8° 30' S. While Macasser is in about the lat. Of5° 15' S. And in 120° E. Long. --E. ] _Timor_ is an island to the eastwards of Bally, in the latitude of 10°40'. This island produces great quantities of _Chindanna_, called by uswhite saunders, of which the largest logs are accounted the best, andwhich sells at Bantam for 20 dollars the pekul, at the season when thejunks are here. Wax likewise is brought from thence in large cakes, worth at Bantam 18, 19, 20, and even 30 dollars the pekul, according toquantity and demand. Great frauds are practised with this article, sothat it requires great attention in the purchaser, and the cakes oughtto be broken, to see that nothing be mixed with it. The commoditiescarried there for sale are chopping knives, small bugles, porcelain, coloured taffetas, but not blacks, Chinese _frying-pans_, [149] Chinesebells, and thin silver plates beaten out quite flat, and thin like awafer, about the breadth of a hand. There is much profit made in thistrade, as the Chinese have sometimes given four for one to our men whohad adventured with them. [Footnote 149: Perhaps, as stated in conjunction with bells, _gongs_ arehere meant, which are not unlike frying-pans. --E. ] _Banda_ is in the latitude of 5° S. And affords great store of mace andnutmegs, together with oil of two sorts. It has no king, being ruled bya sabander, who unites with the sabanders of Nero, Lentore, Puloway, Pulorin, and Labatacca, islands near adjoining. These islands were allformerly under the dominion of the King of Ternate, but now governthemselves. In these islands they have three harvests of mace andnutmegs every year; in the months of July, October, and February; butthe gathering in July is the greatest, and is called the _arepootee_monsoon. Their manner of dealing is this: A _small bahar_ is ten catteesof mace, and 100 of nutmegs; a great bahar being 100 cattees of mace, and 1000 of nutmegs. The cattee is five libs. 13-1/2[150] ouncesEnglish, and the prices are variable. The commodities in request atthese islands are, Coromandel cloth, _cheremallay_, _sarrasses_, chintzes or pintadoes of five colours, fine _ballachos_, black girdles, _chellyes_, white calicos, red or stammel broad-cloths, gold in coin, such as English rose-nobles and Dutch ducats and dollars. But gold is somuch preferred, that you may have as much for the value of 70 dollarsin gold as would cost 90 dollars in silver. Fine china basons withoutrims are likewise in request, together with damasks of light gaycolours, taffetas, velvets, china-boxes, gilded counters, gold chains, gilt silver cups, bright and damasked head-pieces, fire-arms, but notmany sword blades, which must be _brandt_ and backed to the point. Likewise Cambaya cloths, black and red calicos, calico lawns, and rice, which last is a good commodity to carry there. [Footnote 150: On a former occasion, the Banda _cattee_ was said tocontain only 13-1/2 ounces English, so that this account is quiteirreconcileable to the former. --E. ] The _Molucca_ islands are five in number; viz. Molucca Proper, Ternate, Tidore, Gilolo, and Makian, and are under the equinoctial line. Theyproduce great abundance of cloves, not every year, but every third year. The _cattee_ there is 3 libs. 5 ounces English, and the _bahar_ is 200_cattees_. Thus 19 Molucca cattees make exactly 50 Bantam cattees. Thecommodities most vendible in these islands are Coromandel_cheremallays_, but fine, Siam girdles or sashes, _salalos_, but fine, _ballachos_ and _chelleys_, are in most request. Likewise Chinataffetas, velvets, damasks, great basons, varnished counters, crimsonbroad-cloths, opium, benzoin, &c. _Siam_ is in the lat. Of 14° 30' N. It produces great store of finebenzoin, and many rich precious stones, which are brought from Pegu. A_taile_ is 2-1/4 dollars. There is here much silver bullion, which comesfrom Japan, but dollars are most in request, for 2-1/4 dollars in coinwill purchase the value of 2-1/2 dollars in bullion. Stammelbroad-cloth, iron, and handsome mirrors are in much request, as also allkinds of Chinese commodities are to be had there better and cheaper thanat Bantam. The Guzerat vessels come to Siam in June and July, touchingby the way at the Maldive islands, and then at Tanasserim, whence theygo overland to Siam in twenty days. At Tanasserim there is always 5-1/2to 6 fathoms water. _Borneo_ is in lat. 3° S. [151] This island affords great store of gold, bezoar, wax, rattans, _cayulacca_, and dragons blood. At _Bernermassin_, [Banjarmassen] one of the towns of this island, is the chief trade forthese articles; and at this place the following commodities are inprincipal request: Coromandel cloths of all kinds, China silks, damasks, taffetas, velvets of all colours but black, stammelbroad-cloths, and Spanish dollars. Bezoars are here sold by a weightcalled _taile_, equal to a dollar and a half, and cost 5 or 6 dollarsthe _taile_, being 1-1/3 ounce English. Succadanea is another town inBorneo, in lat. 1° 30' S. And is about 160 leagues N. E. Of Bantam. Theentrance to its harbour has five fathoms water at the height of theflow, and three at ebb, only a falcon shot from the shore, upon ooze. There is great trade at this place, which produces great quantities ofthe finest diamonds in the world, which are to be had in abundance atall times of the year, but chiefly in January, April, July, and October, but the greatest quantities in January and April, when they are broughtdown the river _Lavee_ in proas. They are said to be procured by diving, in the same manner with pearls; and the reason why they are to be hadmore abundantly at one season than another is, that in July and Octoberthere falls so much rain, that the river deepens to nine fathoms at theplace where they are got, and occasions so rapid a stream that thepeople can hardly dive in search of them; whereas in other months it isonly four fathoms or four and a half; which is found to be the bestdepth for diving. [Footnote 151: This is rather a vague account of so large an island, which reaches from the lat. Of 4° 20' S. To 6° 40' N. And between thelongitudes of 100° 12' and 119° 25' E. From Greenwich; being above 700English miles from N. To S. And 670 from E. To W. --E. ] The commodities most vendible at Succadanea are Malacca pintados, veryfine _sarapa, goobares, poulings, cherujava, _ calico lawns, light-coloured China silks, sewing gold, sleeve silk, stammelbroad-cloth, all sorts of bugles, especially those blue ones which aremade at Bantam, shaped like a hogshead, but about the size of a bean. These cost at Bantam a dollar for 400, and are worth at Succadanea a_masse_ the 100, a _masse_ being three quarters of a dollar. LikewiseChinese _cashes_ and dollars are in request, but more especially gold;insomuch that you may have a stone for the value of a dollar in gold, which you would hardly get for a dollar and a half, or a dollar andthree quarters, in silver. On this account, therefore, when intending tosail for Succadanea, it is best to go in the first place toBanjermassen, where you may exchange your commodities for gold, whichyou may purchase at the rate of three _cattees_ of _cashes_ the Mallayan_taile_, which is nine dollars, as I have been credibly informed it hasbeen worth of late years. Afterwards carrying the gold to Succadanea, and paying it away for diamonds, at four _cattees_ of _cashes_ the_taile_, each of which is the weight of 1-3/4 and 1/8 of a dollar, yougain 3/4 of a dollar on each _taile_: Yet, after all, the principalprofit must be upon the diamonds. The diamonds of Borneo are distinguished into _four waters_, which theycall _varna_, viz. Varna _Ambon_, varna _Loud_, varna _Sackar_, andvarna _Bessee_. These are respectively white, green, yellow, and acolour between green and yellow; but the white water, or _varna ambon_, is the best. Their weights are called _Sa-masse, Sa-copang, Sa-boosuck_, and _Sa-pead_: 4 copangs are a masse; 2 boosucks a copang; and 1-1/2pead is a boosuck. There is a weight called _pahaw_, which is fourmasse, and 16 _masse_ are one _taile_. By these weights both diamondsand gold are weighed. In regard to goods from _China_, the best raw silk is made at Nankin, and is called _howsa_, being worth there 80 dollars the pekul. The besttaffeta, called _tue_, is made at a small town called _Hoechu_, and isworth 30 dollars the _corge_. The best damask, called _towa_, is made atCanton, and is worth 50 dollars the _corge_. Sewing gold, called_kimswa_, is sold by the _chippau_, or bundle, each containing tenpahees; and in each paper are ten knots or skeins, sold for three_pawes_, or two dollars, the best having 36 threads in each knot. Sewingsilk, called _couswa_, is worth 100 dollars the pekul. Embroideredhangings, called _paey_, are worth for the best 10 dollars the piece. Sattins, called _lyn_, are worth for the best one dollar the piece. Great porcelain basons, Called _chopau_, are sold three for a dollar. White sugar, called _petong_, the best is sold for half a dollar thepekul. The small sorts of porcelain, called _poa_, of the best sort, sell for one dollar the _cattee_. The best pearl boxes, called _chanab_, are worth five dollars each. Sleeve silk, called _jounckes_, the bestsells for 150 dollars the pekul. Musk, called _saheo_, seven dollars thecattee. Cashes, 60 _pecoos_ for one dollar. Broad-cloth, called _toloney_, is worth seven dollars the _sasocke_, which is 3/4 of a yard. Large mirrors, called _kea_, are worth 10dollars each. Tin, called _sea_, worth 15 dollars the pekul. Wax, called_la_, 15 dollars the pekul. Muskets, called _cauching_, each barrelworth 20 dollars. Japan sabres or _cattans_, called _samto_, are worth 8dollars each. The best and largest elephants teeth, called _ga_, worth200 dollars the pekul, and small ones 100 dollars. White saunders, called _toawheo_, the best large logs sell for 40 dollars the pekul. In China, the custom of pepper inwards is one _taile_ upon a pekul, butno custom is paid outwards. Great care is taken to prevent carrying anykind of warlike ammunition out of the country. In March, the junks boundfor Manilla depart from _Chuchu_, in companies of four, five, ten, ormore, as they happen to be ready; their outward lading being raw andwrought silks, but of far better quality than those they carry toBantam. The ordinary voyage from Canton to Manilla is made in ten days. They return from Manilla in the beginning of June, bringing backdollars, and there are not less than forty sail of junks yearly employedin this trade. Their force is absolutely nothing, so that the wholemight be taken by a ship's boat. In China this year, 1608, pepper wasworth 6-1/2 tailes the pekul, while at the same time it was selling inBantam for 2-1/2 dollars the _timbang_. SECTION III. _Second Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1604, under theCommand of Captain Henry Middleton_. [152] INTRODUCTION. There are two relations of this voyage in the Pilgrims of Purchas, orrather accounts of two separate voyages by different ships of the fleet;which consisted of four, the Red Dragon, admiral, Captain HenryMiddleton general; the Hector, vice-admiral, Captain Sorflet; theAscension, Captain Colthurst; and the Susan. These were, in allprobability, the same ships which had been in the former voyage underLancaster. The former of these journals, written on board the admiral, confines itself chiefly to Captain Middleton's transactions at Bantamand the Moluccas; having sent Captain Colthurst in the Ascension toBanda. The latter contains the separate transactions of CaptainColthurst, and is described as a brief extract from a larger discoursewritten by Thomas Clayborne, who seems to have sailed in the Ascension;and, besides describing what particularly relates to the trip to Banda, gives some general account of the whole voyage. In the Pilgrims ofPurchas, these narratives are transposed, the former being given in vol. I. P. 703, and the latter in vol. I. P. 185. "But should have come indue place before, being the second voyage of the company, if we had thenhad it: But better late than never. " Such is the excuse of Purchas formisplacement, and we have therefore here placed the two relations intheir proper order, in separate subdivisions of the section. The firstindeed is a very bald and inconclusive article, and gives hardly anyinformation respecting the object and success of the voyage to theMoluccas. [Footnote 152: Purch. Pilgr. I. 185, and I. 703. Astl. I. 279, and I. 281. ] § 1. _Voyage of the General, Henry Middleton, afterward Sir Henry, toBantam and the Moluccas, in 1604_. [153] Being furnished with all necessaries, and having taken leave of thecompany, we set sail from Gravesend on the 25th March, 1604, and arrivedabout the 20th December, after various accidents, in the road of Bantam, with our crews very weak and sickly. After many salutations, andinterchange of ordnance between us and the Hollanders, the general ofthe Hollanders dined with our general on the 31st December. Next day, being 1st January, 1605, the general went on shore with a letter andpresents from James I. King of England, to the King of Bantam, then ayouth of thirteen years of age, and governed by a protector. The 16th ofthe same month, our general came on board to proceed for the Moluccas, having appointed Captain Surtlet to go home in the Hector. The 7thFebruary, we anchored under the shore of _Veranula_, the people of whichhaving a deadly hatred against the Portuguese, had sent to theHollanders for aid against them, promising to become their subjects ifthey would expel the Portuguese. In short, the castle of Amboyna wassurrendered to the Hollanders; after which, by their command, thegovernor of the town debarred us from all trade. [Footnote 153: Purch. Pilgr. I. 708. Astl. I. 279. ] At this time there was war between the islands of Ternate and Tidor, theformer assisted by the Dutch, and the latter by the Portuguese. Shortlyafter we got near the coast of Tidor, we saw, between Pulo Canally andTidor, two gallies or _coracoras_ belonging to Ternate, making greathaste towards us; and waving for us to shorten sail and wait for them. At the same time, seven gallies of Tidor were rowing between us and theshore to assault the Ternaters; and seeing them in danger, our generallay to, to see what was the matter. In the foremost of the two gallieswere the King of Ternate with several of his nobles, and three Dutchmerchants, who were in great fear of their enemies, and prayed ourgeneral for God's sake to save them from the Tidorians, who would shewthem no mercy if we did not protect them: They likewise entreated him tosave the other _coracora_, which followed them, in which were severalDutchmen, who expected nothing but death if taken by their cruelenemies. Our general thereupon commanded his gunner to fire at the Tidorgallies; yet they boarded the second Ternate coracora even under ourguns, and put all on board to the sword, except three; who savedthemselves by swimming, and were taken up by our boat. Being determined to go to Tidor, the Dutchmen entreated our general notto allow the King of Ternate and them to fall into the hands of theirenemies, from whom he had so lately delivered them; promising himmountains of cloves and other commodities at Ternate and Makeu, butperforming mole-hills, verifying the proverb, "When the danger is overthe saint is deceived. " One thing I may not forget: When the King ofTernate came on board, he was trembling for fear; which the generalsupposing to be from cold, put on his back a black damask gown lacedwith gold, and lined with unshorn velvet; which he had not the mannersto restore at his departure, but kept it as his own. When we arrived at the Portuguese town in Tidor, the governor of thefort sent one Thomas de Torres on board with a letter, stating that theKing of Ternate and the Hollanders reported there was nothing buttreachery and villainy to be expected from us; but that he believedbetter of us; considering their reports to be entirely malicious: Suchwas our recompence from these ungrateful men. Not long afterwards, oncoming to the town of the King of Ternate, our general sent Mr Grave onboard the Dutch admiral, who gave him only cold entertainment, affirmingthat we had assisted the Portuguese in the late wars against the Kingof Ternate and them, with ordnance and ammunition; which our generalproved to be untrue by some Portuguese they had taken in that conflict, on which, being ashamed of this slander, the Dutch general pretended hehad been so informed by a renegado Guzerate, but did not believe it tobe true. Not long afterwards, when the King of Ternate seemed to affect ournation, the Dutch threatened to forsake him, and to join with his deadlyenemy the King of Tidor, if he suffered the English to have a factory, or allowed them any trade; affirming that the English were thieves androbbers, and that the _King of Holland_, as they called theirstadtholder, was stronger at sea than all the other powers ofChristendom; a just consideration for all nations, to think what thisinsolent frothy nation[154] will do, if they gain possession of the EastIndies. To these insolent speeches, our general made answer, thatwhatsoever Hollander made such reports lied like a traitor, and that hewould make it good against any one who dared to spread any such report;affirming, if Queen Elizabeth had not taken pity upon them, they hadbeen utterly ruined and enslaved by the King of Spain, and branded forrebels and traitors. The particular wrongs done by them to our nationwould fill volumes, and amaze the world to hear. [Footnote 154: This is to be understood of the merchants who traded, orwarred rather; not of the whole country or best men of Holland. Loserswill have leave to speak, and merchants envy each other. --_Purch_. ] * * * * * Appended to this very unsatisfactory notice of the voyage of Middletonto the Moluccas, are two letters to the King of England, one from theKing of Ternate, and one from the King of Tidor. In the former, the Kingof Ternate mentions, that one of his predecessors, about thirty yearsbefore, had sent a ring by Sir Francis Drake to Queen Elizabeth. Hecomplains that the Hollanders had prevented him from permitting CaptainMiddleton to establish a factory in the island, for which he cravespardon, being against his will, and promises a better receptionafterwards to the English ships. The letter from the King of Tidor requests the King of England to takepity of him, and not permit him and his country to be oppressed by theHollanders and the King of Ternate, but to send him succours, which herequests may be under the command of Captain Henry Middleton or hisbrother. There is a third letter likewise, from the King of Bantam to King James, acknowledging having received a present by Captain Henry Middleton, andannouncing that he had sent in return, two _bezoars_, one weighingfourteen _mas_, and the other three. § 2. _Voyage of Captain Colthurst, in the Ascension, to Banda_. [155] The 2d of April, 1604, we had sight of the Lizard. The 23d we fell inwith the western part of St Jago bearing W. By N. Six leagues; when westood eastward for Mayo, having the wind at north. The 24th we fell inwith Mayo, and stood to the southward of that island, coming to anchorin fifteen fathoms. We landed on the 25th, when one of our merchants wastaken by the people of the island. Next day we landed 100 men toendeavour to recover our merchant, but could not get near any of theislanders, so that we had to leave him behind, setting sail that nightwith the wind at north. We passed the equinoctial on the 16th May, andgot sight of the Cape of Good Hope on the 18th July. [Footnote 155: Purch. Pilgr. I. 185. Astl. I. 281. ] The 17th July we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, in lat. 33° 56' S. Or34°, having sixty men bad of the scurvy, all of whom, God be praised, recovered their health before we went from thence, where we remainedfive weeks wanting one day. Here Mr Cole was drowned, who was master ofthe Hector, our vice-admiral. We weighed anchor from Saldanha bay on the20th August, standing to the westwards with the wind at south. On Sundaythe 23d December, 1604, we came to anchor in Bantam roads, where wefound six ships of Holland, and three or four pinnaces. The 18thJanuary, 1605, we sailed out of Bantam roads, with the Dragon andAscension, but parted at Amboyna, the general going with the Dragon tothe Moluccas, while the Ascension, Captain Colthurst, went for Banda, The Hector and Susan laded pepper at Bantam, and sailed thence forEngland about the middle of February. We arrived in the Ascension at Banda on the 20th February, and anchoredin 4-1/2 fathoms beside _Nera_, the principal place in these islands. From the south part of Amboyna to Banda, the course is E. By S. And tothe southwards, 30 leagues. The latitude of Banda is 4° 40' N. And thegoing in is to the westwards. There is a very high hill which burnscontinually, which hill must be left to larboard, having the greatisland on the starboard. The entry is very narrow, and cannot be seentill within half a mile; but you may stand fearlessly to within twocable's length of the island on which is the high hill, for so you mustdo, and will have 20 fathoms. Then stand along that island, at thedistance of a cable's length, if the wind permit, when you will find thewater shoaling, 8, 7, 6 fathoms, and 5 in the narrowest part, whichdepth continues till you get into the road of Nera. With God's help, aman may go in without danger, keeping near the before-mentioned island. It is somewhat shallow on the starboard side of the narrow passage, butthat will shew itself. There are two small islands, Pulo-way andPulo-rin, about three leagues west of this entrance, but there is nodanger about them that is not quite obvious; and you may leave theseislands on either side you find convenient, either in going in or out. At this place we found the wind variable about the middle of March, andit so continued till about the middle of April; when it becamestationary between E. And S. E. Four months to our knowledge: But, as thepeople of the country say, it continues so for five mouths; and likewisefive months between W. And N. W. The other two months being variable. Inthe dark moons, they have here much gusty weather with rains. We staidhere twenty-one weeks and six days, in which time eleven of our mendied, mostly of the flux. We sailed from Banda the 21st July, 1605, having the wind at E. S. E. Andstood to the westwards. The 22d we fell in with the south end of_Bourro_. The 27th we fell in with _Deselem_, and then came about to thesouth end of the island, leaving seven islands to starboard. We thenstood close by the wind to the northward, hard by the main island ofDeselem, to clear ourselves of a small island, and a shoal off the S. W. Part of Deselem; then, leaving this island, and all the other shoals onour larboard side, we stood N. N. W. Along the W. Side of Deselem, till wecame into the latitude of 6° 10' S. Then steered 18 leagues west, andfell in with the shoal off the S. W. Point of Celebes, the very southmostpart of which is in lat. 6° S. [only 5° 45', ] and being clear of that, westeered westwards, coming to anchor in Bantam roads on the 16th August. We set sail from Bantam on the 6th October, the Dragon and Ascension incompany. The 15th November, we were in lat. 31° 48' S. The wind W. N. W. Thick foggy weather, when about 10 a. M. We came within our ship's lengthof a rock or sunken island, on which the water appeared very brown andmuddy, and in some places very blue. When a ship's breadth or two to thenorth of it, the water by the ship's side was very black and thick, asthough it had earth or coarse sand boiling up from the bottom. Thevariation here was 21 degrees westerly. The 16th December, in lat. 34°20' S. We had sight of the land of Ethiopia, [Africa] about 12 leaguesfrom us. The 26th, being in lat. 34° 30' S. And within one league of theCape of Good Hope, we steered N. W. And N. N. W. And N. Going round theCape. The 27th we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, where we found our admiraland the Hector. Our admiral had fallen in with that ship seven daysbefore, driving up and down at sea, about four leagues from the Cape ofGood Hope, having only ten men in her; all the rest, to the number of53, having died since leaving Bantam nine months before. Being in greatdistress, three months after leaving Bantam, she lost company with theSusan, which ship was never heard of afterwards. We came to anchor atSaldanha bay in seven fathoms water, having the low point going in N. W. By W. The sugar-loaf S. W. Half W. The point of the breach of the Penguinisland N. W. By N. The hill between the sugar-loaf and the low point, W. S. W. And the peak of the hill to the eastward of the Table S. By E. In the morning of the 16th January, 1606, we sailed from Saldanha bay, going to the northward of Penguin island, between it and the main. Wesounded when we had the land south from us about a mile and a half, andhad ground at 20 fathoms, white coral and broken shells. On clearingthe island, we stood W. By S. And W. S. W. Till we brought the island tobear S. E. By E. Being now about six in the evening, when we saw theHector coming out by the south side of the island, having left her atanchor when we weighed. The wind being at S. We stood all nightwestwards, and in the morning had lost company with the Hector, when westeered N. W. With little sail till noon, thinking to get sight of theHector, but could not. The 1st February, in lat. 16° 20' S. We had sightof St Helena, 12 or 13 leagues N. W. The 2d, having the wind at S. E. Welay off and on east of the island most part of the night, and in thefollowing morning we stood to the north of the island, coming to anchorabout noon in the road of St Helena, in 20 fathoms, on blackish gravellysand. We had a point of land to the N. E. A sharp hill like a sugar-loaf, with a cross upon it, N. E. By E. The church in the valley S. E. In thisvalley there are many trees, the high land S. E. From the church, and theentire valley being full of trees. We moored S. E. And N. W. The anchor inthe offing being in 21 fathoms. At night of the 3d, we had sight of the Hector coming round the southend of the island, but she could not fetch into the road, yet stood tothe northward as near as she could, having the wind at east. The 4th and5th our boats went out to endeavour to help her into the road, but couldnot. Having a little wind on the 6th, our boats towed her in, bringingher to anchor in 35 fathoms, a mile and half from shore, bearing from usS. W. By W. Distant about two leagues. The 11th we set sail from StHelena, the wind at E. N. E. And steering N. W. The N. W. Part of St Helenais in lat. 16° S. And the variation is 7° 45'. The church, that boreS. E. Of us when we were in the road, stands in the bottom of the fifthvalley from that point which bore N. E. From us. We came to anchor in theDowns on the 6th May, 1606, where we lay at anchor eight days, waitingfor a fair wind. SECTION IV. _Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, by CaptainWilliam Keeling_. [156] INTRODUCTION. In this voyage three ships were employed, with about 310 men; theDragon, admiral, Captain Keeling, who was chief commander or general;the Hector, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Hawkins; and theConsent, Captain David Middleton. The relation of the voyage, as appearsfrom its title in Purchas, was written by Keeling, the chief commanderor general, or, as he would now be called, the commodore: But, by aside-note, Purchas informs us, that he had abbreviated the narrativefrom the journals written at sea, by Captains Keeling and Hawkins, whichwere very voluminous, occupying a hundred sheets of paper, and that hehad only retained the most necessary observations for sea and landaffairs. [Footnote 156: Purch. Pilgr. I. 188. Astl. I. 312. ] The editor of Astley's Collection observes, "That this narrative iswritten very obscurely, in an abrupt, uncouth style, which he thinksPurchas ought to have reformed when abridging it. The author seems tohave kept no regular journal, but only to have entered such things fromtime to time as seemed most material. In many places it consists only ofloose imperfect hints, thrown together without connection, and oftenreferring to things not mentioned before. Possibly these defects mayhave been owing to Purchas, in order to abbreviate the journal; andindeed, whether from want of care or judgment, he spoiled almost everything he abridged. It contains, however, many valuable nautical remarks, and many particulars respecting the conduct of the Dutch, who now beganto lord it in India, which may atone for its defects. If the dryness ofsome of the details may disgust any of our readers, we hope they willconsider that our design is to give a series of _the English Voyages_;and in so doing to steer equally between the two extremes of redundanceand imperfection. "[157] [Footnote 157: This paragraph is inserted from the _previous remarks_ tothe voyage of Keeling, by the editor of Astley's Collection. --E. ] Purchas remarks punningly in a side-note, "That the Consent held noconcent with the Dragon and Hector. " Her voyage will be found in thesequel of this section, with, several other articles connected with it, which have not been noticed in Astley's Collection, and which appearednecessary to elucidate the early commercial connections of England withIndia, and the manners and customs of the eastern nations. We haveendeavoured to amend the uncouth and abrupt style of Purchas, but it wasimpossible to clear up his obscurities; and in many instances we haveabbreviated or lopt off redundancies and unimportant particulars. --E. * * * * * § 1. _Disasters in the Outset of the Voyage, forcing them back to SierraLeona; with Occurrences till leaving Saldanha Bay_. By the 1st of April, 1607, the Dragon and Hector had reached the Downs. After passing the line in the beginning of June, and getting four orfive degrees to the southwards, we were so crossed by gusts, calms, rains, and sickness, as to be constrained to return northwards. Missingthe island of Fernando Noronha, I consulted on the 30th July with themaster, named Taverner, who thought we must return for England; butSierra Leona being mentioned, of which place I had formerly read goodaccounts, I sent for the book, [158] and both Mr Taverner and myself tooka liking to the place. Our company being very much diseased, and beingexceedingly in want of water, with no hopes of getting to FernandoNoronha, I called a council, and after dinner desired their opinion whatwas fittest to be done? They were all of opinion that we could not standany longer to the south, for many reasons; and, demanding their opinionsin regard to a watering-place, Churchman, Savage, and Taverner, proposedMayo; Earming, Pockham, Molineux, and my master, preferred Sierra Leonafor many causes, which likewise was my own opinion, wherefore weconcluded to make for Sierra Leona, with which determination Iacquainted the crews, to their very great comfort. [Footnote 158: Purchas makes the following remark in a side-note:--"MrHakluyt's book was here of good profit; for, as Sir Thomas Smithaffirmed to me, it now saved £20, 000 to the company, which they had beenendamaged if the ships had returned home; which had certainly been thecase if that book had not been consulted. "] On the morning of the 4th August, we saw many flowers, a strong sign ofapproaching land, and towards evening had ground in from 20 to 16fathoms, yet saw no land. By means of our skiff, I set the current tothe S. E. At the rate of two miles each watch. The 5th we steered allmorning eastwards, and E. By S. Having from 30 to 20 and 10 fathoms, andstill no land to be seen. The greatest depth was on an oose bottom, theleast a coarse yellow sand. About nine o'clock we espied land, bearingN. E. About 8 leagues distant, being a round hummock of middling height. By noon we were in latitude 7° 56' N. Having steered all day east, sometimes half a point north or south, as our water deepened or shoaled, for we would sometimes have ten fathoms or more one cast, and the nextseven fathoms, the ground being full of pits, believing that we wereupon the edge of the shoals of _Santa Anna_, otherwise called _Maderabomba_. In the afternoon we had 9, 10, 11, and 12 fathoms. Thefirst-seen land proved to be _Ilha Verde_, a very round land, and a verynotable mark for any ship bound for Sierra Leona from the southwards. About seven p. M. We anchored in 20 fathoms on hard sand, the south partof _Ilha Verde_, bearing E. And the Cape of Sierra Leona, which is a lowpoint, N. By E. About eight leagues distant. But the land over the capeis very high, and may be seen fifteen leagues off in clear weather. About six next morning we made sail for the road, and had not less than16, 15, 10, and 9 fathoms, till we ranged north and south with the rockswhich lie about 1-1/2 miles west of Cape Sierra Leona; and when one milefrom the nearest shore we had seven fathoms, good shoaling between usand the rock. Immediately when past the rock we had 20 fathoms, andshoaled to 18, 16, 12, and 10 fathoms all the way into the roads, keeping very near the south shore; for a sand lies about two miles fromthe north shore, or a league from the south shore, and upon it the seacontinually breaks. We came to anchor in ten fathoms on good ground, thepoint of Sierra Leona bearing W. By N. The north point of the bay N. ByW. And the sand or breaker N. N. E. In the afternoon we were waved by some men on shore, to whom I sent myboat, which, leaving two hostages, brought off four negroes, whopromised us refreshments. My skiff sounded between our anchorage and thebreakers, finding fair shoaling, with two fathoms water within two boatslength of the breach, or sand on which the sea breaks. All the previousobservations of the variation, since our coming from 2° N. Latitude tothis place, proved erroneous; for to each distance, having reference toany meridian eastwards, there must be added 30 leagues, and from such asreferred to western meridians, 30 leagues must be subtracted; for itappeared, by our falling in with the land, that the ship was so muchmore westerly than we supposed; myself, notwithstanding this error, being as much, if not more westerly than any of the mariners. Yet everyman must trust to his own experience; for instruments may deceive, evenin the hands of the most skilful. The 7th August, some negroes of a superior appearance came aboard in myboat, for whom, as for all others, we had to leave one of our men inhostage for every two of them. These men made signs that I should sendsome men up the country, and they would stay as hostages. I accordinglysent Edward Bradbury, and my servant, William Cotterell, with a presentto the captain, or chief, consisting of one coarse shirt, three feet ofa bar of iron, a few glass beads, and two knives. They returned towardsnight, and brought me from the captain, one small gold ear-ring, worthsome eight or nine shillings; and as it was late, the hostages remainedall night on board without any one in pawn for them. I sent my boat, andbrought off five tons of water, very good, and easily come by. I went ashore on the 11th, when the people came to us, accompanied bytheir women, yet feared we might carry them away. We got plenty oflemons very cheap, as they gave us 200 for a penny knife. The 18th Ibought an elephant's tooth of 63 pounds weight, for five yards of bluecalico, and seven or eight pounds of bar iron. The 15th, in an hour anda half, we took six thousand excellent small fish, called _cavallos_. That afternoon we bought two or three thousand lemons at the village. Itrained so much at this place, that we esteemed it a dry day when we hadthree hours of fair weather. The 16th I allowed our weekly workers to goon shore with me for recreation. In our walk we saw not above two orthree acres sown with rice, the surface of the ground being mostly ahard rock. The 16th and 17th were quite fair, and on the latter Icaused a quantity of lemon water to be made. The 20th, John Rogers returned and brought me a present of a piece ofgold in form of a half-moon, worth five or six shillings. He reportedthe people to be peaceable, the chief without state, the landing to betwo leagues up the river, and the chief's village eight miles from thelanding. The 22d I went on shore, and made six or seven _barricos_ fullof lemon juice; having opened a firkin of knives belonging to thecompany, wherewith to buy limes. The afternoon of the 7th September wewent all on shore, to try if we could shoot an elephant; when we shotseven or eight bullets into him, and made him bleed exceedingly, asappeared by his track; but night coming on, we had to go on boardwithout effecting our purpose. The best road and watering-place is the fourth bay to the east of CapeSierra Leona. The tide where we rode flowed W. S. W. And the highest waterupon a spring tide was at the least 12 feet. I made no observation ofthe sun in this road, neither aboard nor on shore, though I proposed tohave so done several times; but the master made the road where we lay 8°36' N. Cape Sierra Leona being west, a league or four miles off. He alsomade the variation 1° 50' eastwards; but my instrument was out of order, and I had not time to put it in repair. We weighed from Sierra Leona the 14th September, with the wind alleasterly; but it soon fell calm, and we drove to the north, but driftedagain S. W. By S. With the ebb, and when the flood again made, weanchored in 15-1/2 fathoms. Cape Sierra Leona bearing N. E. By E. Aboutseven leagues off. We had not less than ten fathoms all this day. The16th we found the current setting N. By W. The 17th December, about two p. M. We saw land, being the Table atSaldanha, and bore up towards it till three, when I ordered the masterto steer E. S. E. And S. E. By E. To double the cape; but as all thepeople, sick and sound, desired to put into Saldanha bay, we bore up forit, and came to anchor about noon, [next day, ] in 5-1/2 fathoms, the W. Point bearing W. N. W. The island N. N. E. And the sugar-loaf S. W. As soonas we were anchored I sent on shore, when there was found engraven on arock, Captain Middleton, of the Consent, 24th July, 1607. I went onshore the 21st; and bought 120 sheep, 12 bullocks, and two calves, ofwhich I allowed a proportional share to the Hector. This marketcontinued several days, in which we bought much cattle, paying in all200 iron hoops for 450 sheep, 46 cows, 10 steers, 9 calves, and onebull. § 2. _Departure from Saldanha, and Occurrences till the Ships partedCompany_. By sun-rise of the first January, 1608, both vessels were under sail, and by six p. M. Were ten leagues _west-southerly_[159] from the southpoint of the bay of Saldanha. The 19th we shipped much sea at the helmport, and at the hole abaft in my gallery, about two hours aftermidnight, which wet some of our bales of cloth. We were then in lat. 35°22' S. [I allow thirteen leagues S. S. E. Wind E. N. E. And N. E. Six leaguesdrift S. And three leagues N. E. Wind all westerly. [160]] Our too greatquantity of _Kintledge_ goods occasions our ship to labour greatly, which the company must have special care of on another voyage. The 20thI carefully aired and dried our cloth, oiled the fire-arms and swordblades belonging to the company, strengthened the packing cases, &c. This afternoon, contrary to expectation, and to the astonishment of allour mariners, we saw land bearing N. N. W. About twelve leagues off, beingin the lat. Of 34° S. If I had not had dear experience of the strongwesterly current in my last voyage, I likewise had admired this; yet Iam more westerly in my reckoning than any, having doubted the currentsfor causes before noted; being by reckoning 100 leagues more easterlythan the sight of land warranted. [Footnote 159: This unusual expression, and others similar, aswest-northerly, east-southerly, and east-northerly, which frequentlyoccur in this voyage, are most probably the same with the usualexpressions of west by south, west by north, east by south, and east bynorth. --E. ] [Footnote 160: These observations within brackets are unintelligible:Probably notes in the log-book, for being attended to in calculating theship's day's work; and either left unexplained as a species ofshort-hand writing of Keeling, or rendered unintelligible by theignorant abbreviation of Purchas. Such often occur in this article ofthe Pilgrims; but, except in this instance, as an example, we haveomitted such useless unintelligibilities. --E. ] The 17th of February we saw land, bearing E. About eight leagues fromus, and, as I judged, in lat. 24° 20' S. About noon we were athwart twosmall islands, which seemed to make a good road; but not being sure ofour latitude, we stood off and on till high noon, when we might take anobservation, having no ground with 60 fathoms line within two miles ofthe shore. The 18th, in lat. 23° 37' we anchored in 71/2 fathoms sandyground, the two islands bearing S. W. One mile distant. There was anisland E. By N. From us about three leagues off, which the mastersupposed to be St Augustine, for which we proposed to search. Thevariation here was 15° 30'. The 19th we weighed in the morning, when webroke one of our anchors, through an original defect; which surelydeserves much blame, but for which I refer to a certificate I made onthe subject. We now steered for the seeming harbour or bay of StAugustine, having from our former anchorage in sailing towards it, fromten to twelve and twenty fathoms; and on coming near the point of thebay, we had no ground with 100 fathoms, till we came far into the bay, our skiffs going before, and then had ground at thirty, shoaling toeight fathoms. We anchored in eighteen fathoms, and laid out anotheranchor in forty fathoms, the deepest water being on the south shore, theother being made shallow by the coming down of rivers. The land bore W. By S. And N. From our anchorage, and to the north are certain shoals onwhich the sea breaks, so that it was only open to five points of thewind; but the road is very full of pits and deep water, and a strongstream runs always down from the river. Captain Hawkins came on board me, and, as I was very unwell, I sent himashore with the boats of both ships. He returned on board towards night, without having seen any people, though their tracks were quite recent inseveral places. He left some beads and other trifles in a canoe, toallure the natives. In his opinion we had small chance here of anyrefreshments; but my fishers from the other side of the bay told me ofhaving seen great store of beasts bones, and bones certainly have oncehad flesh. George Evans, one of the Hector's men, was severely bitten byan _alegarta_, [alligator. ] I gave orders to fill our water casks withall speed, and propose in the mean time to seek for refreshment. Thetide flows here _nearest east_, [161] and rises high. The 21st we sawfour natives, to whom I sent some beads and other baubles, making themunderstand by signs that we were in want of cattle, when they promisedin the same manner to bring plenty next day. Seeing people on shore nextday, I went a-land, and found them a subtle people, strong-built andwell-made, almost entirely naked, except a cloth of bark carelessly hungbefore them. We bought a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, but they would onlydeal for silver. In the afternoon I rowed up the river, which I foundshallow and brackish. The 24th we bought three kine, two steers, andfour calves, which cost us about nineteen shillings and a few beads. These cattle have far better flesh than those we got at Saldanha, andhave bunches of flesh on their shoulders, like camels, only moreforward. Some affirmed that the people were circumcised. We here found_the beautiful beast. _[162] [Footnote 161: As the bay of St Augustine, in lat. 23° 30' S. Is on thewest coast of Madagascar, where the coast is direct N. And S. Thecurrent of the tide could not set from the east. The expression in thetext, therefore, probably means that it is high-water when the moon isnearly east. --E. ] [Footnote 162: This seems to refer to some creature then in the ship, and perhaps brought home with them to England. Astl. I. 316. A. --MrFinch says, there were in the woods, near the river, great store ofbeasts, as big as monkies, of an ash colour, having a small head, a longtail like a fox, barred with black and white, and having very finefur. --E. ] Where we rode at anchor the water by the ship's side was very fresh athigh water, and very salt at low water, contrary to what might have beenexpected; and at high water it was very fresh on one side of the ship, and very salt on the other. In a gust of wind at N. W. On the 25th, ourship drifted and broke a cable, by which we lost the anchor. We boughtthis day a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, the sheep having a great tail; allthree costing us _2s. 3d. _ I found certain spiders, whose webs were asstrong as silk. All along the low land from E. To W about half a milefrom the shore, there runs a ledge of rocks on which the sea continuallybreaks, between which and the shore are two fathoms water, wonderfullyfull of fish, and having a fine beach on which to haul the nets. The 28th in the morning we got under sail to put to sea. This bay of StAugustine is a very unfit place for ships to touch at for refreshments, as these are to be had only in small quantities; and the bay is veryuntoward for riding at anchor, the water being deep and pitty and theground foul, as appeared by cutting our cable. By the 15th March we hadonly got into lat. 15° 40' S. And I knew not what course to take to getout of the current, which was very swift setting to the south, askeeping mid-channel may endanger us upon _In. De Nova_;[163] and inkeeping near shore God knows what danger may befal, as it is indiscreetto continue where the wind does not stem the current. The 17th we werein, lat. 14° 57' S. So that we have got 25 leagues farther north, andthe main power of the current seems now lessened. My master is ofopinion that the age of the moon may have peculiar influence over thecurrents, causing them to be strong till three or four days after thefull: but I rather think that the deep bay between Cape Corientes andMozambique causes an indraught or eddy of some stream or current, comingeither from the N. E. Or more easterly, and entering the channel ofMozambique at the N. W. Of Madagascar, and so along the land to CapeCorientes; or else the stream from the N. W. Of Madagascar, meeting withthe land of Mozambique, may be drawn that way by the falling in of theland. If this supposition be true, we committed an error in falling inwith the land till we had got to the north of Mozambique point, whichbends far into the sea. [164] [Footnote 163: This I understand to be the island of Juan de Nova, inthe narrowing between Madagascar and the coast of Africa towardsMozambique. --ASTL. I. 317. ] [Footnote 164: This is by no means the case, and we may thereforeconjecture that Cape St Andrew in Madagascar is here meant, which is ofthat description, and is in some measure opposite Mozambique. --E. ] * * * * * "Their sailing along the islands, and trucking at Tamara, with otheroccurrences, I have left out, as being more fully known by laterexperience. Leaving _Abdalcuria_ they were forced to ride in _Delisa_road to the north of _Socotora, _ till the monsoon freed them; at whichtime Captain Keeling set sail for Bantam with the Dragon, and CaptainHawkins in the Hector for Surat, as shall after follow. "[165] [Footnote 165: This latter paragraph is a side-note in the original byPurchas. --E. ] § 3. _Instructions learnt at Delisa respecting the Monsoon, from theMoors and Guzerates; with the Arrival of the Dragon at Bantam_. The Moors of _Delisa_ affirm that pieces of ambergris are some yearsfound weighing 20 quintals, and so large that many men may take shelterunder their sides without being seen. This is upon the coast of Mombaza, Magadoxa, Pata, Brava, &c. Which indeed are all one coast. From Delisathey make yearly voyages to the Comora islands to buy slaves; and theyreport that the natives there are very treacherous, having sometimesslain fifty persons by treason; for which reason they trade alwaysafloat, and do not venture ashore. They affirmed that eight Hollandershad been three or four years in _Pemba_, two of whom had becomeMahometans. According to their reckoning the southern monsoon beginsyearly on the 1st May, the extremity of it continuing 100 days, and themost wind being in June and July. On the 10th August the south winddiminishes; and soon after the wind comes from the north, with muchrain, and so continues for three or four months more. At this time theymake most of the aloes on the island, being the juice of an evergreen, put into goats skins and dried. The 23d May I sent on shore to weigh aloes, and received on board 1250pounds, which cost 250 dollars, for the company. We bought in all 1833pounds neat. The chief sent to borrow 500 dollars, which I refused tolend, but sent him two yards of fine coloured kersey, and a knife of myown. I sent again on shore, and bought 575 pounds of aloes for 115dollars. The 24th I was informed that the west monsoon began in this year on the30th April, coming every year eleven days later; so that in thirty-threeyears they begin again on the same day of the month, which I conceivecannot be true. [166] I was farther informed, that the east monsoon willbegin this year on the 13th October, both monsoons falling yearly elevendays later. They have only two monsoons yearly. That this year, called_Neyrocze_, [167] begins with the first of the east monsoon. The westmonsoon here blows all south, and the east monsoon all north. After the20th September, ships cannot depart from the Red Sea to the eastward. Chaul, Dabul, and Danda Rajipuri are good and safe ports, and richtrading towns on the coast of India. At Saada, Ilbookie, Anzoane, andMootoo, [168] four of the Comora islands, there is abundance of cheaprice, and the people are good. Inghezeegee and Malala, [169] two othersof the Comoras, have very little rice, and the people are verytreacherous; and they report that about sixteen years ago an Englishship lost many men by treachery on that island, which surely was JamesLancaster in Raimond's voyage. [170] [Footnote 166: This must be the case where they reckon by lunar months, as is done every where by the Mahometans. --ASTL. I. 318. C. ] [Footnote 167: This should be _Neurúz_, which in Persian signifiesNew-year's day. --ASTL. I. 318. D. ] [Footnote 168: Probably St Christopher's, St Esprit, Hinznan, andMayotta, --E. ] [Footnote 169: Probably Gazidza or Angazezio, and Molalio, Moelia, orSenbracas. --E. ] [Footnote 170: In the account of that voyage, as already given in Chap. IX. Sect. 6. Of this book, which was in 1591, Lancaster was said to havebeen lost in a storm. He may have got on shore in this island, and beenmassacred by the natives. --E. ] We were farther informed, that this day, 26th May, 1608, was the 224thfrom the _Neyrooze, _ or new-year's-day, according to their account:That there is no rain on the coast of Arabia till the 70th day of thismonsoon: That the 305th day from Neyrooze is the best time for going toSurat; and that in ten or twelve days they get to that port. Burrom, Mekella, and Cayxem, [Keyshem, Kashin, Kasseen, Kassin, or Kushem, ] onthe coast of Arabia, are good harbours for shelter in both monsoons; butare places of no trade. Xael or Xaer[171] has no harbour or road for anyseason, yet might be a vent for iron or lead. This place is commanded bya Turkish Aga, and they send thence for commodities to Keyshem, a day'sjourney to the west; but there is no going there at this season. In bothmonsoons there is a very heavy sea on the coast of Arabia, and thecurrents there set along with the wind. There is no riding at anchor atthe entrance to Surat, so as to have shelter in the west monsoons, bothon account of bad ground, and because the tides run with such rapidityas to overset ships that are not aground. This road of Delisa is verysafe in the west monsoon; but only two miles either east or west itcontinually blows so strong that no ship can ride. I can give no reasonfor this, unless that the distance of the high mountains produce thisremarkable difference, as there is much low ground between us and them. [Footnote 171: This is the Portuguese orthography; in English it shouldbe _Shael_, or Shaer; but the true name is Shahr, or Shohr, while somecall it Seer. --ASTL. I. 318. I. ] We departed from Delisa on the 24th June, 1608; and on the 23d July wesaw an island, and about noon two more, in lat. 4° 2' S. We left two ofthese to the north and one to the south of our course; the mostnortherly being a large high island full of trees. Between the twosouthermost of these three islands, ten leagues distant, and half waybetween them, there is a dangerous reef of rocks, to avoid which westeered through a very good passage within two leagues of the middleisland, the reef being then to the south, about three leagues from us, and is very dangerous for ships going through by night. There seemed alikeness of a passage through between the middle island and thenorthermost, but it was not a league broad. The southern island is thelargest of the three. [172] [Footnote 172: These three islands seem to have been Pulo Minton, Good-Fortune, and Nassau, off the south-western coast of Sumatra. --E. ] The 26th July we were halfway between Priaman and Tecu, about threeleagues from the shore, the two hummocks of Tecu, with high land overthem, bearing N. By W. And S. By E. Half a point east. There is a shoalfour miles from shore, bearing N. And S. With the high land of Tecu. Wehad here 45 fathoms water 21/2 leagues from shore, being then N. E. By E. From the road of Priaman. In the afternoon we got into the road ofPriaman, and saluted the town with five guns. The governor of the town sent me a goat, and I sent him in return threeyards of stammel cloth, one piece of blue calico, a stocked musket, amusket-barrel, and two sword blades. The messenger spoke goodPortuguese, to whom I gave a piece of blue calico. He was accompanied bya person of Acheen, with whom I conversed in Arabic, and by whom I hadgreat hope of trade. I went ashore early on the 29th, and going to thegovernor's house, he presented me with a buffalo, and appointed some ofhis chief men to make the price of pepper with me. Sitting down withabout sixty of these men, they first proposed that the pepper should beweighed in town, while I insisted that it should be weighed in theisland. They demanded fifty dollars the bahar, which much displeased me, as the Acheen man had desired me only to offer sixteen: But that was hiscraft, for he was a merchant, and wished to have engrossed much pepperbefore I bought, and then to have re-sold it to me at his own price. After much time and many words, we agreed at 22-1/2 dollars the bahar, besides six per centum custom. I at first refused to pay two othercustoms, or exactions rather, the one of 160 dollars, and the other notmuch less; but at length I consented, and writings were drawn up betweenus. During the last night a man lay on board my ship who spokePortuguese, who offered, in the name of the widow of the formergovernor, calling her queen, to give me half the town if I would helpher in taking it from the present governor. But I refused anyinterference, as not answerable for my sovereign, and sent him on shore. I this day sold cloth to _Nakhada_[173] for 159 _masses_ of gold. [Footnote 173: Nakhada, or Nakhadah, signifies the captain or commanderof a ship in Arabic--ASTL. I. 519. D. ] The town and bounds of Priaman do not yield above 500 bahars of pepperyearly; but, with the parts adjoining, as Passaman, Tecu, Beroose, andthe mountains over the town, there are gathered about 2500 baharsyearly, which quantity will load two good ships, and may be bought veryreasonable, if a factory had means to buy all the year. Their pepperharvest is in August and September, and is fetched away only by those ofAcheen and Java, the Guzerates not being permitted to trade here, by theexpress command of the King of Acheen. Therefore, a ship touching atSurat, and buying there especially blue calicos, white calicos, blue andwhite striped and chequered stuffs, with some small fine painted cloths, and then leaving a factory at Priaman, might lay the best foundation forprofit that can be wished, against next year. I say against anotheryear, for it does not seem to me that a ship could go to Surat and comehither in time the same year. For this purpose, however, the licence ofthe King of Acheen must be procured for our safe proceeding in theseparts. We made sail from Priaman on the 18th September, and on the 4th Octobergot into the road of Bantam, where we found six ships of Holland, two ofwhich were almost laden with cloves, and other two were to load withpepper. I found thirteen Englishmen here alive, and received a letterfrom Captain David Middleton of the Consent. The 6th I paid Uncte andTegin, the two Chinese, their wages, and dismissed them. The 20th Icalled the merchants together, having formerly resolved to return withthe Dragon for England, and we now concluded that our pinnace, whenfinished, should go for Banda with Brown and Sidall. John Hearne, JohnSaris, and Richard Savage, were to remain at Bantam; and when thepinnace returned from Banda, John Saris was to go in her to Sackadanea, in Borneo. The 15th November, I sent for Jaques L'Ermite, the commanderof the Dutch vessels at Bantam, and discovered to him a plot of theJavans for cutting the throats of all the Hollanders, of which I hadreceived particular intimation. The ambassador of Siam came to visit me on the 22d, and dined with me, and asserted that a thousand pieces of red cloth might be sold in hiscountry in two days, and a great quantity yearly, as it is used forhousings to their elephants and horses. Gold, he said, was in suchabundance in his country as only to be worth three times its weight insilver, though good gold. It has also great abundance of cheap preciousstones. He said, moreover, that his king would esteem it a greathappiness to have commerce with the King of England, with whom, as heunderstood, the _King of Holland_ was not to be compared. The 28th November, I took leave of the king, the governor, the admiral, the old sabander, Jura Bassa, Tanyong, and of the Hollanders, and wenton board for altogether next day. The 2d December, at night, ourmerchants came aboard, bringing a letter from the King of Bantam to theKing of England, with a present of two _picols of Canton. _ Before we gotout of the straits we espied a sail on the 12th December, which provedto be the Hector from Surat, where her captain, William Hawkins, remained. I understood that the Portuguese had taken eighteen of ourmen, several of whom were factors, and goods to the value of 9000dollars. The 14th we came back to Bantam roads, forced either tolengthen our voyage, or to go home with lost reputation. The 16th therecame a small vessel from Amsterdam, giving notice of peace betweenFrance, Spain, and the Dutch. I appointed Messrs Molineux and Pockhamfor England in the Dragon, taking the rest with me in the Hector for theMoluccas, into which other ship I removed on the 17th, the mastersshifting ships. The 21st I forwarded Mr Towerson in all diligence, wishing him to depart in all speed; and on the 23d the Dragon made sailfrom Bantam, God prosper her voyage. [174] [Footnote 174: Mr Tewerson seems from this time to have commanded theDragon on the voyage home; but this whole narrative is so ill expressedand incoherent, that its meaning has often to be guessed at. --ASTL. I. 321. A. ] § 4. _Voyage of the Hector to Banda, with Occurrences there. _ About one in the morning of the 1st January, 1609, we weighed anchor, and with an off-shore wind got round the east point, three leaguesE. N. E. From our former anchorage. Thence easterly to another point otherthree leagues, a very long shoal with very little water extendingbetween the two, to avoid which it is good to steer halfway between Javaand the isles of _Tonda_, which are five leagues distant. East from thesecond point is the isle of _Tanara_, so close to the shore that itcannot be distinguished from any distance. From the second to the thirdpoint, are four leagues E. S. E. And one and a half mile off that point N. By W. Is the isle of Lackee, between which and the point is only one anda half fathoms water, according to report. We rode all night in sixfathoms, having the isle east of us a league. Weighing on the 4th, westeered within half a league of _Lackee_ in seven or eight fathoms; fromthe isle to the west point of _Jackatra_ being E. S. E. Four leagues. There is a dangerous sand off the west point of Jackatra, wherefore itis good to keep nearer the island opposite that point. The 8th I went to _Jackatra, _[175] and anchored far out. The king senthis sabander to desire powder and match, and I sent him 30 pounds ofpowder and a roll of match. I bought of them a Portuguese boy, given bythe Hollanders to their king, but who refused to apostatize fromChristianity, and paid for him 45 dollars. We have seen thirty or fortyislands since leaving Bantam. The 10th we made sail from Jackatra. Thereis a sunken island even with the water, about two leagues W. By N. Fromthe east point of Jackatra, which we left to larboard, going between itand the easter island. The two points forming Jackatra bay bear E. S. E. And W. N. W. Four leagues distant, the eastermost island being in astraight line between both points. At noon on the 11th we were tenleagues N. E. From the east point of Jackatra. The 12th at noon, we weretwo leagues S. W. By S. From an island, having sailed thirty leagues E. By S. The 15th we came near Madura, contrary to my expectation, whence Isuppose that the island of Java is not so long as it is laid down in thecharts, or else that we had found a current setting to the east. The18th we were near the islands of _Nossaseres_ or _Nussasira_, which wereN. By W. A league from us, in lat. 5° 30' S. The 21st, in the forenoon, we saw _Celebes_; but we could not fetch _Macassar_. Coming to anchor, we parted our cable and lost an anchor. The 4th February we saw_Bourro_. The 5th I held a council to consider what was best to be done, as the wind did not serve for the Moluccas, when it was concluded to gofor Banda. We saw Amboyna E. By N. From Bourro, twelve leagues. The 6thwe saw the high land of Banda, in my opinion 25 leagues E. By S. 1/2 S. From the eastern part of Amboyna. [Footnote 175: On the Dutch making this place the metropolis of theirIndian trade and dominion, they changed its name to Batavia, in honourof their own country, called by the Romans, _insula Batavorum. _-E. ] We got into the road or harbour of Banda on the 8th February, 1609, whenthe people and the Hollanders came to welcome me. The 9th I went onshore, and delivered his majesty's letter to _Nera_, together with apresent, being a gilt cup and cover, a head-piece and gorget, and one ofMr Bucke's firelocks, which cost twenty-five dollars. I was receivedwith much state, but they delayed giving an answer about our house tillnext day. The Hollanders fired five pieces at my landing, and as manywhen I returned on board, and I dined with them. The 11th we agreed forbuilding a house. The 21st I went to _Urtatan_, to confer with thepeople, and on the 25th I went to _Lantor_, where I delivered our king'sletter and present, being a smaller gilt cup and cover, a handsometarget, a stocked musket; and a musket-barrel. In the night, NakhadaChina, a spy of the Hollanders, came on board, and advised me to bespeedy. The 13th the people of Lantor demanded for _serepinang_[176] 140dollars, and I demanded leave to sell my cloth as I best might. Thepriest was sent to demand payment of _Rooba-rooba_[177] before wetraded, which I refused unless they would bind themselves to load mewith mace and nutmegs within four months. He offered them at 100dollars, and I would not give past 90, [178] wherefore he took time forconsideration; when I observed that they deferred till the Hollandersmight arrive, which was now doubtful, as the monsoon was almost spent. He took his leave, without making any bargain, having a smooth outside, but a rough mind. [Footnote 176: It appears in the sequel that this was some tax orcustom. --E. ] [Footnote 177: Another tax or imposition. --E. ] [Footnote 178: We suppose the Katti is here meant, as no quantity isexpressed in the text--ASTL. I. 323. C. ] The 16th three large Dutch ships came in, and shot thirty, sixteen, andnine pieces of excellent ordnance. [179] Two of these came from Ternate, where they had lost Paul Van Cardan, their admiral, with seventy-four oftheir men, being taken by the Spaniards. The Dutch offered a ransom forhim of 50, 000 dollars; but they would hearken to no terms, except thesurrender of fort _Machian_, formerly taken from them by him. The 18ththe Dutch officers of the two largest came to visit me, and staid tosupper; yet an Englishman reported that they meant to surprise me beforethe end of a month. [Footnote 179: This strange expression is probably meant to indicate therespective number of cannon in each ship. --E. ] The states sent again for _Rooba-rooba_, which I refused to pay; so theysent again to say, now that the Dutch were come, I should have no tradeunless I gave above 100 dollars; but I refused to give more than 100. After a long dispute, we at length agreed at 100 dollars; _Rooba-rooba_, 380 dollars; _Serepinang_, 50 dollars; besides _pissalin_, being a dutyto the four sabanders of four pieces of _Sarassa_, or Malayan paintedcloth. We received a beam and weight, the cattee being 99 dollars, or 5pounds 13 1/2 ounces avoirdupoise. The 20th we began to weigh, and theHollanders coming on shore, agreed at 100 dollars, paying 400 for_Rooba-rooba_, together with _serepinang_ and _pissalin_. We had tobribe the Dutch in secret, or we must have been idle. The 23d I made asecret agreement with the chief of Pulo-way to send a factory to thatisland, for which I had to lend him 300 dollars, and to give 100 dollarsmore as _serepinang_; and the Dutch hearing of this next day, used theirendeavour to prevent me. The 29th six large Holland ships and two smallpinnaces came into the roads, which I saluted with nine guns, and wasonly answered with three. The 1st April I received from Pulo-way 225-1/4cattees of mace, and 1307 1/2 cattees of nutmegs. The 11th we began tocarry our nuts on board, being so constrained by the Dutch, who meant toland in a day or two; so that we had not time to select the best, nor tolet them lie long enough in sweats. The 13th I went on shore, and proposed to the sabander of Nera, as I haddone several times before, the formal surrender of Bands to thesovereignty of the King of England, before the Hollanders might land orcommence their intended fort. The states seemed to like this proposal, and promised to take it into consideration, and to give me an answer, but I was doubtful of their inconstancy, neither did they come to anyconclusion. The Dutch landed 1200 men on the 15th from 20 boats, and thenatives fled. The 20th I went on shore to fetch rice, in part of a debtdue by _Daton Patee_ to our company; but the Hollanders had dishonestlytaken it, though their admiral promised I should have it. I then wentamong the Javans to buy rice, but they universally said they wereenjoined by the Dutch not to sell me any, although I offered fivedollars the _coyoung_ more than the Dutch paid. When I got home, I foundthe person whom the admiral had formerly sent to me, and desired him totell the admiral, that his taking my rice was great injustice, and if hewere a gentleman, he would not permit his base people to abuse me as Iwalked about. He answered, that the admiral was a weaver and nogentleman; and being an Englishman, I reprehended him for so speaking;but he affirmed that all the Dutch spoke so of him. [180] [Footnote 180: We here omit a long series of ill-told disputes with theDutch; who, presuming on their greatly superior force, interrupted thetrade of the English at Banda, and finally obliged Keeling to withdraw, very imperfectly provided with mace and nutmegs, and much dissatisfied. The narrative in Purchas is so abrupt, disjointed, and inconclusive, that it was found quite impossible to give it any consistency orinterest. --E. ] The 4th of May I went to Pulo-way, where I got 1000 cattees of nutmegs, and 200 cattees of mace. The 1st August, the Dutch gave me a letter ofcredit, for the payment at Bantam of all the debts due me at Banda; andthis day I went on shore, at the request of the Dutch governor, to viewtheir fort, which was a square redoubt, with thirty pieces of artillery, eight of which were good brass demi-cannon. The 10th I weighed a halfhundred against the ordinary Banda weights, and found it to contain9-1/2 cattees, so that the cattee appears to equal 5 pounds 14-1/3ounces avoirdupoise. The 11th I anchored near Macassar, in the island ofCelebes, hoping to get cloves there in barter for cloth; but learningthat a Dutch ship had been lost there lately, I desisted from theattempt, as the road of Macassar was reported to be dangerous. The 21stwe anchored off Jackatra, in Java, where we found two Dutch ships, whichhad brought our people and their goods from Amboyna. The 26th we met apraw, in which was Ralph Hearne, sent to me by Mr John Saris fromBantam, to say that he had ready 3481 bags of pepper for me. We got thatday into the road of Bantam, when Mr Saris came immediately on board. The 13th September, 1609, at the request of the King of Bantam, I senttwenty-five armed men to make him pastime, in honour of his having thenight before consummated his marriage. The 23d, having token on board4900 bags of pepper, I prepared for our homeward voyage; and on the 27thI appointed the following members of our factory at that place:Augustine Spalding chief factor, at £50 a year; Francis Kellie surgeon, at 40s. A month; John Parsons at 30s. A month; Robert Neale 29s. Augustine Adwell 24s. Etheldred Lampre 20s. William Driver 20s. WilliamWilson 22s. William Lamwell 16s. Philip Badnedge 16s. Francisco Domingo12s. Juan Seraon 10s. Adrian, Mr Towerson's boy, 10s. [181] Using everypossible diligence to get away, I hired six persons to go along with usfor England in assistance to our crew; and on the 30th, delivered overthe charge of the factory to Spalding, giving him strict injunctions tobeware of the Dutch insolence and hatred towards us, and therefore tohave as little intercourse with them as possible. [Footnote 181: These wages are here particularized, as a curious recordof the original wages of the Company's servants in India. --E. ] I took leave of the governor or regent of Bantam on the 2d October, 1609, requesting his favour to our factory, which he promised withseeming heartiness; and on the 3d I went on board, after taking leave ofall our friends. The 1st November we were in lat. 25° S. With 24°variation, being by our reckoning 650 leagues from Bantam, which we hadrun in 24 days. The 29th, in lat. 32° 30' S. And above 13° variation, wehad all day a severe gale of wind, which at night became a storm atW. S. W. From the northward, [182] and put us to try with our main course, continuing all night and next day. In this, as sundry times before, wefound the report of _Linschot_ to be true, that generally all easterlywinds, coming about to the northwards, if accompanied by rain, comepresently round to W. S. W. With considerable violence. [Footnote 182: This expression is unintelligible; but from the sequel, it appears the gale had been originally easterly, had then changed tothe north, and finally settled in a storm at W. S. W. --E. ] Early in the morning of the 8th December, 1609, we fell in with the_Terra de Natal_, some six leagues west, being at noon in lat. 81° 27'S. With the variation about 8° 30', we standing S. S. E. Under low sails, with the wind at S. W. We met a Hollander, from whom we learnt that theErasmus, a ship of the fleet which went home from Bantam at the time ofmy arrival there in the Dragon, had sprung a leak at sea; and, beingleft by the rest of the fleet, steered for the Mauritius, where sheunladed her goods, which were loft there with twenty-five persons tillthey and the goods could be sent for, the rest of her company being inthis vessel. They farther told us, that there are two harbours in theisland of Mauritius; one called the north-west harbour, in somewhat lessthan 20° S. The other called the south-east harbour, in 28° 15' S. Allkinds of refreshments are to be had there, as fish, turtles, andmanatis, in great abundance. [183] It has an infinite number and varietyof fowls. Hogs and goats, only newly introduced, are in some reasonablenumber, and are fast increasing. The island is healthy, and between 30and 40 leagues in circumference. The variation there is 21° westwards. They came from Bantam in May, were a month in getting to the Mauritius, had remained there four months and a half, and had been six weeks fromthence, seventeen days of which with contrary winds. [Footnote 183: The Lamantin, Trichechus Manatas Australis, SouthernManati, or Fish-tailed Walrus of naturalists. This singular amphibiousanimal, or rather aquatic quadruped, inhabits the southern seas ofAfrica and America, especially near the mouths of rivers, pasturing onaquatic plants, and browsing on the grass which grows close to thewater. It varies in size from eight to seventeen feet long, and from 500to 800 pounds weight, and the flesh is said to be good eating. --E. ] The 22d of December we were in lat. 85° 28' S. Within seven leagues of_Cape Aguillas_, [184] which shews like two islands from where we were, being to the S. E. Of it. Coming more athwart, it resembled three isles, two bays, N. E. And N. W. Making three conspicuous, low, and seeminglyround points. We had ground in the evening in 77 fathoms upon ooze, being about five leagues south from shore, and, as I guess, nearly tothe westwards of the shoalest part of the bank. When bound homewards onthis coast, and finding no weather for observation, either for latitudeor variation, we may boldly and safely keep in sixty fathoms withshelly ground, and when finding ooze we are very near Cape Aguillas. When losing ground with 120 fathoms line, we may be sure of havingpassed the cape, providing we be within the latitude of 36° S. The 23dwe steered all night W. By N. And W. N. W. With afresh easterly gale, seeing the land all along about eight or ten leagues from us, all highland. About noon we were near the Cape of Good Hope, to which we sailedin seventeen hours from Cape Aguillas. Being within three leagues of thesugarloaf, we stood off and on all night. The 28th I received by theDutch boat from the island, six sheep, the fattest I ever saw, the tailof one being twenty-eight inches broad, and weighing thirty-five pounds. I got a main-top-sail of the Dutch, of which we were in extreme want, and gave them a note on our company to receive twelve pounds twelveshillings for the same. For the fat sheep we got on Penguin island, weleft lean in their room. The Dutch here behaved to us in a very honestand Christian-like manner. I left a note here of my arrival and thestate of my company, as others had done before me. All the time weremained at the Cape, from the 23d December, 1609, to the 10th January, 1610, the wind was westerly and southerly; whereas the two former timesof my being here, at the same season, it blew storms at east. [Footnote 184: This cape is only in lat. 34° 4S' S. So that theirlatitude here could not exceed 35° 10', giving an error in excess ofeighteen minutes in the text--E. ] The 10th January, 1610, we weighed and set sail homewards. The 20thabout noon we passed the tropic of Capricorn; and that evening the Dutchofficers came and supped with me, whom I saluted with three guns atparting. The 30th before day-light, we got sight of St Helena, havingsteered sixty-six leagues west in that latitude. We came to anchor amile from shore, in twenty-two fathoms sandy ground, N. W. From thechapel. This island is about 270 or 280 leagues west from the coast ofAfrica. We were forced to steer close under the high land to findanchorage, the bank being so steep as to have no anchorage farther out. We weighed on the 9th February, making sail homewards, having receivedfrom the island nineteen goats, nine hogs, and thirteen pigs. The 16thwe saw the island of Ascension, seven or eight leagues to the W. S. W. Inthe morning of the 28th, the wind westerly and reasonably fair weather, we spoke the Dutch ship, which made a waft for us at his mizen-top-masthead. He told us that he had only eight or nine men able for duty, allthe rest being sick, and forty-six of his crew dead. This was a grievouschastisement for them, who had formerly offered to spare me twenty menor more upon occasion, and a never-sufficiently-to-be-acknowledged mercyto us, that they should be in so pitiable a case, while we had not lostone man, and were even all in good health. Towards night, consideringour leak, with many other just causes on our part, besides our want ofmeans to aid them, and at my company's earnest desire, we made sail andleft them, not without sensible Christian grief that we could give themno assistance. Indeed, without asking us to remain by them, they desiredus to acquaint any Dutch ship we might meet of their extreme distress, that the best means might be pursued for their relief. We were then inlat. 45° 6' N. The 1st May, having fine weather and the wind at S. W. We were in lat. 49° 13' N. Early in the morning of the 2d, the wind came S. And blew astorm, putting us under our fore course. Towards night we spoke aLubecker, who told us Scilly bore E. By N. Thirty-eight German milesfrom us, which are fifty leagues. I told them of the Dutchman'sdistress; and as the wind was fair, made sail for England. In themorning of the 9th, Beechy-head was three leagues from us N. N. E. And onthe 10th May, 1610, we anchored in the Downs about sunset, having spentthree years, one month, and nine days on this voyage. * * * * * SECTION V. _Narrative by William Hawkins, of Occurrences during his Residence inthe Dominions of the Great Mogul_. [185] INTRODUCTION. This and the next following section may be considered as supplementaryto the one immediately preceding; as Captain Hawkins in the Dragonaccompanied Captain Keeling, in the _third_ voyage fitted out by theEnglish Company; and Finch was in the same vessel with Hawkins, andaccompanied him into the country of the Mogul. The present narrative issaid, in its title in the Pilgrims, to have been written to the company, and evidently appears to have been penned by Hawkins himself, withoutany semblance of having been subjected to the rude pruning knife ofPurchas; except omitting so much of the journal as related tooccurrences before landing at Surat. Purchas gives the following accountof it in a side-note. --E. [Footnote 185: Purch. Pilg. I. 206. ] "Captain Keeling and William Hawkins had kept company all theoutward-bound voyage, as already related, and therefore not necessary tobe here repeated, to the road of Delisa, in Socotora, whence, on the24th June, 1603, Captain Keeling departed in the Dragon, as beforerelated. Captain Hawkins sailed from Delisa in the Hector, for Surat, onthe 4th August, having previously built a pinnace, and having receivedfrom the general, Captain Keeling, a duplicate of the commission underthe great seal. "--_Purch_. § 1. _Barbarous Usage at Surat by Mucrob Khan; and the treacherousProcedure of the Portuguese and Jesuits. _ Arriving at the bar of Surat on the 24th August, 1608, I immediatelysent Francis Bucke, merchant, and two others, on shore, to make knownthat I was sent by the King of England, as his ambassador to the king ofthe country, together with a letter and present. In answer, I received amessage from the governor, by three of his servants accompanying those Isent, saying, he and all that country could afford were at my command, and that I should be made very welcome if I pleased to come on shore. Iaccordingly landed, accompanied by our merchants and others, equipped inthe best manner I could, as befitting the honour of my king and country. On landing, I was well received after their barbarous manner, and vastmultitudes of the natives followed after me, desirous of seeing anew-come people whom they had often heard of, but who had never beforevisited their country. When I drew near the governor's house, I was toldhe was not well, but I rather think he was drunk with _affion_ [oropium, ] being an aged man. I went therefore to the chief customer, beingthe only officer to whom sea-faring causes belonged; as the governmentof Surat pertained to two great noblemen, one of whom, _Khan-Khana_, wasviceroy of the Decan, [186] and the other, _Mucrob-Khan_, was viceroy ofCambaya or Guzerat, who had no command in Surat except what regarded theking's customs, and with him only I had to deal. [Footnote 186: He was only viceroy of the projected conquest of theDecan. --E. ] I told him that the purpose of my coming to Surat was to establish afactory there, and that I had a letter from the king of England to hissovereign for that effect, my sovereign being desirous to form a treatyof peace and amity with his; so that the English might freely come andgo, and make sales and purchases, according to the usage of all nations;and finally, that my ship was laden with commodities from our country, which, according to the intelligence of former travellers, were there inrequest. To this he answered, that he would immediately dispatch anexpress to his master at Cambaya, as he could do nothing of himself inthe premises without his orders. So, taking my leave, I departed to thelodging appointed for me, which was at the custom-house. Next morning Iwent to visit the governor of the city, to whom I made a present, andwho received me with much gravity and outward show of kindness, biddingme heartily welcome, and saying that the country was at my command. After compliments on both sides, I entered upon my main business, whenhe told me that my affairs were not in his department, as all sea-faringor commercial matters belonged to Mucrob-Khan, to whom at Cambaya hepromised to dispatch a _footman_, and would write a letter in my behalfboth for the unloading of my ship and the establishment of a factory. Inthe meantime he appointed me to lodge with a merchant who understood_Turkish_, who was my _trucheman_, or interpreter, being the captain ofthat ship which was taken by Sir Edward Michelburn. In consequence of the great rains and heavy floods it was twenty daysbefore the messenger returned from Cambaya; in which interval many ofthe merchants entertained me in a very friendly manner, when the weatherwas such that I could get out of doors; for, during almost the wholetime of the messenger's absence, it rained almost continually. At theend of twenty days, the messenger came back from Cambaya with theanswer of Mucrob Khan, giving licence to land my goods, and to buy andsell for the present voyage; but that he could not grant leave toestablish a factory, or for the settlement of future trade, without thecommands of his king, which he thought might be procured, if I wouldtake a two months journey to deliver my king's letter to his sovereign. He likewise sent orders to the customer, that all the goods I might landwere to be kept in the custom-house till the arrival of his brother_Sheck Abder Rachim_, who was to make all convenient dispatch, onpurpose to chuse such goods as were fit for the king's use. It may benoticed, however, that this pretence of taking some part of the goods ofall men for the king, is merely for their own private gain. Upon thisanswer I made all dispatch to ease my ship of her heavy burden of leadand iron, which must of necessity be landed, and were placed under thecare of the customer till the arrival of the great man. The time beingprecious, and my ship not able to stay long, I sent on board for threechests of money, with which to purchase such commodities as are vendibleat Priaman and Bantam, being those which the Guzerates carry thereyearly, and sell to great profit. I then began to make purchases, to thegreat dissatisfaction of the native merchants, who made loud complaintsto the governor and customer of the leave granted me to buy thesecommodities, which would greatly injure their trade at Priaman andBantam, supposing I meant only to have bought such goods as were fit forEngland. At the end of this business the great man arrived from Cambaya, who allowed me to ship my purchases. In a council of all our merchants, respecting the delivery of the king'sletter and the establishment of a factory, it was concluded that theseweighty matters could only be properly accomplished by me, from theexperience of my former travels, and my knowledge of the language, andas it was known to all that I was the person appointed ambassador forthis purpose. I therefore agreed to remain for these ends, and made allhaste to ship the goods and dispatch the vessel. This done, I called MrMarlow and all of the ship's company who were on shore, and acquaintedthem with my intentions, directing them all to receive Mr Marlow astheir commander; and to give him all due reverence and obedience asthey had done me. I then accompanied them to the water-side, and badethem farewell. Next day, when going about my affairs to wait upon Abder Rachim, I metten or twelve of the better sort of our men in a great fright, who toldme that our two barks, with thirty men, and all our goods, had beentaken by a Portuguese frigate or two, [187] they only having escaped. Iasked in what manner they were taken, and if they did not fight in theirown defence?