A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. 

BY ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. 

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. 

VOL. VII. 

MDCCCXXIV. 

CONTENTS OF VOL. VII. 

PART II. BOOK III. CONTINUED. 

CHAP. IV. Continued. 

SECT. XIII. Account of an expedition of the Portuguese from India toMadagascar in 1613. 

XIV. Continuation of the transactions of the Portuguese in India, from1617 to 1640: and the conclusion of the Portuguese Asia of Manuel deFaria. 

XV. Occurrences in Pegu, Martavan, Pram, Siam, and other places. 

XVI. A short account of the Portuguese possessions between the Cape ofGood Hope and China. 

CHAP. V. Voyages and Travels in Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, and India. By Ludovico Verthema, in 1503. 

Introduction

SECT. I Of the Navigation from Venice to Alexandria in Egypt, and fromthence to Damascus in Syria. 

II. Of the City of Damascus. 

CHAP. V. SECT. III. Of the Journey from Damascus to Mecca, and of theManners of the Arabians. 

IV. Observations of the Author during his residence at Mecca. 

V. Adventures of the Author in various parts of Arabia Felix, or Yemen. 

VI. Observations of the Author relative to some parts of Persia. 

VII. Observations of the Author on various parts of India. 

VIII. Account of the famous City and Kingdom of Calicut. 

IX. Observations on various parts of India. 

X. Continuation of the Authors Adventures, after his return to Calicut. 

XI. Account of a memorable Battle between the Mahometan Navy of Calicutand the Portuguese. 

XII. Navigation of the Author to Ethiopia, and return to Europe by Sea. 

CHAP. VI. Voyages and Travels of Cesar Frederick in India. 

Introduction

SECT. I. Voyage from Venice to Bir in Asia Minor. 

II. Of Feluchia and Babylon. 

III. Of Basora. 

IV. Of Ormuz. 

V. Of Goa, Diu, and Cambaya. 

VI. Of Damann, Bassen, Tana, Chaul, and some other places. 

VII. Of Goa. 

VIII. Of the City of Bijanagur. 

IX. Of Cochin. 

X. Of the Pearl Fishery in the Gulf of Manaar. 

XI. Of the Island of Ceylon. 

XII. Of Negapatam. 

XIII. Of Saint Thome and other places. 

XIV. Of the Island of Sumatra and the City of Malacca. 

XV. Of the City of Siam. 

XVI. Of the Kingdom of Orissa and the River Ganges. 

XVII. Of Tanasserim and other places. 

Sect. XVIII. Of Martaban and the Kingdom of Pegu. 

XIX. Voyages of the Author to different parts of India. 

XX. Some Account of the Commodities of India. 

XXI. Return of the Author to Europe. 

CHAP. VII. Early English Voyages to Guinea, and other parts of the WestCoast of Africa. 

Introduction. 

SECT. I. Second Voyage of the English to Barbary, in the year 1552, byCaptain Thomas Windham. 

II. A Voyage from England to Guinea and Benin in 1553, by CaptainWindham and Antonio Anes Pinteado. 

III. Voyage to Guinea, in 1554, by Captain John Lok. 

IV. Voyage to Guinea in 1555, by William Towerson, Merchant of London. 

V. Second Voyage to Guinea in 1556, by William Towerson. 

VI. Third Voyage of William Towerson to Guinea in 1558. 

VII. Notices of an intended Voyage to Guinea, in 1561. 

VIII. Voyage to Guinea in 1562, written by William Rutter. 

IX. Supplementary Account of the foregoing Voyage. 

X. Voyage to Guinea in 1563 by Robert Baker. 

XI. A Voyage to Guinea in 1564, by Captain David Carlet. 

XII. A Voyage to Guinea and the Cape de Verd Islands in 1566, by GeorgeFenner. 

XIII. Embassy of Mr Edmund Hogan to Morocco in 1577, written by himself. 

XIV. Embassy of Henry Roberts from Queen Elizabeth to Morocco, in 1585, written by himself. 

SECT. XV. Voyage to Benin beyond Guinea in 1588, by James Welsh. 

XVI. Supplement to the foregoing Voyage, in a Letter from Anthony Ingramthe chief factor, written from Plymouth to the Owners, dated 9thSeptember, the day of arriving at Plymouth. 

XVII. Second Voyage of James Welsh to Benin, in 1590. 

VIII. Voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the Rivers Senegaland Gambia adjoining to Guinea, in 1591. 

CHAP. VIII. Some miscellaneous early Voyages of the English. 

Introduction. 

SECT. I. Gallant escape of the Primrose from Bilboa in Spain, in 1585. 

II. Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, in 1585, to the West Indies. 

III. Cruising Voyage to the Azores by Captain Whiddon, in 1586, writtenby John Evesham. 

IV. Brief relation of notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake in1587. 

V. Brief account of the Expedition of the Spanish Armada in 1588. 

VI. Account of the Relief of a part of the Spanish Armada, at Anstrutherin Scotland, in 1588. 

VII. A cruising Voyage to the Azores in 1589, by the Earl of Cumberland. 

VIII. Valiant Sea Fight by Ten Merchant Ships of London against TwelveSpanish Gallies, in the Straits of Gibraltar, on the 24th April 1590. 

IX. A valiant Sea Fight in the Straits of Gibraltar, in April 1591, bythe Centurion of London, against five Spanish Gallies. 

X. Sea-Fight near the Azores, between the Revenge man of war, commandedby Sir Richard Granville, and fifteen Spanish men of war, 31st August1591. Written by Sir Walter Raleigh. 

SECT. XI. Note of the Fleet of the Indies, expected in Spain this year1591; with the number that perished, according to the examination ofcertain Spaniards, lately taken and brought to England. 

XII. Report of a Cruizing Voyage to the Azores in 1581, by a fleet ofLondon ships sent with supplies to the Lord Thomas Howard. Written byCaptain Robert Flicke. 

XIII. Exploits of the English in several Expeditions and cruizingVoyages from 1589 to 1592; extracted from John Huighen van Linschoten. 

XIV. Cruising voyage to the Azores, in 1592, by Sir John Burrough, knight. 

XV. The taking of two Spanish Ships, laden with quicksilver and thePopes bulls, in 1592, by Captain Thomas White. 

XVI. Narrative of the Destruction of a great East India Carak in 1584, written by Captain Nicholas Downton. 

XVII. List of the Royal Navy of England at the demise of QueenElizabeth. 

CHAP IX. Early Voyages of the English to the East Indies, before theestablishment of an exclusive company. 

SECT. I. Voyage to Goa in 1579, in the Portuguese fleet, by ThomasStevens. 

Introduction. 

II. Journey to India over-land, by Ralph Fitch, Merchant of London, andothers, in 1583. 

III. Supplement to the Journey of Fitch No. 1. --Letter from Mr JohnNewbery to Mr Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, Author of the Voyages, &c. 

No. 2, --Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore of London. 

3. --Letter from Mr John Newbery to the same. 

4. --Letter from John Newbery to Messrs John Eldred and William Scales atBasora. 

5. --Letter from Mr John Newbery to Messrs Eldred and Scales. 

6. --Letter from Mr Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore. 

7. --Letter from Mr Ralph Fitch to Mr Leonard Poore. 

8. --The Report of John Huighen, &c. 

AGENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTIONOF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

 * * * * *

PART II. BOOK III. CONTINUED. 

 * * * * *

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THEEAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES Of OTHER EUROPEANNATIONS TO INDIA. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER IV. CONTINUED. 

CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURNOF DON STEPHANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1541, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGALUNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581. 

SECTION XIII. 

_Account of an Expedition of the Portuguese from India to Madagascar in1613. _

Being anxious to find out a considerable number of Portuguese who werereported to exist in the island of St. Lawrence or Madagascar, havingbeen cast away at different times on that island, and also desirous ofpropagating the ever blessed gospel among its inhabitants, and toexclude the Hollanders from that island by establishing a friendlycorrespondence with the native princes, the viceroy Don Jerome deAzevedo sent thither, in 1613, a caravel from Goa commanded by PaulRodrigues de Costa, accompanied by two Jesuits, some interpreters, and acompetent number of soldiers. This island is about 260 leagues in lengthand 600 in circumference[1], its greatest extent being from N. N. E. ToS. S. W. It is 80 leagues from E. To W. Where widest, but considerablyless towards the north, where it ends in a point named St Ignatius whichis about 15 leagues from east to west[2]. It may be considered asdivided into three parts. The first or northern portion is divided fromthe other two by an imaginary line from east to west at Cape StAndrew[3]. The other two divisions are formed by a chain of mountainsrunning nearly south from this line to Cape St Romanus, otherwise CapeSt Mary, but much nearer the east coast than the west. The island isdivided into a great number of kingdoms, but so confusedly andill-defined, that it were endless to enumerate them. It is verypopulous, the inhabitants having many cities and towns of differentextent and grandeur[4]. The country is fertile and well watered, andeverywhere diversified with mountains, vallies, rivers, bays, and ports. The natives have no general name for the island, and are entirelyignorant of those of Madagascar and St Lawrence, which are given to itby strangers. The general population of the island consists of a nationcalled _Buques_, who have no religion and consequently no priests orplaces of worship, yet all their youth are circumcised at six or sevenyears old, any one performing the operation. The natives are not all ofone colour; some being quite black with crisp or curled hair likenegroes; others not quite so black with lank hair; others againresembling mulatoes; while some that live in the interior are almostwhite, yet have hair of both kinds. They are of large stature, strongand well made, of clear judgment, and apt to learn. Every man has asmany wives as he pleases or can maintain, turning them off at pleasure, when they are sure to find other husbands, all of whom buy their wivesfrom their fathers, by way of repaying the expence of their maintenancebefore marriage. Their funeral obsequies consist chiefly in feasting theguests; and their mourning in laying aside all appearance of joy, andcutting off their hair or daubing their faces and bodies with clay. Their government is monarchical, their kings or chiefs being called_Andias_, _Anrias_, and _Dias_, all independent of each other and almostcontinually engaged in war, more for the purpose of plunder thanslaughter or conquest. On the Portuguese going among them, no arms werefound in their possession except a few guns they had procured from theMoors and Hollanders, which they knew not how to use, and were evenfearful of handling. They have excellent amber[5], white sandal, tortoises, ebony, sweet woods of various kinds, and abundance of slaves, with plenty of cattle of all kinds, the flesh of their goats being assweet as mutton. The island likewise produces abundance of sea cows, sea-horses, monkeys, and some say tigers, with a great many snakes whichare not very venomous. It has no elephants, horses, asses, lions, bears, deer, foxes, nor hares. 