[188] They answered me, that Mr Marlow would not allow them, as the Portuguese were our friends. They said also that Bucke had goneto the Portuguese without a pawn, and had betrayed them; but, in fact, Bucke went on the oath and faithful promise of the Portuguese captain, but was never allowed to return. I sent immediately a letter to thecaptain-major of the Portuguese, demanding the release of our men andgoods, as we were English, and our sovereigns were in peace and amity;adding, that we were sent to the Mogul's country by our king, withletters for the Mogul to procure licence for us to trade; and that Iheld the king's commission for the government of the English in thatcountry; that his restoring his majesty's subjects and their goods wouldbe well taken at his own king's hands, but the contrary would produce abreach between the crowns of England and Spain. On the receipt of thisletter, as the messenger told me, the proud rascal vapoured exceedingly, most vilely abusing our king, whom he called a king of fishermen, and ofa contemptible island, whose commission he despised; and scornfullyrefused to send me any answer. [Footnote 187: These frigates could only be small armed boats, otherwisethe English in the barks could not have been found fault with for notfighting. --E. ] [Footnote 188: This not fighting was upbraided to our men by the Indiansas much disgrace; but was since recovered with interest, by oursea-fights with the Portuguese. --Purch. ] I chanced, on the following day, to meet the captain of one of thePortuguese frigates, who came on business ashore from the captain-major;which business, as I understand, was to desire the governor to send meto him as a prisoner, because we were Hollanders. Knowing what he was, Itook occasion to speak to him of the abuses offered to the King ofEngland and his subjects. He pretended that these seas belonged to theKing of Portugal, and no one ought to come there without his licence. Itold him, that the seas of India were as free to subjects of England asto those of Spain, and that the licence of the King of England was asvalid as that of the King of Spain, and whoever pretended otherwise wasa liar and a villain; and desired him to tell his captain-major, that inabusing the King of England he was a base villain, and a traitor to hisown king, which I was ready to maintain against him with my sword, if hedared to come on shore, whereto I challenged him. Seeing that I was muchmoved, the Moors caused the Portuguese to depart. This Portuguese cameto my house some two hours after, and offered to procure the release ofmy men and goods, if I would be liberal to him. I entertained himkindly, and gave him great promises; but before he left the town, my menand goods were sent off for Goa. I had my goods ready about five days before I could get a clearance toship them, waiting for the arrival of Abder Rachim, which was the 3dOctober; and two days afterwards the ship set sail. I was now left inSurat with only one merchant, William Finch, who was mostly sick, andunable to go abroad to do any business; all the rest of my attendantsbeing two servants, a cook, and a boy, which were all the company I hadto defend us from so many enemies, who went about to destroy us, andendeavoured to prevent my going to the Great Mogul. But God preservedme, and in spite of them all, I took heart and resolution to proceed onmy travels. After the departure of our ship, I learnt that my men andgoods had been betrayed to the Portuguese by Mucrob Khan and hisfollowers; for it was a laid plot by Mucrob Khan and the Jesuit Peneiro, to protract time till the Portuguese frigates might come to the bar ofSurat, which was done so secretly that we never beard of them till theyhad taken our barks. So long as my ship remained at the bar I was much flattered, but afterher departure I was most unsufferably misused; being in a heathencountry, environed by so many enemies, who plotted daily to murder meand to cozen me of my goods. Mucrob Khan, to get possession of my goods, took what he chose, and left what he pleased, giving me such price ashis own barbarous conscience dictated; where thirty-five was agreed, giving me only eighteen, not regarding his brother's bill, who had hisfull authority. Even on his own terms, it was hardly possible to get anymoney from his chief servant, as we only received a small part after thetime appointed was expired, before Mucrob came to Surat; and after hecame I was debarred of all, though he outwardly flattered and dissembledfor almost three months, feeding me with continual promises. In themeantime he came three times to my house, sweeping me clean of allthings that were good; and when he saw I had no more worth coveting, hegradually withdrew his attentions and pretended kindness. Most of thistime William Finch was ill of the flux, but, thank God, he recoveredpast all hope. As for me I durst not venture out of doors, as thePortuguese were lurking about in crowds to assault or murder me, theirarmada being then at Surat. Their first plot against me was thus. I was invited by _Hagio_ [Haji]_Nazam_ to the dispatching of his ship for Mecca, as it is the custom onsuch occasions to make great feasts for all the principal people of thetown. It was my good fortune at this time, that a great captainbelonging to the viceroy of Guzerat, residing in _Amadavar_, [Ahmedabad, ] was then at Surat, and was likewise invited to this feast, which was held at the water-side, near which the Portuguese had twofrigates of their armada, which came there to receive tribute for theships about to depart, and likewise to procure refreshments. Out ofthese frigates there came three gallants to the tent where I was, andsome forty Portuguese were scattered about the water-side, ready to joinin the assault on the first signal. These three gallants that came toour tent, were armed in buff-coats down to their knees, with rapiers andpistols at their sides, and, immediately on entering, demanded who wasthe English captain? I presently rose, and told them I was the man; andseeing some intended mischief by their countenances, I immediately laidhand on my weapon. The Mogul captain, perceiving treason was meantagainst me, both he and his followers drew their swords; and if thePortuguese had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered crewhad come ill off. Another time some thirty or forty of them came to assault me in myhouse, having a friar along with them to animate their courage, and givethem absolution. But I was always on my guard, and had a strong housewith good doors. Many of the Portuguese at other times used to lurk forme and mine in the streets; so that I was forced to complain to thegovernor, that I could not go about my business on account of thePortuguese coming armed into the city to murder me; and represented thatthey were not in use at other times to come armed into the city. Thegovernor then sent word to the Portuguese not to come armed into thecity at their peril. Mucrob Khan came to Surat accompanied by a Jesuit named _Padre Peneiro_, who had offered him 40, 000 dollars to send me prisoner to Damaun, as Iwas afterwards certainly informed by Hassen Ally and Ally Pommory. Onhis arrival I went to visit him, giving him presents, besides thoseformerly given to his brother; and for a time, as already mentioned, Ihad many outward shows of kindness from him, till such time as Idemanded my money, when he told me flatly he would not give me 20_mahmudies_ the _vara_, as had been agreed, but would rather give meback my cloth. I dissembled my sense of this unjust procedure as well asI could, entreating leave to proceed to Agra to wait upon the king;telling him I meant to leave William Finch as chief in my place, whowould either receive the money or the goods, as he might please toconclude. Upon this he gave me his licence and a letter to the king, promising me an escort of forty horsemen; which promise he did notperform. After I got this licence, Father Peneiro put into his head thathe ought not to allow me to go, as I would complain against him to theking; thus plotting to overthrow my intended journey. Mucrob Khan couldnot prevent my going, because I was sent by a king; but endeavoured toprevail on my interpreter and coachman to poison or murder me by theway; which invention was devised by the Jesuit. But God, of his mercy, discovered these plots, and the contrivances of the Jesuit took noeffect. § 2. _Journey of the Author to Agra, and his Entertainment at the Courtof the Great Mogul. _ William Finch being now in good health, I left all things belonging toour trade in his hands, giving him instructions how to conduct himselfin my absence. So I began to take up soldiers to conduct me in safety;being denied by Muerob Khan. Besides some shot and bowmen whom I hired, I applied to a captain of the Khan-Khana, to let me have 40 or 50horsemen to escort me to the Khan-Khana, who was then viceroy of Deccan, and resided in _Bramport_. [189] This captain did all in his power forme, giving me a party of _Patan_ horsemen, who are much feared in theseparts for their valour. If I had not done this I had surely beenoverthrown, as the Portuguese of Damaun had induced an ancient friend oftheirs, a Hajah, who was absolute lord of a province called _Cruly_, situated between Damaun, Guzerat, and the Deccan, to be ready with 200horsemen to intercept me; but I went so well provided with a strongescort, that they durst not encounter me; and for that time also Iescaped. Then at _Dayta_, [190] another province or principality, mycoachman having got drunk with some of his kinsmen, discovered that hewas hired to murder me. Being overheard by some of my soldiers, theycame and told me that it was to have been done next morning at thecommencement of our journey, as we usually set out two hours before day. Upon this notice, I examined the coachman and his friends, in presenceof the captain of my escort. He could not deny the truth, but would notreveal who had hired him, though much beaten; and cursed his bad luckthat he could not effect his purpose. So I sent him back prisoner to thegovernor of Surat. My broker or interpreter afterwards told me, thatboth he and the coachman were hired by Mucrob Khan, by the persuasion ofthe Jesuit, the one to poison and the other to murder me. Theinterpreter said he was to receive nothing till the deed was done, whichhe never meant to perform, being resolved to be faithful. Thus God againpreserved me. This was five days after the commencement of my journey, having left Surat on the 1st February, 1609. [Footnote 189: The names of places in Hindustan are often very muchcorrupted in the early voyages and travels, so as sometimes to beunintelligible. Burhampoor, or Boorhanpoor, in Candeish, is certainlythe place indicated in the text, about 260 English miles almost due eastfrom Surat. --E. ] [Footnote 190: Neither Cruly nor Dayta are to be found in our bestmodern map of Hindostan by Arrowsmith. It may be noticed on thissubject, that most places in Hindostan have more than one name; beingoften known to the natives by one name in their vernacular language, while another name is affixed in Persian, by the Mogul conquerors. Thenames of places likewise are often changed, at the pleasure ofsuccessive possessors; and the continual wars and revolutions have madewonderful changes in the distribution of dominion, since this journey ofHawkins. --E. ] Continuing my journey for _Burhanpoor_, some two days after leaving_Dayta_, the Patans who had hitherto escorted me went back, leaving meto be forwarded by another Patan captain, who was governor of thatlordship, by whom I was kindly entertained. His name was _Sher-Khan_, and having been some time a prisoner among the Portuguese, and speakingthat language fluently, he was glad to do me service, being of a nationthat is in great enmity to the Portuguese. He escorted me in person withforty horsemen for two days, till we were past the dangerous places;during which time he encountered a troop of outlaws, of whom he tookfour alive and slew eight, all the rest escaping. Before leaving me, hegave me letters, authorising me to use his house at Burhanpoor, whichwas a very great courtesy, as otherwise I should hardly have known whereto get lodgings, the city being so full of soldiers, which werepreparing for war with the people of the Deccan. I arrived in safety atBurhanpoor, thanks be to God, on the eighteenth of February. Next day Iwent to court to visit the Khan-Khana, who was lord-general and viceroyof the Deccan, and made him a present, as the custom is, which hereceived very graciously. After three hours conference, he made me afeast; and being, risen from table, he invested me with two robes, oneof fine woollen, and the other of cloth of gold; giving me a letter ofrecommendation to the king, which availed me much. Then embracing me, Ideparted. The language we spoke was Turkish, which he spoke very well. I remained in Burhanpoor till the 2d of March, not being sooner able toeffect the exchange of the money I had with me, and waiting likewise tojoin a caravan. Having then got a new escort of soldiers, I resumed myjourney to Agra, where, after much fatigue and many dangers, I arrivedin safety on the 16th April. Being in the city, and seeking out for ahouse in a secret manner, notice was carried to the king of my arrival, but that I was not to be found. He presently charged many troops both ofhorse and foot to seek for me, and commanded his knight-marshal to bringme in great state to court, as an ambassador ought to be; which he didwith a great train, making such extraordinary haste, that he hardlyallowed me time to put on my best apparel. In fine, I was brought beforethe king, bringing only a slight present of cloth, and that notesteemed, as what I had designed for the king was taken from me byMucrob Khan, of which I complained to his majesty. After making mysalutation, he bid me heartily welcome with a smiling countenance; onwhich I repeated my obeisance and duty. Having his majesty's letter inmy hand, he called me to come near him, reaching down his hand from hisroyal seat, where he sat in great majesty on high to be seen of thepeople. He received the letter very graciously, viewing it for sometime, both looking at the seal and at the way in which it was made up;and then called an old Jesuit who was present, to read and explain theletter. While the Jesuit was reading the letter, he spoke to me in thekindest manner, asking me the contents of the letter, which I told him:Upon which he immediately promised, and swore by God, that he wouldgrant and allow with all his heart every thing the king had asked, andmore if his majesty required. The Jesuit told him the substance of theletter, but discommended the style, saying that it was basely penned, writing _vestia_ without _majestad_. On which I said to the king, "Mayit please your majesty, these people are our enemies: How can it be thatthis letter should be irreverently expressed, seeing that my sovereigndemands favour from your majesty?" He acknowledged the truth of thisobservation. Perceiving that I understood Turkish, which he spoke with greatreadiness, he commanded me to follow him into his presence-chamber, having then risen from the place of open audience, as he wished to havefarther conference with me. I went in accordingly, and waited there twohours, till the King returned from his women. Their calling me to him, he said he understood that Mucrob Khan had not dealt well by me, butdesired me to be of good cheer, for he would remedy all. It would seemthat the enemies of Mucrob Khan had acquainted the king with all hisproceedings; for indeed the king has spies upon the conduct of all hisnobles. I made answer, that I was quite certain all matters would gowell with me so long as his majesty was pleased to grant me hisprotection. After this, he presently dispatched a post to Surat with hiscommands to Mucrob Khan, earnestly enjoining him in our behalf, as hevalued his friendship, which he would lose if he did not deal justly bythe English, according to their desire. By the same messenger I sent aletter to William Finch, desiring him to go with this command to MucrobKhan, at the receipt of which he wondered that I had got safe to Agra, and had not been murdered or poisoned by the way; of which speech Finchinformed me afterwards. After some farther conference with the king, as it grew late, hecommanded that I should be brought daily into his presence, and gave mein charge to one of his captains, named Houshaber Khan, ordering that Ishould lodge at his house till a convenient residence could be procuredfor my use; and that when I was in want of any thing from the king, hewas to act as my solicitor. According to his command, I resorted dailyto court, having frequent conference with the king, both by day and bynight; as he delighted much to talk with me, both of the affairs ofEngland and other countries; and also made many enquiries respecting theWest Indies, of which he had heard long before, yet doubted there beingany such place, till I assured him I had been in the country. Many days and weeks passed thus, and I became in high favour with theking, to the great grief of all mine enemies; when, chusing a favourabletime, I solicited his order or commission for the establishment of ourfactory. He asked me, if I meant to remain at his court? to which Ianswered, that I should do so till our ships came to Surat, when Iproposed to go home with his majesty's answer to the letter from myking. He then said, that he expected I should stay much longer, as heintended by our next ships to send an ambassador to the King of England, and he wished me to remain with him till a successor was sent to me frommy sovereign: That my remaining would be of material benefit to mynation, as I should be in the way to put all wrongs to right, if anywere offered to the English, as whatever I might see beneficial for themwould be granted to my petitions; swearing _by his father's soul_, thatif I remained with him, he would grant me articles for our factory to myfull contentment, and would never go back from his word; and thatbesides he would give me ample maintenance. I answered, that I wouldconsider of his proposal: And, as he was daily inciting me to stay, I atlast consented; considering that I should be able to do good serviceboth to my own sovereign and him, especially as he offered me anallowance of £4200 sterling for the first year, promising yearly toaugment my salary till I came to the rank of 1000 horse; my first yearbeing the allowance of commander of 400. The nobility of India havetheir titles and emoluments designated by the number of horse theycommand, from 40 up to 12, 000, which last pay belongs only to princesand their sons. Trusting, therefore, to his promises, and believing that it might bebeneficial both to my nation and myself, I did not think it amiss toyield to his request; considering that I was deprived of the advantagesI might have reaped by going to Bantam; and that your worships wouldsend another in my place after half a dozen years, while in the meantime I might do you service and feather my own nest. Then, because myname was somewhat harsh for his pronunciation, he gave me the name of_Ingles Khan_, which is to say _English lord_: though in Persia khan isequivalent to duke. Being now in the height of favour, the Jesuits andPortuguese did every thing they could for my overthrow; and indeed theprincipal Mahometans about the king envied much to see a Christian insuch favour. Father Peneiro, who was with Mucrob Khan, and the Jesuits here at Agra, in my opinion did little regard their masses and other church matters, in studying how to overthrow my affairs. Advice being sent to Goa andPadre Peneiro at Surat or Cambaya, by the Jesuits here at Agra, of myfavour with the king, they did all in their power to gain Mucrob Khan toaid the Portuguese; for which purpose the viceroy at Goa wrote to him, sending rich presents, together with many toys for the king. Thesepresents, and many fair promises, so wrought with Mucrob Khan, that hesent a memorial to the king, accompanied by the present from theviceroy, stating, that permitting the English to trade in the land wouldoccasion the loss of the maritime country about Surat, Cambaya, andother places; and that his ancient friends the Portuguese were muchoffended by his entertaining me, as a rumour went among them that I wasnow general of 10, 000 horse, and was ready to assault Diu on the arrivalof the next English ships. The letter of the Portuguese viceroy was muchto the same effect. To all which the king answered, that he had but oneEnglishman at his court, whom they had no reason to fear, as hepretended to none of those things they alleged, and had refused anestablishment near the sea, preferring to live at court. The Portuguese were quite enraged with this answer, and labouredincessantly to get me out of the world. I then represented to the kingthe dangerous predicament in which I was, and the uncomfortablesituation I was reduced to: My boy Stephen Grosvenor just dead, and myman Nicholas Ufflet extremely sick, who was the only English person withme, while I was myself beginning to fall much off. The king immediatelycalled for the Jesuits, and assured them, if I died by any extraordinarycasualty, that they should all feel it to their cost. The king was thenvery earnest with me to take a white maiden from his palace to be mywife, offering to give her slaves and all other things necessary, andpromising that she would turn Christian; by which means, he said, mymeat and drink would be properly looked after by her and her women, andI might live without fear. In answer, I refused to accept of anyMahometan woman, but said if any Christian could be found I wouldgratefully accept his royal bounty. Then the king called to remembrance the daughter of one Mubarick Shah, who was an Armenian Christian, of the most ancient Christian race;Mubarick having been a captain, and in great favour with Acbar Padisha, this king's father. This captain had died suddenly, and without a will, leaving a vast deal of money, all of which was robbed by his brothersand kinsmen, or absorbed in debts due to him which could not berecovered, leaving only a few jewels to this his only child. Consideringthat she was a Christian of honest descent, and that I had passed myword to the king, I could no longer resist my fortune: Wherefore I tookher, and, for want of a minister, I married her before Christianwitnesses, my man Nicholas Ufflet acting as priest; which I thought hadbeen lawful, till I met with the chaplain who came with Sir HenryMiddleton, who shewed me the error; on which I was again married. Henceforwards I lived contented and without fear, my wife being willingto go where I went, and to live as I lived. [191] [Footnote 191: She went away along with him for England; but as he diedby the way, she afterwards married Mr Towerson. --_Purch. _] After the settlement of this affair, news were sent me that theAscension was coming to Surat, which was learnt from the men belongingto her pinnaces, which were cast away near that place. I then went tothe king, and told him of this circumstance, craving his leave to repairto Surat, with his commission for settling trade at that port, which hewas very willing to allow, limiting me to a certain time of absence, when I was to return again to Agra. When the king's chief vizir, AbdalHassan, heard this, who was an enemy of all Christians, he told the kingthat my going would be the occasion of war, and might occasion the ruinof one of his great men, who had been sent to Goa to purchase toys forthe king. Upon this, the king signified his pleasure that I was toremain; but gave immediate orders to have the commission effectuallywritten and sent off to the chief factor at Surat. In fine, thecommission was written out in golden letters under his great seal, asfully, freely, and firmly, for our benefit as we could possibly desire. This I presently obtained, and sent it off to William Finch at Surat. Before its arrival, news came that the Ascension was cast away, and hermen saved, but were not allowed to come to Surat. I immediatelycommunicated this intelligence to the king, who was much dissatisfiedwith the conduct of Mucrob Khan, my great enemy, and gave me anotherorder for their good usage, and that every means should be used to savethe goods if possible. These two royal orders came almost at the sametime to Surat, to the great joy of William Finch and the rest, who muchadmired how I had been able to procure them. Thus continuing in greatfavour with the king, being almost continually in his sight, and servinghim for half the twenty-four hours, I failed not to have most of hisnobles for my enemies, who were chiefly Mahometans; for it went againsttheir hearts to see a Christian in so great favour and familiarity withthe king, and more especially because he had promised to make hisbrother's children Christians, which he actually caused to be done abouttwo years after my coming to Agra. Some time after, some of the people belonging to the Ascension came tome, whom I could have wished to have behaved themselves better, as theirconduct was much pried into by the king. [192] In all this time I hadbeen unable to recover the debt due me by Mucrob Khan. At length he wassent for by the king, to answer for many faults laid to his charge, andmuch injustice and tyranny he had been guilty of to the people under hisauthority, having ruined many, who petitioned the king for justice. Thisdog now sent many bribes to the king's sons and the nobles about hisperson, to endeavour to make his peace, and they laboured, in hisbehalf. When news came that Mucrob Khan was near, the king sent ordersto attach his goods, which were so abundant that the king was two monthsin viewing them, every day allotting a certain quantity to be broughtbefore him. What the king thought fit for his own use he kept, andreturned the rest to Mucrob Khan. In viewing these goods, there appearedcertain muskets, with a rich corselet and head-piece, with other things, forming the present I intended for the king; which Mucrob had taken fromme under pretence that they were for the king, and would not allow me todeliver myself. At the sight of these, I was so bold as to tell the kingthey were mine. [Footnote 192: In a side-note at this place, Purchas says that MrAlexander Sharpey, their general, came to Agra along with them; which isnot mentioned in the text, but will be found in the narrative ofSharpens voyage in the sequel. --E. ] After the king had viewed these goods, a Banyan made a most grievouscomplaint to the king against Mucrob Khan, who had taken away hisdaughter, pretending she was for the king; but had deflowered herhimself, and gave her afterwards to a Bramin who was in his service. Theman who made this charge protested, that his daughter surpassed allwomen he had ever seen for beauty. This matter being examined into, andthe offence clearly proved against Mucrob, he was committed as aprisoner into the custody of a noble of high rank; and the Bramin wascondemned to be made a complete eunuch. Before this happened I wentseveral times to visit Mucrob, who made many fair promises that he woulddeal honestly by me and be my friend, and that I should have my right. After his disgrace his friends daily solicited for him, and at lengthgot him clear; but with commandment to pay every man his right, and thatno more complaints should be heard against him, if he loved his life. Sohe paid every one his due except me, whom he would not pay. I thenentreated him to deliver me back my cloth, that I might if possible endwith him by fair means; but he put me off from day to day with freshdelays till his departure shortly after; for the king restored him hisplace again, and he was to go to Goa about a fair ballas ruby and otherrarities which were promised to the king. § 3. _The Inconstancy of the King, and the Departure of Captain Hawkinswith Sir Henry Middleton to the Red Sea, and thence to Bantam, andafterwards for England_. All my going and sending to Mucrob Khan for my money and cloth were invain, and seeing myself so grossly abused by him, I was forced to demandjustice of the king, who commanded that the money should be broughtbefore him; yet for all the king's commands, Mucrob did as he liked, andin spite of every thing I could do or say, he finally cheated me of12, 500 mahmudies which he owed me, besides interest. [193] The greatestman in the whole country was his friend, who with many others took hispart, and were continually murmuring to the king about suffering theEnglish to come into the country, saying, that _if our nation once gotfooting in the country we would dispossess him of it_. [194] The king, upon this, called me before him to make answer to these charges. I said, if any such matters were done or attempted, I was ready to answer withmy life, for the English were in no respect that base nation that ourenemies represented; and that all these things were laid to our chargemerely because I demanded my due and could not get it. At this time Iused to visit daily the king's chief favourites and nearest relatives, who spoke to him in my favour, so that he commanded no more suchinjuries to be offered me. So, thinking to use my best endeavour torecover my loss, I spoke to the chief vizier, that he might aid me; buthe answered me in a threatening manner, that if I opened my mouth againon this subject, he would oblige me to pay 100, 000 _mahmudies_, whichthe king had lost in his customs at Surat, to which no persons durstnow trade for fear of the Portuguese, who were displeased because theking entertained me, and granted licence for the English to trade. Owingto this I was constrained to be silent, for I knew that my money hadbeen swallowed up by these dogs. [Footnote 193: On some other occasions in these voyages, the mahmudy issaid to be worth about a shilling. --E. ] [Footnote 194: This may appear somewhat in the spirit of prophecy, asthe English are now masters of a very large portion of the Mogul empirein Hindostan. This unwieldy empire broke in pieces by its own weight, and the original vices of its constitution; after which its fragmentshave gradually been conquered by the India Company, whose dominions nowinclude Delhi and Agra, two of its great capitals, and many of itsfinest provinces--E. ] Mucrob Khan was now ordered in public to make ready to depart upon anappointed day for Guzerat, whence he was to proceed to Goa, and was onthat day to come to court to take leave, as is the custom. At this timethree principal merchants of Surat came to court about affairs in whichthey had been employed by the king or the chief vizier. Likewise, somesix days before this, a letter came to the king from the Portugueseviceroy, accompanied by a present of many rarities; in which letter theviceroy represented how highly the King of Portugal was dissatisfied atthe English being admitted into the king's dominions, considering theancient amity between him and his majesty. After many compliments, theviceroy stated, that a merchant had arrived at Goa with a very fineballas ruby, weighing 350 _rotties_, of which the pattern was sent. Oncoming to take his leave, accompanied by Padre Peneiro, who was to goalong with him, the three Surat merchants being in the presence, MucrobKhan made his speech to the king, saying that he hoped to obtain thegreat ruby, and many other valuable things, for his majesty from thePortuguese, if the privileges granted to the English were disannulled;and besides, that it would occasion great loss to his majesty and hissubjects, if the English were suffered any more to frequent his ports. In confirmation of this, he called upon the Surat merchants to declareto his majesty what loss was occasioned by the English, as they bestknew. They affirmed that they were all likely to be undone because ofthe English trading at Surat, and that no toys or curiosities wouldhereafter come into his majesty's dominions, because the Portuguese, being masters of the sea, would not suffer them to go in or out of theports, because of the licence granted to the English. All this was aplot concerted by the Portuguese with Mucrob Khan and the vizier, withthe assistance of the jesuits; and by means of these speeches, and theking's anxiety to procure the great ruby, together with the promises ofthe _padres_ to procure many rarities for his majesty, my affairs wereutterly overthrown; and the king commanded Mucrob Khan to inform thePortuguese viceroy, that the English should not be suffered any more tocome into his ports. I now saw plainly that it would be quite bootless for me to make anyattempt to counteract these plots, by petitioning the king, till a goodwhile after the departure of Mucrob Khan, as my enemies were verynumerous, though they had received many presents from me. When I saw aconvenient time, I resolved to petition the king again, having in themean time found a fit toy to present, as the custom is, for no man whomakes a petition must come empty handed. On presenting this petition, the king immediately granted my request, commanding the vizier to makeme out another commission or licence in as ample form as before, andexpressly commanded that no person should presume to speak to him to thecontrary, it being his fixed resolution that the English should havefreedom to trade in his dominions. Of this alteration the Jesuits atAgra had immediate notice; for no matter passes in the court of theMogul, however secret, but it may be known in half an hour, by giving asmall matter to the secretary of the day; for every thing is writtendown, and the writers or secretaries have their appointed days in turn. The Jesuits instantly sent off a speedy messenger with letters toPeneiro and Mucrob Khan, giving them notice of this new turn in myaffairs; on receipt of which they immediately resolved not to proceed toGoa till I were again overthrown. Thereupon Mucrob Khan transmitted apetition to the king, and letters to his friend the vizier, stating thatit was not for his majesty's honour to send him to Goa, if the promisesmade to the Portuguese were not performed; and that the purpose of hisjourney would be entirely frustrated, if the new licence given to theEnglish were not recalled. On reading this, the king went again from hisword and recalled my licence, esteeming a few toys promised him by theJesuits beyond his honour. Being desirous to see the final issue of these things, I went to _HogioJahan_, [Haji Jehan], who was lord-general of the king's palace, andsecond officer of the kingdom, entreating him to stand my friend. Hewent immediately to the king, telling him that I was sore cast down, because Abdul Hassan, the chief vizier, would not deliver me thecommission which his majesty had accorded to me. Being in the presence, and very near the king, I heard him give the following answer: "It isvery true that the commission is sealed and ready for delivery; butowing to letters received front Mucrob Khan, and better considerationrespecting the affairs of my ports in Guzerat, I do not now think fitthat it should be granted. " Thus was I tossed and tumbled, like amerchant adventuring his all in one bottom, and losing all at once bystorms or pirates. In regard likewise to my pension, I was mightilycrossed; as many times when I applied to Abdul Hassan, he would makeanswer, "I know well that you are in no such need, as your own masterbears your charges, and the king knew not what he did in giving to you, from whom he ought on the contrary to receive. " I represented to himthat it was his majesty's pleasure, and none of my request, and beinghis majesty's gift, I saw no reason for being deprived of my right. Thenhe would bid me have patience, and he would find me out a good living. Thus was I put off from time to time by this mine enemy; insomuch thatall the time I served at court I could not get a living that would yieldme any thing, the vizier giving me always my living on assignments onplaces that were in the hands of outlaws or insurgents, except once thatI had an assignment on Lahor by special command of the king, but ofwhich I was soon deprived; and all I received from the beginning was notquite £300, and even of this a considerable portion was spent upon thecharges of men sent to the lordships on which my pension was assigned. Seeing now that the living which the king had bestowed upon me was takenaway, I was past all hope; for before this, on hearing that our shipswere arrived, I expected the king would perform his former promises, inhopes of receiving rare things from England. When I now presented apetition to the king concerning my pension, he turned me over to AbdulHassan, who not only refused to let me have my pension, but gave ordersthat I should be no more permitted to come within the red rails, beingthe place of honour in the presence; where all the time of my residencehitherto I was placed very near the king's person, only five men of thewhole court being before me. My affairs being thus utterly overthrown, I determined, with the adviceof my friends, to know exactly what I had to rest upon, and either to bewell in or well out. I therefore made ready and presented a petition tothe king, representing how I had been dealt with by Abdul Hassan who hadhimself appropriated what his majesty had been pleased to order for myliving: That the expences of my residence at court for so long a time, at his majesty's command, and under promises to provide for me, would bemy utter ruin; wherefore, I humbly entreated his majesty to take my caseinto his gracious consideration, either to establish me as formerly, orto grant me leave to depart. In answer to this, he gave me permission togo away, and commanded a safe conduct to be given me, to pass freely andwithout molestation throughout his dominions. On receiving thispassport, I came to make my obeisance, and to take my leave, when Ientreated to have an answer to the letters of my sovereign. On thisAbdul Hassan came to me from the king, and utterly refused in adisdainful manner; saying, that it was not meet for so great a monarchto write a letter to any petty prince or governor. To this I answered, that the king knew more of the mightiness of the King of England than tosuppose him a petty governor. I went home to my house, using all my endeavours to get my goods anddebts gathered together, meaning to purchase commodities with the moneyremaining, and exerted every diligence to get out of the country, waiting only for the return of Nicholas Ufflet from Lahor with someindigo then in charge of William Finch, who was determined to go homeover land, as he had no hope of our ever being able to embark at Surat. I would willingly have gone home by the same route, but it was wellknown that I could not travel through Turkey, especially in company witha female. I was forced therefore to curry favour with the Jesuits, toprocure me a pass or _seguro_ from the Portuguese viceroy, to go by wayof Goa to Portugal, and thence to England. But when the mother andkindred of my wife saw that I was about to take her away, and supposingthey should never see her more, they were so importunate with me, that Iwas forced to engage that she should go no farther with me than Goa, which was in India, and where they could go to visit her; and that, ifat any time I were to go to Portugal or elsewhere, I should then leaveher with such a dower as is usual with the Portuguese when they die. Butknowing that if my wife should chuse to go with me, all these mighthave no effect, I concerted with the Jesuits to procure me two _seguros_or passports; one giving me free permission and liberty of conscience toreside and trade at Goa, which only I meant to show to my wife'srelations; while the other was to contain an absolute grant for a freepassage to Portugal, and so for England, with my wife and goods, so asnot to be hindered by any interference of my wife's relations; any thingthat I might be under the necessity of conceding to them to be void andof no effect, but that I should have liberty to stay or go when Ipleased, with liberty of conscience for myself. This last _seguro_ wasdesired to be transmitted to me at Cambaya by the fleet of Portuguesefrigates, as at my departure our ships were not yet come. The fathers would readily have done this and much more for me, only toget me out of the country. About this time I had notice of the arrivalof three English ships at Mocha, and that they were surely to come toSurat at the proper season; which news were sent me from Burhanpoor byNicholas Banham, who had gone from me six weeks before for the recoveryof some debts, and with letters for our ships if any came, and it werepossible to send them. While I was preparing to depart, news came of thereturn of Mucrob Khan from Goa, with many rare and fine things for theking; but he brought not the balas ruby, saying that it was false; or atleast he made this excuse, lest, if he had given the Portuguese merchanthis price, it might be valued much lower when it came to the king, andhe be forced to pay the overplus, as had happened before on similaroccasions. I likewise understood that Mucrob Khan did not receive suchsatisfaction from the Portuguese as he expected. At this time my great enemy the chief vizier was thrust out of hisplace, owing to the complaints of many of the nobles who were in debtfor their expences, and were unable to procure payment of theirpensions, having their assignments either upon barren places, or on suchas were in rebellion, Abdul Hassan having retained all the gooddistricts to himself, and robbed them all. From these complaints andothers he had much ado to escape with his life, being degraded from hishigh office, and ordered to the wars in the Deccan. One _Gaih Beg_, whowas the king's chief treasurer, and whose daughter was chief queen orfavourite, was made vizier in his stead. The new vizier was one who, inoutward show at least, made much of me, and was always willing to serveme on occasion. His son and I were great friends, having often visitedat my house, and was now raised to high dignities by the king. On thischange of affairs, and being certified through various channels of thearrival of our ships, I determined to try what I could now do tore-establish my affairs; and knowing that nothing could be accomplishedthrough these Moors without gifts and bribes, I sent my broker toprocure me some jewels fit to be presented to the king's sister and newparamour, and to the new vizier and his son. After receiving my gifts, they began on all sides to solicit my cause. News came to Agra, from certain Banyans at Diu, that three English shipswere seen off that place, and three days afterwards other intelligencewas received that they were anchored at the bar of Surat. Upon thesenews, the visier asked me if I had a proper gift for the king, on whichI showed him a ruby ring, and he desired me to prepare for going tocourt along with him, when he would present my petition to the king, who, he said, was already won over to my interest. So, once more comingbefore his majesty, and my petition being read, he presently granted theestablishment of our factory, and that the English might come and tradein all freedom at Surat, commanding the vizier to make out my commissionor licence to that effect with all expedition. The vizier made me a signto come forwards and make my obeisance, which I did according to thecustom. But mark what followed. A nobleman of high rank, and in greatfavour with the king, who was a most intimate friend both of the latevizier and of Mucrob Khan, having been brought up along with them fromchildhood as pages together to the king, made a speech to the king tothe following effect: "That the granting of this licence would be theruin of all his majesty's sea-ports and people, as his majesty had beenalready certified by several of his subjects: That it was not consistentwith the king's honour to contradict what he had granted to thePortuguese, his ancient friends: And that whoever solicited in favour ofthe English knew not what they were about; or, if they knew, were notfriends to his majesty. " Upon this speech my business was again quiteoverthrown, and all my time and presents thrown away, as the king nowsaid he would not allow the English to trade at his sea-ports, owing tothe inconveniences that had already arisen from their trading at Surat. But as for myself, if I would remain in his service, he would commandthat the allowance he had formerly granted me should be given to mysatisfaction. I declined this, unless the English were allowed thefreedom of trade according to his promise; saying that my own sovereignwould take care that I should not want. I then requested his majestywould be pleased to give me an answer to the letter I had brought himfrom my sovereign; but after consulting some time with his viziers, thiswas refused. I now took my leave, and departed from Agra the 2d of November, 1611, being in a thousand difficulties what course I had best take. I was infear lest the Portuguese might poison me for the sake of my goods; itwas dangerous to travel through the Deccan to Masulipatam on account ofthe wars; I could not go by land to Europe by reason of the Turks; and Iwas resolved not to remain among these faithless infidels. I arrived atCambaya the 31st December, 1611, where I had certain news of our shipsbeing at Surat, to which place I sent a foot-messenger with a letter, saying that the friars at Cambaya asserted that four large ships, withcertain gallies and frigates, wore preparing at Goa to attack our ships, and that the Portuguese were contriving treachery against Sir HenryMiddleton; all of which the fathers wished me to apprize him of, which Iafterwards found was a political contrivance to put Sir Henry in fear, that he might depart. As for me, my ostensible object was to go home by means of thePortuguese, as I had promised my wife and her brother, who was now withus, and to delude him and the friars till I could get away on board ourships, which I was sure to know by the return of my messenger. In themean time I used every endeavour to get away my wife's brother, whodeparted two days afterwards for Agra, without once suspecting that Imeant to go in the English ships. Nicholas Ufflet now went from Cambayato examine the road; and when two days journey from Cambaya, he metCaptain William Sharpey, Mr Fraine, and Mr Hugh Greete, who were sent tome at Cambaya by Sir Henry to my no small joy. Wherefore, making all thehaste I could to prepare for my departure, I left Cambaya on the 18thJanuary, 1612, and got to our ships on the 26th of the same month, whenI was most kindly received and welcomed by Sir Henry Middleton. We departed from Surat on the 11th February, and arrived at Dabul on the16th, where we took a Portuguese ship and frigate, out of which we tooksome quantity of goods. Leaving Dabul on the 5th March for the Red Sea, with intention to revenge our wrongs both on the Turks and Moguls, wearrived there on the 3d April, where we found three English ships, whosegeneral was Captain John Saris. Having dispatched our business in theRed Sea, we sailed from thence the 16th August, 1612, and arrived atTecu in Sumatra the 19th October. Our business there being ended, wedeparted thence on the night of the 19th November, and struck thatnight, three leagues off, on a bed of coral, in about three fathomswater, but by the great mercy of God escaped being lost; yet we wereforced to put back to Tecu to stop our leaks, for which purpose we hadto unload our ship. The leaks being somewhat stopped, and our goodsreloaded, we departed again the 8th December, and arrived at Bantam the21st of that month. As Sir Henry did not think his ship, the Trades-increase, in sufficientcondition for going home that season, he was forced to remain and haveher careened. Having closed accounts with Sir Henry to his satisfaction, I shipped my goods in the Solomon, _which came for our voyage_, [195] forsaving a greater freight, but could not be admitted in her myself;Captain Saris, however, accommodated me in the Thomas, and it was agreedthat the Solomon and we were to keep company. We accordingly sailed fromBantam on the 30th January, 1613, and arrived at Saldanha bay the 21stApril, having much foul weather for near 200 leagues from the Cape. Wehere found four ships of Holland, which left Bantam a month before us. The Hollanders were very kind to us all, and especially attentive to me, as they had heard much of my favour and high estate at Agra, by an agentof theirs who resided at Masulipatam. Some eight days afterwards theExpedition came in, [196] and brought me a letter from your worships, which was delivered two days after. The wind coming fair, we departedfrom Saldanha the 21st May, 1613. [197] [Footnote 195: This uncommon expression is not easily explicable, as theships under Saris appear to have been in the employ of the same company. It probably refers to the partial subscriptions for particular voyages, in use at the first establishment of the Company. --E. ] [Footnote 196: This alludes to the twelfth voyage fitted out by theEnglish East India Company, under the command of Christopher Newport, ofwhich hereafter. --E. ] [Footnote 197: We have formerly seen, from a side-note of Purchas, thatCaptain Hawkins died before reaching England, and that his Armenian wifeafterwards married Mr Towerson. The journal here breaks off abruptly, and Purchas remarks, that he had omitted many advices of the author, respecting forts, Indian factories, &c. _not fitting for everyeye. _--E. ] 4. _A brief Discourse of the Strength, Wealth, and Government of theGreat Mogul, with some of his Customs. [198] I first begin with his princes, dukes, marquisses, earls, viscounts, barons, knights, esquires, gentlemen, and yeomen; for as the Christiansovereigns distinguish their nobility by these titles, so do the Mogulsdistinguish theirs by the numbers of horse they are appointed tocommand; unless it be those whom he most favours, whom he honours withthe title of _Khan_ and _Immirza_; none having the title of _Sultan_except his sons. Khan, in the Persian language, is equivalent to dukewith us in Europe. Immirza is the title given to the sons of the king'sbrother. These titles or ranks are of 12, 000 horse, of which there areonly four, being the king himself, his mother, his eldest son, Prince orSultan Parvis, and one more named Khan Azam, who is of the blood-royalof the Usbecks. The next rank, equivalent to our dukes, are leaders of9000 horse, of whom there are three. Then of marquisses, or commandersof 5000, there are eighteen. The others are from 2000 down to 20; of allwhich ranks there are 2950. Besides which there are 5000 men, calledHaddies, who receive monthly pay, equal to from one to six horsemen. Ofsuch officers as belong to the court and camp there are 36, 000, asporters, gunners, watermen, lackies, horse-keepers, elephant-keepers, matchlock-men, _frasses_ or tent-men, cooks, light-bearers, gardeners, keepers of wild beasts, &c. All these are paid from the royal treasury, their wages being from ten to three rupees[199]. All the captains underthe king are obliged, on eight days warning, to furnish the number ofhorsemen which belong to the rank they respectively hold, from 12, 000down to 20, for all which they draw pay, and which they are obliged tomaintain; making a total of three lacks, or 300, 000 horse. [Footnote 198: This appears to have been written by Captain Hawkins, asappended to his narrative by Purchas. It is said by the author, that hehad partly seen these things, and partly learnt them by information, from the chief officers and overseers of the court. --E] [Footnote 199: The rupee, or _rupia_, as it is called in the original, is stated by Purchas, in a side-note, at 2s. Each; while, he adds, somecall it 2s. 3d. And others 2s. 6d. In fact, the rupee varies materiallyin its value according to circumstances, which will be fully explainedin the sequel. --E. ] The entire compass of the dominions of the Great Mogul is two yearstravel for caravans; reaching from Agra, which is in a manner in theheart of all his kingdoms, in various directions, to Candahar, toSoughtare[200] in Bengal, to Cabul, Deccan, Surat, and Tatta in Sinde. His empire is divided into five great kingdoms: _Punjab_, of whichLahore is the capital; _Bengal_, of which _Sonargham_[201] is the chiefplace; _Malwa_, of which _Ugam_ [Ougein] is the capital; _Deccan_, withits capital _Bramport_ [Burhanpoor]; and _Guzerat_, having _Amadavar_[Ahmedabad] as its capital. _Delhi_ is reckoned the chief or royal cityof the great kingdom of the Mogul in India, where all the ceremonials ofhis coronation are performed. There are six principal fortresses orcastles, Agra, Gualiar, Nerwer, Ratamboor, Hassier, and Roughtaz; inwhich castles his treasures are securely kept. [202] [Footnote 200: This name is so completely corrupted as to beinexplicable. --E. ] [Footnote 201: This name is nearly in the same predicament withSoughtare, unless Chunarghur be meant, including Oude Allahabad andBahar in Bengal. --E. ] [Footnote 202: The three last names are inexplicable, unless Ruttampoorbe meant for one of them. But this slight sketch of the Mogul empire isso exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory, as not to merit anycommentary. --E. ] In all this great empire there are three arch enemies, which all hispower has been unable to subdue; these are, _Amberry Chapu_ in theDeccan, _Baadur_, the son of _Muzafer_, who was formerly king ofGuzerat, and _Rajah Rahana_ in Malwa. The present Great Mogul[203] hasfive sons, Sultan Cussero, Sultan Parvis, Sultan Chorem, Sultan Shariar, and Sultan Bath. He has two young daughters, and 300 wives, four ofwhom, being the chief, are reckoned queens; Padisha Bann, the daughterof Kaime Khan; Nour Mahal, the daughter of Gaih Beg; the third is thedaughter of Sein Khan; and the fourth is the daughter of Hakim Hamaun, who was brother to his own father the Padisha Akbar. [204] [Footnote 203: His name is no where given by Hawkins; but in the journalof Sir Thomas Rae, who went a few years afterwards ambassador to thesame king, he is called Jehan-Guire. --E. ] [Footnote 204: We have here omitted a long account of the Mogultreasures in gold, silver, and jewels, and an immense store of richornaments in gold, silver, and jewellery, together with the enumerationof horses, elephants, camels, oxen, mules, deer, dogs, lions, ounces, hawks, pigeons, and singing birds, extremely tedious anduninteresting. --E. ] The daily expences of the Mogul for his own person, and for feeding hiscattle of all sorts, among which are some royal elephants, and all otherparticular expences, as dress, victuals, and other household charges, come to 50, 000 rupees a-day; and the daily expences of his women amountto 30, 000 rupees. The custom of the Mogul is, to take possession of all the treasurebelonging to his nobles when they die, giving among the children what hepleases; but he usually treats them kindly, dividing their fathers landamong them, and giving great respect to the eldest son, who is generallypromoted in time to the full rank of his father. In my time RajahGaginat, a great lord or prince among the idolaters, died, when hiseffects being seized to the king's use, besides jewels, silver, andother valuables, his treasure in gold only amounted to 60 _mauns_, every_maun_ being 25 pounds weight. The king has 300 royal elephants on which he himself rides; and whenbrought before him they appear in great state, having thirty-two mengoing before them with streamers. The housings or coverings of theseelephants are very rich, being either cloth of gold or rich velvet; eachroyal elephant is followed by his female, and his cub or cubs, usuallyhaving four or five young ones as pages, some seven, eight, or nine. These royal elephants, which are the largest and handsomest, eat everyday to the value of ten rupees, in sugar, butter, grain, and sugarcanes. They are so tame and well managed, that I one day saw the kingorder one of his sons, named Shariar, a child of seven years old, to goto the elephant and be taken up by his trunk, which was so done, theelephant delivering him to his keeper, who rules him with a hooked iron. When any of these elephants are brought Jean before the king, thosehaving charge of them are disgraced unless they have all the betterexcuse: so that every one strives to bring his in good order, eventhough he may have to spend of his own funds. When the Mogul goes out to hunt, his camp is about as much in compass asthe city of London, or even more; and I may even say that at least200, 000 people follow him on this occasion, every thing being providedas for the use of a large city. The elephant is of all beasts the mostsagacious, of which I shall give one instance, which was reported to meas a certainty. An elephant upon a hard journey having been ill-used byhis keeper, and finding the fellow asleep one day near him, but out ofhis reach, and having green canes brought him as food, he took hold of acane by one end with his trunk, and reached the other end to thekeeper's head, which was bare, his turban having fallen off, andtwisting the cane among his long hair, drew the fellow towards him, andthen slew him. The king has many dromedaries, which are very swift, and are used forcoming with great speed to assault any city, as was once done by thisking's father, who assaulted Ahmedabad in Guzerat, when he was supposedto be at Agra; going there with 12, 000 men in nine days upondromedaries, striking such terror into the Guzerats by his suddenarrival, that they were easily reduced. This king has much reduced thenumbers of the Rajaput captains, who were idolaters, and has preferredMahometans, who are weak-spirited men, void of resolution; so that thisking is beginning to lose those parts of the Deccan which were conqueredby his father. He has a few good captains yet remaining, whom his fatherhighly valued; but they are out of his favour, as they refused to joinhim in his unnatural rebellion against his own father. For this purpose, being in _Attabasse_, the regal seat of a kingdom called _Porub_, [205]he rose in rebellion with 80, 000 horse, intending to have taken Agra andgot possession of his father's treasure, who was then engaged inconquering the Deccan. [Footnote 205: Probably an error for the royal city of the kingdom ofPorus, in the time of Alexander the Great; in which case Attabasse maybe what is now called Attock Benares, on the main stream of the Indus, in the Punjab, or the eastern frontier of Lahore. --E. ] Before the former emperor Akbar departed for the wars in the Deccan, hegave orders to his son Selim, who is now emperor, to go with the forceshe commanded against Raja Rahana, the great rebel in Malwa, who comingto a parley with Selim, told him he would get nothing in warring againsthim but hard blows; and he had much better, during his father's absencein the Deccan, go against Agra, and possess himself of his father'streasure and make himself king, as there was no one able to resist him. Selim followed this advice: but his father getting timely notice, camein all haste to Agra to prevent him, and sent immediately a message tohis son, that he might either come and fall at his feet for mercy, ortry the chance of a battle. Considering his father's valour, he thoughtit best to submit to his father, who committed him to prison, but soonreleased him at the intercession of his mother and sisters. Inconsequence of this rebellion Selim was disinherited, and his eldest sonCussero was proclaimed heir-apparent; all the younger sons of Akbarhaving died in the Deccan or in Guzerat. Akbar died shortly after, having restored Selim to his inheritance whileon his death-bed. But Cussero raised troops against his father, andbeing defeated and taken prisoner, still remains confined in the palace, but blinded, according to report. Since that time he has caused all theadherents of his son to be put to cruel deaths, and has reigned since inquiet; but is ill beloved by the greatest part of his subjects, who arein great fear of him. While I was at his court, I have seen him do manycruel deeds. Five times a week he orders some of his bravest elephantsto fight in his presence, during which men are often killed orgrievously wounded by the elephants. If any one be sore hurt, though hemight very well chance to recover, he causes him to be thrown into theriver, saying, "Dispatch him, for as long as he lives he willcontinually curse me, wherefore it is better that he die presently. " Hedelights to see men executed and torn in pieces by elephants. In my time, a Patan of good stature came to one of the king's sons, called Sultan Parvis, and petitioned to have some place or pensionbestowed on him. Demanding whether he would serve him, the Patan saidno, for the prince would not give him such wages as he would ask. Theprince asked him how much would satisfy him, on which he said that hewould neither serve his father nor him unless he had 1000 rupees a-day, equal to £100 sterling. On the prince asking what were hisqualifications that he rated his services so highly, he desired to betried at all kind of weapons, either on foot or on horseback, and if anyone was found to surpass him, he was willing to forfeit his life. Theprince having to attend his father, ordered the Patan to be in the way. At night, the king's custom being to drink, the prince told him of thePatan, whom the king commanded to be brought before him. Just at thistime a large and very fierce lion was brought in, strongly chained, andled by a dozen men. After questioning the Patan, as to whence he came, his parentage, and what was his valour, that he demanded such wages, thePatan desired the king to put him to a trial: Then, said the king, goand wrestle with that lion. The Patan replied, that this was a wild, beast, and it would be no trial of his manhood to make him go againstthe lion without a weapon. The king however insisted upon it, and thepoor fellow was torn in pieces. Not yet satisfied, but desirous to seemore sport, the king sent for ten of his horsemen who were, that nighton guard, whom he commanded, one after the other, to buffet with thelion. They were all grievously wounded, and three of them lost theirlives. The king continued three months in this cruel humour; in whichtime, merely for his pleasure, many men lost their lives, and many weregrievously wounded. Afterwards, and till I came away, twelve or fifteenyoung lions were made tame, and used to play with each other in theking's presence, frisking about among people's legs, yet doing no harmin a long time. His custom is every year to be two months out hunting; and when he meansto begin his journey, if he comes from his palace on horseback, it is asign he goes to war; but if on an elephant or in a palanquin, hisexpedition will only be for hunting. He cannot abide that any one should have precious stones of valuewithout offering them to him for sale, and it is death for any one topossess such without immediately giving him the refusal. A Banyan, named_Herranand_, who was his jeweller, had bought a diamond of threemeticals weight, for which he paid 100, 000 rupees, yet had not done itso covertly but news of it was brought to the king; and some friend of_Herrenand_ presently acquainted him that it had come to the king'sknowledge. Upon this the jeweller waited on the king, saying that hismajesty had often promised to come to his house, and that now was theproper time, as he had a fine present to make him, having bought adiamond of great weight. The king smiled, and said, "Thy luck has beengood. " By these and such means the king has engrossed all the finestdiamonds, as no one dare purchase one from five carats upwards withouthis leave. All the lands of the whole monarchy belong to the king, whogiveth and taketh at his pleasure. If any one, for instance, has landsat Lahore, and is sent to the wars in the Deccan, his lands at Lahoreare given to another, and he receives new lands in or near the Deccan. Those lands which are let pay to the king two-thirds of the produce; andthose which are given away in fee pay him one-third. The poor _riots_, or husbandmen who cultivate the land, are very hardly dealt by, andcomplain much of injustice, but little is given them. At his firstcoming to the throne he was more severe than now, so that the country isnow so full of outlaws and thieves, that one can hardly stir out ofdoors in any part of his dominions without a guard, as almost the wholepeople are in rebellion. There is one great _Ragane_[206] between Agra and Ahmedabad, whocommands an extent of country equal to a good kingdom, maintaining20, 000 horse and 50, 000 foot; and as his country is strong andmountainous, all the force of the king has never been able to reducehim. There are many of those rebels all through his dominions, but thisis one of the greatest. Many have risen in Candahar, Cabul, Mooltan, Sindy, and the kingdom of _Boloch_. [207] Bengal, Guzerat, and the Deccanare likewise full of rebels, so that no one can travel in safety foroutlaws; all occasioned by the barbarity of the government, and thecruel exactions made upon the husbandmen, which drive them to rebellion. [Footnote 206: Hawkins calls rebels, as the Moguls did, all those thatrefused subjection; though some of them were perhaps originallyindependent kings, as this Ragane or Ranna, supposed to have been thetrue successor of Porus, who was conquered by Alexander. He is nowreduced, or rather, as they say, peaceably induced to acknowledge theMogul, and to pay tribute. --_Purch_. ] [Footnote 207: Probably meaning the Ballogees, a people on thesouth-side of the Wulli mountains, bordering to the southward onCandahar. --E. ] In the morning, at break of day, the king is at his beads, praying, onhis knees, upon a Persian lambskin, having some eight rosaries, orstrings of beads, each containing 400. The beads are of rich pearl, ballace rubies, diamonds, rubies, emeralds, aloes wood, _eshem_, andcoral. At the upper end of a large black stone on which he kneels, thereare figures graven in stone of the Virgin and Christ, so, turning hisface to the west, he repeats 3200 words, according to the number of hisbeads. After this he shews himself to the people, receiving their salamsor good-morrows; a vast multitude resorting every morning to the palacefor that purpose. After this he takes two hours sleep, then dines, andpasses his time among his women till noon. From that time till threeo'clock he shews himself again to the people, looking at sports andpastimes made by men, or at fights of various animals. At three o'clock, all the nobles then in Agra, who are in health, resort to court, whenthe king comes forth to open audience, sitting in his royal seat, andall the nobles standing before him, each according to his degree. Thechiefs of the nobles standing within the red rail, and all the restwithout, all being properly placed by the lieutenant-general. The spacewithin the red rail is three steps higher than where the rest stand, andwithin this red rail I was placed among the chiefest of the land. Allthe rest are placed in their order by officers, and they likewise areplaced within another rail in a spacious place; and without the railstand all kinds of horsemen and foot-soldiers belonging to his captains, and all other comers. At these rails there are many doors kept by agreat number of porters, who have white rods to keep every one in order. In the middle of the place, right before the king, stands one of theking's sheriffs or judges, together with the chief executioner, who isattended by forty executioners, distinguished from all others by apeculiar kind of quilted caps on their heads, some with hatchets ontheir shoulders, and others with all sorts of whips, ready to executethe king's commands. The king hears all manner of causes in this place, staying about two hours every day for that purpose; for the kings inIndia sit in judgment every day, and their sentences are put inexecution every Tuesday. After this he retires to his private chamber for prayer, when four orfive kinds of finely-dressed roast meats are set before him, of whichhe eats till his stomach is satisfied, drinking after this meal one cupof strong drink. He then goes into a private room, into which no oneenters but such as are named by himself, where for two years I was oneof his attendants; and here he drinks other five cups of strong liquor, being the quantity allowed by his physicians. This done, he chews opium, and being intoxicated, he goes to sleep, and every one departs to hishome. He is awakened after two hours to get his supper, at which time heis unable to feed himself, but has it thrust into his mouth by others, which is about one o'clock in the morning; after which he sleeps therest of the night. During the time that he drinks his six cups of strong liquor, he saysand does many idle things; yet whatsoever he does or says, whether drunkor sober, there are writers who attend him in rotation, who set everything down in writing; so that not a single incident of his life but isrecorded, even his going to the necessary, and when he lies with hiswives. The purpose of all this is, that when he dies all his actions andspeeches that are worthy of being recorded may be inserted in thechronicle of his reign. One of the king's sons, Sultan Shariar, a boy ofseven years old, was called by him one day when I was there, and askedif he chose to accompany him to some place where he was going foramusement. The boy answered he would either go or stay, as it pleasedhis majesty to command. Because he had not said, that he would go withall his heart along with his majesty, he was sore beaten by the king, yet did not cry. The king therefore asked him, why he cried not?Because, he said, his nurse had told him that it was the greatestpossible shame for a prince to cry when beaten; and that ever since hehad never cried, and would not though beaten to death. On this hisfather struck him again, and taking a bodkin, thrust it through hischeek; yet would he not cry, though he bled much. It was much wonderedat by all that the king should so treat his own child, and that the boywas so stout-hearted as not to cry. There is great hopes that this childwill exceed all the rest. SECTION VI. _Observations of William Finch, Merchant, who accompanied CaptainHawkins to Surat, and returned overland to Europe_. [208] INTRODUCTION. This article is said by Purchas to have been abbreviated out of thelarger journal kept by Finch during his voyage to India and residencethere, and seems a most useful supplement to the preceding section, being in many circumstances more full and satisfactory than the relationof Hawkins. In the Pilgrims of Purchas it does not follow the formerrelation, but that was owing to its not reaching him in time, as isstated in the following note, which is both characteristic of that earlycollector of voyages and travels, and of the observations of WilliamFinch. [Footnote 208: Purch. Pilg. I. 414. ] "This should have followed next after Master Hawkins, with whom WilliamFinch went into the _Mogolls_ country, if I then had had it. But bettera good dish, though not in duest place of service, than not at all:Neither is he altogether born out of due time, which comes in due place, while we are yet in India, and in time also, before the _Mogoll_ affairsreceived any latter access or better maturity: And for that circumstancefailing, you shall find it supplied in substance, with more accurateobservations of men, beasts, plants, cities, deserts, castles, buildings, regions, religions, than almost any other; as also of ways, wares, and wars. "--_Purchas_. * * * * * § 1. _Remembrances respecting Sierra Leona, in August 1607, the Bay, Country, Inhabitants, Rites, Fruits, and Commodities_. The island, which we fell in with some ten leagues south from the bay ofSierra Leona, in lat. 8° N. Has no inhabitants; neither did I learn itsname. It has some plantains, and, by report, good watering and woodingfor ships; but about a league from the shore there is a dangerous ledgeof rock, scarcely visible at high water. The bay of Sierra Leona isabout three leagues broad, being high land on the south side, full oftrees to the very edge of the water, and having several coves, in whichwe caught plenty and variety of fish. On the farther side of the fourthcove is the watering place, having excellent water continually running. Here on the rocks we found the names of various Englishmen who had beenthere. Among these was Sir Francis Drake, who had been theretwenty-seven years before; Thomas Candish, Captain Lister, and others. About the middle of the bay, right out from the third cove, lieth asand, near about which there are not above two or three fathoms, but inmost other parts eight or ten close in shore. The tide flows E. S. E. Thehighest water being six or eight feet, and the tide is very strong. Thelatitude is 8° 30' N. The king of Sierra Leona resides at the bottom of the bay, and is calledby the Moors _Borea_, or Captain _Caran_, _caran_, _caran_, having otherpetty kings or chiefs under him; one of whom, called Captain _Pinto_, awretched old man, dwells at a town within the second cove; and on theother side of the bay is Captain _Boloone_. The dominions of _Borea_stretch 40 leagues inland, from which he receives a tribute incotton-cloth, elephants teeth, and gold; and has the power of sellinghis people as slaves, some of whom he offered to us. Some of them havebeen converted to Christianity by the Portuguese priests and Jesuits, who have a chapel, in which is a table inscribed with the days that areto be observed as holy. The king and a few of his principal attendantsare decently clothed in jackets and breeches; but the common people haveonly a slight cotton-cloth round their waists, while the women have akind of short petticoat or apron down to their knees; all the rest oftheir bodies, both men and women, being quite naked; the young people ofboth sexes having no dress whatever. All the people, both men and women, have all parts of their bodies very curiously and ingeniously _tracedand pinked_ [tatooed], and have their teeth filed very sharp. They pulloff all the hair from their eye-lids. The men have their beards short, black, and cropped, and the hair on their heads strangely cut intocrisped paths or cross alleys; while others wear theirs in strangejagged tufts, or other foolish forms; the women's heads being all closeshaved. Their town contains not more than thirty or forty houses, allirregularly clustered together, all thatched with reeds; yet each has akind of yard inclosed with mud walls, like our hovels or hog-styles inEngland. Instead of a locked and bolted door, the entrance is onlyclosed by a mat, having nothing to be stolen; and for bedsteads theyhave only a few billets covered by a mat; yet some have hangings ofmats, especially about their beds. Their furniture consists of two orthree earthen pots to hold water, and to boil such provisions as theycan get; a gourd or two for palm-wine; half a gourd to serve as adrinking cup; a few earthen dishes for their _loblolly_ or pottage; abasket for the _maria_ [wife], to gather cockles; and a knapsack for theman, made of bark, to carry his provisions, with his pipe and tobacco. When a negro man goes from home, he has always his knapsack on his back, in which he has his provisions and tobacco, his pipe being seldom fromhis mouth; besides which, he has always his _do-little_ sword by hisside, made by themselves of such iron as they get from the Europeans;his bow also, and quiver full of poisoned arrows, pointed with iron likea snake's-tongue, or else a case of javelins or darts, having iron headsof good breadth and made sharp, sometimes both. The men of this country are large and well-made, strong and courageous, and of civilized manners for heathens; as they keep most faithfully totheir wives, of whom they are not a little jealous. I could not learntheir religion; for though they have some idols, they seem to know thatthere is a God in heaven, as, when we asked them about their woodenpuppets, they used to lift up their hands to heaven. All their childrenare circumcised, but I could not learn the reason why. They are veryjust and true in their dealings, and theft is punished with instantdeath. When any one dies, a small thatched roof is erected over hisbier, under which are set earthen pots kept always full of water, andsome earthen plates with different kinds of food, a few bones beingstuck up around the body. To the south of this bay, some thirty or fortyleagues into the interior country, there are very fierce people, who arecannibals, and sometimes infest the natives of Sierra Leona. [Illustration: map] The inhabitants of Sierra Leona feed on rice, of which they onlycultivate what is indispensibly needful for their subsistence, in smallpatches near their dwellings, which they clear by burning the woods. They likewise sow another very small grain, called _pene_, of which theymake bread, not much unlike winter savory. They rear a few poultry abouttheir houses, using no other animal food, except when they sometimes geta fawn of the wild deer, a few of which are found in the mountains, orsome wild fowl. They feed also on cockles and oysters, of which thereare vast quantities on the rocks and trees by the sea-side, but thesehave rather an insipid taste; and they catch plenty of excellent fish, by means of wears and other devices. They also feed on herbs and roots, cultivating about their dwellings many plantains, gourds, pumpkins, potatoes, and guinea pepper. Tobacco likewise is planted by every one, and seems to constitute half their food. The hole of their tobacco pipeis very large, and made of clay well burnt into the lower end of whichthey thrust a small hollow cane eighteen inches long, through which theysuck the smoke, both men and women swallowing most of it. Every mancarries a small bag called a _tuffio_, in his knapsack, in which is hispipe and tobacco, and the women have their _tuffio_ in their wrappers, carrying their pipes in their hands. They prepare their tobacco forsmoking by straining out its juice while quite green, and they informedus by signs that it would otherwise make them drunk. They afterwardsshred it very small, and dry it on an earthen dish over the embers. Onan island in the bay we saw about half a dozen goats, and no where elsein this country. They have innumerable kinds of fruits growing wild in the woods, inwhich are whole groves of lemon trees, especially near the town andwatering-place, and some few orange trees. Their drink is mostly water, yet the men use great quantities of _palmito_ wine, which they call_moy_, giving little or none to the women. It is strange to see theirmanner of climbing the palmito trees, which are of great size andheight, having neither boughs nor branches except near the top. Surrounding the tree and his own, body by means of a _withe_, or band oftwisted twigs, on which he leans his back, and jerking up his withebefore him, he foots it up with wonderful speed and certainty, and comesdown again in the same manner, bringing his gourd full of liquor on hisarm. Among their fruits are many kinds of plumbs; one like a _wheaten_plumb is wholesome and savoury; likewise a black one, as large as ahorse plumb, which is much esteemed, and has an aromatic flavour. Akind called _mansamilbas_, resembling a wheaten plumb, is verydangerous, as is likewise the sap of the boughs, which is perilous forthe sight, if it should chance to get into the eyes. [209] Among theirfruits is one called _beninganion_, about the size of a lemon, with areddish rind, and very wholesome; also another called _bequill_, aslarge as an apple, with a rough knotty skin, which is pared off, whenthe pulp below eats like a strawberry, which likewise it resembles incolour and grain, and of which we eat many. There are abundance of wildgrapes in the woods, but having a woody and bitterish taste. The nuts ofthe palmito are eaten roasted. They use but little pepper and _grains_, the one in surgery and the other in cooking. There is a singular fruit, growing six or eight together in a bunch, each as long and thick asone's finger, the skin being of a brownish yellow colour, and somewhatdowny, and within the rind is a pulp of a pleasant taste; but I know notif it be wholesome. [Footnote 209: Probably the Manchencel--E. ] [Illustration: map] I observed in the woods certain trees like beeches, bearing fruitresembling beans, of which I noticed three kinds. One of these was agreat tall tree, bearing cods like those of beans, in each of which wasfour or five squarish beans, resembling tamarind seeds, having hardshells, within which is a yellow kernel, which is a virulent poison, employed by the negroes to envenom their arrows. This they call _Ogon_. The second is smaller, having a crooked pod with a thick rind, six orseven inches long, and half that breadth, containing each five largebeans an inch long. The third, called _quenda_, has short leaves likethe former, and much bigger fruit, growing on a strong thick woodystalk, indented on the sides, nine inches long and five broad, withinwhich are five long beans, which are also said to be dangerous. Ilikewise saw trees resembling willows, bearing fruit like pease-cods. There is a fruit called _Gola_, which grows in the interior. This fruit, which is inclosed in a shell, is hard, reddish, bitter, and about thesize of a walnut, with many angles and corners. The negroes are muchgiven to chew this fruit along with the bark of a certain tree. Afterone person has chewed it a while, he gives it to his neighbour, and sofrom one to another, chewing it long before they cast it away; butswallowing none of its substance. They attribute great virtues to thisfor the teeth and gums; and indeed the negroes have usually excellentteeth. This fruit passes also among them for money. [210] Higher withinthe land they cultivate cotton, which they call _innumma_, and of whichthey spin very good yarn with spindles, and afterwards very ingeniouslyweave into cloths, three quarters of a yard broad, to make their girdlesor clouts formerly mentioned; and when sewed together it is made intojackets and breeches for their great men. By means of a wood called_cambe_, they dye their purses and mats of a red colour. [Footnote 210: In a side-note; Purchas calls this the fruit of the_carob tree_. --E. ] The tree on which the _plantains_ grow is of considerable height, itsbody being about the thickness of a man's thigh. It seems to be anannual plant, and, in my opinion, ought rather to be reckoned amongreeds than trees; for the stem is not of a woody substance, but iscompacted of many leaves wrapped close upon each other, adorned withleaves from the very ground instead of boughs, which are mostly twoyards long and a yard broad, having a very large rib in the middle. Thefruit is a bunch of ten or twelve plantains, each a span long, and asthick as a man's wrist, somewhat crooked or bending inwards. These growon a leafy stalk on the middle of the plant, being at first green, butgrow yellow and tender as they ripen. When the rind is stripped off, theinner pulp is also yellowish and pleasant to the taste. Beneath thefruit hangs down, from the same stalk, a leafy sharp-pointed tuft, whichseems to have been the flower. This fruit they call _bannana_, whichthey have in reasonable abundance. They are ripe in September andOctober. We carried some with us green to sea, which, were six weeks inripening. Guinea pepper grows wild in the woods on a small plant like_privet_, having small slender leaves, the fruit being like our barberryin form and colour. It is green at first, turning red as it ripens. Itdoes not grow in bunches like our barberry, but here and there two orthree together about the stalk. They call it _bangue_. The _pene_, ofwhich their bread is made, grows on a small tender herb resemblinggrass, the stalk being all full of small seeds, not inclosed in anybask. I think it is the same which the Turks call _cuscus_, and thePortuguese _yfunde_. The _palmito_ tree is high and straight, its bark being knotty, and thewood of a soft substance, having no boughs except at the top, and thesealso seem rather reeds than boughs, being all pith within, inclosed by ahard rind. The leaf is long and slender, like that of a sword lilly, orflag. The boughs stand out from the top of the tree on all sides, rathermore than a yard long, beset on both sides with strong sharp prickles, like saw-teeth, but longer. It bears a fruit like a small cocoa-nut, thesize of a chesnut, inclosed in a hard shell, streaked with threads onthe outside, and containing a kernel of a hard horny substance, quitetasteless; yet they are eaten roasted. The tree is called _tobell_, andthe fruit _bell_. For procuring the palmito wine, they cut off one ofthe branches within a span of the head, to which they fasten a gourdshell by the mouth, which in twenty-four hours is filled by a clearwhitish sap, of a good and strong relish, with which the natives getdrunk. The oysters formerly mentioned grow on trees resembling willowsin form, but having broader leaves, which are thick like leather, andbearing small knobs like those of the cypress. From these trees hangdown many branches into the water, each about the thickness of awalking-stick, smooth, limber, and pithy within, which are overflowed byevery tide, and hang as thick as they can stick of oysters, being theonly fruit of this tree. They have many kinds of ordinary fishes, and some which seemed to usextraordinary; as mullets, rays, thornbacks, old-wives with prominentbrows, fishes like pikes, gar-fish, _cavallios_ like mackerel, swordfishes, having snouts a yard long, toothed on each side like a saw, sharks, dogfish, _sharkers_, resembling sharks, but having a broad flatsnout like a shovel, shoe-makers, having pendents at each side of theirmouths like barbels, and which grunt like hogs, with many others. Weonce caught in an hour 6000 fishes like bleaks. Of birds, there arepelicans as large as swans, of a white colour, with long and largebills. Herons, curlews, boobies, ox-eyes, and various other kinds ofwaterfowl. On land, great numbers of grey parrots, and abundance ofpintados or Guinea fowls, which are very hurtful to their rice crops. There are many other kinds of strange birds in the woods, of which Iknew not the names; and I saw among the negroes many porcupine quills. There are also great numbers of monkeys leaping about the trees, and onthe mountains there are lions, tigers, and ounces. There are but fewelephants, of which we only saw three, but they abound farther inland. The negroes told us of a strange beast, which our interpreter called acarbuncle, which is said to be often seen, but only in the night. Thisanimal is said to carry a stone in his forehead, wonderfully luminous, giving him light by which to feed in the night; and on hearing theslightest noise he presently conceals it with a skin or film naturallyprovided for the purpose. The commodities here are few, more being gotfarther to the eastwards. At certain times of the year, the Portugueseget gold and elephants teeth in exchange for rice, salt, beads, bells, garlick, French bottles, copper kettles, low-priced knives, hats, linenlike barber's aprons, latten basins, edge-tools, bars of iron, andsundry kinds of specious trinkets; but they will not give gold for toys, only exchanging victuals for such things. * * * * * "This diligent observer hath taken like pains touching Saldanha bay: Butas we touch there often, and have already given many notices of thatplace, we shall now double the Cape, and take a view along with him ofCape St Augustine. "--_Purch_. * * * * * § 2. _Observations made at St Augustine in Madagascar, and at the Islandof Socotora_. St Augustine, in the great island of St Lawrence or Madagascar, israther a bay than a cape or point, as it has no land much bearing outbeyond the rest of the coast. It is in 23° 30' S. Latitude, thevariation here being 15° 40, and may be easily found, as it hasbreaches[211] on either side some leagues off to the W. S. W. Right fromthe bay to seaward the water is very deep; but within the bay the groundis so very shelvy, that you may have one anchor to the north in 22fathoms, and your other anchor in more than 60; while in some placesnearer shore you will not have two feet at low water, and deep waterstill farther in; the whole ground a soft ooze. Within a mile or two ofthe bay the land is high, barren, and full of rocks and stones, withmany small woods. Two rivers run into the bottom of the bay, the landabout them being low, sandy, and overflowed; and these rivers pour in somuch water into the bay that their currents are never stemmed by thetide, which yet rises two fathoms, by which the water in the bay is verythick and muddy. Great quantities of canes are brought down by theserivers, insomuch that we have seen abundance of them twenty or thirtyleagues out at sea. This bay is open to a north-west wind, yet the forceof the sea is broken by means of a ledge of rocks. We caught here smeltsof a foot long, and shrimps ten inches: The best fishing is near thesandy shore off the low land, where the natives catch many with strongnets. Within the woods we found infinite numbers of water-melons growingon the low lands, which yielded us good refreshment. But we had nothingfrom the rivers, except that one of our men was hurt by an alligator. The water also was none of the best; but we got wood in plenty. [Footnote 211: Probably meaning breakers. --E. ] This place did not seem populous, as we never saw above twenty nativesat any one time. The men were comely, stout, tall, and well-made, of atawny colour, wearing no cloathing excepting a girdle or short apronmade of rind of trees. Their beards were black and reasonably long; andthe hair of their heads likewise black and long, plaited and frizzledvery curiously; neither had their bodies any bad smell. They carry manytrinkets fastened to their girdles, adorned with alligators teeth, someof them being hollow, in which they carry tallow to keep their dartsbright, which are their chief weapons, and of which each man carries asmall bundle, together with a fair lance, artificially headed with iron, and kept as bright as silver. Their darts are of a very formidable anddangerous shape, barbed on both sides; and each man carries a daggerlike a butcher's knife, very well made. They therefore showed no regardfor iron, and would not barter their commodities for any thing butsilver, in which we paid twelve-pence for a sheep, and 3s. 6d. For acow. They asked beads into the bargain, for which alone they would givenothing except a little milk, which they brought down very sweet andgood in gourds. Their cattle have great bunches on their fore-shoulders, in size andshape like sugar-loaves, which are of a gristly substance and excellenteating. Their beef is not loose and flabby like that at Saldhana, butfirm and good, little differing from that of England. Their mutton alsois excellent, their sheep having tails weighing 28 pounds each, whichtherefore are mostly cut off from the ewes, not to obstruct propagation. In the woods near the river there are great numbers of monkeys of anash-colour with a small head, having a long tail like a fox, ringed orbarred with black and white, the fur being very fine. [212] We shot someof these, not being able to take any of them alive. There are bats also, as large almost in the bodies as rabbits, headed like a fox, having aclose fur, and in other respects resembling bats, having a loud shrillcry. We killed one whose wings extended a full yard. There are plenty ofherons, white, black, blue, and divers mixed colours; with many_bastard_ hawks, and other birds of an infinite variety of kinds andcolours, most having crests on their heads like peacocks. There aregreat store of lizards and camelions also, which agree in thedescription given by Pliny, only it is not true that they live on airwithout other food; for having kept one on board for only a day, wecould perceive him to catch flies in a very strange manner. Onperceiving a fly sitting, he suddenly darts out something from hismouth, perhaps his tongue, very loathsome to behold, and almost like abird-bolt, with which he catches and eats the flies with such speed, even in the twinkling of an eye, that one can hardly discern the action. In the hills there are many spiders on the trees, which spin webs fromtree to tree of very strong and excellent silk of a yellow colour, as ifdyed by art. I found also hanging on the trees, great worms like ourgrubs with many legs, inclosed within a double cod of white silk. [Footnote 212: Called the _beautiful beast_ in Keeling'svoyage. --_Purch. _] There grows here great store of the herb producing aloes, and alsotamarind trees by the water side. Here also is great abundance of astrange plant which I deem a wild species of cocoa-nut, seldom growingto the height of a tree, but of a shrubby nature, with many long pricklystalks some two yards long. At the end of each foot-stalk is a leafabout the size of a great cabbage-leaf, snipt half round like asword-grass. From the tops of this plant, among the leaves, there springout many woody branches, as thick set with fruit as they can stand, sometimes forty of them clustering together on one branch. These areabout the size of a great katharine pear; at the first greenish, andshaped almost like a sheep's bell, with a smooth rind flat at top;within which rind is a hard substance almost like a cocoa-nut shell, andwithin that is a white round hollow kernel of a gristly consistence, yeteatable, and in the central hollow about a spoonful of cool sweetliquor, like cocoa-nut milk. There is another tree, as big as apear-tree, thick set with boughs and leaves resembling those of the bay, bearing a large globular fruit like a great foot-ball, hanging by astrong stalk; The rind is divided by seams into four quarters, and beingcut green, yields a clammy substance like turpentine. The rind is verythick, consisting of divers, layers of a brown substance like agaric, but harder, and contains thirteen cells, in each of which is contained alarge kernel of a dirty white colour, hard, bitter, and ill tasted. In Socotora[213] the natives of Guzerat and the English build themselvesslight stone-houses, with pieces of wood laid across and covered withreeds and branches of the date palm, merely to keep out the sun, as theyfear no rain during the season of residing here. The stones are easilyprocured for this purpose, as the whole island seems almost nothing butstones; yet about the head of the river, and a mile farther inland, there is a pleasant valley replenished with date trees. On the east sideof this vale is a small town called _Dibnee_, very little inhabitedexcept in the date harvest. In the months of June and July the windblows in this valley with astonishing violence; yet only a shortgun-shot off towards the town of _Delisha_, over against the road wherethe ships ride, there is hardly there a breath of wind. About 100 yearsago [1500] this island was conquered by the King of _Caixem_, or_Cushem_, as the Arabs pronounce it, a sovereign of no great force, ashis army does not exceed two or three thousand soldiers. BesidesSocotora, this king has likewise the two _Irmanas_ and _Abba del Curia_. The _Irmanas_, or Two Brethren, are small uninhabited stony and barrenisles, having nothing but turtles. _Abba del Curia_ is large, havinggreat abundance of goats, and some fresh water, but not above three orfour inhabitants, as we were told. Amer Benzaid, son to the King ofKissem, resides at Socotora, which he rules under his father. He tradesto the Comora islands and to Melinda, for which he has two goodfrigates, [214] in which rice and _mello_ [millet] are brought from themain, being their chief food. [Footnote 213: In his abbreviation of Finch's observations Purchas hasnot clearly distinguished where those respecting Madagascar end, andthose made at Socotora begin. --E. ] [Footnote 214: It has been formerly noticed, that, _frigates_, in theseearly navigators, were only small barks, in opposition to tall ships, galleons, and caraks: These frigates, and those frequently mentioned asbelonging to the Portuguese and Moors in India at this time, could onlybe _grabs_, or open sewed vessels, already frequently mentioned in thecourse of this collection. --E. ] All the Arabs in this island are soldiers, being in a manner slaves tothe _snakee_ or prince, whom they attend and obey all his commands, somefew of them having fire-arms. Every one of them wears a crooked daggerat his left side, like a wood-cutter's knife, without which they mustnot be seen abroad. They have also thin broad targets, painted. Thedagger-handles and sheaths of the better sort are ornamented withsilver, and those of the ordinary people with copper or red latten. These Arabs are tawny, industrious, and civil, of good stature, andwell-proportioned in their limbs, having their hair long, and coveredwith turbans like the Turks, and a cloth round their waist hanging totheir knees; having seldom any other apparel, except sometimes sandalson their feet fastened with thongs. They either carry their sword nakedon their shoulder, or hanging at their side in a sheath. They are fondof tobacco, yet are unwilling to give any thing for it. Some of themwear a cloth of painted calico, or some other kind, over theirshoulders, after the fashion of an Irish mantle or plaid; while othershave shirts and surplices, or wide gowns, of white calico, and a fewhave linen breeches like the Guzerats. Some of their women are tolerablyfair and handsome, like our sun-burnt country girls in England; and theyare all dressed in long wide smocks down to the ground, made of red, blue, or black calico, having a cloth over their heads, with which theyusually hide their faces, being very dainty to let themselves be seen, yet are scarcely honest. Though the men be very poor, and have, hardlyenough to serve their needs, yet their women, of whom some men havefour, five, or six, are much laden with silver ornaments, and some withgold. I have seen one, not of the best, who had in each ear at least adozen great silver rings, almost like curtain rings, with as many of asmaller kind; two _carkanets_ or chains of silver about her neck, andone of gold bosses; ten or twelve silver _manillias_ or bracelets oneach arm, each as thick as a little-finger, but hollow; almost everyfinger covered with rings, and the small of her legs covered with silverrings like horse-fetters. In all these ornaments they jingle likemorrice-dancers on the slightest motion. They are, however, seldom seen, being kept very close by their jealous husbands. They delight in beadsof amber, crystal, and coral; but, having little wherewith to buy them, they either beg them, or deal for them privately. The children, exceptthose of the better sort, usually, go entirely naked till of some age. They are married at ten or twelve years old. They call themselves _mussulmen_, that is, true believers in the faithof Mahomet; and they alledge this reason for themselves, that all theworld are of their religion, and only a handful of ours. They eat theirmeat on mats spread on the ground, using their hands in a veryunmannerly fashion, having neither spoons, knives, nor forks. Theirusual drink is water, yet do they drink wine in private when they canget it; and they make at the proper season some wine of dates which isstrong and pleasant. So much for the Arab conquerors of Socotora. They call the nativeinhabitants, whom they have conquered, _cafrs_, or misbelievers, orheretics, if you will, who are subjected to slavery, except some wholive in the mountains in a kind of savage liberty like wild beasts;those who live under subjection to the Arabs not being allowed to carryweapons of any kind. These are well-shaped, but much darker than theArabs, wearing nothing on their heads but their long hair, which seemsto be never cut, and staring all round as if frightened. They have acoarse cloth of goats hair woven by themselves about their middles, andslight sandals on their feet. The women are all dressed in smocks ofcoloured calico or other coarse stuff, hanging to their feet, havingseldom any thing on their heads; but, in imitation of the Arab women, they have manillias of iron or painted earthen ware about their legs andarms, and strings of beads instead of carkanets about their necks, painting their faces with yellow and black spots in a frightful manner. According to the report of the Arabs, they are all mere heathens, observing no marriage rites, but have their women in common. Theirnative language is quite different from Arabic, which however most ofthem understand. They live very miserably, many of them being famishedwith hunger. They are not permitted to kill any flesh, so that they areforced to live on such fish as they can catch in the sea, and what datesthey may procure, having no means to purchase rice, except by means oftheir women prostituting themselves to the Guzerats when they residehere. Such as are employed to keep the cattle belonging to the Arabsmaintain themselves on milk. I could not learn of any merchandize produced in this island, exceptaloes and dragon's blood; and some black ambergris is said to be got onthe shores of _Abba del Curia_. They could make, in my opinion, morealoes than could be used in all Christendom, as the plant from which itis procured grows every where in great abundance, being no other thanthe _semper vivum_ of Dioscorides, with whose description it agrees inseed, stalk, &c. It is all of the red prickly sort, much chamferred inthe leaves, and so full of resinous juice as to be ready to burst. Thechief time of preparing the aloes is in September, when the north windsblow, after the fall of some rain. Being gathered, it is cut in smallpieces, and cast into a pit in the ground, which is paved and cleanedfrom all filth. It lies here to ferment in the heat of the sun, whichcauses the juice to flow out; which is put into skins that are hung upin the wind to dry and grow hard. They sold it to us for twenty ryalsthe quintal, or 103 pounds English; but we were told afterwards thatthey sold it to others for twelve, which may very well be, consideringits abundance, and the ease with which it is made. The date treeproduces ripe fruit twice a-year, one harvest being in July while wewere there. Dates are a principal part of their sustenance, being verypleasant in taste. When thoroughly ripe, the dates are laid in a heap ona sloping skin, whence runs a liquor into earthen pots set in the earthto receive it. This is their date wine, with which they sometimes getdrunk. When thus drained, the stones are taken out, and the dates arepacked up very hard in skins, in which they will keep a long time. Theysometimes gather them before they are completely ripe, and dry themafter taking out the stones. These are the best of all, and eat as ifthey were candied. They will not keep whole. In every valley where datesgrow, the king has a deputy during the harvest, who sees all gatheredand brought to an appointed place, no one daring to touch a date on painof death without order, or other severe punishment. After all aregathered, the deputy divides the produce in three equal parts; one forthe king, one for the Arabs, and one for the _cafrs_; which aredistributed, but not alike to each. Socotora has abundance of civet cats, [215] which are taken in traps inthe mountains by the cafrs, who sell them for twelve-pence each. Fleshis dear in this island; a cow costing ten dollars, and one goat or twosheep a dollar. Their cattle have good firm and fat beef, like those inEngland. The goats are large, and have good flesh; and the sheep aresmall with coarse wool. The goats and sheep are very abundant. They makevery good butter, but it is always soft like cream, and is sold forfour-pence or six-pence a pound. Goat's milk may be bought forthree-pence the quart. Plenty of hens may be had, at the rate of fivefor a dollar, or about twelve-pence each. In the whole island there arenot above two or three small horses of the Arab breed, and a few camels. At _Delisha_ they take great quantities of lobsters and other good fish. A few cotton plants are found growing on the strand; where likewisethere grows among the stones a shrubby plant, having large thick roundgreen leaves, as big as a shilling, with a fruit like capers, of whichit is a kind, called _eschuc_, and is eaten in sallads. Oranges arescarce and dear. There is very fine sweet bazil. On the shore, many fineshells are found, mixed with cuttle-fish bones, and vast quantities ofpearl-oyster shells, which the people say are driven thither by thewinds and waves, as no pearl-oysters are to be found here-about. Thepeople are very poor, and rank beggars, who buy what they are able andbeg all they can get, yet are honest and give civil usage. Their bestentertainment is a china dish of _coho_, a black bitterish drink, madeof a berry like that of the bay tree, which is brought from Mecca. Thisdrink is sipped hot, and is good for the head and stomach. [216] [Footnote 215: The Civet, or Vierra Civetta of naturalists, is an animalsomewhat allied to the weazel; but the genus is peculiarly distinguishedby an orifice or folicle beneath the anus, containing an unctuousodorant matter, highly fetid in most of the species; but in this and the_Zibet_ the produce is a rich perfume, much esteemed in the east. --E. ] [Footnote 216: This _Coho_ of Finch is evidently coffee. --E. ] At our first landing in Socotora, the people all fled from us for fearinto the mountains, having formerly received injurious treatment fromthe Portuguese, who they said had carried off some of them forcibly. Their town which they left, is all built of stone covered with spars andpalm branches, with wooden doors, and very ingenious wooden locks. Nearthe sea-side stands their church, enclosed by a wall like that of achurch-yard, having within a couple of crosses and an altar, on whichlay frankincense, with sweet wood and gums. When we first got speech ofthem, they pretended this was _Abba del Curia_, and not Socotora, whichwe afterwards found to be false. We walked up two or three miles intothe country, not seeing a single pile of green grass, but many datetrees. We saw one other very strange tree or plant, something more thanthe height of a man, very thick at the root, and tapering upwards almostto a point. The trunk was very smooth and without bark, and near the topsome long branches without leaves, bearing reddish flowers, which changeafterwards to a fruit not unlike the date in form and size, which is atfirst green. It contains many small whitish kernels, which as well asthe branches are very bitter, and full of a resinous substance. We alsosaw another church having a cross on its top. [217] [Footnote 217: Of this church and the whole island, see the voyage ofJuan de Castro. For, in times past, the natives were Christians; which, as all others not of their faith, the Mahometans call _cafrs_. Beingrude and brutish, they were the easier prey to the Arabs. --_Purch_. ] § 3. _Occurrences in India, respecting the English, Dutch, Portuguese, and Moguls_. The 28th August, 1608, Captain Hawkins with the merchants and someothers landed at Surat. He was received into a coach and carried beforethe _dawne, _ [or dewan. ] We had very poor lodgings allotted to us, beingonly the porter's lodge of the custom-house; where next morning thecustomers came and tumbled about our trunks to our great displeasure, though we had only brought our necessaries on shore. We were invited todinner by a merchant, who gave us good chear, but we had sour sauce toour banquet, for he was the person who had sustained almost the wholeloss in the ship taken by Sir Edward Michelburne. The captain also ofthat ship dined with us. When that affair was told us, our captain saidhe had never heard of any such matter, and supposed it must have beendone by a Hollander; but they affirmed it was to their certain knowledgean English ship, and deplored their hard fortunes, affirming there werethieves of all nations, yet they were not disposed to impute that faultto honest merchants. This liberal sentiment somewhat revived us; and wewere invited the day after to supper by _Mede Colee_, the captain ofthat ship. The 2d October we embarked our goods and provisions, gave a present to_Schekh Abdel-reheime_, and got a dispatch for our departure; but thecustomers refused a licence till they should search our ship, yetmeeting with some frigates in their own river, which they supposed to beMalabars, they durst not venture down to our ship. These frigates[grabs] were Portuguese, who desired that no one should come to talkwith them; yet Mr Buck rashly went on board and was detained. [218] [Footnote 218: At this place is given a confused relation of severalincidents at Surat, obviously garbled and abbreviated by Purchas, so asto be difficultly intelligible. As these are already contained in thejournal of Hawkins, they are here omitted. --E. ] At this time I was ill of the bloody flux, of which Mr Dorchester died, but I was cured under God by an Englishman, named Careless. [219] Fromhim I learnt many things respecting India; and particularly of the greatspoil done by the Hollanders to the Portugals at Malacca the last year. The Hollanders were lying before Malacca with sixteen ships, besiegingthat place by sea and land, in conjunction with several native kings, when news were sent to the Portuguese viceroy, then before Acheen withall the gallants of India, having with him a very great fleet of ships, gallies, and frigates, with 4000 soldiers, having been commanded toconquer Acheen and to build a castle there, and afterwards to plunderJohor, and to chastise the Moluccas for trading with the Hollanders. Upon notice from Andrea Hurtado, who then commanded at Malacca, of thedistress to which that place was reduced, the viceroy set sail fromAcheen to attack the Hollanders. The Dutch general got timely notice ofhis motions, and having re-embarked his men and artillery, went forth tomeet the viceroy. After a long and bloody fight, the Dutch had to drawoff to stop the leaks of their admiral; on which the Portuguese let slipthe opportunity, and fell to rioting and merriment, with great boasts oftheir victory, not looking any more for the Hollanders. But they, havingstopped their leaks and refitted at Johor, came unexpectedly on thePortuguese, most of whom were feasting ashore, and sunk and burnt alltheir ships; insomuch, if the viceroy had not previously detached sixships on some other service, the Portuguese naval power in India hadbeen all utterly destroyed. After this, the Portuguese in Malacca wereinfected by a heavy sickness, in which most of them died, among whom wasthe viceroy, and the governor of Manilla, who had brought areinforcement of 2000 Spanish troops, so that their power was laid inthe dust. [Footnote 219: He seems to have been resident in Surat; but theparticulars are omitted by Purchas. --E. ] This year a new viceroy was expected from Portugal with a strong fleet, to drive the Hollanders out of India. This fleet consisted of nine shipsof war, and six others for trade; which were all separated in the gulfof Guinea, and never met again afterwards. Two of them came toMosambique, where they were fired by the Hollanders, who likewise muchdistressed the castle, but could not take it; and the season, requiringtheir departure, they set sail for Goa, being fifteen ships and apinnace, where they rode at the bar, defying the great Captain Hurtado, who durst not meet them. Another of the Portuguese commercial ships, having advice that the Dutch lay off Goa, went to the northwards, wherethey landed their money and goods, and set their ship on fire, and thesoldiers fell together by the ears for sharing the money. The Dutchfleet, leaving Goa, sailed all along the Malabar coast, plundering andburning every thing, they could meet, and it was reported they had leavefrom the Samorin to build a castle at Chaul. [220] [Footnote 220: This must be an error, as the country of the Samorin, atCalicut, is in the south of Malabar, and Chaul is far to the north inthe Concan. --E. ] The 1st of February, 1609, our captain, Mr Hawkins, departed fromSurat, with an escort of fifty peons and some horse. About this timethere was a great stir about the queen mother's ship, which was to beladen for Mocha. [221] The Portuguese fleet of twenty-two frigates thenrode off the bar of Surat, and demanded 100, 000 mamudies for her pass, and at last agreed to take somewhat more than 1000 dollars, with sundrypresents, which the Moguls were forced to give them. At this time MucrobKhan gave me fair words, but the devil was in his heart, for he mindednothing less than payment of his debts, striking off 17, 000 from 41, 000to which our accounts extended. At last he gave me his _cheet_ for apart, though with great abatements, which I was glad to get, esteemingit better to secure some than lose all. In the beginning of April I wasseized with a burning fever, of which I recovered by losing a great dealof blood, and ten days fasting, and on the fever, leaving me I wastormented with miserable stitches. Next month also I had another severefever. [Footnote 221: Mecca is probably here meant; this ship being destined tocarry the Mogul pilgrims. The queen mother of the Moguls, mother to thereigning emperor. --E. ] The 12th May, news came that _Malek Amber_, King of the Deccan, hadbesieged _Aurdanagur_[222] with 22, 000 horse; which place had been themetropolis of the Deccan, formerly conquered by Akbar; and that, afterseveral assaults, the Moguls had offered to surrender the city, oncondition that he would withdraw his army four or five _coss_[223] fromthe city, that they might remove with bag and baggage in security. Thisbeing done, they issued out with all their forces, and making anunexpected assault on the unprovided enemy, gave them a total defeatwith great slaughter. As it was feared that Malek Amber might revengethis defeat upon the other parts of the country, the Khan-Khana raisednumerous forces, and demanded 300, 000 mamudies[224] towards the charges, sending also an experienced Deccan leader to govern the city. [Footnote 222: Probably a corruption of Aurungabad. --E. ] [Footnote 223: In this and other early voyages, the _coss_ is alwaysnamed _course_. It is rated by Purchas at a mile and a half English. There are two cosses, the Hindoostanee, and the Rajeput, the formerbeing 44-4/9 to a degree, and the latter 32. The Hindoostanee is equalto 1. 56, and the Rajeput coss to 2. 18 English miles. --E. ] [Footnote 224: This demand is inexplicable, as it is no where stated ofwhom it was demanded: Besides, the sum, only £15, 000, is quiteinadequate for the maintenance of numerous forces. --E. ] The 20th July, Shah Selim, the great Mogul, commanded his generals, Khan-Khana and Rajah Mansing, two great commanders, to invade andconquer all the kingdoms of the south to Cape Comorin, for which purposea prodigious army was assembled. In order to resist this invasion, thethree great kings of the south combined their troops, making head near_Bramport_, (Burhampoor or Boorhanpoor, ) on the Mogul frontiers, whereboth armies were in camp, waiting the end of winter. These three kings, Malek Amber, King of the Deccan, whose chief city is _Genefro_;[225] theKing of Visiapour; and the King of Golconda, whose chief city is_Braganadar_. [226] [Footnote 225: This name is so inexplicably corrupt as not even to admitof conjectural amendment--E. ] [Footnote 226: This name is in the same unintelligible predicament withGenefro. --E. ] In August, I received a flying report of on English pinnace being on thecoast at Gandooe[227] (Gundavee, ) which, on departing from thence, wasforced in again by three Portuguese frigates. I supposed this mightbelong to some of our shipping, which, standing for Socotora, had notbeen able to fetch that place, and had been forced to this coast. Thiswas actually the case, as the pinnace belonged to the Ascension, mannedby the master, John Elmer, with five men and two boys, and was in wantof wood and water. The master and four of his company came to Surat onthe 28th of August; but I had much ado to get leave to bring them intothe town, as the people pretended we were merely allowed to trade. Thetruth was, they stood in fear of the Portuguese, and detained these mentill they should send for instructions to the nabob, who was at thedistance of four coss. What was still worse, five Portuguese frigates orgrabs went into the Gundavee river and captured our pinnace, weighing upits two falcons, [228] which had been thrown overboard. We received worsenews on the 5th September, the Ascension having been cast away; and nextday about seventy of her company who were saved came to Surat, whom thepeople of the town obliged to remain outside of the walls among thetrees and tombs. I was not even able to procure leave for the generalhimself to enter the city, though he brought letters of recommendationfrom Mocha, besides letters for the great Mogul from the King ofEngland. Such was their fear of the Portuguese, in whose names twojesuits threatened fire, faggots, and utter desolation, if any moreEnglish were received. All I could do for them was sending themnecessary provisions, and carrying them to the _tank, _ where they weremore conveniently lodged, yet still among the tombs. At length thegovernor appointed them better lodgings, at a small _aldea_ two cossfrom Surat; and with much difficulty I obtained leave for Mr Rivet, MrJordan, and the surgeon to come to Surat, to provide necessaries for therest. I had other trouble, occasioned by the disorderly and riotousconduct of some of the Ascension's people; more especially owing to oneWilliam Tucker, who when in liquor killed a calf, a crime held worsethan murdering a man among the Banians. I was therefore glad of theirdeparture for Agra, except fifteen who were sick and unwilling to go sofar, and some who returned again. [Footnote 227: Gundavee, a small river about 20 miles south of theTaptee, or river of Surat. --E. ] [Footnote 228: Small cannon of about two libs, ball--E. ] The 6th of October, came letters from Mr Hawkins, informing us that hehad married an Armenian woman; and other letters at the end of nextmonth, desiring me to go up to Agra. In December we were in much fear ofBadur, a descendant of the Kings of Cambaya, who lay within two daysmarch of Surat, with 600 horse and many foot. Owing to this, thegovernor cessed all the inhabitants according to their abilities, withthe lodgement and entertainment of soldiers, rating me at ten men. Iwent immediately to wait upon him, and told him that I had twentyEnglish at his service, for which he thanked me, and freed me of allfarther charges. The Banians were forced to labour hard to barricade allthe streets of the city, great guards were stationed at the gates, andsome cannon were drawn from the castle. A reinforcement of fifty horsewas sent from the garrison of _Carode_, [229] which had been veryinsufficient to protect the town; but the governor of Ahmedabad sent1000 horse and 2000 foot to our succour, on which Badur withdrew to hisstrong-holds. Two years before our arrival, this chief had sackedCambay, of which his grandfather had been king. The 18th January, 1610, I went from Surat on my way to Agra; but it is proper I should give heresome account of Surat. [Footnote 229: Currode is a small place about 12 miles S. S. E. FromSurat. --E. ] This city stands about twenty miles from the sea, on the bank of a fairriver, [the _Taptee_, ] and is of considerable size, with many goodhouses belonging to merchants. About three miles from the mouth of theriver, where on the south side is a small low island overflowed in therainy season, is the bar where ships load and unload, having threefathoms water at spring tides;[230] and above this is a fair channel allthe way to the city, capable of receiving loaded vessels of fifty tons. This river extends upwards to beyond _Bramport_, [Boorhanpoor;] and fromthence, as some say, all the way to _Mussel Patem_. [231] In coming upthe river, the castle of Surat is on the right hand or south side of theriver, being moderately large, handsome, well walled, and surrounded bya ditch. The ramparts are provided with many good cannons, some of whichare of vast size. It has one gate on the inland side with a draw-bridge, and a small postern to the river. The captain of this castle has agarrison of 200 horse. In front of the castle is the Medon, [Meidan, oresplanade, ] being a pleasant green, having a may-pole in the middle, onwhich they hang a light and other decorations on great festivals. Onthis side, the city of Surat is open to the green, but is fenced on allother sides by a ditch and thick hedges, having three gates, one ofwhich leads to _Variaw_, a small village at the ford of the Tapteeleading to Cambay. Near this village on the left hand is a small_aldea_, pleasantly situated on the bank of the river, where is a greatpagoda much resorted to by the Indians. A second gate leads toBoorbanpoor; and a third to _Nonsary_, [232] a town ten coss from Surat, where much calico is manufactured, standing near a fine stream or smallriver. About ten coss farther in the same direction is _Gondoree_, [Gundavee, ] and a little further _Belsaca_, [Bulsaur, ] the frontier towntowards Damaun. Just without _Nunsary_ gate is a handsome tank ofsixteen sides, surrounded on all sides by stone steps, three quartersof an English mile in circuit, and having a small house in the middle. On the farther side of this tank are several fine tombs with a handsomepaved court, behind which is a small grove of Mango trees, to which thecitizens resort to banquet. About half a coss beyond this, is a greattree much venerated by the Banians, who alledge that it is under theprotection of a _dew_, or guardian spirit, and that although often cutdown and grubbed up from the roots by order of the Moors, it has yetconstantly sprung up again. [Footnote 230: This depth probably refers to the anchorage below thebar. --E. ] [Footnote 231: Masulipatam, or, more correctly, Mutshelipatnam, is atthe mouth of the Kistna, on the opposite coast of India. --E. ] [Footnote 232: Nunsary is a small river, with a town of the same name, 16 or 18 miles south of the Taptee. --E. ] Near the castle of Surat is the _Alphandica_, where are stairs down tothe river for landing and shipping goods, and within the alphandica arestore-rooms for keeping goods till they are cleared; the customs beingtwo and a half per centum for goods, three for provisions, and two formoney. Without the gate of the alphandica is the great _Gondoree_ or_Bazar_, being the market-place for all kinds of merchandize. Rightbefore this gate is a tree with an arbour, where the _fokeers_, [faquiers, ] or Indian holy men, sit in state. Between this and thecastle, at the entrance of the green, or _atmeidan_, is the market forhorses and cattle. A little lower, and on the opposite side of theriver, is a pleasant small town named _Ranele_, inhabited by a peoplecalled _Naites_, who speak a different language, and are mostly seamen. The streets of this town are narrow, with good houses, each of which hasa high flight of steps to its door. The people are very friendly to theEnglish, and have many pleasant gardens, which attract many to pass muchof their time there. On the trees round this village there are aninfinite number of those great bats we saw at St Augustine inMadagascar, which hang by their claws from the boughs, and make a shrillnoise. This bird is said by the people to engender by the ear, and togive suck to their young. The winter begins here about the 1st of June, and continues till the20th September, but not with continual rains as at Goa; having onlyheavy rain for six or seven days every full and change of the moon, withmuch wind, thunder and lightning. At the breaking up of the winter, there is always a cruel storm, called _tuffoon_, fearful even to men onland. This is not equally severe every year, but once in two or threeyears at the most. The monsoons, or periodical winds, serve here forgoing to the south in April and September, and for Mocha in February andMarch. From the south, ships come here in December, January, andFebruary, and from Mocha about the 5th September, after the rains. FromOrmus they sail for the coast of India in November: But none dare passwithout a licence of the Portuguese, for which they exact whatever theythink proper, erecting, by their own authority, a custom-house on theseas, confiscating both ship and goods to the taker, if they do notproduce a regular pass. § 4. _Journey to Agra, and Observations by the Way; with some Notices ofthe Deccan Wars. _ The 18th January, 1610, [233] I departed from _Comuariaw_, or Cumraie, asmall village 3 _coss_ from Surat, to Mutta, a great _aldea_, 7 coss. The 21st to _Carode_, 8 coss, a large country town, having the Suratriver on the north. This place has a castle, with a garrison of 200Patan horse, who are good soldiers. The 22d to _Curka_, 12 c. A greatvillage with a river on its south side. In the way between Carode andCurka, or Kirkwah, is _Beca_, or Behara, a castle with a great tank anda pleasant grove. 23d to _Necampore_, a large town under the_Pectopshaw_, 10 c. In this way begins a great ridge of mountains on theright hand, [234] reaching towards Ahmedabad, among which Badur occupiesseveral strong-holds, which all the force of the king of the Moguls hasnot been able to reduce. These mountains extend to Boorhanpoor, and onthem breed many wild elephants. The 24th to _Dayta_, 8 c. A great town, having to pass in the midway a troublesome stony rivulet. This town hasa castle, and is almost encompassed by a river, being situated in afertile soil. The 25th to _Badur_, 10 c. A filthy town full of thieves, where is made a kind of wine of a sweet fruit called _mewa_, but I foundit unwholesome except it be burnt. [Footnote 233: In this journal, conjectural emendations of names fromArrowsmith's excellent map of India, are given in the text as synonima, to avoid perpetual notes; and the distances are always to be understoodas _cosses_, given exactly as in the original, without correction. Itmust, however, be noticed that the names in the text are often socorrupt, or different from those now in use, that it is often impossibleto trace the route. --E. ] [Footnote 234: The Vindhaya mountains are obviously here meant; but theyare on the _left_ hand of the route between Surat and Boorhanpoor. --E. ] This is the last town of note in the land of _Pectopshaw_, who is asmall king or rajah of the Gentiles, keeping on the tops of inaccessiblemountains, which begin at _Curka_, and extend to many cosses distance. He holds possession of two fair cities, _Salere_ and _Muliere_, wherethe mamudies are coined. Each of these towns has two mighty castles, theroads to which only admit of two men abreast, or an elephant at most;having also on the way eighty small fortresses dispersed among themountains to guard the passage. On the tops of these mountains there isgood pasture and abundance of grain, with numerous fountains or streams, which run thence into the plains. Akbar besieged him for seven years, and was in the end obliged to compound with him, giving him NaramporeDayta and Badur, with several other _aldeas_, for safely conducting hismerchants along this plain; so that he is now in peace with the king, towhom he sends presents yearly, and leaves one of his sons in Boorhanpooras a pledge of his fealty. He is said to have always in readiness 4000mares of an excellent breed, and 100 elephants. Leaving Badur on the 26th, I went 7 coss to _Nonderbar_, or Nundabar, acity, short of which are many tombs and houses of pleasure, with acastle and a fair tank. The 27th to _Lingull_, 10 c. A beastly town, with thievish inhabitants, a dirty castle, and a deep sandy road nearthe town. 28th 10 c. To _Sindkerry_, or Sindkera, a great dirty town. Onthe way, the governor of Lingull, with others as honest as himself, would have borrowed some money of me; but finding I would only give himpowder and shot, he desisted, and allowed our carts to pass withoutfarther trouble. Beyond Sindkera runs a small river of brackish water, by drinking of which I got the bloody flux, which continued with me allthe way to Boorhanpoor. The 29th 10 c. To _Taulneere_, or Talnere, athievish road, but a fair town with a castle and river, which is notpassable in the rains without a boat. [235] The 30th 15 c. To _Chupra_, or Choprah, a great town. I rested here two days on account of therains; in which time came the governor of Nundabar with 400 horse, without whose company I could not have continued my journey withoutdanger, as Khan-Khana had been defeated and obliged to retire toBoorhanpoor, after losing the strong and rich town of _Joulnapore_, orJalnapoor, on which the Deccaners became so insolent, that they madeinroads as far as the Taptee, plundering many of the passengers. [Footnote 235: The author seems not to have been aware that this was theTaptee, or river of Surat. --E. ] The 2d February we went 6 c. To _Rawel_, or Arawul, a country village, where unseasonable thunder, wind, and rain, combining with my disease, had nearly made an end of me, so that we made _mukom_, or halted, on the3d and 4th. The 5th I went to _Beawle_, or Beawull, 10 c. A large townwith a good castle. Next day we were again stopt by bad weather. The7th, 16 c. To _Ravere_, a great town; and the 8th, 10 c. To Boorhanpoor, where I pitched my tent in a yard belonging to the Armenians, not beingable to get a house for money, the city being so full of soldiers. About2 c. Short of Boorhanpoor is _Babuderpoor_ a fair city; and between thetwo the army of Khan-Khana was encamped on the north side of the road, consisting of about 15, 000 horse, 200 elephants, and 100 cannon ofdifferent sizes, the encampment extending two coss in length. Withintwenty or thirty coss to the south, Amber chapon, an _Abashed_, [236] whowas general of the army of the king of Deccan, lay encamped at the headof 10, 000 of his own cast, all brave soldiers, and about 40, 000Deccaners; so that the Moguls had certainly lost the city ofBoorhanpoor, had not the prince Sultan Parvis with Rajah Mausing comedown with great forces; as Amber chapon had sent to demand the surrenderof Boorhanpoor, deeming that Khan-Khana was unable to hold it againsthim. [Footnote 236: Assuredly meaning an Abyssinian. --E. ] Boorhanpoor is a very large but beastly city, situated in a low dampplace, and consequently very unhealthy, which is farther augmented bythe water being bad. The castle is on the N. E. Of the city, on the banksof the river which runs by Surat. In the river beside the castle, thereis an image of an elephant in stone, so naturally made, that an elephantone day, coming to the river to drink, ran against it with all hisforce, and broke both his teeth. The forehead of this image is paintedred, and many simple Indians worship it. About two coss from the castleis a garden belonging to Khan-Khana, called the _Loll baug_, all the waybetween being pleasantly shaded by rows of trees. The garden has manyfine walks, with a beautiful small tank shaded by trees; and at theentrance is a fine lofty banqueting-house, likewise among trees. I rested till the 12th under my tent, for the recovery of my health, which God was pleased to grant. Two days after my arrival, news camethat Ravere and other neighbouring places had been sacked by 1500 Deccanhorse, so that we were thankful to God for our safe arrival, as the waywas not now passable for 1000 horse. I was here informed, by lettersfrom an Armenian, of a prodigious disaster sustained by the Portuguesearmada on the Malabar coast, consisting of fifty frigates or grabs, andtwo gallies, which being dispersed by a storm, was suddenly assailed bythe Malabar pirates issuing from many creeks, who took many of theirfleet and burnt most of the rest. On the 12th I rode out to visit theprince, and on the 13th I made him a present. He received me verycourteously, and promised me every thing I asked. The prince wasattended by 20, 000 horse and 300 elephants; having along with him AsaphKhan with about 3000, and Emersee Rastein, late King of Candahar, withsome thousand veterans. While I remained in the camp, Rajah Mansingjoined with 10, 000 horse, all Rajaputs, and near 1000 elephants; so thatall the plains for a vast distance were covered with tents, making amost splendid appearance. Along with the army were many large boats, fortransporting the troops across large rivers. On the prince removing, Ireturned to Boorhanpoor; and as he advanced three coss towards theenemy, I went on the 26th to take my leave, when news were brought ofthe defeat of some of Rajah Mansing's troops. The 1st of March I departed for Agra along with the governor ofBoorhanpoor and that day we travelled 12 c. To _Barre_, a great village, having passed by a very steep and stony road across the great ridge ofmountains, [Callygong hills, ] which come from Ahmedabad. [237] On thisway, and about four coss from Boorhanpoor, we passed the strong andinvincible castle of _Hasser_, seated on the top of a high mountain, andsaid to be large enough to contain forty or fifty thousand horse. On thetop are many tanks and fine pasture grounds. In the time of its formersovereign, Badur Shah, it is said to have been defended by 600 piecesof cannon. Akbar besieged it for a long time, surrounding it on allsides, and at length took it by composition. For it is said there bredsuch innumerable quantities of small worms in the waters of the fort, that the people swelled and burst, by which mortality the king wasforced to submit and surrender, the place being impregnable by any humanforce. The 3d we came to _Candah_, eleven c. A small aldea, the roadbeing stony and very troublesome. The 4th to _Magergom_, four c. A largealdea, and by a very bad road. The 5th ten c. To _Kergom_, or Kargaw, alarge village and a steep road. The 6th thirteen c. To _Bircool_, asmall village. The 7th eight c. To _Taxapore_, or Tarrapoor, a smalltown, within two coss of which we passed a fine river called _Nervor_, [Nerbuddah, ] which runs into the sea at Broach. On the bank of thisriver is a pretty town with a good castle, immediately under which isthe ferry. About a coss lower down is an overfall where the water is notabove three feet deep, but a mile in breadth, by which camels usuallypass. The 8th five c. To _Mandow_, three coss of which the road goes upa steep mountain, having no more than breadth for a coach. [Footnote 237: This is an error of Finch. The Vindhaya mountains, whichrun from Guzerat eastwards, are on the north of the Nerbuddah river;whereas the mountain ridge in the text divides the valley of theNerbuddah from that of the Taptee, and joins the western Gauts nearSurat. --E. ] This ridge of mountains, [the Vindhaya, ] extends E. And W. [238] On thetop, and at the very edge of the table land, stands the gate of thecity, over which is built a handsome fort and pleasure-house. The wallsextend all along the side of the mountain for many cosses. On the lefthand of the entrance, at two or three miles distance from the gate, is astrong fort on the top of a pointed mountain, and some ten or twelvemore dispersed in other places. For two coss or better within the outergate, this city is all ruined, except many tombs and mosques which yetremain, interspersed among the tottering walls of many large houses. Theold city of Mandow is four coss from the S. To the N. Gate, and measuresten or twelve coss from east to west, beyond which to the east are goodpasture grounds for many cosses. On the top of the mountain are somefifteen or sixteen tanks, dispersed about the city. What still remainsof this city is very well built, but small in comparison with itsformer greatness, yet has many goodly buildings, all of stone, and verylofty gates, the like of which, I believe, is not to be seen inChristendom. At the entrance on the south, within the gate of the citynow inhabited, as you pass along, there stands a goodly mosque on theleft hand, and over against it a splendid sepulchre, in which areinterred the bodies of four kings in exceedingly rich tombs. By the sideof which stands a high tower of 170 steps in height, built round withwindows and galleries to each room, with many fine arches and pillars, the walls being all inlaid in a most beautiful manner with green marbleor some other rich stone. On the north side, where we came forth fromthis city; there lay a cannon, the bore of which was eighteen inchesdiameter. The gate is very strong, having six others within, all verystrong, with large walled courts of guard between gate and gate. Allalong the side of the mountains runs a strong wall, with turrets orflankers at intervals, although the hill is so steep in itself that itis hardly possible for a man to creep upon all fours in any part of it, so that it appears absolutely impregnable; yet was taken, partly byforce and partly by treason, by Humaion, grandfather of the presentGreat Mogul, from Sheic Shah Selim, whose ancestors conquered it fromthe Indians about 400 years ago. This Shah Selim was a powerful King ofDelhi, who once forced Humaion to flee into Persia for aid; and, returning from Persia, put Selim to the worst, yet was unable to conquerhim. He even held out during the whole reign of Akbar, keeping upon themountains. Beyond the walls, the suburbs formerly extended four coss tothe north, but are now all in ruins, except a few tombs, mosques, andgoodly _serais_, in which no persons now dwell. [Footnote 238: The original says N. E. And S. W. But in our best andlatest map of Hindoostan, the direction is nearly E. And W. Or perhapsE. By N. And W. By S. --E. ] The 9th we went four coss by a very bad stony road to _Luneheira_. Between this and the ruins, at three c. From Mandow, is a fine tankinclosed with stone, having a banqueting-house in the middle, and a fairhouse on the south side, now in ruins, from which to thebanqueting-house is an arched bridge. The 10th to _Dupalpore_, fourteenc. A small town and the road good. The 11th twelve long cosses to_Ouglue_, or Oojain, a fair city, in the country called Malwah, afertile soil abounding with opium. In this country the coss is twoEnglish miles. We halted the 12th. The 13th to _Conoscia_ eleven c. 14th, eight c. To _Sunenarra_, or Sannarea, by a bad stony way, among athievish people, called _graciae_, inhabiting the Hills on our lefthand, who often plunder the _caffilas_, or caravans, and a hundred ofthem had done so now to a caravan, if we had not prevented them by ourarrival. This is a small town, short of which we passed a great tankfull of wild fowl. The 15th ten c. To _Pimelegom_, a shabby _aldea_. Atthe end of the fourth coss we passed _Sarampore_, or Sarangpoor, a greattown with a castle on its south side, and a handsome town-house. Hereare manufactured much good cotton cloth and handsome turbans. Short ofthis town we met Khan Jehan, a great favourite of the king, with 10, 000horse, many elephants, and a number of boats, going to join the army atBoorhanpoor. On the way also we met many of Rajah Mansing's Rajapoots, he having in all about 20, 000, so that it was thought the army wouldamount to 100, 000 horse when all assembled. From the 16th to the 26th of March, we travelled 74 coss to _Qualeres_, or Colarass, a small pretty town, encompassed with tamarind and mangotrees. [239] The 27th to _Cipry_, or Shepoory, seven Surat cosses of amile and a half each, by a desert road. Two nights before, some sixty orseventy thieves assailed in the dark a party of 150 Patan soldiers, mistaking them for a caffila that had just gone before, by whom ten ofthem were slain and as many taken, the rest escaping in the dark. The28th to _Narwar_ twelve c. Through a rascally desert full of thieves. Inthe woods we saw many _chuckees_, stationed there to prevent robbery;but they alledge that the fox is oft times set to herd the geese. Thistown stands at the foot of a steep stony mountain, and on the top is acastle having a steep ascent rather more than a mile, which isintersected by three strong gates. The fourth gate is at the top of theascent, where no one is allowed to enter without an order from the king. Within, the town is large and handsome, being situated in a curiousvalley on the top of the mountain. This fortified summit is said to befive or six coss in circuit, walled all round, and having towers andflankers every here and there, so that it is impregnable unless bytreachery. This was formerly the gate or barrier of the kingdom ofMandow, and has been very beautiful, and secured by means of strongworks with abundance of cannon, but is now much gone to ruin. [Footnote 239: It has been thought better to omit the minute enumerationof stages in the sequel, where no other information occurs; moreespecially as their names can seldom be referred to those in modern mapsof India. --E. ] The 29th we went seven c. To _Palacha_, or Pelaiche; 80th, twelve c. To_Antro_, or Anter; 31st, six c. To _Gualior, _ a pleasant city withcastle; and on the top of a pyramidal hill, is a ruined building inwhich several great men have been interred. The castle of Gualior is onthe west side of the town, on a steep craggy cliff, six coss in circuit, or, as some say, eleven, which is all enclosed with a strong wall. Ongoing up to the castle from the city, the entry is by a strong gate intoa handsome court enclosed with strong walls, where a numerous guard isalways kept, no person being allowed to enter without a public order. From thence a narrow stone causeway leads to the top, with walls on bothsides, having three gates at intervals on the ascent, all stronglyfortified, with courts of guard at each. At the top of all is anotherstrong gate, at which is a curious colossal figure of an elephant instone. This gate is highly ornamented, and has a stately houseadjoining, the walls of which are curiously adorned with green and bluestones, and the roof with sundry gilded turrets. This is the house ofthe governor, in which is a place for the confinement of nobles who havefallen under the displeasure of the King of the Moguls. He is said tohave two other castles devoted as prisons for the nobles. _Rantipore_, or Rantampoor, is one of these, forty c to the W. To which are sent suchnobles as are intended to be put to death, which is generally done twomonths after their arrival; when the governor brings them to the top ofthe wall, and giving them a bowl of milk, causes them to be thrown overthe rocks. The other is _Rotas_, in Bengal, to which are sent thosenobles who are condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and from whence veryfew return. On the top of the mountain of Gualior is a considerableextent of very good ground, with many fair buildings, and three or fourgood _tanks_ or reservoirs of water. Below, on the same side with thetown, there are many houses cut out of the solid rock, serving both ashabitations, and as shops and warehouses; and at the foot of the hill onthe north-west side, is a spacious park inclosed with a stone wall, within which are several fine gardens and pleasure-houses, and which isalso useful for securing horses in time of war from marauders. Thiscastle of Gualior was the main frontier of the kingdom of Delhi towardsMandow, and the ascent from the petah, or town, to the top of the rock, is near a mile. Leaving Gualior on the 1st April, 1610, we arrived at _Doolpoor_ on the2d, being nineteen c. Within two c. Before reaching that place, wepassed a fine river, called the _Cambue_, or Chumbull, as broad as theThames, a little short of which we went through a narrow and dangerouspass between two hills. The castle of Doolpoor is very strong, havingfour walls within each other, with steep ascents to each, the outermosthaving a deep and broad ditch. This castle is three quarters of a milethrough, and has similar walls and gates to be passed on going out Itsinhabitants are mostly Gentiles. The 3d April we went to _Jahjaw_, ninec. And next day other nine c. To _Agra_. In the afternoon the captaincarried me before the king, where I found Mr Thomas Boys, three Frenchsoldiers, a Dutch engineer, and a Venetian merchant, with his son andservant, all newly come by land from Christendom. In May and part of June, the city of Agra was much distressed withfrequent fires by day and night, some part or other of the city beingalmost ever burning, by which many thousand houses were consumed, withgreat numbers of men, women, children, and cattle, so that we feared thejudgment of Sodom and Gomorrah had gone forth against the place. I waslong and dangerously ill of a fever, and in June the heat was soexcessive that we thought to have been broiled alive. The 28th Junearrived _Padre Peneiro_, an arch knave, a jesuit I should say, whobrought letters from the Portuguese viceroy with many rich presents, tending entirely to thwart our affairs. In this time Mucrob Khan[240]was complained against to the king by our captain, Mr Hawkins, whenAbdal Hassan, the grand vizier, was ordered to see that we had justice:But birds of a feather flock together, and Mucrob Khan, partly bymisstatements and partly by turning us over to a bankrupt banyan, wouldonly pay us with 11, 000 mamudies instead of 32, 501-1/2 which he was due, and even that was not paid for a long time. [Footnote 240: Finch uniformly calls this person _Mo. Bowcan_, but wehave substituted the name previously given him by Hawkins. --E. ] In July news came of the bad fortune of the king's army in the Deccan;which, when within four days march of Aumednagur, hoping to raise thesiege of that place, was obliged by famine and drought to retreat toBoorhanpoor, on which the garrison was forced to surrender afterenduring much misery. The royal army in the Deccan consisted of at least100, 000 horse, with an infinite number of elephants and camels; so that, including servants, people belonging to the baggage, and camp followersof all kinds, there could not be less than half a million, or 600, 000persons in the field. The water in the country where they were, becamequite insufficient for the consumption of so vast a multitude, with alltheir horses, elephants, camels, and draught cattle, insomuch that a_mussock_ of water was sold in camp for a rupee, and all kinds ofvictuals were sold excessively dear. The army of the King of Deccanspoiled the whole country around, and getting between the Moguls andtheir supplies from Guzerat and Boorhanpoor, prevented the arrival ofany provisions at the camp, daily vexing them with perpetual andsuccessful skirmishes, and by cutting off all foraging parties anddetachments; so that the whole army was in imminent danger, and was onlyextricated by a speedy retreat to Boorhanpoor; at their return to whichthey did not muster above 30, 000 horse, having lost an infinite numberof elephants, camels, and other cattle, that had died for want of forageand water. This month also, news came of the sacking of a great city called _Putanain the Purrop_, [241] and the surprisal of its castle, where aconsiderable treasure belonging to the king was deposited, the citizenshaving fled without making any resistance. But the successful insurgentwas almost immediately besieged and taken in the castle by aneighbouring great omrah; and on the return of the fugitive citizens, hesent twelve of their chiefs to the king, who caused them to be shaven, and to be carried on asses through the streets of Agra in the garb ofwomen, and it is said that next day they were beheaded. [Footnote 241: This name and province are difficultly ascertainable. The_Purrop_ has possibly a reference to the kingdom of _Porub_, the Indianname of Porus, so celebrated in the invasion of India by Alexander. Ifthis conjecture be right, the Potana of the text was Pattan or Puttan, in the north of Guzerat, the ancient Naherwalch. --E. ] Likewise this same month, the king made a great stir about Christianity, affirming before his nobles that it was the true religion, while that ofMahomet was all lies and fables. He had ordered all the three sons ofhis deceased brother to be instructed by the jesuits, and christianapparel to be given them, to the great wonderment of the whole city; andfinally these princes were baptized solemnly, being conducted to thechurch by all the Christians in the city, to the number of about sixtyhorse, Captain Hawkins being at their head, with St George's ensigncarried before him, in honour of England, displaying them in the courtin the presence of the king. The eldest was named Don Philippo, thesecond Don Carlo, and the third Don Henrico. On the 3d Septemberfollowing, another young prince was christened by the name of DonDuarte, being grandson to a brother of the Emperor Akbar. This king gavefrequent charges to the fathers to instruct all these princes in theChristian religion; yet all this has since clearly appeared to have beenmere dissimulation. [242] [Footnote 242: It is possible that Selim, unwilling to put to death suchnear relations, fell upon this device to render them ineligible amongthe Moguls to the succession, by which to secure the throne to himselfand his sons. --E. ] § 5. _Description of Futtipoor, Biana, &c. ; of Nill, or Indigo; and ofother Matters. _ The 1st of November I was sent to Biana to buy _nill_, or indigo. Ilodged the first night at _Menhapoor_, a great serai or public inn, seven c. From Agra, near which the queenmother has a garden, and_Moholl_, or summer-house, very curiously contrived. The 2d I halted at_Kanowa_, or Kanua, eleven c. At every coss from Agra to Ajmeer, 130coss, there is erected a stone pillar, owing to the followingcircumstance. At Ajmeer is the tomb of a celebrated Mahometan saint, called Haji Mondee; and as Akbar had no children, he made a pilgrimageon foot to that famous shrine, ordering a stone pillar to be erected atevery coss, and a Moholl, with lodgings for sixteen of his principalwomen, at the end of every eight coss; and after his return he had threesons. At twelve coss from Agra, on this road, is the famous city of_Futtipoor_, built by Akbar, and inclosed by a fair stone wall, stillquite fresh, having four great gates, some three English miles betweeneach. Within the walls, the whole extent of the city lies waste like adesert and uninhabited, being very dangerous to pass through in thenight time. Much of the ground is now occupied as gardens, and much ofit is sown with _nill_, or different kinds of grain, so that, one couldhardly suppose he were in the middle of what was so lately a great andpopulous city. Before the gate towards Agra, in a stony ascent near acoss in length, are the ruins of an extensive suburb. At the S. W. Gate, for two English miles from the city, there are ruins of many finebuildings; and on the left are many fine walled gardens, to the distanceof three miles from the city. At the entrance of the N. E. Gate is agoodly bazar, or market, all of stone, being a spacious straight-linedand paved street, with handsome houses on both sides, half a mile long. Close, within the gate is the king's serai, consisting of extensivestone buildings, but much ruined. At the head of this street stands theking's house, or Moholl, with much curious building; beyond which, on anascent, is the goodliest mosque in all the east. It has a flight of sometwenty-four or thirty steps to the gate, which is, in my opinion, one ofthe loftiest and handsomest in the world, having a great number ofclustering pyramids on the top, very curiously disposed. The top of thisgate may be distinctly seen from the distance of eight or ten miles. Within the gate, is a spacious court curiously paved with stone, aboutsix times the size of the exchange of London, with a fine covered walkalong the sides, more than twice as broad and double the height of thosein our London exchange, supported by numerous pillars all of one stone;and all round about are entrances into numerous rooms, very ingeniouslycontrived. Opposite the grand gate stands a fair and sumptuous tomb, most artificially inlaid with mother-of-pearl, and inclosed by a stoneballustrade curiously carved; the ceiling being curiously plastered andpainted. In this tomb is deposited the body of a _calender_, orMahometan devotee, at whose cost the whole of this splendid mosque wasbuilt. Under the court-yard is a goodly tank of excellent water; noneother being to be had in the whole extent of the city, except brackishand corroding, by the use of which so great a mortality was occasionedamong the inhabitants of this city, that Akbar left it before it wasquite finished, and removed his seat of empire to Agra, so that thissplendid city was built and ruined in the space of fifty or sixty years. The name of this place at first was _Sykary_, signifying seeking orhunting: But on his return from his pilgrimage to Ajmeer, and thesubsequent birth of his son Selim, the present emperor, Akbar, changedits name to _Futtipoor_, or the city of content, or _heart's desireobtained_. Without the walls, on the N. N. W. Side of the city, there is agoodly lake of two or three coss in length, abounding with excellentfish and wild-fowl; all over which grows the herb producing the_hermodactyle_, and another bearing a fruit like a goblet, called_camolachachery_, both very cooling fruits. The herb which produces the_hermodactyle_, is a weed abounding in most tanks near Agra, whichspreads over the whole surface of the water. I did not observe its leaf;but the fruit is enclosed in a three-cornered hard woody shell, havingat each angle a sharp prickle, and is a little indented on the flatsides, like two posterns or little doors. The fruit while green is softand tender, and of a mealy taste, and is much eaten in India; but, in myopinion, it is exceedingly cold on the stomach, as I always after eatingit was inclined to take spirits. It is called _Singarra_. The_camolachachery_, or other fruit resembling a goblet, is flat on thetop, of a soft greenish substance, within which, a little eminent, standsix or eight fruits like acorns, divided from each other, and enclosedin a whitish film, at first of a russet green, having the taste of nutsor acorns, and in the midst is a small green sprig, not fit to be eaten. _Canua_ is a small country town, eighteen c. From Agra, W. By S. Aroundwhich very good indigo is made, owing to the strength of the soil andbrackishness of the water. It makes yearly about 500 M. [243] _Ouchen_, three c. Distant, makes very good indigo; besides which no town butBiana is comparable to Canua. The country which produces the excellentindigo, which takes its name from Biana, is not more than twenty orthirty coss long. The herb _nill_, from which indigo is made, grows inform not much unlike chives or chick-pease, having a small leaf likethat of senna, but shorter and broader, set on very short foot-stalks. The branches are hard and woody, like those of broom. The whole plantseldom exceeds a yard high, and its stem, at the biggest in the thirdyear, does not much exceed the size of a man's thumb. The seed isenclosed in a small pod about an inch long, and resembles fenugreek, only that it is blunter at both ends, as if cut off with a knife. Theflower is small, and like hearts-ease. The seed is ripe in November, andis then gathered. When sown, the herb continues three years on theground, and is cut every year in August or September, after the rains. The herb of the first year is tender, and from it is made _notee_, whichis a heavy reddish indigo, which sinks in water, not being come toperfection. That made from the plant of the second year, called _cyree_, is rich, very light, of a perfect violet colour, and swims in water. Inthe third year the herb is declining, and the indigo it then produces, called _catteld_, is blackish and heavy, being the worst of the three. When the herb is cut, it is thrown into a long cistern, where it ispressed down by many stones, and the water is then let in so as to coverit all over. It remains thus certain days, till all the substance of theherb is dissolved in the water. The water is then run off into anothercistern which is round, having another small cistern in the centre. Itis here laboured or beaten with great staves, like batter or whitestarch, when it is allowed to settle, and the clear water on the top isscummed off. It is then beaten again, and again allowed to settle, drawing off the clear water; and these alternate beatings, settlings, and drawing off the clear water, are repeated, till nothing remain but athick substance. This is taken out and spread on cloths in the sun, tillit hardens to some consistence, when it is made up by hand into smallballs, laid to dry on the sand, as any other thing would drink up thecolour, and which is the cause of every ball having a sandy foot. Shouldrain fall while in this situation, the indigo loses its colour andgloss, and is called _aliad_. Some deceitfully mix the crops of all thethree years, steeping them together, which fraud is hard to bediscovered, but is very knavish. Four things are required in goodindigo; a pure grain, a violet colour, a gloss in the sun, and that itbe light and dry, so that either swimming in water or burning in thefire it casts forth a pure light violet vapour, leaving few ashes. [Footnote 243: The meaning of this quantity is quite unintelligible; butmay possibly mean 500 _maunds_. --E. ] The king's manner of hunting is thus. About the beginning of November, he goes from Agra accompanied by many thousands, and hunts all thecountry for thirty or forty coss round about, and so continues till theend of March, when the great heats drive him home again. He causes atract of wood or desert to be encompassed about by chosen men, whocontract themselves to a near compass, and whatever is taken in thisenclosure, is called the king's _sykar_, or game, whether _men_! orbeasts, and who ever lets aught escape loses his life, unless pardonedby the king. All the beasts thus taken, if man's meat, are sold, and themoney given to the poor: If men, they become the king's slaves, and aresent yearly to Cabul, to be bartered for horses and dogs; these beingpoor miserable and thievish people, who live in the woods and deserts, differing little from beasts. One day while the king was hunting, aboutthe 6th January, 1611, he was assaulted by a lion[244] which he hadwounded with his matchlock. The ferocious animal came upon him with suchsudden violence, that he had in all probability been destroyed, had nota Rajaput captain interposed, just as the enraged animal had _ramped_against the king, thrusting his arm into the lion's mouth. In thisstruggle, Sultan Chorem, Rajah Ranidas, and others, came up and slew thelion, the Rajaput captain, who was tutor to the lately baptized princes, having first received thirty-two wounds in defence of the king; who tookhim into his own palanquin, and with his own hands wiped away the bloodand bound up his wounds, making him an omrah of 3000 horse, inrecompence of his valorous loyalty. [Footnote 244: The lion of these early travellers in India was almostcertainly the tyger. --E. ] This month of January 1611, the king was providing more forces for theDeccan war, although the king of that country offered to restore all hisconquests as the price of peace. Azam Khan was appointed general, whowent off at the head of 20, 000 horse, with whom went Mohabet Khan, another great captain, together with a vast treasure. With these forceswent _John Frenchman_ and Charles Charke[245], engaged in the king'sservice for these wars. [Footnote 245: This Charles Charke I have spoken with since in London, after having served several years in India. --_Purch. _] The 9th January, 1611, I departed from Agra for Lahore, to recover somedebts, and carried with me twelve carts laden with indigo, in hopes of agood price. [246] In seven days journey, I arrived at Delhi, eighty-onecoss from Agra. On the left hand is seen the ruins of old Delhi, [247]called the Seven Castles and Fifty-two Gates, now only inhabited by_Gogars_, or cattle herds. A short way from Delhi is a stone bridge ofeleven arches, over a branch of the Jumna, whence a broad way, shaded oneach side with great trees, leads to the tomb of Humaion, grandfather ofthe present king. In a large room spread with rich carpets, this tomb iscovered by a pure white sheet, and has over it a rich _semiane_, orcanopy. In front are certain books on small tressels, beside which standhis sword, turban, and shoes; and at the entrance are the tombs of hiswives and daughters. Beyond this, under a similar shaded road, you cometo the king's house and moholl, now ruinous. The city is two coss inextent, between gate and gate, being surrounded by a wall which has beenstrong, but is now ruinous, as are many goodly houses. Within and aroundthe city, are the tombs of twenty Patan kings, all very fair andstately. All the kings of India are here crowned, otherwise they areheld usurpers. Delhi is situated in a fine plain; and about two cossfrom thence are the ruins of a hunting seat, or _mole_, built by _SultanBemsa_, a great Indian sovereign. It still contains much curiousstone-work; and above all the rest is seen a stone pillar, which, afterpassing through three several stories, rises twenty-four feet above themall, having on the top a globe, surmounted by a crescent. It is saidthat this stone stands as much below in the earth as it rises above, andis placed below in water, being all one stone. Some say Naserdengady, aPatan king, wanted to take it up, but was prevented by a multitude ofscorpions. It has inscriptions. [248] In divers parts of India the likeare to be seen. [Footnote 246: It has not been deemed necessary to retain the itineraryof this journey, consisting of a long enumeration of the several stagesand distances, the names of which are often unintelligible. Anycircumstances of importance are however retained. --E. ] [Footnote 247: There are said to be four Delhis within five coss. The_oldest_ was built by _Rase_; who, by advice of his magicians, tried theground by driving an iron stake, which came up bloody, having wounded asnake. This the _ponde_ or magician said was a fortunate sign. The lastof this race was Rase Pethory; who, after seven times taking a Patanking, was at last by him taken and slain. He began the Patan kingdom ofDelhi. The Patans came from the mountains between Candahar and Cabul. The _second_ Delhi was built by Togall Shah, a Patan king. The _third_was of little note. The _fourth_ by Sher-shah-selim, and in it is thetomb of Humaion. --_Purchas_. ] [Footnote 248: Purchas alleges that these inscriptions are in Greek andHebrew and that some affirm it was erected by Alexander the Great--E. ] It is remarkable, that the quarries of India, and especially those nearFuttipoor, are of such a nature that the rock may be cleft like logs, and sawn like planks of great length and breadth, so as to form theceilings of rooms and the roofs of houses. From this monument, which istwo coss from Delhi, there is said to be a subterraneous passage all theway to Delhi castle. This place is now all in ruins, and abounds indeer. From Delhi, in nine stages, I reached _Sirinam_, or Sirhind, whereis a fair tank with a pleasure-house in the middle, to which leads astone bridge of fifteen arches. From thence is a canal to a royalgarden, at the distance of a coss, with a paved road forty feet broad, overshaded by trees on both sides. This garden is square, each side acoss or more in length, enclosed with a brick wall, richly planted withall kinds of fruits and flowers, and was rented, as I was told, at40, 000 rupees. It is crossed by two main walks forty feet broad, raisedon mounds eight feet high, having water in the middle in stone channels, and thickly planted on both sides with cypress trees. At the crossing ofthese walks is an octagon moholl, with eight chambers for women, and afair tank in the middle, over which are other eight rooms, with fairgalleries all round. The whole of this building is of stone, curiouslywrought, with much fine painting, rich carving, and stucco work, andsplendid gilding. On two sides are two other fine tanks, in the midst ofa fair stone _chounter?_ planted round with cypress trees; and at alittle distance is another moholl, but not so curious. From Sirhind, in five stages, making forty-eight coss, I came to a_serai_ called Fetipoor, built by the present king Shah Selim, in memoryof the overthrow of his eldest son, Sultan Cussero, on the followingoccasion. On some disgust, Shah Selim took up arms in the life of hisfather Akbar, and fled into _Purrop_, where he kept the strong castle of_Alobasse_, [249] but came in and submitted about three months before hisfather's death. Akbar had disinherited Selim for his rebellion, givingthe kingdom to Sultan Cussero, Selim's eldest son. But after the deathof Akbar, Selim, by means of his friends, got possession of the castleand treasure. Cussero fled to Lahore, where he raised about 12, 000horse, all good Mogul soldiers, and getting possession of the suburbs, was then proclaimed king, while his father was proclaimed in the castle. After twelve days came Melek Ali the Cutwall against him, beating theking's drums, though Selim was some twenty coss in the rear; and givinga brave assault, shouting _God save King Selim_, the prince's soldierslost heart and fled, leaving only five attendants with the prince, whofled and got thirty coss beyond Lahore, in his way to Cabul. But havingto pass a river, and offering gold _mohors_ in payment of his passage, the boatman grew suspicious, leapt overboard in the middle of the river, and swam on shore, where he gave notice to the governor of aneighbouring town. Taking fifty horse with him, the governor came to theriver side, where the boat still floated in the stream; and takinganother boat, went and saluted Cussero by the title of King, dissemblingly offering his aid and inviting him to his house, where hemade him prisoner, and sent immediate notice to the king, who sent tofetch him fettered on an elephant. From thence Selim proceeded to Cabul, punishing such as had joined in the revolt; and on his return with hisson a prisoner, at this place, _Fetipoor_, where the battle was fought, as some say, he caused the eyes of Cussero to be burnt out with a glass, while others say he only caused him to be blindfolded with a napkin, tied behind and sealed with his own seal, which yet remains, and carriedhim prisoner to the castle of Agra. Along all the way from Agra toCabul, the king ordered trees to be planted on both sides; and inremembrance of the exploit at this place, he caused it to be namedFetipoor, or _Heart's Content_, as the city formerly mentioned had beennamed by Akbar in memory of his birth. [250] [Footnote 249: Purrop, or Porub, has been formerly supposed the ancientkingdom of Porus in the Punjab, and Attobass, here called Alobasse, tohave been Attock Benares--E. ] [Footnote 250: There are several places in India of this name, but thatin the text at this place is not now to be found in our maps, on theroad between Delhi and Lahore. --E. ] From hence I went to Lahore, twenty-nine coss, in three stages, arrivingthere on the 4th of February, 1611. The 28th there arrived here aPersian ambassador from Shah Abbas, by whom I learnt that the way toCandahar was now clear, having been impassable in consequence of thewar occasioned by Gelole, a Turk, who had tied to Persia with 10, 000Turks, when, having got a jagheer on the frontiers, he endeavoured tomake himself independent, but was overthrown, and lost his head. § 6. _Description of Lahore, with other Observations_. Lahore is one of the greatest cities of the east, being near twenty-fourcoss in circuit, round which a great ditch is now digging, the kinghaving commanded the whole city to be surrounded by a strong wall. Inthe time of the Patan empire of Delhi, Lahore was only a village, Mooltan being then a flourishing city, till Humaion thought proper toenlarge Lahore, which now, including its suburbs, is about six coss inextent. The castle or royal town is surrounded by a brick wall, which isentered by twelve handsome gates, three of which open to the banks ofthe river, and the other nine towards the land. The streets are wellpaved, and the inhabitants are mostly Banyan handicrafts, all white menof any note living in the suburbs. The buildings are fair and high ofbrick, with much curious carvings about the doors and windows; and mostof the Gentiles have their house doors raised six or seven steps fromthe street, and of troublesome ascent, partly for greater security, andto prevent passengers from seeing into their houses. The castle is builton the S. E. Bank of the _Rauvee_, a river that flows into the Indus, anddown which many barges of sixty tons and upwards navigate to Tatta inSindy, after the falling of the rains, being a voyage of about fortydays, passing by Mooltan, Sidpoor, Backar, &c. The river Rauvee comes from the N. E. And passing the north side of thecity, runs W. S. W. To join the Indus. Within the castle is the king'spalace, which is on the side towards the river, and is entered by themiddle gate on that side, after entering which, you go into the palaceby a strong gate on the left hand, and a musket-shot farther by asmaller gate, into a large square court, surrounded by _atescanna_, inwhich the king's guard keeps watch. Beyond this, and turning again tothe left, you enter by another gate into an inner court, in which theking holds his _durbar_, or court, all round which are _atescannas_, [251]in which the great men keep watch, and in the middle of the court is ahigh pole on which to hang a light. From thence you go up to a fair stone_jounter_, or small court, in the middle of which stands a fair_devoncan_, [252] with two or three retiring rooms, in which the kingusually spends the early part of the night, from eight to eleven o'clock. On the walls is the king's picture, sitting cross-legged on a chair ofstate, on his right hand Sultan Parvis, Sultan Chorem, and Sultan Timor, his sons; next whom are Shah Morat and Don Shah, his brothers, the threeprinces who were baptized being sons of this last. Next to them is thepicture of Eemersee Sheriff, eldest brother to Khan Azam, with those ofmany of the principal people of the court. It is worthy likewise of notice, that in this hall are conspicuously placed the pictures of our Saviour andthe Virgin Mary. [Footnote 251: This unexplained word probably signifies a corridore, orcovered gallery. --E. ] [Footnote 252: Perhaps a divan, or audience hall. --E. ] From this _devoncan_, or hall of audience, which is pleasantly situated, overlooking the river, passing a small gate to the west, you enteranother small court, where is another open stone _chounter_ to sit in, covered with rich _semianes_, or canopies. From hence you enter agallery, at the end of which nest the river is a small window, fromwhich the king looks forth at his _dersanee_, to behold the fights ofwild beasts on a meadow beside the river. On the walls of this galleryare the pictures of the late Emperor Akbar, the present sovereign, andall his sons. At the end is a small _devoncan_, where the king usuallysits, and behind it is his bed-chamber, and before it an open pavedcourt, along the right-hand side of which is a small _moholl_ of twostories, each containing eight fair chambers for several women, withgalleries and windows looking both to the river and the court. All thedoors of these chambers are made to be fastened on the outside, and notwithin. In the gallery, where the king usually sits, there are manypictures of angels, intermixed with those of banian _dews_, or devilsrather, being of most ugly shapes, with long horns, staring eyes, shaggyhair, great paws and fangs, long tails, and other circumstances ofhorrible deformity, that I wonder the poor women are not frightened atthem. Returning to the former court, where the _adees_, or guards, keepwatch, you enter by another gate into the new durbar, beyond which areseveral apartments, and a great square moholl, sufficient to lodge twohundred women in state, all having several apartments. From the samecourt of guard, passing right on, you enter another small paved court, and thence into another moholl, the stateliest of all, containingsixteen separate suites of large apartments, each having a _devoncan_, or hall, and several chambers, each lady having her tank, and enjoying alittle separate world of pleasures and state to herself, all pleasantlysituated, overlooking the river. Before the moholl appropriated to themother of Sultan Cussero, is a high pole for carrying a light, as beforethe king, as she brought forth the emperor's first son and heir. Before this gallery is a fair paved court, with stone gratings andwindows along the water; beneath which is a pleasure garden; and behindare the king's principal lodgings, most sumptuously decorated, all thewalls and ceilings being laid over with pure gold, and along the sides, about man's height, a great number of Venetian mirrors, about three feetasunder, and in threes over each other; and below are many pictures ofthe king's ancestors, as Akbar his father, Humaion his grandfather, Babur his great-grandfather, the first of the race who set foot onIndia, together with thirty of his nobles, all clad as calenders orfakiers. In that disguise Babur and his thirty nobles came to Delhi tothe court of Secunder, then reigning, where Babur was discovered, yetdismissed under an oath not to attempt any hostilities during the lifeof Secunder, which he faithfully performed. On the death of Secunder, Babur sent his son Humaion against his successor Abram, from whom heconquered the whole kingdom. There afterwards arose a great captain, ofthe displaced royal family in Bengal, who fought a great battle againstHumaion near the Ganges, and having defeated him, continued the pursuittill he took refuge in the dominions of Persia; where he procured newforces, under the command of Byram, father to the Khan Khana, andreconquered all, living afterwards in security. On the death of Humaion, Akbar was very young, and Byram Khan was left protector of the realm. When Akbar grew up, and assumed the reins of government, he cast offByram, and is said to have made away with him, when on a _roomery_, orpilgrimage to Mecca. The son of Byram, Khan-khana, or khan of thekhans, in conjunction with his friends and allies, is a great curb onShah Selim, being able to bring into the field upwards of 100, 000 horse. Shah Selim affirms himself to be the ninth in lineal male descent fromTamerlane, or Timur the Great, emperor of the Moguls. [253] [Footnote 253: We have here left out a farther description of the palaceand other buildings at Lahore, which in fact convey little or noinformation. --E. ] The 17th of May came news that the Patan thieves had sacked the city ofCabul, having come suddenly against it from their mountains with 11, 000foot and 1000 horse, while the governor was absent on other affairs atJalalabad, and the garrison so weak that it was only able to defend thecastle. In six hours they plundered the city, and retired with theirbooty. For the better keeping these rebels in order, the king hasestablished twenty-three omrahs between Lahore and Cabul, yet all willnot do, as they often sally from their mountains, robbing caravans andplundering towns. The 18th of August, there arrived a great caravan fromPersia, by whom we had news of the French king's death, from an Armenianwho had been in the service of Mr Boys. On the west side of the castle of Lahore is the ferry for crossing overthe Rauvee on the way to Cabul, which is 271 cosses, and thence toTartary and Cashgar. Cabul is a large and fair city, the first seat ofthe present king's great-grandfather Babur. At forty cosses beyond is_Gorebond_, or Gourhund, a great city bordering on Usbeck Tartary; and150 coss from Cabul is _Taul Caun_, a city in _Buddocsha_, or Badakshanof Bucharia. From Cabul to Cashgar, with the caravan, it is two or threemonths journey, Cashgar being a great kingdom under the Tartars. A chiefcity of trade in that country is _Yarcan_, whence comes much silk, porcelain, musk, and rhubarb, with other commodities; all or most ofwhich come from China, the gate or entrance into which is some two orthree months farther. When the caravan comes to this entrance, it mustremain under tents, sending by licence some ten or fifteen merchants atonce to transact their business, on whose return as many more may besent; but on no account can the whole caravan be permitted to enter atonce. From Lahore to Cashmere, the road goes first, part of the way to Cabul, to a town called Gojrat, forty-four coss; whence it turns north andsomewhat easterly seventy coss, when it ascends a high mountain called_Hast-caunk-gaut_, on the top of which is a fine plain, after which istwelve coss through a goodly country to Cashmere, which is a strong cityon the river Bebut, otherwise called the Ihylum, or Collumma. Thecountry of Cashmere is a rich and fertile plain among the mountains, some 150 coss in length, and 50 broad, abounding in fruits, grain, andsaffron, and having beautiful fair women. This country is cold, andsubjected to great frosts and heavy falls of snow, being near toCashgar, yet separated by such prodigious mountains that there is nopassage for caravans. Much silk and other goods are however oftenbrought this way by men, without the aid of animals, and the goods havein many places to be drawn up or let down over precipices by means ofropes. On these mountains dwells a small king called Tibbet, [254] wholately sent one of his daughters to Shah Selim, by way of makingaffinity. [Footnote 254: Little Thibet, a country hardly known in geography, is onthe north-west of Cashmere, beyond the northern chain of the Vindhiamountains. --E. ] Nicholas Uphet, [or Ufflet] went from Agra to Surat by a different wayfrom that by which I came, going by the mountains of Narwar, whichextend to near Ahmedabad in Guzerat. Upon these mountains stands theimpregnable castle of _Gur Chitto_, or Chitore, the chief seat of the_Ranna_, a very powerful rajah, whom neither the Patans, nor Akbarhimself, was ever able to subdue. Owing to all India having beenformerly belonging to the Gentiles, and this prince having always been, and is still, esteemed in equal reverence as the pope is by thecatholics, those rajahs who have been sent against him have always madesome excuses for not being able to do much injury to his territories, which extend towards Ahmednagur 150 great cosses, and in breadth 200cosses towards Oogain, mostly composed of, or inclosed by inaccessiblemountains, well fortified by art in many places. This rajah is able onoccasion to raise 12, 000 good horse, and holds many fair towns andgoodly cities. Ajmeer, the capital of a kingdom or province of that name, west fromAgra, stands on the top of an inaccessible mountain, three coss inascent, being quite impregnable. The city at the foot of the hill is notgreat, but is well built and surrounded by a stone wall and ditch. It ischiefly famous for the tomb of Haji Mundee, a saint much venerated bythe Moguls, to which, as formerly mentioned, Akbar made a _roomery_, orpilgrimage on foot, from Agra, to obtain a son. Before coming to thistomb, you have to pass through three fair courts; the first, coveringnear an acre of ground, all paved with black and white marble, in whichmany of Mahomet's cursed kindred are interred. In this court is a fairtank all lined with stone. The second court is paved like the former, but richer, and is twice as large as the Exchange at London, having inthe middle a curious candlestick with many lights. The third court isentered by a brazen gate of curious workmanship, and is the fairest ofall, especially near the door of the sepulchre, where the pavement iscuriously laid in party-coloured stones. The door is large, and allinlaid with mother-of-pearl, and the pavement about the tomb is allmosaic of different-coloured marbles. The tomb itself is splendidlyadorned with mother-of-pearl and gold, having an epitaph in Persian. Ata little distance stands his seat in an obscure corner, where he used tosit foretelling future events, and which is highly venerated. On theeast side are three other fair courts with each a fair tank; and on thenorth and west are several handsome houses, inhabited by _sidèes_, orMahometan priests. No person is allowed to enter any of these placesexcept bare-footed. Beyond Ajmeer to the west and south-west, are Meerat Joudpoor andJalour, which last is a castle on the top of a steep mountain, threecoss in ascent, by a fair stone causeway, [255] broad enough for two men. At the end of the first coss is a gate and court of guard, where thecauseway is enclosed on both sides with walls. At the end of the secondcoss is a double gate strongly fortified; and at the third coss is thecastle, which is entered by three successive gates. The first is verystrongly plated with iron; the second not so strong, with places abovefor throwing down melted lead or boiling oil; and the third is thicklybeset with iron spikes. Between each of these gates are spacious placesof arms, and at the inner gate is a strong portcullis. A bow-shot withinthe castle is a splendid pagoda, built by the founders of the castle, ancestors of Gidney Khan, who were Gentiles. He turned Mahometan, anddeprived his elder brother of this castle by the following stratagem:Having invited him and his women to a banquet, which his brotherrequited by a similar entertainment, he substituted chosen soldiers wellarmed instead of women, sending them two and two in a _dowle_, [256] who, getting in by this device, gained possession of the gates, and held theplace for the Great Mogul, to whom it now appertains, being one of thestrongest situated forts in the world. [Footnote 255: This is probably a stair. --E. ] [Footnote 256: A dowle, dowly, or dooly, is a chair or cage, in whichtheir women are carried on men's shoulders. --_Purch. _] About half a coss within the gate is a goodly square tank, cut out ofthe solid rock, said to be fifty fathoms deep, and full of excellentwater. A little farther on is a goodly plain, shaded with many finetrees, beyond which, on a small conical hill, is the sepulchre of King_Hasswaard_, who was a great soldier in his life, and has been sincevenerated as a great saint by the people in these parts. Near this placeis said to be kept a huge snake, twenty-five feet long, and as thick asthe body of a man, which the people will not hurt. This castle, which iseight coss in circuit, is considered as the gate or frontier of Guzerat. Beyond it is Beelmahl, the ancient wall of which is still to be seen, near twenty-four coss in circuit, containing many fine tanks going toruin. From thence to Ahmedabad or Amadaver, by Rhadunpoor, is a deepsandy country. Ahmedabad is a goodly city on a fine river, the Mohindry, inclosed withstrong walls and fair gates, with many beautiful towers. The castle islarge and strong, in which resides the son of Azam Khan, who is viceroyin these parts. The streets are large and well paved, and the buildingsare comparable to those of any town in Asia. It has great trade; foralmost every ten days there go from hence 200 _coaches_[257] richlyladen with merchandize for Cambay. The merchants here are rich, and theartisans very expert in carvings, paintings, inlaid works, andembroidery in gold and silver. At an hour's warning this place has 6000horse in readiness: The gates are continually and strictly guarded, noperson being allowed to enter without a licence, or to depart without apass. These precautions are owing to the neighbourhood of Badur, whosestrong-hold is only fifty coss to the east, where nature, with some aidfrom art, has fortified him against all the power of the Moguls, andwhence some four years ago, proclaiming liberty and laws of goodfellowship, [258] he sacked Cambaya by a sudden assault of 100, 000 men, drawn together by the hope of plunder, and with whom he retainedpossession for fourteen days. [Footnote 257: Perhaps camels ought to be substituted for coaches; or atleast _carts_ drawn by bullocks. --E. ] [Footnote 258: This is very singular, to find _liberty and equality_ inthe mouths of Indian despots and slaves. --E. ] Between Ahmedabad and _Trage_, there is a rajah in the mountains, who isable to bring 17, 000 horse and foot into the field, his people, called_Collees_ or _Quuliees_, inhabiting a desert wilderness, which preserveshim from being conquered. On the right hand is another rajah, able toraise 10, 000 horse, who holds an impregnable castle in a desert plain. His country was subject to the government of Gidney Khan, but he hasstood on his defence for seven years, refusing to pay tribute. Thisrajah is reported to have a race of horses superior to all others in theeast, and said to be swifter than those of Arabia, and able to continueat reasonable speed a whole day without once stopping; of which he issaid to have a stud of 100 mares. From _Jalore_ to the city ofAhmedabad, the whole way is through a sandy and woody country, full ofthievish beastly men, and savage beasts, as lions, tygers, &c. Aboutthirty coss round Ahmedabad, indigo is made, called _cickell_, from atown of that name four coss from Ahmedabad, but this is not so good asthat of Biana. Cambaya is thirty-eight coss from Ahmedabad, by a road through sands andwoods, much infested by thieves. Cambay is on the coast of a gulf of thesame name, encompassed by a strong brick wall, having high and handsomehouses, forming straight paved streets, each of which has a gate ateither end. It has an excellent bazar, abounding in cloth of all kinds, and valuable drugs, and is so much frequented by the Portuguese, thatthere are often 200 frigates or grabs riding there. The gulf or bay iseight coss over, and is exceedingly dangerous to navigate on account ofthe great _bore_, which drowns many, so that it requires skilful pilotswell acquainted with the tides. At neap tides is the least danger. Thieves also, when you are over the channel, are not a little dangerous, forcing merchants, if not the better provided, to quit their goods, orby long dispute betraying them to the fury of the tide, which comeswith such swiftness that it is ten to one if any escape. Cambay isinfested with an infinite number of monkies, which are continuallyleaping from house to house, doing much mischief and untiling thehouses, so that people in the streets are in danger of being felled bythe falling stones. Five coss from Cambay is _Jumbosier_, now much ruined, and thenceeighteen coss to Broach, a woody and dangerous journey, in which aremany peacocks. Within four coss of Broach is a great mine of agates. Broach is a fair castle, seated on a river twice as broad as the Thames, called the _Nerbuddah_, the mouth of which is twelve coss from thence. Here are made rich _baffatas_, much surpassing Holland cloth infineness, which cost fifty rupees the _book_, each of fourteen Englishyards, not three quarters broad. Hence to _Variaw_, twenty coss, is agoodly country, fertile, and full of villages, abounding in wild datetrees, which are usually plentiful by the sea-side in most places, fromwhich they draw a liquor called _Tarrie, Sure_, or _Toddic_, as alsofrom a wild cocoa-tree called _Tarrie_. Hence to Surat is three coss, being the close of the itinerary of Nicolas Ufflet. The city of Agra has not been in repute above 50 years, [259] having onlybeen a village till the reign of Akbar, who removed his residence tothis place from Futtipoor, as already mentioned, for want of good water. It is now a large city, and populous beyond measure, so that it is verydifficult to pass through the streets, which are mostly narrow anddirty, save only the great Bazar and a few others, which are large andhandsome. The city is somewhat in the form of a crescent, on theconvexity of a bend of the Jumna, being about five coss in length on theland side, and as much along the banks of the river, on which are manygoodly houses of the nobles, overlooking the Jumna, which runs with aswift current from N. W. To S. E. To join the Ganges. On the banks of theriver stands the castle, one of the fairest and most admirable buildingsin all the East, some three or four miles in circuit, inclosed by a fineand strong wall of squared stones, around which is a fair ditch withdraw-bridges. The walls are built with bulwarks or towers somewhatdefensible, having a counterscarp without, some fifteen yards broad. Within are two other strong walls with gates. [Footnote 259: This of course is to be understood as referring back from1611, when Finch was there. We have here omitted a long uninterestingand confused account of many parts of India, which could only haveswelled our pages, without conveying any useful information. --E. ] There are four gales to the castle. One to the north, leading to arampart having many large cannon. Another westwards, leading to theBazar, called the _Cichery_ gate, within which is the judgment-seat ofthe _casi_, or chief judge in all matters of law; and beside this gateare two or three _murderers_, or very large pieces of brass cannon, oneof which is fifteen feet long and three feet diameter in the bore. Overagainst the judgment-seat of the _casi_, is the _Cichery_, or court ofrolls, where the grand vizier sits about three hours every morning, through whose hands pass all matters respecting rents, grants, lands, firmans, debts, &c. Beyond these two gates, you pass a third leadinginto a fair street, with houses and _munition_ along both sides; and atthe end of this street, being a quarter of a mile long, you come to thethird gate, which leads to the king's _durbar_. This gate is alwayschained, all men alighting here except the king and his children. Thisgate is called _Akbar drowage_; close within which many hundred dancinggirls and singers attend day and night, to be ever ready when the kingor any of his women please to send for them, to sing and dance in themoholls, all of them having stipends from the king according to theirrespective unworthy worth. The fourth gate is to the river, called the _Dersane_, leading to a faircourt extending along the river, where the king looks out every morningat sun-rising, which he salutes, and then his nobles resort to their_tessilam_. Right under the place where he looks out, is a kind ofscaffold on which the nobles stand, but the _addees_ and others wait inthe court below. Here likewise the king comes every day at noon to seethe _tamashan_, or fighting with elephants, lions, and buffaloes, andkilling of deer by leopards. This is the custom every day of the weekexcept Sunday, [260] on which there is no fighting. Tuesdays arepeculiarly the days of blood both for fighting beasts and killing men;as on that day the king sits in judgment, and sees it put in execution. Within the third gate, formerly mentioned, you enter a spacious court, with _atescannas_ all arched round, like shops or open stalls, in whichthe king's captains, according to their several degrees keep theirseventh day _chockees_. [261] A little farther on you enter through arail into an inner court, into which none are admitted except the king's_addees_, and men of some quality, under pain of a hearty thwacking fromthe porter's cudgels, which they lay on load without respect of persons. [Footnote 260: Probably Friday is here meant, being the Sabbath of theMahometans. --E. ] [Footnote 261: Mr Finch perpetually forgets that his readers in Englandwere not acquainted with the language of India, and leaves these easternterms unexplained; in which he has been inconveniently copied by mostsubsequent travellers in the East. _Chockees_ in the text, probablymeans turns of duty on guard. --E. ] Being entered, you approach the king's _durbar_, or royal seat, beforewhich is a small court inclosed with rails, and covered over head withrich _semianes_, or awnings, to keep away the sun. Here aloft in agallery sits the king in his chair of state, accompanied by his sons andchief vizier, who go up by a short ladder from the court, none otherbeing allowed to go up unless called, except two _punkaws_ to fan him, and right before him is a third _punkaw_ on a scaffold, who makes havockof the poor flies with a horse's tail. On the wall behind the king, onhis right hand, is a picture of our Saviour, and on his left, of theVirgin. On the farther side of the court of presence hang golden bells, by ringing which, if any one be oppressed, and is refused justice by theking's officers, he is called in and the matter discussed before theking. But let them be sure their cause is good, lest they be punishedfor presuming to trouble the king. The king comes to his durbar everyday between three and four o'clock, when thousands resort to shew theirduty, every one taking place according to his rank. He remains here tillthe evening, hearing various matters, receiving news or letters, whichare read by his viziers, granting suits, and so forth: All which timethe royal drum continually beats, and many instruments of music aresounded from a gallery on the opposite building. His elephants andhorses in the mean time are led past, in brave order, doing their_tessilam_, or obeisance, and are examined by proper officers to seethat they are properly cared for, and in a thriving condition. Some add[262] that Agra has no walls, and is only surrounded by a dryditch, beyond which are extensive suburbs, the city and suburbs beingseven miles long and three broad. The houses of the nobility andmerchants are built of brick and stone, with flat roofs, but those ofthe common people have only mud walls and thatched roofs, owing to whichthere are often terrible fires. The city has six gates. The river_Jumna_ is broader than the Thames at London, and has many boats andbarges, some of them of 100 tons burden; but these cannot return againstthe stream. From Agra to Lahore, a distance of 600 miles, the road isset on both sides with mulberry trees. [Footnote 262: At this place, Purchas remarks, "that this addition isfrom a written book, entitled, A Discourse of Agra and the Fourprincipal Ways to it. I know not by what author, unless it be NicholasUfflet. "--_Purch. _] The tomb of the late emperor Akbar is three coss from Agra, on the roadto Lahore, in the middle of a large and beautiful garden, surroundedwith brick walls, near two miles in circuit. It is to have four gates, only one of which is yet in hand, each of which, if answerable to theirfoundations, will be able to receive a great prince with a reasonabletrain. On the way-side is a spacious _moholl_, intended by the king forhis father's women to remain and end their days, deploring for theirdeceased lord, each enjoying the lands they formerly held, the chiefhaving the pay or rents of 5000 horse. In the centre of this garden isthe tomb, a square of about three quarters of a mile in circuit. Thefirst inclosure is a curious rail, to which you ascend by six steps intoa small square garden, divided into quarters, having fine tanks; thewhole garden being planted with a variety of sweet-smelling flowers andshrubs. Adjoining to this is the tomb, likewise square, all of hewnstone, with spacious galleries on each side, having a small beautifulturret at each corner, arched over head, and covered with fine marble. Between corner and corner are four other turrets at equal distances. Here, within a golden coffin, reposes the body of the late monarch, whosometimes thought the world too small for him. It is nothing nearfinished, after ten years labour, although there are continuallyemployed on the mausoleum and other buildings, as the moholl and gates, more than 3000 men. The stone is brought from an excellent quarry nearFuttipoor, formerly mentioned, and may be cut like timber by means ofsaws, so that planks for ceilings are made from it, almost of any size. SECTION VII. _Voyage of Captain David Middleton, in_ 1607, _to Bantam and theMoluccas_. [263] INTRODUCTION. Captain David Middleton in the Consent, appears to have been intended toaccompany the fleet under Captain Keeling. But, setting out on the 12thMarch, 1607, from Tilbury Hope, while Captain Keeling did not reach theDowns till the 1st April, Middleton either missed the other ships at theappointed rendezvous, or purposely went on alone. The latter is moreprobable, as Purchas observes that the _Consent kept no concent with herconsorts_. By the title in Purchas, we learn that the Consent was avessel of 115 tons burden. This short narrative appears to have beenwritten by some person on board, but his name is not mentioned. It hasevidently suffered the pruning knife of Purchas, as it commencesabruptly at Saldanha bay, and breaks off in a similar manner at Bantam. Yet, in the present version, it has been a little farther curtailed, byomitting several uninteresting circumstances of weather and otherlog-book notices. --E. [Footnote 263: Purch. Pilgr. I. 226. Astl. I. 332. ] * * * * * We anchored in Saldanha roads on the 16th July, 1607, with all our menin good health; only that Peter Lambert fell from the top-mast head theday before, of which he died. The 21st, the captain and master went toPenguin island, three leagues from the road. This island does not exceedthree miles long by two in breadth; yet, in my opinion, no island in theworld is more frequented by seals and fowls than this, which aboundswith penguins, wild-geese, ducks, pelicans, and various other fowls. Youmay drive 500 penguins together in a flock, and the seals are inthousands together on the shore. Having well refreshed our men, andbought some cattle, we weighed anchor about four in the morning of the29th July, and came out of the roads with very little wind, all our menin perfect health, yet loth to depart without the company of our othertwo ships. But all our business being ended, and being quite uncertainas to their arrival, [264] we made no farther stay, and directed ourcourse for the island of St Lawrence or Madagascar. [Footnote 264: The other two ships under Keeling did not arrive atSaldanha bay till the 17th December, five months afterwards. --E. ] The 30th was calm all day, till three in the afternoon, when we had afresh gale at S. W. With which we passed the Cape of Good Hope by ten atnight. The 1st August we were off Cape Aguillas; and on the 27th we sawthe island of Madagascar, some six leagues off. In the afternoon of the30th we anchored in the bay of St Augustine, in six and a half fathomson coarse gravel. In consequence of a great ledge of rocks off the mouthof the bay, we fell to _room-wards_, [leeward, ] of the road, and had toget in upon a tack, having seven, six and a half, and five fathoms allthe way, and on coming to anchor had the ledge and two islands towindward of us. The 31st, our captain and Mr Davis went in the longboat to view theislands, and I myself as we went sounded close by the ledge, and had sixfathoms. One of the islands is very small, as it were a mere bank ofsand with nothing on it. The other is about a mile long, and half a milebroad, and has nothing upon it but some small store of wood. The 1stSeptember, we weighed from our first anchorage, the ground being foul, so that our cable broke, and we lost an anchor in weighing, and camewithin two miles of the mouth of the river, where we anchored in fiveand a half fathoms fast ground, about three leagues from oar formeranchorage. We got here plenty of sheep and beeves for little money, andhaving taken in wood and water, we weighed anchor on the 7th, taking tosea with us four goats, three sheep, and a heifer. We had an observationthree miles from the island, before the bay of St Augustine, which wemade to be in lat. 23° 48' S. [265] [Footnote 265: The tropic of Capricorn runs through the bay of StAugustine, being 23° 30' S. Rather nearer the south point of the bay; sothat the latitude in the text must err at least 16' in excess. --E. ] The 12th November in the morning we saw an island, which we found to be_Engano_, or the Isle of Deceit, and came to its north side. This islandis about five leagues in length, trending E. By S. And W. By N. Theeaster end is the highest, and the wester is full of trees. It is inlat. 