[Footnote 1: Madagascar, between the latitudes of 12° 30' and 35° 45' S. And the longitudes of 44° and 53° W. From Greenwich, rather exceeds 1000statute miles from N. N. W to S. S. E. And is about 220 miles in mean widthfrom east to west. This island therefore, in a fine climate, capable ofgrowing all the tropical productions in perfection, and excellentlysituated for trade, extends to about 200, 000 square miles, or 128millions of acres, yet is abandoned entirely to ignorantbarbarians. --E. ]

[Footnote 2: The north end of Madagascar, called the point of StIgnatius, is 70 miles from east to west, the eastern headland being CapeNatal or de Ambro, and the western Cape St Sebastian. --E. ]

[3][Footnote 3: 3 Cape Antongil on the east coast is probably heremeant, in lat. 15° 45' S. As at this place the deep bay of Antongil orManghabei penetrates about 70 mile inland, and the opposite coast alsois deeply indented by port Massali. It is proper to mention however, that Cape St Andrew is on the west coast of Madagascar, in lat. 17° 12'S. --E. ]

[Footnote 4: There may be numerous villages, or collections of huts, inMadagascar, and some of these may possibly be extensive and populous;but there certainly never was in that island any place that merited thename of a city. --E. ]

[Footnote 5: More probably Ambergris thrown on their shores. --E. ]

The first place visited by de Costa on this voyage of discovery was alarge bay near _Masilage_[6] in lat. 16° S. In which there is an islandhalf a league in circumference containing a town of 8000 inhabitants, most of them weavers of an excellent kind of stuff made of thepalm-tree. At this place the Moors used to purchase boys who werecarried to Arabia and sold for infamous uses. The king of this place, named _Samamo_, received the Portuguese in a friendly manner, andgranted leave to preach the gospel among his subjects. Coasting about 40leagues south from this place, they came to the mouth of a large rivernamed _Balue_ or _Baeli_ in about 17° S. And having doubled Cape StAndrew, they saw the river and kingdom of _Casame_, between thelatitudes of 17° and 18° S. Where they found little water and had muchtrouble[7]. Here also amity was established with the king, whose namewas Sampilla, a discreet old man; but hitherto they could get nointelligence of the Portuguese whom they were sent in search of. OnWhitsunday, which happened that year about the middle of May, mass wassaid on shore and two crosses erected, at which the king appeared somuch pleased that he engaged to restore them if they happened to fall ordecay. During the holidays they discovered an island in lat. 18° S. Towhich they gave the name of Espirito Santo[8], and half a degree fartherthey were in some danger from a sand bank 9 leagues long. On TrinitySunday, still in danger from sand banks, they anchored at the sevenislands of _Cuerpo de Dios_ or _Corpus Christi_[9] in 19° S. Near thekingdom and river of _Sadia_ to which they came on the 19th of June, finding scarcely enough of water to float the caravel. This kingdom isextensive, and its principal _city_ on the banks of the river has about10, 000 inhabitants. The people are black, simple, and good-natured, having no trade, but have plenty of flesh, maize, tar, tortoises, sandal, ebony, and sweet woods. The name of the king was _Capilate_, whowas an old man much respected and very honest. He received thePortuguese kindly, and even sent his son to guide them along the coast. All along this coast from _Massalage_ to _Sadia_ the natives speak thesame language with the Kafrs on the opposite coast of Africa; while inall the rest of the island the native language called _Buqua_ is spoken. 

[Footnote 6: On this bay is a town called New Massah to distinguish itfrom Old Massah on the bay of Massali, somewhat more than half a degreefarther north. Masialege or Meselage is a town at the bottom of the bayof Juan Mane de Cuna, about half a degree farther south. --E. ]

[Footnote 7: They were here on the bank of Pracel, which seems alludedto in the text from the shallowness of the water; though the districtnamed Casame in the text is not to be found in modern maps--E. ]

[Footnote 8: Probably the island of the bay of St Andrew in 17° 30' ishere meant; at any rate it must be carefully distinguished from SpirituSanto, St Esprit, or Holy Ghost Island, one of the Comoros in lat. 15°S. --E. ]

[Footnote 9: Perhaps those now called _barren isles_ on the west coast, between lat. 18° 40' and 19° 12' S. The river Sadia of the text may bethat now called _Santiano_ in lat. 19° S. --E. ]

Continuing towards the south they came to the country of the _Buques_, a poor and barbarous people feeding on the spawn of fish, who are muchoppressed by the kings of the inland tribes. Passing the river_Mane_[10], that of _Saume_[11] in 20° 15'; _Manoputa_ in 20° 30', wherethey first heard of the Portuguese; _Isango_ in 21°; _Terrir_ in 21°30'; the seven islands of _Elizabeth_ in 22°; they came on the 11th ofJuly into the port of _St Felix_[12] in 22°, where they heard again ofthe Portuguese of whom they were in search, from _Dissamuta_ the king ofthat part of the country. On offering a silver chain at this place forsome provisions, the natives gave it to an old woman to examine if itwas genuine, and she informed the Portuguese that at the distance ofthree days journey there was an island inhabited a long while before bya white people dressed like the Portuguese and wearing crosses hangingfrom their necks, who lived by rapine and easily took whatever theywanted, as they were armed with spears and guns, with which informationthe Portuguese were much gratified. Continuing their voyage past the bayof _St Bonaventura_ and the mouth of the river _Massimanga_, theyentered the bay of _Santa Clara_, where _Diamassuto_ came to them andentered into a treaty of friendship, worshipping the cross on his knees. They were here told that white people frequented a neighbouring port, and concluded that they were Hollanders. Going onwards they found banksof sand not laid down in any chart, and entered a port in lat. 24° S. The king of this place was named _Diacomena_, and they here learnt thatthere were Portuguese on the opposite coast who had been cast away, andnow herded cattle for their subsistence. They said likewise that theHollanders had been three times at their port, and had left them fourmusketeers with whose assistance they had made war upon their enemies. On some trees there were several inscriptions, among which were thefollowing. _Christophorus Neoportus Anglus Cap_. And on another _DominusRobertus Scherleius Comes, Legatus Regis Persarum_. 

[Footnote 10: It is singular that the large circular bay of Mansitare inlat. 19° 30' S. Is not named, although probably meant by the river_Mane_ in the text. --E. ]

[Footnote 11: Now called Ranoumanthe, discharging its waters into thebay of St Vincents. --E. ]

[Footnote 12: Now Port St James. --E. ]

In the latitude of 25° S. They entered a port which they named StAugustine[13] in a kingdom called _Vavalinta_, of which a _Buque_ named_Diamacrinale_ was king, who no sooner saw the Portuguese than he askedif these were some of the men from the other coast. This confirmed thestories they had formerly heard respecting the Portuguese, and they werehere informed that the place at which they dwelt was only six days sailfrom that place. In September they got sight of Cape _Romain_ or St_Mary_ the most southern point of Madagascar, where they spent 40 daysin stormy weather, and on St Lukes day, 18th October, they entered theport of that name in the kingdom of Enseroe. The natives said that therewere white people who wore crosses, only at the distance of half a daysjourney, who had a large town, and _Randumana_ the king came on boardthe caravel, and sent one of his subjects with a Portuguese to shew himwhere these white people dwelt, but the black ran away when only halfway. 

[Footnote 13: In lat. 23° 30' or directly under the tropic of Capricorn, is a bay now called St Augustine. If that in the text, the latitude 1serroneous a degree and a half. --E. ]

Among others of the natives who came to this place to trade with thePortuguese, was a king named _Bruto Chembanga_ with above 500 fightingmen. His sons were almost white, with long hair, wearing gowns andbreeches of cotton of several colours with silver buttons and braceletsand several ornaments of gold, set with pearls and coral. The territoryof this king was named _Matacassi_, bordering on _Enseroe_ to the west. He said that the Portuguese were all dead, who not far from that placehad built a town of stone houses, where they worshipped the cross, onthe foot or pedestal of which were unknown characters. He drewrepresentations of all these things on the sand, and demanded a highreward for his intelligence. Some of his people wore crosses, andinformed the Portuguese that there were two ships belonging to theHollanders in port _St Lucia_ or _Mangascafe_. In a small island at thisplace there was found a _square stone fort_[14], and at the foot of itthe arms of Portugal were carved on a piece of marble, with thisinscription

REX PORTUGALENSIS O S. 