5° 30' S. And the variation is 4° 13'. Having the wind at W. N. W. Westeered away for the main of Sumatra E. By S. And E. S. E. With a pleasantgale but much rain, and next day had sight of Sumatra about four leaguesfrom us. We anchored on the 14th in Bantam roads about four p. M. When wefound all the merchants in good health, and all things in good order. Next day our captain went on shore to speak with Mr Towerson, respectingthe business of the ship, and it was agreed to send ashore the lead andiron we brought with us. This being effected, and having fitted our shipin good order, and taken in our merchants and goods for the Moluccas, wetook leave of the factory, and set sail for these islands on the 6thDecember. "In the beginning of January, 1608, they arrived at the Moluccas. Therest of that month and the whole of February, was spent in complimentsbetween them and the Spaniards and the Moluccan princes: the Spaniardsnot daring to allow them to trade without leave from their camp-master;and as he was embroiled with the Hollanders, he refused, unless theywould aid him, or at least accompany their ships for shew of serviceagainst the Hollanders; which Captain Middleton refused, as contrary tohis commission and instructions. In the mean time, they traded privatelywith the natives by night, and were jovial with the Spaniards by day, who both gave and received hearty welcome. In the beginning of Marchthey had leave to trade, but this licence was revoked again in a fewdays, and they were commanded to be gone. Thus they spent their timetill the 14th March, when they weighed anchor and set sail, having somelittle trade by the way. This part of the journal is long, and I haveomitted it, as also in some other parts where I thought it might betedious. "[266] [Footnote 266: This paragraph is by Purchas, by whom it is placed ashere in the text. --E. ] The 23d March, we entered the Straits of _Bangaya_, [267] where thecaptain proposed to seek for water. While uncertain where to seek it, there came off a praw from the island, by which we learnt that goodwater might be had on the east shore, where we anchored in 60 fathoms ina most cruel current. Our long-boat was then sent for water, conductedby the Indian who came in the praw, from whom our people procured somefresh fish at a cheap rate in exchange for china dishes. In the morningof the 24th we went for another boat-load of water; and this morning bydaybreak the natives came off to us in above 100 praws, carrying men, women, and children, and brought us great quantities of fish, both driedand fresh, which they sold very cheap. They brought us also hogs, bothgreat and small, with plenty of poultry, which they sold very reasonablyfor coarse white cloth and china dishes; likewise plantains, _cassathoe_roots, and various kinds of fruit. The natives remained on board thewhole day in such numbers, that we could sometimes hardly get from onepart of the deck to another for them. In the afternoon the King of_Bottone_, or Booton, sent some plantains to our captain, and a kind ofliquor for drinking called _Irea-pote_, in return for which the captainsent back a rich painted calico. About ten at night we weighed anchor, in doing which we broke the flukes of both our starboard anchors, forwhich reason we had to man our long-boat, and tow the ship all nightagainst the current, which otherwise would have carried us farther toleewards than we could have made up again in three days, unless we hadgot a fresh gale of wind, so strong is the current at this place. [Footnote 267: From circumstances in the sequel, these Straits ofBangaya appear to have been between the island of Booton, in about lat. 5° S. And long. 123° 20' E. , and the south-east leg or peninsula of theisland of Celebes. --E. ] The 19th April the King of Booton sent one of his brothers again onboard, [268] to know if he might come to see the ship, of which he wasvery desirous, having often heard of Englishmen, but had never seen any;on which our captain sent him word that he should think himself muchhonoured by a visit. The king came immediately off in his _caracol_, rowed by at least an hundred oars or paddles, having in her besidesabout 400 armed men, and six pieces of brass cannon; being attended byfive other caracols, which had at the least 1000 armed men in them. Oncoming up, our captain sent our surgeon, Francis Kelly, as an hostagefor the king's safety; when he came on board, and was kindly welcomedby our captain, who invited him to partake of a banquet of sweetmeats, which he readily accepted. Captain Middleton then made enquiry as towhat commodities the king had for sale in his dominions. He made answer, that they had pearls, tortoise-shell, and some cloth of their ownmanufacture, which we supposed might be of striped cotton. The king saidfarther, as we were unacquainted with the place, he would send a pilotto conduct us. Captain Middleton then requested to see some of thepearls; but he said he had not brought any with him, meaning only ajaunt of pleasure, but if we would come to Booton, which was only a dayand night's sail from thence, we should see great store of pearls, andsuch other things as he had for sale. The captain and factor, considering that this was very little out of the way to Bantam, thoughtbest to agree to this offer, and presented the king with a musket, asword, and a pintado, thanking him for his kindness. The king replied, that he had not now any thing worth giving, but promised to repay thesecivilities before we left Booton, giving at the same time two pieces oftheir country cloth. [Footnote 268: Something has probably been here omitted by Purchas, aswe hear nothing of their transactions between the 24th March and 19thApril. --E. ] About three p. M. The king took his leave, promising to send a pilot inall speed to carry us to the town of Booton, and by the time we weighedanchor the pilot came on board. At night the king sent one of hiscaracols to us, to see if we wanted any thing, and to accompany us toBooton; sending at the same time a goat to the captain. We stood forBooton with a small gale, which at night died away, so that we had todrop anchor in 22 fathoms, not willing to drift to leeward with thecurrent; and next morning we again weighed and stood for Booton. The 22d, about ten a. M. Our purser came on board, having been sent onshore the night before, and brought with him some cocks and hens. Hetold us that the Indians had carried him to a king, who was glad to seehim, having never before seen any Englishmen. [269] At his first comingto the king's house, he was carousing and drinking with his nobles, allround where he sat being hung with human heads, whom he had recentlyslain in war. After some little stay, the purser took his leave, and layall night on board the caracol. This night we anchored in 20 fathoms, in a strait or passage not half a mile wide. The 23d, in the morning, we again weighed, and, having very little wind, our long-boat towed usthrough the straits, and as the tide was with us we went a-head a-main;so that by eleven o'clock a. M. We were in sight of the town of Booton, and came to anchor in 25 fathoms, about a mile and a half from the town, where we waited for the king to come on board, but he came not thatnight. We sent, however, our boat on shore, and bought fresh fish forour company. [Footnote 269: There is some strange obscurity in the text about thisnew king, called in the margin by Purchas the king of _Cobina_. --E. ] The king came up under our stern about one p. M. Of the 24th, having withhim some forty caracols, and rowed round us very gallantly, hoisting hiscolours and pendants; after which they rowed back to the town, and ourcaptain saluted them with a volley of small arms and all his great guns. He then caused man our long-boat, and went ashore to the town of Booton, accompanied by Mr Siddal and others. The king saluted our captain onlanding, both with small arms and ordnance, saying that his heart wasnow contented, as he had seen the English nation, promising to shew ourcaptain all the kindness in his power. The captain humbly thanked him, and took his leave for the present, coming again on board. Next morning, the 25th April, we weighed anchor and stood farther intothe road, anchoring again in 27 fathoms within half a mile of the shore. This morning there came on board a Javan _nakhada, _ or ship-master, whohad a junk in the roads laden with cloves, which he had brought fromAmboina, with whom Mr Siddal our factor talked, as the Javan offered tosell all his cloves to our captain. This day the king invited our captain to dine with him, begging him toexcuse the homely fashion of their country. The meat was served up ingreat wooden chargers, closely covered up with cloths, and the king withour captain and Mr Siddal dined together, where we had great cheer, ourdrink being _Irea-pote_, which was sweet-tasted and very pleasant, theking being very merry. After dinner we had some talk about the cloveswhich we proposed to purchase; and the king promised to come next day onboard himself or to send some of his attendants, to examine our cloth. The captain then gave the king great thanks for his kindness, and wenton board. The 26th, the king's uncle came off to see our ship, and was kindlyentertained by the captain. The king's brother came afterwards onboard, and remained to dinner with the captain, and after took leave. Weexpected the king, but he came not that day, sending his son and thepilot to view our cloth, which they liked very well. The king and hisson came on board on the 27th, and dined with the captain, who gave themgood cheer; and the king being very merry, wished to see some of ourpeople dance, which several of them did before him, when he was muchpleased both with our dancing and music. At night the king's uncle sentour captain four fat hogs. The 28th, the king of another island near Booton came in his caracol, accompanied by his wife, to view our ship, but could not be prevailed onto come aboard. Our ship being now laden with cloves bought of theJavans, our captain bought some slaves from the king; and while we werevery busy this night, one of them stole out from the cabin and leaptinto the sea to swim ashore, so that we never heard of him more. Nextmorning the captain sent Augustine Spalding, our _Jurabossa, _ to informthe king of the slave having made his escape, who presently gave himanother. May 3d, we proceeded for Bantam, saluting the town of Booton at ourdeparture with three guns. The 3d, we had sight of the Straits ofCelebes, for which we made all sail, but could not get into them thatnight. The 23d May, we anchored in the road of Bantam, where we did notfind a single Christian ship, and only four junks from China, havingtaffaties, damasks, satins, and various other commodities. Havingfinished all our business here, the captain and merchants took leave onthe 15th July, 1608, when we presently made sail from the road ofBantam, bound home for our native England. * * * * * _Note_. --At this place Purchas observes, "To avoid tiring the readers, the rest of this voyage homewards is omitted; instead of which we haveset down a table of the journal of this ship from the Lizard to Bantam, as set forth by John Davis. "--On this paragraph of Purchas, the editorof Astley's Collection remarks, I. 335. C. "But we meet with no suchtable in Purchas, neither is any reason assigned why it is omitted, sothat many may believe these copies of Purchas imperfect. This Davis wasprobably the same who went with Sir Edward Michelburne, and whopublished some nautical directions, as already observed. " It is singular that the editor of Astley's Collection, with Purchas hisPilgrims before him, and perfectly aware of the Directions by John Davis"For ready sailing to the East Indies, digested into a plain Method, upon Experience of Five Voyages thither and Home again, " should not havediscovered or conjectured, that the promised table is actually publishedby Purchas in the first volume of his Pilgrims, p. 444--455. --E. SECTION VIII. _Fourth Voyage of the English East India Company, in_ 1608, _by CaptainAlexander Sharpey_. [270] INTRODUCTION. The relation of this fourth voyage fitted out by the English East IndiaCompany, and of various circumstances arising out of it, as given byPurchas, consists of four different narratives, to which the editor ofAstley's Collection adds a fifth, here adopted from him. The followingare the remarks in Astley, respecting this voyage and its severalnarratives. [Footnote 270: Purch. Pilgr. I. 228, Astley, I. 336. ] In this voyage there were employed two good ships; the Ascensionadmiral, commanded by Captain Alexander Sharpey, general of theadventure; and the Union vice-admiral, under the command of CaptainRichard Rowles, lieutenant-general. As these vessels separated at theCape of Good Hope, and the Ascension was cast away in the bay ofCambaya, they may be considered as separate voyages, of which we havedistinct relations. There are two accounts extant of the voyage of the Ascension; onewritten by Captain Robert Coverte, and the other by Thomas Jones. Therewas a third, written by Henry Moris at Bantam, from the mouth of WilliamNichols, one of the sailors belonging to the Ascension; but as thevoyage part was the same in substance as that given by Jones, Purchasomitted that part, and only inserted the journey of Nichols by landfrom Surat to Masulipatam; which requires to be inserted, although hisremarks on the road to Masulipatam, and his voyage from thence toBantam, are comprised in very few words. The relation of Captain Coverte is not inserted in the Pilgrims ofPurchas, who omitted it, because, as he tells us, it was already inprint. Its title runs thus: A true and almost incredible Report of anEnglishman, that, being cast away in the good Ship called the Ascension, in Cambaya, the furthest Part of the East Indies, travelled by Landthrough many unknown Kingdoms and great Cities. With a particularDescription of all these Kingdoms, Cities, and People. As also aRelation of their Commodities and Manner of Traffic, &c. With theDiscovery of a great Empire, called the _Great Mogul_, a Prince not tillnow known to the English Nation. By Captain Coverte. London, printed byWilliam Hall, for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer, 1612. The circumstance of this narrative having been before printed, is avery insufficient reason for its omission, since Purchas inserted manyothers which were before in print, and few tracts had a better title forinsertion, than this of Coverte. _De Bry_, however, knew its value, andgave a translation of it with cuts, in his _Ind. Orient. _ part xi. P. 11. But divided into chapters, the original being in one continuednarrative. It is true that Purchas has given an extract from it in his_Pilgrimage_, book V. Chap. Vii. Sect. 5. A work on general geographyentirely different from his _Pilgrims_, or Collection of Voyages andTravels; but this is very imperfect, and only refers to his landjourney. This voyage of Coverte contains sixty-eight pages in quarto, blackletter, besides the dedication and title, which occupy four pages more. It is dedicated to Robert Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer ofEngland; but there is nothing in the dedication worth notice, exceptthat he says, after the wreck of the Ascension, and getting on shorewith seventy-four others, he was the only one among them who wouldventure upon so _desperate an undertaking_ as to travel home by land. Helikewise asserts that every thing he relates is true, protesting that hespeaks of nothing but what he had seen and suffered. In this place, we shall only abstract the author's voyage to Cambaya;and, instead of his journey home through India, Persia, and Turkey, [which will be inserted among the Travels, [271]] shall give the accountof Jones of his own return from Cambaya by sea to England. This voyagelays claim to two discoveries, that of the Moguls country, as appears inthe tide, though Captain Hawkins had got the start of him there; and thediscovery of the Bed Sea by the Ascension, as mentioned in the title ofthe relation by Jones in Purchas. --_Astley_. [Footnote 271: This promise is not however performed in Astley'sCollection. In the Pilgrims, I. 235, Purchas has inserted theperegrination of Mr Joseph Salbank through India, Persia, part ofTurkey, the Persian Gulf, and Arabia, in 1609, written to Sir ThomasSmith; and tells us in a sidenote, that Robert Coverte was his companionin the journey all the way through India and Persia, to Bagdat. We meantto have inserted these peregrinations as a substitute for those ofCoverte, but found the names of places so inexplicably corrupted, as torender the whole entirely useless. --E. ] In Astley's Collection, copying from Purchas, a brief account of thesame voyage is given, as written by Thomas Jones, who seems to have beencarpenter or boatswain of the Ascension, and whose narrative differs insome particulars from that of Coverte, though they agree in general. Instead of augmenting our pages by the insertion of this additionalnarrative, we have only remarked in notes the material circumstances inwhich they differ. Neither can be supposed very accurate in dates, asboth would probably lose their journals when shipwrecked near Surat. We have likewise added, in supplement to the narrative of Coverte, suchadditional circumstances as are supplied by Jones, after the loss of theship. --E. § 1. _Relation of this Voyage, as written by Robert Coverte_. [272] We weighed anchor from Woolwich on the 14th of March, 1608, and came tothe Downs over against Deal, three miles from Sandwich, where weremained till the 25th, when we sailed for Plymouth. Leaving that placewith a fair gale on the 31st, we arrived at the _Salvages_, 500 leaguesfrom thence, on the 10th of April, and came next morning in sight of theGrand Canary. Casting anchor there at midnight, we fired a gun for aboat to come off: But the Spaniards, fearing we were part of a squadronof twelve Hollanders, expected in these seas, instead of sending anyone on board, sent into the country for a body of 150 horse and foot todefend the town; neither were their fears abated till two of our factorswent ashore, and acquainted them that we were two English ships in wantof some necessaries. Next morning we fired another gun, when thegovernor sent off a boat to know what we wanted. Having acquainted him, he made answer, that it was not in his power to relieve our wants, unless we came into the roads. Yet, having examined our factors uponoath, they had a warrant for a boat at their pleasure, to go between theshore and the ships with whatever was wanted. What we most wondered at, was the behaviour of two ships then in the roads, known by their coloursto be English, the people of which had not the kindness to apprize us ofthe customs of the _subtile currish_ Spaniards. It is the custom here, when any foreign ship comes into the roads, that no person of the samenation even, or any other, must go on board without leave from thegovernor and council. [Footnote 272: Astley, I. 336. --In Astley's Collection, this person isnamed captain; but it does not appear wherefore he had this title. --E. ] During five days that we remained here, some of the Spaniards came onboard every day, and eat and drank with us in an insatiable manner. Thegeneral also made a present to the governor of two cheeses, a gammon ofbacon, and five or six barrels of pickled oysters, which he acceptedvery thankfully, and sent in return two or three goats and sheep, andplenty of onions. We there took in fresh water, Canary wine, marmaladeof quinces at twelve-pence a pound, little barrels of _suckets_, orsweetmeats, at three shillings a barrel, oranges, lemons, _pamecitrons_, and excellent white bread baked with aniseeds, called_nuns-bread_. We set sail on the 18th April in the morning, with a fair wind, whichfell calm in three hours, which obliged us to hover till the 21st, whena brisk gale sprung up, with which we reached Mayo, one of the Cape Verdislands, in the afternoon of the 27th, 300 leagues from the Canaries, where we came to anchor, determining to take in water at Bonavista; butfinding the water not clear, and two or three miles inland, we took theless, but had other good commodities. At our arrival we were told by twonegroes, that we might have as many goats as we pleased for nothing; andaccordingly we got about 200 for both ships. They told us also, thatthere were only twelve men on the island, and that there was plenty ofwhite salt _growing out of the ground_, [273] so that we might haveloaded both ships. It was excellent white salt, as clear as any that Iever saw in England. Eight leagues from Mayo is the island of St Jago. [Footnote 273: This must be understood as formed naturally byevaporation, owing to the heat of the sun, in some places where thesea-water stagnates after storms or high tide. --E. ] We left Mayo on the 4th May at six in the morning, and passed theequinoctial line at the same hour on the 20th. [274] The 14th July, wecame to Saldanha bay, having all our men in health except two, who werea little touched, with the scurvy, but soon recovered on shore. That daywe had sight of the Cape of Good Hope, 15 or 16 leagues from hence. Werefreshed ourselves excellently at Saldanha bay, where we took in about400 cattle, as oxen, steers, sheep, and lambs; with fowls, plenty offish of various kinds, and fresh water. At Penguin island, five or sixleagues from the land, there are abundance of the birds of that name, and infinite numbers of seals. With these latter animals we filled ourboat twice, and made train-oil for our lamps. From this island we tookoff six fat sheep, left there by the Hollanders for a pinnace which wemet 200 leagues from the Cape, and left six bullocks in their stead. Onour first arrival at Saldanha bay, we set up our pinnace, which welaunched on the 5th September, and in six or eight days after she wasrigged and fit for sea. [Footnote 274: Jones observes, that after passing the line, they fell inwith the _trade-wind_, which blows continually between S. E. And S. E. ByE. The farther one goes to the southwards, finding it still moreeasterly, all the way between the line and the tropic of Capricorn. Thisalmost intolerable obstacle to the outward-bound India voyage, wasafterwards found easy to be avoided, by keeping a course to thewestward, near the coast of Brazil. Jones likewise mentions, that on the 11th June, when in lat. 26° S. Theyovertook a carak, called the Nave Palma, bound for India; which wasafterwards lost on the coast of Sofala, within twelve leagues ofMozambique. --E. ] The natives of the country about Saldanha bay are a very beastly people, especially in their feeding; for I have seen them eat the guts andgarbage, dung and all. They even eat the seals which we had cast intothe river, after they had lain fourteen days, being then full ofmaggots, and stinking most intolerably. We saw here several signs ofwild beasts, some so fierce, that when we found their dens, we durstneither enter nor come near them. The natives brought down to usostrich eggs, some of the shells being empty, with a small hole at oneend; also feathers of the same bird, and porcupine quills, which theybartered for our commodities, being especially desirous of iron, esteeming old pieces of that metal far beyond gold or silver. Early on the 20th September, [275] we came out of the bay and set sail;and that night, being very dark and windy, we lost sight of the Unionand our pinnace, called the _Good Hope_. The Union put out her ensignabout five o'clock p. M. For what reason we never knew, and lay too allthat night. We proceeded next day, and having various changes of wind, with frequent calms, we came on the 27th October to the latitude of 26°S. Nearly in the parallel of St Lawrence. Continuing our course withsimilar weather, we descried two or three small islands on the 22dNovember in the morning, and that afternoon came to another off a veryhigh land, called Comoro. [276] Sending our boat ashore on the 24th, thepeople met five or six of the natives, from whom they bought plantains. The 25th, by the aid of our boat towing the ship between two islands, asthe wind would not serve, we came to anchor in the evening near theshore of Comoro, in between 17 and 20 fathoms water. [Footnote 275: Jones says the 25th, and that the subsequent storm, onthe 26th, in which they lost sight of the Union and the pinnace, was soviolent as to split their fore-course. --E. ] [Footnote 276: According to Jones, they wished to have passed to thesouth of Madagascar, making what is now called the outer and usualpassage, but could not, and were forced to take the channel ofMozambique. --E. ] The boat was sent ashore on the 26th with a present for the king, incharge of our factor, Mr Jordan, consisting of two knives, a sash orturban, a looking-glass and a comb, the whole about 15s. Value. The kingreceived these things very scornfully, and gave them to one of hisattendants, hardly deigning them a look: Yet he told Mr Jordan, that ifour general would come ashore, he might have any thing the countryafforded, and he bowed to him very courteously on taking leave. Itappears the king had examined the present afterwards, and been betterpleased with it, for he sent off a bullock to our general in theafternoon, when the messenger seemed highly gratified by receiving twopenny knives. Next day, the general went ashore with twelve attendants, carrying a small banquet as a present to the king, consisting of a boxof marmalade, a barrel of suckets, and some wine. These were all tastedby the English in the king's presence, who touched nothing, but hisnobles both eat and drank. The general had some discourse with the king, by means of an interpreter, concerning our wants; and understood that hehad some dealings with the Portuguese, which language the king couldspeak a little. The king had determined on the 28th to have gone aboardthe Ascension, but we were told by the interpreter, that his council andthe common people would not allow him. I went ashore on the 29th with the master, Mr Tindall and Mr Jordan, andall the trumpeters. We were kindly received at the water-side by theinterpreter, who conducted us to the king, who was then near hisresidence, and bowed very courteously on our approach. His guardconsisted of six or eight men, with sharp knives a foot long, and asbroad as hatchets, who went next his person. Besides these, severalpersons went before and many behind, for his defence. The natives seemvery civil, kind, and honest; for one of our sailors having left hissword, one of the natives found it and brought it to the king, who, perceiving that it belonged to one of the English, told him he should beassuredly put to death, if he had come by it otherwise than he declared. Next day, on going ashore, the interpreter returned the sword, and toldus what the king had said on the occasion. The natives likewise have much urbanity among themselves, as we observedthem, in the mornings when they met, shaking hands and conversing, as ifin friendly salutation. Their manners are very modest, and both men andwomen are straight, well-limbed, and comely. Their religion isMahometism, and they go almost naked, having only turbans on theirheads, and a piece of cloth round their middles. The women have a pieceof cloth before, covering their breasts and reaching to the waist, withanother piece from thence to a little below their knees, having a kindof apron of sedges hanging down from a girdle, very becomingly. They goall barefooted, except the king, who wears sandals. His dress was asfollows: A white net cap on his head; a scarlet vest with sleeves, butopen before; a piece of cloth round his middle; and another which hungfrom his shoulders to the ground. When at the town, the natives brought us cocoa-nuts for sale, of varioussizes, some as big as a man's head, each having within a quantity ofliquor proportioned to its size, and as much kernel as would suffice fora man's dinner. They brought us also goats, hens, chickens, lemons, rice, milk, fish, and the like, which we bought very cheap forcommodities; as two hens for a penny knife; lemons, cocoa-nuts, andoranges for nails, broken pikes, and pieces of old iron. Fresh water isscarce, being procured from holes made in the sands, which they lade outin cocoa-nut shells as fast as it springs, and so drink. They broughtsome of it to us, which we could not drink, it looked so thick andmuddy. We sailed from Comoro on the 29th November, and on the 10th December, atthree a. M. We suddenly descried a low land, about a league a-head, having high trees growing close to the shore. We took this at first tobe the island of Zanjibar, till one of the natives told us it wasPemba. [277] We immediately stood off till day-break, when we again madesail for the shore, along which we veered in search of a harbour oranchoring place, and sent Mr Elmore in the boat to look out for aconvenient watering-place. On landing, some of the inhabitants demandedin Portuguese who we were; and being told we were English, they askedagain what we had to do there, as the island belonged to the King ofPortugal? Answer was made that we knew not this, and only wanted asupply of water. The ship came next day to anchor, near two or threebroken islands, close by Pemba, in lat. 5° 20' S. The 12th, Mr Jordanwent ashore, and conversed with some of the people in Portuguese, butthey seemed not the same who had been seen before, as they said the kingof the island was a Malabar. Mr Jordan told them, though the ship wasEnglish, that he was a Portuguese merchant, and the goods were belongingto Portugal. They then said he should have every thing he wanted, andsent a Moor to shew them the watering-place, which was a small hole atthe bottom of a hill, more like a ditch than a well. Having filled theirborachios, or goat-skins, they carried the Moor aboard, and going againnext day for water, set him ashore. The report he made of his goodusage, brought down another Moor who could speak a little Portuguese, and said he was one of the king's gentlemen. [Footnote 277: Jones says they overshot Zanjibar by the fault of theirmaster, so that all their misfortunes seem attributable to hisignorance. --E. ] This man went also on board and was well treated, and on landing nextday, he promised to bring hens, cocoa-nuts, and oranges, which he did. Iwent this day on shore along with the master, Mr Revet, and some others, and dined on shore. When we had done dinner, there came two head men anda Moor slave to the watering-place, who asked if the chief men belongingto the ship were ashore, and where they were. Edward Churchman told themthat the master and one of the merchants were ashore, and he would bringus to them if they pleased. At our meeting they saluted us after thePortuguese fashion, and told us that we were welcome, and that everything in the island was at our command: But all these sugared words wereonly a cloak to their treacherous designs. We asked who the chief personamong them was, and were told he was the king's brother; who immediatelyproduced a plate of silver, on which were engraven the names of all thevillages and houses in the island, telling us that he was governor ofall these. On asking if there were any Portuguese on the island, theysaid no, for they were all banished, because they would haverefreshments there by force, and endeavoured to make slaves of thepeople; wherefore they had made war upon them ever since their firstappearance. In the mean time our pinnace joined us, having been sent to another partof the island for cattle according to appointment, but the people hadpostponed supplying them, till they could find an opportunity ofexecuting their intended treachery. The people of the pinnace told us, they had been informed that fifteen sail of Hollanders had lately takenMozambique, and put all the Portuguese to the sword. At this news, whichcame from Zanjibar, the head Moors seemed overjoyed, being anothersubtle contrivance to lead us on to our ruin. On the approach of night, we entreated them to go on board with us, which they declined, butpromised they would next day. Accordingly, he who called himself theking's brother came with two others on board, having Thomas Cave, Gabriel Brooke, and Lawrence Pigot, our surgeon, as their pledges. Theywere handsomely entertained, and next morning our general gave the chieftwo goats and a cartridge of gunpowder, with some trifles to the twoothers. Messrs Revet, Jordan, Glascock, and I, went ashore with them forthe pledges, and on landing went unadvisedly along with them to somehouses, where we found the pledges guarded by some fifty or sixty men, armed with bows and arrows, swords, bucklers, and darts; yet were theydelivered to us. We then returned to the pinnace, accompanied by theking's brother, most of the Moors following us, and six or seven of themgoing up to the pinnace to examine it, after which they returned to therest. We went all into the boat, and the king's brother readily camealong with us, and was courteously entertained as usual. Towards nightthe master offered him a knife, which he scornfully refused, andimmediately went ashore in an almadia. The long-boat went ashore very early of the 14th for water, and when thecasks were filled the ship was seen with her sails set down to dry; butthe natives believing she was going away, the companion of the king'sbrother came and asked our boatswain if it were so. The boatswain, aswell as he could by signs, made him understand that it was only to drythe sails. While thus talking, our pinnace was observed coming ashorewell armed, on which the natives went away. Had not the pinnace made herappearance so very opportunely, I believe they intended at this time tohave cut off our men, and seized the long-boat, for two or more of therogues were seen lurking about the watering-place, as if waiting for thesignal of attack. When our pinnace came on shore, and the men werestanding near on the sands under arms, the master sent Nicholas White tothe town, to tell the islanders that our merchants were landed, and asWhite was passing a house full of people, he observed six Portuguese inlong branched or flowered damask gowns, lined with blue taffeta, underwhich they wore white calico breeches. Presently after, the attendant onthe king's brother came and told Mr Revet that the native merchants wereweary, and requested therefore that the English would come up to look atthe cattle. Now White saw only one bullock and no more. Mr Revet desiredto be excused, and pressed him to send down the bullock, saying, therewere enough of goods in the boat to pay for it; with which answer hewent away. The king's brother was then on the sands, and gave orders to a negro togather cocoa-nuts to send to our general, and desired Edward Churchmanto go and fetch them, who went accordingly, but was never seen or heardof more. [278] Finding that the English refused to land, and stood ontheir guard, the word was given for assault, and a horn was sounded, upon which our men at the watering-place were immediately assaulted. John Harrington, the boat-swain's mate, was slain, and Robert Backer, MrEllanor's man, was sore wounded in eight or ten places, and hadcertainly been killed, but that a musket or two were fired from theboat, by which it would seem that some of them were hurt, as theyretired crying out. Bucker, though weak and faint, made a shift to getto the boat, and two or three other men, who were at the watering-place, got safe into the boat. [Footnote 278: Jones says he was informed afterwards by a Portuguese, that Churchman afterwards died at Mombaza. He tells us likewise, thatthe Portuguese of Mombaza intended to have manned a Dutch hulk which hadwintered there, on purpose to take the Ascension; but learning her forcethey laid that design aside, and endeavoured to circumvent them by meansof the natives of Pemba, who are very cowardly, and dare not venture onany enterprize, unless instigated by the Portuguese. --E. ] In the morning of the 26th, the boat and pinnace went ashore well armedto fetch in our _davy, _ which is a piece of timber by which the anchoris hauled up; and a little beyond it, they found the body of Harringtonstark naked, which they buried in an island near Pemba. The natives ofthis island seemed well disposed towards us; for, at our first coming, they made signs to us, as if warning us to take care of having ourthroats cut, which we then paid no attention to. [279] [Footnote 279: This circumstance is not easily understood, unless by thenatives are here meant negroes, as distinguished from the Moors, whoendeavoured to murder the English, probably at the instigation of thePortuguese. --E. ] We set sail that same day from Pemba, being the 20th December, and bymidnight our ship got aground on the shoals of Melinda, or Pemba, whichwe were not aware of, but got off again, by backing our sails, as thewind was very moderate. Next morning we pursued and took three smallboats, called _pangaias_, which had their planks very slightly connectedtogether, while another boat was endeavouring to come off from the landto give them notice to avoid us. In these boats there were above fortypersons, six or eight of whom being comparatively pale and fair, muchdiffering from the Moors, we thought to have been Portuguese; but beingasked, they shewed their backs all over with written characters; andwhen we still insisted they were Portuguese, they said the Portuguesewere not circumcised as they were. [280] As we could not be satisfied oftheir not being Portuguese, some of our mariners spoke to them about themurder of our men, which seemed to put them in fear, and they talkedwith each other in their own language, which made us suspect they weremeditating some desperate attempt. For this reason, I remained watchfulon the poop of our ship, looking carefully after our swords, which laynaked in the master's cabin, which they too seemed to have their eyesupon. They seemed likewise to notice the place where I and Mr Glascockhad laid our swords, and anxiously waiting for the place being clear. They even beckoned several times for me to come down upon the spar-deck, which I refused, lest they might have taken that opportunity to seizeour weapons, which would have enabled them to do much more mischief thanthey afterwards did. [Footnote 280: These men were probably tawny Moors, or Arabs of puredescent; whereas many of the Mahometans along the eastern shore ofAfrica; and in its islands, are of mixed blood, partly negro, --E. ] Our master, Philip de Grove, came soon afterwards on the spar-deck, andasking for their pilot, took him down into his cabin to shew him hisplat or chart, which he examined very attentively; but on leaving theothers to go with the master, he spoke something to them in the Moorslanguage which we did not understand, but which we afterwards supposedwas warning them to be on their guard to assault us as soon as he gavethe signal. It was reported that the pilot had a concealed knife, forwhich he was searched; but he very adroitly contrived to shift it, andtherewith stabbed our master in the belly, and then cried out. Thisprobably was the signal for the rest, for they immediately began theattack on our people on the spar-deck. The general, with Messrs Glascockand Tindal, and one or two more, happened to be there at the time, andhad the good fortune to kill four or five of the _white_ rogues, andmade such havoc among the rest that at length they slew near forty ofthem, and brought the rest under subjection. A little before this, ourmaster had proposed to the general to buy from them some _garavances, _or pease, the ordinary food of the country, if they had any for sale, and then to set them at liberty with their boats and goods. To this thegeneral had agreed, and the master, as before mentioned, had called theMoorish pilot, to see if he had any skill in charts. But as they hadtreacherously attacked us, we certainly could do no otherwise now thanslay them in our own defence. Five or six of them, however, leaptoverboard, and recovered a _pangaia_ by their astonishing swiftness inswimming, and escaped on shore, as they swam to windward faster than ourpinnace could row. In this skirmish only three of our men were hurt, namely, Mr Glascock, Mr Tindal, and our master. [281] The first had two wounds, one of whichwas very deep in the back. When they commenced the attack, Mr Tindal hadno weapon in his hand, and one of them aimed to stab him in the breast;but as he turned suddenly round, he received the wound on his arm. Theyall recovered perfectly. [Footnote 281: According to Jones, he personally slew the Moorish pilotin this affray. One of the persons wounded on this occasion was thechaplain, but his name is not mentioned. Great lamentation was made bythe Moors on the coast of Africa for their loss in this affair, as Joneswas told afterwards by the Portuguese, as some of them, probably thosementioned as _white rogues_ by Coverte, were of the blood royal. --E. ] The 19th of January, 1609, we espied many islands, which the Portuguesecall Almirante, [282] being nine in number, and all without inhabitants, as the Portuguese affirm. Next morning we sent our pinnace to one ofthem in search of fresh water, which could not be found, but our peoplesaw many land tortoises, and brought six on board. We then went toanother of these islands, where we came to anchor in twelve or thirteenfathoms in a tolerably good birth, and here we refreshed ourselves withwater, cocoa-nuts, fish, palmitos, and turtle-doves, [283] which lastwere in great plenty. The 1st of February we set sail with a fair wind, and passed the line on the 19th, having previously on the 15th comewithin _ken_ of the land on the coast of Melinda. We came to anchor nextday on the coast of the continent, in 12 fathoms, about two leagues fromshore, and sent our pinnace to seek refreshments; but they were unableto land, and the natives could not be induced to adventure withinhearing, wherefore our ship departed in the afternoon. About this time, William Acton, one of the ship boys, confessed being guilty of a fouland detestable crime;[284] and being tried and found guilty by a jury, was condemned and executed on the morning of the 3rd March. [Footnote 282: Called by Jones the Desolate Islands, because notinhabited. --E. ] [Footnote 283: Jones says these turtle-doves were so tame that one manmight have taken twenty dozen in a day with his hands. --E. ] [Footnote 284: In the last paragraph but one of his book, Mr Coverteexplains the nature of this crime: "Philip de Grove, our master, was aFleming, and an arch villain, for this boy confessed to myself that hewas a detestable sodomite. Hence, had not the mercy of God been great, it was a wonder our ship did not sink in the ocean. "--For any thing thatappears, the boy was put to death to save the master. --Astl. I. 342. C. In Jones's Narrative no notice is taken of this crime andpunishment. --E. ] The 21st betimes, we espied an island in lat. 12° 17' N. With four rocksor hills about three leagues from it. We had beaten up a whole day andnight to get to this island; but finding it barren and unpeopled, wepassed on, and got sight of three other islands that same day aboutsun-set, in lat. 12° 29' N. Two were about a league asunder, and wefound the third to be Socotora, which is in lat. 12° 24' N. We arrivedhere the 29th March, and came to anchor next day in a fine bay. As theislanders lighted a fire on seeing us, we sent the skiff on shore, butthe people fled in all haste, having possibly been injured by some whohad passed that way. Finding no prospect of any relief here, our menreturned on board, when we again made sail to find the chief harbour. Standing out to sea next day, we met a ship from Guzerat, laden withcotton, calico, and pintados or chintz, and bound for Acheen. [285] Asthey told us it was a place of great trade, we went there along withher, but we found it quite otherwise, being merely a garrison town withmany soldiers. There is a castle at the entrance cut out of the mainland, and surrounded by the sea, having thirty-two pieces of ordnance, and there were fifty in the town. Arriving there the 10th April, thepeople of the Guzerat ship landed, and told the governor that an Englishship had come to trade there. The governor sent his admiral to inviteour general, who went very unadvisedly on shore, where he and hisattendants were received with much courtesy, three or four horseswaiting for his use, and was brought in great pomp to the governor. Finding our general but a simple man, the governor put him into a housewith a _chiaus, _ or keeper, and a strong guard of janissaries, and kepthim and his attendants prisoners for six weeks, I being of the number. The governor then obliged him to send aboard for iron, tin, and cloth, to the value of 2500 dollars, pretending that he meant to purchase thegoods; but when once on shore, he seized them under pretence of customs. Seeing he could get no more, he sent the general aboard on the 27th May, but detained two of our merchants as pledges for payment of 2000dollars, which he said was for anchorage: but as we all declared againstsubmitting to pay this arbitrary exaction, the governor sent our twomerchants to the Pacha at Sanaa, about eight days journey up thecountry. [Footnote 285: Jones says she belonged to Diu, but told the English shewas from Surat, and gave them an account of the arrival of CaptainHawkins at that place. --E. ] The 28th of May, we were joined by our pinnace, the Good Hope, themaster of which, John Luffkin, had been knocked in the head with amallet by Thomas Clarke, with the consent of Francis Driver, master'smate, [286] together with Andrew Evans and Edward Hilles. Being asked thereason for this murder, they could only allege being refused some _aquavitae_ and _rosa solis_, which Luffkin wished to preserve for the crewin case of sickness. A jury was called on the 31st May, when themurderers were convicted; of whom Driver and Clarke were hanged in thepinnace. The other two met their deserts, for Hilles was eaten bycanibals, [287] and Evans rotted where he lay. [Footnote 286: Jones calls Clarke master's-mate, and Driver gunner. --E. ] [Footnote 287: Hilles was left at Madagascar, where perhaps he might beeaten. --Astl. 343. C. ] The 3d June, we departed from Aden and sailed into the Red Sea throughthe Straits of Mecca. [288] This strait is about a league in breadth, andthree leagues in length, with an island in the middle, and 18 fathomswater close to the island. Within the straits there is a shoal some twoleagues off shore, which it is necessary to keep clear from. From thestraits it is about six leagues to Mokha, where is a good road and fairground for vessels to ride in 14 fathoms. This port is never withoutshipping, being a place of great trade, and frequented by caravans fromSanaa, Mecca, Cairo, and Alexandria. There is good vent here for tin, iron, lead, cloth, sword-blades, and all kinds of English commodities. It has a great _bazar_, or market, every day in the week; and has plentyof apricots, quinces, dates, grapes, peaches, lemons, and plantains, which I much wondered at, as the inhabitants told me they had no rainfor seven years before, and yet there was abundance of good corn to behad at 18d. A bushel. There is such abundance of cattle, sheep, andgoats, that we got an ox for three dollars, and a goat for half adollar. Of dolphins, mow-fish, basse, mullets, and other good fish, there was such plenty, that we could buy as much for 3_d_. As wouldsuffice ten men for a meal. The town is under the government of theTurks, who punish the Arabians severely for any offence, having galliesfor that purpose, otherwise they would be unable to keep them in awe andunder subjection. [Footnote 288: In the original it is Mockoo, and on the margin Moha, butthese are not the Straits of Mokha, but of Mecca--Astl. I. 348 b. The proper name of the entrance into the Red Sea is Bab-al-Mondub, usually called Babelmandel, signifying the gates of lamentation, owingto the dangers of the navigation outwards to India. --E. ] We departed from Mokha on the 18th July, repassing the straits, where welost two anchors. From thence we sailed to Socotora, and about the 5thAugust cast anchor opposite the town of _Saiob_, or _Sawb_, where theking resides. One of our merchants went ashore, desiring leave topurchase water, goats, and other provisions, which he refused, allegingthat the women were much afraid of us; but if we would remove to anotheranchorage about five leagues off, we might have every thing his countryafforded. We accordingly went there, where we bought water, goats, aloes, dragon's blood, &c. We set sail from Socotora on the 18th. [289][August?], and on the 28th came to Moa, [290] where one of the nativestold us we might have a pilot for 20 dollars to bring us to the road ofSurat, but our wilful master refused, saying that he had no need of apilot. [Footnote 289: This date is inexplicable, but was probably the 18th ofAugust; the month being omitted by the editor of Astley's Collection, inthe hurry of abbreviation. --E. ] [Footnote 290: Jones says they fell in with the coast of Diu about eightleagues to the eastward of that place, and steering seven leagues morealong the coast, came to anchor at a head-land, where they sent theskiff ashore, and bought sheep and other things, and were here offered apilot to Surat for seven dollars. Fifteen leagues east from Diu wouldbring them to near Wagnagur, almost directly west from Surat river, onthe opposite coast of the Gulf of Cambay. _Moa_ was probably a villageon the coast. --E. ] The 29th [August?] we proceeded, thinking to hit the channel for the barof Surat, getting first from ten fathoms into seven, and afterwards intosix and a half. We now tacked westwards, and deepened our water tofifteen fathoms; but the next tack brought us into five. When some ofthe company asked the master where he proposed going? he answered, thevessel _must go over the height_. The ship immediately struck, which Itold him of. On hearing this he cried out, who dares to say the ship hasstruck and had scarcely spoken these words when she struck again withsuch violence that the rudder broke off and was lost. [291] We then cameto anchor, and rode there for two days; after which our skiff was splitin pieces, so that we now only had our long-boat to help us in ourutmost need. But our people made a shift to get the pieces of the skiffinto the ship, which our carpenter contrived to bind together withwaldings, so that, in the extremity of our distress, she brought sixteenpeople on shore. [Footnote 291: According to Jones they attempted the shoals of Suratriver at the last quarter of the ebb; whereas if they had taken thefirst quarter of the flood tide, they would have had sufficient water tocarry them clear over the shoals. --E. ] The 2d September, about six p. M. The ship again struck and began tofounder, having presently two feet water in the well. We plied our pumpstill eleven; but the water increased so fast that we could continue nolonger on board, and took to our boats. About £10, 000 in money laybetween the main-mast and steerage, of which the general desired thepeople to take what they would; and I think they took among them about£3000; some having £50, some £40, and others more or less. We nowquitted our ill-fated and ill-managed ship, without taking a morsel ofmeat or a single drop of drink along with us; putting off for the shore, which lay about twenty leagues to the eastward, between midnight and onein the morning. We sailed and rowed all night and next day till five orsix in the evening, without any sustenance, when we reached a smallisland on the bar. But just then, a sudden squall of wind broke themiddle thwart of our long-boat, in which were fifty-five persons. But wesaved our mast, and when the gust ceased we got over the bar into theriver of _Gundewee. [292] [Footnote 292: Gundavee, a small river, on which is a town of the samename, five leagues south from the river of Surat. --E. ] When the people of the country saw so many men in two boats, they beattheir drums and ran to arms, taking us for Portuguese coming to plundersome of their towns. Observing their alarm, and having a native ofGuzerat among us, we set him on shore to undeceive the inhabitants; andas soon as they knew who we were, they directed us to the city ofGundavee, of which a great man was governor, who seemed sorry for ourmisfortunes, and gave us a kind welcome; and here ended our unfortunatevoyage. §2. _Supplement to the foregoing Narrative, from the Account of the sameunfortunate Voyage, by Thomas Jones. _[293] Thus was our tall ship lost, to the great detriment of the worshipfulcompany, and the utter ruin of all us poor mariners, our voyage beingaltogether overthrown, with the loss of all the treasure and goods bothof the merchants and all of us, who were now far from our nativecountry. We took to our boats on the night of the 5th September, itbeing almost miraculous that in two so small boats so many men should besaved, being at the least eighteen leagues from the shore. [294] Weremained at sea in our boats till about four p. M. Of the 6th, when wediscovered land, which we made towards by all the means in our power, endeavouring to get into the river of Surat. But Providence, which hadalready saved us from the shipwreck, would not now suffer us to fallinto the hands of our enemies the Portuguese, who then lay off the barof Surat with five frigates to take us and our boats, as they hadintelligence of the intended coming of our ill-fated ship; for, contraryto our wish and intention, we fell in with the river of Gundavee, aboutfive leagues to the southward of the bar of Surat, where we were kindlyentertained by the governor of the town. We here learnt that our pinnacehad come into the same river, and had been taken possession of by thePortugueze, but all her men got ashore, and were gone by land to Surat. [Footnote 293: Purch. Pilgr. I. 228. Astl. I. 344. We have here given onlyso much of the narrative of Jones as supplies additional circumstancesafter the end of that by Coverte. --E. ] [Footnote 294: This surely is a gross error, as they could hardly exceedthe distance of a league or two from shore, though the shore is said inthe former narrative to have been twenty leagues from where the ship waslost. --E. ] The governor of this town of Gundavee is a Banian, and one of thosepeople who observe the law of Pythagoras. They hold it a great sin toeat of any thing that hath life, but live on that which the earthnaturally produces. They likewise hold the cow in great honour andreverence, and also observe the ancient custom of burning their dead. It has also been an ancient custom among them, for the women to burnthemselves alive along with the bodies of their deceased husbands; butof late years they have learnt more wisdom, and do not use this customso commonly; yet those women who do not, have their hair cut out, andare ever afterwards held as dishonoured, for refusing to accompany theirhusbands into the other world. On the 7th of September, we left Gundavee to travel by land to Surat, which might be some thirty or forty miles distant, and we arrived thereon the 9th, where we were met by William Finch, who kept the Englishfactory at that place. Captain Hawkins had gone up to Agra, which isabout thirty days journey up into the interior country from Surat, andat which place the King, or Emperor of the Moguls, resides. Our general, Captain Alexander Sharpey, remained at Surat with his company till theend of September, when he and the rest of our people went from Surat toAgra, intending to go by land through Persia in the way to England. ButI, holding this to be no fit course for me, determined to try some othermethod of endeavouring to get home. While I was in much uncertainty howto proceed, it pleased God of his infinite goodness to send a father ofthe order of St Paul, who was a Portuguese, who came from Cambaya toSurat by land, and with whom I became acquainted. He offered, if I wouldcommit myself to his guidance, to procure me a passage home, or at leastto Portugal, and which promise he most faithfully performed. In company with this father, myself and three more of our company leftSurat on the 7th of October: these were Richard Mellis, who diedafterwards in the carak during our voyage to Europe, John Elmor, who wasmaster of the pinnace Good Hope, and one Robert Fox. We arrived at thestrong town and fortress of Daman, where I again saw our pinnace, theGood Hope, which we built at Saldanha Bay, near the Cape of _BonaEsperanza_. From Daman we went to Chaul, and thence to Goa, where wearrived on the 18th November, 1609. We embarked on the 9th January, 1610, in a carak called _Our Lady ofPity_, being admiral of a fleet of four sail bound for Lisbon, andimmediately sailed. The 28th, we crossed the equinoctial line on theeastern coast of Africa. [295] The 21st March, we fell in with the landin lat. 33° 30' S. About five leagues east of Cape Aguillas, where welay with contrary winds till the second of April, when we had a terriblestorm at W. S. W. So that we were forced to bear up six hours before thesea, [296] and then it pleased God to send us fair weather. The 4thApril, we again fell in with the land in lat. 34° 40' S. We continueddriving about in sight of land with contrary winds, having twice sightof the Cape of Good Hope, yet could not possibly get beyond it, till the19th April, when, by the blessing of God, we doubled the Cape to our nosmall comfort, being almost in despair, and feared we must have winteredat Mosambique, which is usual with the Portuguese. The 27th April, wecrossed the tropic of Capricorn, and came to anchor at St Helena on the9th May, in lat. 15° S. We remained here watering till the 15th, when weweighed anchor, and crossed the equator on the 2d June. [Footnote 295: In Purchas it is called the coast of India, an obviouserror. --E. ] [Footnote 296: The meaning of this is not clear. Perhaps they had todrive with the storm, being unable to ply to windward. --E. ] We crossed the tropic of Cancer on the 26th June, having the wind atN. E. Which the Portuguese call the general wind. By the judgment of ourpilot in the carak, we passed the Western Islands, or Azores, on the16th July, being in latitude forty degrees and odd minutes, but we sawno land after leaving St Helena, till the 3d of August, when we gotsight of the coast of Portugal not above two leagues from the rock ofLisbon, to our no small comfort, for which we gave thanks to God. Wecame that same day to anchor in the road of Caskalles [_Cascais_]; andthe same day I got ashore in a boat, and so escaped from the hands ofthe Portuguese. I remained secretly in Lisbon till the 13th of that samemonth, when I embarked in a ship belonging to London, commanded by oneMr Steed, and bound for that place. We weighed anchor that day from theBay of _Wayers_, where a boat full of Portuguese meant to have taken theship and carried us all on shore, having intelligence of our intendeddeparture; but by putting out to sea we escaped the danger, and, God bepraised, arrived at our long-desired home on the 17th September, 1610, having been two years and six months absent from England. §3. _Additional Supplement, from the Report of William Nichols_. [297] At Bramport, or Boorhanpoor, most of our company departed from thegeneral, Captain Sharpey, who was unable to provide for them, exceptsome who were sick and were obliged to remain. Some went to one place, and some to another, and some back again to Surat. I told my companions, being one of those who were willing to take the best course we could, that I would travel, God willing, to Masulipatam, where I had learnt atSurat that there was a factory of the Hollanders. Not being able toprevail on any Christian to accompany me, I made enquiry at Boorhanpoorif there were any persons going thence for Masulipatam, and found one, but it was such a company as few Englishmen would have ventured totravel with, as it contained three Jews; but necessity has no law. Afteragreeing to travel with them, I thought if I had any money, the dogswould cut my throat, wherefore I made away with all my money, andattired myself in a Turkish habit, and set off along with these dogswithout a penny in my purse. [Footnote 297: Purch. Pilgr. I. 232. --William Nichols, according toPurchas, was a mariner in the Ascension, who travelled by land fromBoorhanpoor to Masulipatam. His account of the unfortunate voyage waswritten at Bantam, 12th September, 1612, by Henry Moris; but being thesame in substance with those already given, Purchas has only retainedthe following brief narrative of the route of Nichols to Masulipatam andBantam. --E. ] Travelling along with them for four months, I had nothing to eat butwhat the Jews gave me; and many times they refused to give me any food, so that I was reduced to the necessity of eating such food as they gavetheir camels, and was glad to get even that, for which I had often tomake interest with the camel-keepers. In this miserable case I travelledwith these dogs four months. Sometimes they would say to each other, "Come, let us cut the throat of this dog, and then open his belly, forhe has certainly swallowed his gold. " Two of them would have cut mythroat, but the third was an honest dog, and would not consent. So at length, with many a weary days journey, and many a hungry belly, after long and dangerous travel, we came safe to Masulipatam, where Iimmediately quitted these cruel dogs, and betook myself to the Dutchfactory, where the chief used me very kindly, and gave me clothes andmeat and drink for five months, before any shipping came there. At lastthere came to Masulipatam three ships belonging to the Hollanders, onecalled the _Hay_, and another the _Sun_; the third was a frigate whichthey had taken in the Straits of Malacca. The Sun and the frigate beingbound for Bantam, I entreated the master of the Sun to allow me to workmy passage to Bantam, when he told me very kindly, he would not onlygrant me a passage for my work, but would give me wages, for which Igave him my hearty thanks, and so went on board. We set sail not longafter from Masulipatam, and arrived safe at Bantam on Thursday the 6thSeptember, 1610, when I immediately went with a joyful heart to theEnglish house. In my travel overland with the three Jews, I passed through thefollowing fair towns, of which only I remember the names, not being ableto read or write. First, from Bramport [Boorhanpoor] we came to_Jevaport_, _Huidare_, and _Goulcaude_, [298] and so to _Masulipatania_. [Footnote 298: These names are strangely corrupted, and the places onthat route which most nearly resemble them are, Jalnapoor, Oudigur, orOudgir, and Golconda, near Hydrabad. --E. ] SECTION IX. _Voyage of Captain Richard Rowles in the Union, the Consort of the. Ascension. _[299] INTRODUCTION. "In Purchas this is entitled, 'The unhappy Voyage of the Vice-Admiral, the Union, outward bound, till she arrived at Priaman, reported by aLetter which Mr Samuel Bradshaw sent from Priaman, by Humphry Bidulph, the 11th March, 1610, written by _the said_ Henry Moris at Bantam, September the 14th, 1610. ' This account given by Moris, the same whowrote the brief account of the journey of Nichols, relating the voyageof the Union no farther than to Priaman, appears to have been onlytranscribed by him from the letter of Mr Bradshaw, one of the factors;yet in the preamble to the voyage, Moris says that he had the accountfrom the report of others, without any mention of the letter fromBradshaw. What concerns the return of the Union from Priaman, and herbeing cast away on the coast of France, contained in the secondsubdivision of this section, is extracted from two letters, and a kindof postscript by Purchas, which follow this narrative byMoris. "--_Astley_. [Footnote 299: Purch. Pilgr. 1. 202 Astl. I. 348. ] § 1. _Of the Voyage of the Union, after her Separation from theAscension, to Acheen and Priaman. _ You have already had an account of the voyage of the two ships, theAscension and Union, from England to the Cape of Good Hope, but of theproceedings of the Union after her separation you have not heard;therefore I have thought proper to make some relation thereof, as wellas of the other, as I have heard from the report of other men, and thusit was: The Union and Ascension were separated by a storm in doubling the Cape, during which storm the Union sprung her main-mast, and they were obligedto fish it in the midst of the storm, owing to which they lost companywith the admiral; and as the storm continued, and they were hopeless ofrecovering the company either of the Ascension or pinnace by continuingoff the Cape, they shaped their course for the Bay of St Augustine inMadagascar. Being arrived there, they went ashore, and remained twentydays, where they procured good refreshing, being always in hopes of thecoming of the Ascension and pinnace, but were disappointed. Then makingsail from thence, they directed their course for the island of Zanjibar, in hopes to meet the general there. On their arrival they went ashore, and were at first kindly received; but when they went ashore again, thenatives lay in ambush, and sallied out upon them as soon as they landed, killed presently the purser and one mariner, and took one of themerchants prisoner; yet the rest had the good fortune to get off theboat and came on board. The names of those who were slain, were RichardKenu, purser; I have forgotten the mariner's name, but the merchant, whowas taken prisoner, was Richard Wickham. The Union put now to sea about the month of February, 1609, having thewind at N. E. And north, which was directly contrary for their intendedvoyage to Socotora. After having been long at sea, and made little ornothing of their way, the men being very much troubled with the scurvy, the captain thought proper to bear up for the north part of the islandof Madagascar, meaning to go into the Bay of Antongil; but they cameupon the western side of the island, where they proposed to endeavourthe recovery of their almost lost men, and to spend the adverse monsoon. On this side of the island, they came into an exceedingly extensive bay, which they afterwards understood was called by the natives, _Canquomorra_, [300] the country round being very fertile and beautiful. The first view of this place gave much pleasure to all their men, andthey soon had conference with the natives, who at the first profferedgreat kindness, but afterwards treated them very ill. [Footnote 300: In the margin Purchas gives Boamora as a synonimous nameof this bay. Vohemaro, or Boamora, is a province or district at thenorthern end of Madagascar, in which there are several large bays, butnone having any name resembling that in the text. The Bay of Vohemaro ison the east side of the island, in lat. 13° 30' S. --E. ] As all the merchants had been sundry times on shore visiting the king, who treated them kindly, and came aboard again as safe as if they hadbeen in England, the captain, attended by Mr Richard Reve, chiefmerchant, Jeffrey Castel, and three others, adventured to go ashore tothe king. Samuel Bradshaw had been often before employed about businesswith the king; but it pleased God at this time that the captain hadother business for him, and so made him remain on board, which was ahappy turn for him: For no sooner was the captain and his attendants onshore, than they were betrayed and made prisoners by the natives; but bythe kind providence of the Almighty, the boats escaped, and camepresently off to the ship, informing us of all that had happened. No sooner was this doleful news communicated, than we saw suchprodigious numbers of praws and large boats coming out of the river, aswere quite wonderful. The master gave immediate orders to the gunner toget the ordnance in readiness, which was done with all speed. The vastfleet of the infidels came rowing up to our ship, as if they would haveimmediately boarded her; but by the diligence and skill of the gunnerand his mates, sinking some half dozen of the boats, they were soonforced to retire like sheep chased by the wolf, faster than they hadcome on. But before our ordnance made such slaughter among them, theycame up with so bold and determined a countenance, and were in suchnumbers, that we verily thought they would have carried us, for thefight continued at the least two hours, before the effect of ourordnance made them retire, and then he was the happiest fellow thatcould get fastest off, and we continued to send our shot after them asfar as our guns could reach. We remained after this in the bay for fourteen days, being in hopes ofrecovering our lost captain and men, in which time we lost seven moremen by a sudden disease, which daunted us more than the malice of theinfidels; those who died were among those who fought most lustily withthe cannon against the savages, yet in two days were they all thrownoverboard. These crosses coming upon us, and having no hopes to recoverour captain and the others, we thought it folly to remain any longer atthis place, and therefore we made haste away. Not being thoroughlysupplied with water, we thought good to stop a little time at anotherplace not far off; but before we could dispatch this business, thesavages made another attempt with a great multitude of boats, some ofthem even large vessels, and so thick of men that it was wonderful; butthey liked their former reception so ill, that they did not care forcoming near a second time, and went all ashore, and placed themselves soas to have a view of the ship. Perceiving their intended purpose, andfearing some mischief in the night, we weighed, and stood in towards theshore where the savages sat, and gave them a whole broadside as afarewell, which fell thick among them, making visibly several lanesthrough the crowd, on which they all ran out of sight as fast aspossible. We then stood out to sea, leaving fourteen of our men behind us, seventreacherously taken prisoners by the savages, and seven that died ofsickness. We then directed our course for Socotora; but by somenegligence, by not luffing up in time, the wind took us short, so thatwe could not fetch that island, but fell over upon the coast of Arabia. This was about the 4th June, and as the winter monsoon was come, wedurst not attempt going to Cambaya, neither could we find any place uponthat coast to winter in. Wherefore, after being in sight of the coastfour days, and several times in danger of getting on shore, we thoughtit improper to waste time any longer, and determined to consult how wemight best promote the advantage of the voyage. The master thereforeheld a council of all the principal people in the ship, who were bestconversant in these affairs, when it was unanimously concluded to go forAcheen, being in hopes to meet there with some of the Guzerat people, towhom we might dispose of our English commodities. We accordingly directed our course towards Acheen, where we arrived onthe 27th July. Within seven days we had admittance to the king, to whoma present was made, which it was necessary to make somewhat large, because the Hollanders endeavoured to cross our trade, aspiring toengross the whole trade of India, to the exclusion of all others. Wherefore, after Mr Bradshaw had waited upon the king, he began to tradewith the Guzerat merchants who were at Acheen, bartering our Englishcloth and lead for black and white baftas, which are Guzerat cloths inmuch request in those parts. We then went to Priaman, where in a shortspace we had trade to our full content; and though fortune had hithertocrossed us during all the voyage, we had now a fair opportunity to turnour voyage to sufficient profit. We staid here till we had fully loadedour ship with pepper, which might indeed have been done much sooner, hadthere not been a mutiny among the people, as the sailors would only doas they themselves pleased. At length they were pacified with fairwords, and the business of the ship completed. Griffin Maurice, the master, died here, and Mr Bradshaw sent HumphryBidulph to Bantam, with Silvester Smith to bear him company, to carrysuch remainder of the goods as they could not find a market for atPriaman and Tecu. Mr Bidulph sailed for Bantam in a Chinese hulk, and MrBradshaw set sail with the Union, fully laden with pepper, for England. § 2. _Return of the Union from Priaman towards England. _[301] Respecting the disastrous return of the Union from Priaman, instead of anarrative, Purchas gives us only two letters, which relate the miserablecondition in which she arrived on the coast of France, and a shortsupplementary account, probably written by Purchas himself, which herefollow. [Footnote 301: Purch. Pilg. I. 234. Astl. I. 349. ] _Laus Deo, [302] in Morlaix, the 1st of March, 1611_. Brother Hide, This day has come to hand a letter from _Odwen_, [303] [Audierne, ]written by one Bagget, an Irishman, resident at that place, giving usmost lamentable news of the ship Union of London, which is ashore uponthe coast about two leagues from Audierne: which, when the men of thattown perceived, they sent two boats to her, and found she was a shipfrom the East Indies, richly laden with pepper and other goods, havingonly four men in her alive, one of whom is an Indian, other three lyingdead in the ship, whose bodies the four living men had not been able tothrow overboard, through extreme feebleness; indeed they were hardlyable to speak. The people in the two boats have brought the ship intothe road of Audierne, and they of that town have unloaded most of hergoods. The Irishman has directed his letter to some English merchants inthis place, desiring them to repair thither with all expedition, to seethe proper ordering of the ship and goods, as belonging to the EastIndia Company. [Footnote 302: This seems to have been the name of a ship, and MrBernard Cooper appears to have been an English merchant or ship-master, then on business with this vessel at Morlaix. --E. ] [Footnote 303: This certainly is _Audierne_, on the southern shore ofthe peninsula of Britanny, called _Olde-yearne_ in the subsequentletter. --E. ] This letter is confirmed by another in French, written by the bailiff ofQuimper to a person in this town, which I have seen. Wherefore we havethought it right to send three several copies of the Irishman's letter, by three different barks, that the merchants may be duly advertised, andmay give orders to look after their ship and goods; for it is to bedoubted that the rude people will endeavour to make a wreck of her. Ithink it therefore not amiss, that they send to the court of France, toprocure the king's authority, as I fear there may be much trouble aboutthe matter. In the mean time, I and George Robbins will ride down to seein what state all things are, and to do the best we can for the interestof the company, till they send some one with a procuration in good andample form for conducting the business, as in their discretion may seemfitting. The ship is reported to be of three or four hundred tons, andhas three decks; but I doubt we shall find her sadly rifled before weget there. The importunate writing, both of the Irishman and the bailiffof Quimper, has induced us to take this journey; which we do the ratherin consideration of the company, presuming that they will consider ourcharges, as we have both solicited friends, and procured money in thisplace, that we may satisfy those who have exerted themselves in savingthe ship and goods, if that should be necessary. Yet I would wish thecompany to send some person in all expedition by way of Rouen, withadditional provision of money; as you know that this is no place ofregular exchange, where money can be had at all times. I had rather havegiven fifty pounds than taken this journey at the present time, becauseI have much goods upon my hands, as I partly wrote you in my last. Thename of the master of the Union is Edmund White, his mate's name isThomas Duckmanton, and the other man is Thomas Smith, besides the Indianformerly mentioned. They are in a most piteous condition, and in greatwant of money, neither can they have any command of their goods. Therefore let the company send men of good experience to conduct thisbusiness, and do you lose no time in making this known to the company. Thus, being in haste to take horse, I commit you to the Lord'sprotection, resting your assured friend always to command, BERNARD COUPER To Mr Thomas Hide, Merchant in London. _Second Letter respecting the Union at Audierne_. The 8th day of February, I came over the Pole-head of Bourdeaux, and the11th I lost my foremast, bolt-sprit, and rudder, and put into Audiernethat night for repair. The 13th the Frenchman brought the ship Union ofLondon upon the rocks. The 14th I went in my boat aboard the Union, bywhich time the Frenchmen had been four days in possession of her. I thenbrought on shore Samuel Smith, Thomas Duttonton, and Edmund White themaster. The 15th I got William Bagget, my merchant, to write a letter toMorlaix; and the 18th the letter was sent off, when I paid two crownsfor its carriage. The Indian died on the 20th, and I buried him. The20th the master died, and I buried him also. The 22d Mr Roberts and MrCouper came, and then went back to Morlaix on the 26th. Again the 4th ofMarch, William Coarey, the host of Mr Couper and Mr Roberts. [304] The5th, I and Mr Coarey went in my boat to the Union. At low water I wentinto her hold, and brought away a sample of the worst pepper. The 6th Ileft Audierne, and came to Morlaix on the 8th. The 17th Mr Hide came toMorlaix. The 21st I sailed from Morlaix, and got to the Isle of Wight onthe 22d at night. The 24th I came to Southampton, and the 28th I arrivedin London. Your loving friend, WILLIAM WOTTON. [Footnote 304: This sentence is left unintelligible by Purchas; Coareyprobably came at this time to Audierne. Roberts is probably the personnamed Robbins by Couper in the former letter. --E. ] After the spoil of the Bretons, they saved almost 200 tons of pepper, some benzoin, and some China silks, which had been purchased at Tecu inSumatra. The Union, after her unfortunate voyage outward-bound, asalready briefly related, loaded with pepper at Acheen, Priaman, Passeman, and Tecu, at which last place they bought some silk out of aChinese junk. On their return voyage, they met Sir Henry Middleton, having then thirty-six men on board in reasonable good health, and theydelivered some chests of silver to Sir Henry. They afterwards becamevery sickly, missed the island of St Helena, and most of their men diedon this side of Cape Verd. Ten Englishmen and four Guzerats were takenout of them by a bark belonging to Bristol, and a Scot. Thecircumstances respecting their landing at Audierne, and other mattersthere, are before set down in the two preceding letters. After the pepper and other goods were taken out of the ship, she wasinspected by Mr Simonson, a skilful ship-wright, sent thither on purposeto save her if it could be done, but she was found utterlyunserviceable. All the ordnance, anchors, and other furniture, werebrought away, and the hull was abandoned. Of seventy-five men that wentin her from England outward-bound, only nine got home alive. These wereThomas Duckmanton, the master's mate, Mr Bullock, the surgeon, RobertWilson of Deptford, Jacob Peterson, and five other Englishmen, besidesthree or four Guzerats. [305] [Footnote 305: All these must have been brought home in the Bristolvessel and the Scots ships, except Duckmanton, and perhaps Smith. ButPurchas seems to have forgot that Mr Bradshaw and Humphry Bidulph wereleft alive in India. --E. ] SECTION X. _Fifth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1609, under theCommand of Captain David Middleton_[306] INTRODUCTION. This narrative is said by Purchas to have been extracted from a letterwritten by Captain David Middleton to the Company, and was probablyabbreviated by Purchas, who certainly is not happy on such occasions. This commander is probably the same person who commanded the Consent ina former voyage; and is said by the editor of Astley's Collection, tohave been brother to Sir Henry Middleton, who commanded in the sixthvoyage. One ship only, the Expedition belonging to London, appears tohave been employed in this fifth voyage. [Footnote 306: Purch. Pilgr. I. 238. Astl. I. 851. ] § 1. _Occurrences at Bantam, Booton, and Banda_. We set sail from the Downs the 24th April, 1609, in the Expedition ofLondon, and had sight of Fuerteventura and Lançerota the 19th May; andwith the winds sometimes fair, sometimes foul, we arrived at Saldanhabay the 10th August. Making all haste to wood and water, we again sailedthe 18th August, and arrived at Bantam on the 7th December, missingCaptain Keeling very narrowly, who must have passed us in the night, orwe must surely have seen him. I made all possible dispatch, both by dayand night, to get the iron ashore, and would not even stop to set up ourpinnace. I left Mr Hemsworth in the factory, and was under the necessityof giving a great many more gifts than would otherwise have beenrequisite, had the country been in the same state as formerly. [307] AsMr Hemsworth was a stranger, unacquainted with any one in the factory, Ileft Edward Neetles and three more of our people with him. Taking withme such commodities as I thought most vendible in the places to which Iproposed going, I took leave of Mr Hemsworth on the 18th December, hebeing very unwilling to remain behind; but I recommended to him to be ofgood courage, as it was necessary I should take Mr Spalding with me, ashe knew the language, and had no proper person to leave in charge of thefactory except himself. I told him, if he were sent for by the governorof Bantam, he must tell him plainly that I had left express orders notto yield to his former unreasonable demands; but, in case of extremity, to let the governor take what he pleased, but on no account to deliverhim any thing. [Footnote 307: Purchas observes here in a side-note, that, byalterations in the state, the debts due to the English factory at Bantamhad become almost desperate, and the governor would not allow them, asformerly, to imprison their debtors and distrain. He also exacted mostunreasonable sums for rent of the factory; although the ground had beenformerly given, and the houses had been built at the expence of thecompany. ] I set sail that evening, the 18th December, 1609, for the Moluccas, as Iproposed, and with a favourable wind. The 27th of that month we passedthe straits of _Desolam_, [308] after which we were becalmed for tendays, which was no small grief to me, in much heat under the line, being doubtful of the western monsoon failing me, which would haveentirely disappointed my intended voyage to the Moluccas. The 8thJanuary, 1610, we came before the town of Booton, and sent on shore toenquire the news. Finding very few people in the town, and the kingbeing gone to the wars, I did not anchor, but went through the straitsthe same day. Next day we saw a great fleet of caracols, which weimagined to belong to the King of Booton, which it actually did. When wedrew near, the king sent a small praw to enquire what we were. I senthim word who I was, and being becalmed and in want of water, I requestedto know if there were any to be had near. So the people pointed out tome a place where I might have abundance of water, to which I went. Theking and all his caracols came sailing after me, and cast anchor nearour ship; after which the king sent a messenger on board to welcome mein his name, and desired me to send Mr Spalding to him along with themessenger, to let him know the news. [Footnote 308: The passage between the Salayr islands and thesouth-western peninsula of Celebes, is probably here meant: Yet thatpassage is in lat. 6° S. While the text speaks of being under the line. No other supposition, however, can agree with the circumstance offalling in next day with the fleet of Booton. --E. ] The king likewise sent me word, that he wished I would remain all nightat anchor, as he proposed coming next morning aboard to visit me and seethe ship. As it remained calm, we continued at anchor, and next day onthe king coming aboard, I made a banquet for him and his nobles, makingthe king a present worthy of his dignity and friendship. A gale of windspringing up, we prepared to make sail, on which the king wept, saying, I might think him a dissembler, as he had no goods for me; but that fourmonths before his house was burnt down, in which he had provided for mesomewhat of every thing, as nutmegs, cloves, and mace, with a largequantity of sanders wood, of which he had a whole housefull, as likewisea great warehouse full of his country cloth, which was very vendible inall the islands thereabout. All this great loss, he said, had notformerly grieved him so much as now, when I told him I had got the shipfitted out expressly to come and buy his commodities. He said farther, that he saw I had kept my promise; and swore by the head of Mahomet hewould have so done likewise, had not God laid that scourge of fire uponhim, by which several of his wives and other women were burnt. He wasnow, he said, engaged from home in war with all his forces, the event ofwhich could not be foreseen, and could not therefore spare any of hispeople to make any provision for me; as, if we had not come, he had bythis time been in the field against another king who was his enemy. Hepointed out the town belonging to the king with whom he was at war, andrequested me to fire against it as I went past: I answered that I was astranger, and had no cause of quarrel with that king, and it would beimproper for me to make myself enemies; but if the other king shouldcome while I was there, and offer any injury to him or his subjects, Iwould do my best to send them away. The king was quite satisfied withthis, and took his leave, and we presently made sail. The 24th January we arrived at the island of _Bangaia_, [309] whence theking and most of the people were fled for fear of some enemy, though Icould not learn the truth. There was a Hollander there, who told me thatthe king had fled for fear of the King of Macassar, who, he thought, wanted to force him to become a Mahometan, as he was an idolater. But Irather think they had fled for fear of the Hollanders, who intended tohave built a fort here, but desisted on seeing that the people fled. This single Hollander bore such sway, that none of those who remained inthe island dared to displease him. He had two houses full of the youngwomen of the island for his own use, taking as many women as he pleased, and had many slaves, both men and women. He is a pleasant companion, andwill dance and sing from morn to night, almost naked like the natives. He has won the hearts of the people, along with whom he will often drinkfor two whole days. He lives here alone, and will not submit to becommanded by any other Hollander. Being over against Amboyna, when thegovernor of that place wants to speak with him, he must send two of hismerchants to remain as hostages till his return. He collects the dutiesfor the King of Ternate in all the islands hereabout, serving himself inthe first place, and sending to the king what he pleases to spare. [Footnote 309: From the sequel, Bangaia seems to have been near Amboyna, on the south-west of Ceram. --E. ] We had here abundance of good refreshments for our people, who werenow, thank God, in better state than when we left England, not havinghitherto one sick man on board. I had my long-boat sheathed at thisplace, for fear of the worms destroying her bottom, as we now towed heralways astern. We sailed from Bengaia on the 29th of January, and ongetting out to sea, found the wind right in our teeth in the way wewanted to go; so that striving all we could to get to windward, we foundthe current set so strong against us along with the wind, carrying usdirectly south, so that we lost fifteen leagues in two days. I thenfound myself constrained to change my purposed voyage for the Moluccas, and bore up the helm for Banda, to which we could go with a flowingsheet. § 2. _Occurrences at Banda; Contests with the Hollanders; Trade atPulo-way, and many Perils. _ We got sight of the islands of Banda on the 5th February, and made allsail to get near before night. When near, I sent my skiff to procureintelligence from some of the natives, who sent me word that theHollanders would not allow any ship to come into the roads, but wouldtake all our goods, if they were such as they needed, and pay for themat their own pleasure. They said, likewise, that when any junks happenedto come there with vendible commodities, they were not permitted to haveany intercourse with the people; but were brought to the back of theDutch castle, within musket-shot of their cannon, no one being allowedto set foot on shore, under penalty of being shot. There were, as wassaid, fifteen great junks detained under the guns at this time. We hadlittle hope, therefore, of making any profit of our voyage here, seeingthat they dealt so with all that came into the roads, whence theybanished Captain Keeling, not permitting him even to gather in hisdebts, for which they gave him bills receivable at Bantam, as I hopeyour worships have been informed by him at large. Yet for all this, Istood into the roads, displaying my flag and ensign, and having apendant at each yard-arm, as gallantly as we could. While we werestanding in, a pinnace of about thirty tons came to meet us, sent by thegovernor of the castle, as believing we had been one of their own ships;but immediately on hailing us stood back into the roads, so that wecould have no speech of her. As soon as I got athwart _Lantor_, I saluted the town with my guns, andcame to anchor within shot of their ships; when presently a boat cameaboard from the Dutch governor, desiring me to bring my ship into theroads, and to come ashore and shew my commission. My answer was, that Iwas only new come, and that I did not think it proper to shew mycommission to their governor, or to make any person acquainted with thenature of my business. They then asked me whether my ship was a man ofwar or a merchant-man. To which I made answer, that I should pay forwhatever I had. They then threatened me, on which I answered, "Here Iam, and am resolved to abide at anchor. You may do as you please, and Ihope I shall defend myself as I ought. " The Dutch messengers thenreturned to the castle in a rage; and they were no sooner gone, than agreat number of the inhabitants of Lantor and the neighbouring countrycame on board. From them I learnt the state of the country, which wasnow in friendship with the Dutch, or rather under subjection; and thatthey would willingly trade with me, if I could procure permission fromthe Hollanders. They told me at the same time, that the inhabitants ofPulo-way and Pulo-tronu were at war with the Dutch. Knowing well that itis good to fish in troubled waters, and discovering that a native ofPulo-way was among the people now in my ship, I took him aside and hadsome private conversation with him. Giving some money, I desired him tomake known to the people of his island, that I would give them money orcommodities for all their spice; and that, although the Hollanders andme were likely to be enemies, I would contrive to get their spice oneway or other. There came another boat from the Dutch vice-admiral, accompanied by theformer boat from the castle, bringing a second message from thegovernor, expressly commanding me to come into the roads. Being ourdinner time, I detained the messengers to dine with me, and then toldthem that I should ride where I was; for, as our nations were friends inEurope, it would look ill for us to be enemies among the heathens. Theythen told me roundly they would bring me away by force. To which I againmade answer, that I should certainly ride where I was till I experiencedthe inconvenience of the place, for they told me it was foul ground, and then I should come to occupy the best ground in their roads; forneither of our princes gave any such authority to their subjects, butthat those of the other may ride or go as they please. They then saidthe country was theirs. "So much the better then, " said I; "for as ourcountries are in friendship, I may the more boldly ride where I am. "Upon this they went away much displeased. In the evening I proposed to have landed some ordnance on the side of ahill which commanded the place where I rode at anchor, that I might thebetter be able to defend myself if the Hollanders should molest me; buton sending out some of my people to examine the bottom round about theship, it was found to be all foul with rocks, wherefore I gave up theproject of landing cannon. Next morning I sent Mr Spalding, and someothers of my principal people, in the skiff; with a letter for thegovernor, desiring them not to add a syllable to what I had written, andto bring me off an answer as soon as possible. In this letter, afteroffering to supply the governor with any thing he might want, anddeprecating hostilities between the subjects of friendly powers, Ioffered to shew my commission on equal terms, if he would meet me on thewater, each in a boat equally manned, or in any other equally securemanner. I then requested to be considered as an Indian for my money, andthat I was willing to purchase spice from him. Finally, as he was atenmity with the inhabitants of Pulo-way and Pulo-tronu, [310] I desiredto know if I might have the spice of these islands without hishindrance. [Footnote 310: At this place in the original, this island is calledPulo-ron, which is probably the right name. --E. ] The governor would send me no answer in writing. My people learnt thatthe Dutch had here three large ships of 1000 tons each, and threepinnaces of 30 tons; and that they proposed to lay one of their largeships, the Great Sun, which was unserviceable, on board of my ship toset me on fire, having put thirty barrels of powder into her for thatexpress purpose, and had sworn sundry persons to bring her against me, and make her fast with chains, all the boats belonging to the ships andthe castle attending to bring them off when she should be set on fire. The Great Horn, likewise, was to be brought out against me, andanchored within musket-shot to batter us, and their frigates or pinnaceswere to come round about us, to keep warm work on all sides. Seeing thembusied in warping out the Sun, my folks came and told me whatpreparations were going on. I therefore thought it now expedient to goon shore to the governor, to see what he would say to myself, before weshould try the fate of battle. So, taking my commission along with me, Iwent on shore at the castle, and was met at my landing by the governor, and all the principal men belonging to the castle and the ships. I wasled through a guard of 300 musketeers, who gave me three vollies, besides which, seven pieces of cannon were fired to welcome me. Afterthis I was conducted to the governor's chamber, where chairs were setfor him and me, and forms for all the others. After many compliments on both sides, I addressed the governor to thefollowing effect: Understanding from my people whom I had sent ashore, that they considered me as a pirate, having no commission, I had comemyself to satisfy them to the contrary, having brought my commission, tomake manifest that I had a regular commission under the great seal ofthe king, my master. This I shewed to them, reading the first line, andthen wrapped it up again. They then desired to see it all. On which Ideclared that this was more than I could answer for, and having alreadyexhibited the great seal of England, and my name contained in thecommission, they should see no more while I had life. We now motioned toreturn on board, but they requested me to stay yet awhile. So therepassed words between us, some sweet and some sharp: But at length theybecame more mild, and called for a cup of wine; after which we all roseup and went to walk about the castle, the offices in which were veryneat, and well furnished with arms and ammunition. Taking a favourable opportunity, I resolved to try what money might do, which often makes wise men blind, that so I might procure my loading bymeans of large bribes. I offered to give a thousand pounds, so that Imight be sure of my loading, and besides to give the chain I wore aboutmy neck, to any one who could procure me this, and offered to give ahigher price than they paid for the spice. Having set this matterafloat, and knowing that my ship rode in a dangerous place, I told thegovernor that, now he was satisfied I was not a man of war, I wouldbring my ship into their roads. He and his officers then said, that Ishould find them ready to shew me all the friendship in their power. Being now late, I took my leave to go on board, on which the governorcaused all the ordnance of the castle to be fired off; and as I passedthe ships, they and the pinnaces fired their guns till I got to my ownship. Next day, the 8th February, I brought my ship into the road, coming toanchor between the Dutch ships and the castle; and saluted them with allmy ordnance, which was returned by the castle, and all the ships andpinnaces. Immediately after coming to anchor, the governor and all theprincipal people belonging to the castle and the ships came aboard tovisit me, and staid to dinner; but I could neither prevail by argumentsor gifts to get leave to purchase a single pound of spice, the governorplainly telling me he durst not permit me under pain of losing his head. Seeing no good could be done by remaining, I determined to take in waterand try my fortune elsewhere; but on sending ashore for water, they mademy people be accompanied by a Dutch-man, lest we might have anyconference with the natives. Having procured water, I sent Mr Spaldingashore to acquaint the governor that I was going away, for I thought itwrong for me to leave the ship. The governor marvelled much where Icould go, as the wind was westerly, but Mr Spalding said he knew not. While I was warping from the roads till I could get sea-room for settingsail, the governor sent three _pinnaces_ to accompany me, and one camein a boat with a message, saying, that the governor commanded me not togo near any of these islands. To this I answered, that I was not underhis command, and was bound for Pulo-way as quickly as I could, and hemight send his ships, if he pleased, to drive me away if they could, forI would soon make his _frigates_[311] leave me. Observing the governorgo on board one of the frigates, and that the Dutch ships were likewisepreparing for sea, and bending their sails, I ordered my people toprepare for action. I called them together that I might know theirminds, plainly telling them, if they would stand by me, that I meant totrade at these islands, let the Hollanders do what they would; and Ipromised them, if any were maimed, he should have a maintenance duringhis life, which, God willing, I should see performed; and farther, ifthey would fight manfully, that I would give freely among them everything in the ship that was mine own. So, with one consent, they allagreed to try what strength the Hollanders might send against me. Seeingus making all things ready for action, the Dutch aboard the pinnacesseemed to think it might be little to their profit to guard us anylonger, and therefore bore up for their harbour. While we were warpingout, the Dutch governor, and lieutenant-governor of the castle, andtheir admiral, were twice on board the pinnaces, but what they did thereI know not. [Footnote 311: On former occasions we have conjectured that by frigates, in these older days, very small vessels were intended; and in thepresent passage frigates and pinnaces are distinctly used as synonimousterms. --E. ] It fell calm, what wind there was being westerly, and a great currentset to the E. N. E. Which drove us at a great rate. So I sent Mr Spaldingin the boat, with my purser's-mate and five more, giving him money, anddesired him to inform the people of Pulo-way, that we had parted inenmity from the Hollanders, and that if they would sell me their spice, I would give them money for it, and would have come myself, but wishedfirst to get the ship to some place where she might ride in safety, andwould then come to them, either in the ship or in a pinnace which I hadaboard, ready to set up. While my boat was absent, two praws came fromLantor, to enquire wherefore I had gone away? I told them I was forcedaway by the current; but desired them to tell the people of Lantor, thatI would give them money or goods for their spice, if they would sell tome in preference to the Hollanders, who came to reduce their country toslavery. One of them said he would go first to Pulo-way to see mypeople, and would then deliver my message to those of Lantor. When Mr Spalding came ashore, the people of Pulo-way flocked about him, and made him welcome, but would fix no price with him till I shouldcome, offering to deliver spice on account till my arrival. I desired MrSpalding to hire me a pilot, if possible, to bring my ship near; so thepeople of the country hired two, to whom they gave twenty rials, sayingthat I must give as much. Mr Spalding sent them aboard, and desired meat the same time to send him more money and cloth, which I did thatnight. We now bore up the helm for _Ceram_, and came to a place called_Gelagula_, a reasonably good road, some thirty leagues from Banda. Assoon as possible we took a house, and brought the materials of ourpinnace ashore to set her up. Labouring hard to get her fitted, I calledher the Hopewell. The 27th March, 1610, we had all things in readinessfor going to Pulo-way, and arrived there the night of the 31st, butcould lade no spice till I had made agreement with the natives, whoasked many duties and great gifts. In fine, I agreed to pay the same ashad been paid by Captain Keeling. The chiefs had what they looked for, as every one must have something, and unknown to the rest, so that onecan never have done giving, as they never cease begging, and it was notconvenient to deny them any reasonable request, especially as I wassituated. After we had agreed, the Hopewell was loaded with mace, or filledrather; for she was only nine tons burden, and could carry very littleof that commodity. So, after sending away the Hopewell, I hired a largepraw, which I proposed to build upon, which we loaded with nutmegs, andsent to the ship, where she was built higher, so as to be of 25 tonsburden; but she made only one voyage, and then we heard no tidings ofher in three months. The Hopewell making two voyages, and hearing nonews of the praw, I verily thought she had sunk; for I came in companywith her myself in the Hopewell, and had so great a storm that I gaveher up as lost, having twelve of my stoutest men in her. It was no smallgrief to me to see the season thus wear away, and could not get myloading to the ship, neither durst I bring over my ship to Pulo-way, asthere was no safe anchorage for her. I made enquiry for some othervessel, and heard of a junk belonging to Lantor, but she was old and laynear the Dutch ships; yet I went and bought her, and got such help as Icould to trim her. The want of my twelve men in the praw put me to much trouble, as theywould have shortened our labour much: For most of our men were laid upwith sore legs, and whenever any one was reasonable well, he had to goin the Hopewell, in the room of another poor lame fellow, some beingthree several times well and down again. I was thus driven to my witsend, not knowing which way to turn me, being every hour in danger thatthe Hollanders would come and take the island. By intelligence at sundrytimes, I learnt that they endeavoured by various contrivances to get memade away with, offering large bribes for rogues to kill me, by poisonor otherwise; but, God be praised, I had some friends on the island, whogave me secret warnings, and put me on my guard against such_men-slaves_, who would do me some mischief, and came for the purpose. I prevailed on the islanders to combine and fit out their caracols, tokeep the Dutch pinnaces from coming to assail us, after which thepinnaces durst not stir; and the islanders often landed secretly onNera, and cut off sundry of the Hollanders, so that they durst not stirfrom the castle, except in numerous parties, well armed. The islanderseven built a fort on the side of a hill, whence they fired into thecastle, and troubled the Hollanders much. By this we were securedagainst the Dutch pinnaces coming out, to attempt intercepting ourintercourse with Pulo-way. I made nine voyages myself in our smallpinnace, and could never spare above seven seamen to go in her, leavingfive at Pulo-way, all the rest being sick or lame with sore legs. Thiswas a most villainous country, every article of food being excessivelydear, and only sometimes to be had, which troubled us exceedingly; andwe were so continually vexed with violent rains, that we thought to haveall perished. I was forced to fetch away the junk I bought at Lantorunfitted for sea, as the Dutch, on seeing men at work upon her, sent outone of their ships to batter her to pieces. So that night I got the helpof two tonies to launch her, having to carry her a great way on rollers, which we did under night, and got her out of sight before day. Webrought her to Pulo-way, where we had to buy sails and every thing elsefor her, she being only a bare hulk; so I set the native carpenters towork upon her, who did her little good, as it was afterwards found. Ilikewise sent orders by the Hopewell to the ship, to send some rigging, and that Mr Davis should come to carry her over. On this occasion the Hopewell did not appear again for three weeks, sothat we were doubtful of some mischance; and it might have been longbefore they at the ship could have hired any one to bring us word, asthe Hollanders have often used them very ill for carrying provisions tothe Bandanese. The weather being tolerably good, and having our skiff atPulo-way, I resolved to go over to the ship in her myself; for I couldnot hire men to carry over the junk, if I would have loaded her withsilver, and I had not a man with me sound enough to stand on his legs;so I hired three natives, and put to sea in the skiff. When out of sightof Pulo-way, it came on to blow a heavy storm, so that I had to scudbefore the wind and sea to save our lives; yet, thank God, we got sightof Ceram, and kept her right afore the sea, but clean from the placewhere our ship lay, and on nearing the shore the sea did break so aloft, that we had no hope of getting safe on shore. Night being at hand, westrove all we could to keep the sea till day; but as the stormincreased, we had no remedy for our lives but attempting to get throughthe surf over a ledge of rocks. This we did, but durst not leave theboat, lest we had been dashed in pieces on the rocks. Next morning wegot her on shore, being brim-full of water, and every thing we hadwashed out. Immediately afterwards, the blacks came and told us we must go to seaagain instantly, if we valued our lives, for we had landed in thecountry of the _canibals_, who, if they saw us, would come and eat us. They said, nothing could ransom us from them if once taken, andespecially because we were Christians, they would roast us alive, inrevenge for the wrongs the Portuguese had done them. Our blacks added, if we would not put immediately to sea, they would go and hidethemselves, being sure the canibals would be at the water-side as soonas it was light. On hearing this, and seeing by the moonlight that thesea was more calm, the wind having dulled, we pushed off, and having thetide in our favour, we got quickly a-head, so that by day-light we werebeyond the watches of the canibals; and keeping close to the shore, weespied the hull of a bark, on nearing which we knew it to be the_Diligence_. [312] Coming up to her, I found two Englishmen on board, whotold me they had come there to anchor the same night we had the storm inthe skiff, and anchoring at this place, their cable broke and she droveon shore, Mr Herniman having gone to the town to get people to assist inweighing her. The sandy beach was covered with people who came topillage her, and I advised the two Englishmen to fire a shot now andthen, which scared them from coming nearer. On coming to the town, MrHerniman was gone by land to our ship. I offered money to the governorto help to save the bark, when he said he would raise the country in twoor three days for that purpose; but I told him, if it came to blow shewould be lost in an hour. One of the Pulo-way people being there, plainly told me that the governor only waited to have her bilged, thathe might have the planks to build a praw for himself. [Footnote 312: This afterwards appears to have been the praw, formerlymentioned, so named after being raised upon for carrying spice fromPulo-way to Ceram; but this circumstance is left here unexplained, possibly by the negligence of Purchas in abbreviating, by which heleaves matters often obscure, sometimes unintelligible. --E. ] Finding no help could be had except from the ship, which was twelvemiles off by land, I hired guides to follow Mr Herniman, taking one ofmy own men to bear me company. Half-way we came to a large river, whichit was necessary to swim across, and as my man could not swim, I senthim back with my clothes, except a scarlet _mandilion_, [313] which oneof my guides engaged to carry over for me. He told me the river was fullof alligators, and if I saw any I must fight with him, or he would killme, and for that purpose my guide carried a knife in his mouth. Beingvery weary, as I had not slept for two nights, I took the water beforethe Indians, knowing they would be over before me. The river being verybroad, and the stream swift, occasioned by late great rains, the Indianswould have had me return when half way, to which I would not consent. While swimming, the Indian who carried my mandilion touched my side witha cane he carried in his hand; suspecting this had been an alligator, Iimmediately dived, when the current got such hold of me that I wascarried out to sea, which threw me on the beach, and bruised me so onthe back and shoulder that I could not get a-land, till the Indian cameand gave me hold of one end of his cane, and pulled me out almostdrowned, as every surf drove me against the beach and washed me outagain. I praised God, and got on board, where my company was amazed tosee me. So that night I sent all that were able to crawl to save thebark, which they did with much toil and small help of the natives; _thecountry_ not permitting any one to assist in saving her, [314] expectingus to forsake her, that they might enjoy the spoil. [Footnote 313: This word is explained by lexicographers as a loosegarment, a sleeveless jacket, or a soldiers coat. --E. ] [Footnote 314: It will be seen in other voyages, that the Malays, whoare widely diffused over the Indian archipelago, often live under a kindof aristocratical republican government; even where they are subjectedto kings, partaking much of the feudal semblance. This observationseemed necessary as an attempt to explain the meaning in the text of_the country_ not permitting, &c. --E. ] The Hopewell arrived next morning laden with spice, having beena-missing, as mentioned before. She had been driven thirty leagues tothe east of Banda in a cruel storm, which gave them much ado to getagain to windward. I returned to Pulo-way in the pinnace, which I againloaded without delay; and Mr Davis was taking in his loading in thejunk, and making all the dispatch he could with his poor lame crew, thebest part of my crew being long absent in the Diligence. We presentlyunladed her, and I that night set sail in her myself, [315] to see if Icould come before Mr Davis came from thence, for I was told the junk wasvery leaky, and I wished to have her accompanied by the Hopewell, whatsoever might befall; as she had not a nail in her, but such as wehad driven, and as we had none of ourselves, we caused the simple nativesmiths to make some iron pins, for they can make no nails, [316] andbestowed these in the most needful places. While striving in theHopewell to reach Pulo-way, I was put past it in a mighty storm by thecurrent; for the more the wind, the current is always the stronger:being put to leeward, and long before we could fetch the ship, and fainto take shelter on the Ceram shore, or else be blown away. After manytrips, and still falling to leeward of the ship, I desired Mr Davis tolook out for some harbour for our ship, to which we might come overdirect from Pulo-way, without being obliged to ply to windward with ourcraft when deeply laden, which was effected. [Footnote 315: This paragraph is utterly inexplicable, at least with anycertainty, the abbreviation by Purchas having reduced it almost toabsolute nonsense. Conjectural amendment being inadmissible, the subjectis of so little moment as not to warrant any commentary. --E. ] [Footnote 316: Even to the present times, the boasted empire of China isunable to make a head to a nail. All their smiths can do for asubstitute, is to bend the head of a small piece of iron like the letter_z_, which flattened, but not welded, serves as a substitute for thenail-head. Every chest of tea affords numerous examples of this clumsy_qui pro quo_. --E. ] In my long stay from Pulo-way and Banda on this occasion, the islandershad intelligence that our ship had weighed; and they were persuaded Ihad gone away for fear of the Hollanders. Upon this the islanders wouldnot deal with my people whom I had left among them, neither even wouldthey sell them provisions. They even began to rail at them and abusethem, saying that I had gone away with the ship, as the Hollanders didformerly, and would come back with a fleet, as they had done, and taketheir country from them. In this disposition of mind towards us, theyhad come to a determination to seize our house, and to send all ourpeople prisoners to the top of a high rock, the consent only of thesabandar being a-wanting for taking possession of our goods, though someeven began to take our goods forcibly. On the arrival of the sabandar, Mr Spalding waited upon him, and remonstrated upon the unjust conduct ofthe islanders in taking away our goods, craving his protection. Thesabandar then said, that the islanders were resolved we should not do asthe Hollanders had done, and were therefore resolved to make all theEnglish prisoners; for the ship was gone, and our intentions seemed badtowards them. All that Mr Spalding could say, they would not bepersuaded but that I was gone away in the ship, and that my people wereleft behind at Pulo-way for a sinister purpose. Next day, the islanders met in council in their church, [_mosque_;] andwhile deliberating upon the seizure of our goods, and the imprisonmentof Mr Spalding and our men, news were brought them that I was in sightin the Hopewell, on which they broke up their council. At my landing, MrSpalding told me of the hard usage he had received, and the fear he wasin. When I got to our house, the chief man of all the islands sat beforethe door, waiting my arrival, and told me plainly, if I had not thencome myself, they would have taken our goods and made our peopleprisoners. I then explained to them the reason of removing the ship;adding, that it was no wonder the Hollanders had built a castle todefend themselves, when I received such hard and unjust usage from them, who was in friendship with them, had left my men among them with suchcommodities as the country required, had made the Hollanders my enemiesbecause they were their enemies, and had done every thing in my power toserve them. They answered, that I must not blame them for being jealousof all Christians, as the Portuguese and Hollanders had done exactlylike me for many years, but were now obviously determined to enslavetheir country. Friendship and confidence being completely restored, I bought spice fromthem, and had soon enough to load my ship, which I dispatched in theHopewell to where the Expedition now rode. Having still a considerableoverplus of stock, I thought I could not do better service to yourworships, than by laying out your money in farther purchases. Itherefore loaded thirty tons more in a junk, and bought another junk offorty tons and spice to load her. But as she was not yet launched, Ileft Mr Spalding in charge of her loading, leaving Mr Chapman, a veryhonest and sufficient man, as master of this junk, with twelve personsto navigate her. I then took my leave of all the chiefs in a friendlymanner, giving them various presents as farewell tokens, entreating themto give Mr Spalding such assistance as he might require, as after mydeparture he would have to rely on them. Leaving Mr Chapman as master of the new junk, I was obliged to takecharge of the Hopewell myself, and set sail the 7th September, 1610, from Pulo-way, having the junk Middleton in company, having remainedlonger in this country than any Englishman had done hitherto. I arrivedat the ship on the 10th, which I now found was not fully laden, as seventons of nutmegs that had come last from Pulo-way were spoiled and had tobe thrown away. I laded her therefore from the Hopewell and the junk;and now turned off the Hopewell, which had done good service. She wasonly of half-inch plank, which we had never had leisure to sheath, andwas so worm-eaten, that the pump had to be in constant use. § 3. _Departure for Bantam, Escape from the Hollanders, and VoyageHome. _ When the ship was fully laden, we set sail from Keeling bay for Bantam, having never a top-sail overhead, as the top-sails had been blown fromthe yards while Mr Davis was removing the ship from her original stationto another bay, seven leagues more to the westward. As the junk wentbetter than we, I wrote a letter by her to Bantam, desiring her crew tomake all speed there, yet I hoped to overtake her when I could get upnew top-sails, on which we were busy at work. Having completed ourtop-sails, I overtook the junk on the 16th September, when we found itcould not now keep us company, unless we took in our top-sails. Idirected them therefore to carry such sail in the junk as she was ableto bear, and to follow me to Bantam, as my remaining with them couldserve no good purpose, and I had much to do at Bantam to trim the shipfor her voyage home. So we took leave of them and bore away for Bantam. I arrived there on the 9th October, where I found Mr Hensworth andEdward Neetles had both died shortly after my sailing for the spiceislands; so that all the goods I had left were still there, not a yardof cloth being sold to the Chinese. Having dispatched my affairs at Bantam, I appointed Richard Wooddies aschief of our factory, with whom I left directions for Mr Spalding, whenGod should send him to Bantam, to consider of a voyage to Succadania inBorneo for diamonds. I set sail on the 16th November, and having a goodpassage to Saldanha bay, I got there on the 21st January, 1611. I foundthat my brother Sir Henry Middleton had been there, arriving the 24thJuly, and departing the 10th August, 1610. I there found a copy of aletter my brother had sent home by a Hollander the day after he came tothe road; which, if your worships have not received, you may see thatthey will detain all your worships letters. I took in water at Saldanhabay, and made all the dispatch I could for England. Thus have I certified your worships of all matters in an ample manner, as seemed my duty. I have on board 100 tons, six _cathayes_, onequartern, and two pounds of nutmegs; and 622 suckets of mace, which arethirty-six tons, fifteen cathayes, one quartern, and twenty-one pounds. I left in the junk with Mr Herniman twenty-four tons, seven cathayes, two quarterns, eight pounds. All this cost me 25, 071-1/4 rials; of whichsum I have disbursed 500 rials of my own, for spice, which lies mostlyon the _orlop_; and being in bond to your worships, it shall thereremain till I know your worships pleasure whether I shall enjoy it. SECTION XI _Sixth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1610, under theCommand of Sir Henry Middleton. _[317] INTRODUCTION. This is one of the most curious of all the early voyages of the Englishto India, particularly on account of the transactions of Sir Henry inthe Red Sea. According to the title of the voyage in the Pilgrims, thenarrative was written by Sir Henry himself, probably an abstract of hisjournal. It breaks off abruptly, and leaves the fate of the voyageentirely unexplained, which will be found in some measure supplied bythe subsequent narrative of Downton. [Footnote 317: Purch. Pilgr. I. 247. Astl. I. 360. ] From the title given by Purchas to the narrative, it appears that therewere three ships employed in this voyage: The _Trades-increase_ of 1000tons, admiral, commanded by Sir Henry Middleton, general of theexpedition; the _Pepper-corn_ of 250 tons, vice-admiral, commanded byCaptain Nicholas Downton; and the _Darling_ of 90 tons. Besides these, the bark _Samuel_ of 180 tons accompanied as a victualler to CapeVerd. --E. § 1. _Incidents of the Voyage till the Arrival of the Squadron atMokha. _ We came to anchor in the roads of Cape Verd on the 1st May, 1610, underan island, where we found a Frenchman of Dieppe, who was setting up apinnace. Next day, I set all the carpenters of the fleet to work on mymainmast; and having taken off the fishes, they found it so sore wrungabout three feet above the upper-deck, that it was half through, so thatit must have gone by the board if we had met with any foul weather. Isent one of my carpenters a-land on the main to search for trees, whoreturned that night, saying he had seen some that would answer. Thethird we began to unload the Samuel, and sent the carpenters on shore tocut down trees, having leave of the alcaide, who came on board to dinewith me, and to whom I gave a piece of Rouen cloth which I bought of theFrenchman, and some other trifles. The fifteenth, the mast beingrepaired, and all our water-casks full, we stowed our boats at night, and prepared to be gone next morning. Cape Verd is the best place I knowof for our outward-bound ships; not being out of the way, the road beinggood and fit for the dispatch of any kind of business, and fresh fish tobe had in great plenty. In a council with Captain Downton and themasters, it was agreed that our best course to steer for the line fromhence was S. S. W. For sixty leagues, then S. S. E. Till near the line, andthen easterly. We dismissed the Samuel to return home, and held on ourway. We came into Saldanha roads the 24th July, and saluted the Dutch admiralwith five guns, which he returned. There were also two other Hollandships there, which came to make train-oil of seals, [318] and which hadmade 300 pipes. This day I went a-land, and found the names of CaptainKeeling and others, homewards-bound in January, 1610; also my brotherDavid's name, outward-bound, 9th August, 1609, and likewise a letterburied under ground, according to agreement between him and me inEngland, but it was so consumed with damp as to be altogether illegible. The 26th, we set up a tent for our sick men, and got them all ashore toair our ships. From this till we departed, nothing happened worthwriting. [Footnote 318: In a letter which I had from Mr Femell, written fromSaldanha bay, he mentions two French ships in like employment, which hesuspected lay in wait for distressed ships coming from India. --_Purch_. ] The 6th September, in lat. 23° 30' S. Wind southerly, a pleasant gale. This day, after dinner, we saw land, and before night, came to anchor inthe bay of St Augustine, where we found the Union distressed for want ofprovisions. [319] The 7th, I went ashore in my pinnace to endeavour toget fresh victuals for the people, but could not; we got however woodand water. The 10th, we steered along the coast with a fresh gale atS. E. Reckoning to have made twenty-six leagues that day, but we onlywent twenty-two, owing to a current setting south. The 11th, we steeredalong the land, having still a great current against us. The 20th, atnoon, our latitude was 11° 10', the variation being 12° 40' Thisafternoon we saw land, being the islands of _Queriba_, [320] which aredangerous low islands, environed with rocks and shoals. [Footnote 319: See the narrative of her voyage in sect. Ix. Of thischapter. ] [Footnote 320: Querimba, an island and river of that name on the Cafrecoast, in lat. 12° 30' S. There is an island called Oibo, a little wayto the north, and another named Goat's island, a little-way south ofQuerimba; all three being probably the _islands_ of Queriba in thetext. --E. ] The 16th October, early in the morning, we saw the _Duas Irmanas_, orTwo Sisters, bearing N. By W. The wind at S. W. And the 18th, we came toanchor in a sandy bay in the island of Socotora, in lat. 12° 25' N. [321]In the evening we caught many fish with the sein. The 21st, weendeavoured to get into the road of Tamarin, the chief town of theisland, but from contrary winds were unable to get there till the 25th. The latitude of Tamarin is 12° 30' [13° 37'] S. This town stands at thefoot of high rugged hills, and the road is all open between E. By N. AndW. N. W. We anchored in ten fathoms on good ground. I sent Mr Femellashore well accompanied, with a present to the king of a cloth vest, apiece of plate, and a sword-blade, when he promised all possiblekindness. The 26th, I went ashore, accompanied by the chief merchantsand a strong guard, and being conducted to the king's house, heentertained me courteously. I enquired of him concerning the trade ofthe Red Sea, which he highly commended, saying, the people of Aden andMokha were good, and would be glad to trade with us. He said farther, that the Ascension had sold all her goods there at high prices, and cameso light to Tamarin as to require much ballast. This news gave me goodcontent. I asked leave to set up my pinnace on his island, but he wouldnot allow it in this road, as if I staid long at Tamarin it might deterall others from coming there; but if I chose to return to the formerport, I might set up the pinnace at that place. On enquiring for aloes, he said he had sent away all his aloes to his father, who resides atKushem, near Cape Fartak, being king of that part of Arabia Felix. Iasked leave to wood and water. He gave me free leave to take water, butsaid, if I would have any wood, I must pay very dear for it. Heconfirmed the loss of the Ascension and her pinnace, which was no smallgrief to me. He urged me much to go to the Red Sea, but advised me notto attempt trade at Fartak, as he thought his father would not allow me. I and all my people dined with the king, and then went aboard. [Footnote 321: The latitude in the text is very erroneous; the mostsoutherly part of Socotora being in 13° 6' N. ] The 7th November, while steering along the coast of Arabia, we saw ahigh land about ten o'clock, rising like _Abba-del-curia_, and capableof being seen a great way off, which we imagined to be the high land ofAden. In the evening, we came to anchor before the town in twentyfathoms on sandy ground. Aden stands in a vale at the foot of amountain, and makes a fair appearance. It is surrounded by a stone wall, and has forts and bulwarks in many places; but how these are furnished Iknow not. The 8th, there came off a small boat in which were threeArabs, who said they were sent by the lieutenant of the town to enquireof what nation we were; sending us word we were welcome if English, andthat Captain Sharpey had been there the year before, and had gone thenceto Mokha, where he sold all his goods. I asked the name of the pacha, and whether he was a good man. They answered his name was Jaffer Pacha;that the former pacha was a very bad man, this rather better, but allthe Turks were bad. Asking what sort of place Mokha was for trade, theytold me there was one man in Mokha who would purchase all my goods. Isent John Williams ashore, one of my factors, who could speak Arabic, who was kindly entertained. The morning of the 9th, I sent my pinnace ashore to procure a pilot forMokha, and in the mean time weighed anchor and got under sail. Thepinnace returned without a pilot, saying, they would not let us have anyunless we left three of our chief merchants in pledge, and that theyentreated me to leave one ship, and they would buy all her goods. Beingdesirous of trade, I agreed to leave the Pepper-corn, and did what wecould to regain the road, but were carried to leeward by the current, sowe came to anchor to the south of the town. I then sent Mr Fowler andJohn Williams ashore, to tell them I was to leave one ship with them totrade, and begged they would let me have a pilot They seemed glad thatone of the ships was to remain, and promised me a pilot next day. Seeingno hope of a pilot on the 12th, and having dispatched our business withthe Pepper-corn, I sailed about noon with the Trades-increase andDarling for Mokha. The 14th, we saw the head-land going into the Red Sea, rising like anisland, and about eleven, we were athwart the entrance, being only threemiles broad. [322] On the north side is a rugged land like an island, andon the other side is a low flat island, called _Babelmandd_, [323] on thesouth side of which island there appeared to be a broad strait orentrance. After passing through the strait, we saw a village in a sandybay on the north shore, to which place I sent my pinnace to get a pilot. It soon returned with two Arabs, who pretended to be very skilful. Ourdepth in the straits was from eight to eleven fathoms, and the distancefrom Aden to the straits is thirty leagues. About four o'clock p. M. Wehad sight of the town of Mokha; and about five, while luffing with astrong wind, we split our main-top-sail, and putting abroad our mizen, it split likewise. At this time our pilots got our ship aground on asand bank, the wind blowing hard, and the sea somewhat high, so that wemuch feared her getting safe off again. [Footnote 322: This must have been the N. E. Passage, between the islandof Prin and the promontory on the coast of Arabia. The other passage ismuch broader. --E. ] [Footnote 323: The name of the island is _Prin, Bab-al-Mondub_, signifying the gate of lamentation, is the Arabian name of the straitsleading into the Red Sea. --E, ] § 2. _Transactions at Mokha, and Treachery of the Turks there, and atAden_. That same night, a boat came off to us from the town, in which was aproper man of a Turk, sent by the governor to enquire who we were, andwhat was our business. I answered that we were English merchants, whocame in search of trade. To this he replied, that we were heartilywelcome, and should not fail in what we wanted; and that AlexanderSharpey had sold all his goods there, and we might do the like. He madelight of the grounding of our ship, saying it was quite customary forthe great ships of India to get there aground, and yet none of them eversuffered any harm by it. He then hastened on shore to acquaint the agawhat we were, and promised to return in the morning with boats tolighten our ship. This man, as I afterwards understood, was what theycall _lord of the sea_;[324] his office is to board all ships that cometo Mokha, to see lighters sent to discharge the ships, and to take carethat they do not defraud the customs; for all which he has certainfees, which constitute his salary. [Footnote 324: In Arabic, _Amir-al-Bahar_. --Astl. I. 363. A. ] Early in the morning of the 14th, the lord of the sea returned withthree or four other Turks in his company, two of whom spoke Italian. They brought me a small present from the aga, with hearty welcome to hisport, saying, we should have as good and free trade as we had in_Stamboul_, [Constantinople, ] Aleppo, or any other part of the Turkishdominions, with many other compliments, and offers of every thing thatthe country could afford. They brought three or four, lighters, intowhich we put any thing that first came to hand to lighten the ship. MrFemell went ashore in one of these before I was aware, carrying with himevery thing he had in the ship. We sent our money, elephants teeth, andall our shot, aboard the Darling; and in the evening carried out ouranchors into deep water, trying to heave off our ship, but could not. The 15th we sent more goods ashore, and some on board the Darling, andabout five p. M. On heaving the capstan, our ship went off the bank toall our comforts. I had this day a letter from Mr Femell, telling me hehod received kind entertainment from the aga, and had agreed to pay fiveper cent custom for all we should sell, and all that was not sold to bereturned custom-free. Likewise the aga sent me a letter under his handand seal, offering himself and every thing in his country at mydisposal, with many other compliments. The 19th two boats came off for iron to Mr Femell, which I caused to besent; but wrote to him, not to send for any more goods till those he hadalready were sold. In answer, Mr Femell wrote, that I must come ashoreaccording to the custom of the country, if I minded to have trade, otherwise they could not be persuaded but we were men of war. The agalikewise sent his interpreter to entreat me to come ashore, if I were amerchant and friend to the Great Turk, and hoped for trade; alledging, that Captain Sharpey, and all Indian captains, did so. The 20th, I wentashore, and was received at the water-side by several of the chief men, accompanied with music, and brought in great state to the aga's house, where all the chief men of the town were assembled. I was received withmuch kindness, was seated close to the aga, all the rest standing, andmany compliments paid me. I delivered his majesty's letter for thepacha, and a present, which I requested might be sent up to the pachawith all speed. I likewise gave the aga a present, with which he seemedmuch pleased, assuring me I should have free trade, and if any of thetownspeople offended me or my men, he would punish them severely. Hethen made me stand up, and one of his chief men put upon me a vest ofcrimson silk and silver, saying, this was the Grand Seignor'sprotection, and I need fear no ill. After some compliments, I took myleave, and was mounted on a gallant horse with rich furniture, a greatman leading my horse, and was conducted in my new coat, accompanied bymusic, to the English factory, where I staid dinner. Meaning to goaboard in the evening, I was much entreated to remain, which I yieldedto, being forced also for some days following by bad weather. Every day I had some small present sent me by the aga, with complimentsfrom him, enquiring if I were in want of any thing. On the 28th, he senttwice complimentary messages, desiring me to be merry, as when theirfast was over, now almost expired, he would take me along with him tohis gardens and other places of pleasure. This afternoon Mr Pembertoncame ashore for cocoa-nuts, and wishing afterwards to return on board, the Turks would not allow him, saying it was too late, and he might goas early next morning as he pleased. I sent to entreat permission forhim to go, but it was refused. All this time we suspected no harm, onlythinking the officer was rather too strict in his conduct on thisoccasion, which we thought had been without orders, and of which I meantnext day to complain to the aga. After sun-set, I ordered stools to beset for us at the door, where Mr Femell, Mr Pemberton, and I, sat totake the fresh air, having no suspicions that any evil was intended us. About eight o'clock, a janissary brought some message for me from theaga; and as we could not understand him, I sent my man to call one of mypeople who could speak Turkish. While this man was interpreting theaga's message, which was merely complimentary, my own man came to us ingreat consternation, saying we were betrayed, for the Turks and mypeople were by the ears at the back of the house. The Turk who sat beside us rose up immediately, and desired my man toshew him where the quarrel was, several of my folks following to seewhat was the matter. I immediately ran after them, calling as loud as Iwas able for them to turn back and defend our house; but whilespeaking, I was struck on the head by one behind me with such violence, that I fell down and remained senseless till they had bound my handsbehind me so tightly, that the pain restored my senses. As soon as theysaw me move, they set me on my feet, and led me between two of them tothe house of the aga, where I found several of my people in a similarsituation with myself. On the way the soldiers pillaged me of all themoney I had about me, and took from me three gold rings, one of whichwas my seal, another was set with seven diamonds, which were ofconsiderable value, and the third was a _gimmall_ ring. When all of usthat escaped alive in this treacherous and bloody massacre were broughttogether, they began to put us in irons, I and seven more being chainedtogether by the neck, others by their feet, and others again by thehands. This being done they all left us, except two soldiers appointedto keep guard over us. These soldiers had compassion upon us, and easedus of the bands which tied our hands behind; for most of us were sotightly bound that the blood was ready to start from our finger-ends. After my hands were thus eased, being much distressed both for myselfand the rest, and in great anxiety for the ships, which I believed thefaithless Turks would leave no villainy unattempted to get possessionof, we began to converse together as to what could be the reason of thisinfamous usage. I demanded if any of them could tell how the affraybegan, and if any of our people were slain. I was informed by those ofour company who were in the fray, and had escaped, that Francis Slanny, John Lanslot, and six more were slain, and that fourteen of those now incustody along with me were sore wounded. They said that our house wassurrounded by soldiers, who, when I was knocked down, attacked ourcompany with merciless cruelty, against those who had no weapons todefend themselves. Having thus succeeded in the first act of their treachery, they nowaimed to gain possession of our ships and goods. For about ten o'clockthat same night, they manned three large boats with about 150 armed men, in order to take the Darling, which rode somewhat nearer the shore thanour large ship. The boats put off from the shore together, and that theymight be mistaken for Christians, the Turks took off their turbans, andall boarded the Darling, most of them getting upon her deck. This attackwas so sudden, that three men belonging to the Darling were slain beforethey could get down below: The rest took to their close quarters, andstood on their defence. At this time, the _Emir al Bahar_, who commandedon this enterprize, called to his soldiers to _cut the tables in thehouse. _[325] The soldiers misunderstanding him, many of them leapt intothe boats and cut the boat ropes, so that they drifted away. By thistime our men had got hold of their weapons and manned their closequarters, the Turks standing thick in the waste, hallooing and clangingtheir swords upon the deck. One of our company threw a large barrel ofpowder among them, and after it a fire-brand, which took instant effect, and scorched several of them. The rest retired to the quarter-deck andpoop, as they thought for greater safety, where they were entertainedwith musket-shot and another train of powder, which put them in suchfear that they leapt into the sea, many of them clinging to the ship'sside and desiring quarter, which was not granted, as our men killed allthey could find, and the rest were drowned. One man only was saved, whohid himself till the fury was over, when he yielded and was received tomercy. Thus God, of his goodness and mercy, delivered our ship and menout of the hands of our enemies, for which blessed be his holy name forever more. _Amen. _ [Footnote 325: This seems unintelligible nonsense, from what follows, itwould appear that the order was to _cut the cables in the hose, _ thatthe ship might drift a-shore. --E. ] On the return of the boats to Mokha, they reported that the ship wastaken, for which there were great rejoicings. The aga sent off the boatsagain, with orders to bring the ship close to the shore; but on gettingout to where she rode, they found her under sail and standing off, onwhich they returned, and told the aga that the ship had escaped and wasgone, and they now believed the Emir-al-bahar and his soldiers weretaken prisoners, which was no pleasing news to him. Before day, he senthis interpreter to tell me that my small ship was taken, which Ibelieved. At day-break, I was sent for to come before the aga, and wentaccordingly with my seven yoke-fellows, all fastened with me by the neckto the same chain. With a frowning countenance, he asked how I durst beso bold as to enter their port of Mokha, so near their holy city ofMecca? I answered, that he already knew the reason of my coming, andthat I had not landed till earnestly entreated by him, with manypromises of kind usage. He then said it was not lawful for any Christianto come so near their holy city, of which Mokha was as one of the gates, and that the pacha had express orders from the Great Turk to captivateall Christians who came into these seas, even if they had the imperialpass. I told him the fault was his own, for not having told me so atfirst, but deluding us with fair promises. He now gave me a letter to read from Captain Downton, dated long beforeat Aden, saying, that two of his merchants and his purser had beendetained on shore, [326] and that they could not get them released, without landing merchandize, and paying 1500 Venetian chequins foranchorage. After I had read the letter, the aga desired to know itspurport, which I told him. He then informed me that the ship, since thewriting of that letter, had been cast away on a rock, and all her goodsand men lost. He then commanded me to write a letter to the people in mylarge ship to know how many Turks were detained in the small one. I saidthat was needless, as he had already sent me word the small ship wastaken. To this he replied, that she was once taken, but the large shiphad rescued her. He then ordered me to write a letter, commanding allthe people of the large ship to come ashore, and to deliver the largeship and her goods into his hands, when he would give us the small shipto carry us home. I said it would be folly to write any such thing, asthose who were aboard and at liberty would not be such fools as toforsake their ship and goods, and come ashore to be slaves, merely formy writing them. He said he was sure if I wrote such a letter, theydurst not disobey me. When I told him plainly I would write no suchletter, he urged me again, threatening to cut off my head if I refused. I bade him do so, in which he would give me pleasure, being weary of mylife. He then asked what money we had in the ship, and what store ofvictuals and water? I said we had but little money, being only forpurchasing victuals, not merchandize, and that we had enough of victualsand water for two years, which he would not believe. [Footnote 326: Besides these, twenty more were treacherously betrayed atAden, having leave given them to go onshore for business. --_Purch_. ] I was now taken out of my chain and collar, having a large pair offetters put upon my legs, with manacles on my wrists; and beingseparated from the rest of my company, I was bestowed all that day in adirty dog-kennel under a stair; but at night, at the entreaty ofShermall, consul of the Banians, I was taken to a better room, andallowed to have one of my men along with me who spoke Turkish; yet mybed was the hard ground, a stone my pillow, and my company to keep meawake were grief of heart and a multitude of rats. About midnight camethe lieutenant of the aga with the _trugman_, [327] entreating me towrite a letter on board to enquire how many Turks they had prisoners, and what were their names; but in no case to write any thing of the lossof our men, and the hard usage we had met with; but to say we weredetained in the aga's house till orders came from the pacha, and that wewanted for nothing. This letter I wrote exactly as they wished; butcommanded them to look well to their ships and boats, and by no means tolet any of their men come ashore. Taking this letter with them, theyexamined two or three of my men apart as to its meaning. [Footnote 327: Or interpreter, now commonly called dragoman, druggeman, or trucheman, all of which are corruptions from the Arabic_tarijmán_. --Astl. I. 366. A. ] They could not at first get any one who would venture on board, so thatmy first letter was not sent. But at length a person, who was born atTunis, in Barbary, and spoke good Italian, undertook to carry a letter, providing I would write to use him well. I wrote again as they desired, which was taken on board and answered, saying, that all the Turks wereslain or drowned, save one, named _Russwan_, a common soldier; in thisanswer they expressed their satisfaction to hear that I was alive; asRusswan told them he believed I and all the rest were slain. Wecontinued in this misery till the 15th December, never hearing any thingfrom the ships nor they from us. The aga came several times to me, sometimes with threats and sometimes soothing, to have me write for allmy people to come ashore and deliver up the ships; but I always answeredhim as before. He was in hopes our ships would be forced, for want ofwater and provisions, to surrender to him, knowing they could not have awind to get out of the straits till May, and would by no means believeme that they were provided for two years. In the mean time they in the ships were at their wits end, hearingnothing from us ashore, and not knowing well what to do. They rode veryinsecurely in an open anchorage, the wind blowing continually hard atS. S. E. Inclosed all round with shoals, and their water beginning tofail, as we had started fifty tons in our large ship to lighten her whenwe got aground. While in this perplexity, an honest true-hearted sailor, named John Chambers, offered to go ashore and see what was become of us, putting his life and liberty at stake, rather than see the people somuch at a loss. He effected this on the 15th December, being set ashoreupon a small island with a flag of truce, a little to windward of thetown, having one of our Indians along with him as an interpreter. Onbeing carried before the aga, who asked him how he durst come on shorewithout leave, he said he came with a flag of truce, and was only amessenger, which was permitted among enemies. Being asked what messagehe had to deliver, he said a letter for his general, and likewise, ifallowed, to see and enquire how we all did. He and the Indian werestrictly examined as to the store of provisions and water on board, whenboth answered as I had done, that there was enough of both for twoyears. Chambers was then brought to my dark cell, and could not for some timesee me on coming out of the light. He delivered me the letter withwatery eyes, on seeing me so fettered, both hands and feet being inirons. When he had told me how he came ashore, I told him I hardlythought they would let him off again; as, not many days before, a manwho brought a letter for me from the Pepper-corn was detained aprisoner, being neither allowed to return nor to go aboard the ships inthe roads. His answer was, that before leaving the ship he had made uphis mind to submit to the same hard fate as I did, if they were sovillainous as to detain him who was only a messenger. The 16th I wrotean answer, and delivered it to Chambers, and, contrary to myexpectation, they let him and the Indian return, with leave to comeagain next day if they had occasion. Next day accordingly, Chambersreturned alone, for the Indian was so terrified that he durst notventure again. My man sent me various things by Chambers, but the agawas my receiver, thinking them too good for me. While daily expecting orders from the pacha to put us to death, or tomake us perpetual prisoners or slaves, on the 20th December an aga camedown from Zenan, who was captain, or chief of the _chiauses_, withorders to bring us all up there. Being desirous to see me and mycompany, three chairs were brought into my prison, on which Regib aga, Ismael aga, the messenger, and Jaffer aga, seated themselves. Regib agabegan by asking, how I dared to come into that country so near theirholy city, without a pass from the Turkish emperor? I answered, that theking my master was in peace and amity with the Grand Turk, and that bythe treaty between them, trade was allowed to us in all his dominions, of which this being a part, we needed no pass. He then said, that thisplace being the door, as it were, of their holy city, was not lawful forany Christians to enter; and then asked me if I did not know the grandsignior had a long sword? I answered, we were not taken by the sword, but by treachery; and if I and my people were aboard, I would not carefor the length of his sword, nor for all their swords. He then said, this was proudly spoken; and, as formerly, desired I would write, commanding all my people to come ashore, and surrender themselves andships to the pacha, to which I answered as formerly. Ismael aga nowbroke off this idle discourse, by telling me, he came from the pachawith express orders to conduct me and all my people to Zenan, andtherefore advised me to send aboard for warm clothing, as we should findit very cold in the mountains. I requested him that my poor men might besent aboard ship, and that only I and a few more should go up to Zenan. He said, it was not in his power to remedy this, as the pacha hadordered all to go; but Regib aga said I should have my wish, and that Iand five more should go to Zenan, the rest remaining where they weretill farther orders from the pacha. This same day, the 20th December, Captain Downton came in the Pepper-corn to Mokha roads from Aden; andlearning this, I wrote him a letter, giving him my opinion of what wasbest for him to do, he being commander in my absence. § 3. _Journey of Sir Henry Middleton to Zenan, in the Interior ofYemen, or Arabia Felix, with some Description of the Country, andOccurrences till his Return to Mokha_. The 22d December, our irons were all taken off our legs, except thecarpenters and smiths, who were detained at Mokha to set up our pinnace, and some sick men who were unable to travel. I and thirty-four of mypeople were destined to go up to Zenan, the chief city of thekingdom, [328] where the pacha resided. About four p. M. Of the 22d weleft Mokha, myself and Mr Femell being on horseback, and all the rest ofmy people upon asses. About ten at night, when ten or twelve miles fromMokha, Mr Pemberton slipped away. We missed him immediately, but saidnot a word, aiding his escape with our prayers to God to speed him safeaboard. About one hour after midnight, we came to an inn or town, called_Mowssie_, when we were counted, but Pemberton was not missed. Weremained here till four in the afternoon of the 23d, when, at our comingout to depart, we were again counted, and one was now found wanting. Theaga asked me how many of us left Mokha, on which I answered, thirty-four, as I thought, but I was not certain. He insisted therecertainly were thirty-five, and that one was now missing; on which Isaid that was more than I knew. [Footnote 328: Zenan, or Sanaa, is a city in the interior of Yemen, orYaman, in lat. 16° 45' N. And long. 46° E. From Greenwich; being about250 miles N. N. E. From Mokha, and about 150 miles N. N. W. From the nearestcoast of the Indian ocean, situated on one of the very few rivers thatare to be found in Arabia. --E. ] I ought to have mentioned, that, while a prisoner at Mokha, I found muchkindness from one Hamet aga, who sent me various presents, encouragingme to be of good comfort, as my cause was good. He sent a supply ofbread for me and my people on the journey, and gave me letters for thekiahya of the pacha. The consul likewise of the Banians came every dayto visit me, and never empty handed; and Tookehar was our great friendall the time we were prisoners, sending every day to each man, fifty-onein all, two cakes of white bread, and a quantity of dates or plantains. He went away from Mokha for Zenan two days before us, promising me touse his beat endeavours with the pacha for our good; and I believe hedid what he said, for I was told by several persons at Zenan, that helaboured hard in our business, both with the pacha and the kiahya, whichlatter was a very discreet person, and governed the kingdom. On Christmas day we arrived at the city of _Tyes_, four days journeyfrom Mokha, where we were marshalled two and two together, as they do at_Stambol_[329] with captives taken in the wars, our aga riding intriumph, as a great conqueror. We were met a mile out of town by thechief men of the place on horseback, multitudes of people standing allthe way gazing and wondering at us; and this was done at all the citiesand towns through which we passed. A youth belonging to Mr Pembertonfell sick at this town, and had to be left in charge of the governor, being unable to travel. [Footnote 329: Stambola, Stamboli, Stamboul, vulgar names in the eastfor Constantinople, is a correction and corruption of [Greek] which theGreeks used to say when going to Constantinople, i. E. _to the city_, byway of especial eminence above all other cities. --_Purch_. ] I kept no journal all the way from Tyes to Zenan; but this I wellremember, that it was exceedingly cold all that part of the journey, ourlodging being the cold ground, and every morning the ground was coveredwith hoar frost. I would not believe at Mokha when I was told how coldwas the upper country, but experience taught me, when too late, to wishI had come better provided. I bought fur gowns for most of my men, whowere slenderly clothed, otherwise I think they would have starved. Zenanis, as I judge, about 180 miles N. N. W. From Mokha. [330] It is in lat. 16° 15', as I observed by an instrument I made there. We were fifteendays between Mokha and Zenan. The 5th of January, 1611, two hours beforeday, we came within two miles of Zenan, where we had to sit on the bareground till day-light, and were much pinched by the cold, and sobenumbed that we could hardly stand. Every morning the ground wascovered with hoar frost, and in Zenan we have had ice an inch thick inone night, which I could not have believed unless I had seen it. [Footnote 330: See a former note, in which its geographical relation toMokha is given on the authority of our latest and best maps. --E. ] About a mile from the town, we were met by the _subasha_, or sheriff, with at least 200 shot, accompanied by drums and trumpets. We were nowdrawn up in single file, or one behind the other, at some distance, tomake the greater shew, our men having their gowns taken from them, andbeing forced to march on foot in their thin and ragged suits. Thesoldiers led the way, after whom went our men one by one, our trumpetersbeing next before me, and commanded by the aga to sound, but I forbadethem. After our trumpeters, came Mr Femell and I on horseback; andlastly, came the aga riding in triumph, with a richly caparisoned sparehorse led before him. In this order we were led through the heart of thecity to the castle, all the way being so thronged with people that wecould hardly get through them. At the first gate there was a good guardof armed soldiers; at the second were two great pieces of cannon oncarriages. After passing this gate, we came into a spacious court yard, twice as long as the Exchange at London. The soldiers discharged theirpieces at this gate, and placed themselves, among many others therebefore them, on the two sides, leaving a lane for us to walk through. MrFemell and I alighted at this gate, and placed ourselves on one sidealong with our men, but he and I were soon ordered to attend upon thepacha, it being their _divan_ day, or meeting of the council. At theupper end of the court-yard, we went up a stair of some twelve steps, atthe top of which two great men came and held me by the wrists, whichthey griped very hard, and led me in this manner to the pacha, who wasseated in a long spacious gallery, many great men standing on each sideof him, and others stood on each side all along this gallery, making agood shew, the floor being all covered with Turkey carpets. When I came within two yards of the pacha, we were commanded to stop. The pacha then, with a frowning and angry countenance, demanded of whatcountry I was, and what brought me into these parts? I answered, that Iwas an Englishman and a merchant, a friend to the grand signior, andcame to seek trade. He then said, it was not lawful for any Christian tocome into that country, and he had already given warning to CaptainSharpey for no more of our nation to come hither. I told him CaptainSharpey was cast away on the coast of India, and did not get to Englandto tell us so; which, if we had known, we had never put ourselves to thetrouble we were now in; that Regib aga had imposed upon us, saying, wewere welcome into the country, and that we should have as free trade asin any part of Turkey, with many other fair promises; and, contrary tohis word, had assaulted us with armed soldiers, had murdered several ofmy men, and made me and others prisoners. He said Regib aga was no morethan his slave, and had no power to pass his word to me without hisleave, and that what had befallen me and my people was by his orders toRegib aga; he having such orders from the grand signior so to chastiseall Christians that dared to come into these parts. I told him we hadalready received great harm, and if it pleased him to let us return toour ships, what we had suffered would be a sufficient warning for ournation never to return again into his country. He answered, that hewould not allow us to depart, but that I should write to the ambassadorof our nation at Constantinople, and he would write to the grandsignior, to know his pleasure as to what was to be done with us, orwhether he chose to permit us to trade or no. The pacha then dismissed me, desiring me to go to the lodging that wasappointed for me, taking four or five of my people with me at my choice. These men and I were conveyed to the jailor's house, while all the restwere committed to the common prison, where they were all heavily ironed. At the time when I was taken before the pacha, one of our youthsfainted, thinking I was led away to be beheaded, and that his turn wouldsoon follow. He sickened immediately, and died shortly after. The 6th, Iwas sent for to breakfast with the kiabya, or lieutenant-general of thekingdom, and after breakfast, I gave him a particular account of thevile treachery that had been practised against me by Regib aga. Hedesired me to be of good cheer, not thinking of what was past, whichcould not be remedied, as he hoped all would go well in the end, forwhich his best endeavours to do me good should not be wanting. Shermall, the Banian at Mokha, had made this man my friend. The 7th, I was sentfor again by the kiabya to his garden, where he feasted Mr Femell andme, telling me that I and my people should be soon set at liberty, andsent back to Mokha, where all my wrongs should be redressed, as he wasresolved to stand my friend. This declaration was made before many ofthe principal persons, both Turks and Arabs, his only inducement beingfor God's sake, as he pretended, but I well knew it was in hopes of areward. The letter of Hamet aga to this man did us much good. At this time there came to Zenan a Moor of Cairo, who was an oldacquaintance of the pacha, and had lent him large sums at his firstcoming from Constantinople very poor. This man was our next neighbour inMokha at the time when we were betrayed, and had a ship in the road ofMokha, bound for India, which he feared our ships would have taken inrevenge of our injuries, but as she was allowed peaceably to depart, hebecame our great friend. He wrote a letter in our behalf to the pacha, blaming him for using us so ill, and saying he would destroy the tradeof the country by such conduct. On coming now to the pacha, he repeatedwhat he had written and much more, urging him to return me all my goods, and to send me and my people away contented. His influence prevailedmuch; as when the pacha sent for us, it was his intention to have put meto death, and to make slaves of all the rest. Of all this I was informedby Shermall and Hamet Waddy, who were both present when the letter wasread, and at the conference between the pacha and him. This Hamet Waddyis a very rich Arabian merchant, residing in Zenan, and is called thepacha's merchant: He was much our friend, in persuading the pacha to useus kindly and permit us to depart. The 8th January, I represented to the pacha, that at my coming away, from Mokha, I had ordered the commanders of my ships to forbearhostilities for twenty-five days, and afterwards to use theirdiscretion, unless they heard farther from me. And as the time wasalmost expired, I requested he would enable me to write them someencouraging news, to stay them from doing injury to Mokha. The 11th, Iwas sent for to the kiahya, who told me my business was endedsatisfactorily, and that the only delay now was in waiting for the restof my people coming from Aden, immediately after which we should be sentto Mokha. The 17th, Mr Fowler and eighteen more of the company of thePepper-corn arrived at Zenan from Aden, and were carried before thepacha, who asked them the same question he had done me. Afterwards, MrFowler, John Williams, and Robert Mico were sent to keep me company, andall the rest to the common prison with my other men, where they were allput in irons. Their only allowance from the pacha was brown bread andwater, and they had all died of hunger if I had not relieved them. The 25th, I was sent for to the kiahya's garden, where we spent somehours in conference. He told me I was to accompany him to the pacha, andadvised me to sooth him with fair words. The chief cause of this manbeing our friend was, that I had promised him 1500 sequins after we weredelivered, which I had done through Shermall, the consul of the Banians, after a long negotiation. Mr Femell and I were brought to the pacha'sgarden, where we found him in a kiosk, or summer-house, sitting in achair, the kiabya standing at his right hand, and five or six othersbehind him. The pacha asked me how I did, desiring me to be of goodcheer, as I and my people should soon be sent to Mokha, where I andtwenty-nine more were to remain till all the India ships were come in, and the winds settled westerly, and then I and all my company should beallowed to embark and proceed on our voyage to India. I requested thathe would not detain so many of us; but he answered, "Thirty have I said, and thirty shall remain. " I then asked if our goods should be returned. He answered no, for they were all put to the account of the grandsignior. I asked if all my people should be allowed to depart at thetime appointed. To which he answered, that not one should be detained, not even if I had a Turkish slave, and I might depend on his word. Having given him thanks for his kindness, as counselled by the kiahya, he began to excuse himself; and to praise his own clemency, saying, itwas happy for us we had fallen into his hands, as if it had been in thetime of any of his predecessors, we had all suffered death for presumingto come so near their holy city. He said, what had been done was byorder of the grand signior, proceeding upon the complaints of the pachasof Cairo and Swaken, and the sharif of Mecca, who represented that, whenthe Ascension and her pinnace were in the Red Sea, they had bought upall the choice goods of India, by which the Turkish customs were muchdiminished; and, if allowed to continue, it would ruin the trade of theRed Sea. Wherefore the grand signior had given orders, if any moreEnglishmen or other Christians came into these parts, to confiscatetheir ships and goods, and to kill or reduce to slavery all their menthey could get hold of. In the mean time many of our people fell sick, and became weak throughgrief, cold, bad air, bad diet, wretched lodging, and heavy irons. Inever ceased urging the kiahya, till he procured their liberations fromthe loathsome prison; so that on the 11th February they were freed fromtheir irons, and had a house in the town to live in, with liberty towalk about. Next day the kiahya sent me six bullocks for my men, so thatin a few days, with wholesome food and exercise, they recovered theirformer health and strength. The kiahya informed me, that Regib aga hadwritten to the pacha to send us all down to Aden, to be there taken onboard his ships; by which means his town of Mokha, and the India shipsin passing the _bab_[331] would be freed from the danger of sufferingany harm from our ships. This advice had nearly prevailed with thepacha, but was counteracted for our good by the kiahya. [Footnote 331: This is the gate or straits of Bab-al-Mondub, or BabelMandel, as corruptly called by Europeans. --Astl I. 372. A, ] Early in the morning of the 17th February, I and Mr Femell and otherswere sent for by the kiahya, and told that we were all to depart nextmorning for Mokha. After breakfast, he took us to the pacha to takeleave. After again extolling his clemency and magnifying the power ofthe grand signior, he strictly enjoined me to come no more into thoseseas; saying, that no Christian or Lutheran should be allowed to comethither, even if they had the grand signior's pass. I requested, if anyof our nation came there before I could give advice to England, thatthey might be permitted to depart quietly, and not betrayed as I hadbeen: but this he positively refused to comply with. I then entreatedhim to write to Regib aga, to execute all that the pacha had promisedme; for, being my mortal enemy, he would otherwise wrong me and mypeople. He answered with great pride, "Is not my word sufficient tooverturn a city? If Kegib wrong you, I will pull his skin over his ears, and give you his head. Is he not my slave?" I then asked him for ananswer to his majesty's letter, but he would give me none. On mydeparture, I told the kiahya that I had no weapon, and therefore desiredleave to buy a sword, that I might not ride down like a prisoner. Heacquainted the pacha with my request, who sent me one of his castswords. The kiahya also gave me this morning an hundred pieces of goldof forty maydens, having before given me fifty. The 18th, I paid allthe dues of the prison, and went to breakfast with the kiahya, where Ireceived my dispatch, and a letter for the governor of Aden, to deliverthe boat belonging to the Pepper-corn, I requested also his letter tothe governor of Tyes, to restore Mr Pemberton's boy who was left sickthere, and who, I had been informed, was forced to turn Mahometan. Hewrote a letter and sealed it, but I know not its purport. I now tookleave of the kiahya, and departed for Mokha; I, Mr Femell, and MrFowler, being mounted on horses, and alt the rest on asses or camels. Wehad two _chiautes_ to conduct us on the way, one a-horseback and theother a-foot. The city of Zenan is somewhat larger than Bristol, [332] and is wellbuilt of stone and lime, having many churches or mosques. It issurrounded by a mud wall, with numerous battlements and towers. On thewest side there is a great deal of spare ground enclosed within thewalls, where the principal people have their gardens, orchards, andkiosks, or pleasure-houses. It stands in a barren stony valley, enclosedamong high hills at no great distance, on one of which to the north, which overlooks the town, there is a small castle to keep off themountaineers, who used from thence to offend the city. Its only water isfrom wells, which have to be dug to a great depth. Wood is very scarceand dear, being brought from a distance. The castle is at the east sideof the city, and is enclosed with mudwalls, having many turrets, inwhich they place their watch every night, who keep such a continualhallooing to each other all night long, that one unaccustomed to thenoise, can hardly sleep. The pacha and some other principal men dwellwithin the castle. The house of the keeper of the prison, in which I wasconfined, adjoins the wall, at the foot of which is a spacious yard, where a great number of people, mostly women and children, are kept aspledges, to prevent their husbands, parents, and relations fromrebelling. The boys while young run about loose in the yard, but whenthey come to any size, they are put in irons, and confined in a strongtower. The women and children dwell in little huts in the yard built onpurpose, the children going mostly naked, unless when the weather isvery cold, and then they have sheep-skin coats. [Footnote 332: This is a most improper mode of description, as it is nowimpossible to say what size Bristol was then. --E. ] The first night of our journey we arrived at _Siam_, a small town, witha cattle, on the side of a hill, sixteen miles from Zenan, the countryabout being very barren. The 19th we came to _Surage_, a small villageeighteen miles from Siam, in a very barren country. The people are verypoor, and go almost naked, except a cloth round their middles reachingto their knees. The 20th, _Damare_, or _Dhamar_, a town built of stoneand lime, but in five separate parts, like so many distinct villages. Itstands in a spacious plain or valley, abounding in water, and producingplenty of grain and other provisions. This town is twenty miles fromSurage, and we remained here two days by order of Abdallah Chelabi, theKiabys, who was governor of this province. The 22d we came to _Ermin_, asmall village, about fifteen miles. The 23d, _Nakhil Sammar_, a commoninn for travellers, called _Sensors_ by the Turks. There are many ofthese sensors between Mokha and Zenan, being built at the cost of thegrand signior for the relief of travellers. This sensor stands in themiddle of a very steep hill, called Nakhil Sammar, on the top of whichis a great castle, in which the governor of the province resides, who isan Arabian; these craggy mountainous countries being mostly governed byArabians, as the inhabitants of the mountains cannot brook the proud andinsolent government of the Turks. No Turk may pass this way, either toor from Zenan, without a passport from the governor of the province fromwhich they come. This sensor is about fourteen miles from Ermin. The 24th we came to _Mohader_, a small village at the foot of the greathill, thirteen miles from Nakhil Sammar. Our chiaus had a warrant fromthe pacha to take up asses for our men, and accordingly did so at thisplace over night; but next morning the Arabians lay in ambush in theway, and took back their asses, neither of our chiauses daring to givethem one uncivil word. The 25th we came to _Rabattamaine_, a sensor, with a few small cottages and shops, on the side of a hill, sixteenmiles. Here grow poppies, of which they make opium, but it is not good. The 26th we came to a _coughe_[333] house, called _Merfadine_, in themiddle of a plain, sixteen miles. The 27th, _Tayes, _ a city half as bigas Zenan, surrounded by a mud wall. We staid here two days, in whichtime I did all I could to recover Mr Pemberton's boy, whom Hamet aga thegovernor had forced to become Mahometan, and would on no account partwith him. Walter Talbot, who spoke the Turkish language, was allowed toconverse with him in a chamber among other boys. He told Talbot that hewas no Turk, but had been deluded by them, saying that I and all mypeople were put to death at Zenan, and that he must change his religionif he would save his life, but he refused: yet they carried him to abagnio, where he was circumcised by force. Finding the aga would notdeliver the boy, I gave him the kiahya's letter, desiring him to begiven up if not turned; so he was refused. This city stands in a valleyunder very high hills, on the top of one of which is a fair strongcastle. All kinds of provisions are here plentiful and cheap, and in theneighbourhood some indigo is made, but I could not learn what quantityor quality. This city is very populous, as indeed are all the cities anddistricts we passed through. [Footnote 333: It should rather be _Kahwah_ house, signifying a housewhere they sell coffee. --Astl. I. 373. C. ] The 1st March we came to _Eufras, _ sixteen miles through a mountainousand stony country. This is a small town on the side of a hill, to whichmany people resort from afar about the 5th of January, where they dosome foolish ceremonies at the grave of one of their saints who isburied here, after which they all go on pilgrimage to Mecca. Thegovernor of this town, though a Turk, used me very civilly on my goingup to Zenan; and, on the present occasion, sent a person six miles tomeet us at a place where two roads meet, to bring us to this town, wherehe used us kindly. The 2d we lodged at a sensor called _Assambine, _eleven miles, where were only a few poor cottages. The 3d to anothersensor called _Accomoth, _ in a barren common, with a few cottages, thirteen miles. The 4th to _Mousa, _[334] seventeen miles, through abarren plain with few inhabitants. Mousa is a small unwalled town, butvery populous, standing in a moderately fertile plain, in which someindigo is made. We departed from Mousa at midnight, and rested two orthree hours at a church, or _coughe_ house, [335] called _Dabully_, builtby a Dabull merchant Our stop was to avoid coming to Mokha beforeday. [336] [Footnote 334: Probably the same place called _Mowssi_ on the journeyinland. --E. ] [Footnote 335: It is not easy to reconcile this synonime of a _coughe_house or church, with the explanation formerly given, that _coughe_house means coffee-house; perhaps we ought to read in the text, a churchor mosque, and a coughe or coffee-house. --E. ] [Footnote 336: The preceding journal gives fourteen stages, theestimated length of two of which are omitted. The amount of the twelvestages, of which the lengths are inserted, is 185 miles; and, addingthirty for the two others as the average, the whole estimated distancewill be 215 miles. In these old times, the estimated or computed mileseems to have been about one and a half of our present statute mile, which would make the entire distance 322 statute miles; and allowing onequarter far deflexion and mountain road, reduces the inland distance ofZenau from Mokha to 242 miles, nearly the same already mentioned in anote, on the authority of our best modern maps. --E. ] We got there about eight in the morning, and were met a mile without thetown by our carpenters and smiths, and some others who had remained atMokha, all of whom had their irons taken off the day before, and werenow at liberty to walk abroad. The first question I asked was, what wasbecome of Mr Pemberton; when they told me, to my great satisfaction, that he contrived to get hold of a canoe, in which he got aboard. Fromthe end of the town all the way to the aga's house, the people were verythick to see us pass, and welcomed us back to Mokha. On coming beforethe aga, I delivered the letters I brought from Zenan. He now receivedme in his original dissembled shew of kindness, bidding me welcome, andsaying he was glad of my safe return, and sorry and ashamed for what waspast, praying me to pardon him, as he had done nothing but as commandedby his master the pacha, and I might now assure myself of hisfriendship, and that all the commands of the pacha should be punctuallyobeyed. I soothed him with fair speech, but believed nothing of hispromises. He called for breakfast, and made Mr Femell, Mr Fowler, and mesit down by him, desiring us to eat and be merry, for now we had eatenbread and salt with him, we need have no fear of harm. After breakfast the aga appointed us a large fair house near the sea, inwhich we abode two days; but we were afterwards removed to a largestrong house standing by itself in the court yard of a mosque in themiddle of the town, where we were guarded by a captain and his companyappointed for the charge. He watched himself all day, and at night ourhouse was surrounded by his soldiers Mokha it a third part less thanTayes, situated close to the sea, in a salt barren sandy soil, andunwalled. The house of the governor is close to the sea, and beside itis a quay, or jetty; which advances a good way into the water, at whichall boats from any ship are enjoined to land, lest they should defraudthe customs. Close to the quay is a platform or battery, on which areabout twelve brass cannon; and at the west end of the town is a fortwith a similar number of ordnance. At our first coming, this fort was inruins; but it had been since pulled down and new built. The Darling cameinto the roads this afternoon, and brought me news of the welfare of therest, to my no small comfort after so many troubles. The 6th March, Nakhada Malek Ambar, captain of a great ship of Dabul, came ashore, accompanied by a great number of merchants, all of thembeing carried round the town in a kind of triumph, and were afterwardsfeasted by the aga. I likewise was sent for to this feast, andentertained with much seeming love and friendship. In presence of thewhole company, the aga sent for the _Koran_, which he kissed, andvoluntarily swore and protested that he had no ill will to me, butwished me all good, and would do every thing in his power to do mepleasure, being much grieved for the past, and his heart entirely freeof malice or hatred. I returned him thanks, seemingly much satisfiedwith his protestations, though I gave no credit to them, but was forcedto endure what I could not remedy, till God should please to providebetter. The 7th, the aga made a great feast at his garden-house for the Dabulmerchants, to which I and Mr Femell were invited. The 8th we were allsent for by the aga, when thirty were selected to remain along with mea-land, and the rest, to the number of thirty-six, were sent on boardthe Darling. The 9th I had escaped, if I had not been more careful forthose who had then been left behind than for myself. This day theDarling departed to the other ships in an excellent road called _Assab_, on the coast of Habash or Abyssinia, which they had found out during myabsence, where they, were safe in all winds that blow in these seas, andwhere they had plenty of wood and water merely for the trouble offetching. The water was indeed a little brackish, but it satisfied themwho had been long in want on that necessary. The people of this countryare as black as the Guinea negroes; those on the sea-coast beingMahometans, but those of the inland country are Christians, and subjectsto Prester John. They go almost naked, having only a cloth round theirwaists and down to their knees. At the first coming of our people theywere much afraid; but after becoming acquainted, and a mutual peacebeing sworn between them, they supplied our ships with beeves, sheep, and goats, for money, at a reasonable rate; and, as they afterwardsdesired calico rather than money, I furnished them with it from Mokha, after which our ships got refreshments much cheaper in truck thanformerly for money, dealing faithfully and kindly with our people, though the Turks sought to make them inimical by means of barks, whichpass to and fro. The king of this country on the sea-coast, who residesat a town on the coast called _Rahayta_, about forty miles south from_Assab_, nearer the _bab_, sent some of his principal people withpresents to the commanders of our ships, who returned the compliment bysending him some presents by messengers of their own. He entertainedthese messengers very courteously, promising every thing his countryafforded. The vulgar speech of this people is quite different fromArabic, but the better sort speak and write Arabic, in which languagetheir law of Mahomet is written. § 4. _Sir Henry Middleton makes his Escape from the Turks, and forcesthem to make Satisfaction. _ April 1st, 1611, the Darling departed from Mokha for Assab, havingpermission of the aga to come over every ten days to see how I did. Thisunlooked-for kindness gave no hopes of being able to work my freedom. Between and the fourth there came in two great ships of Dabul, which, with the one here before, belonged to the governor of Dabul, who is aPersian, and a great merchant, having many slaves. Of these, Malek Ambaris one, who is in high credit with him, and had the management of allthe goods in the three ships. Ambar is a negro, born in _Habash_, andperhaps cost his master fifteen or twenty dollars; but now never goesout of doors without great troops of followers, like some greatlord. [337] [Footnote 337: We have here omitted the enumeration of many merchantships that arrived from various places, and of a caravan of merchantsfrom Damascus, Sues, and Mecca, to make purchases from these ships ofIndia commodities. --E. ] The 11th, the aga and all the chief men of the town rode out atday-break to make merry