[Footnote 14: This is unintelligible as it stands in the text. It maypossibly have been a square stone pedestal for one of the crosses ofdiscovery, that used to be set up by the Portuguese navigators as marksof possession. --E. ]

Many conjectures were formed to account for the signification of thecircle between the two last letters of this inscription, but nothingsatisfactory could be discovered. King _Chembanga_ requested that aPortuguese might be sent along with him to his residence, to treat uponsome important affairs, and left his nephew as an hostage for his safereturn. Accordingly the master, Antonio Gonzales, and one of the priestsnamed Pedro Freyre, were sent; who, at twelve leagues distance, came tohis residence called _Fansaria_, a very populous and magnificent place. At first he treated them with much kindness, after which he grew coldtowards them, but on making him a considerable present he becamefriendly, and even delivered to them his eldest son to be carried toGoa, desiring that the two Jesuits and four other Portuguese might beleft as hostages, to whom he offered the island of _Santa Cruz_ to livein. These people are descended from the Moors, and call themselves_Zelimas_; they have the alcoran in Arabic, and have faquirs who teachthem to read and write; they are circumcised, eat no bacon, and some ofthem have several wives. The king said that in the time of his father aship of the Portuguese was cast away on this coast, from which about 100men escaped on shore, some of whom had their wives along with them, andthe rest married there and left a numerous progeny. He repeated severalof their names, and even showed a book in Portuguese and Latin which hadbelonged to them, and some maps; and concluded by saying that there weremore Portuguese on that coast, seven days journey to the north. Onfarther inquiry, a man 90 years of age was found, who had known thePortuguese that were cast away there, and could still remember a fewdetached words of their language. 

The Portuguese set all hands to work to build a house and chapel for thetwo Jesuits and four Portuguese who were to remain, and when the workwas finished, mass was solemnly said on shore, many of the nativescoming to learn how to make the sign of the cross. One day while theking was looking on, and saw several men labouring hard to carry a crossthat was meant to be set upon a rock, he went half naked and bareheaded, and carried it without assistance to the place appointed. The Portuguesemight well say they had found another emperor Heraclius; for after thispious act of gigantic strength, he became very wicked; for being readyto sail, De Costa demanded that the king's son who had been promisedshould be sent, but he denied having ever made any such promise, andoffered a slave. On this the captain sent the master and pilot with somemen to enforce the demand, and safe conduct for some Portuguese to go toport _St Lucia_ to see an inscription said by the natives to be at thatplace. The peace was thus broken, and a party of Portuguese soldiers wassent armed against the king, who endeavoured to resist, and the king'sson, a youth of eleven years of age was brought away, the natives beingunable to contend against fire-arms. Several messages were sent offeringa high ransom for the boy; but on being told by the captain that hewould lose his head if he did not carry him to the viceroy, they wentaway much grieved. This happened about the end of 1613; and towards themiddle of 1614, de Costa arrived safe at Goa with the boy, whom theviceroy caused to be instructed in Christianity by the jesuits, andstood god-father at his baptism on St Andrews day, when he was namedAndrew Azevedo. 

The viceroy treated him with much honour and magnificence, in hopes thatwhen he succeeded to his father, he might encourage the propagation ofthe gospel in Madagascar; and when he was supposed to be sufficientlyinstructed, he was sent away, accompanied by four Jesuits. On thisoccasion a pink and caravel were sent to Madagascar, commanded by Pedrode Almeyda Cabral, and Juan Cardoso de Pina, who sailed from Goa on the17th of September 1616. On the 20th of March 1617, they discovered amost delightful island, watered with pure springs, and producing manyunknown plants besides others already known, both aromatic andmedicinal. To this island, in which were two mountains which overtoppedthe clouds, they gave the name of _Isola del Cisne_ or swan island, andon it the jesuits planted some crosses and left inscriptionscommemorative of the discovery[15]. The wreck of two ships of theHollanders were found on this island. On the arrival of the twoPortuguese ships in the port of St Lucia in Madagascar, the king andqueen of _Matacassi_ received their son with the strongestdemonstrations of joy, and gave back the hostages left on taking himaway. The four jesuits with six soldiers accompanied the young princeto his father's court at _Fansaria_, where, and at every place throughwhich he passed, he was received with demonstrations of joy, which tothe Portuguese seemed ridiculous, as no doubt those used by thePortuguese on similar occasions would have appeared to them. The kingmade a similar agreement with the two commanders on this voyage withthat formerly made with De Costa, which was that the fathers shouldinhabit the inland of Santa Cruz and have liberty to preach the gospelin Madagascar. Upon this the fathers went to the fort at Santa Cruz, where Don Andrew, the king's son, sent them workmen and provisions. 

[Footnote 15: The text gives no indication by which even to conjecturethe situation of this island, unless that being bound towards thesouthern part of the east coast of Madagascar, it may possibly have beeneither the isle of France, or that of Bourbon. --E. ]

The captain, Pedro de Almeyda, had orders to bring another of the king'ssons to Goa, and if refused to carry one away by force; but the kingdeclared that he had only one other son, who was too young for thevoyage, on which Almeyda satisfied himself with Anria Sambo, the king'snephew, who was carried to Goa, and baptized by the name of Jerome. Whensufficiently instructed in the Christian religion, he was sent back tohis country in a pink, commanded by Emanuel de Andrada, together withtwo Jesuits, 100 soldiers, and presents for the king and prince, worth4000 ducats. They set out in the beginning of February 1618; and beingunder the necessity of watering at the _Isola de Cisne_, they foundthree ships sunk at the mouth of the river. On landing, twentyHollanders were found about two leagues from the shore, guarding thegoods they had saved from the wreck. They made some opposition, but wereforced to submit to superior numbers, and were found to have a largequantity of cloves, pepper, arms, ammunition, and provisions. Andradacarried the prisoners, and as many of the valuable commodities on boardhis pink as it could contain, and set fire to the rest, though theHollanders alleged that they had come from the Moluccas, with a regularpass. 

When Andrada arrived in the port of St Lucia, the two Jesuits came tohim both sick, declaring that it was impossible to live in that country, where all the men who had been left along with them had died. Andradasent the letters with which he was intrusted to the king and prince, bythe servants of Don Jerome; and in return, the king sent 100 fat oxen, with a great quantity of fowls and honey, and six slaves, but would notcome himself, and it was found that his son had reverted toMahometanism. The tribes in Madagascar called _Sadias_ and _Fansayros_are _Mahometan Kafrs_[16], and are attached to the liberty allowed bythe law of Mahomet, of having a plurality of wives. The king was of the_Fansayro_ tribe, and was now desirous to destroy Andrada and thePortuguese by treachery; incited to this change of disposition by a_Chingalese_ slave belonging to the Jesuits, who had run away, andpersuaded the king, that the Portuguese would deprive him of hiskingdom, as they had already done many of the princes in Ceylon andIndia. The Kafrs came accordingly to the shore in great numbers, andbegan to attack the Portuguese with stones and darts, but were soon putto flight by the fire-arms, and some of them slain, whose bodies werehung upon trees as a warning to the rest, and one of their towns wasburnt. 

[Footnote 16: In strict propriety, this expression is a directcontradiction, is Kafr is an Arabic word signifying _unbelievers_; buthaving been long employed as a generic term for the natives of theeastern coast of Africa, from the Hottentots to the Moors of Zeylaexclusively, we are obliged to employ the ordinary language. --E. ]

Andrada carried away with him Don Jerome, the king's nephew, and abrother of his who was made prisoner in a skirmish with the natives, whowas converted, and died at Goa. All the Jesuits agreed to desist fromthe mission of Madagascar, and departed along with Andrada much againsthis inclination; and thus ended the attempt to convert the natives ofMadagascar to the Christian religion. 

SECTION XIV. 

_Continuation of the Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1617to 1640; and the conclusion of the Portuguese Asia of Manuel de Faria. _

Towards the end of 1617, Don Juan Coutinno, count of Redondo, came toGoa, as viceroy, to succeed Azevedo. During this year, three ships andtwo fly-boats, going from Portugal for India, were intercepted near theCape of Good Hope by six English ships, when the English admiraldeclared that he had orders from his sovereign to seize effects of thePortuguese to the value of 70, 000 crowns, in compensation for the injurydone by the late viceroy Azevedo to the four English ships at Surat. Christopher de Noronha, who commanded the Portuguese ships, immediatelypaid the sum demanded by the English admiral, together with 20, 000crowns more to divide among his men. But Noronha, on his arrival at Goa, was immediately put under an arrest by the viceroy, for thispusillanimous behaviour, and was sent home prisoner to Lisbon, to answerfor his conduct. 

In the year 1618, the Moor who had been seen long before, at the timewhen Nunno de Cunna took Diu, and was then upwards of 300 years old, died at Bengal now 60 years older, yet did not appear more than 60 yearsold at his death. In 1619, a large wooden cross, which stood on one ofthe hills which overlook Goa, was seen by many of the inhabitants ofthat city, on the 23d of February, to have the perfect figure of acrucified man upon it. The truth of this having been ascertained by thearchbishop, he had it taken down, and got made from it a smaller cross, only two spans long, on which was fixed a crucified Jesus of ivory, andthe whole surrounded by a golden glory; the rest of the cross beingdistributed to the churches and persons of quality. Ten days after thiscross was removed, water gushed from the hole in which it was formerlyfixed, in which cloths being dipped wrought many miraculous cures. Achurch was built on the spot to commemorate the miracle. At this time itwas considered, in an assembly of the principal clergy, whether thethreads, worn by the bramins across their shoulders, were a heathenishsuperstition or only a mark of their nobility, and, after a long debate, it was determined to be merely an honourable distinction. The reason ofexamining this matter was, that many of the bramins refused to embracethe Christian faith, because obliged to renounce these threads. 

In November 1619, the count of Redondo died; and, by virtue of a patentof succession, Ferdinand de Albuquerque became governor-general, beingnow 70 years of age, 40 of which he had been an inhabitant of Goa, andconsequently was well versed in the affairs of India, but too slow inhis motions for the pressing occasions of the time. During hisadministration, the Portuguese were expelled from Ormuz by the sultan ofShiras, assisted by six English ships. 

In July 1620, the Hollanders were desirous of gaining possession of thecity of Macao in China, and appeared before it in seventeen ships, or, as some say, twenty-three, having 2000 soldiers on board, and werelikewise in hopes of taking the fleet at that place, which was bound forJapan, having already taken several Portuguese and Chinese ships nearthe Philippine islands. After battering the fort of St Francis for fivedays, the Dutch admiral, Cornelius Regers, landed 800 men, with which hegot possession of a redoubt or entrenchment, with very littleopposition. He then marched to take possession of the city, not thenfortified, where he did not expect any resistance; but Juan SuarezVivas, taking post on some strong ground with only 160 men, defeated theHollanders and compelled them to return precipitately to their ships, leaving 300 of their men slain, seven only with the colours and onepiece of cannon being taken, and they threw away all their arms toenable them to swim off to their ships. In the mean while, the shipscontinued to batter the fort, but were so effectually answered that someof them were sunk and sixty men slain. After this the enemy abandonedthe enterprise, and the citizens of Macao built a wall round the citywith six bastions; and, as the mountain of _our Lady of the Guide_commanded the bastion of St Paul, a fort was constructed on its summitarmed with ten large guns. 

We have formerly mentioned the destruction of the Portuguese cities of_Liampo_ and _Chincheo_, in China, through their own bad conduct. Fromthat time, they lived in the island of _Lampazau_ till the year 1557, when they were permitted to build the city _Macao_, the largestbelonging to the Portuguese in the east after Goa. They had been in useto resort to the island of _Sanchuan_, on the coast of China, for trade, where they lived in huts made of boughs of trees, and covered with sailsduring their stay. At this time, the island of Goaxama, eighteen leaguesnearer the coast of China, being wild and mountainous, was the resort ofrobbers who infested the neighbouring part of the continent, and, as theChinese considered the Portuguese a more tolerable evil than theseoutlaws, they offered them that island on condition of extirpating thenest of thieves. The Portuguese undertook this task, and succeededwithout losing a man. Then every one began to build where he liked best, as there were no proprietors to sell the land, which now sells at a dearrate. The trade and reputation of this city increasing, it soon becamepopulous, containing above 1000 Portuguese inhabitants all rich; and asthe merchants usually give large portions with their daughters, manypersons of quality used to resort thither in search of wives. Besidesthese, there are a number of Chinese inhabitants who are Christians, whoare clothed and live after the manner of the Portuguese; and about 6000heathens, who are artificers, shop-keepers, and merchants. The duties ofships trading from thence to Japan, amount to 300, 000 Xeraphins, at 10_per cent_, being about equal to as many pieces-of-eight, or Spanishdollars[17]. The yearly expence of the garrison and repairs of thefortifications is above 40, 000 ducats. A similar sum is paid yearly forduties at the fair of _Quantung_, or Canton. The Japan voyage, includingpresents to the King and _Tonos_, and the expence of the embassy, costs25, 000. The Misericordia expends about 9000 in charity, as the citymaintains two hospitals, three parish churches, and five monasteries, besides sending continual alms to the Christians in China, Hainan, Japan, Tonkin, Cochin-china, Cambodia, and Siam. 

[Footnote 17: The xeraphin, as formerly mentioned, being 5s. 9d. , thisyearly revenue amounted to L. 52, 250 sterling. But the state of Macao, inthe text, refers to what it was 150 years ago. It is still inhabited byPortuguese, and remains a useless dependence on Portugal, owing itsprincipal support to the residence of the British factory for thegreater part of the year. --E. ]

Albuquerque governed India from the end of 1619, to the month ofSeptember 1622, during all which time so little care was taken in Spainof the affairs of Portuguese India that he did not receive a singleletter from the king. In every thing relating to the civil government hewas equal to any of his predecessors, but was unfortunate in militaryaffairs, especially in the loss of Ormuz. In 1621, Don Alfonso deNoronna was nominated viceroy of India; but sailing too late, was drivenback to Lisbon, being the last viceroy appointed by the pious PhilipIII. On the news coming to Lisbon, of the shameful surrender of the cityof _Bahia_, in the Brazils, to the Hollanders, without considering hisage, quality, and rank, he listed as a private soldier for that service, an instance of bravery and patriotism deserving of eternal fame, and anexample that had many followers. 

Don Francisco de Gama, Count of Vidugueyra, who had been much hated asviceroy of India, and sore affronted at his departure, as formerlyrelated, always endeavoured to obtain that command a second time, notfor revenge, as some asserted, but to satisfy the world that he had beenundeservedly ill used. At length he obtained his desire, after twentyyears solicitation, upon the accession of Philip IV. Of Spain. He sailedfrom Lisbon on the 18th of March 1622, with four ships. On the coast ofNatal, a flash of lightning struck his ship, and burnt his colours, butkilled no one. Under the line two of his ships left him, and arrived atGoa in the end of August; another ship staid behind, and it was thoughtthey shunned his company designedly. At this time six Dutch ships pliednear the islands or Angoxa, or the Comoros, one of which perished inpursuit of a Portuguese ship; and while standing on for Mozambique, theviceroy encountered the other five, on the 22d of June. _His other shipshad now joined him_, and a terrible battle ensued, which fell heavieston the vice-admiral, whose ship was entirely disabled, but the viceroyand Francisco Lobo rescued and brought him off; yet the ship was so muchbattered that it sunk, some men and part of the money on board beingsaved, but some of the men fell into the hands of the enemy. Nightcoming on, the ships of the viceroy and Lobo were cast upon certainsands and lost, when they saved what goods, rigging, ammunition, andcannon they were able, and burnt the rest, to prevent them from fallinginto the hands of the enemy. The viceroy shipped all the goods that weresaved on board some galliots, with what men they could contain, and wentto Cochin, whence he went to Goa in September. On seeing him replaced inthe dignity of viceroy, his enemies were terrified lest he might revengethe affronts formerly given him, but he behaved with unexpectedmoderation. He wished to have punished Simon de Melo, and Luis de Brito, for the shameful loss of Ormuz. Melo had fled to the Moors, and Britowas in prison; so that he only was punished capitally, and the other washung in effigy. 

About the year 1624, some of the Portuguese missionaries penetrated intothe country of Thibet, in which are the sources of the river Ganges. Thenatives are well inclined, and of docile dispositions; zealous of theirsalvation, and value much the devotions enjoined them by their priests, called _Lamas_, who profess poverty and celibacy, and are much given toprayer. They have churches and convents like the most curious of thosein Europe, and have some knowledge of the Christian religion, but mixedwith many errors, and with strange customs and ceremonies; yet itplainly appears that they had formerly the light of the true gospel[18];and they abhor the Mahometans and idolaters, being easily converted tothe Christian faith. The habit of the Lamas is a red cassock, withoutsleeves, leaving their arms bare, girt with a piece of red cloth, ofwhich the ends hang down to their feet. On their shoulders they wear astriped cloth, which they say was the dress of the Son of God; and theyhave a bottle of water hung at their girdle. They keep two fasts, duringthe principal of which they eat but once a day, and do not speak a word, using signs on all necessary occasions. During the other fast they eatas often as they have a mind, but use flesh only at one meal The peopleare called to prayers by the sound of trumpets, some of which are madeof dead men's bones; and they use human skulls as drinking-vessels. Ofother bones they make beads, which they allege is to remind them ofdeath. The churches are only opened twice a year, when the votaries walkround the outside three times in procession, and then go in to reverencethe images, some of which are of angels, called by them _Las_, thegreatest being the one who intercedes with God for the souls of men. This being represented with the devil under his feet, was supposed bythe missionaries to be St Michael the archangel. It is not unworthy ofremark, that the word _Lama_, signifying priest, begins with _La_, whichmeans an angel. The young Lamas go about the towns, dancing to the soundof bells and other noisy instruments of music; which, they say, is inimitation of the angels, who are painted by the Christians as singing inchoirs. 

[Footnote 18: Wherever any coincidence appears in the ceremonies andexternals of the heathen worship, the zealous catholics are eager toconceive that these have been borrowed from Christianity; unconsciousthat their own mummeries have all been borrowed from heathen worship, and superadded to the rational purity of primitive Christianity, --E. ]

At the beginning of every month a procession is made in which arecarried black flags and the figures of devils, and attended by drums andmusic, which they believe chases away the devils. They use holy water, which is consecrated with many prayers, having gold coral and rice putinto it, and is used for driving devils from their houses. The countrypeople bring black horses, cows and sheep, over which the Lamas say manyprayers, as it is alleged the devils endeavour to get into cattle of ablack colour. They cure the sick by blowing on the part affected. Theyhave three different kinds of funerals, according to the star whichrules at the time of death. In one the body is buried in a tomb adornedwith gilded pyramids. In another the body is burnt and the ashes beingmixed with clay are formed into images by which they swear. In thelast, which is reckoned the most honourable, the body is exposed to bedevoured by certain birds resembling cranes. These three forms are usedwith such as have spent good lives, but others are cut in pieces andthrown to the dogs. They believe that the good go directly to heaven, and the bad to hell; while such as are indifferent remain in anintermediate state, whence their souls return to animate noble or basecreatures according to their deserts. They give their children the namesof filthy beasts, at the recommendation of their priests, that the devilmay be loth to meddle with them. They believe in one God in Trinity; theson having become a man and died, yet is now in heaven. God equal withthe father, yet man at the same time; and that his mother was a womanwho is now in heaven: And they compute the time of the death of the sonnearly as we do the appearance of the Redeemer on earth. They believe ina hell as we do, and burn lamps that God may light them in the rightroad in the other world: Yet do they use divination after a ridiculousmanner. The country of Thibet produces several fruits of the same kindswith those grown in Europe, together with rice and wheat, and hasabundance of cattle; but a great part of the land is barren. 