at his garden-house, which gave me a fairopportunity of putting in practice what I had long projected, for Hametaga and others had told me the pacha would not perform his promiseunless for fear. I wrote, therefore, to Mr Pemberton, saying that Imeant this day to make my escape on board, and that I would have myselfconveyed to the boat in an empty cask; and desired, therefore, that hewould send the boat in all speed manned with choice hands, and that hewould send me some wine and spirits to make my keepers drunk, all whichhe punctually performed. Before I told Mr Femell of my intentions, Imade him swear to be secret, and not to endeavour to persuade me from myintentions. I then gave him notice of what I meant to do, and that, ifhe and others would walk down to a certain place at the sea-side, Iwould not fail to take him and the rest in. I also told him that thecarpenters were appointed to embark themselves at another place, where aboat lay on the beach, south from the town, with a mast and sail readyfor the purpose, but were not to push off till they saw the Darling'sboat away from the jetty. All things fell out well for my purpose. The _subasha_, who was ourguardian, and left in town only to look after me, fell to hard drinkingat a _rack_ house. The boat being come, and my keepers all drunk, thesubasha came home to our house about noon. I then sent away thecarpenters, two and two only together to avoid suspicion, as if to walk, with orders to shift for themselves in the appointed boat. Mr Femell, and those others I was to take in to leeward of the town, I orderedlikewise to walk by twos at the shore, and to wait my coming for them. Having given all these directions, I was put into my cask and safelycarried to the boat, on which I gave immediate orders to bear up toleewards, where I took in Mr Fowler and ten more of our people. MrFemell and others, being too late of coming out of town, were takenbefore they could get to the boat. Having got safe on board the Darling, we espied the boat with the carpenters coming towards us, in which fourescaped, but a fifth was too long of coming to the boat, and, attemptingto swim on board, was drowned. About two hours after coming on board, a letter from Mr Femell wasbrought me by two Arabs in a canoe, stating, that by the command of theaga, he and the others who remained ashore had been chained by thenecks, and threatened with death; but had been released by theintercession of Nokhada Malek Ambar and Nokhada Mahomet of Cananore, andothers, and permitted to remain in our former house, but under a strongguard. These _Nokhadas_, or ship captains, acted this friendly part notfrom love to us, but for fear of their ships in the roads, which werenow at my disposal. I answered Mr Femell, and sent word to the aga, thatif he did not send me all my people and every thing belonging to myships, which he detained contrary to the orders of the pacha, that Iwould burn all the ships in the roads, and would batter the town abouthis ears. I like-wise sent word to the Nokhadas, not to send any boat onboard their ships without first coming to acquaint me of their business, nor to carry any thing ashore from their ships without my leave. After my escape there was no small bustle and disturbance in the town;the aga not knowing how to answer to the pacha; the subasha at his witsend; and the Emir-al-Bahr in little better case; all afraid of losingtheir heads. One of our porters, who had assisted in carrying me in thecask, took sanctuary in a mosque, and would not come out till assured ofpardon. The Nokhadas and merchants, who before scorned to speak with anyof us, being now afraid of losing their ships and goods, sent presentsof victuals and refreshments to Mr Femell and the rest. At night I sentthe boat well manned to carry news to Assab of my escape, withdirections for our ships to come over with all speed; and I placed theDarling in such a situation as to command all the ships in the roads ofMokha. The 12th, Mahomet, the Nokhada of Cananore, came off, saying that theaga was very sorry for my departure, which I knew to be true, as he wasdetermined to have set me and all my people at liberty to my fullcontent in a few days, which I believed to be false. As for the thingsbelonging to our ships which were on shore, he would deliver them, butcould not send off my people without farther orders from the pacha, forwhich he asked fifteen days respite, after which, if I had not my men, they desired no favour. I insisted to have my pinnace at the same time, of which he said he should inform the aga. I yielded to his request ofa peace of fifteen days, on promise of having my men and pinnace withinthe time; but durst not demand restitution or satisfaction for my goods, till such time as I had all my men aboard. The Darling's cables, anchors, pitch, tar, and other things were sent off, and few days passedbut I had some present or other of refreshments from the aga and theDabul merchants and others, who would scarcely speak to me when I wasashore in trouble, but were now fain to flatter me. Early this morning, a boat from the shore went aboard the innermost ship, on which I madethe gunner fire two shots at her, which caused them to come to me; and Ithreatened to hang them if they did so any more, so they never durstattempt the like again. The 13th, the Increase and Pepper-corn came to anchor towards night insight of the roads, the lee-tide being against them, and got into theroads next day, when I went on board the Increase, where I was receivedvery joyfully by all my company. The 18th there came a ship of Diu intothe roads, belonging to Shermall the sabander, laden with India goods, which I embargoed, both people and goods, causing her to come to anchorclose beside my ship; but next day, at the request of Shermall, Iallowed all the people to go ashore, except a few to look after theship. The 26th, Mahomet came off, saying the aga refused to deliver upthe pinnace and my men, unless I gave a writing under my hand, confirmedby four or five more of our chief officers, and sanctioned by our oaths, containing a perfect peace with the Turks and Indians, and not to meddlein this sea or elsewhere in revenge of any thing that had passed, nor todemand satisfaction or restitution for the goods taken from me. I toldhim I was astonished he should thus come daily with new demands, as hehad this day promised to bring my men and pinnace, which I looked tohave performed; and for better security, he and all with him shouldremain as hostages till I had them, and desired, therefore, that hewould write to this effect to the aga. Mahomet said that he had actedquite voluntarily in all this business, and would be laughed at for hisforwardness if he should write as I desired, and therefore, whatevermight betide, he would on no account write to the aga, but promised, ifI gave him such a writing as he proposed, he would bring off my peoplebefore night. Finding him inflexible, I thought best to give him something that mightcarry the name of what he desired, so I caused draw up a writing inEnglish, signed by myself and five more, containing nothing else than abrief narrative of the treacherous misusage we had from the Turks; and Isent advice to Mr Femell how he was to interpret it to them. WhenMahomet desired me to swear, I positively refused, saying my word shouldbe found truer than the oath of a Turk. Mahomet went now ashore withthis writing, leaving some of the better sort of his company in pledge, whom he desired me to hang if he brought not off my people that night. In fact, he returned a little before night with Mr Femell and nine more;Mr Femell and other two having received vests of small value. Anotherrest was sent for me, which they said came from the pacha, and theNokhada would have me put it on. I refused it, telling him I scorned towear any thing that came from so unconscionable a dog, by whose order Ihad received so many injuries. He now departed, taking with him the Turkwho was made prisoner in the attempt upon the Darling, who had remainedtill now in the Increase. The 27th, according to promise, Mahomet brought off my pinnace, andasked me if all that was promised was not now performed. I told him no;for I had not yet all my company, as they still kept my boy at _Tayes_, whom they had forcibly circumcised, and that I was determined to havehim before I would release the ships. The 1st June I wrote to the pachain Italian, demanding restitution of my goods, and satisfaction for thedamages I had received; and was answered, my letter was not understoodfor want of an interpreter. I therefore again embargoed the ship of Diu, declaring, that no more goods should be landed from her, till the pachahad satisfied me to the value of 70, 000 dollars, which I had lost andwas damnified by him. The 2d, came aboard my interpreter at Zenan, AllyHoskins, with a message from the pacha, desiring me not to take anyviolent courses here, but to seek justice at Constantinople. He told melikewise he had brought with him the boy from Tayes. I answered, I wouldby no means release the ship till I had restitution of my goods, andsatisfaction for my damages to the amount already specified. The 3d, the aga requested peace for twelve days, till the pacha wereinformed of my demands. The 4th, Ally Hoskins, Tocorsi, a Banian, andothers, came on board, and desired me to make out an account of theparticulars of my losses, that it might be considered of ashore. I didso in writing; and sent word by them to the aga, that if he did notpresently make me restitution and satisfaction, I would batter the townabout his ears, would take all the goods from the Diu ship into my own, and burn all the ships; all which I could do without breach of covenant, as the time of the agreed truce was expired, and they had not performedtheir part of the agreement. The 8th, I sent Mr Pemberton to Assab topurchase fresh provisions, as we had many sick in our ships, and I wasfearful of taking provisions at Mokha, being warned by my friends tobeware of poison. The 19th, Shermall, Ally Hoskins, Tocorsi, and many others came onboard, bringing Mr Pemberton's boy. After compliments, Shermall beganwith a long preamble of love and favour, for which he hoped I would nowrequite him; for the pacha had enjoined him to give me satisfaction, orto have his throat cut and his goods seized, which he declared to betruth. After a long debate, it was concluded that all our lead and ironwas to be restored, and I was to receive 18, 000 dollars in full forsatisfaction, to be paid in fifteen days. Whereupon a peace wasconcluded between us and them, from the port of Mokha to Cananore, conditioning that the pacha gave me a writing under his hand and seal, confirming this peace between his nation and ours for the timespecified. The 2d July we received the last payment, the sabanderShermall coming himself. On this occasion I cleared all accounts withhim, as well for money borrowed while I was prisoner as disbursed since. He then demanded the 1500 chequins I had promised the kiahya, but this Iperemptorily refused to pay, as the kiahya had not performed his promiseto me. The 3d, Tocorsi and Ally Hoskins came again and bought somevermilion, for which I gave them credit, on their promise to pay me atAssab in fifteen days, and also to bring me over some supply of grain, together with a writing from the pacha in confirmation of the peaceagreed upon. In the afternoon we warped out of the road of Mokha, andset sail that night for Assab, but did not arrive there till the morningof the 5th. The 6th I went ashore, and caused all the wells to be emptied andcleaned out, for fear of poison; having been often told at Mokha, thatthe Turks had practised with the people of Assab to poison the wells. The 13th, the king of this country hearing of my escape from Mokha, sentme a complimentary letter and a present. The 17th, a vessel came overfrom Mokha, in which was Tocorsi and another Banian, bringing with themthe provisions I had desired them to buy for us, and the money they owedme; but as for the writing confirming the peace, they made excuse thatthe pacha was so much occupied in war that he could not get it attendedto; which was a manifest warning that they would give no quarter to ournation. Wherefore, on the 24th, we sailed from Assab, plying to windwardas far as Kamaran, to wait the arrival of a large ship, which comesyearly from Sues to Mokha richly laden, hoping by her means to be amplyrevenged for all the losses and disgraces I had incurred from the Turks;and I the more anxiously wished to meet with her, as I understood thetwo traitors, Jaffer pacha and Regib aga, had both great adventures inthat ship. From the 24th therefore to 31st July we plyed to windward forthis purpose, sailing by day and anchoring all night, in which period wenarrowly escaped many dangers, being in want of a pilot, being manytimes in imminent danger of running aground, to the hazard and loss ofall, had not God preserved us. But the ship of Sues escaped us in thenight, as we found on our return towards the south. § 5. _Voyage from the Red Sea to Surat, and Transactions there_. We set sail from the neighbourhood of Mokha in the morning of the 9thAugust, 1611, and in the evening cast anchor three leagues short of thestraits of Bab-al-Mondub. The 10th, the Darling and Release[338] wentout by the western passage, which they found to be three leagues over, from the main land of _Habesh_ to the island _Bab-Mandel_, [Prin. ] Onethird of the way over from the island they had no ground at fortyfathoms, the channel being quite clear and free from danger, though theTurks and Indians reported it was full of rocks and shoals, and notnavigable for ships. We in the Increase, accompanied by thePepper-corn, went out by the eastern narrow channel at which we came in, which does not exceed a mile and half between the island and the Arabianshore, of which a considerable distance from the main is encumbered withshoals. We all met outside of the straits in the afternoon, in nineteenfathoms water, about four miles from the Arabian shore. From the 12th tothe 27th, we were much pestered with contrary winds, calms, and a strongadverse current, setting to the S. W. At the rate of four miles an hour. The 27th, we had a favouring gale to carry us off, and by six p. M. Hadsight of _Mount Felix_, [Baba Feluk, ] a head-land to the west of _CapeGuardafui_. The 30th, we came to anchor in the road of _Delisha_, on thenorthern coast of Socotora. We found there a great ship of Diu and twosmaller, bound for the Red Sea, but taken short by the change of themonsoon. The captain of the great ship with several others came aboardme, and assured me our people at Surat were well, being in dailyexpectation of ships from India, and that Captain Hawkins was at thecourt of the Great Mogul, where he was made a great lord, and had a highallowance from the king. They said likewise, that the king had givenCaptain Sharpey money to build a ship, which was nearly ready forlaunching at Surat. This and many other things he told me seemed toogood news to be true. [Footnote 338: This must be the pinnace which was set up at Mokha, sonamed in memory of their release from that place. --E. ] As the monsoon was far spent, I requested the _nokhada_ of Diu to aid mewith his boats and people in procuring water and ballast, which he andthe others willingly did, offering me all the water in their ship, andemploying their people to bring me more from the shore, so anxious werethey to get me away. It was long before I could bargain with the kingfor his aloes, but at last I got it, paying higher than Captain Keelinghad done; for I think the Indians were in hand with him for it, whichmade him enhance the price. I left letters with the king, which hepromised to deliver to the first English ship that came there. Havingfinished all my business, I had much ado to get a simple fellow from theship of Diu to pilot me on the coast of India, who pretended to be agood coaster. We set sail from Delisha on the 3d September, with afavourable wind, which brought us by the 26th into the road of Surat, where we came to anchor in seven fathoms near three India ships. A milefrom us rode at anchor seven sail of Portuguese frigates or men of war, there being thirteen more of them within the river of Surat. [339] [Footnote 339: These twenty Portuguese frigates, as then called, wereonly barks, grabs, or praws of the country, armed with small guns. --E. ] Long before our arrival, the Portuguese had intelligence that we were inthe Red Sea, and bound for Surat, so that these frigates were sentpurposely to prevent us from trading at Surat, or any other place onthat coast. Don Francisco de Soto-major was captain-major of thisflotilla, being what is called captain-major of the north, and reapedgreat profit from granting _cartasses_, or passports, to all ships andbarks trading on that coast, all being confiscated that presumed tonavigate without his licence. I discharged my pilots that night, payingthem well, and sent by them a letter to such Englishmen as might be inSurat, as I could not learn how many or who were there resident. The 29th, came a small Portuguese frigate from the admiral of the_armada_, as they term it, in which was one Portuguese and his boy, bringing me a letter from the captain-major, in answer to one I wrotehim the day before. He expressed his satisfaction to hear that Ibelonged to a king in friendship with his sovereign, and that he and hispeople would be ready to do me every service, provided I brought aletter or order from the King of Spain, or the Viceroy of India, allowing me to trade in these parts; if otherwise, he must guard theport committed to his charge, in which the king his master had afactory. I answered by word of mouth, by the Portuguese messenger, thatI neither had letters from the King of Spain nor the viceroy, of which Ihad no need, being sent by the King of England, with letters and richpresents for the Great Mogul, and to establish the trade already begunin these parts. As for the Portuguese factory there, I meant not to harmit, as both it and our factory might continue to trade, and I saw noreason they had to oppose us, as the country was free for all nations, the Mogul and his subjects not being under vassalage to the Portuguese. I therefore desired him to tell his captain, that I expected he would, in a friendly manner, permit any English who were at Surat to come onboard to confer with me, and hoped he would not reduce me to thenecessity of using force, as I was resolved to have intercourse withthem by one means or the other. I went that day in the Darling to examine the bar, but seeing we couldnot possibly go over the bar without a pilot, I returned in the eveningto the road. On going aboard the Increase, I found a letter from Surat, written by Nicholas Bangham, formerly a joiner in the Hector. Heinformed me that we had no factory in Surat, to which place he had beensent by Captain Hawkins to recover some debts owing there, and hadlikewise letters for me from Captain Hawkins, but durst not send themaboard for fear of the Portuguese. He said nothing as to what had becomeof our factory and goods; wherefore I wrote to him to send me CaptainHawkins' letters, and information of all other particulars of ouraffairs in that country. The third October, Khojah Nassan, governor of Surat, and the governor'sbrother of Cambaya, sent me a Mogul messenger with a present ofrefreshments, offering to do me all the service in their power; saying, they wished to trade with us, but could see no way of doing so while thePortuguese armada rode there, and therefore advised me to go forGogo, [340] a far better place, where our ships could ride nearer theshore, and where the Portuguese armada could not hinder our landing. That place likewise was nearer Cambay, where there were more merchantsand greater store of merchandise for our purpose than at Surat. I toldthis messenger, that till I knew what was become of our countrymen andgoods formerly left in the country, I could not determine how toproceed, and desired him therefore to be a means that some one of ourpeople might come aboard to confer with me, and that I might have apilot to conduct me to Gogo, and then I would quickly resolve them whatI was to do. I dismissed this messenger and his interpreter with smallpresents. The 5th, the interpreter, who was a bramin, or priest of theBanians, came off with a letter from Bangham, and the letter fromCaptain Hawkins, dated from Agra in April last, giving an account of thefickleness of the Mogul, who had given a firman to the Portuguese, bywhich our trade, formerly granted, was disallowed. [Footnote 340: Gogo is a sea-port of Guzerat, on the west coast of theGulf of Cambay, in lat. 22° 43' N. ] There were likewise two letters of a later date from Thomas Fitch, atLahore, giving the same account of the inconstancy of the Great Mogul, and advising me on no account to land any goods, or to hope for trade. On reading these letters, I grew hopeless of any trade here, yetresolved to try all I possibly could before I would depart. I understoodby Bangham's letter, that Captain Sharpey, John Jordayne, and others, were coming from Cambaya to Surat to go along with me: and although Icould have no trade, I yet resolved to do all I could to get them onboard. The Indian ships that rode beside me had given over their voyagesouthwards for this monsoon, and the bramin desired me to allow them tobe carried into the river. This I would by no means grant; desiring himto tell the governor and owners, that their ships should be detainedtill I had all the English from Cambaya and Surat on board. If I hadpermitted them to be gone, I should have lost all means of sending to orhearing from our people ashore, as the Portuguese used their endeavoursto intercept all letters and messengers. The 22d, the Portuguese laid an ambush to intercept some of my men thatwere sent on shore, and, on seeing an advantage, broke out upon them ingreat numbers, confusedly running towards my men and boats. Theydischarged their shot at us, and we at them, both such of my men as wereon shore, and those also in my _frigate_, [341] which rowed close to theland. All my men retired in safety to my boats and frigate, and thePortuguese retired, with some hurt, behind the sand hills, out of shot, and so, in worse case than they came, returned to their frigates. Therewere of them seven ensigns, and might be about three hundred men. At thetime when these came upon us by land, five of their largest frigates, which rode a little way off to the northward, came up towards us, firingat us, but far out of shot. Returning with our boats and frigate to theships, I consulted with Captain Downton and others what course to take, and it was thought best to bring the smaller ships out to where theIncrease lay. The 8th November, Nicholas Bangham came from Surat withsome refreshments, and news that Mocreb Khan was soon expected. This daythe son of the Portuguese viceroy came into the river with 100 frigates, most of them being merchant grabs bound for Cambaya. At night, I causedour ships that rode in shore to come out and anchor beside me, lest thePortuguese might attempt any thing against them. [Footnote 341: This frigate could only be the pinnace called theRelease. --E. ] The 9th November, Khojah Nassan came to the shore, and I went to himwith my frigate and boats to confer with him. He promised in two orthree days at farthest to return, and bring goods with him for trade. Itold him we had been here long, and could get no refreshment of victualsfor our money, and desired therefore that he would give orders to thecountry people to bring me some, which he promised. The 18th, I had aletter from Bangham, saying, there were little or no hopes of any trade. All things considered I determined now to go away, and wrote thereforeto Nicholas Bangham to come on board; but Khojah Nassan would not permithim, and he at length stole privately out of town, and got on board. Upon this, Khojah Nassan and Mocreb Khan sent me letters by _Jaddaw_, abroker, both promising speedily to visit me. Though I hardly believedthem, yet I determined to spend a few days longer to see the event. Atthis time the Portuguese made another attempt to entrap our men onshore, for they did not dare to attack us at sea. They laid anotherambush among the sand hills with a great number of men, not far from ourlanding-place, whence they attacked our people, but they all got safeinto our boat. In the mean time, our people in the ships let fly atthem, and they took to their heels to their lurking place behind thehills, leaving one of their men on the strand mortally wounded in thehead, whom our people brought aboard. The 24th, Jaddaw came again aboard, saying that Mocreb Khan was coming, and would be with me before night. After dinner I went close in shorewith my frigate, where I found Khojah Nassan, who sent me word MocrebKhan would be there presently; having provided a suitable present, Iwent ashore well accompanied, where I found Mocreb Khan and KhojahNassan waiting for me with many attendants. We embraced at meeting, andour ships fired some cannon to salute Mocreb Khan, which he seemed totake in good part. Having delivered my present, we sat down on carpetsspread on the ground, and had some conference. Being near sun-set, Iinvited Mocreb to go on board and stay all night, which he agreed to, taking with him his son, the son of Khojah Nassan, and several of hischief followers, but Khojah Nassan would not go. I gave him the bestentertainment I could, setting before him such dainties as I couldprovide on a sudden, of which he and those with him eat heartily. I nowconceived good hopes of trade, as all this country was under hiscommand, as he promised every thing I asked, even to give us any placeor harbour I pleased to name, and leave to fortify ourselves there. Itgrowing late, I left him to his rest. Next morning, the 25th, Mocreb Khan busied himself in buying knives, glasses, and any toys he could find among the people. I shewed him thewhole ship aloft and below; and any thing that pleased him he got awayfor nothing; besides many toys that struck his fancy belonging to thecompany, which I bought and gave him. On returning to my cabin, he wouldsee all my trunks, chests, and lockers opened, and whatever was in themthat took his liking, I gave him for nothing. Dinner being ready, hedined with me, and went afterwards on board the other ships, where hebehaved as in mine. The 30th and 31st, I sent Mr Fowler, Mr Jordayne, and other merchants tolook at the goods, after which they returned with _Mustrels_, orinvoices and prices, on which we set down what we would give for each, desiring them to do the like with ours. But they put me off from day today, concluding nothing, and would neither abate in their prices, normake any offer for our goods. Having sold all our sword-blades to MocrebKhan at a moderate rate, as taking all one with another, he returned allthe worst, above half of them, and no word when the others were to bepaid. They then removed all their goods to Surat, and made aproclamation under great penalties, that no victuals or other thingshould be brought to us. The 8th December, Mocreb Khan and his crew cameto the strand with about forty packs of their goods, partly his andKhojah Nassan's, and partly belonging to the sabander and othermerchants. I went immediately ashore with a good guard of shot andhalberts, and fell to business, and we soon agreed for all our lead, quicksilver, and vermilion, and for their goods in return. The businesswas mostly conducted by Khojah Nassan, no one daring to buy and sellwith us without his leave. The 9th, in the morning, we began to land our lead, and to receive someof their goods in return, and were in good forwardness to make pricesfor the rest, when a letter came to Mocreb Khan from his king, whichdashed all his mirth and stopt our proceedings for the present. Heseemed quite cheerful and pleasant before receiving this letter; butimmediately on perusing it he became very sad. After sitting a goodwhile musing, he suddenly rose and went away, neither looking at norspeaking to me, though I sat close beside him. But before he took horsehe sent for me, praying me to excuse his sudden departure, havingearnest business; but that he should leave Khojah Nassan to receive anddeliver the goods bargained for, and to agree for more. We heard shortlyafter, that he was deposed from the government of Cambay, and KhojahNassan from that of Surat, others being appointed in their places. Mocreb Khan was now nothing more than customer of Surat. The 10th December, the new governor of Surat and Hassan Ally came aboardthe Pepper-corn to see the ships; and I afterwards took them aboard theTrades-increase. At this time our factors were ashore to see the leadweighed, which was now nearly all ready to be sent on shore. Theyentreated Khojah Nassan to go hand in hand with them in this affair, asit would take a long while in doing. The factors wanted to weigh withour English weights, which he would by no means agree to, the weigher ofSurat being there with the weights of the town, which he insisted shouldbe used. Seeing no other remedy they gave way, and began to use thecountry beam; but after some few draughts, they desired to understandthe beam before they proceeded; and on trial found a vast differencebetween their beam and ours, no less than ten or eleven maunds on fivepigs of lead, every maund being thirty-three pounds English. Seeing hecould not have the lead at any weight he pleased, Khojah Nassan began tocavil, saying he would have half money and half goods for hiscommodities, railing and storming like a madman, calling for the carmento drive away his goods, and that he would not have any of our lead orother goods. While I was in the Trades-increase with the governor and sabander, oneof the factors came off and told me how Khojah Nassan was going on. Iadvised with such of my officers as were then about me what was best tobe done, and we concluded to keep these men who were aboard as pledges, and if we could get hold of Khojah Nassan to keep him and set these menfree. Wherefore, I detained the governor and sabander, telling them howKhojah Nassan had dealt with me, going about to delude me as formerly, and therefore I had no other remedy but to keep them as pledges for theperformance of the bargain. The governor advised me to go ashore andfetch the man, which I did; and giving the governor a good present, Ilet him depart. The 19th, Hassan Ally the sabander came on board, shewing me two lettersfrom the viceroy at Goa, one to himself and the other to thecaptain-major of the Portuguese armada. I opened and perused them both. That to the captain-major thanked him for his special good serviceagainst the English, in making their captain and his people to swim tothe boats for their safety, in which he had done the part of a valiantcaptain and faithful soldier, which would redound to his great honour, and, to gratify him for his service on this occasion, he bestowed uponhim certain frigates lately taken from the Malabars. The viceroy added, that he had sent his son in the command of the northern fleet, who, being young, he prayed the captain-major to aid him with his counsel. Thus were the viceroy and I abused by the false reports of a lyingbraggart. The letter to the sabander thanked him for refusing to allowthe English to trade at Surat, willing him to continue the same conduct, which would do great service to the King of Portugal, and for which heshould be rewarded. This day came sundry carts laden with provisionsfrom Surat, bought there for us by Nicholas Bangham. The 24th, accounts on both sides being cleared, and business finished, the pledges on either side were released. They now promised to deal withus for the rest of our commodities, but after waiting till the 26th, they did nothing worth notice. The 27th a Jew came on board, bringing mea letter from Masulipatam, dated 8th September, from Peter Floris, aDantzicker, employed by the company, shewing his setting out inFebruary, his speedy and safe passage, and his arrival at Masulipatam inthe beginning of September. The 2d January, 1612, I wrote to Captain Hawkins, and sent to himCaptain Sharpey, Hugh Fraine, and Hugh Gred, to set his mind on somebetter course than he seemed to be in when he wrote me on the 28thDecember; also desiring them to buy some indigo and other commodities, if they could be had at reasonable rates. The 26th, Captain Hawkins and Captain Sharpey with the rest, cametowards where we lay, leaving their carriages five miles from thewater-side. I landed with 200 armed men and went to meet them, aboutthree miles off, to guard them and their goods from the Portuguese, whoI doubted might attempt to intercept them, and brought them all insafety aboard without seeing any thing of the Portuguese. The 27th Isent John Williams, one of our factors, to Surat on business. Some daysbefore, Mocreb Khan sent for Mr Jourdayne, desiring his compliments tome, and that he was now going out of town for two or three days, to meeta great commander who was coming from the Deccan wars; but that on hisreturn he would be as good as his word, in regard to the establishmentof our factory. He came back on the 27th, when he again sent for MrJourdayne, whom he asked with an angry countenance what he did in Surat, and wherefore the English were not all gone? His answer was, that hestaid on his word and promise to have a factory allowed us. He angrilyanswered, we should have no factory there, and that the long stay of theEnglish ships had hindered him in his customs to the tune of a millionof _Manuveys, _[342] and commanded him therefore, in the king's name, tobe gone with all speed, as there were neither factory nor trade to behad there by us. John Williams returned this morning, and two carts camefrom Surat with provisions. The 29th I sent for the factors to hastenaway from Surat, as I meant to set sail. [Footnote 342: This seems an error for _mamudies, _ the Surat currency inthe former narratives of Hawkins and others. --E. ] § 6. _Voyage from Surat to Dabul, and thence to the Red Sea, andProceedings there. _ The morning of the 9th February, 1612, we warped the Trades-increaseover the sands from the road of _Swally, _ which, if we had not done thistide, we had lost the whole spring. This road is in the latitude of 20°57', and the variation is 16° 30'. [343] The morning of the 11th wesailed for Surat road, and anchored there in the afternoon beside a newship belonging to Surat, just launched and come out of the river, andbound for the Red Sea. Surat road is in lat. 20° 40'. [344] We weighedanchor on the 12th, and anchored two leagues south from the road besidea ship of Calicut bound for Surat, out of which I took a pilot forDabul. We sailed again on the 13th, and at six in the evening of the16th we arrived in the road of Dabul, in lat. 17° 42', [17° 45'] N. [Footnote 343: Swally road, a little way north from the mouth of theTaptee, or Surat river, is in lat. 21° 7' N. Long. 72° 49' E. We have noaccount in the original of having removed there, but that probably isowing to the negligence of Purchas in abbreviating. --E. ] [Footnote 344: The parallel of 21° N. Runs through Surat roads, whilethe latitude in the text falls far to the south of Surat river. Thedifference of latitude assigned by Sir Henry between Swally roads andSurat roads, supposing that of the preceding note for Swally accurate, which we believe is the case, as taken upon the authority of the latestand best map of India, Arrowsmith's, would place the best anchoringground of Surat roads in 20° 50', which likewise is much too farsouth. --E. ] The 17th I sent ashore the Malabar pilot, with a letter I had got whenat Mokha from Malek Ambar to the governor, desiring him to use me well, and to trade with me if I came to that place. In the afternoon, both thegovernor and Malek Ambar sent me a small present of refreshments, withmany compliments, offering me every thing the country afforded, and todeal with me for my commodities if I chose to send on shore for thatpurpose. I accordingly sent two of my merchants with a good present, whowere kindly welcomed and well entertained while there. The 18th, 19th, and 20th, were spent in the sale of goods, boats going every day betweenthe ship and the shore, the particulars of which I refer to themerchants accounts, as not fit to be here expressed. By the 23d we haddelivered all the goods bargained for, and had no farther hope of salesat this place. The 24th I called a council of my principal officers and merchants, toconsider what was best for us to do; whether to proceed for Priaman, Bantam, and the Spice islands, or to return to the Red Sea to meet theships of India, and, as they would not deal with us at their own doors, after we had come so far with commodities only vendible there, I thoughtwe should do ourselves some right, and them no wrong, to cause them tobarter with us, we taking their indigos and other goods at what theywere worth, and giving ours in return. All were of this opinion for thefollowing reasons: 1st, The putting off our English goods, and gettingothers in their place fit for our country; 2d, to take some revenge ofthe great wrongs suffered from the Turks; 3d, to save a ship, with hergoods and men, which we heard were bound there, by letters received fromMasulipatam, and which we thought could not possibly escape beingbetrayed as we had been. Having concluded to return to the Red Sea, we were employed till the27th in getting fresh water aboard, and taking back our red-lead, whichwe had sold and delivered at Dabul, but they disliked. In the evening wesaw a sail in the offing, which some Malabar vessels beside us said wasa Portuguese ship of Cochin bound for Chaul; on which I sent thePepper-corn, Darling, and Release, to bring her in, which they did onthe 28th. Finding my people in the Release had pillaged the Portuguesevessel, I took every thing away from them, and gave them back to theowners. Her lading was mostly cocoa-nuts, and I took some small matterout of her. Continuing our voyage for the Red Sea, we got sight of the island ofSocotora on the 24th of March, and at four p. M. The point of Delishabore S. S. W. Six leagues distant. From noon of the 24th till noon of the25th, we steered N. W. By W. And W. N. W. And W. All night, thinking byday-light to have been near the westermost part of the island; but wefound we had gone little a-head, although we had a fair wind, owing to astrong current against us. The 27th, in the morning, we had sight ofAbdal Curia, and before night espied Guar-da-fui. The 2d April, Mr Pemberton came aboard me, telling me he had been atSocotora, where the king shewed him a writing left there by Captain JohnSaris, who was general of three ships from India, stating the time heleft England, his places of refreshment, the time of his arrival atSocotora, and his having proceeded for the Red Sea in quest of trade;mentioning likewise his having perused the writing left by me, containing many reasons for not going there; but, having the pass of theGrand Signior, he hoped to meet better entertainment than I had. On thisunexpected news, I called a council to deliberate on what we had bestdo; when we quickly resolved to proceed as we had formerly determined, having now no other way left, as we could not return again till the nextwesterly monsoon, which would not be till the middle of May. I thereforeleft Captain Downton in the Pepper-corn to remain till the 5th off themouth, keeping the port of Aden shut up; while I went with theTrades-increase and Darling to keep the two passages of the straits ofBab-al-Mondub. The 4th, about ten a. M. We anchored within the island in eight fathoms. Presently after there came a boat from shore with a Turk and three orfour Arabian soldiers, the Turk being chief of the place under the agaof Mokha. He offered, if I had any letter to send, he would dispatch itby a foot-post, who would bring back an answer in three days. I wrote, therefore, to Captain Saris, giving him an account of the cause of mycoming, and what I proposed to do. The 6th came a _Jalba_ belonging to Zeyla, a place without the Bab, onthe African coast, bound for Mokha, laden with mats. I bought from hertwelve sheep, and permitted her to depart. The 7th, before day, came ina ship of Basanor, which I obliged to anchor beside me. Richard Wickam, one of Captain Saris's merchants, came this morning with letters to mefrom Captain Saris, the contents of which I omit to write. I sent backan answer by a Turk that came in his company, but detained Wickam, lestthey might have made him prisoner at Mokha, as I had embargoed the Indiaships. The 8th came in a ship of Diu, bound for Mokha, which I stoppedand brought to anchor beside me, being the same I detained last year inMokha roads. This day we rummaged these two ships, taking out of themsuch goods as suited our purpose, which were brought on board my ship. The 9th came in a small bark of _Shahr, _[345] laden with coarseolibanum, some of which we bought and paid for in ryals to theircontentment. [Footnote 345: Called Shaher in Purchas, and by others Xaer and Xaelafter the Portuguese orthography. It is dependent upon Kushen orKasbin. --Astl. I. 388. D. ] The 14th we were joined by Captain Saris with his three ships. Aftermutual salutes, Captain Saris, Captain Towerson, and Mr Cox, their chiefmerchant, came aboard of me, and we spent all that day in friendlycommunication; and acquainting Captain Saris that I was much in want ofcables, he engaged to supply me. The 15th I went aboard the Clove, whereI and those that came with me were kindly entertained. Captain Sarisshewed me the pass from the Grand Signior, and we had a longconversation, he believing that he would have had much good trade atMokha if I had not come, which my experience found otherwise. At lastwe agreed, and set it down in writing interchangeably, that he was tohave a third part of all that was taken, paying for the same as I did, leaving the subsequent disposal of the ships to me, who had sustainedthe injury. From this to the 23d, many ships came in at the _bab_ fromdifferent ports of India, as Surat, Diu, Calicut, Cannanor, Acheen, andother ports; and this last day came in the _Rhemy_ of Surat, belongingto the queen mother of the Great Mogul, laden with India commodities, and bound for Jiddah, the port of Mecca. [346] In this ship were 1500persons, mostly pilgrims, going to Mecca. The 24th I weighed anchor fromthe _bab, _ together with all the ships I had detained, and went for theroad of Assab. About five p. M. We came to anchor with all the fleet offCrab island in twelve fathoms; and next morning stood in for the bay ofAssab, where at one p. M. We anchored in seven and a half fathoms. The27th we brought good store of indigo out of the ships of Surat and Diu. The Clove being in sight, plying off and on and not seeing us, I causeda shot to be fired, which they hearing, answered with another, andpresently bore up for the road. .. .. [Footnote 346: It has been thought quite needless to enumerate thedifferent ships mentioned in Purchas, amounting in all to sixteen sailof various sorts and sizes. --E. ] * * * * * _Note. _ The narrative of Sir Henry Middleton breaks off here abruptly, for which no reason is assigned by Purchas. The omission will, however, be found supplied in the subsequent report of the same voyage by CaptainDownton, and in the Journal of the Eighth Voyage of the India Companycommanded by Captain John Saris. --Ed. SECTION XII. _Journal of the preceding Voyage by Nicholas Downton, Captain of thePepper-corn_. [347] INTRODUCTION. Captain Nicholas Downton was what was then called lieutenant-generalunder Sir Henry Middleton, in the _sixth_ voyage set forth by theEnglish East India Company. We once meant only to have given an extractfrom this journal, to supply the deficiency in the latter part of theformer narrative by Sir Henry Middleton; but on a careful examination, we have found its information so superior to most of the early relationsof voyages, that we even regret it had been before garbled orabbreviated by Purchas, who tells us, that this article consists only ofcertain extracts from the journal of Captain Downton. Some uninterestingdetails have however been omitted. --E. [Footnote 347: Purch. Pilg. I. 274. Astl. I. 390. ] § 1. _Notices of the Voyage between Saldanha Bay and Socotora, bothinclusive_. The 22d July, 1611, we got sight of the _Table_ and point of Saldanha, bearing east, twelve leagues distant; but owing to calms and contrarywinds, it was the 24th before we got moored in the road. We there foundthree ships belonging to Holland; one of which, bound for Bantam, wascommanded by Peter Bat, general of thirteen sail outward-bound, buthaving spent his main-mast and lost company of his fleet, put in here torefresh his sick men. The other two were homeward-bound, having madetrain-oil of seals at Penguin island. Saldanha bay is some fourteen leagues N. N. E. From the Cape of GoodHope, [348] and ten leagues N. By W. From Cape _Falso_, which is eastwardof the former; and both of which capes may be seen from the said bay. These two capes are divided by another great bay, False bay, thedistance between the two bays being about three leagues of low marshyland, extending north and south, and on either side environed bymountains. [Footnote 348: Although these hydrographical notices of the environs ofSaldanha bay and the Cape of Good Hope are by no means perfectlyaccurate, probably vitiated in the abbreviation of Purchas, theydistinctly shew, that the bay named Saldanha by our early voyagers, wasthat now called Table bay: This latter is twelve or thirteen leaguesfrom the Cape, nearly as in the text, while that now called Saldanha bayis twenty-seven leagues distant. The near neighbourhood of False bay isincontestible evidence of the fact, being only three leagues distant;while our modern Saldanha bay is more than twenty leagues from False bayas the crow flies. --E. ] In former time, Saldanha bay was very comfortable to our navigators, both outward and homeward-bound, yielding them abundance of cattle andsheep, by which their weak and sick men in former voyages were easilyrecovered and made strong. These used to be brought down by the savageinhabitants, and sold for mere trifles, as an ox for a piece ofhoop-iron fourteen inches long, and a sheep for a much shorter piece. Itis now quite otherwise; but, from my ignorance of the language of thenatives, I have not been able to ascertain the cause. Whether it mayhave proceeded from the too great _liberality_ of the Dutch, spoilingthe trade, which indeed they are apt to do in all places where theycome, as they only consider their present occasions; or whether it mayhave been that the cattle formerly brought down in such abundance wereplunder taken from each other in wars then raging, which made themgreedy of iron to make heads for their lances and darts, which now bypeace or reconciliation they have little need of. However this may havebeen, all our bribes or contrivances should only procure at this timefour old lean cows, for which they would not take iron in payment, butthin pieces of copper six inches square. We got likewise six or sevensheep, for pieces of copper three inches square, cut out of a kettle. Ofthis copper they made rings, six or eight of which made very bright theywear on their arms. These people are the filthiest I have ever seen or heard of; for, besides other uncleanness, which most people clear off by washing, thispeople, on the contrary, augment their natural filth, anointing theirbodies with a nasty substance, which I suppose to be the juice of herbs, but seems on their bodies like cow-dung; and with which the wool oftheir heads is so baked, as to seem a scurf of green herbs. Forapparel, they wear the tail of a cat, or some other small beast, hanging before them, and a cloak of sheep-skin, which hangs down to themiddle of their thighs, turning it according to the weather, sometimesthe drest side, and sometimes the hair next the body; for their sheephave hair instead of wool, and are party coloured like calves. Theirprincipal people wear about the bend of their arms a thin flat ring ofivory, and on their wrists six, eight, ten, or twelve rings of copper, kept bright and smooth. They are decorated also with other toys, asbracelets of blue glass, beads, or shells, given them for ostrichegg-shells or porcupine quills by the Dutchmen. They wear also a mostfilthy and abominable thing about their necks, being the nasty guts oftheir slaughtered cattle, making them smell more offensively than abutcher's shambles. They carry in their hands a small dart or javelin, with a small iron head, and a few ostrich feathers to drive away flies. They have also bows and arrows, but generally when they come down to us, they leave them in some hole or bush by the way. They are a well-madepeople, and very swift of foot, and their habitations seem to bemoveable, so as to shift about to the best pastures for their cattle inthe valleys among the mountains, which far up in the country were atthis time covered with snow, but those near the sea, though very lofty, were quite clear. We saw various animals, as fallow-deer, antilopes, porcupines, baboons, land-tortoises, snakes, and adders. The Dutchmen told us also of lions, but we saw none. There are fowls also in abundance, as wild geese, ducks, pelicans, _passea_, flamingos, crows having a white band on theirnecks, small green birds, and various others unknown to us. Alsopenguins, gulls, pintados spotted with black and white, alcatrasses, which are grey with black pinions, shags or cormorants at the island ingreat abundance, and another like a moor-hen. Fishes likewise of variouskinds, as great numbers of small whales, great abundance of seals at theisland, and with the sein we took many fishes like mullets as large astrouts, smelts, thorn-backs, and dogs; and plenty of limpets and muscleson the rocks. This place has a most wholesome air, and has plenty ofwater both to serve navigators, and for travellers in the country, asnumerous small streams descend every where from the mountains. This being the spring season at this place, it repented me that I hadnot brought out many kinds of garden seeds, which might have been usefulafterwards for the relief of many Christians coming here forrefreshments. Also planting acorns might in time be useful, as treesgrow here more quickly than in our cold country. Having finished our business of laying in a stock of water, and somewhatrelieved those of our men who were sick and weak, with what freshprovisions we could procure, which indeed consisted principally ofmuscles, we prepared to set sail, which we did at four in the morning ofthe 13th of August. We descried the island of Madagascar on the 6thSeptember, in lat. 23° 38' S. And anchored that evening in the bay of StAugustine in twelve fathoms. We here found the Union of London, vice-admiral of the _fourth_ voyage, her people being much distressedfor provisions to carry them home. They related to our general theirhaving unfortunately lost company of their admiral and pinnace, betweenSaldanha and the Cape of Good Hope, of which they had never heard since, and various other unfortunate circumstances of their outward-boundvoyage. [349] Our general supplied them plentifully with provisions, andalso restored union among the ship's company, Mr Samuel Bradshaw beingmuch disliked by the factious master and his adherents, for his sober, discreet, and provident management of the company's business. [Footnote 349: It is unnecessary to repeat these circumstances, havingbeen already related; and need only be mentioned, that the bay inMadagascar, where the captain and others were betrayed, is here calledJungomar, or Vinganora, and is said to have been at the north-westcorner of Madagascar. In modern maps, the bay of Vingora is placed onthe west side of Madagascar, its mouth being in lat. 13° 41' S. And E. Long. 49° 28'. --E. ] At this place I particularly remarked two singular kinds of trees. Oneof these yields from its leaves and boughs a yellow sap of so fat anature, that when fire is put to it standing quite green, the fireblazes up immediately over all the leaves and branches. Its wood iswhite and soft. The other kind has white wood with a small brown heart, but nearly as hard as _lignum vitae_. The trees which we of thePepper-corn cut for fire-wood, hung all full of green fruit called_Tamerim_, [tamarinds, ] as large as an English bean-cod, having a verysour taste, and reckoned good against the scurvy. The men of ouradmiral, having more leisure than ours, gathered some of this fruit fortheir own use. We saw likewise here abundance of a plant, hardly to bedistinguished from the _sempervivum_ of Socotora, whence the Socotrinealoes is made; but I know not if the savage natives of this island haveany knowledge of its use. The natives, for what reason I know not, camenot near us, so that we got not here any beef or mutton, though oxenused to be had here for a dollar a-piece. But we were told thedisorderly fellows of the Union had improvidently given whatever thesavages asked, so that scarcely any are now to be had even for tenshillings each. Though savage, the people of this island are notignorant in ordering their men in battle array, as was experienced bythe Union at Jungomar: But in all parts of the island, it is necessaryfor the Christians to be very much on their guard, for the natives arevery treacherous. We left St Augustine bay on the 9th September, leaving the Union stillthere. The 29th, the wind being E. S. E. And the current, as I judged, setting S. W. We were entangled with a lee-shore, which we called theCarribas, [350] being several small islands with sundry ledges of rocksamong them, only to be discovered by the breaking of the waves uponthem. These are between 10° and 11° S. Lat. And we spent six days beforewe could get disengaged from among them, the wind all that time beingE. N. E. Or E. S. E. Still forcing us to leewards, though using every effortby towing and otherwise to get off. The great danger arose from thestrength of the current, and the want of any place where we couldanchor; as, although we had ground near the rocks, it was very deep andfoul. There are several of these islands, mostly full of trees. Everynight after dark, we could see fires on shore made by the natives, butwe had no inclination to go ashore to speak with them. When it pleasedGod that we got clear of this danger, we found the current to ouramazement carry us to the northwards, as much more in our estimation aswe made our ship's way; so that when we judged by the log we had gonefifteen leagues, we had actually made thirty leagues. [Footnote 350: The Karribas islands on the coast of Zanjibar, betweenCape Del Gada and Quiloa bay. --E. ] The 9th October we lost the current, except it might then set to theeastwards, but which we could not ascertain. The 10th, 11th, and 12th, we lost ground daily, caused by the current. The 17th at sunrise, wedescried two islands, which we judged to be the _Duas Hermanas_, or TwoSisters, bearing from each other W. By S. And E. By N. About seven and ahalf leagues from the west point of Socotora. Having the west point ofthat island from us N. N. E. Three and a half leagues distant, we hadtwenty-three, twenty-four, and twenty-six fathoms. After getting toanchor near a town called _Gallanza_, the general informed me that thepeople of the island had confirmed what he already much feared, that theeasterly monsoon was already come, and all our hopes of getting toCambaya were frustrated for nine months; but of this we expected to bebetter informed by the king of the island at Tamarin, where he resides. The 20th, we got to anchor at a point six leagues short of Tamarin, andfive leagues from the point of Gallanzoe; but weighing next day with asmall promising breeze, we were forced back by the current again athwartthe town of Gallanza, and had to cast anchor far out in a great depth. The 22d being full moon, it was high water about nine p. M. And I judgedthat it flowed between ten and eleven feet, the flood-tide setting tothe northward, close by the shore. The 25th, about 11 a. M. We anchored in eight fathoms, a mile from shore, right over against the town of Tamarin, where the king's house is northfrom the castle, on the top of the hill above the town. At anchoring, wesaluted the king with nine guns, and the general sent Mr Femell ashorehandsomely attended in the pinnace, with a fine crimson awning, topresent the king a fair gilt cup of ten ounces weight, a sword-blade, and three yards of _stammel_ [red] broad-cloth. The king was ready atthe shore to receive him, in an orange-tawny tent, attended by theprincipal of his people, being Arabs, and a guard of small shot. Hethankfully received the present, promised water free, and any thing elsethe island afforded at reasonable price; but they had suffered a twoyears drought, and consequently had little to spare. He had no aloes forsale, having sent the whole produce to the Red Sea. He informed MrFemell, that the Ascension and her pinnace came there in February, andwent in company with a Guzerat ship to the Red Sea, whence both returnedto Socotora and took in water, departing for Cambaya. That his ownfrigate being afterwards at Basseen, near Damaun, in India, was informedby the Portuguese, that the Ascension and pinnace were both lost, butthe men saved, having come too soon upon the coast, before the badweather of winter was over. After a conference of more than an hour, theking sent the general a present of twelve goats. This king of Socotora was named _Muley Amor ebn Sayd_, being onlyviceroy under his father, who is King of Fartak, in Arabia, not far fromAden, and comes into the sea at _Camricam. _. [351] He said his father wasat war with the Turks of Aden in his own defence, for which reason herefused to give us a letter for the governor of Aden, as it would do usharm. The people in Socotora on which the king depends are Arabs, theoriginal natives of the island being kept under a most servile slavery. The merchandise of this island consists of _Aloes Socotarina_, of whichthey do not make above a ton yearly; a small quantity of _Sanguisdraconis_, some of which our factors bought at twelve-pence a pound;dates, which serve them instead of bread, and which the king sells atfive dollars the hundred [_weight_?] Bulls and cows we bought at twelvedollars a-piece; goats for a dollar; sheep half a dollar; hens half adollar; all exceedingly small conformable with the dry rocky barrennessof the island; wood cost twelve-pence for a man's burden; every thing inshort was very dear. I know of nothing else the island produces, exceptrocks and stones, the whole country being very dry and bare. [Footnote 351: We cannot tell what to make of this remark in the text. Purchas, who has probably omitted something in the text, puts in themargin, _King of Fartak, or Canacaym_; which does not in the leastelucidate the obscurity, unless we suppose Canacaym an error forCarasem, the same with Kassin, or rather Kushem, to which Fartak nowbelongs. --_Astl. _ I. 395. B. ] § 2. _Of Abdal Kuria, Arabia Felix, Aden, and Mokha, and the treacherousProceedings of both Places_. After saluting the king, we took our departure from Socotora for Aden, taking our course along the north side of _Abdal Kuria_[352] for Cape_Guar-da-fui_, which is the eastermost point of _Abax_ [Habesh, orAbyssinia], and is about thirty-four leagues west from the westernpoint of Socotora; from which the eastern point of Abdal Kuria isfourteen leagues off. Abdal Kuria is a long narrow rugged island, aboutfive leagues in extent from east to west, on which the King of Socotorakeeps a few people to tend a flock of goats. About three leagues northfrom the middle of Abdal Kuria, are two great rocks near each other, andsome half a mile long, which are rendered entirely white by the dung ofbirds. From the west of Abdal Kuria to Cape Guar-da-fui, the distance isfifteen leagues. The 31st October, being athwart the west end ofSocotora, we left, to the north, a white rock called _Saboyna_, fourleagues N. W. By W. From the point of Socotora. The first November, atsunrise, we were abreast the middle of Abdal Kuria, leaving it two and ahalf leagues to larboard, and the two white rocks half a league tostarboard. At one p. M. We descried Cape Guar-da-fui, but it was nightbefore we came near and passed it, so that we could not fix its trueposition. On the morning of the second we were abreast a high mountain, nine leagues west from Cape Guar-da-fui, between which point and anotherhigh point five leagues W. By S. By the compass, there is a low sandypoint stretching one league and a quarter to sea; and about threeleagues more westerly, we anchored and went ashore with all our boats tocut wood, of which we were in great want. From some of the inhabitantswe learnt that the last mount, or high point, which we passed was called_Feluk_, or _Foelix_, by the Portuguese; but as soon as these peopleknew us to be Christians, they fled from us. [Footnote 352: In Purchas named Abba del Curia, by some called AbdelCuria: Perhaps its name ought to be Abdal Kuria, or Adal Kuri, aswritten by Captain Hamilton. --_Astl. _ I. 395. C. ] The third, in the afternoon, having laid in a stock of wood, we setsail, standing west towards the Red Sea. At ten a. M. On the 5th, wedescried the coast of Arabia Felix, bearing from us N. N. W. And N. By E. The nearest land about twelve leagues distant. At noon I found the lat. 13° 28' N. At sun-set we were still about twelve leagues from land, which seemed mountainous in the interior, all very high, without anyappearance of trees or grass, or any other fruitfulness. We now directedour course W. By S. As the coast lay, expecting soon to see Aden, as onfalling in with the land I reckoned we were not more than twenty-fourleagues eastward of that place; but, while I reckoned the course of theships across the gulf, N. W. By N. We found that we had made little morethan bare north, owing to the current, so that on falling in with theland we were little less than sixty leagues short of Aden. We continuedour course with a good breeze all day, but shortened sail during thenight, not to overshoot Aden, having for the most part twenty-five, twenty, fifteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms water. At sun-set on the7th, we suddenly got sight of Aden, which stands at the foot of a barrenmountain, where one could scarcely have expected to find a town; but ithas been placed here for strength, being very defensible, and not to beeasily won, if the defendants are men of resolution, and are providedwith victuals and ammunition. To seaward, though in a manner dry at lowwater, there stands a high rock, rather larger than the Tower of London, which is very steep, and not easily ascended by an enemy, having but onenarrow passage to go up by means of steps, where four resolute men maywithstand a multitude. This rock is walled, flanked, and furnished withcannon, and seems to me capable of commanding both the town and road;yet any ship may anchor in nine fathoms beyond reach of its guns. Theanchorage under its command is in nine fathoms downwards. At a littledistance, northwards of the former rock, is another of small compass, quite low, and almost even with the water, on which likewise there is afort well furnished with ordnance. I could not learn what garrison isusually kept at Aden, but as occasion requires it has reinforcementsfrom other towns in the interior. It is supplied with provisions partlyfrom the low adjoining country, and partly by means of barks fromBarbara, on the opposite coast of _Abexin_, [353] whence they bringcattle, grain, and other provisions, with myrrh and frankincence. Adenis in lat. 12° 35' N. The variation being 12° 40'. [354] The tide, byestimation, flows between six and seven feet at the change of the moon. The mountain, at the foot of which this city is built, is a peninsulajutting out to seaward, joined to the main by a narrow neck of sandyground, beyond which a large extent of marsh-like ground stretchestowards the interior mountains, which may be some sixteen or twentymiles from the town. [Footnote 353: Abyssinia, as Downton always names this north-east coastof Africa, but which ought rather to be called the coast of Adel orZeyla, Abyssinia being, properly speaking, confined to the interiormountainous country at the head of the Nile. The south-west coast of theRed Sea indeed, from Swaken south-east to the Straits of Bab-al-Mondub, is generally called the coast of Habash, or Abyssinia, although itsports are all occupied by Turks or Arabs. --E. ] [Footnote 354: The latitude of Aden is in 12° 45' N. And its longitudenearly 45° E. From Greenwich. --E. ] At our first anchoring, the governor sent an Arab in a canoe to view ourships, but though called to, he refused to come aboard. Next morning thesame Arab came aboard our admiral from the _Mir_, [355] or governor, toknow what we were, and to say that we were welcome to land, if friends. Our general sent ashore a present for the governor, being an engravedmusket made in the Turkish fashion, and a choice sword-blade, under thecharge of John Williams and Mr Walter, our linguists, accompanied byother factors. They were not admitted into the town, but wereentertained without the gates near the shore, seemingly with muchkindness, pretending great respect for our nation, yet they spoke not aword about trading with us, but said they every day expected the arrivalof 30, 000 soldiers, which to us seemed strange that so barren a countrycould find provisions for so great a multitude. Being told that ourgeneral only wished a pilot to carry his ships to Mokha, the chief saidhe was only deputy to the governor, who was out of town, but wouldreturn next day, when an answer should be given. In the mean time thechief sent to our general two _Barbara_ sheep, having broad rumps andsmall tails, with some plantains and other fruits. The 9th our generalsent again ashore for a pilot, but got only fair words, as the _mir_ orgovernor was not yet returned. Without sending any pilot, the chiefrequested our general would not remain for trade at that place with allhis ships, but that one only might be left there for their supply. Hedesired likewise to know the price of several of our commodities, withpretensions that they could supply indigo, olibanum, myrrh, and variousother things. Before this answer came back, our ships had been driven bythe current so far beyond the point to the west of Aden, that we couldnot get again eastwards in sight of the town, and had to anchor abreastof a bay to the south-west. [Footnote 355: Mir is a contraction of Amir or Emir, much used by thePersians. From Amir comes our Admiral, first used by the Europeansduring the crusades. --Astl. I. 396. C. The origin of Admiral is probably from _Amir-al-bahr_, lord of the sea, or sea-commander; corrupted in Spanish into _Almirante_, and changed inFrench and English into Admiral. --E. ] We saw several people fishing in the bay, and many _people offashion_[356] on the hill. On this the general went ashore to enquirewhen the current would change, so that we might get back. Thedeputy-governor seemed very angry, pretending that our coming was notwith any good intent, but merely to discover their strength, insomuchthat John Williams was in doubt they would have detained him: but thegovernor, who was now present, seemed not so rigorous, dissembling withfair words, and promised to give a pilot for Mokha, yet desired that oneof our ships might stay for their supply; saying, that by the misconductof former governors, the town had lost its trade, which he now wished torestore, and hoped we would make a beginning. He added, that if ourships all departed without trade, he would be blamed by the pacha, hissuperior officer, who would impute our departure to his ill usage. The12th the general sent John Williams again ashore for the promised pilot;when the governor said the pilot's wife would not allow him to go, unless we left four of our principal persons behind as pledges for hissafe return, which bred in us a general suspicion of their evilintentions: yet the general, in performance of his promise, determinedto leave me behind in the Pepper-corn, but directed me not to carry anygoods on shore, as they would not trust us with one of their _rascalpeople_ except on such disgraceful terms, he thought fit not to trustthem with any of our goods. Wherefore, if they wanted any, as theypretended, they were to purchase and pay for them on board; and in caseof suspecting any unfair dealings, we were to exchange pledges. If theyrefused to deal on these principles, I was to follow the general toMokha. That same afternoon, the general departed with his own ship andthe Darling towards Mokha. [Footnote 356: Probably Turks, distinguished from the half-naked Arabsby their dress. --E. ] We laboured hard on the 13th November, by means of long warps, to get upto Aden against wind and current, and actually got abreast thefishing-cove. This day the _mir_ or governor of Aden sent a message onboard, desiring to speak with our merchants, to know if we meant totrade. Accordingly Mr Fowler and John Williams, together with thepurser, who had other business, went ashore; and having informed the_mir_ in what manner they were directed to trade, he detained allthree, pretending he did so that he might procure payment for anchorageand other duties, for which he demanded 1500 gold _Venetianoes_, eachworth a dollar and half, or 6_s_. 9_d_. I continued unprofitably beforeAden till the 16th December, in continual danger of shipwreck if anystorm had happened, and always fed with promises of trade, but noperformance, and our three officers continuing in confinement. Being informed by my boatswain that he was much in want of small cordagefor many purposes, and that he wished he and others might go ashore tolay some on the strand by the town wall, I sent to ask permission fromthe governor, with assurance of their safely. This was immediatelygranted with the utmost readiness and complacency, desiring that theymight use the most convenient place for their purpose, and offering theuse of a house in which to secure their things during the night Yetafter all these fair promises, every man who went ashore was seized, stript of their money and every thing they had, and put in irons. Mypinnace was lost, all the ropes taken away, together with the implementsfor laying it over again. Thus there were now prisoners, two merchants, the purser, a man to wait upon them, a prating apothecary, my surgeon, master-caulker, boatswain, one of his mates, two quarter-masters, thecooper, carpenter, gunner's mate, cockswain, and five of his crew, inall twenty persons. Monday, 16th December, I weighed anchor from the southermost road ofAden, and directed my course through the straits for Mokha. The 20th Icame to the road of Mokha, where I saw the Trades-increase riding alone, but no appearance of the Darling. The Trades-increase was about fourmiles from shore, riding with two anchors ahead, on account of thevehemence of the weather. On coming near, the people of theTrades-increase lowered their flag, as a signal of bad news, by which Isuspected some misfortune had befallen our general. When I had anchored, Mr Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came aboard, when hebegan with a heavy heart to unfold by degrees all that had happenedsince we parted at Aden. [357] [Footnote 357: The incidents that happened at Mokha having been alreadyrelated in the preceding section, we here omit a long account of them byDownton. --E. ] The 21st I sent ashore a letter to the general, informing him of themisfortunes that had befallen me at Aden. In answer, he gave me a briefaccount of the treachery that had been practised upon himself, andrequested me, if I could get to sea, to go to Aden and remain there tillI heard what became of him and the others on shore. The 22d the generaland all his company set out on their journey for Zenan, attended by astrong guard of soldiers to prevent their escape. The carpenters, however, were detained at Mokha, where they wrought in chains on ourpinnace for the pacha; likewise several wounded men, who were unable forthe journey, remained still in chains at Mokha. That same evening, though the Turks guarded our men very narrowly, Mr Pemberton slipt asideamong the bushes, and made for the sea-side, where he chanced upon acanoe with a paddle, in which he put off, committing himself to thedanger of the sea, rather than trust to the mercy of the Turks. Throughthe fatigue of his long journey, he was forced to give over rowing bythe morning; but it pleased God that the canoe was noticed from theTrades-increase, and picked up by her pinnace, which brought MrPemberton on board, hardly able to speak through faintness. The 27th, the Darling, which had been sent to seek me at Aden, returned to theroad of Mokha, having lost an anchor and cable. On the 2d January, 1611, I departed with all the three ships from Mokharoads, intending to ply up for Bab-al-Mondub, for three reasons: First, to ease our ground tackle, which was much decayed through long riding atanchor in boisterous weather; second, to seek some place where we couldprocure water, for which we were now much distressed; and, lastly, tostop the passage of all the Indian ships entering the Red Sea, by whichto constrain the Turks to release our general with the people and goods. We stood over in the first place for the Abyssinian coast, where we leftthe Darling to look for her anchor and cable, while with the other twoships we plied to windward, and came to anchor in the evening on theArabian coast, about three leagues to windward of Mokha, and about fourmiles off shore, in eight fathoms water. The 3d we set sail with theebb-tide, working to windward; but in the afternoon I spent my twotopsails, and before we got other two to the yard we were half-seas overtowards the Abyssinian coast, and anchored in sixteen fathoms. Towardsmorning the wind increased, with dark cloudy weather and a rough sea, when we lost sight of the Trades-increase, at which time she had brokean anchor and drove, and let fall another anchor, which not holding, shedrifted into six fathoms, when they were forced to cut their cable, andstand off into deeper water. The 4th, when preparing to weigh anchor, Isaw the Trades-increase standing over for Mokha, while Mr Pemberton inthe Darling was riding in a good road, to which I would gladly havegone, but not knowing what need our great ship might have of mycarpenters, her own being prisoners at Mokha, I stood after her, andcarrying too much sail in rigorous weather, we split both our newtopsails, which had been sewed with rotten twine, as indeed most of oursails were. Owing to this, it was night before I got into Mokha road, where I learnt the Trades-increase had lost two anchors, on which I sentmy carpenters aboard to stock some others for her. From that to the 18th we continued in Mokha roads with little ease, andto the material injury of our cables. From the 6th to the 11th canoescame every day from the town with letters from the carpenters, containing a variety of forged news communicated by the aga, whopermitted them to send off chiefly for the sake of wine and beer, withwhich they gratified the Turks; and were sometimes allowed to send offsome little fresh provisions. The 12th the Darling came into the road, saluting me with three guns in token of good news. Mr Pemberton cameimmediately aboard, and told me, to my great comfort, that he had foundan easy road and a good watering place, and had recovered his cable andanchor. The 18th some persons came off to us from Mokha, bringing us twobullocks, two goats, a few hens and eggs, and some fruit, but no news ofour general. That afternoon we set sail for the good road on theAbyssinian coast, and anchored at night three leagues short of it, underan island which we named _Crab island_, owing to the great abundance ofcrabs we found there. The 19th we weighed again, and anchored underanother island, smaller than the former; and on the 20th we stoodfarther into the bay, anchoring in eight fathoms, half a mile fromshore, right opposite the watering place. I sent George Jeff ashore in the pinnace to find out the river, andto endeavour to speak with the natives. Immediately on landing, about anhundred of the natives presented themselves, armed with lances, and onebolder than the rest came forwards, and even desired to be carried onboard. He there informed me, by means of an interpreter, that the Turkshad sent over to them, saying how they had betrayed and slain many ofour men, and wishing them to do the like to as many as they could layhold of. This young man was said to be a person of consideration, andwas very kind to us all the time we lay in this bay. He remained allnight in the Trades-increase, where he was kindly used to his entirecontent. The 21st, with all the boats, I went a-land with most of ourmen, setting some to dig wells, some to fetch ballast, others to fillwater from a small well we found ready dug, and the rest under arms toguard those who wrought. Soon after our landing, there came to me thepriest of the natives, with the father and brothers of our friendlyyouth, who had not yet left us. They received him very joyfully on hislanding, and presented me with a goat, promising to bring us some moregoats next day for sale. I remained ashore all night with a strongguard, to see that no harm were done to our water; and next day set thepeople to work as before: For, considering the ill usage the general hadmet with at Mokha from the Turks, and having no assurance of the honestyof this people, I was suspicions of what evil the Turks might intend, ormight persuade this people to, against us, even by putting poison intoour water; therefore, I trusted no one farther than I could avoid. Thisday was very boisterous, and none of the natives came near us all day. Icontinued this night likewise on shore, setting a strong guard to keepwatch. The 23d, the same people who had been with us before came down, and werefollowed by others driving several goats to sell, as they had promised. I entertained them kindly, making the purser buy their goats, and theydeparted in the evening well satisfied, promising to bring us moredaily, which they faithfully performed. This day we completed all ourships in water. From the 24th to the 29th inclusive, the natives broughtus goats and sheep every day, of which we bought as many as we coulduse, paying them to their satisfaction. The 29th, having the wind at N. N. W. We set sail, being determined to plyup to the _bab_ with all our three ships, to stop all the Indian shipsthat should come this year to the Red Sea, for the purpose formerlymentioned; but when abreast of Crab island it fell calm, on which wecame to anchor, and I went on shore with a large party of men to cutwood for fuel. In the afternoon we saw two _Jelbas_ coming over fromMokha, one of which brought me a letter from the general, dated 15thJanuary, giving an account of his safe arrival at Zenan with all hiscompany, except Richard Phillips, Mr Pemberton's boy, who was left sickat Tayes. This letter, having being kept till the 17th, mentioned thesafe arrival of Mr Fowler and the rest of my company at Zenan. Thegeneral likewise informed me, that God had raised him a friend in themidst of his enemies, being the _Raha_, [358] who is next in dignity tothe pacha. This letter made me alter my purpose of stopping the Indiaships, lest it might prove injurious to the general and his companionsin captivity, as also to our countrymen trading in the Mediterranean. [Footnote 358: Probably a typographical error for _Kaha_, called _Cahya_in the narrative of Sir Henry Middleton, and meaning the _Kiahya_. --E. ] The 7th February, the Trades-increase returned to me in the road ofAssab, Mr Thornton bringing me another letter from the general, desiringme yet to forbear revenging our manifold wrongs, as he and his companyexpected to begin their journey back to Mokha in five days. The 2dMarch, a boat from Mokha brought me a letter from the general, statingthat his journey was delayed, and desiring me to forbear taking revenge. The 5th, I sent the Darling over to Mokha, on which day our general andhis company arrived there. Mr Pemberton found in the road of Mokha agreat ship belonging to Dabul, called the Mahomet. The 11th, fearingsome accident had befallen the Darling, owing to her long absence, I setsail with the other two ships, meaning to have gone over to Mokha; butbefore I reached Crab island, we saw the Darling coming over, on whichwe stood back to Assab. In the evening, Mr Pemberton came to me withtwenty-two of the betrayed people of the Trades-increase, and fourteenof my people belonging to the Pepper-corn. He likewise brought me aletter from the general, giving me assurance of his enlargement as soonas the India ships were all arrived, and the wind came round to thewestwards. The 18th, I stood over to Mokha in the Pepper-corn, and arrived there onthe 19th. Before I had anchored, I had a letter from the general, giving me to understand that the presence of my ship alarmed theDabullians and displeased the aga, wherefore he wished me to go back toAssab. I immediately sent George Jeff ashore with two letters, by one ofwhich I gave a brief account of our wants, and my opinion that the Turksonly fed him with false hopes to serve their own purposes. In the other, written purposely that he might shew it to the aga, I stated, that solong as he was detained a prisoner, he had no power to command us whowere free, and could not therefore keep us from the road of Mokha, orfrom doing whatever we saw meet for ourselves. To these the generalwrote me the following answer: Captain Downton, your overmuch care may work your own harms, and do meand my company no good, and therefore take nothing to heart more than iscause, for I have had and still have my full share. And whereas youallege, you are loth to depart this road without me, I am more loth tostay behind, if there were any remedy. I made a forced agreement withthe pacha at Zenan, that our ships were to absent themselves from thisroad, till all the India ships were come in; and then, at the firstcoming of the westerly wind, I and all my company were to be set free. If they fail to perform with me, then I would have you shew yourendeavours. In the mean time you must have patience, as well as myself. I would be loth the agreement should be first broken on our side, without any cause given by them. For the provision that should have been sent in the _jelba_, it was myfault it was not sent, in that I did not urge it to the aga. After yourdeparture to-morrow, as I desire you to see performed, I will go in handwith the lading of the goods in the jelba, which shall not be abovethree days absent from you. I have promised the ships shall not comeinto the roads till the westerly winds be come, which will be a monthhence at the farthest; in the mean time you shall hear from me by_jelbas_ or boats, which I will send of purpose. I doubt not but therewill be good performance made with me by the Turks, in that my agreementwas made with the pacha and not with Regib aga. If I doubted any newstratagem, I would have attempted to have escaped away by this time. Ihave had, and still have means for my escape, were it not to leave mypeople in danger of their lives: Doubt not, if they perform not withme, when the westerly winds come, but I shall have good opportunity. Ihad laid a plot to have escaped, if I could have persuaded Mr Femell, but he will by no means be drawn to any thing, till he see whether theTurks will perform or no, and he makes no doubt but to be sent aboardwith the first of the westerly winds, when you shall come to demand us. You may ride in your quiet road-stead on the other side with all yourships, till God send us that long-wished-for westerly wind, unless youget a _slatch_ of wind to carry one of your ships to the _bab_, to seeif all be well there, and so return back to you. I know that all sortsof provisions waste apace in the ships; which, God sending me aboard, Ihope quickly to renew. The 27th March I sent over the Darling to Mokha, at the general'srequest, and she returned on the 6th April to Assab road, to deliver thevictuals and other provisions, which had so long been detained by theTurks, and brought me a very kind letter from the general. The 21st, theKing of _Rahayta_ sent me a present of a fat cow and a slave, by akinsman of his, who staid all night in the Trades-increase. At varioustimes the Budwees[359] brought us abundant supplies of bullocks, goats, and sheep, which they sold to us for cloth, preferring that to money:But by the beginning of May, our cloth fit for their use being all gone, we could only purchase with money, after which our supply became scanty. The 11th May, our general happily effected his escape from Mokha aboardthe Darling, with fifteen more of his people. [360] [Footnote 359: Badwis, or Bedouins; the nomadic Mahometan tribes on theAfrican coast of the Red Sea, are here meant--E. ] [Footnote 360: The narrative of Sir Henry Middleton in the precedingsection, giving a sufficiently ample account of the incidents in thevoyage, till the return of the ships to Mokha, it has not been thoughtnecessary to continue the relation of Downton so far as regards theintermediate transactions, for which we refer to the account of thevoyage already given by Sir Henry Middleton. But as his narrative breaksoff abruptly soon after the return to the Red Sea, we resume that ofDownton in the subsequent subdivisions. --E. ] § 3. _Account of Proceedings in the Red Sea on the second Visit. _ The 1st April, 1612, on our return from India toward the Red Sea, wewere by estimation eighteen leagues short of Aden. It was now ordered bythe general, that I was to remain before or near the town of Aden, toenforce any Indian ships that should arrive there to proceed into theRed Sea, for which I received a commission, or written instructions, from the general, who was with all expedition to proceed with theTrades-increase to the _bab_, or gate of the Red Sea, both for thesafety of the company's ship, of which we had intelligence fromMasulipatam, that she was following our track into the mouths of thewolves, from whom by God's mercy we had escaped, and there to takerevenge of the Turks and the subjects of the Great Mogul, for the wrongsdone to us, our king, and our country. The 2d we found the Darling atanchor some eight leagues eastward of Aden, having got before us byreason of our having lingered four days for her. She had completed herbusiness at Socotora, and had departed thence before we past it, goingby Saboyna, Abdal Curia, and Mount Feluk, where we lingered for her. Shebrought from Socotora a letter left with the king, written by CaptainJohn Saris, general of the Clove, Hector, and Thomas, ships belonging toour India company, signifying that he was gone into the Red Sea, notwithstanding the letter of Sir Henry Middleton, giving an account ofthe villanies there done to us. The general immediately departed towardthe _bab_, with the Trades-increase and Darling, leaving me in thePepper-corn at anchor, about eight leagues east from Aden. Early in the morning of the 3d we set sail to the southwards, the betterto discover, and so all day we kept to windward of Aden. We soondescried three sail bound for Aden, but they stood away from us, and wecould not get near them, as it blew hard. At night we did not come toanchor, but lay to, to try the current by our drift, which I found to bethree leagues in ten hours. The morning of the 4th I came to anchor aleague or four miles from Aden, in twelve fathoms. Seeing a shipapproaching, we set sail very early in the morning of the 12th tointercept her; and at day-light saw her at anchor about three milessouth of us. We immediately made sail towards her, which she perceiving, got under weigh for Aden. Between nine and ten, by firing a shot, shestruck her top-sails, and sent her boat to us, saying she belonged tothe Zamorin, or King of Calicut, whence they had been forty days. The_nakhada_, or commander of this ship, was Abraham Abba Zeinda, [361] andher cargo, according to their information, consisted of _tamarisk_, [362]three tons; rice, 2300 quintals; _jagara_, or brown sugar, forty bahars;cardamoms, seven bahars; dried ginger, four and a half quintals; pepper, one and a half ton; cotton, thirty-one bales, each containing five orsix maunds. Her crew and passengers consisted of seventy-five persons, of whom twenty were appointed to bale out water and for other purposesbelow, eight for the helm, four for top and yard and other businessaloft, and twenty boys for dressing the provisions, all the rest beingmerchants and pilgrims. Her burden was 140 tons. Having carefullyexamined them, and finding they belonged to a place which had neverwronged our nation, I only took out two tons of water, with their ownpermission, and dismissed them, giving them strict injunctions not to goto Aden, or I would sink their ship. So they made sail, standing fartherout from the land, but going to leewards, we were forced to stand offand on all day and night, lest in the night she might slip into Aden. [Footnote 361: Perhaps rather Ibrahim Abu Zeynda, or Sinda. --Astl. I. 421. B. ] [Footnote 362: Probably turmeric. --E. ] Every ship we saw, before we could come to speak them, had advice sentby the governor of Aden to inform them of us. When the Calicut ship wasunder our command, the governor sent off a boat, manned with Arabs, having on board two Turkish soldiers of the garrison, who had formerlybeen instruments of Abdal Rahman[363] aga, to bind and torture our menwhom they had betrayed. On seeing our men, whom they had used so ill, they were in great doubt what usage they might now receive, as theirguilty conscience told them they merited no good treatment at our hands. They brought some fruit to sell, and, I suppose, came as spies to seewhat we were doing. At the first sight of our men, whom they knew, theywould fain have put off their boat again, but I would not permit them, causing them to be reminded of their former behaviour to our men, whenin their hands; and when I thought them sufficiently terrified, Iordered them to be told, that they should now see how far our nationdiffered from the cruelty of Turks, who had most barbarously andinjuriously used our men, without giving any cause of offence, whom theyhad betrayed by fair promises, yet I should now dismiss them withoutharm. They immediately departed, making many fair promises of sending usrefreshments. They accordingly sent off next day a boat loaded withfish; but we were too far off for them to reach us, as we were obligedto put the Calicut ship to leeward towards the Red Sea. [Footnote 363: In Purchas called _Abdraheman_; perhaps the name was AbdArrahman. --Astl. I. 421. C. ] The morning of the 14th, the wind at east, we descried another ship oflike burden with the former bound for Aden, which, about ten o'clock, a. M. We forced to come to anchor. I learnt that she was from _Pormean_, a town not far from _Kuts Nagone_, [364] a place tributary to the GreatMogul, who had despised our king, and abused our nation. The _nakhada_of this ship was a Banian; and being fearful, if any other ship shouldapproach Aden, I must either leave the one or the other, I thereforemade haste to search her by my own people. With great labour, beforedarkness overtook us, we had out of her six packs of coarse _dutties_, of six _corges_ a pack; other thirty-six bales, containing thirty-six_corges_ of coarse _dutties_; one small bale of _candekins-mill_, orsmall pieces of blue calico; with about thirty or more white _bastas_, and a little butter and lamp oil. So far as we could discover for thatnight, the rest of her lading consisted of packs of cotton-wool, as weterm it, which we proposed to examine farther next day. [Footnote 364: According to the editor of Astley's Collection, I. 421. D. Kuts Nagone is a place in the peninsula of Guzerat, not far from thewestern cape. The western cape of Guzerat is Jigat Point; but no suchplaces are to be found in our best modern maps, and the only namesimilar is Noanagur, on the south side of the Gulf of Cutch; whenceKuts-Nagone in the text may be a corruption of Cutch-Noanagur. --E. ] This day Moharim aga, who was now _mir_, or governor of Aden, sent me apresent of eggs, limes, and plantains; but I sent back word by themessenger, that the various intolerable injuries done to my friends andnation at this place last year, had occasioned my present approach, todo my nation and myself what right I might, to the disturbance andinjury of the Turks; and as my coming was not to ask any favour fromthem, I would not accept any of their dissembled presents; for, as theycut our throats when we came to them in friendship, we could expect nofavour now when we came in declared enmity. Wherefore, having receivedwhat was useful for my people, I had sent back what I considered thethings to be worth. There came off also a boat, with store of freshfish, which I caused to be bought, always making the bringer to eat partof what he brought, for fear of poison. The 