The Jesuit fathers Andrada and Marquez went from Delhi in the country ofthe Great Mogul to Thibet along with a caravan of pilgrims that weregoing to visit a famous pagoda. Passing through the kingdom of _Lahore_, they came to the vast mountains whence the Ganges flows into the lowerplain country of Hindostan, seeing many stately temples by the way fullof idols. At the kingdom of _Sirinagur_ they saw the Ganges flowingamong snow, the whiteness of which is dazzling to the eyes oftravellers. At the end of 50 days journey they came to a pagoda on theborders of _Sirinagur_, to which multitudes resort to bathe in a spring, the water of which is so hot as to be hardly sufferable, and which theyimagine cleanses them from sin. The people here feed on raw flesh andeat snow, yet are very healthy; and the usual order of the sexes isreversed, as the women plough and the men spin. Having rested at thetown of _Mana_ the fathers pursued their journey, almost blinded bytravelling continually among snow, and came at length to the source ofthe Ganges, which flows from a great lake. They soon afterwards enteredthe kingdom of Thibet, and were honourably received by officers sent onpurpose from _Chaparangue_, the residence of the king of Thibet. Theking and queen listened to their doctrines with much complacency, andeven admitted their truths without dispute, and would not allow them toreturn to India till they promised an oath to come back, when the kingnot only engaged to give them liberty to preach, but that he would buildthem a church, and was greatly pleased with a picture they left him ofthe Virgin and Child. 

The fathers returned according to promise, on which the king built thema church and was afterwards baptised along with the queen, in spite ofevery thing the Lamas could say to prevent him. From merchants whotraded to this place from China, the fathers understood that it was 60days journey from _Chaparangue_ to China, 40 of which was through thekingdom of _Usangue_, and thence 20 days to China. They likewise learntthat Cathay is not a kingdom, but a great city--the metropolis of aprovince subject to the grand _Sopo_, very near China, whence perhapssome give the name of Cathay to China[19]. Perhaps this kingdom ofThibet is the empire of Prester John, and not Ethiopia as some havebelieved. 

[Footnote 19: This is evidently erroneous, as we know certainly from thetravels of Marco Polo and other authorities, that Cathay was thenorthern part of China, once a separate kingdom. --E. ]

After having governed five years, the Count of Vidugueyra was ordered bythe king to resign to Don Francisco de Mascarennas in 1628; but as thatgentleman had left India for Europe, the viceroy resigned the charge ofgovernment to Don Luis de Brito, bishop of Cochin, and went home toPortugal. In this year the king of Acheen made an attempt to gainpossession of Malacca, against which he sent a fleet of 250 sail, with20, 000 soldiers and a great train of artillery. In this great fleetthere were 47 gallies of extraordinary strength, beauty, and size, allnear 100 feet long and of proportional breadth. The king embarked withhis wife, children, and treasure; but upon some ill omen the fleet andarmy sailed without him, and came before Malacca in the beginning ofJuly 1629, the former under the command of _Marraja_, and the latter ofLacsamana, an experienced general who had made many conquests for hismaster. Having landed the troops, they were attacked by Antonio Pinto deFonseca with only 200 men, who slew above 300 of the enemy withoutlosing a man, and then retreated into the city. Juan Suarez Vivas with350 Portuguese, who commanded at Iller, defended that post for some timewith great gallantry and did great execution among the enemy; but atlength, overpowered by numbers, was forced to retire. Having gained aneminence called mount St Juan, the enemy erected a battery there fromwhich they played furiously against the fort, which answered them withgreat spirit. The Capuchin convent dedicated to the Mother of God, beingconsidered as of great importance for the defence of the fort, wasgallantly defended for 50 days by Diego Lopez de Fonseca, who on oneoccasion made a sally with 200 Portuguese and defeated 2000 of theenemy. On Lopez falling sick, Francisco Carvallo de Maya took thecommand of that post, and defended it till the convent was entirelyruined, so that he was obliged to withdraw into the city, on which theenemy converted it into a strong post in which _Lacsamana_ took up hisquarters with 3000 men. _Marraja_ occupied mount St Juan, on which heerected a large fort; others were established at the convent of StLawrence, at _Iller_ and other places, having strong batteries and linesof communication, so that the city was invested on all sides by land, while a number of armed boats presented all access by sea for relief. Fonseca, who commanded in the besieged city, sent out Vivas with 220Portuguese troops to dislodge Lacsamana from his head-quarters on theruins of the Capuchin convent, on which occasion Vivas gained possessionof the post by a night attack, killing 100 of the enemy, and retiredwith several cannon. The King of _Pam_, who was in alliance with thePortuguese, sent a fleet of _paraos_ with 2000 men to the assistance ofthe town; and Michael Pereyra Botello brought five sail from the city ofSan Thome: Yet these reinforcements were insufficient to induce theenemy to retire, though they had lost above 4000 men during the siege, while 60 were slain on the side of the defenders. 

Although the bishop of Cochin was informed in June of the intendedattack on Malacca and the weak state of its garrison, he postponedsending any reinforcement, as it was then the dead of winter on theMalabar coast, proposing to dispatch succours in September. He diedhowever about the end of July 1629, after having governed India fornineteen or twenty months. Upon his death the next patent of successionwas opened, which named Don Lorenzo de Cunna, the commander of Goa, tothe civil government of India, and Nunno Alvarez Pereyra to themilitary command. Of this last name there happened to be two in India, or none. If Don Nunno Alvarez Pereyra, a gentleman well known, weremeant, the title of _Don_ was omitted in the patent; if Nunno AlvarezBotello, the sirname teemed wrong. It was thought unlikely that thetitle of Don could be omitted through mistake, as that in Portugal ispeculiar to certain families. The mistake of name in regard to NunnoAlvarez Botello was more probable, as he had long gone by the name of_Pereyra_, in memory of his grandfather Alvarez Pereyra, and had droppedthat name for _Botello_ when he inherited the estate of his father, whose name was Botello; yet some continued to call him by the old name, and others gave him the new one. The council of Goa, and the Count deLinnares after his arrival in India, allowed the pretensions of Botello. 

In the meantime, considering how dangerous delay might prove to Malaccain its distress, Nunno Alvarez Botello undertook the relief of thatplace, saying that he would postpone the decision of the dispute tillhis return. By general consent however, he went by the title ofgovernor; and by direction of the council of Goa, the Chancellor GonzaloPinto de Fonseca assumed the administration of justice, so that thegovernment was divided between him, De Cunna, and Botello, who used suchdiligence in preparing for his expedition to relieve Malacca, that, fromthe 2d of August, when the charge of governor was awarded to him, to thebeginning of September, he had collected 900 Portuguese troops, a goodtrain of artillery, a large supply of arms and ammunition, and 30vessels, and was ready to put to sea as soon as the weather would allow. He set sail on the 22d of September, rather too early, and encounteredfour several storms during his voyage, two of which were so terriblethat every one expected to be lost. He at length reached _Pulobutum_, whence he sent two vessels to give notice at Malacca of his approach, yet arrived himself before them. At Pulobutum he found a vesselbelonging to Cochin and two from Negapatnam, being some addition to hisfleet He arrived at Malacca on the afternoon of the 22d October 1629, tothe great surprise of _Lacsamana_, as his fleet was then in the river_Pongor_, a league from Malacca, and so situated as to be unable toescape. 

Botello immediately landed and gave the necessary orders and againembarking forced his way up the river through showers of bullets, whichhe repaid with such interest that the enemy abandoned their advancedworks that same night, and retired to that which they had constructed onthe ruins of the Capuchin monastery. As the river Pongor had notsufficient water for the Portuguese ships, Botello embarked a strongdetachment in 33 _balones_ or _balames_, being country-vessels oflighter draught, with which he went in person to view the strength andposture of the hostile fleet. Being anxious for the safety of theirgallies, the enemy abandoned their works at _Madre de Dios_ and _SanJuan_, and threw up other works with wonderful expedition for theprotection of their fleet. But having attacked these with muchadvantage, Botello proposed to the enemy to surrender, on which_Marraja_ returned a civil but determined refusal. His situation beingdesperate, Marraja endeavoured the night to escape with the smallervessels, leaving his large gallies at the mercy of the Portuguese, butwas prevented by the vigilance and bravery of Vasquez de Evora, who cutoff many of his men, not without some loss on his own side, having oneof his arms carried off. The enemy now endeavoured to make use of theirformidable gallies, and the chief among them called the _Terror of theWorld_ was seen in motion; on which Botello sent the admiral of thePortuguese gallies, Francisco Lopez to attack her, which he did withgreat gallantry, passing through clouds of smoke, and a tremendous fireof artillery, and after two hours hard fighting, carried her byboarding, after killing 500 of her men out of 700, with the loss only ofseven of his own men. 

On the 25th of November, the enemy set fire to a galley that was full ofwomen whom they had brought to people Malacca, and made a fresh attemptto break through the Portuguese fleet, but without success, many of thembeing slain and taken, and great numbers leapt into the water, and fledto the woods, where they were devoured by wild beasts. Lacsamana thenhung out a flag of truce, and sent a deputation to treat with Botello, who answered that he would listen to no proposals till they restoredPedro de Abren the Portuguese ambassador, whom they kept prisoner; andas they delayed compliance; the Portuguese cannon recommenced adestructive fire. On the last day of November, Botello got notice that_Marraja_ the Acheen admiral was slain, and that the king _Pam_ wasapproaching to the assistance of the Portuguese with 100 sail ofvessels. Botello went immediately to visit him, and was received withthe customary ceremonies used by the eastern princes to the Portuguesegovernors. After interchanging presents and mutual compliments, Botelloreturned to his post, where he found the Portuguese rather slackeningtheir efforts in consequence of a desperate cannonade from the enemy. But on the 4th of December, the enemy sent fresh proposals for anaccommodation, accompanied by the ambassador Abreu, requiring only to beallowed to withdraw with three of their gallies and 4000 men, being allthat remained of 20, 000 with which they had invested Malacca. In answerto this, they were told they must surrender at discretion on promise oflife; and as Lacsamana hesitated to accept such humiliating terms, Botello assaulted and forced all his works, where many of the enemy wereput to the sword; some throwing themselves into the river to swim acrosswere drowned, and others who fled to the woods were devoured by beastsof prey. In fine, Botello obtained the most glorious victory that wasever gained by the Portuguese in India; as of all the fleet which cameagainst Malacca, not a single vessel got away, and of the large army, not one man escaped death or captivity. So great was the booty, that thewhole of the Portuguese troops and mariners were enriched, Botelloreserving nothing to his own share but a _parrot_ which had been muchvalued by Lacsamana. 

On going to Malacca after this great victory, he entreated to be allowedto walk barefooted and unaccompanied to church, that he might humblyprostrate himself before the Lord of Hosts, in acknowledgement that thevictory was entirely due to God, and not to the Portuguese valour; buthe was constrained to enter the city in triumph. The streets werecrowded with men, and the windows and house tops thronged with women, who sprinkled the hero with sweet waters and strewed flowers in hispath. The music could not be heard for the noise of cannon, and all thecity was filled with extreme joy. At this time an embassy came from theking of _Pera_, who was tributary to the king of _Acheen_, offering topay tribute to the king of Portugal, and to deliver up a large treasureleft in his custody belonging to the king of Acheen and his general_Lacsamana_. Don Jerome de Silveyra was sent with eleven ships toreceive the treasure, and establish a treaty with the king of _Pera_, who performed his promise, and the treasure was applied to pay the menand refit the fleet. 

About the middle of January 1630, Botello being off the straits ofCincapura to secure the ships expected from China against theHollanders, _Lacsamana_ and two other officers who had fled to the woodswere brought prisoners to him, having been taken by the king of Pam. Owing to contrary winds, he was unable to get up with five Dutch shipsthat were about _Pulo Laer_, and which took a Portuguese galliot comingfrom China. He returned therefore to Malacca to refit his ships, andresolved to attempt the Dutch fort of _Jacatara_[20], the best which waspossessed by _these rebels_ in all Asia. In the first place, he sentAntonio de Sousa Coutinno in the admiral galley lately belonging to_Lacsamana_ called the _Terror of the World_, in which Lacsamana was nowprisoner, to Goa; directing that Lacsamana should be sent to Portugal, and that this large and magnificent galley should be given as a presentto the city of Goa. In this galley there was one cannon made of_tombac_, a precious sort of metal, which was valued at above 7000ducats, and another cannon reckoned still more valuable on account ofits curious workmanship. Lacsamana died before he could be carried toPortugal. 

[Footnote 20: In the neighbourhood of which was afterwards built thecity of Batavia, the emporium at the Dutch trade in the east, nowsubject to Britain. --E. ]

Learning that the Count de Linnares, now viceroy of India, had arrivedat Goa in October 1629, Botello transmitted to him an account of allthat he had done, and desired his assistance and approbation to continuein these parts in order to carry on his designs against the English andHollanders. About the end of April 1630, the viceroy not only sent himevery thing he asked, but gave him full power to act as governorgeneral, without being obliged to wait for orders from Goa. In themeantime Botello sailed with 27 ships towards the straits of Cincapura, and put in at _Jambo_[21], a place abounding in pepper, and on thataccount much resorted to by the Dutch and English. At this place he tooktwo large ships after a stout resistance; and going higher up the riverhe discovered another ship so large and beautiful that he designed tomake use of her for his entrance into Goa; but a ball falling into herpowder-room, blew her up. After employing three weeks in working up theriver, Botello learnt that at a town about two leagues distant, twoDutch ships had taken shelter, and being desirous of taking them, hemanned 14 light vessels with which he went to view the place, on whichhe was opposed by 26 sail of small vessels manned with Hollanders andnatives, whom he put to flight; but on viewing the place he found itimpracticable to attempt the two vessels, on account of the strength ofthe works by which they were protected. He destroyed therefore all theneighbourhood with tire and sword, and then sailed down the river, intending to proceed against _Jacatara_. 

[Footnote 21: Probably _Jambee_ on the N. E. Side of Sumatra, in aboutlat. 18 20' S. To the S. E. Of the straits of Cincapura. --E. ]

While on his way thither, a Dutch ship of 24 guns was met, which wasladen with powder for their forts, and on being attacked and boarded bysome of his ships she took fire. In this situation, Botello gave ordersfor his ships to draw off from the danger, and on going up in hisgalliot to bring off Antonio Mascarennas, the Dutch ship blew up whileBotello was passing her stern, by which his galliot was instantly sunk. His body was found and taken to Malacca, where it was honourablyinterred. 

Don Michael de Noronna, Count de Linnares, arrived at Goa as viceroy ofIndia in October 1629. About the commencement of his administration, Constantine de Sa, who commanded in Ceylon, marched from Columbo, whichhe left almost without any garrison, meaning to reduce the interiorprovinces to subjection. His force consisted of 400 Portuguese, with aconsiderable number of Christian Chingalese, in whose fidelity hereposed too much confidence, although a Franciscan friar who residedamong the enemy, and his own officers warned him of the danger to whichhe was exposed. He penetrated to the city of _Uva_ with very littleopposition, which he destroyed; but was met on his return by the king ofCandy with a considerable army, to whom the greatest part of theChristian Chingalese immediately deserted, and aided him in battleagainst the Portuguese, now reduced to 400 of their own troops and 200Chingalese who remained faithful. De Sa and his inconsiderable armyfought against prodigious odds during three entire days, but the generalbeing slain, the Portuguese troops fell into disorder, and were allslain or taken prisoners. 

Immediately after this victory, the king of Candy laid siege to Columbowith an army of 50, 000 men, while the garrison under Launcelot de Leixasdid not exceed 400, even including the priests and monks. The garrisonwas reduced to extreme distress, and even threatened with famine, when aship from Cochin brought them a relief of provisions and ammunition;after which five ships came from San Thome and one from Goa. Though notmentioned by De Faria, it appears that the siege was now raised; as at asubsequent period, after the natives had reduced almost the whole of theisland, the kings of Candy, Uva, and Matale again laid siege to Columbowith an army of 20, 000 men. At this time five ships came from Goa tocarry off the cinnamon to Portugal, on which the enemy raised the siege, believing these ships had come to relieve and reinforce the garrison. 

The viceroy now appointed Don George de Almeyda to the command inCeylon, who sailed from Goa for that place on the 19th of February 1631, in the great galley taken by Botello when he destroyed the fleet ofAcheen: But encountering a storm off Cape Comorin, the galley was readyto founder, on which Almeyda took to the boat with 29 persons, andreached one of the Maldive islands after four days of incredibledistress. Going over from thence to Cochin, he received a reinforcementof some Portuguese troops, with 500 kafrs and 800 Canarin lascars, and asupply of money, ammunition, and provisions. Having raised some more menat Cochin, Almeyda sailed again for Ceylon, where he arrived on the 21stOctober 1631, and landed at Columbo. He marched immediately against theenemy, though then the rainy season, and was soon forced to desist, asthe country was mostly overflowed, and at this season the trees swarmwith _leeches_, which drop down upon the men as they pass, and bleedthem to death. 

On the return of fine weather, Almeyda marched again on the 5th January1632, though with much difficulty, as the waters were still out, so thatthe men had often to wade up to their breasts. Being opposed by theenemy near the fort of _Tranqueyra Grande_, many of them were slain, asthe general gave three or four pistoles for every head that was broughthim. At another pass, the enemy were defended, to the number of 6000men, by some works, but on being attacked, and many of them killed, therest fled, destroying every thing they could not carry away. After thesesuccesses, many of the natives came in, and submitted, and were treatedwith kindness; but as others hid themselves in hopes of getting away tojoin the enemy, Almeyda caused them to be apprehended, and given asslaves among his officers. One was delivered to the Kafrs, who, in sightof his wife and children, cut him immediately in pieces, which theydivided among them to eat. At _Cardevola_, the enemy had two forts, which were carried by escalade. The enemy fled in every quarter, makingno stand till they arrived at the foot of the mountains of Candy, wherethey were defeated, and the forts of _Manicravare_, _Safragam_, _Maluana_, and _Caliture_, were immediately afterwards reduced, as wasthe district of Matura, of which the commander of the ChingaleseChristians, who deserted from de Sa, had made himself king. At last theking of Candy sent to implore peace, which was granted at theintercession of the priests and monks. In fine, Almeyda not onlyrestored the reputation of the Portuguese arms in Ceylon, but increasedit, and established the government of the island in good order. He wasremoved, however, by the succeeding viceroy, and returned to Goa poor, and full of honour, where he died poor, more from grief than age; and nosooner was he deprived of the command, than all he had gained wasspeedily lost, though it was again recovered by Diego de Melo y Castroin 1633. 

About the end of the year 1635, the Count de Linares resigned thegovernment of India to Pedro de Silva, who was usually called _Mole_ orthe Soft, on account of the easiness of his disposition. He disliked thegovernment so much, that he was often heard to exclaim, "God forgivethose who appointed me viceroy, as I am not fit for the office. " He heldthe government, however, nearly four years, and died in the end of June1639, when he was succeeded as governor by Antonio Tellez de Silva, whose name was found in one of the royal patents, which was now opened. Tellez happened to be absent from Goa at the time, for which reason, thearchbishop of Goa, who was next in nomination, assumed the government inhis name, and sent notice to him of his appointment, and in themeantime, employed himself in fitting out twelve ships of war for therelief of Malacca, then threatened by the king of Acheen and theHollanders. At this time nine Dutch ships entered the river of Goa, andset on fire three Portuguese galleons then lying at _Marmugam_, afterwhich they retired without loss or opposition, because the fort wasdestitute of men and ammunition. Antonio Tellez arrived immediatelyafter this unfortunate accident, at which he was exceedingly enraged, not so much for the actual loss, as that the enemy should be able toinsult the harbour of the Portuguese Indian capital without harm orresistance. On the back of this misfortune, news came that the Dutchfleet of 12 sail, and that of Acheen of 35 gallies, were in sight ofMalacca. While occupied in making great preparations to relieve Malacca, and to remedy other disorders then subsisting in Portuguese India, hewas superseded in the government of India, by the arrival of Juan deSilva Tello, as viceroy, towards the end of 1640; on which AntonioTellez, having resigned the sword of command, immediately embarked forPortugal, not thinking proper to serve as admiral where he had enjoyedthe supreme authority. 