27th April we descried a sail plying to the eastwards, between usand the shore, which, being detained by the pinnace, proved to be ajelba belonging to _Shaher_, bound homewards with grain and othercommodities, among which was some opium, and having several pilgrimsfrom Mecca, as passengers on their way home. We purchased from them nineand a half pounds of opium as a trial, and dismissed them. The 30th Istopt two vessels, both belonging to a place on the Abyssinian orAfrican coast, called _Bandar Zeada_; one laden only with mats, and theother having sixty-eight fat-rumped sheep, which we bought from them, and dismissed them. The 8th May we plied towards the _bab_ under easy sail, with a pleasantwind at N. E. By E. At ten a. M. We descried land on the African coast, looking at first like an island, but soon perceived it to be the main. From thence we steered N. W. Towards the _bab_, which, by estimation, wasthen about ten leagues distant; and near four p. M. We descried thestraits, when we lingered off and on to spend the night. At day-lightnext morning we made sail towards the _bab_. On entering the strait wedescried a sail astern, coming direct for the strait, on which I struckmy top-sails to wait for her, and sent off my pinnace to takepossession. The pinnace returned with the _Nakhada_ and _Malim_, whom Iexamined, and found them to be subjects of the Great Mogul, belonging toa place called _Larree_, [365] situated at the mouth of the great riverof Sindi. I luft up along with this ship into a bay, on the east side ofthe straits, where we came to anchor in seven fathoms. I then sent mymerchants aboard to examine her loading, which consisted of divers packsand fardels of cloth, seeds of various kinds, leather, jars of butter, and a great quantity of oil, some for eating and some for lamps. As thisvessel had many passengers, and I could not keep her for want of water, I took out of her the likeliest packs of Indian cloth to serve ourpurposes, with some butter and oil for our own use, and then allowedher to proceed for Mokha. [Footnote 365: Bander Larry, or Larry Bunder, on the Pity river, themost north-western branch of the Delta of the Indus, or Scinderiver. --E. ] About three p. M. I descried a ship of 200 tons opening the east land ofthe straits, and immediately following her a vessel of huge size, hermain-yard being forty-three yards long. On coming near the great ship, we knew her, by her masts and tops, to be the Mahmudi of Dabul; andknowing the pride of her captain, I was anxious to gain the command overhim, as he would never formerly, either at Mokha or Dabul, come to visitour general. Seeing him stand from us, I gave him one shot, and stoodwith the other ship, which, seeing us stand with the great ship, struckto leeward, thinking to escape in the darkness of the night, nowapproaching. I took her for a ship of Diu; but, on getting up to her, she proved to be from Kuts Nagone, laden with cotton-wool, some packs ofIndian cloth, with some butter and oil. Having got some of her principalmen aboard my ship, I made her edge with me into shoal water, on theArab coast, where I endeavoured, by means of lights, to discover five ofmy men, whom I had left in the _Larree_ ship. We anchored at midnight intwelve fathoms, four leagues within the _bab_, where the next two dayswe took out of the _Larree_ ship sixty-six bundles of Indian cloth, butwhich we returned again, as not needing it, and took only eight _corges_of _bastas_, for which we paid to their content, and some butter andoil. I now learned by a _jelba_, that Sir Henry Middleton had gone toAssab roads, with eight or nine India ships, on which I made sail tojoin him there, but the wind being unfavourable, had to come to anchor. Next day, Giles Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came fromSir Henry Middleton, to let me know that he had got possession of allthe Indian ships he desired. These were the _Rekemi_, of 1500 tons; the_Hassany_, of 600; the _Mahmudi_ of Surat, of 150; the _Salamitae_, of450; the _Cadree_, of 200; the _Azum Khani_, belonging to theShah-bandar of Mokha, all belonging to Diu; besides three Malabar ships, the _Cadree_ of Dabul, of 400 tons, and a great ship of Cananore. MrThornton told me, that before I could get into the road of Assab, SirHenry and Captain Saris, with all their people, would be gone ashore toreceive the King of _Rahayta_, who was come with his nobles and guardsto visit the two generals. The day being near spent, Sir Henry andCaptain Saris left the king in his tent, and went aboard theTrades-increase to supper. I understood also of a contract entered intowith the Indian ships at the _bab_, by which it was agreed to exchange, all our English goods for such Indian commodities as should be settledby certain merchants on both sides. About this time likewise I wasinformed, that the _Mammi_, or captain of the gallies, and others, hadcome from the governor of Mokha to our general, to treat of peace, andto enquire what sum he demanded in satisfaction of our damages. SirHenry, near the proportion of last year's demand, required the paymentof 100, 000 dollars; on which they craved a respite of sufficient timefor sending to Zenan, to know the pleasure of Jaffar Pacha, after whichthey promised to wait upon him again. In the meantime the Darling hadbeen preparing a small cargo of Indian cloths, with which to sail forTekoa, for which place she departed on the 19th of May. Captain Sarisalso prepared the Thomas to follow the Darling to the same place, andsent her away on the 23d. This day likewise, Sir Henry dismissed a shipcalled the Azum Khani, belonging to the sabandar of Mokha. A general meeting was held on the 30th May, at dinner, on board theTrades-increase, to which Captain Saris and Captain Towerson wereinvited, for holding a conference on the farther prosecution of ourbusiness with the Turks. At noon came over from Mokha, the sabandar, themammi, and an aga, all appointed by the pacha to confer for an agreementin satisfaction of our injuries; and finding he would abate nothing inhis demand of 100, 000 dollars, they demanded leave to hold a conferencewith the nakhadas, or captains of the Indian ships, and the principalmerchants, which was allowed. It seems this was for the purpose oftrying what additional customs could be levied on the Indian goods, towards payment of the compensation demanded; but several of thenakhadas, in consideration of former injuries, either staid away fromthe conference, or opposed the augmentation; wherefore the three Turkishofficers took leave of Sir Henry, promising to give him notice of whatwas to be done, as soon as they had an answer from the pacha; and thusthey departed again towards Mokha on the 9th June. All this time ourpeople were employed rummaging, opening, and repacking Indian goods fitfor our purpose, and giving English commodities in return for these. The 11th June, Sir Henry, with the Trades-increase, and Captain Sariswith the Clove and Hector, departed from the road of Assab, carrying allthe Indian ships along with them to the road of Mokha. I continued withthe Pepper-corn at Assab, along with a small ship named the Jungo, redelivering all the goods I had taken out of her on the 9th and 10th ofMay. This being completed, I set sail along with her early in themorning of the 12th, following our admiral and the rest to Mokha, wherewe anchored in the afternoon of the 13th. The 19th, Sir Henry perceivingthat the Turks meant nothing but delay, and were even in our sightunloading a ship of Kuts Nagone, he determined to hinder them till anagreement was made in compensation of our wrongs. Wherefore, by hisorders, I warped nearer them with the Pepper-corn, and by firing severalshots made them desist from their labour: Yet all this week the Turksamused us with delays, and came to no agreement. The 26th, Sir Henry and Captain Saris convened a meeting of all thenakhadas of the Indian ships aboard the Mahmudi of Dabul, where SirHenry, as he had done often before, recapitulated to them all the wrongsand damages sustained from the Turks, declaring his resolution on noaccount to permit them to have any trade with Mokha till he had receivedample satisfaction; adding, that having already repaid himself for theinjuries sustained in India, he must now be forced to carry them all outwith him to sea, that the Turks might reap no benefit this year from theIndian trade. The Indians seeing that, by the abuses and delays of theTurks, it was likely to become an unprofitable monsoon for them, thoughtheir departure would be injurious to the Turks by loss of customs, yet, rather than carry back their commodities, they desired to make acomposition with our two generals, paying a sum of money among them forleave to trade. Accordingly, having no means to enforce satisfactionfrom the Turks, without farther prejudice to the Indians, Sir Henrydetermined to accept their offer, still leaving the satisfaction duefrom the Turks to a future opportunity. To begin therefore, acomposition was agreed upon with Mir Mohammed Takkey, nakhada of theRehemi, for 15, 000 dollars, she being nearly equal in value to theother four ships. § 4. _Voyage from Mokha to Sumatra, and Proceedings there_. Composition being made with all the Indian ships, and their several sumsin part received, Captain Saris sent away his vice-admiral, CaptainTowerson, on the 6th August. The 13th Captain Saris departed, havingreceived all the money due to him by composition from the Indian ships. Having completed all our business by the 16th, we set sail on that daywith the Trades-increase and Pepper-corn, and passed through the straitsof Bab-al-Mondub next day, endeavouring to steer a course for CapeComorin on our way to Sumatra; but owing to calms and contrary winds wewere long detained in the gulf between the _bab_ and Cape Guard-da-fui. The 12th September we saw several snakes swimming on the surface of thesea, which seldom appear in boisterous weather, and are a strong sign ofapproaching the coast of India. The 13th we saw more snakes, and thisday had soundings from 55 fathoms diminishing to 40. At sunrise of the14th we descried high land, bearing E. By N. About 16 leagues distant, when we stood E. By S. Till four p. M. When the nearest coast between usand the high land bore E. Eight leagues off. We then directed our coursesouth along the coast of India or Malabar, and on the 22d at nine a. M. Descried Cape Comorin. The 24th we had sight of the island of Ceylon, and next day about noon we descried Cape de Galle, the southernmost partof that island. The 30th we found much injury done to the wheat in ourbread room by wet; also of our coarse _dutties_, or brown calicoes of_Pormean_, we found twenty pieces quite rotten. The 19th October, at three p. M. We anchored in the road of Tekoa, [366]where we found the Darling, which had been there ever since July in agreat part of the rains, which were not yet ended, having buried beforewe arrived three of their merchants and three sailors. Most of their menwere sick, and they had got but little pepper, and little more was to behad till next season, in April and May. The great cause of their want oftrade was owing to civil wars in the country. We found here likewisethe Thomas, a ship belonging to the eighth voyage, newly come fromPriaman, where she had as poor success as the Darling had here. We herelearnt the safe return and prosperous voyage of Captain David Middleton;also of the four ships of the ninth voyage, two of which were alreadyarrived at Bantam; likewise that Captain Castleton had been lately herein his ship of war, and had left information of fifteen sail ofHollanders, already come or near at hand, and of two ships come fortrade from New-haven in France; all which sorely damped the hopes of ourtired, crossed, and decayed voyage. The 22d, finding little to be donehere, the Pepper-corn departed towards Bantam, leaving me to remain inthe Trades-increase till the 16th of next month. The 2d November all themen of any condition went away to the wars along with Rajah Bunesu, sothat we could expect little trade till their return. The 20th we took onboard the remains of the pepper weighed the day before, in which wefound much deceit, the people having in some bags put in bags of paddyor rough rice, and in some great stones, also rotten and wet pepper intonew dry sacks, yet had we no remedy. [Footnote 366: Tekoa, Ticu, or Ticoo, is a port on the south-west coastof Sumatra, almost under the equator. --E. ] Having got all things in and our men aboard, we prepared to depart, andabout midnight of the 20th November we set sail in clear moonshine, having the wind at N. E. Off shore. Notwithstanding every care andexertion to avoid the two known rocks three leagues from Tekoa, we gotfast on a rock, having four fathoms water at our stern, a quarter lessthree on the starboard a midship, and three fathoms under the head; aship's length off five fathoms, the same distance on the larboard bowsix feet, a midship to larboard sixteen feet, under the larboard gallerytwenty feet, and all round deep water within a cable's length. God inhis mercy gave us a smooth sea and no wind, so that the set or motion ofthe ship seemed quite easy; yet the water flowed in upon us so fast, that both chain-pumps with infinite labour could not in a long timecommand the water. With all possible expedition we got an anchor outastern, with two-thirds of a cable, which God so blessed, that before wecould heave the cable taught at the capstan, the ship of her own accordwas off into deep water. This was no sooner the case but we had a gustof wind at west, which put us off about a mile from the rock, where weanchored to wait for our boat, which brought our cadge after us. Whenit was clear day, we could not even perceive where the rock was. Aprincipal reason of coming to anchor, was in hopes to overcome ourleaks, being exceedingly desirous to hasten to Bantam, as withoutabsolute necessity we wished not to return to Tekoa. But afterconsulting together on what was best to be done, we returned to Tekoa, there to endeavour to stop our leak, which we found to be in thefashioning pieces of the stern. Accordingly, about sunset of the 21st wecame to anchor there in a place well fitted for our purpose. The 22d, 23d, and 24th we laboured hard to land indigo, cinnamon, and otherthings, using every exertion to lighten the ship at the stern where theleak was, and were busily engaged till the 8th December in mending theleak and reloading our goods; which done, we set sail again from Tekoa, and arrived on the 20th at Pulo-panian. The Pepper-corn being filled at that place, Sir Henry Middleton called acouncil to consult on what was best to be done, taking intoconsideration the injury received on the rock by the Trades-increase;when it was resolved that she must necessarily be careened or hove down, and new strengthened, before she could return home; which requiring along time, it would not be possible for her to get home this season. Itwas therefore concluded to dispatch the Pepper-corn immediately forEngland, as some satisfaction for the adventurers till theTrades-increase could follow. § 5. _Voyage of the Pepper-corn Home to England_. By the 4th of February, 1613, the Pepper-corn being laden and ready forsea, we set sail for England, leaving Sir Henry Middleton behind in theTrades-increase. [367] We arrived on the 10th May in the road ofSaldanha, where I hoped to have found all the ships formerly departedhomewards; but I only found the Hector and Thomas, two ships of theeighth voyage. The Expedition had got round the Cape of Good Hope, boundtowards some part of Persia, there to land Sir Robert Sherly and hisPersian lady, and Sir Thomas Powell with his English lady, who were allintending for Persia. The next day we set sail in company with theHector and Thomas; but towards evening the Thomas was far astern, andthe Hector bore away under a press of sail, so that we lost them duringthe night. We lingered for them till the 19th at sunrise, employed inrepairing our weak and decayed sails, at which time Saldanha bore S. E. One half E. Seventeen leagues. [Footnote 367: Sir Henry died on the 24th of May following at Machian, as was thought of grief, of which an account will be found in thejournals of Floris and Saris. --Astl. I. 427. A. ] Continuing our course for England, after losing all hope of rejoiningthe Hector and Thomas, we descried, on the 11th September, the coast ofWales to windward, and that of Ireland to leeward, and finding the windsso adverse that I could not make Milford Haven, and our wants allowingno long deliberation, I determined to go to Waterford. The 13th in themorning we descried the tower of _Whooke_, some three leagues from us, the only land-mark for Waterford river. At eight o'clock a. M. We saw asmall boat coming out of the river, for which we made a waft, and itcame to us, being a Frenchman bound to Wexford. I hired this boat to goagain into the river, to give notice of our coming to the lieutenant ofthe port of Dungannon, to prevent delay, as owing to the narrowness ofthe channel it might endanger our ship at anchor in winding round. Atnoon we got up the river as high as the passage. I here found Mr Stephen Bonner of Lime with his bark, who had come herea-fishing; and who, laying aside his own business, used the utmostdiligence in doing the best he could for the ease and relief of our weakand sick people. The 18th I dispatched Mr Bonner for London with lettersfor the company, to give notice of our arrival and wants, that we mightbe supplied. The 21st, Doctor Lancaster, bishop of Waterford, verykindly came to visit me, bringing good cheer along with him, and gave usa sermon aboard, offering me the communion, which, being unprepared, Ideclined, yet thanked him for his good-will. The 10th, [368] Captain JohnBurrell came to visit me, and offered me money to supply my wants, if Iwould send one along with him for it to Cork; wherefore I sent away MrMullineux with Captain Burrell to Cork for the money. [Footnote 368: From this date to the 6th October, there is someinexplicable error in the dates of the text. --E. ] On the 12th, Anthony Stratford, lieutenant of the fort at Waterford, having hired a villainous fellow, whom I had caused to be kept in prisonat Waterford for misdemeanors, to swear any thing that suited hispurpose to bring us under the predicament of piracy, and having obtaineda warrant from the Earl of Ormond, came to the passage, whence he sent amessage desiring me to send my boat ashore well manned, to fetch him andother gentlemen aboard to see my ship. But immediately on my boat comingaland, he apprehended my men, and coming himself on board, arrested meand my ship for piracy, and committed me to prison in the fort ofDungannon, giving strict charges that no person should be allowed tocome near me without a warrant from him; and such as did come to me, hewould have put to their oaths to say what conversation passed betweenthem and me. My man was sworn to carry no letters from me to any one, nor any to me; and several of my people were that night examined onoath, omitting no means to draw from them matter of accusation againstme. I continued in prison till the morning of the 16th, when Stratfordbrought me a letter from his captain, Sir Lawrence Esmond, inviting meto meet him at the passage. At that place I met Sir Lawrence and theBishop of Waterford, who were come from the Earl of Ormond to replace mein my charge, and which at their earnest entreaty I again undertook. The 23d, Master Mullineux, who had sent off letters to the company withnotice of this troublesome affair, returned from Cork with money tosupply my wants. The 25th, Mr Benjamin Joseph came to me in a small shipfrom Bristol, bringing men, money, and provisions for my supply, whichwe took in, making all haste to be gone. The 6th October we set sailfrom Waterford river. The 12th in the morning we were abreast of Beechyhead, and at eight p. M. We anchored in Dover roads. The 13th we anchoredin the Downs at ten a. M. Near H. M. S. Assurance, saluting her with fivepieces of cannon. Mr Cocket her master came immediately aboard, andagain arrested my ship till farther orders from the lord high admiral;upon which I immediately sent off Mr Mullineux to London with letters tothe company, informing them of my situation. The 17th, Mr Adersley came down from the company, bringing me a letterfrom the directors, an order for the release of my ship, and Mr Punniat, a pilot, to take charge of her from the Downs. The 18th in the morningwe set sail, and at six p. M. Came to anchor in the road of _Gerend. _ The19th we got up to Tilbury, where we again anchored, and at ten a. M. Nextday came to anchor at Blackwall; where, in the afternoon, came down MrDeputy and several members of the committee, to whom I delivered up mycharge. SECTION XIII. _The Seventh Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, commanded by Captain Anthony Hippon_. [369] INTRODUCTION. "Purchas has given us two accounts of this voyage, one written byNathaniel Marten, master's mate of the Globe, which was the only shipemployed in this expedition, and the other by Mr Peter WilliamsonFloris, who went _cape merchant_, or chief factor, on this voyage. Thisaccount by Marten is chiefly filled with nautical remarks, andobservations of the latitude and variation, which may make it veryacceptable to navigators and geographers, while we are sensible it mayappear dry to many others. For this reason, Purchas retrenched much ofthe journal, and to make amends subjoined that by Floris. As it is ourdesign to give a complete body of English voyages, intermixed with thoseof other nations, we presume that our readers will not be displeased formeeting sometimes with relations that do not afford much entertainment, especially considering that though these may not be so acceptable tosome, they may yet be very useful to others. In effect, some of the mostvaluable voyages are those which afford least pleasure in reading. Thefirst navigators of every nation to foreign countries, were chieflyemployed in discovering the untried coasts, and wrote for theinstruction of those who were to visit the same places afterwards, tillthey became sufficiently known. For this reason it is, that the fartherwe advance the relations become the more agreeable; so that in a littletime those who read only for pleasure will have no reason tocomplain. "--_Astley_. [Footnote 369: Purch. Pilgr. I. 314. Astl. I. 429. ] At the close of this voyage, Purchas makes the following remark: "Ithink these mere marine relations, though profitable to some, are tomost readers tedious. For which cause, I have abridged this, to make wayfor the next, written by Mr Floris, a merchant of long Indianexperience, out of whose journal I have taken the most remarkableactions of this voyage, being full of pleasant variety. " But, as wellobserved by the editor of Astley's Collection, Purchas has rathercurtailed than abridged, often leaving out whole paragraphs andinserting others in an abrupt and unconnected manner, passing overplaces without any mention, and speaking of them afterwards as if theyhad been mentioned before. We have therefore used the farther liberty ofstill farther abridging his confused abridgment, yet so as not to omitany information that appeared at all interesting or useful. --E. * * * * * We weighed from Blackwell, in the good ship the Globe, on the 3dJanuary, 1611, bound for the East Indies, and arrived at Saldanha the21st May. Sailing thence on the 6th June, we passed not far fromMozambique, Comora, and Pemba, and on the 31st July passed before Pointde Galle, in Ceylon. The 6th August we saw land from the topmast-head, and at 3 p. M. Saw a tower or pagoda, and a ship bearing N. W. And cameinto eight fathoms about three leagues off shore, near Negapatam. Continuing our course N. By E. We took on the 8th a boat belonging toSan Thome. The 9th, at noon, the town of Meliapore bore N. N. W. Twoleagues off. The best mark by which to know this place is a high hill upthe country. There is a shoal about two leagues south of Pullicatt, andabout a mile or more from the shore, the N. E. End of it being about aleague off. We went over the end of it in three fathoms; but if you keepin ten or twelve fathoms, you will always be safe. The 9th we anchoredoff Pullicatt, which bore from us W. By N. There is a cross to thenorth of the town, which may be seen between two and three milesoffshore, but you cannot see the town. Not liking our situation, weweighed on the 10th, and stood farther north, and anchored again ineight fathoms, the cross now bearing W. By S. The western point W. By N. And the northernmost point N. W. The 10th, at noon, the governor sent offa boat for our gentlemen, when Mr Brown and Mr Floris went on shore inour skiff which sunk when going over the bar; but, blessed be God, noneof our men were drowned. Pullicatt is in 13° 30', [370] the variationbeing 1° 15'. The 15th Captain Hippon went ashore to speak with the_governess_, and returned aboard with all the merchants on the 16th, asthey could have no trade. [Footnote 370: More correctly lat. 13° 26' N. And long, 80° 24' E. FromGreenwich. --E] We set sail the same day for Petepoly [_Pattapilly_, ] and on the 18th, at five p. M. We made a tuft of trees near that place, bearing from usN. E. By E. Six leagues off; and at seven p. M. We came to anchor in ninefathoms, the tuft being then N. By W. Five leagues. The 19th we weighedearly, and came to anchor again in five fathoms, two leagues from thetuft, which then bore E. N. E. Presently there came off to us two_gingathas_, or boats, by which our merchants sent a letter on shore;and, in the afternoon, another boat brought off a messenger from thesabandar, who sent off two boats next day for our merchants, when MessrsFloris, Essington, and Lucas went ashore, together with Adam Dounton, the purser's mate, and one named Lemon. The 21st, our merchants sent offa letter, saying they were kindly entertained. The 28th, Mr Floris andSimon Evans came aboard, when we weighed for Masulipatam, in the road ofwhich place we arrived on the 30th, anchoring in three fathoms and afoot; the great tree, which is the mark for the road, bearing from usW. N. W. The southermost land S. W. By S. And the northermost N. E. By E. The 31st, Mr Floris, Mr Essington, Simon Evans, Cuthbert Whitfield, andArthur Smith, went ashore in our skiff to remain. I made the latitude tobe 15° 57' and that of Pattapilly 15° 49'. [371] [Footnote 371: The latitude of Masulipatam is 16° 5' N. But thatmentioned in the text seems to apply to some point not well defined, tothe southwards. The latitude of Pattapilly appears to have been takenwith sufficient accuracy. --E. ] We weighed from Pattapilly road on the 11th February, 1612, intendingto proceed for Bantam, and came to anchor in the road of that place onthe 26th April, about four p. M. In three and a half fathoms; Pulo-ponianbearing N. Pulo-tando N. W. By N. Polo-duo E. S. E. The western point ofPulo-range N. W. By N. Northerly, and its uttermost point E, by N. Northerly; the eastermost island, called Pulo-lima, joining to thewestern point of Java. Immediately after anchoring, Mr Spalding and twoothers came aboard. Our merchants came on board on the 31st May, aboutfour p. M. And we set sail that night about nine, steering N. N. E. Withthe wind at S. In the morning of the 1st June, the wind veered toeastwards, and then to the north, with foul gusty weather, when we boreup and anchored under Pulo-tando, in nineteen fathoms, half a leaguefrom the shore. Between five and six next morning we again weighed, withthe wind at S. E. Steering N. N. W. The nearest land being S. W. Six leaguesoff, which was a woody island about four miles long, off which was aledge of rocks, or a sand-bank. About eight a. M. I espied from thetopmast-head Lucapara, eight leagues off. The 7th, about ten a. M. Weraised the hill of Mompyne N. E. Eight leagues off, after which we neverhad less than ten fathoms. The 11th we were in lat. 1° N. And nextmorning from the topmast-head I espied the high land of Bintam, W. By N. Some twelve leagues off. The 4th August, at night, we weighed from Patane roads, [372] with thewind at S. S. W. And steered away N. W. By W. For Siam, where we arrived onthe 14th, and anchored in five fathoms, having the southermost island S. By E. Of us, the eastermost E. By S. And the river's mouth N. By W. The3d November we weighed out of the bay, where we left our men, and gravedour ship, and hauled off from the west to S. S. E. To get clear of theisland, and so steered away. The 4th, at noon, I made the ship to be inthe lat. Of 12° 30', having run in twenty-three hours only twenty-fiveleagues, making our course S. By W. With the wind northerly. We arrivedat Patane on the 11th. [Footnote 372: By careless abridgement, Purchas omits their arrivalhere; and, owing to his inconclusive narrative of the navigation, wehave here omitted a good deal of the nautical remarks, which are quiteunconnected in the Pilgrims, and therefore of no utility. --E. ] * * * * * "He was after this at Siam again, and again at Patane, and made a secondvoyage from Masulipatam to Bantam in 1614, and thence to England in1615. But his journal is so large that I dare not express it. Theyarrived at the Lizard on the 20th August, 1615, having spent four yearsand nearly eight months in this voyage. "[373] [Footnote 373: This concluding sentence is the apology of Purchas forabbreviating the narrative of Marten, which he has done in so confused amanner, that we have been under the necessity of abridging it stillfarther. --E. ] SECTION XIV. _Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris. _[374] INTRODUCTION. "As the preceding journal of Nathaniel Marten is almost wholly nautical, this narrative of Floris is chiefly confined to the transactions, occurrences, and adventures that happened on land, in the severalcountries at which they touched in this voyage. Purchas tells us, in thetitle of this article, that it was translated out of Dutch; but whetherby himself or some other, and whether from print or manuscript, he issilent. He informs us likewise, that Floris was cape merchant, or chieffactor, in this voyage, and that he died in London in 1615, two monthsafter his arrival from the expedition. This author is remarkable forseveral notable particulars respecting the affairs of the countrieswhich he visited, which shews that he was curious, and for the freedomwith which he censures the actions of his own countrymen, theHollanders, which may pass for a proof of his sincerity. "--_Astley. _ [Footnote 374: Purch. Pilgr. I. 319. Astl. I. 435. ] § 1. _The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam_. Having covenanted and agreed with the right worshipful governor anddeputy of the English East India Company, we embarked in the Globe, onthe 5th January, 1610, according to the English style, being actually ofthe year 1611, and set sail for Gravesend. Sailing from the Downs on the5th February, we came to Saldanha bay the 21st May, where we found threeships. Two boats came aboard of us, one from Isaac le Maire, and theother from Henrick Brouwer. Much refreshing was not here to be had atthis season, by reason of heavy rains, being now their winter, and themountains covered with snow. We used great diligence in searching for aroot called _ningim_, for which purpose two of three Holland ships hadcome here, one being from Japan, that first discovered the secret. Atthis time the new leaf only began to peep forth, so that we could nothave known it, if we had not received instructions. Its proper time ofripeness is in December, January, and February; and it is called _kanna_by the inhabitants. [375] [Footnote 375: This _kanna_, or _ningim_, is supposed to be the samewith the Ginseng, so highly prized in China for its restorative virtues. The Hottentots set the same value on it, and it is as rare to be metwith in the country at the Cape of Good Hope as in EasternTartary. --Astl. I. 436. B. ] Having filled our water-casks, and refreshed ourselves with eight sheepand twenty cattle, we set sail from the bay, leaving there the boat ofIsaac le Maire, commanded by his son Jacob, who was to continue theretill December, bartering for hides and skins, and making train-oil. Tohim we gave letters for England. Near _Tierra de Natal_, on the 10thJune, we were in great danger, a violent storm of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain, having almost thrown us ashore; but God mercifully andpowerfully gave us unexpected deliverance. The 1st of August we fell in with the island of Ceylon at Punta deGalle. The 6th we came before Negapatam, being twenty-eight Dutch milesor leagues wrong in our reckoning, the maps, in regard to that place, being very false, which might occasion great danger in the night, thelike happening to the Hollanders. Neither found we the island so broadas it is there laid down. Mr Mullineux lays down Punta de Galle in 4°, whereas it is 6°. [376] Towards evening we passed before the road, andcould see the houses very plainly. The 7th, we passed _Langapatam_, where the Hollanders have a factory of which they are very weary, having very little trade. The 8th, we came before San Thome, and on the9th, before Pullicatt, passing over the shallows above a musket-shot, where we had only three fathoms water. At this place two boats cameaboard of us, one from the sabandar, and another from the Hollanders. The 10th, the sabandar's men brought us a _caul_, or safe conduct, allowing us to come safely ashore; on which Mr Brown and I went ashore, but, by the roughness of the sea, our boat upset, yet, God be thanked, none of our men were drowned. The sabandar met us, compassionating ourmischance, and appointed us a house, promising to procure us a letterfrom the king to the governess _Konda Maa_. [Footnote 376: The truth lies between, as Point de Galle is in 5° 51' N. Latitude. --E. ] On the 11th, Jan Van Wersicke, the Dutch president on the coast ofCoromandel, shewed us a _caul_ from _Wencapati Rajah_, the king ofNarsinga, by which it was made unlawful for any one from Europe to tradethere, unless with a patent or licence from Prince Maurice, andwherefore he desired us to depart. We made answer, that we had acommission from the King of England authorizing us to trade here, andwere therefore determined to do so if we could. Upon this there arosehigh words between us, but which the sabandar soon ended, by informingus that the governess would be here in three days, by whosedetermination we must be regulated. She came on the 17th, and CaptainHippon coming then ashore, we made ready to wait upon her, but weredelayed, and informed that she would send for us next day. We stronglysuspected the Hollanders of underhand dealings; and as no one came forus the next day, we sent to the sabandar, who made answer, that as theking had granted an exclusive privilege to the Hollanders, it wasnecessary for us to apply to his majesty for liberty to trade; but asthis would have required a delay of two months, which must lose us themonsoon for Patane, and as the Hollanders had prepared to send a presentof two elephants to the king, we resolved to proceed to Patapilly andMasulipatam, towards which places we set sail. Arriving on the 20th at Patapilly, the governor sent us a _caul_, orlicence to land, which we did accordingly, and agreed with him for threeper cent[377] custom, and sent goods on shore, it being determined thatMr Lucas and Mr Brown should remain there, while I went on with theship to Masulipatam, the roadstead of which place was better. We gotthere on the 31st, when Zaldechar Khan sent us a licence. We agreed tosend a present to Mir Sumela, a great officer under the king atCondapoli, and farmer of his revenues, that we might be secured againstthe chicanery of the inferior officers. [Footnote 377: In Purchas it is called _three-thirds_ per cent. Which, in the text, we have changed to _three;_ yet a little farther on itwould appear that _four_ per cent. Had been agreed for. --E]. The 20th January, 1612, _Cotobara, _ king of _Badaya, _ or_Lollingana, _[378] and Masulipatam, died, and great disturbances wereapprehended; but Mir Masunim wisely prevented any troubles, byimmediately proclaiming Mahmud Unim Cotobara, a young man of greathopes, son to a brother of the deceased king, who had left no sons. Hisuncle had submitted to the authority of the Persians, [379] but the newking evinced a spirit of independence, and disgraced Mir Sumela, thefountain of tyranny and oppression. [Footnote 378: These titles are inexplicable, but in the sequel heappears to have been king of Golconda. --E. ] [Footnote 379: The Moguls are probably here meant, named Persians byFloris, because they used the Persian language. --E. ] The governor dealt fraudulently with me in regard to a bargain of clothand lead, pretending that he had agreed with me only for 4000 pagodas, meaning by this dishonesty to have increased the customs from four percent. Which had been settled, to twelve: and when I insisted upon ouragreed terms, he told me roundly, that he, being a _mir_, or descendantof Mahomet, would be believed before any Christian. Being at a loss howto deal with this dishonest rogue, and not having time to send to thenew king at Golconda for redress, I had at one time resolved to rightmyself by force, as there seemed no means of bringing him to reason in afriendly manner; but, at last, by the intervention of some others of theMoors at Masulipatam, we came to a kind of an agreement. Having thus concluded our affairs at Masulipatam, and those atPattapilly being likewise ended, and the monsoon being favourable, wedeparted for Bantam, where we arrived on the 26th April, 1612. We therefound the Dutch about to remove to Jacatra, in consequence of new andheavy exactions established by the governor of Bantam, with whom, as wehad no factory there at this time, we made an agreement to pay three percentum for customs, yet not without some contest. By order of CaptainDavid Middleton, a factory had been established at Succadania, on thecoast of Borneo, which was continued by Mr Spalding; but, as matterswere carried on there, it seemed more calculated for private interestthan the public advantage of the company. The 1st of June we set sailfrom Bantam, and came into the road of Patane on the 22d, where we foundthe Bantam, a ship of Enkhusen; from the people of which we wereinformed of the manners and customs of the country. We landed on the26th in great state, taking with us a present to the value of 600dollars, to accompany our king's letter. We were well received, according to the customs of the country, the letter being laid in abasin of gold, and carried by an elephant, accompanied by a band ofmusic, a numerous guard of lances, and many small flags. The queen'scourt was very sumptuous. The letter was read, and a free trade allowedus on payment of the same duties with the Hollanders; and we left thecourt without seeing the queen. We were then conducted by DatonLachmanna, the sabaudar and officer appointed for entertainingstrangers, to a place where a banquet of fruits was presented to us. From thence we were led to the house of the Oran-caya Sirnona, where wehad another banquet. Next day the queen sent us meat and fruits aboard. The 3d July there departed from hence a Dutch pinnace called theGreyhound, for Japan. The master's mate of this vessel had brought aletter from William Adams, an Englishman residing in Japan, directed tothe English at Bantam; and by him we sent the company's letters to MrAdams, which he promised to deliver with his own hands. We had no othermeans of transmitting this letter, as the Japanese were at enmity withthe government of Patane, and had even burnt that place twice withinfive or six years. We had much ado to get leave to build a fire-proof warehouse at thisplace, but were at length assigned a place close by the Dutch house, thirty fathoms long by twenty in breadth, on which we built a houseforty-eight feet long by twenty-four feet wide. Their exactions werevery unreasonable, amounting, besides the charges agreed upon, to 4000dollars; which, however, we submitted to pay in hope of futureadvantages. We were sore afflicted here with sickness, even as if theplague had raged in our ship. Captain Hippon died on the 9th of July;and on opening the box marked No. 1, Mr Brown was found his appointedsuccessor, but as he was already dead, No. 2 was opened, by which MrThomas Essington was nominated, who accordingly assumed the command. Atthis place we suffered much injury from thieves, some of which came intoour house one night, where we always had a lamp burning, and stole 283dollars out of my chest, besides other goods; though there wore fifteenpersons sleeping in the house, besides a large black dog, and a watchkept in our yard. These circumstances occasioned suspicions against someof our own people, but we could never come to any certainty. I and John Parsons, with six more, were left here at Patane to conductthe business of the factory, and the ship departed on the 1st of Augustfor Siam. I wished afterwards to have written to Captain Essington atSiam, to inform him of the bad market I had for our lawns, but had noopportunity of sending a letter by sea; and not less than four personstogether durst venture by land, on account of the danger from tygers, and because there were many rivers to cross by the way, owing to whichtheir demands were very high, and I had to wait an opportunity. InSeptember, the king of Jor, or Johor, over-ran the environs of Pan orPahan, burning all before him, and likewise the neighbourhood of CumponaSina, which occasioned great dearth at Pahan. The cause of our lack of trade here, where, four years before, I hadseen such quick sales, as if all the world could not have providedsufficient commodities, was chiefly, that the Portuguese had brought anabundant supply to Malacca; besides which the Hollanders had filledBantam and the Moluccas with goods, and also to the trade carried on bythe Moors at Tanasserim and Siam, and at Tarangh, a haven newlydiscovered near Queda, on the western coast of Malacca; the Guzerats, others from Negapatan, and the English, all contributing to glut themarket, so that the rumour only of such large supplies is sufficient tokeep down the prices for ten years; insomuch that I cannot now clearfive per cent. Where formerly I could have gotten four for one. Allthese things considered, I dispatched a cargo on the 8th October, in ajunk of Empan, for Macasser, sending John Parsons as chief factor. Onthe 9th, two junks arrived from Siam, one of which brought me lettersfrom Captain Essington and Mr Lucas, saying they had much trouble andfew sales, both because the country was already full of goods, andbecause the governments of Cambodia, Laniam, and Jangoma, were preparingfor war against Siam. The 25th, several junks departed from Patane for Borneo, Jumbi, Java, Macassar, Jortan, and other places; among which was the junk belongingto the Orancay Rajah Indramonda, bound for Bantam, and thence by Jortan, Amboina, and Banda, to Macassar. I cannot imagine how the Hollandersshould suffer these Malays, Chinese, and Moors, and even assist them incarrying on a free trade over all India, while they forbid it to theirown servants, countrymen, and brethren, on pain of death, and loss oftheir goods. It is surely an instance of great ignorance or envy, thusto allow Mahomedans and heathens to grow rich, rather than their owncountrymen should gain a living, and a sign that the punishment of Godis coming upon them. The Globe arrived here from Siam on the 11th November, having been eightdays on the passage. She had arrived on the 15th of August preceding inthe road of Siam, and cast anchor in three fathoms at high-water: butnext day, the water ebbing thirteen hours on end, she was left only inseven feet, fortunately on soft mud, so that she received little injury. When again afloat, she was removed to another anchorage, where therewere three fathoms at low-water, being four leagues from the bar. Thetown lieth on the river, some thirty leagues from the sea. Sending newsof their arrival, the sabandar and the governor of _Mancock_, [380] aplace on the river, came back along with their messengers to receive theletter from the king of England to their sovereign, but chiefly for thesake of the expected presents. Captain Essington and Mr Lucasaccompanied them to the town, where they were presented to the king onthe 17th September, and received assurances of a free trade, the kinggiving each of them a small golden cup, and some little article ofdress. The covetous _mandarins_, or officers of the crown, would havecounteracted the royal permission of free trade, by taking every thingthey pleased at prices of their own making, and paying when theypleased, acting in short more corruptly than those in any other part ofIndia, though assuredly the rest are bad enough: but, on complaint beingmade to the king, he gave orders not to molest the English in theirtrade; after which all their goods were carried to a house assigned themby the king, being the best brick house in Siam, and close to that ofthe Hollanders. The time when our people were at Siam was the season ofthe rains, when the whole country was covered with water. [Footnote 380: Rather Bankok, near the mouth of the river Menan. --Astl. I. 438. H. ] On the 26th October there arose such a storm of wind as had not beenremembered by the oldest of the natives, tearing up trees by the roots, and occasioning extensive desolation. Among other things destroyed onthis occasion, the monument which had been erected by the reigning king, in memory of his father, was overthrown. Our ship, the Globe, verynarrowly escaped, by the diligent care of Mr Skinner and Samuel Huyts, and by means of dropping a third anchor, after she had drifted, with twoanchors, from six fathoms to four, she was at length brought up, whenonly a mile from the land. On this occasion Mr Skinner was beaten fromthe anchor-stock, and very strangely recovered. Five men were drowned, one of whom was supposed to have been devoured by a whale, which wasseen about the time when he disappeared. [381] After raging four or fivehours, the storm subsided, and the sea became as calm as if there hadbeen no wind. Yet a tempest continued aboard the Globe, occasioned, aswas reported, by the unreasonable conduct of the master, who wastherefore put under arrest, and Mr Skinner appointed in his room, onwhich this tempest also subsided. Their trade also was too muchbecalmed, although this had formerly been the third best place of tradein all India, after Bantam and Patane, the causes of which falling offwill be best understood by the following narrative. [Footnote 381: Whales are not of this description. Perhaps Mr Floris hadsaid in Dutch, _by a great fish_, meaning surely a shark. At this placePurchas observes, in a side-note, "that the road of Siam is safe, exceptin a S. S. W. Wind. "--E. ] § 2. _Narrative of strange Occurrences in Pegu, Siam, Johor, Patane, and the adjacent Kingdoms. _ Siam, formerly a mighty and ancient kingdom, had been, not long before, subdued, and rendered tributary to Pegu, yet did not continue long undersubjection. On the death of the king of Siam, two of his sons, who werebrought up at the court of Pegu, fled from thence to Siam. The eldest ofthese, called in the Malay language, _Raja Api_, or the fiery king, sethimself up as king of Siam. He it was whom the Portuguese used to callthe _Black King of Siam_. Against him the king of Pegu sent his eldestson and intended successor, who was slain in these wars, and was theoccasion of the almost total destruction of the kingdom of Pegu, andcaused the loss of many millions of lives. The king of Pegu, who was ofthe race of the Bramas, was sore grieved for the loss of his son, andcaused most of his chief Peguan nobles and military officers to be putto death on the occasion. This caused much perturbation and confusion, so that his tributary kings, of whom there were twenty, revolted dailyagainst him. At length, encouraged by these defections, Rajah Api, orthe Black King of Siam, went to war against the king of Pegu, and evenbesieged the capital city of _Uncha_, or Pegu, for two months, but wasforced to raise the siege and return to Siam. Not long after this, on account of a great pestilence and famine, theking of Pegu found himself under the necessity of surrendering himselfand all his treasures to the king of Tangu, that he might not fall intothe hands of the king of Arracan, who was coming against him with aprodigious army: Yet the king of Arracan easily made himself master ofthe city and kingdom of Pegu, then almost depopulated by famine andpestilence. The king of Arracan now proposed to go against Tangu; butthe king of that country sent ambassadors to him at Arracan, offering todeliver up to him a certain portion of the treasures of Pegu, togetherwith the _White Elephant_ and the king of Pegu's daughter, both of whomI saw at Arracan in 1608; even offering either to give up the king ofPegu or to put him to death. This the king of Tangu afterwards did, byslaying him, with a _pilon_, or wooden pestel with which they stamprice; for being of the race of Brama, it was not lawful to shed hisblood. In this manner was the mighty empire of Pegu brought to ruin, sothat at this day there is no remembrance of it. [382] The king of Arracangave charge of the town and fortress of Siriagh, [Sirian] upon the riverof Pegu, to Philip de Brito de Nicote, to whom he gave the designationof _Xenga_, signifying _the honest_; which honour and confidence Xengarequited by taking his son a prisoner three or four years afterwards, and ransomed him for 1, 100, 000 taggans and ten galeas of rice. Brito yetdomineers in Sirian, and cares for nobody. [Footnote 382: This is to be understood of 1612, when Floris was there. After many revolutions, the empire of Pegu was re-established by a tribecalled the Birmas, and now subsists in great power and splendour, including Ava, Arracan, Pegu, and Siam. --E. ] By the destruction of the power of Pegu, Siam recovered itsindependence, and hath since brought under subjection the kingdoms ofCabodia, Laniangh, [383] Jangoma, Lugor, Tanasserim, Patane, and severalothers. In 1605 Rajah Ahi, or the Black King, died without issue, andleft the kingdom to his brother called the _White King_, who was acovetous prince, yet enjoyed his kingdoms in peace. He died in 1610, leaving several children behind him, on which great troubles arose inthe kingdom. While he was on his deathbed, he caused his eldest son tobe slain, a young prince of great hopes, at the traitorous instigationof one of the chief lords of Siam, named _Jockrommeway_, who having manyslaves thought to make himself king. The presently reigning king was thesecond son of the _White King_, and soon after his accession put thetraitor to death who had occasioned the slaughter of his elder brother. Among his numerous slaves Jockrommeway had 280 Japanese, who, thinkingto revenge the death of their master, and to atchieve some memorableexploit, went immediately in arms to the palace, which they surprised, getting possession of the king and all his court, and compelled him todeliver up to them four of his principal nobles, whom they immediatelyslew, as the chief causes of their master's death. Having the king intheir hands, they forced him to subscribe with his own blood to suchagreement as they pleased to dictate, taking some of the chief palapos[384] or priests for hostages, and so departed with much treasure aftermuch violence, the Siamese being unable to right themselves. On thisoccasion the kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos rebelled, as did also one_Banga de Laa_ in Pegu. The king of Laniangh, or Lanshang, in Laos, camelast year, 1611, with an army into Siam, within three days journey ofOdija, [385] hoping to have found the kingdom still involved in thebroils occasioned by the Japanese slaves. But as they were gone, theking of Siam went out with an army to meet him, and he retired to Laos. These two kings, of Cambodia and Laos, are said to have confederatedtogether, and to have resolved to march together next April, 1613, inhopes to dispossess the young king of Siam, who is about twenty-twoyears of age; but which they are not likely to effect unless by the aidof treason among his principal subjects. Thus it was our hard fate tohit upon these bad times, so ill fitted for trade. [Footnote 383: Probably Laos, the capital of which is namedLaushang. --E. ] [Footnote 384: Called by other writers Tale-pois, or Tale-poius. --Astl. I. 440. A. ] [Footnote 385: Called likewise Judia, or Siam. --E. ] For various reasons we resolved to winter with the ship in Patane. The31st of December, 1612, the queen of Patane went to sport herself, accompanied by above 600 proas. She lay first at _Sabraugh_, where wewent to pay our compliments to her along with the Hollanders, when forthe first time we were permitted to see and speak with her. She was acomely old woman of sixty years of age, tall, and of a majesticappearance, having never seen any one to compare with her in all India. She was accompanied by her immediately younger sister, who was next heirto the throne, and commonly called the young queen, yet an unmarriedvirgin about forty-six years of age; and had likewise along with her thelittle daughter of another sister, who was married to _Rajah Siack_, brother to the king of Johor. [386] After some conference, she let fallthe curtain, as a signal for our departure, and it was signified to usthat we should come again next day, which we did, and were wellentertained. On this occasion twelve women and children danced beforethe queen, and performed as well as I had ever seen in the Indies. Thenall the gentility present were commanded to dance, or at least to makethe attempt, which caused no small laughter. We even and the Hollandershad to exhibit ourselves, which mightily amused the queen. She had notbeen out of her palace for seven years before till now, when she went onpurpose to hunt wild buffaloes and bulls, of which there are many inthe country. As she passed along with her train of proas between ourhouse and the ship, she was saluted by several cannon from the ship, andby musket-shot from the shore. [Footnote 386: Called by some Jor, Joor, or Johore:--Astl. I. 440. C. ] During the November and December of this winter, 1612, the waters hadbeen higher, owing to the great continuance of the rains, than ever hadbeen known in the memory of man, so that much cattle died and manyhouses were swept away, and a vast deal of harm done. The 25th January, 1613, we got news, by a Dutch ship from Siam, that Mr Lucas had soldmore than half of his goods, of which the king had bought a largeportion, and that he would not permit his officers to carry away thegoods, under pretence of his name, without a signed warrant. We had alsonews from Queda, that the Portuguese, with 1500 men from San Thorne, hadtaken the factory of the Hollanders at Pullicatt, slain their men, andcarried away their goods. In March, I sent away the ship for Siam withmore goods. The king of Pahan[387] had married a younger sister of the queen ofPatane, whom she had not seen for twenty-eight years. Having requested avisit of her sister ineffectually by solemn embassies, she detained allthe junks of Siam, Cambodia, Bordelongh, Lugor, and other places, thatwere laden with rice for Pahan, and sent out all her maritime force, consisting of about seventy sail, with 4000 men, under the command ofMaha Rajah, Datou Bessar, and the Orancay Sirnora, with orders to bringher sister to Patane, either by force or persuasion. The king of Pahanwill have much ado to defend himself; owing to the great dearth, and theburning of his house, granaries, and rice; it is also reported that theking of Johor is preparing to go in person against Pahan, while the kingof Borneo is making ready for succour. [Footnote 387: Named in some writers Pam or Pabang. --E. ] In April, 1613, there arrived several junks from Cambodia and China; andin May I received letters from Siam, giving notice that the Globe hadarrived there, and that sales were very brisk. I was now busy inpreparing a cargo for Japan; and expecting to do some good there withChinese commodities, I borrowed 3000 dollars of the queen for three orfour months, allowing six per cent. Interest to the queen, and one percent. To the treasurer. We now received bad news from Bantam, statingthat Campochina had been twice burnt down, and the English factoryconsumed full of cloth. The Hollanders likewise had made great loss. Wewere informed also of a large English ship in great distress at PuloPanian, a great mortality being among her people. [388] Intelligence wasalso received that the military force of Acheen had besieged Johor. [Footnote 388: This was the Trades-increase. --Purch] The 12th July, the king of Pahan arrived at Patane, much against hiswill, accompanied by his wife, who was sister to the queen of Patane, and also by two sons. He left his own country much oppressed by poverty, famine, fire, war, and rebellion. He brought intelligence that theAcheeneers had taken Jahor, and had carried away all the ordnance, slaves, and every thing of value, Rajah Boungson and his children beingmade prisoners, and the king of Johor having fled to Bintam. SeveralHollanders also, who happened to be in a ship at Johor, were taken andslain. The siege lasted twenty-nine days. None of the grandees of Patanewent to receive and entertain the king of Pahan; and the only attentionpaid to him, was by killing all the dogs in the place, as he has anaversion to dogs. We saluted him with our small arms as he passed ourhouse, which gratified him much, on which he invited us to visit him andtrade at his town. The 16th July we got intelligence that Captain Saris was at Mackian onhis way to Japan; as also that Sir Henry Middleton had died on the 24thof May, of grief, as was supposed, for the situation of theTrades-increase, which lay aground with all her masts out, one side onlybeing sheathed, as of thirty-three of her crew remaining most of themwere sick. An hundred English, a greater number of Chinese who werehired to work upon her, and eight Dutchmen, had all died of some strangesickness. Captain Schot, belonging to the Dutch company, had taken thecastle and island of Solor, with a great quantity of sandal wood. In theMoluccas also they had done much injury to the Spaniards, and a hot warwas there expected. The 31st of July the king of Pahan visited ourfactory in great state, and made us great promises of kind entertainmentin his country. The 1st of August, the queen sent for us to court, tobe present at a great feast given in honour of the king of Pahan; afterwhich a comedy was acted by women, after the Javan manner, being in veryantic dresses, which was very pleasant to behold. On the 9th the king ofPahan departed on his return to his own country, having been made alaughing-stock by the Pataneers: But his wife, the sister of the queenof Patane, refused to leave him, going back along with him and her sons, after having spent all she had instead of getting presents. On the 16thI had a letter from Thomas Bret at Macasser, complaining of a badmarket, and informing me that John Parsons had become frantic: He saidlikewise that he had purchased a junk for the purpose of coming away;but that in the mean time the Darling had come there laden with cloth, for the purpose of settling a factory at that place. Rajah Indra Monda arrived at Patane on the 18th of September, havinggone from hence on the 25th October. [389] He had been to Macasser andthence to Banda, where be made a good market, and had brought back about200 sockles of mace and a great parcel of nutmegs. He brought me aletter from Richard Welden. He likewise informed me of the state ofBanda; where the Dutch general, Peter de Bot, had administered severejustice, hanging some of his men for sleeping on their watch; owing towhich, several had deserted to the Bandanese, and ten had becomeMahometans, who could not be recovered. Neither has the Dutch garrisonany controul over the natives of Banda, any farther than that theycompel all junks to ride at anchor under the guns of their castle, andcommand the seas there by the number of their ships: But on the land, they dare not even give a bad word to any of the Bandanese. The Globearrived again at Patane on the 23d of September from Siam, bringing me aletter from Mr Lucas, who had not received any intelligence of the fateof the goods sent to Jangoma, as the passages were obstructed on accountof the wars between the people of Ava and Laniangh, or Lan-shang, inLaos. The king of Ava is said to have taken Siriaugh, or Sirian, and tohave caused the _Xenga_, Philip de Brito de Nicote, to be put to death. The king of Siam is in fear of an attack from the king of Ava in greatforce, for which reason he has good watch kept on his frontiers. At thistime I repaid my debt to the queen in gold. [Footnote 389: This must have been of the preceding year, though not soexpressed. --E. ] On the 4th of October, being the first day of the Mahometan Lent or fastof Ramedan, a terrible fire occurred in the town, or fort rather, andcourt of Patane, occasioned by the following event. Datoo Besar andDatoo Lachmanna, who dwelt near each other, were the richest in Javanslaves at this place, except Rajah Shey. The Javan slaves had threatenedto kill Datoo Besar, Lachmanna, Rajah Sitterbangh, and others, whichcame to their knowledge; on which Besar called his slaves before him toexamine into the matter, which they utterly denied. Yet he ordered twowho were most suspected to be bound, which the _pongonla_ of the slaveswould not suffer, wherefore Besar immediately dispatched him with his_criss_ or dagger. The Javan slaves were so enraged at this, that theywould have wreaked their vengeance on their master had he not beenprotected by his other slaves: But in their fury, they slew all thatcame in their way, and set fire to the houses, being joined by theslaves of Lachmanna; and being now above a hundred persons, they ran tothe great gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting fire to all the houses onboth sides as they went, so that the whole town was burnt except a fewhouses, which were the queen's court or palace, those of the OrancayoSirnora and of Batoo Bandara, and the _masjed_ or mosque. While runningalong the street, the Javans carried all the best of the female slavesalong with them, and remained masters of the place till one in theafternoon, no one daring to oppose them. We and the Hollanders were not without fear during this tumult, as theslaves threatened to destroy both our factories, for which reason wekept strong watch, and sent aboard for as many armed men as could bespared from the Globe. On their being landed and set in order, weresolved to march out and oppose the insurgents, who were now actuallycoming down to assail us; but learning from their spies of our strengthand coming against them, they retired into the country, and fled byQuale-bouca to Bordolonch, and Sangora, and so forwards. Thus, withoutany harm by us received, we got the honourable name of the _Defenders ofStrangers_. The Javans were afterwards pursued to little purpose, threeor four sick men only being taken; and what became of the rest was notknown while we remained in the country. This is the third time thatPatane has been burnt down within a short space, having been twicebefore fired by the Japanese. On the 21st October we took our leave of the queen, who presentedCaptain Essington and me with golden-handled crisses. We left in thefactory William Ebert, Robert Littleword, and Ralph Cooper, with lettersalso for Mr Lucas at Siam. The same day, the _Hope_[390] arrived quiteunexpectedly. They had been at Johor, where they had gone ashore; andbefore they could return to the ship, the fleet of Acheen came beforethe town to besiege it. Whereupon, the Dutch factors sent a letter onboard, desiring them to send thirty armed men by land, and to bring theship as high up the river as possible to fight against the Acheeneers. But, on account of shoals, the ship could not be got far enough up theriver to be of service, and after twenty-nine days siege the town wassurrendered upon composition. By this surrender twenty-three Hollandersremained prisoners, and twelve got aboard the Hope, in which thereremained no one to command, except the master's mate and one assistant. They resolved to proceed for Patane, but were driven by a storm on thecoral ground of Borneo, and by a change of wind were driven upon PuloCondor. Being unable to shape their course for Patane, they sought forrefreshments at _Warellas_, where they found a good bay; but the peoplebeing inimical, they could not procure any provisions. They came atlength to Patane with only eighteen men, most of whom lay in a pitifulcondition in their births. This ship brought 70, 000 rials of eight, orSpanish dollars, and twenty-nine packs of India cloth. [Footnote 390: From the sequel, and likewise as mentioned by Purchas ina sidenote, the Hope appears to have been a Dutch ship. --E. ] § 3. _Voyage to Masulipatam, and Incidents during a long Stay at thatPlace. _ We set sail from Patane on the 22d October, 1613, and on the 25th wewere in with the most southerly of the islands of Ridang, in lat. 6° N. Of which there are about eighteen or twenty. In the evening of that daywe came to the Capas, three small isles, about thirteen leagues fromthe Ridang islands, and two leagues from the continent. The 26th, we sawPulo Tyaman, twenty-eight leagues S. S. E. From the Capas. The 29th, beingcalm, we came to Pulo Tingi, where, if you keep in eighteen fathoms, there is nothing to be feared but what maybe seen. The 1st November wesaw the point of Jantana, or Johor, and the mount on the island ofBintam, and came next morning in sight of Piedra-branca; about teno'clock a. M. We came to the dangerous reef that projects four leaguesout to sea from the point of Johor. John Huigens van Linschotendescribes this shoal well, which we passed not without danger, havingthe point and three little islands W. S. W. From us. It is good to keep toleewards till you bring these little islands in one line with the pointof Johor, and Piedra-branca open with the isle of Bintam. Piedra-brancais a rock all covered with sea-fowl, and so bedunged as to make its topappear white, whence its name, which signifies the white-rock, or stone. Till the 7th, we were every day turning up against the current till wegot past the river of Johor, and about two leagues from Sincapura. Onthe 8th, when close to the strait, several proas came aboard us, thosein them being _Salettes_, who were subjects to the king of Johor, wholive mostly by fishing, always remaining in their proas with their wivesand children. From these people we learnt that the king of Acheen hadsent back Rajah Bouny Soe to Johor, who was younger brother to theformer king; and, having married him to his sister, gave him thirtyproas and 2000 Acheen soldiers, with a good supply of ordnance and othernecessaries, ordering him to rebuild the fort and town of Johor, and toreign there as a dependant on Acheen. We here took a pilot to carry usthrough the straits. We arrived on the 19th December at Masulipatam, where we found anEnglish ship and two Holland ships. We were told that _Mir Sadardi_ wasnow out of place, and that the government was in the hands of _AtmaKhan_ and _Busebulleran_. The English ship was the James, which was sentexpressly to second us in our voyage, and brought us letters, with whichMessrs. Marlow, Davis, Gumey, and Cob came aboard the Globe. The 21st Iwent ashore with the others, when we were met by _Wentacadra_, the sonof _Busebulleran_, together with the _sabandar_, and other Moors, andwere well received. They presented us with several _tesseriffes_, andgave to director Warner and me a fine horse each, which at first Irefused, suspecting some treachery, but was compelled to accept. I tooka _caul_, or licence for trade, the customs being settled at four percentum, and immediately landed goods. The 25th January, 1614, the James departed for _Pattapilly_ and sailedfrom thence on the 7th February, for Bantam. On the 18th February I wentto _Narsipoor_, and on the 19th the ship was brought into the river, drawing nine three-fourths feet, and having ten and a half feet water, contrary to the reports of some who wished us no good. I returned toMasulipatam on the 23d, whence I dispatched a _peon_ with letters to MrAldworth at Surat. That day there arrived a _navette_ from Pegu, inwhich came Cornelius Franke, by whom we were informed that the king ofAva had certainly taken the fort of Serian, and slain all thePortuguese, and that Xenga, or Philip Britto de Nicole, was eitherspitted or _soulathed_, [391] this event having taken place in Marchlast. The king, of Ava had given orders for rebuilding the town, towhich he had invited the Peguers with many fair promises. He had gonefrom thence Tanasserim, where he was joined by _Banga Dela_, and 50, 000Peguers, who had been before under the king of Siam. The Moors inMasulipatam were greatly rejoiced at this news, hoping by its means torecover the trade of Pegu, and immediately made preparations for sendingtwo ships there in September. In March there came news of eleven shipshaving arrived at Goa, eight of them from China, and three from Malacca, by which the market price of goods was much reduced; but, fortunatelyfor me, I had almost finished my business before. [Footnote 391: This strange word is unintelligible; but we have formerlygiven the history of Nicote from de Faria, by whom he is said to havebeen impaled. --E. ] In April, Atma Khan departed for Golconda, to render up his accounts, the year coming then to a close. It was well for him that the king haddeposed his great treasurer, giving the office to Malek Tusar, who wasthe friend of Atma Khan; and well for us likewise, as the debts due bythese governors are good while they continue in place, but otherwisedoubtful. The 18th of May, at five p. M. Captain Essington died of _a sudden heat_, having eaten his dinner at the table. He had some boils about him, whichare very common at that season; one of which, on his shoulder, was verylarge, and would not break, which was supposed the cause of his death. Iwent immediately on board, and put the ship into the best order I could. The people all refused to submit to any other commander but me: yet Ithought it a debasement to tread in the steps of my under-merchant, wherefore I committed the charge to Mr Skinner, in hopes that he and therest would do every thing for the best, and returned myself toMasulipatam. I here found three persons, who said they were sent withletters from _Obiana_, queen of _Pullicatt_, _Jaga Rajah_, the governorof that place, and of St Thome, and _Apa Condaia_, secretary to thegreat king _Wencatad Rajah_, in which they promised, if I would comethither, that they would give me a place opposite the fort at Pullicatt, with all the privileges I could wish, and many other fair promises. Butremembering how I and the James had been entertained there, I could givelittle credit to these assurances; yet, at length, it was agreed, thatone of the messengers should remain with me while the other two wentback with one of my people, by whom I sent letters to thebefore-mentioned persons, as also to the king, in which, afterrecapitulating the bad entertainment we had formerly received atPullicatt, I offered that we would return to trade in the country, ifthey would send us the king's _caul_, or safe conduct, in due form. The 29th of July, four persons arrived as ambassadors, accompanied by myman _Wengali_. These men came from Wencatad Rajah, the great king of_Narsiaga_ or _Velore_, [392] bringing me a _caul_, or safe conduct andlicence, with an _Abestiam_, which is a white cloth on which the king'sown hand is printed in sandal or saffron; as also a caul from the queenof Pullicatt, together with letters from Jaga Rajah, Tima Rajah, AssaCondaia, and others. The king's letter was written on a leaf of gold, inwhich, after apologising for the former faults committed against us inPullicatt, he desired us to return into his country, and chuse a placeto our own liking, where we might build a house or castle according toour own pleasure, with other privileges. He even gave me a town of about400 pounds of yearly revenue, with a promise to do more for me at myarrival. The Hollanders had wrought much against this; but their wordshad not now so much force, and the inhabitants grieved to see theEnglish ships passing by every year without any profit to them, andtherefore, making their complaints to the king, had occasioned thesefriendly offers. My man Wengali had been in the presence of the king, and even had spoken with him, the king having laid his hand on his head, and presented him with a _tesseriffe_. [393] I kept the ambassadors withme, allowing their daily charges, till the ship might come into theroad, and that I had time to consider the proposals. [Footnote 392: Narsinga appears at this place equivalent to theCarnatic, and Velore seems to have been the residence of the king. --E. ] [Footnote 393: In all probability a dress, the ordinary mark of honourgiven by princes in the east. --E. ] In August there was a greater flood at Narsipoor than had ever beenknown, at least for the last twenty-nine years. So much so, that wholehills of salt, many towns, and vast quantities of rice, were swept away, and many thousands of men and cattle drowned. In this great inundation, the water was three yards deep on the common highways. In Golconda, which has a branch of this river that is dry in summer, above 4000houses were washed away. Two stone bridges, one of nineteen and theother of fifteen arches, as artificially built in my judgment as any inEurope, which are ordinarily at least three fathoms above the water, were three feet under water on this occasion, and six arches of thenineteen were washed away. This bridge might well compare with the oneat Rochester in England. The 4th October, our ship having been new sheathed, came over the barwithout hurt, being hitherto detained by foul weather. I now calledloudly for payment of the debts due me, and wrote on the subject thethird time to the court, insisting to be paid both principal andinterest. Upon this they wrote to Mir Mahmud Rasa and the Sabandar tosatisfy me. The 23d the ship came into the road of Masulipatam, and Itook order for having our goods shipped. On the 25th, news came of thedeath of Wencatad Rajah, king of Narsinga, after having reigned fiftyyears, and that his three wives, of whom Obyama, queen of Pullicatt, was one, had burned themselves alive along with his body. Great troubleswere dreaded on this occasion, and the Hollanders were much afraid oftheir new-built castle at Pullicatt; but soon afterwards there came areinforcement to its garrison of sixty-six soldiers, by a ship named theLion. She arrived from Bantam on the 1st November, bringing news thatthe Dutch ship called the Bantam had been cast away in the Texel, aslikewise the White Lion at St Helena. She brought us likewiseintelligence that our ship, the James, had arrived at Bantam, whence shehad sailed for Patane. Finding the governor had trifled with me, and procrastinated the paymentof his debt, so that we were in danger of not being able to return thatyear, I determined upon endeavouring to carry him or his son aboard ourship, however dangerous the attempt, as the whole company engaged tostand by me in the attempt. Wherefore I ordered the boat aboard, and tobring six muskets on shore, wrapped up in the sails, to lie in thecustom-house till we might have occasion for them. Besides, as we werenot permitted to have any weapons ashore, I gave orders for all ourpeople to remain at home in our house, that they might be ready to joinme at the custom-house when sent for, when they were to arm themselveswith the pikes belonging to the governor's guard, or his sons, withinstructions to enter then immediately into the custom-house, whichstands close to the river, and then to barricade the door, that we mightcarry the governor or his son into the boat, before any alarm could begiven in the town; and after getting them into the boat, we thoughtthere would then be no fear of our getting them and ourselves off. Though we wished to have kept this matter a close secret, it yet got tothe ears of the Hollanders, who considered it a mere bravado, and didnot therefore reveal it. The 21st November the Gentiles [Gentoos] held asolemn feast, which they celebrate three times a-year, always when thenew moon happens on a Monday. At this time all the men and women washthemselves in the sea, thinking, thereby to merit indulgence. TheBramins and _Cometis_ do this likewise. On the 24th I again demanded my money from the governor, and in veryangry terms, he having already put me off seven months beyond ourbargain. I also asked Mir Mahmud Rasa, why he did not help me, pursuantto the orders of the court; on which he laughingly answered, that wewould talk of that at the custom-house, when my anger was over. To thisI replied, that I would no longer be fooled, but would shew myself acaptain under the king of England, as I had not been accustomed to suchknavish dealing. Going thence to the custom-house, I found thegovernor's son there with a slender guard, the soldiers having set uptheir pikes against the custom-house, as I expected, and it was nowhigh-water, so that every thing concurred to favour our project. Iimmediately therefore sent home for Mr Skinner and the rest of my men, who were waiting at the factory, as concerted, who presently came, leaving three only to take care of the house. They immediately laid holdof the pikes, and came into the custom-house, of which they shut thedoor. By this time I had seized _Wencatadra_ by the arms, and held himfast till two or three came forwards to my assistance, who carried himimmediately into our boat, which waited at the shore, into which I andall the rest embarked as quickly as possible, pushed off, and rowedaway, so that before his father and Mir Mahmud could get down to thecustom-house, we were rowing off as hard as we could. Yet, as it blewhard against us, and as we were forced to keep within two cables lengthof the shore, on account of the channel, they came in all haste afterus, some even coming very near our boat, but we out-rowed them all. Somemet us in front, which put us in much danger of having our retreatintercepted; but by firing three muskets they were so intimidated thatthey gave way to us, and we carried off our prize in sight of at least3000 people, being far past the bar before our pursuers could get to it, and at length got safe aboard with our prisoner. I had given orders to George Chancey to remain at the factory with threeof our men, to give notice of the reason of our procedure, and toreceive our debts; but he, contrary to my instructions, having gone outof the house from curiosity, to see the success of our enterprize, wasassaulted by some unruly fellows, and heartily beaten. But on thiscoming to the knowledge of the governor, he took him under hisprotection, fearing lest his son might be made to pay for it. In theafternoon, Werner Van Bercham, the Hollander, came off to our ship, accompanied by the king's interpreter, to demand the reason of ourviolent procedure. My answer was, that they knew my reason already wellenough, and that I had left my under-merchant on shore to explain everything: and when I was informed of the severe treatment he had undergone, I pretended to be revenged on _Wencatadra_; but allowed myself to beprevailed upon by Van Bercham to overlook it for the present; yetthreatened to hang him up at the yard-arm if any of my men were wronged, which he wrote to his father. I also gave strict injunctions, that noone should presume to come off to us in a boat without bringing me aletter from George Chancey, otherwise I should turn them all before themast. Van Bercham and the secretary came off again on the 27th, offeringme payment of the governor's own debt, which, and that of Callopas, forwhich he was surety, was all I demanded from him; but likewise that thegovernor should send me on board all others who refused to pay, which Isaid would satisfy me. Van Bercham made also a formal protest against mefor all damages they had sustained, or might sustain, through myhostilities, to which protest I gave an answer in writing, shewing itsnullity; and that very night the Dutch ship set sail for Patane. In the meantime Wencatadra remained aboard our ship, without eating ordrinking; for he, being a Bramin, might not eat or drink in any man'shouse, excepting what he himself dressed or made ready. Owing to this, Iso pitied him that I offered to release him, if any two Moors of goodquality would come aboard in his place; but none would undertake thisfor his release, so that he had to continue his fast. The governor atlength paid his own debt, and that of Callopas, and made all the restpay, except _Miriapeik_ and _Datapa_, who were in Golconda, on which Isent back my prisoner on the 30th of November. [394] [Footnote 394: There must be some inaccuracy in the dates of the text, as Wencatadra could hardly have lasted from the 24th to the 30th, sixentire days. --E. ] After all was settled, several of the principal Moors came off to visitme, promising to write a true statement of my proceedings to the king, and requesting me not to injure any of the ships belonging to the Moorsthat I might meet with. I told them that I was satisfied for this time, but requested they would be careful in future not to give any such causeof dissatisfaction, and that they would listen more attentively to thecomplaints of the English. I also wrote letters for the king of Golcondato the same purpose, that we might hereafter have quicker justice. Ithen dispatched the ambassadors of Narsinga to Velore, not having fitopportunity to essay the promised trade in that country, owing to myshort stay, and in respect of the troubles consequent upon thesuccession: yet I left letters with them for the first English shipsthat might come to the coast, giving them my best advice. The 7thDecember, Mr Chancey came aboard with the rest, and next night I put tosea, having first offered to come ashore and take a friendly leave: butthe governor, fearing I had written an account of his proceedings by theMoors, refused my proffered visit, pretending that he was ashamed tolook me in the face, having of a good friend made me his enemy. § 4. _Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England_. The 3d January, 1615, we arrived at Bantam, where we found the James, come from Patane, together with the Concord and Hosiander. I wentashore, and received from Mr John Jordain, principal factor at Bantam, letters from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the company had joined inone. [395] I likewise had letters from Mr Cochin, at Macasser, saying hehad received the cargo sent under the charge of William Ebert, withother circumstances; also from Adam Denton and Mr Gourney, complainingof the dead market, occasioned by the wars; and from Mr Lucas also, ofhis fears on the same subject; but as the Darling is now gone thither, Ihope he may be comforted. We here agreed that the goods of the Hosiandershould be trans-shipped into the Globe, of which Edward Christian wasconstituted captain by General Best, with Nathaniel Salmon as master, while Mr Skinner should go master in the Hosiander. Fifty men wereappointed for the Globe, fifty-five for the James, and twenty for theHosiander, which was to stay at Bantam, and three or four to keep theConcord. [Footnote 395: Purchas has obviously here made large omissions, evenmarking the present place with an &c. We learn from the Annals of theCompany, that at first each expedition was a separate adventure, proceeding on a subscription for the occasion among the members of thecompany, but that afterwards the whole was consolidated into a jointstock. --E. ] On the 30th the James set sail, to go on a month before, and to stay atthe Cape or St Helena for us, that we might sail thence in company forEngland. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly be made ready, it wasthought proper to send the Concord for Amboina, in which George Balewent, and George Chancey was to stay in Macasser. The Dutch shipZelandia arrived from Japan, bringing letters from Mr Cox, advising thatMr Peacock and the Hollanders were slain in Cochin-china, and that MrAdams, with four other Englishmen, were gone thence for Siam. The 14th of February, Captain David Middleton arrived with theSamaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, all the crews being in health and goodcondition. On being informed of the death of his brother Sir Henry, andthe loss of the Trades-increase, Captain David Middleton was muchdistressed, and resolved to go home. On which account he called acouncil, to consult and determine how best to station the ships, andabout manning the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home theSamaritan among the first; the Thomas to Sumatra; the Thomasin toAmboina, to aid the Concord; and the Hosiander to Patane and Japan tovisit the factories at these places, all of which was put in execution. They set sail out of Bantam road on the 22d February. [396] They cameinto Saldanha bay on the 30th of April, where they found the James, which had only arrived the day before, though she left Bantamtwenty-three days before them. The Advice and Attendant were hereoutward-bound. Weighing anchor from the road of Saldanha on the 17th ofMay, they came to St Helena on the 1st of June. [Footnote 396: Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that the concludingparagraph of this article was supplied from the journal of Marten. Butin this hurried conclusion, we are left to conjecture whether the Globewas the ship in which Floris returned to England. --E. ] * * * * * _Note_. Following the narrative of Floris, in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. P. 328--332, is given "A Journal of a Voyage in 1612 by thePearl to the East Indies, wherein went as Captain Mr Samuel Castleton ofLondon, and Captain George Bathurst as Lieutenant; the Narrative writtenby John Tatton, Master. " This ship was not fitted out by the Company;but Purchas observes in a side-note, that he had inserted it, "For thefurtherance of marine knowledge, " and that, though not directlybelonging to the East India Company, _yet holding society with the EastIndian society_. We suppose it to have been one of those Voyages ofwhich the annalist of the Company, John Bruce, Esq. So much complains, as _licensed_ by King James I. In contradiction to the exclusivecharter, which that first king of Great Britain had granted to theEnglish East India Company. This journal, as it is called, is so retrenched or abbreviated in manyparts, as to be almost throughout inconsequential, and often so obscuredby the unskilful abridgement of Purchas as to be nearly unintelligible. We have not therefore deemed it necessary or proper to insert it in ourCollection, as not tending to any useful purpose, nor containing anyvaluable or even amusing information. Almost the only circumstance itcontains worth notice is, that they procured refreshments in a namelessbay on the western coast of Africa, to the north of the Cape of GoodHope, in which they bought calves and sheep very cheap, but could get nowater. From many circumstances this appears to have been what is nowcalled _Saldenha_ bay; which name however in this voyage, is still givento that now called _Table_ bay. The only water found in that namelessbay was a dirty puddle; and though the boat went a mile up a fine riverat the bottom of the bay, they found it all salt, and the wholeadjoining country very barren. --E. * * * * * SECTION XV. _Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in_ 1611, _by CaptainJohn Saris_. [397]. INTRODUCTION. Purchas has chosen to place this, and the subsequent early voyages ofthe English to the East, in a separate division of his Pilgrims, whichhe entitles "English Voyages _beyond_ the East Indies, &c. In whichtheir just commerce was nobly vindicated against Turkish treachery;victoriously defended against Portuguese hostility; gloriously advancedagainst Moorish and Heathenish perfidy; hopefully recovering from Dutchmalignity; and justly maintained against ignorant and maliciouscalumny. " [Footnote 397: Purch. Pilg. I. 884, Astl I. 451. ] The full title of this voyage in the Pilgrims is, "The _Eighth_ Voyageset forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed three Ships, the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, under the Command of Captain JohnSaris: His Course and Acts to and in the Red Sea, Java, the Moluccas, and Japan, by the Inhabitants called _Neffoon_, where also he firstbegan and settled an English Trade and Factory; with other remarkableRarities: The whole collected out of his own Journal. " In the preface tothe _4th_ book of his Pilgrims, Purchas makes the following observationsrespecting this voyage: "We here present the _East_ Indies made_westerly_, by the illustrious voyage of Captain John Saris; who, havingspent some years before in the Indies, by observations to rectifyexperience, and by experience to prepare for higher attempts, hath hereleft the known coasts of Europe, compassed those more unknown coasts ofAfrica from the Atlantic to the Erithrean Sea, and after commerce there, _tum Marte quam Merurio_, compasseth the shores, and pierceth the seas, to and beyond all just names of India and Asia, penetrating by a longjourney, the islands, cities, and court of the _Japonian_ empire, theresettleth an English factory; and after safe return, is ready to renderto the readers the pleasure of his pain, and [_why stay I thee anylonger_?] by a more pleasant discoursive way, to discover to thee therarities of that discovery, and by hand, by the eyes, to lead thee alongwith him all the way: and then leave thee to those that shall tell theeof after accidents and later occurrences in the Japonian, Indian, andAsian affairs. "--_Purch_. "What Purchas has called _collected out_ of the Journal of CaptainSaris, means probably _abbreviated_ by himself from that source. Sariswas factor at Bantam in 1608, at the time of the third voyage of theEast India Company, and has given an account of occurrences there fromthe time Scott left off, as contained in _Section_ II. Of this chapterof our Collection. In this voyage, he went farther eastwards than anyEnglish navigator had gone before, being the first of our nation thatsailed to Japan in an English ship. William Adams indeed had been theresome years earlier, having been carried there in a Dutch ship, by awestern course. The remarks of Captain Saris are generally curious, judicious, and full of variety. As already noticed in the extended titleby Purchas, Captain Saris had three ships under his command, the Clove, in which he sailed as general, the Hector, and the Thomas. "--_Astl_. This journal occupies _fifty_ pages in the Pilgrims of Purchas, besides_eleven_ pages more of observations on various occurrences at Bantam, during the residence of Saris there from October 1605 to October 1609, and other circumstances respecting the English affairs in the East, which will be noticed in the sequel. In the present edition, while wescrupulously adhere to that of Purchas, we have used the freedom ofabridging even his abridgement, particularly respecting the nauticalremarks, courses, distances, winds, currents, &c. Which are now muchbetter understood by navigators, and which would be quite uninterestingand tedious to most of our readers. --E. * * * * * § 1. _Incidents of the Voyage from England to Socotora_. We sailed from the Downs on the 18th April, 1611, passed the equator onthe 6th June, and arrived at Saldanha bay on the 1st of August. Havingwell refreshed ourselves there for eight days, we set sail on the 9thAugust. The 3d September we made the land of Madagascar, near the bay ofSt Augustine. The 10th we made the island of Primeiras; and the 17th wemade the islands of Angoza to the southwards of Mosambique. Finding adangerous shoal and bad anchoring ground, with a lee shore and westerlycurrent, we stood off on the 21st for Madagascar. In the chart we foundthese islands of Angoza laid down in lat. 15° 40' S. But by ourobservation they are in 16° 20' S. [398] The 24th, in lat. 16° 16', ourcourse being N. E. We unexpectedly saw land bearing N. By W. Five leaguesoff, while expecting the island of Juan de Nova to the eastwards, andbeing becalmed, we feared the current might set us upon it in the night. When day-light appeared next morning, we found it to be the northernmostisland of Angoza, whence we had departed on the 21st, to the greatamazement and discouragement of our mariners. [Footnote 398: The town of Angoza is in lat. 15° 50', and the mostsoutherly island in the bay of that name is in 16° 30' S. --E. ] The 3d October, after much trouble by currents, we came to anchorbetween Mosambique and Sofala, in lat. 16° 32' S. And long. 76° 10'E. [399] Our anchorage was in thirteen and fourteen fathoms, under anisland near the main, upon which were no people, neither could we findfresh water, though we dug very deep for it in the sand. We weighed onthe 10th, and stood over E. By N. For Madagascar, in hopes of gettingout of the currents, and on the 26th came to anchor under Moyella, [Mohilla] one of the Comoro islands, in lat. 12° 13' S. [400] We hererefreshed for eight days, procuring bullocks, goats, poultry, lemons, cocoas, pine-apples, passaws, plantains, pomgranates, sugar-canes, tamarinds, rice, milk, roots, eggs, and fish, in exchange for smallhaberdashery wares and some money, and had kind usage and plenty offresh water, yet stood much on our guard for fear of any treachery. Iinvited the king of Moyella, being a Mahometan, aboard the Clove, andentertained him with a banquet, and with trumpets and other music; buthe refused to eat, as it was then their Lent or Rammadan, yet he carriedoff the best part of the banquet for the queen his mother, saying thatthey would eat it after sunset. The name of the queen was _SultanaMannungalla_, and the king's was _Sharif Abubekr_. [401] He requested meto give him a letter of recommendation for those who might comeafterwards to his island, having formerly procured one to that effectfrom Stephen Verhagen, the admiral of twelve Dutch ships, in 1604, whichhe shewed me. I complied with his desire, yet left this caution at theend, that they ought not to repose too much confidence in this people, but stand well on their guard, as oft-times weapons preserve peace. [Footnote 399: The longitude of that part of the coast of Africa, in thelatitude indicated in the text, is 38° 30' E. From Greenwich. It doesnot appear what might have been the first meridian referred to bySaris. --E] [Footnote 400: Mohilla is in 13° 40'. The latitude in the text is nearlythat of Johanna or Hinzuan. --E. ] [Footnote 401: In Purchas Sarriffoo Booboocarree, and afterwardsSharefoo Boobackar, which comes near the true name. --Astl. I. 454. A. ] The inhabitants are negroes, having short curled hair, and wear paintedcloths round their middles, some having white caps, and others turbans, by which we knew them to be Mahometans. The king wore a white cottoncoat, with a turban on his head, and a painted calico of Guzerat abouthis middle, being little whiter than the rest. He was very lean, with around thin black beard and large eyes. His stature was short, and he wasa man of few words, having some knowledge of Arabic, which he had learntwhen on a pilgrimage to Mecca, on which account he had the name or titleof _Sharif_. [402] At this place they chiefly desire money, or Spanishdollars, rather than commodities. Yet, for crimson broad-cloth, redcaps, Cambaya, or Guzerat cloths, and sword-blades, you may purchase anycommodities that the island produces, which indeed are only fit forrefreshments, and not for traffic. He gave me a note of friendship underhis hand. [403] [Footnote 402: Haji is the title acquired by the pilgrimage, whileSharif signifies noble, and denotes being of the posterity ofMahomet. --Astl. I. 454. C. ] [Footnote 403: This note, in Arabic characters, is inserted in Purchas, consisting only of two lines, under which the name of John Sarris iswritten in the same characters. By this writing, the name of the kingappears to have been as we have put it in the text. --Astl. I. 454. D. ] We sailed from the island of Moyella on the 4th of November, and on the17th in the morning made the main land of Africa on the coast ofMelinda, the bay or gulf of _Formosa_ being N. W. Four leagues distant. The 29th, in lat. 4° 44', being, as we supposed, twelve leagues off theshoals called _Baxos de Malhina_, we had a great rippling and over-fallof water, as if it had been a shoal, yet found no ground with 100fathoms. The 1st December, in 3° 40', we had a fearful rippling, muchlike the fall at London bridge, being then not in sight of land, andstill had no ground with a line of 100 fathoms. When we stood in towardsthe land it left us, but standing off again, and when fifty leagues fromthe land, we found it very terrible. The 2d, in lat. 2° 55', the ripplingstill continued. The 6th, in lat. 5° 5', steering S. E. By E. We had attimes still more fearful ripplings than before, and still no ground at100 fathoms. These ripplings shewed like shelves or ledges of rocks, notbeing always alike, but sometimes more, sometimes less, occurring manytimes each day, making as great a noise by the ship's sides as if sheran at the rate of five leagues in a watch, even when she hardly madeany way a-head. We were much alarmed by them, not knowing whence theyproceeded, and seeing no land. We now supposed ourselves near theeasternmost of the islands which are off the northern end of Madagascar. [The Maha or Sechelles, to the eastwards of the Almirante islands. ] Wehad here much rain, with thunder and lightening, and sudden gusts ofwind, which did not continue long. On the 25th of December, it was just a month and five days since wereached the equator, having been one minute north close to the shore, since which we have been forced back to 5° 25' S. Wherefore, those boundfor Socotora at this time of the year must hold 200 leagues to theeastwards of Pemba, which will enable them to get to the northward. The 1st of January, 1612, in lat. 3° 58' N. We made the land, being themain of Magadoxa, Cape das Baxas bearing N. N. E. Eight leaguesdistant. [404] The whole coast seemed low, sandy, and barren. The 18th, in lat. 6° 27' N. We again got sight of the main land of Africa called_Doara_, at about eight leagues distance, seemingly not high, but sandyand barren. The 1st February we made Cape _Dorfuy_[405] about sevenleagues off, having soundings in twenty-seven and twenty-eight fathoms, soft sand. The land at this cape is very high and barren close to thesea. The 10th, in lat. 11° 20', about eight leagues off the high land ofCape _Gardafui_, [406] we had ground in forty-five fathoms on small blacksand, and found the current setting N. By E. Towards evening we hadsight of Abdal Kuria, bearing E. N. E. About ten leagues off, being highland rising in two parts, so as to seem two islands at a distance. The17th at night we came to anchor on the coast of Socotora, one and a halfleague to the westwards of the king's town called Tammarin, two milesfrom shore, in twenty fathoms water, small white sand. The 18th we cameto anchor in nine fathoms on fine sand in the road of Tammarin, a leaguefrom shore, and right over against the king's house. [Footnote 404: Cape das Baxas, on the coast of Samhar, is in lat. 5° N. So that the latitude in the text must be too short by about thirty-eightminutes. --E. ] [Footnote 405: Cape Orfui is in lat. 11° N. ] [Footnote 406: Cape Guardafui is in lat. 12° 24' N. ] § 2. _Occurrences at Socotora and in the Red Sea. _ I sent ashore Mr Richard Cockes, our cape merchant, well accompanied, towait upon the king of Socotora, to acquaint him who we were and thecause of our coming, and to procure cattle and fish to refresh our men. Mr Cockes was received and entertained in a friendly manner, and cameback with a present of fresh provisions, together with a letter leftthere by Sir Henry Middleton, dated 1st September, 1611, aboard theTrades-increase in Delisha road, the original of which I retained, andreturned an accurate copy for the information of future ships. [407] The19th we went ashore in state, and were welcomed by the king, who feastedthe whole company. He was superbly dressed in crimson velvet, richlydecorated with gold lace. His house was built of freestone, in thefashion of a castle, and he had above an hundred attendants, fifty ofwhom were well clothed according to the Moorish fashion, the rest beingnatives of the island. His name was _Sultan Amur Bensaid, _[408] beingthe son of the king of Cushin [Caixem, Caxem, Kushem, or Kessem] on thecoast of Arabia. After many compliments and courtesies, we took ourleave of him at night, and returned on board. At this place we paid forcattle twelve dollars each, three shillings for sheep, and a dollar forgoats; which, though dear, were hardly fit for men's meat, being sovilely and in a more than beastly manner abused by the people, that theywere quite loathsome to see when opened. For rice we paid three-pence apound, and the same price for dates. Hens a shilling each. Tobacco 700leaves for a dollar. Eggs a penny each. And the king, who is universalmerchant, would only take Spanish dollars, refusing our English money. [Footnote 407: This letter was a brief summary of the disadventures ofSir Henry in the Red Sea by Turkish perfidy; as in his own journal hasalready appeared, with a caveat to all English ships, and notice of theroad of Assab. --_Purch. _] [Footnote 408: The editor of Astley's Collection, who appears to havebeen an orientalist, gives this name and title, _Soltan AmorEbensayd. _--E. ] The 27th, I called a meeting of the merchandizing council, to whom Iread the company's instructions, and the letter from Sir HenryMiddleton, received from the king of Socotora. By the instructions, wewere led to expect good store of aloes at this place, but the king wasquite unprovided, and could not furnish any before next August. And aswe were appointed to go from hence to Aden and Mokha, in the Red-sea, incase the monsoon did not serve for Surat, which we were now stronglydissuaded from by an account of the wrongs done there by treachery toSir Henry, I represented that we should find it very chargeable toremain here or in Delisha roads for six months waiting the monsoon, asthere was no getting to the coast of Guzerat until the end of September. My opinion was therefore, notwithstanding the bad tidings from SirHenry, that we should proceed for Mokha, having with us the pass of theGrand Signior, which the former ships had not; by which means we wouldbe able to certify to the company of what avail the pass might be, taking, care, however, to stand well on our guard, and not to trust anyone ashore without a sufficient pledge. In this way we might ridesecurely, and might obtain trade aboard, if not on shore, our forcebeing able to defend us, or to offend, upon occasion, against any forcethat port could fit out. If therefore we found no means of commerce, wecould then avail ourselves of his majesty's commission, in respect ofthe violence used against Sir Henry and his company, and so enforce thevent of our English commodities, or make spoil of their trade andcustom, by not permitting the entry of the Indian ships which wereexpected there on the 5th of March; but, till then, I should be veryunwilling to deal with them by force. I considered this to be our bestplan of procedure, as by it our fleet might remain together, and go incompany to Surat when the monsoon would permit, according to ourinstructions, our joint force being better able to resist any inimicalattempts. The council agreed to my proposal, so that we concluded tokeep company together, and to proceed for the Red Sea. We accordingly weighed anchor on the 1st March, and made sail for theRed Sea. The road of Tammarin has good anchorage in four fathoms, amusket-shot from the shore; and farther in are three, and three anda-half fathoms all along the bay, keeping two cables length from shore, all fair sand, with some stones, the coast being all bold. Ademi-culverin shot may reach the castle from the anchorage, and thecastle is of no strength. The latitude of Tamniarin bay is 12° 35'N. [409] The king of Socotora advised us, in sailing for the Red Sea, tokeep to the south of Abdal Kuria, as, if we went to the north of thatisland, we should be forced over to the Arabian coast, and would findgreat difficulty to fetch Cape Guardafui; and, indeed, by experience, wefound it best to keep the Abyssinian, or African shore aboard. The 4th, we saw Cape Guardafui, bearing west eight or nine leagues, being in lat. 12° 1' N. [12° 28'. ] In the evening, standing in along the land to findthe bay of Feluk, [Filek or Felix] our depths were twenty-six, eighteen, and seventeen fathoms. We here resolved to go for Mokha, not Aden, because the latter is merely a garrison town, and has little trade, besides other inconvenience, such as the exaction of heavy customs, andthe like, as appeared by the _sixth_ voyage under Sir Henry Middleton. Here, off Feluk, we took good store of mullets with our sein, and otherlarge and excellent fish with hooks and lines. At this place there areseveral sorts of gums, very sweet in burning, as also fine mats, much inrequest at Aden, Mokha, and the Indies. Ordinarily the India ships touchhere both going to the Red Sea and returning, purchasing there mats andgums, as likewise provisions, such as sheep and butter, which are farcheaper here than at Mokha. Boats from hence go daily with provisions tosell at Mokha and Aden, but they will only barter for linen-cloth[cotton. ] At Feluk there is plenty of wood and water to be had, but notin the bottom of the bay. The passage up to the town is so large, thatthree ships may go up a-breast without danger. The entry is between ahigh hummock and a low sandy point. The masters proposed to steer fromFeluk W. By N. Along the African shore, to the island of _Demiti_ or_Mete, _ and then to shape a course for Aden. [Footnote 409: In reality, 13° 30' N. In Arrowsmith's great Chart of theWorld. In Astley's Collection, V. I. Chart vii. It is placed only in 12°20'. --E. ] The 10th, in the morning, we had sight of two small islands off the highland of Demiti, about a league from the coast, and about four leaguesdistant from each other, the eastermost bearing S. By W. Seven leagues, and the westermost S. W. The same distance. We now stood over for thehigh land of Aden, N. W. By N. And N. W. The wind at E. And E. By N. Astiff breeze, and the current easterly, lat. 11° 58' N. [410] The 11th wehad sight of the high land of Arabia, being that of Darsina, and havinga strong easterly current in coming over, though we steered betweenN. N. W. And N. W. We were so carried to the eastwards, that we only madeour course N. By W. But after we were shot about twelve leagues off theAfrican shore, we found no current, being broken off, as we supposed, bythe point, or head-land of Aden. I now sent instructions to CaptainTowerson and Mr Davis for their conduct on our arrival at Mokha roads, that our ships and people might be guarded against the treachery of theTurks. The 12th we were in sight of the high land of Aden, bearing W. ByS. Ten leagues off. The 13th, in the evening, we were fourteen leagueseastwards of the entry of the straits, and sixteen leagues west fromAden, and came here to anchor on a fine sandy bottom. The 14th, weweighed in the morning, steering for the straits, having a small gale atW. By N. With rain, being the first we had seen for four months. In theevening, believing ourselves off the straits, we stood off and on undereasy sail all night, constantly heaving the lead, being eight or nineleagues off the Arabian coast. About noon of the 15th we opened thestraits, and at night anchored in fifteen and a half fathom, on blackoose, three leagues from the Arabian, and ten from the Abyssinian shore, the weather being so clear that we could distinctly see both. [Footnote 410: The island or islands of Demiti or Mete, are in lat. 11°45' N. --E. ] The 16th we weighed in the morning, and stood for Mokha, where we cameto anchor in five and a half fathoms. Not long after anchoring, thegovernor sent off a poor old slave in a small canoe, to know the causeof our coming. I used this man kindly, who told me the English had beenlately here, and were ill used by _Regib aga_, then governor, who wastherefore cashiered, and the government was now in the hands of _Ider_[Hayder] _aga_, a Greek by birth, who was the friend of strangers andmerchants. Giving him a present of two dollars, I sent him back to hismaster to tell him we were Englishmen, and friends to the Grand Signior, and, upon sending us a worthy person, we should acquaint him farther ofthe cause of our coming. Soon afterwards there came off an Italianrenegado, well dressed, with a similar message, and to know if we hadthe Grand Signior's pass. I told him we had not only such a pass, butletters from the king of Great Britain to the pacha, which the Italiandesired to see; but, holding him a base fellow for changing from theChristian religion, I refused, [411] and desired him to acquaint thegovernor with these things, and that we were appointed, in honour of thesaid pass, to fire fifty-one pieces of artillery on our arrival in theseroads, which we meant presently to do. The Italian requested he might beallowed in the first place to inform his master of our intended salute, which was granted, and the purser directed to give him five dollars, andone to his boat's crew. His name was _Mustafa Trudgeman_. [412] We shotoff nineteen pieces from the Clove, seventeen from the Hector, andfifteen from the Thomas, which the town answered with five pieces ofexcellent ordnance, and three each from two gallies. These were stoutvessels, having twenty-five oars of a side, and were well fitted, havingtheir yards up. The name of the captain of these gallies was Mami, andthat of the captain of the town was Mahomet Bey. [Footnote 411: He might have overthrown his affairs by this preposterousproceeding, which was the effect of religious malice, not zeal. --Astl. I. 459. A. ] [Footnote 412: Astley corrects this name to _Tarjiman_; but that word, variously written, is merely what is usually called _Dragoman_, linguist, or interpreter. --E. ] The 17th, I received a present from Hayder Aga of three bullocks, twentyhens, two baskets of plantains, and two of lemons, with manycompliments, together with an invitation to come on shore. I sent back ahandsome fowling-piece, desiring the messenger to say that I would comeashore to visit the governor if a sufficient pledge were given for mysafe return, and that my reasons for this caution could not be unknown. The governor at this time sent his secretary aboard with a letter to me, desiring to know what message I had formerly sent by Mustafa Tarjiman, for he having, by much entreaty, procured a bottle of wine, had got sodrunk before his return, that he could not speak. On the 18th, MrCockes, our chief merchant, and Bolton, our linguist, went ashore toinform the governor that the purpose of our coming was to enter intotrade; and whenever the governor thought proper to send a person ofequal rank to remain as a pledge in the ship for my security and safereturn, I was willing to visit him in person, and to say farther, that Iwas not ignorant of the wrongs formerly done by Regib Aga to Sir HenryMiddleton and his people; yet, if we might now have quiet trade, allpast matters should be overlooked, and we would treat with him of suchbusiness as the Grand Signior had permitted by his pass or licence, which we had, which we hoped might extend to the sale of all our goods. The secretary remained on board as pledge for Mr Cockes and Mr Bolton, and eat freely of our victuals, which, however, he had cooked for him byhis own people. They returned at night, having been feasted and kindlyused, being carried through the town dressed in silver tissue robes, with music before them, by way of giving the people to know that we weremade welcome; but, on coming away, they were divested of their robes. The secretary was now dismissed, with a present of half a piece ofviolet-coloured kersey. He was very desirous to learn if I were relatedto Sir Henry Middleton, which question was likewise put to Mr Cockeswhen ashore. Mr Cockes brought off a letter from the governor, stating howhandsomely he had treated the messengers; inviting Mr Saris on shore, with promises of good entertainment, without guile or deceit, offeringto send his secretary, or any other person required, to remain inpledge; informing him that he had written to Jaffar Pacha, from whom heexpected an answer in fourteen or fifteen days; and that, in themeantime, any of the English should be made welcome a-shore to buy freshprovisions, or any thing else the place could afford for their use; asalso to sell any thing they pleased without molestation. This letter, dated at Mokha, the 25th of Moharem, _ann_. 1021 of the Hejeira, has thefollowing singular subscription: _Dus como bono amco_, Haydar Aga, aga de Mokha. "This letter seems to have been inserted by Parchas, who informs uslikewise, that he possessed divers letters from Mami, captain of thegallies at Mokha, to Captain Saris, which he omits, as he says, to avoidprolixity, being similar to that of Haydar aga. In the Pilgrims he hasinserted figures of three of their seals, by way of novelty, statingthat these seals were stamps in ink, not on wax. He likewise adds apiece of a letter in the _Banian_ language and character, commonly usedin a great part of India, written to Captain Saris by the sabandar ofMokha. He likewise gives a facsimile of the Grand Signior's seal, orsuperscription rather, together with two lines and a half of the pass, or licence, in the Turkish language and character, stating that, in theoriginal, all the larger strokes are gold, the rest being azure, intermixed here and there with red, the whole very beautifully executed. After which follows the letters patent, pass, or licence, rendered intoEnglish, of which the following is the substance:" "You, who are my most laudable, fortunate, wealthy, and great beglerbeysor viceroys, both by sea and land, under the authority of my most happyand imperial throne, &c. Hereby you shall understand, that theambassador of the king of Great Britain, residing at our most high_port_, hath informed us by his supplications, that some of the subjectsof his master have discovered, with great cost and labour, a trade inthe East Indies, &c. We do therefore command and charge you all and eachof you, our before-mentioned officers and subjects, kindly to receiveand entertain the said merchants and subjects of the king of GreatBritain, coming to, or passing through, any of our dominions, intendingto trade, especially in our dominions of Yaman, Aden, and Mokha, and theparts adjoining; assisting and relieving them, their men and ships, inall things needful; and also freely to permit them, by land or sea, togo or sail outwards or inwards, as their occasions may require, withoutlet, hindrance, injury, or molestation. And if, contrary to thecapitulations and league of amity between us and the king of GreatBritain, you offer them the least wrong, or any way molest and troublethe said merchants in their traffic or otherwise in any respect, youshall not only incur our high displeasure, but shall be punished forexample to others. Therefore, take care you carry yourselves conformablyto this our imperial command, and give entire credit to this ourimperial ensign. Given at our mansion in Constantinople, this 15th ofZulhajjeh, in the year of the Hejirah, 1019. "[413] [Footnote 413: The abbreviated passages, marked in the text by invertedcommas, were too long for insertion in a note; and the circumstancesthey detail appeared too long and uninteresting in the original forbeing given at full length. --E. ] The 20th of March, according to agreement made the day before, thegovernor sent aboard Mahomet aga, admiral of the shore and commander ofthe roads, for receiving the Turkish customs and anchorage, [414]together with a grave old man, named Nasuf and two attendants, toremain as pledges of my safety. I went accordingly on shore, with allthe merchants, in three skiffs, or boats, well fitted, and had a saluteof fifty-one pieces of cannon fired off at our departure. We werereceived at the landing-place by the captain of the gallies and otherprincipal persons, with music, drums, and trumpets, which played beforeus, while the inhabitants followed in such crowds that we could hardlypass; at the same time several cannon were fired as a salute from thecastle. After passing two guards of very proper men, well clothed, wewere conducted into the governor's house, all built of freestone, havinglarge handsome stairs, by which we were led to a room spread with richcarpets, having a bow-window at the upper end, where a silken quilt waslaid on the floor, with two cushions of cloth of silver, on which I wasdesired to sit down. Presently the governor entered from anotherchamber, himself dressed in a gown of cloth of silver, faced with richfur, and accompanied by five or six persons richly apparelled. Aftertaking me by the hand, he kissed his own hand, and put it to his head, in token of respect. He then led me to the bow-window, where we satdown, and, after some compliments, I delivered to him our king's letter, which was read by Mr Cockes, and interpreted by our linguist, Mr Bolton, to the captain of the gallies; who repeated it to the aga, such beingtheir custom by way of state or ceremony. I then gave him the pass, orlicence of the Grand Signior, which was read aloud by the secretary, after which he kissed it, and laid it on his head, giving it to hissecretary to take a copy of it, after which, it was returned. [Footnote 414: Probably the person called formerly Mahomet bey, captainof the town-E. This person seems to have been the person styled Lord ofthe Sea, or Amir al Bahr, in the voyage of Sir Henry Middleton, adifferent officer from the Shah bandar. --Astl. 1. 460. A. ] The governor now bid us heartily welcome, desiring that what hadformerly taken place with Sir Henry Middleton might be forgotten forthat quarrel had originated between two drunken men, and had beenimproperly followed up by the former aga, for which he had now been fivemonths displaced. In regard to trade, he could not permit any greatmatter till he received directions from his master, Jaffar Pacha, towhom he had written, and expected an answer in ten or twelve days;desiring me to allow my people in the meantime to come ashore freely, tobuy what they wanted, and to sell small matters, that the inhabitantsmight see we were in peace and amity, and that the past was forgotten. These speeches made good what I had formerly suspected, concerning thedoubts the India ships might entertain of our being here, unless theyunderstood we were friends; and their staying away would prove a greatinjury to every officer of the port. Besides, we were purposely soplaced at anchor, that no laden ship could come into the port but mustride under our guns; by which I reckoned we were sure of trade, eitherashore or aboard, and by thus holding the town in awe, I might ventureour boats and people the more freely on shore, to procure any thing ourships might need. We were royally feasted by the governor, the dinner consisting of allsorts of wild fowl, poultry, goat's-flesh, mutton, cream, custards, various made dishes, and sundry confections, all served in vessels oftin, different from our pewter, made goblet-fashion, with feet, and soplaced in piles, one above the other, that they reached a yard high, yeteach dish could be served from without removing the others. All thesemeats were served up at once, before we sat down. Our drink was simplewater, or boiled with an herb called _Cauhaw_, [415] giving it a somewhatbitter taste. Dinner being over, the governor led me into an inner room, where he was attended by four little boys, who were his catamites. Beinghere seated on a crimson velvet carpet, all the rest of the room coveredwith rich carpets, one of these boys, having in his hand a linen napkin, ushered in two other boys, one of whom carried a silver chaffing-dish, with burning coals, and the other a dish with sundry rich perfumes, asambergris, lignum aloes, and others. The governor desired me to permitthe boy to cover my head close with the napkin, after which the otherboy held the chaffing-dish with perfumes under my head, that I mightreceive the perfume, which was very pleasant. The governor, and twoprincipal persons who were with him, then did the like, which seemed aceremony much used among them. [Footnote 415: It ought to be called _Kahwah_, that is, coffee, whichevery one knows is a berry; but perhaps it was made of the husk, whichthe French say is most delicious, and never exported. See _Voy. Del'Arabie Heureuse_, p. 243, et seq. --Astl. I. 461. D. ] After conversing for some time, three of the boys came in again, onecarrying a vest, or gown, of cloth of gold, wrapped in a covering oftaffety, which was dyed with saffron to preserve the colour of the gold;another had a sash, or turban, twenty-two yards long, all striped withgold; and the third bore a _damaskeen_, or Turkish sword, richly mountedin silver gilt, both hilt and scabbard. The governor himself put thevest, or gown, upon me, and girt the sword to my side, telling me thatthey were not presents from himself, but ordered by the Grand Signior, whose gifts they were. He then entreated me to ride about the town, along with the cadi, or chief justice, and the captain of the gallies, that the people might see the amity there was between us. A horse wasbrought for this purpose, very richly caparisoned, all the metal of thebridle being of silver; but I chose rather to go on foot, that I mightthe better see the town, which was agreed to. So, having walked withthese officers all about the town, and having viewed the house proposedfor our factory, I was conducted to the house of the captain of thegallies, where another costly banquet was prepared. From thence Ireturned to the house of the governor, who met me on the stairs, and whoagain earnestly entreated, that all the injuries done to Sir HenryMiddleton might be forgotten, and that our perfect amity might beapparent by my frequent coming or sending ashore. Then taking leave, Iwas accompanied to the sea-side by a large train of the principal peopleof the town, and I returned on board under a salute of fifteen guns. TheTurks who had remained as pledges were now gratified with sundrypresents, and sent ashore in a friendly manner, giving them likewise asalute of fifteen guns. The 21st, I sent Mr Cockes and others ashore, with a present to the agaof a case of bottles of _rosa solis_, which he had earnestly desired, and that it should be so wrapped up as not to be known. They were alsodirected to make enquiry into the amount of the customs, both inwardsand outwards; the weights, measures, value of coins, and prices ofindigos, calicos, cotton-yarn, and other commodities fit for us to ladewith; also to endeavour to get the Jew to come aboard who was in theAscension when cast away near the bar of Surat, who could give uscertain intelligence respecting Sir Henry Middleton. It is to be noted, that this road of Mokha is very open and dangerous, with very shoalwater a mile off, the town being built on low land, almost even with thesea. At this time the wind blew strong from the S. S. W. Causing so high asea that we did not _send_ less than seven feet with every billow, riding in five fathoms. When the wind is at west there is no shelter;but the people told us, that when that wind prevails, which begins inthe end of May, the heat is so extreme as to dull the wind, at whichseason there is much sickness. The 31st, I understood from the captain of the town, that letters hadcome the night before from the pacha to the governor, ordering him toallow us free trade, both on shore and with the India ships, and tofurnish us with all we might need, as he should answer at his peril tothe contrary. I was very doubtful of the truth of these good news, as MrCockes had been with the governor only half an hour before, and had notheard a word of the matter. The captain said, that the reason why thegovernor had not mentioned it was, that there was a _jelba_ in the portbound for Mecca, and ready to depart, and that the governor wasunwilling it should be known the pacha had granted us free trade, leston its coming to the ears of the sharif of Mecca, he might write to theGrand Signior and have the grant revoked. But our opinion rather is, that the pacha has returned a harsh answer, with directions for the agato do with us what he cannot yet effect, by reason of our being sowatchful over him, and therefore conceals his having an answer fromZenan till a more favourable opportunity. At this time, one _Ashraf_, who had secretly sent a letter of Mr Femell's, testifying theirtreacherous conduct here, gave notice to our linguist, that I ought tobeware of coming on shore myself unless with good pledges, when I mightcome boldly, otherwise to put no trust in them, even though the governorshould swear upon the Alcoran; for all the Turks here were soldiers, whocared little for oaths, and he had heard that the news from the pachadid not tend to our benefit, as the copy of the Grand Signior's pass hadnot yet reached him: After which, it would be seen fully what was meantto be done, and that would now be in other six days. The 2d April, the caravan from Grand Cairo in Egypt arrived at Mokha, and on the 3d two ships arrived from India, one of Chaul and the otherof Cananor, laden with indigo, calicos, chintzes, ambergris, andcotton-yarn, and at the least 400 passengers, who had much wealth alongwith them. We saluted them with nine pieces of cannon from our fleet, which they returned with three _chambers_ each, being all they had. Isent my skiff aboard one of them to enquire what were the news on thecoast of Surat, and got back word that three English ships were tradingthere; but they knew nothing more. This day the captain of the town cameaboard with five chiefs of the janisaries, being sent by the governor toinform me that the pacha had sent orders to use us kindly, and give us afree trade; and desiring me therefore to come ashore next morning, whenI should learn the particulars: But, remembering the caution given byAshraf, I begged to be excused. Yet, as Captain Towerson wished to go onshore, I requested Mahomet Bey to tell the aga, that I would send mybrother on shore next morning, on good pledge for his safety. Mahomettook this well, and being feasted with his retinue, besides giving themseveral presents, I saluted him when he went ashore with twenty piecesof cannon; on which he sent me word that he was so much gratified by myattention, I might rely on his best assistance at all times. Though the pledges did not come off next morning, the 4th of April, yetCaptain Towerson was so desirous of learning the orders of the pachathat he went ashore, considering that the two India ships, beingabsolutely in our power, were sufficient pledges if any injury should beoffered. The governor used him kindly, and presented him with a handsomevesture; but nothing was effected in the business on which he went, theTurks not performing their promise. The governor however sent word, thatit would be proper to send two of our men of consequence to wait uponthe pacha at Zenan, with the king's letter and a present; after which wemight depend upon speedy dispatch to our entire satisfaction. I approvedof this, and even intended next day to have looked out a proper present;but next day, being the 5th April, the captain of the gallies sentaboard three letters, which the governor had received the night before, written by Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Sharpey, who were then atanchor at Bab-al-Mondub. The purport of these was, that Sir Henry hadcome from Surat, where he had little or no trade: That Captain Hawkins, disgusted with Agra, was aboard with his wife; and that Sir Henry hadbrought all the English away, except one man who had gone for England byland: And, finally, that Sir Henry was come back to be revenged of theTurk, and wished me to get off my people and goods in all haste. Itherefore altered my determination of last night, and immediately sentoff one of my merchants with a letter to Sir Henry, giving an account ofthe proceedings of my voyage, and of our entertainment here; and if hehad not come thus to the Red Sea, I meant to have sent two of myprincipal men up to Zenan. It may be proper to note, that the two India ships, formerly mentioned, discharged the following goods at Mokha. Lignum aloes, 60 quintals:Indigo, 600 _churles, _ out of both ships: Sashes of all sorts, or Jongnarrow cloths for turbans, a great quantity: Cinnamon of Ceylon, 150_bahars_, each bahar being three churles and a half: _Osfar_, which is ared dye, a large quantity: A great store of cloves: A great quantity of_bastas, _ or white calicos, from 20 to 40 dollars the _corge_, a corgebeing twenty pieces. The price of indigo was from as low as 30, to 35, 40, and 50 dollars the _churle. _ I wrote on the 7th to the captain of the town, Mahomet Bey, desiring himto induce the India merchants to barter with me at reasonable rates, forsuch commodities as suited us, so as to load one of our ships; by whichSir Henry Middleton would be satisfied they now meant to deal in afriendly manner with us, and would be induced to forbear hostilities. Atthis time there was a report in the town, that Sir Henry had taken a_jelba_ or two, coming over with provisions from the Abyssinian side, sothat we durst hardly venture our skiff and gang on shore. This day I hada letter from the _Mami_, or captain of the gallies, saying that theanswer from the pacha to the governor was in these words: "Haydar Aga, You write me that three English ships are come to Mokha for trade, having the pass of the Grand Signior. Give them from me a faithfulpromise to come on shore, to take a house, and to buy and sell till themonsoon be past. You likewise write, that they mean to send up two mento me: Give them all things fit for their journey, &c. " The Captain_Mami_ said farther, that whatever I chose to propose, the aga and hewould underwrite; and that as for traffic and bartering, they would domuch for love, but nothing for force, and were as willing to load allour three ships as one of them. We were informed that the weight in use at Mokha is called _Incu_, whichis two _rotulas_. Ten _incus_, or twenty rotulas, make 23 pounds English_haberepoize_, sometimes 24, as the weigher chuses to befriend you. A_churle_ of indigo is 150 _rotulas_, and of our weight between 166 and170 pounds. Cotton-wool is sold by the _bahar_, which is 300 rotulas, orbetween 332 and 334 English pounds averdupois, and is sold very good andclean at 18 dollars the _bahar_. Their measure of length is called apike, containing 27 inches, or 3/4 of our yard. According to the reportmade by the governor to Mr Cockes, the custom of this port of Mokha isworth yearly to the Grand Signior, 150, 000 chekins; which, at fiveshillings each, amount to £37, 500 sterling. [416] [Footnote 416: It is proper to mention, that in Purchas it is said, _Thecustoms are worth fifteen hundred thousand chicqueens yearly, which, atfive shillings each, are thirty-seven thousand five hundred poundssterling_. --In our correction we have used the most moderate rate, byreducing the 1, 500, 000 chequins to 150, 000, to correspond with the ratedsterling money; which otherwise must have been increased to L. 375, 000sterling; assuredly immensely too much. --E. ] On the 9th the governor sent off a canoe, entreating me to send ashorenext morning, when I should both have the pacha's answer, and a warrantto detain all such junks as might pass Sir Henry, or be forced to Mokha, and to trade with them for such goods as we desired, &c. ; and entreatingthat I would allow my people to come ashore, as the merchants werebecome fearful in consequence of Sir Henry having detained some of theships. The 10th, Mr Cockes went ashore, and had a conference with thegovernor and Captain _Mami_, who said they could not now perform whatthey had formerly promised, as the cadi said their lives would be indanger by so doing. They said likewise, that neither merchant nor brokerwould come aboard our ships, as I had requested, they were all sodisconcerted by the conduct of Sir Henry: That the merchants of Cairohad their factors resident in Mokha, who purposely lay by to engrossindigos and other Indian commodities, which they refused to purchasetill they saw what quantities might come to market this season; and thatthe _Banians_, or Indian residents, who held all the indigos, and othercommodities, refused to sell, under the impression of a scarcity in themarket this season. He also brought word that those ashore were resolvednot to buy any of our goods, unless we landed them in the first place. * * * * * § 3. _Adventures along with Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, andother Observations in those Parts, with our Arrival at Bantam_. [417] The 13th May, 1612, understanding that Sir Henry Middleton was verydesirous to confer with me, I resolved to go to him at the Bab, forwhich place I desired the master to sail with the first fair wind; andwishing to keep still on friendly terms with the Turks at Mokha, I gaveinformation of this intention to the aga, from whom I took a letter forSir Henry. The 14th, in the morning, we arrived at the Bab, where wefound the Trades-increase riding, with four ships, or junks, of India, which she had detained. I went that day on board Sir Henry's ship, andremained with him till night, but no agreement could be formed betweenus that day. The 15th Sir Henry spent with me aboard the Clove. SeeingSir Henry determined to proceed in a hostile manner with the Turks, Icalled a meeting of our commercial council on the 16th, and informedthem, that owing to these disputes between Sir Henry and the Turks andCambayans, our hopes of trade at Surat was now as small as what we hadhitherto experienced at Mokha, for which reason our best plan would beto join Sir Henry in his intentions of forcing trade with the Indiaships. Wherefore I proposed that the Hector and Thomas should plybetween Aden and the Bab, while the Clove kept the Abyssinian channel totake care that no vessels should pass that way in the night, by whichmeans we might intercept as many India ships as possible, to which wemight put off our broad-cloth, lead, tin, iron, and elephants teeth, thecommodities we had provided for those parts, receiving in barter sucharticles as we knew would answer for those countries where we intendedafterwards to proceed; besides, if we should procure indigo, that wouldanswer towards our home investment. I informed the council that I hadintelligence of two great ships expected daily, called the _Rhemi_ andthe _Hassam_; the smallest of which, by report, was able to load theHector with suitable commodities. [Footnote 417: As the adventures with Sir Henry Middleton have beenalready narrated with sufficient amplitude, these are here only slightlymentioned, to avoid prolixity and unnecessary repetition. --E. ] My proposals being agreed to, I went aboard the Trades-increase, where Iagreed with Sir Henry that our two fleets should unite in trading withas many of the India ships as we could intercept, making exchange of ourEnglish commodities for such as they had suitable for us; Sir Henry todispose of two-thirds of all the goods that should be bartered from thisday forwards, and I to have the other third, paying, however, thecustoms to the Grand Signior. Accordingly, the Hector and Thomas weredirected to ply between the north end of the island of Bab-al-Mondub andthe Habesh shore, to intercept all ships that came that way, but withstrict charges that no one should take from them the value of a penny, or offer them the slightest violence or injury. The 18th I set sail for Mokha, where we arrived in five hours. The 20ththe governor desired a list of our commodities, which Mr Cockes carriedhim. He picked several colours of our broad-cloth, promising to purchaseto the extent of 1000 dollars, besides some quantity of lead and tin. Many others desired to have lead and iron, wherefore the governorrequested some quantity might be brought ashore next morning, saying, that when he once began to trade with us, the merchants would certainlyfollow. He sent three samples of indigo, but none of the Lahore kind, which is round, and the best. The price asked was 100 dollars the_churle_, or 127 _rotulas_ of Mokha, or about 150 pounds English. Thisprice was quite unreasonable, as we estimated the three sorts to be onlyworth respectively thirty, forty, and forty-five dollars the _churle_. The 21st, we sent ashore eight pieces of cloth, one ton of iron, a tonof lead, and two chests of tin, of six cwt. For four of the best clothsthey offered one and a half dollar the _pike_, which ought to betwenty-seven inches, but proposed to measure by a pike of thirty-oneinches. They likewise offered 120 dollars for the _bahar_ of tin, twelvefor the bahar of iron, and fifteen for the lead, prices which we couldnot accept, and therefore our merchants returned aboard with theircommodities at night. The 25th we went for Assab, where, on the 27th, we found theTrades-increase and the Hector, with eleven sail of junks, or Indiaships, from various parts. On coming into the road, or harbour of Assab, it is proper to keep the northern shore aboard, leaving a little rock orhummock on the starboard side, when we have twelve, eleven, ten, nine, eight, and seven fathoms, on a sandy bottom. We anchored in sevenfathoms, about half a mile from the shore. The 30th, the _nakhadas_, orIndian ship-masters, requested that such of their goods as we wantedmight be sorted immediately, that they might not lose the monsoon forreturning to India, offering to bring aboard our ships any packages wepleased, to be there examined, and to carry back what we refused. The9th May, I caused two large India ships to be measured, which were ofthe following scantlings:--The _Rhemi_ from stem to stern-port, was 153feet long, her rake aft from the post being seventeen feet, the top ofher sides in breadth forty-two, and her depth thirty-one feet. TheMahamudi was 136 feet long, her rake aft twenty, her breadth forty-one, her depth twenty-nine and a half, and her main-yard 132 feet. The 15th May, the king of Rahayta, a petty prince on the African coastof the Red Sea, came to Assab to visit Sir Henry and me, riding upon acow. He had a turban on his head, from which a piece of periwinkle shellhung down on his forehead instead of a jewel. He was entirely naked, except a piece of painted cloth about his loins, and was attended by 150men, armed with darts, bows and arrows, swords and targets. Sir Henryand I went ashore, taking with us a guard of 100 men, shot and pikes, toprevent treachery, lest the Turks might have planned any trick throughhis means, under cover of courtesy, and we were loth to let him go backwithout an interview, lest we might lose his friendship, and therefreshments we procured at the port of Assab, which is in hisdominions. We gave him several presents, and, at his particularentreaty, gave him his fill of aquavitae, so that he could hardly stand. These people are Mahometans, being black and hard-favoured, with crisphair. The king presented us with five bullocks, and promised everyassistance in his power. This day I got a note of the prices of commodities, as lately bought andsold at Surat, of the following tenor:--Broad-cloth of twenty poundseach piece, of several colours, twenty _mahmudies_ the _conido_, ofthirty-five inches; five _mahmudies_ being equal to one rial of eight, or Spanish dollar. Kersies, eighty-four mahmudies the piece, being lessthan ours cost in England. Lead; the _great maund_, of thirty-threepounds, seven one-third _mahmudies_. Tin, the _small maund_, oftwenty-five pounds, five and a half dollars. At Dabul, iron sold fortwenty-one dollars the _bahar_, of 360 pounds. Damasked pieces, [418]from twelve to eighteen dollars each. Elephants teeth, sixty-fivemahmudies the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Indigo_cirkesa_, [419] three sorts, the best at fourteen rupees, each worthhalf a dollar; the second sort, twelve rupees, and the third, eightrupees for the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Three sorts ofLahore indigo, being the best of all, the best, thirty-six, the second, thirty, and the third, twenty-four rupees for a maund weighingfifty-five pounds. Charges of bringing it to the water-side, ten in the100 for the _cirkesa_, and twenty in the 100 custom for the _lahore_indigo. [Footnote 418: Perhaps these were damasked gun-barrels. --E. ] [Footnote 419: Cirkesa, by others named Serkes and Sherkes, is a villagenear Ahmedabab, the capital of Cambaya, or Guzerat, where indigo ismade. --Astl. 466. D. ] The 23d May, the Thomas, having forty-nine men all in health, set sailfor Socotora for aloes, and to go thence for Priaman and Tekoo inSumatra, for pepper. The 8th August the Hector sailed for Priaman andTekoo, having eighty-eight Englishmen aboard in perfect health, themonsoon being now favourable. The 10th and 11th all reckonings werecleared between us and the junks Hassani, Caderi, Mahmudi, Rehemi, andSalameti. Our whole cargo, including commodities and dollars, barteredfor at this place, did not exceed 46, 174 dollars. The two followingacquittances on this occasion will enable the reader the better tounderstand the nature of the dealings at this place, in this forcedtrade with the India ships. [420] [Footnote 420: These appear to have been translated by or for Purchas, the former from Arabic, and the latter from Malabar, as the one has asubscription and seal in Arabic, and the other a subscription in someIndian character, yet considerably different from that formerly insertedin Purchas under the name of Banian. --E. ] _In Mokha Roads, in the Red Sea, 10th August, 1612. _ Be it remembered, that I, _Mahomed Hassan Comal Adin Ashen_, captain ofthe _Hassani_ of Surat, have bartered and sold to Captain John Saris, general of the eighth voyage to the East Indies, for the sum of7400-11/48 rials of eight, in the following goods, viz. Indigos of all sorts, 86 bales, amounting, with profit, to rials 3046-7/48 Cambaya cloth, 316 _corges_, 7-1/2 pieces, amount, &c. 4136 Three carpets, valued at 20 Two cotton quilts, at 80 rials a _corge_, 8 Rice, butter, ginger, and sugar, amount 53-7/24 For 18 yds. Broad cloth, received back in account, 96 Four bales gum-lac, with profit 40-10/24 ---------- Sum total of merchandise sold, Rials 7400-11/48 And I have received in payment these following goods, viz. Broad cloths, 28-1/2 pieces, amounting, in rials, 4574-30/48 Ten pieces of kersies, 501-1/3 Thirty _bahars_ of lead, 720 Twenty bahars of iron, 480 Four and a half bahars of tin, 679-1/2 Fifteen fowling-pieces, 445 ---------- Sum total of these goods received, Rials 7400-11/48 * * * * * _In Mokha Road, in the Red Sea, the 12th August, 1612. _ Be it remembered, that I, Nakhada Hassan, captain of the good shipCaderi of Diu, have bartered and sold to Captain John Saris, &c. For thesum of 2947-9/10 rials of eight, in these following goods, _viz_. Indigo of both sorts, 31 bales, amounting, with profit, to rials 1694-11/16 Brought over, Rials 1694-13/16 Spikenard, one bale; turbith, [421] one bale; cinnamon, five bales; amount, with profit, 64-1/4 Cambaya cloth, 137 _corges_ and 3 pieces, amount, with profit, 1188-1/2 ________________ Sum total, Rials 2947-9/16 And I have received in payment these goods following, viz. Broad cloths, six pieces, amounting, in rials, 890-2/3 Kersies, ten pieces, 477-1/3 Lead, 31-3/4 bahars, 762-17/48 Iron, 10 bahars, 240 Tin, 1-1/2 bahar, 226-2/3 Fowling-pieces, fourteen, 350 Received in money to balance 0-17/24 Sum total of goods received, Rials 2947-9/16 The 13th of August, 1612, we set sail from Mokha in the Clove, having onboard seventy-five men, all in perfect health. The 14th we got sight ofthe _Bab, _ but the wind being large at N. W. We steered through the greatchannel on the Abyssinian side, having 18 fathoms water about one leaguefrom the island of _Babo, _ where is a good and safe harbour forshipping, but the place is barren. The 3d September we arrived atSocotora in Delisha road; when we understood the Thomas had been herethree months before, but made no stay, as they could not agree for thealoes. The 4th the merchant and linguist went ashore, and were kindlytreated by the king, but could not agree in the price, as he asked 40dollars the quintal of 104 pounds, saying he had only 25 quintals, andwas much solicited for it by the Portuguese. At length we agreed to give30 dollars for one parcel, and 38 for another, and he delivered us 4067pounds, which cost 1418-1/2 rials of eight, or dollars. On this occasionwe found the king false both in his weights and word, yet we treated himwell for the good of future voyages. We sailed for Bantam on the 8thSeptember. [Footnote 421: Perhaps turmeric is here meant--E. ] The 22d, in lat. 8° 12' N. By the stars, steering E. By S. With thewind W. S. W. We fell at midnight into the strangest and most terrifyingshining water that any of us had ever seen, the water throwing so greata glare about the ship that we could discern the letters in a bookperfectly, whereas it had been so dark only half an hour before, that wecould not see half the length of our ship any way. We doubted it hadbeen the breach of some sunken ground, and thought to have cast about;but after sailing in it half an hour without any alteration, we held onour course, and at length it proved to be cuttle-fish that made thisfearful show. We got sight of the island of Ceylon on the 27th in the morning, bearingN. E. By E. About 7 leagues off, being very high land up the country, butvery low near the sea. The 29th we saw Cape Comorin about 14 leaguesoff, being very high land. This cape is in the latitude of 7° 42' [moreaccurately 7° 57' N. ] whereas our charts lay it down in 6° 10'. Duringour course we did not fall in with any of the islands laid down in ourcharts, neither did we see any of the Maldive islands, which are said tobe so numerous. The 15th October, when in lat. 4° 49' S. We got sight of Sumatra, wherewe found a strong current setting us from the land. Such as are boundfor the straits of Sunda, must keep the coast of Sumatra on board afterthey get into lat. 1° 30' S. As the current begins there. It is properto keep thirty leagues off the coast of that island and with a goodlook-out, as there are many _cayos_[422] fifteen or twenty leagues outat sea, but which we did not see, as we were kept farther out by thecurrent. The 24th we came to anchor in the road of Bantam, all ourpeople being in as good health, or better, than when we left England. Contrary to our expectation, we here found the Hector, which had arrivedonly the day before, in company with the James and several Dutch ships. The arrival of all these ships, and the daily expectation of theTrades-increase, Pepper-corn, Darling, and Thomas, occasioned a greatand sudden alteration in the prices of commodities. Such as were inconsiderable request, were raised nearly to three times the price forwhich they sold the day before the Hector arrived. Cloves, which thepeople of the Hector and James had bought the day before at sixteendollars the pekul, were now risen to forty dollars and upwards. Pepper, which was ten dollars for ten sacks, rose upon our coming to twelve anda half dollars; and so of other commodities. [Footnote 422: Keys, islands and rocks. --E. ] We went to court on the 26th, accompanied by our merchants, and gavedivers presents to _Pangran Chamarra_, who enjoyed the entire authorityof government as protector, although the king was now of full age. Fromhim we procured a licence to land our goods, providing the royalofficers were made acquainted with all that were brought on shore, thatthe king might not be wronged of his duties. The 28th a letter from MrWilliam Adams, written from Japan, was read in presence of all ourmerchants, that they might consider what hopes there were of trade inthat country. It was now concluded in a council of commerce, consideringthe power of the Dutch in the Moluccas and Banda, where they were almostabsolute masters, and that Bantam was exceedingly unhealthy, wherebesides our people injured themselves greatly on shore with drink andloose women, that the Hector should be dispatched in all speed toEngland, and that 14, 000 sacks of pepper should be provided for her andthe Thomas without delay, fearing that pepper might be raised stillhigher when the natives got news of the other expected ships. Weaccordingly bargained with _Lackmoy_ for 2000 sacks of pepper, at127-1/2 dollars the 100 sacks; and with _Keewee_ for 1000 sacks at 125dollars the 100 sacks, and for 3000 more at 150 dollars the 100. We nowtried ashore what was the weight of a pekul of cloves, which we found tobe 132 pounds English. The 9th November, Sir Henry Middleton arrived at Bantam in thePepper-corn. The 15th, at the earnest request of _Chamarra_ theprotector, we mustered before the palace eighty of our men in arms fromour different ships, to assist in celebrating the breaking up of theMahometan Lent, which gave him much content, more especially as theDutch refused to gratify him. The 16th we agreed with _Keewee_ for 4000sacks of pepper at 160 dollars the 100 sacks, with an allowance of threein the hundred _basse_. The 18th eleven large Dutch ships arrived, theThomas being in their company. She had only got at Priaman 312 bahars ofpepper, and twenty _tael_ of gold. On the 22d, 100 Dutchmen, armed withfirelocks and pikes, all in brave array, marched to the front of thepalace, where they drew up in a ring and gave three vollies. Theprotector sent word in the king's name to thank them, saying they haddone enough, and might depart with their iron hats; for so the Javanesecall head-pieces. The 28th, three Dutch ships sailed homewards bound, mostly laden with pepper and mace, and five more of their ships sailedfor Banda and the Moluccas. The 4th December, a Dutch ship arrived from Coromandel, from which wehad intelligence that the Globe was at Patane bound for Siam. The 11th, the Hector, having taken in her lading, sailed from Bantam to thewatering-place called _Morough, _ where the air is good and healthy, andwhere refreshment of oranges is to be had in abundance, besides otherwholesome fruits, intending to wait there till the Thomas was fullyladen. The 22d, the Trades-increase and Darling arrived from Priaman. The 25th, in honour of the birth-day of the Saviour, certain chamberswere discharged at our English factory, which were answered by ordnancefrom our ships. The 28th, _Keewee, _ the chief China merchant, invitedSir Henry Middleton and me, with all our merchants, to dinner at hishouse, where he had a play acted by Chinese actors on a stage erectedfor the purpose, which they performed with good pronunciation andgesture. The 12th January, 1613, the Thomas set sail for England, havinga crew of thirty-six English and three Indians. § 4. _The Voyage of Captain Saris, in the Clove, towards Japan, withObservations respecting the Dutch and Spaniards at the MoluccaIslands. _[423] In the morning of the 4th January, 1613, we weighed anchor from the roadof Bantam for Japan, having taken in 700 sacks of pepper to make trialof trade at that place. Our crew consisted of seventy-four Englishmen, one Spaniard, one Japanese, and five _Swarts, _ [blacks] or Indians. The15th, in the morning, having little wind, we hauled off into fourteenfathoms, and steered E. By S. And E. S. E. Leaving _Pulo Lack_ on ourstarboard, and eleven or twelve small islands on our larboard; our depthshoaling from, fourteen to ten fathoms us we passed between two islandsto the east of _Palo Lack. _ In this fair way there is a shoal which hasnot above six feet water, and does not exceed half a cable's length inextent either way. Close in with it there are ten fathoms water, and thevery next cast is on ground, as we had sad experience, having lain threehours beating on it with a reasonably stiff gale, but got off throughGod's mercy, and the extraordinary exertions of the crew. Our shipsprung a leak, which kept every man at the pump, myself only excepted, during the whole night, and till ten o'clock next day. Every one tookhis spell in turn, and little enough to keep the leak from increasing, so that we were all doubtful of being obliged to put back for Bantam, tothe great risk of losing our men by sickness, and disappointing ourvoyage to Japan; but, thank God, our carpenter found the leak, and madeit tight. To avoid this shoal it is necessary to keep close to theislands, as the main of Java is shoally. [Footnote 423: In this voyage, being one not now usual, we have followedthe course minutely along with Captain Saris--E. ] The 16th, we anchored at a watering-place called _Tingo Java, _ fourteenleagues from Bantam, and about three and a half leagues westwards of_Jacatra. _ We rode between two islands, which are about five miles offthe point, having nine and ten fathoms close to the islands, but towardsthe main land is shoally. I sent presents to the king of Jacatra and tohis sabandar and admiral, requesting leave to purchase such necessariesas we wanted; and on the 18th the king sent his chief men aboard, thanking me for the presents, and offering me every thing his countryafforded. The 21st we set sail, steering near the eastermost of the twoislands that are over against the watering-place, having nine and tenfathoms, and so to seawards of all the islands E. N. E. From thewatering-place. The outwardmost of them beareth E. By N. Northerly; andoff its northern point is a shoal half a league distant, on which thesea is seen to break, at which time the east point of Jacatra bearseast-southerly, depth seventeen and eighteen fathoms, and all the wayout from twenty to fourteen fathoms. You will here find a currentsetting E. S. E. For which you must allow according as you have the wind. In the evening, having little wind at N. By W. And the current settingus to the S. E. Upon the shore, we came to anchor in, thirteen fathoms, having shot three leagues to the eastward of the east point of Jacatra, with the wind at N. W. We weighed on the 22d, with the wind at S. W. And steered E. N. E. To getinto deep water, and had fourteen fathoms, when the high hill overBantam bore W. S. W. Half a point westerly. The morning of the 23d _wedeckt up our sails_, the wind being at S. E. And had sight of an islandoff Cheribon, with three of those high-peaked hills of Java, theeasternmost of which bore S. E. While Cheribon bore S. By E. Our latitudeat noon was 6° 10' S. The wind at N. N. W. And the island bearing E. By N. Three and a half leagues off. You may boldly keep in twenty-three ortwenty-four fathoms water in the offing, and in twenty fathoms upon Javain the darkest night that is, and during the day upon Java in any depthyou please. The 24th, in the morning, we had sight of the threehigh-peaked hills, and of three others farther eastwards, that lookedlike islands. Our depth was twenty fathoms, the point of Japara bearingS. E. By S. And the island [_Carimon Java_] bearing S. E. And N. W. Aboutnine leagues off. We steered E. By S. And E. S. E. Latitude 6° 10' andmade our course twenty leagues E. At day-break of the 26th, we had sight of _Pulo Lubek_, bearing N. E. ByE. Eight leagues off, wind at W. By N. We steered E. By S. Inthirty-four and thirty-five fathoms; and about nine a. M. Saw landbearing S. E. And S. E. By S. The before-named island now bearing N. E. ByN. At noon our latitude was 6° 12' S. And our course twenty-two leaguesE. And E. By N. By four p. M. _Pulo Lubek_ bore W. By N. Nine leaguesoff, and our depth was thirty-four fathoms. Noon of the 27th ourlatitude was 6° 4' S. Our course twenty-eight leagues E. Northerly, depth thirty-eight fathoms; and by three p. M. We had sight of an islandN. N. E. Seven leagues off. At five p. M. We had thirty-four fathoms. At four a. M. Of the 20th, we had twenty-five fathoms, steering E. Tillnoon, when our latitude was 5° 55' S. Our course having been twentyleagues E. Northerly, and our depth was now thirty-five fathoms. Fromnoon we steered E. By S. Early in the morning of the 29th, having thewind at W. By N. We steered E. By S. And had no ground with fortyfathoms line; but at noon we found fifty-two fathoms, with many_overfalls_. Our latitude was this day at noon 6° 9' S. Our coursetwenty-eight leagues E. By S. The wind W. And W. By N. And a currentsetting to the westwards. We steered E. And in the afternoon had noground with 100 fathoms. The 30th, in the morning, our latitude was 5° 57' S. Our longitude fromBantam 224 leagues E. Our course E. Northerly twenty-eight leagues, the_overfalls_ continuing, but had no ground at 100 fathoms. At three p. M. We had sight from the topmast-head of a low flat island, bearing N. E. ByN. Five or six leagues off, full of trees. We had eighteen fathomswater, and the next cast eighty-five fathoms. We steered E. By S. And atfour p. M. The island bore N. By E. Half a point N. Three or four leaguesoff. We then had sight of two other low flat islands, one opening to theeastwards, and the other to the westwards, so that the first seen lay inthe middle between them. At six p. M. That first seen island bearing N. Half a point E. We sounded, and had no ground at eighty fathoms. Westeered E. By S. Constantly throwing the lead, in regard to the_overfalls_ or ripplings, which were very fearful, yet had no ground atsixty fathoms. At day-break of the 31st, we had sight of Celebes, its western extremityrising like an island, and the outermost high land bearing E. By N. Sixleagues off, our latitude 5° 52' S. Our course E. Northerly sixteenleagues, and a current setting N. W. At sun-set we took in our sails, that we might not overshoot the straits of _Desalon_, called _Solore_ bythe natives. [424] Keeping our lead going all night, while under easysail, we had first twenty fathoms, the high land being then north, anddrove thence into thirty-three and forty-seven fathoms, fearing a shoalabout two-thirds of a league from Celebes, on which the sea breaks atlow-water. The passage, or straits, on the Celebes side, is verydangerous, and full of sunken ground, wherefore we hauled off to the_Desalon_ side, giving it a good birth, having a peaked hill next thesea-side, rising like an island. When you are to the westward, this hillbears N. N. E. When it bears north, then you are athwart the west end ofthe shoal, and then will the island on your starboard-hand bear E. N. E. So that you may boldly steer through in the middle between the twoislands. When the peaked hill bears N. By W. Then you are athwart theeast end. This east end of Desalon shews like an island, and willdeceive you till you come to it; but when you have brought the north endof the point E. N. E. You may be bold, as being now clear of thebefore-mentioned shoal. It is about four leagues between these islands, and we came within half a mile of the island on our starboard. Whilegoing through, the wind took us suddenly short, but on sounding, we hadno ground at fifty-five fathoms. [Footnote 424: The passage between the S. W. Extremity of Celebes and theSallyee islands seems here meant. --E. ] The afternoon of the 1st February we were abreast the point of theisland, bearing S. Of us, and the two islands which make the straits layfrom each other N. And S. Distant five small leagues. The morning of the2d we had sight of the south part of _Desalon_, S. W. By S. And the northpart W. By N. Eight leagues off. We steered E. By N. The wind at N. ByE. Our latitude being 5° 52' S. And Desalon ten leagues off. The morningof the 3d the south end of the isle of _Cambyna_ bore N. E. By E. And asmall island or hummock N. E. Eight or nine leagues off. In the morningof the 4th we were in latitude 5° S. With the wind at N. E. And at 3 p. M. We saw land E. By N. Which we made to be _Boeton_ or_ Botun. _ The 5th, being three or four leagues off Cambyna, we found the current carryingus to the northwards. The 7th at day-break we neared Botun, and the 8thsaw another island called _Tingabasse_, or _Tockan Bessy_, rising roundand flat. The 9th we had sight of two _Curra-Curras_ between us and Botun, onwhich we sent the skiff to one of them, which brought one Mr Welden, whohad formerly belonged to the Expedition, and a Dutchman, both of thembeing bound for Banda. Mr Welden was in the employment of the king ofBotun, in the trade between that place and Banda, and had the command ofthese two curra-curras. Our latitude was 5° 20'. We had the wind atE. N. E. And steered north. At night the wind came southerly, and westeered N. N. E. From the east point of Botun the land falls awaysuddenly, forming two great bays to the N. N. W. And with three greatislands which lie to the northward of Botun, forms the straits of thatname. The strait of Botun is not above a league broad, the entrancebeing on the north side of the island. If you come from the westwards, when abreast the north-west point, the proper course is E. N. E. And E. ByN. Up to the road, with no danger but what may be seen; but you mustleave the three great islands to the north of your course, not goingbetween any of them; and on falling in with the west end of Botun, gonot between and the island lying off it. There are two long islands, butleave both to starboard, as there is broken ground between them andBotun. If the wind serve, haul to the northward of all the islands, going either between Botun and Cambyna, or else to the northward ofCambyna likewise, and so you may keep the shore of Celebes, for it isbold. The morning of the 13th we had sight of the island of _Buro_ or _Boero_, being high land; and the 14th, in the morning, we bore up with the eastpoint of the island, to seek for some place where we might anchor. Atnoon of the 18th, we were within a mile of an island called _Sula_, andsent our skiff ashore to speak with the natives. We had fifteen fathomsonly the ship's length from shore, and no ground a mile off with 100fathoms line. The west part of Boero bore S. 1/2 a point W. And N. 1/2 apoint E. Fourteen leagues one from the other, the land stretching N. N. E. The morning of the 21st we were four or five leagues off an islandcalled by our sailors _Haleboling_, being a high-capped round island, different in shape from all the islands in sight, the point of thisisland of _Haleboling_, or _Boa de Bachian_, bearing N. E. By N. Fourleagues off. The 22d, in the morning, we had sight of land N. By E. Being the island of _Machian_, which is very high land. The 23d, in themorning, we were three leagues from the land, having the wind at N. E. And were in search of a place wherein to anchor. Within a quarter of amile from the shore we had forty fathoms, wherefore we bore up to thesouth part of the island, where we had twenty and nineteen fathoms for afew casts, and then no ground. We steered from this point E. S. E. For sothe land lieth open, off the point of the high round island, being fourleagues between the two points; but the western point is an island, withthree or four others to the eastwards of it, which cannot be perceivedtill very near them. The land then falls away N. E. Having a large andround bay or sound, very deep, with land on both sides of it. This roundhill is _Bachian_, and yields great abundance of cloves; but by reasonof the wars they are wasted, and as the people are not allowed theadvantages of the cloves, they are not gathered, but are left to dropfrom the trees upon the ground to absolute waste. The natives areoppressed by the Hollanders and Spaniards, and induced by them to spoiland waste each other in civil wars; while both of these, theiroppressors, remain secure in strong-holds, and look on till they cansnatch, the bone from he who can wrest it from his fellow. Finding noground on which to anchor, and being unable to get to the northwards, westood off and on all night, hoping to get a shift of wind to carry us toMachian. The morning of the 24th; the high land of the island, laying from us S. By E. Ten or twelve leagues, had a rugged appearance. We stood in, however, and when a league from the point, sent off the skiff to lookfor water, and to sound for an anchorage. She returned on board, havingneither found water nor place to anchor in; wherefore we stood into thebay, and presently got sight of a town and fort belonging to theHollanders, called Boa de Bachian. The pinnace a-head found water inseveral places, which were all very steep and in the bottom of the bay, near to which is the Dutch fort very artificially built, and warlike, with a town hard by. We came here to anchor, a sacker shot from thefort, having very irregular soundings in going up, as seventy, sixty, eight, and ten fathoms, the ground all ooze. The Dutch saluted us withfive pieces, which I returned with a like number. A messenger being onboard of my ship from the king of the island, I told him our salute wasin honour of his master; who indeed had sent me word by this person, that he would have come aboard to visit me, but was hindered by theDutch. In this fort there were thirteen pieces of artillery, one being abrass demi-culverine, the others sackers and minions. The Hollandershere are more feared than loved by the natives, which yet is the causeof their greater profit; for, as soon as we arrived, the natives toldus, they durst not for their lives bring us a _catty_ of cloves. At our anchorage here, the outermost point bore S. S. W. And the otherS. W. Distant from us four leagues. The king sent his admiral and othersof his nobles aboard to bid me welcome, saying that they knew whatnation we were of by our flag. They used many ceremonious compliments, wishing we were seated among them instead of the Dutch, that they mightget clear of them, as they had almost ruined their country by civilwars. I entertained them in a friendly manner, saying we had come amongthem for trade, and would leave a factory with them, if their king wereso inclined. They answered, that such a thing would please them much, but could not now be granted; yet they would acquaint their king withwhat I said. The captain of the Dutch fort made me a visit on board, from whom I understood that his force consisted of thirty men, most ofwhom were married, some to natives of the country, and some to Dutchwomen; eleven of whom, as he told me, were able to do military duty evenagainst the Spaniards or any other nation, being large and strongviragoes, with few other good qualities. No sooner was the captain onboard but he was followed by this Amazonian band, who complained thatthey suffered great misery, and readily sat down along with our sailorsto partake of such as our ship afforded; after which they returnedashore with the captain. The 3d March we sent our skiff to sound the east side of the bay, and atan opening or entrance near a little island, she found an anchorage intwelve, sixteen, and twenty fathoms on coral ground, out from under thecommand of the fort; but having a shoal to the southwards, the length ofthree cables. This is in latitude 0° 50'. The 4th, the king of Ternatesent me a present by his priest. The 5th, at sun-rise, we observed thevariation to be 4° 48' easterly. This day a Moor came aboard with asample of cloves, and offered to sell us some quantity if we would gofor them to Machian; being sent on this errand by his master, who wasnow on this island of Bachian. For this reason we deemed it proper tostay a day longer to have some conference with this person, whose namewas Key Malladaia, being brother to the old king of Ternate. The 6th hecame aboard, and promised to go with us to Machian, and to bring us to aplace there called Tahannee. [425] He accordingly left two of his chiefmen with me as pilots, desiring us to go before and wait for him at anisland by the way, where he promised to be with us in two days, givinggreat encouragement to hope for abundance of cloves. He told us that theDutch gave 50 dollars the bahar, but they would cost us 60, which I veryreadily promised to give. The 7th we weighed from this anchorage orroad, called _Amascan_; and, by direction of our new pilots, steered W. And W. By N. For Machian, leaving two islands to larboard, four or fivemiles from Amascan; we had twenty-two, thirty, and even forty fathoms, two cables length only off the island. The 10th we had sight of_Machian_, being a high and capped island, bearing N. E. And the islandof _Tidore_ opening like a sugar-loaf on its western side, but not suchhigh land as Machian. We anchored in twenty-three fathoms, a mile from alittle island in the mouth of a strait or passage among islands fiveleagues from the straits of _Namorat_, and fourteen leagues from theroad of Amascan, where is the Dutch fort we had been near in Bachian. The 11th in the morning, we weighed with the wind at S. S. E. And thecurrent setting to the northwards, enabled us to pass the straits. Thewind then veered to N. W. By N. On which we stood east till noon, when wetackt to westwards, and had sight of _Gilolo_, a long land. Our depthgoing out of the strait was from twenty-nine to thirty-four fathoms, andwe had many islands to the E. And E. S. E. The point of old Bachian wasthree or four leagues north of the strait, leaving four islands tostarboard. The island which makes that side of the strait is called_Tavally Backar_, where we anchored and remained till the 12th, waitingfor Key Malladaia, being the place where he appointed to come to us, being ten leagues from Machian. In this island of Tavally we had plentyof wood, but no water. The 13th our coopers provided themselves with_rattans_, which make excellent hoops, and of which there was abundanceto be had here of all sizes. [Footnote 425: Tahannee is a town on the island of Machian, where thePortuguese formerly had a fort, but there is none now, neither for themnor the Hollanders. There is here the best anchorage in the wholeisland, and though very near the shore, yet perfectly safe. --_Purchas. _] As Key Malladaia did not make his appearance on the 14th, his peopledoubted that the Dutch had detained him, on seeing us making our wayamong the islands, and suspecting he was in treaty with us. Wherefore weset sail with the wind at N. W. And plied up towards Machian. The channelbetween Bachian, Machian, Tidore, and Ternate, stretches N. By W. And S. By E. And is six leagues across in its narrowest part. In the morning ofthe 15th, we passed between Gilolo, otherwise called Batta-china andCaia, our latitude at noon being 0° 17' N. So that Machian was not trulyplaced on our chart, in which the equator is made to pass through itsmiddle, whereas we found it five leagues more to the northwards. The16th in the morning we were close by the island of Caia, and had sightof a sail to the northwards, which we learnt from a fisherman to be aDutch vessel, bound from. Machian to Tidore with _sago_, of which thenatives make use instead of bread. [426] In the morning of the 17th wewere near a fort of the Hollanders, called _Tabalda_; and at four p. M. We came to anchor in the road of _Pelebere_, hard by _Tahanue_, in fiftyfathoms water, so near the shore as to be within call;, having one pointof land to the S. S. W. Two miles off, another N. E. By N. One and a halfmile off, and the island of _Caia_ five leagues distant. This night somesmall quantities of cloves were brought to us, and a price fixed atsixty dollars the bahar of 200 _cattees_, each _cattee_ being threepounds five ounces English. [427] I received a letter from Key Malladaiaat Bachian, excusing his absence, promising to be with me shortly, andsaying he had sent orders to his people to supply me with all the clovesthey could procure. [Footnote 426: In the test of the Pilgrims, Captain Sons calls sago aroot, while Purchas, in a marginal note, informs us that some say it isthe tops of certain trees. Sago is a granulated dried paste, preparedfrom the pith of certain trees that grow in various of the easternislands of India, and of which a bland, mucilaginous, and nutritivejell; is made by maceration and boiling in water. --E. ] [Footnote 427: The bahar in this instance may be called 662 pounds, andthe agreed price for the cloves rather below 5d the pound. --E. ] A _Samaca_ came aboard on the 18th, who made great offers of kindness. He was accompanied by two Dutchmen, who were very inquisitive to knowwho had directed us into this road, saying it must have been one of thenatives, and if they knew him, they would cut him in pieces before ourfaces. To this they added, that we did wrong in coming into these parts, as the country belonged to the Dutch by right of conquest. I orderedthem back to their fort, desiring them to tell their captains, that Iwas ready to let them have any thing I could spare, at reasonable rates, before all others, because we acknowledged them as our neighbours andbrethren in Christ; but that we could not acknowledge the country to betheir property, and would therefore continue to ride there while wethought proper, and would trade with whoever was pleased to come to us. The two Dutchmen then departed, threatening the natives then aboard, that they would all be put to death if they brought us any cloves. Thenatives made light of this threat, saying they looked on us as friends, and would come aboard in spite of the Dutch; and this day we bought 300cattees of cloves in exchange for Cambaya cloth, and some sold forready money. Next day the two Dutchmen came again on board, and immediately begun towrite down in their table books the names of all the natives which cameaboard our ship, on which I made our boatswain turn them out of theship, with orders not to return. Several of our men were sent ashore, tosee what entertainment the natives would give them; and on going to thetowns of Tahanne and Pelebere, they were hospitably used. The nativestold our men, that the Dutch had so wrought with _Key Chillisadang_, sonto the king of Ternate, who was newly come to this island, that he hadprohibited them from selling us any cloves on pain of death, otherwisewe should have had them in preference to the Dutch, who greatlyoppressed them. Towards night that prince passed by our ship in hiscurracurra, and I sent our pinnace to him, handsomely fitted with a fineTurkey carpet awning, and curtains of crimson silk and gold, requestinghe would come aboard. He seemed to take this message kindly, but excusedhimself; saying he would visit me in the morning. The 21st an _Orankey_ came aboard, telling us that a curracurrabelonging to the Dutch had searched three or four proas, or canoes, bringing cloves to us, which they had confiscated, and threatened to putthe natives to death for the next offence. He told us likewise, that theDutch, since our arrival, had dispersed the whole garrison of theirforts round about the island, to prevent the natives from bringing usany more spice; and had sent a message to Tidore, for two large ships tocome and anchor beside us, one a-head and the other a-stern, that theymight force us away without trade or refreshments. The 22d, we saw oneof these ships coming round the point, after which we had little trade, as the natives were afraid to come near us; and they waited to see whatwe might do, as the Dutch reported we would run away at the sight oftheir ship. This vessel was the Red Lion, carrying thirty guns, whichcame to anchor astern Of our ship. I this day received a present fromKey Malladaia, who was not yet come to the island. The 24th, _Key Chillisadang_, prince of Ternate, sent to tell me that hewas coming to make me a visit, on which I made preparations to give hima handsome reception. He came attended by several great curracurras, androwed thrice round the ship before coming aboard. On entering, we firedfive guns, and immediately conducted him to the cabin, where I hadprepared a banquet that might have been set before the king of Ternate, with a concert of music, with which he was much delighted. He promisedto give the people leave to bring us cloves, but requested me to havepatience for a day or two, till he had advice from his brother, who wasthen at Tidore. At parting, I gave him several presents, and saluted himwith seven pieces of cannon. In the morning of the 25th, a curracurra of the Dutch rowed past ourship, scoffing at our people, and singing a song which they had made toderide us, which they often repeated, to the great displeasure of ourpeople, who were likewise much offended by their rowing several timesover our _can-bodies_, endeavouring to sink them. Thereupon I orderedthe pinnace to be well manned and armed, and directed, if the Dutch ontheir return continued their scoffs, to run aboard and sink theircurracurra. They accordingly came back, singing and scoffing as before, on which the pinnace ran aboard them with such violence, that the watercame through her sides. There were on board this curracurra two Dutchcaptains of their forts, and plenty of men armed with shot and darts;but our pinnace was well provided, and had two good _fowlers_[428] ather head. She lay a good space aboard the curracurra, desiring theDutchmen to take this for a warning to leave off their impertinentscoffs, or we should teach them better manners in a worse way the nexttime. So they went away, promising to do so no more. [Footnote 428: Probably some species of ordnance, as swivels ormusquetoons. --E. ] Towards evening the Dutch sent one of their merchants to me, with awriting from their _doctor-of-laws_, who was their chief in the absenceof De Bot, or Blocke, who had come from Holland as general over elevenships. The purport of this writing was, that all the inhabitants of theMoluccas had entered into a perpetual contract with the Dutch for alltheir cloves, at fifty dollars the bahar, of 200 cattees, in reward forhaving freed them from the Spanish yoke, at great expence of blood andtreasure; and required therefore, that I should not excite the people todisobedience, to their great disadvantage, as the country was certainlytheirs by right of conquest. He added, that the islanders were indebtedin large sums to the Dutch, advanced on promise of repayment in cloves. I answered, that I had no intention to interfere in any of the concernsof the Dutch, and had only come for the purpose of trading with whoevermight be inclined to trade with us. The 27th, the Dutch made the prince Key Chillisadang moor his curracurraastern of us, to prevent the natives from coming aboard of us; and, inour sight, we saw him stop a canoe, which we thought was bringing usspice, and obliged it to go back to the land: yet, towards night, two ofthe natives brought us off some refreshments. Next day, understandingthat we were dissatisfied with his proceedings, the prince removedbehind a point at some distance, which much displeased the Dutch. In theafternoon, I went with the skiff, well manned, to endeavour to bargainwith the prince for a parcel of cloves, but found him gone to anotherplace. Seeing my skiff going into the bay, Captain Blocke followed inhis curracurra, and would have landed where I was, but I would notsuffer him. On the natives seeing this, and that Captain Blocke wentback to his ship without landing, many of the better sort came down tous with much respect, and sent for cocoas and other fruits, which theydistributed to the boat's crew. When the master of my ship saw CaptainBlocke following me in great haste, he manned our long-boat to assist usin case of need, but on a signal to that effect from me, he returned onboard. On the 30th, the Dutch brought the prince to ride in his old place, andtowards evening another Dutch ship came into the roads, called the Moon, having thirty-two pieces of good cannon, but not more than fifty men. She came to anchor a-head of us, and so near, that we could hardly swingclear of each other. The prince sent an apology for coming back, but wenow saw that he was forced to do as the Dutch thought proper. On the31st, several harsh dealings and discourtesies passed between us and theDutch. The 1st of April, 1613, the Dutch mustered about 120 men ashore, gathered from their ships and forts, and every morning and eveningrelieved guard with drum and fife, and displayed ensign. On the 2d, seeing no appearance of Key Malladaia, according to his promise, Iordered our water-casks to be filled, and every thing to be in readinessfor setting sail with the first fair wind. At noon this day, we foundthe latitude of this road of _Pelebre_, or _Pelabry_, to be 26' N. Ofthe equator, the variation being 3° 28', and the highest land in theisland of Machian bearing W. N. W. Half a point westerly. On the 5th of April we weighed anchor with little wind, and the currentsetting to the southwards, we drove to sea under our foresail, passinga-head of the Moon, the larger of the Dutch ships, which made a fairshot under our stern, which we presently answered close a-head of hisadmiral, expecting farther, but heard no more of them. At noon they bothweighed and followed us; but having the wind at S. W. We were far towindward, so that the natives came aboard of us with cloves for a time, as fast as we could weigh and pay for them, the Dutch being unable tohinder. There came also an Orankey aboard, who promised us a good parcelof cloves, if we could come near the shore in the evening. The 6th, about fifty cattees of cloves were brought to us in several canoes. Towards evening; stood rather nearer the shore than I wished, inconsequence of seeing a weft, on which I sent a skiff to the Orankey, who said his cloves were ready, and should be brought aboard in thedark. But in consequence of a Dutch curracurra passing by, he was insuch fear, that though our people offered to guard him, he durst notventure aboard. In the morning of the 16th, we were abreast of _Mootiere_, four leaguesfrom the western point of Machian, N. By E. Half a point easterly; andthree leagues from it to the north is the island of _Marro_, two leaguesbeyond which is _Tidore_, between and around all which islands is clearpassage on all sides, without any danger. Our latitude at noon was 0°25'; and we could see the two Dutch ships to the southwards, plyingafter us. In sailing from _Marro_ to Tidore, it is proper to keep asharp look-out, as there is a long shoal in the fair way, quite evenwith the sea at high-water, close to which the water has a whitish look. This shoal stretches N. E. And S. W. Between _Marro_ and _Battachina_. Itis seen at low-water, the ebb being six feet, the tide setting six hoursto the north, and six to the south; but if you keep close to theislands, there is no fear. The Spanish fort is on the east side of Tidore, where there is deepwater close in shore; and, while off that place, the wind suddenly fellquite calm, so that the current set us in upon the land, when the fortmade a shot at us, but willingly sent it short, to which we made answerby one shot to seawards. The fort then fired other two guns, which weremeant to strike us, one being aimed between the mizen and ancient staff, and the other between the main and foremasts. They then fired one gunwithout shot, to which we answered in like manner; on which they sentoff a boat with a flag of truce, the current still setting us towardsthe shore, there being no wind to fill our sails, and no ground at 100fathoms, so that we could in no way keep off. There were two galliesriding under the fort, which, on their boat putting off, fired two blankshots. The boat came and made fast to our stern, having two Spaniards ofsome rank, who were known to Hernando, the Spaniard we brought fromBantam. These Spaniards were sent from Don Fernand Byseere, thecaptain-general of Tidore, to enquire who we were, what we came for, andwhy we did not come to anchor under the fort. Being requested to comeaboard, they said they were enjoined to the contrary, wherefore I madewine and bread be handed down to them from the poop, which they fell tolustily, although under the heaviest rain I ever saw, yet would not comeaboard. I told them we were subjects of the king of Great Britain, asthey might well see by our colours; but they said the Dutch had oftenpassed by scot-free by shewing British colours, which was the reasonthey had fired the second sharp-shot at us, thinking we were Dutch. Isent word to the Spanish commandant, that I had every inclination toserve the subjects of the king of Spain, as far as in my power, butmeant to anchor farther on, where, if Don Fernando pleased to comeaboard, I should give him the best welcome I could. The Spaniards went away well satisfied with this answer, and as a finebreeze immediately sprung up, we stood along shore. The captain-generalsent off to me the pilot-major of the gallies, Francisco Gomez, a man ofgood presence, to bid me welcome, offering his assistance to bring myship into the best anchorage under the fort; or any where else about theisland. Being dark, he brought us to an anchorage, about a league and ahalf from the fort, at a place where he said there was no force; and, after supper, he entreated to be set ashore, as the captain-generalmeant to dispatch letters to Don Jeronimo de Sylva, the _maestre delcampo_ at Ternate, for instructions concerning our visit. On the morningof the 9th, before sun-rise, we found ourselves within command of abattery of eight cannon, wherefore we hoisted our anchor, and removed aleague farther to the southwards, where we again anchored in thirty-fivefathoms. The pilot Gomez came aboard soon after, accompanied by othertwo Spaniards of good family, whom I received with such welcome, thatthey took their lodging on board. They brought me a present of eatablesfrom their general, to whom I sent back a suitable return; offering tosupply his wants with any thing in my ship he desired, taking cloves inpayment, and desiring a speedy answer, as I could not tarry long. Thetwo Dutch ships continued to ply after us, as if they would haveanchored beside us, but they afterwards went to anchor at their new fortof _Maracco_, or _Marieca_. END OF THE EIGHTH VOLUME.