Other authors will write the actions of the new viceroy, Juan de SilvaTello, for he begins his task where I end mine. [22]

[Footnote 22: Manuel de Faria rightly thought proper to close his workat this period, which was immediately followed by the expulsion of thePortuguese from Malacca and Ceylon, and many other of their Indianpossessions; where, except a few inconsiderable factories, they now onlyhold Goa, Diu, and Macao, and even these possess very little trade, andno political importance. From their subjection to the crown of Spain, the Dutch, who had thrown off the iron yoke of the Austrian princes ofSpain, revenged their own injuries upon the Portuguese in India: And inthe present age, at the distance of 160 years, having themselves fallenunder the heavy yoke of the modern French Caesar, they have beenstripped by Britain of every foreign possession in Asia, Africa, andAmerica. --E]

SECTION XV. 

_Occurrences in Pegu, Martavan, Pram, Siam, and other places. _[23]

We here propose to give some account of the exploits of the _black_ kingof Siam, in whose character there was a strange mixture of virtues andvices. In the year 1544, the king of the _Birmans_ [24] besieged thecity of _Martavan_ by sea and land, being the metropolis of the greatand flourishing kingdom of that name, which had a revenue of threemillions of gold. _Chaubainaa_ was then king of Martavan, and fell fromthe height of fortune to the depth of misery. The Birman fleet, on thisoccasion, consisted of 700 sail, 100 of which were large gallies, inwhich were 700 Portuguese, commanded by one Juan Cayero, who was reputeda commander of courage and conduct. After a siege of some months, duringwhich the Birmans lost 12, 000 men in five general assaults, _Chaubainaa_found himself unable to withstand the power of his enemy, being reducedto such extremity that the garrison had already eaten 3000 elephants. Heoffered, therefore, to capitulate, but all terms were refused by theenemy; on which he determined to make use of the Portuguese, to whom hehad always been just and friendly: But favours received from a person inprosperity, are forgotten when the benefactor falls into adversity. Hesent therefore one Seixas, a Portuguese in his service, to make an offerto Cayero, if he would receive himself, his family, and treasures, intothe four ships which he commanded; that he would give half the treasureto the king of Portugal, to whom he would become vassal, paying suchtribute as might be agreed on, being satisfied that he could recover hiskingdom with the assistance of 2000 Portuguese troops, whom he proposedto take into his pay. Cayero consulted with his principal officers onthis proposition, and asked Seixas, in their presence, what might be theamount of treasure belonging to the king of Martavan. Seixas said, thathe had not seen the whole, but affirmed that he had seen enough in goldand jewels to load two ships, and as much silver as would load four orfive. Envious of the prodigious fortune that Cayero might make byaccepting this offer, the Portuguese officers threatened to delate himto the Birman sovereign, if he consented, and the proposal wasaccordingly refused. 

[Footnote 23: De Faria, III. 347--364. Both as in a great measureunconnected with the Portuguese transactions, and as not improbablyderived from the worse than suspicious source of Fernand Mendez dePinro, these very problematical occurrences have been kept bythemselves, which indeed they are in de Faria. After this opinionrespecting their more than doubtful authenticity, it would be a waste oflabour to attempt illustrating their geographical obscurities. Indeedthe geography of India beyond the Ganges, is still involved in almostimpenetrable darkness, from the Bay of Bengal to the empire ofChina. --E. ]

[Footnote 24: Called always the _Bramas_ by De Faria. --E. ]

The king of Martavan was astonished at the rejection of his proposals, and finding Seixas determined to withdraw from the danger that menacedthe city, made him a present of a pair of bracelets, which wereafterwards sold to the governor of _Narsinga_ for 80, 000 ducats. Despairing of relief or retreat, the king of Martavan now determined toset his capital on fire, and sallying out at the head of the few menthat remained, to die honourably fighting against his enemies. But thatnight, one of his principal officers deserted to the enemy, and gavenotice of his intention. Thus betrayed, he surrendered on promise ofhaving his own life, and those of his wife and children spared, andbeing allowed to end his days in retirement. These terms were readilygranted, as the conqueror meant to perform no part of his engagement. 

From the gate of the city to the tent of the Birman king, at thedistance of a league, a double lane of musketeers of sundry nations wasformed, the Portuguese under Cayero being stationed nearest the gate, through which the captives were to march in procession. In the firstplace, came the queen of Martavan in a chair, her two sons and twodaughters being carried in two other chairs. These were surrounded byforty beautiful young ladies, led by an equal number of old ladies, andattended by a great number of _Talegrepos_, who are a kind of monks orreligious men, habited like Capuchins, who prayed with and comforted thecaptives. Then followed the king of Martavan, seated on a small sheelephant, clothed in black velvet, having his head, beard, and eyebrowsshaved, and a rope about his neck. On seeing the Portuguese, he refusedto proceed till they were removed, after which he went on. Being comeinto the presence of the king of the Birmans, he cast himself at hisfeet; and being unable to speak owing to grief, the _Raolim_ of_Mounay_, _Talaypor_, or chief priest of Martavan, who was esteemed asaint, made a harangue in his behalf, which had been sufficient to havemoved compassion from any other than the obdurate tyrant to whom it wasaddressed, who immediately ordered the miserable king, with his wife, children, and attendant ladies, into confinement. For the two followingdays, a number of men were employed to remove the public treasure ofMartavan, amounting to 100 millions in gold; and on the third day, thearmy was allowed indiscriminate plunder, which lasted for four days, andwas estimated at 12 millions. Then the city was burnt, and above 60, 000persons were supposed to have perished by fire and sword, an equalnumber being reduced to slavery. On this occasion, 2000 temples and40, 000 houses were destroyed. 

On the morning after the destruction of the city, 21 gibbets wereerected on a neighbouring hill called Beydao, which were surrounded by astrong guard of cavalry, and on which the queen, with her children andattendants, to the number in all of 140 persons, were all hung up by thefeet. The king of Martavan, with 50 men of the highest quality, wereflung into the sea with stones about their necks. At this barbarousspectacle, the army of the Birmans mutinied, and for some time the kingwas in imminent danger. Leaving a sufficient number of people to rebuildthe ruined city, the Birman king returned to Pegu with the rest of hisarmy, accompanied by Juan Cayero, and his 700 Portuguese. FourPortuguese remained at Martavan, among whom was Juan Falcam; who, instead of assisting _Fernan Mendez Pinta_, sent by Pedro de Faria, thecommander of Malacca, to confirm the peace which subsisted with the lateking of Martavan, accused him to the governor of the town as an enemy tothe king of the Birmans. On this false accusation, the governor seizedthe vessel commanded by Pinto, in which were goods to the value of100, 000 ducats, killed the master and some others, and sent the restprisoners to Pegu. This false dealing was not new in Falcam, who haddeserted from the late unfortunate king of Martavan, after havingreceived many benefits from him. 

Instead of being allowed to enjoy the fruits of his victories in peace, the king of the Birmans was obliged to engage in a new war with the kingof Siam, who endeavoured to recover the kingdom of Tangu, which had beenwrested from him. For this purpose, in March 1546, he embarked with900, 000 men in 12, 000 vessels, on the river _Ansedaa_, out of which hepassed in the month of April into the river _Pichau Malacoa_, andinvested the city of _Prom_. The king of this territory was recentlydead, leaving his successor, only thirteen years of age, who was marriedto a daughter of the king of Ava, from whom he looked for the assistanceof 60, 000 men. For this reason, the king of Siam pressed the siege, thathe might gain the city before the arrival of the expected succours. After six days, the queen of Prom, who administered the government, offered to become tributary if he would grant a peace; but the kinginsisted that she should put herself into his hands with all hertreasure. She refused these degrading terms, knowing his perfidiouscharacter, and resolved to defend the city to the last extremity. Theking of Siam accordingly gave several assaults, in all of which he wasrepulsed, and in a short time, lost above 80, 000 of his men, partly bythe sword, and partly by a pestilential disease, which raged in hisarmy, 500 Portuguese who were in his service perishing among the rest. 

Being unable to take the place by assault, the king of Siam caused agreat mount to be raised, which overlooked the city, and was plantedwith a great number of cannon, by which the defenders were prodigiouslyannoyed. Upon this, 5000 men sallied from the city, and destroyed themount, killing 16, 000 of the enemy, and carrying off 80 pieces ofcannon. In this affair the king of Siam was wounded; and being greatlyenraged against a body of 2000 Portuguese, who were in his pay, and hadthe guard of the mount, he caused them all to be massacred. About theend of August, _Xemin Maletay_, one of the four principal officers, whocommanded in Prom, treacherously betrayed the city to the king of Siam, who ordered it to be utterly destroyed with fire and sword. Two thousandchildren were cut in pieces, and given as food to the elephants. Thequeen was publicly whipped, and given up to the lust of the soldierstill she died. The young king was tied to her dead body, and cast intothe river; and above 300 principal nobles were impaled. The king of Ava, who was marching to the assistance of his sister, understood theunfortunate events of Prom, but came to battle with the traitor _Zemin_, who had betrayed her, who was at the head of a numerous army. In thisbattle all the soldiers of Ava were slain except 800, after making aprodigious slaughter among the enemy; after which the king of Siam cameup with a part of his army, and slew the remaining 800 men of Ava, withthe loss of 12, 000 of his own men, and then beheaded the traitor_Zemin_. He then went up the river _Queytor_, with 60, 000 men in 1000boats, and coming to the port of Ava, about the middle of October, heburnt above 2000 vessels, and several villages, with the loss of 8000 ofhis men, among whom were 62 Portuguese. Understanding that the city ofAva was defended by 20, 000 men, 30, 000 of which people had slain 150, 000of his army at _Maletay_, and that the king of _Pegu_ was coming totheir relief, he returned in all haste to _Prom_, where he fortifiedhimself, and sent an ambassador to the emperor of _Calaminam_, with richpresents, and the offer of an extensive territory, on condition ofsending him effectual succours. 

The empire of _Calaminam_ is said to be 300 leagues in length and asmuch in breadth, having been formerly divided into 27 kingdoms, allusing the same language, beautified with many cities and towns, and veryfertile, containing abundance of all the productions of Asia. The nameof the metropolis is _Timphan_, which is seated on the river _Pitni_, onwhich there are innumerable boats. It is surrounded by two strong andbeautiful walls, contains 400, 000 inhabitants, with many stately palacesand fine gardens, having 2500 temples belonging to 24 different sects. Some of these use bloody sacrifices. The women are very beautiful, yetchaste, two qualities that seldom go together. In their law-suits, Ohappy country! they employ no attornies, solicitors, or proctors, andevery dispute is decided at one hearing. This kingdom maintains1, 700, 000 soldiers, 400, 000 of which are horse, and has 6000 elephants. On account of their prodigious number, the emperor assumes the title of_Lord of the Elephants_, his revenue exceeding 20 millions. There aresome remnants of Christianity among these people, as they believe in theblessed Trinity, and make the sign of the cross when they sneeze. 

Such was the great empire of _Calaminam_ to which the king of theBirmans[25], sent his ambassador. On his return, the king sent 150, 000men in 1300 boats against the city of _Sabadii_, 130 leagues distant tothe north-east. The general of this army, named _Chaunigrem_, lost manyof his men in several assaults, after which he raised two mounts whencehe did much harm to the city: But the besieged sallying out, killed atone time 8000 and at another 5000 of his men. Leaving this siege for atime and the affairs of the king of the _Birmans_, we purpose to relatewhat was done at _Siam_, in order to treat of them both together. 

[Footnote 25: Formerly this was attributed to the king of _Siam_: Butthe whole story of this section is so incredible and absurd as not tomerit any observations. It is merely retained from De Faria, as aninstance of the fables of Fernand Mendez de Pinto. --E. ]

The king of _Chiammay_, after destroying 30, 000 men that had guarded thefrontiers, besieged the city of _Guitivam_ belonging to the king of_Siam_, who immediately drew together an army of 500, 000 men, in whichwas a body of 120 Portuguese in which he placed great reliance. Thisvast multitude was conveyed along the river in 3000 boats, while 4000elephants and 200 pieces of cannon were sent by land. He found the enemyhad 300, 000 men and 2000 boats. The king of Siam gave the command of hisvast army to three generals, two of whom were Turks, and the third wasDominic Seixas a Portuguese. At first the _Siamese_ were worsted, butrecovering their order they gained a complete victory, in which 130, 000of the enemy were slain, 40, 000 of whom were excellent cavalry, with theloss of 50, 000 Siamese, all of whom were the worst troops in theirarmy. After this victory the king of Siam marched against the queen of_Guibem_, who had allowed the enemy to pass through her country; andentering the city of _Fumbacar_ spared neither age nor sex. Beingbesieged in her capital of _Guirar_, the queen agreed to pay an yearlytribute of 60, 000 ducats, and gave her son as an hostage. After this theking of Siam advanced to the city of _Taysiram_, to which place hethought the king of Chiammay had fled, destroying every thing in hiscourse with fire and sword, only sparing the women; but winter coming onhe returned to Siam. 

On his return to his court of _Odiaa_ or _Odiaz_, he was poisoned by hisqueen, then big with child by one of her servants; but before he died hecaused his eldest son, then young, to be declared king. He left 30, 000ducats to the Portuguese then in his service, and gave orders that theyshould pay no duties in any of his ports for three years. The adulterousqueen, being near the time of her delivery, poisoned her lawful son, married her servant, and caused him to be proclaimed king. But in ashort time they were both slain at a feast by the King of _Cambodia_ and_Oya Pansilaco_. 

There being no lawful heir to the kingdom of Siam, _Pretiel_ a religious_Talagrepo_, bastard brother to him who was poisoned, was raised to thethrone by common consent in the beginning of the year 1549. Seeing theaffairs of Siam in confusion, the king of the Birmans, who was likewiseking of Pegu, resolved to conquer that kingdom. For this purpose heraised an army of 800, 000 men, of which 40, 000 were horse, and 60, 000armed with muskets, 1000 being Portuguese. He had 20, 000 elephants, 1000cannon drawn by oxen and _abadias_[26], and 1000 ammunition waggonsdrawn by buffaloes. The Portuguese troops in his service, were commandedby Diego Suarez de Mello, commonly called the Gallego, who went out toIndia in 1538. In 1542 this man became a pirate in the neighbourhood ofMozambique. In 1547 he was at the relief of Malacca: And now in 1549, being in the service of the king of the Birmans, was worth four millionsin jewels and other valuables, had a pension of 200, 000 ducats yearly, was stiled the king's brother, and was supreme governor of the kingdomand general in chief of the army. With this prodigious army the king ofthe Birmans, after one repulse, took the fort of _Tapuram_ by assault, which was defended by 2000 Siamese, all of whom he put to the sword inrevenge for the loss of 3000 of his own men in the two assaults. In theprosecution of his march, the city of Juvopisam surrendered, after whichhe set down before the city of Odiaa the capital of Siam. Diego Suarezthe commander in chief gave a general assault on the city, in which hewas repulsed with the loss of 10, 000 men: Another attempt was made bymeans of elephants, but with no better success. The king offered 500, 000ducats to any one who would betray one of the gates to him; which comingto the knowledge of _Oya Pansiloco_, who commanded in the city, heopened a gate and sent word to the king to bring the money as he waitedto receive it. After spending five months in the siege, during which helost 150, 000 men, news came that _Xemindoo_ had rebelled at Pegu wherehe had slain 15, 000 men that opposed him. When this was known in thecamp, 120, 000 Peguers deserted, in hatred to the king of the Birmans whooppressed them, and in revenge of the insolence of Diego Suarez theirgeneral in chief. 

[Footnote 26: Rhinoceroses, which are so brutishly ferocious as inno instance to have been tamed to labour, or to have ever shewn theslightest degree of docility. Being of enormous strength, the only wayof preserving them when in custody, is in a sling; so that on the firstattempt to more forwards, they are immediately raised from theground. --E. ]

_Xemindoo_ was of the ancient blood royal of Pegu, and being a priestwas esteemed as a great saint. On one occasion he preached so eloquentlyagainst the tyranny and oppression which the Peguers suffered under theBirmans, that he was taken from the pulpit and proclaimed king of Pegu. On this he slew 8000 Birmans that guarded the palace, and seizing theroyal treasure, he got possession of all the strong-holds in a shorttime, and the whole kingdom submitted to his authority. The armies ofthe rival kings met within two leagues of the city of Pegu; that of theBirmans amounting to 350, 000 men, while _Xemindoo_ had 600, 000; yetXemindoo was defeated with the loss of 300, 000 men, while the Birmanslost 60, 000. The victorious king of the Birmans immediately enteredPegu, where he slew a vast multitude of the inhabitants, and recoveredhis treasure. Meanwhile the city of _Martavan_ declared for _Xemindoo_, and massacred the garrison of 2000 Birmans. _Zemin_ did the same in thecity of _Zatam_ where he commanded. The king marched towards him, but hecontrived to have him murdered by the way; on which _Zemin_ wasproclaimed king by his followers, and soon raised an army of 30, 000 men. _Chaumigrem_, brother to the dead king, plundered the palace and city, and then fled to _Tangu_ where he was born. In four months _Zemin_became so odious to his new subjects by his tyranny, that many of themfled to _Xemindoo_, who was soon at the head of 60, 000 men. 

Some short time before this, as Diego Suarez was passing the house of arich merchant on the day of his daughter's intended marriage, beingstruck by the great beauty of the bride, he attempted to carry her offby force, killing the bridegroom and others who came to her rescue, andthe bride strangled herself to avoid the dishonour. As the fatherexpected no justice while that king reigned, he shut himself up till_Zemin_ got possession of the throne, on which he so published hiswrongs about the city, that 50, 000 of the people joined with him indemanding justice. Fearing evil consequences, _Zemin_ caused Suarez tobe apprehended and delivered up to the people, by whom he was stoned todeath. His house was plundered, and as much less treasure was found thanhe was supposed to be worth, he was believed to have buried the rest. 

_Zemin_ soon followed Suarez, for his subjects being unable to endurehis cruelty and avarice, fled in great numbers to Xemindoo, who was nowmaster of some considerable towns. Xemindoo having gathered an army of200, 000 men and 5000 elephants, marched to the city of Pegu, near whichhe was encountered by Zemin at the head of 800, 000 men. The battle waslong doubtful, but at last Gonzalo Neto, who served under _Xemindoo_with 80 Portuguese, killed _Zemin_ with a musket ball, on which his armyfled, and _Xemindoo_ got possession of the capital. This happened on the3d of February 1550. Gonzalo was rewarded with a gift of 10, 000 crowns, and 5000 were divided among his companions. 

_Chaumigrem_, who had fled the year before to _Tangu_, hearing that_Xemindoo_ had disbanded most of his forces, marched against him andobtained a complete victory, by which the kingdom of Pegu was againreduced under the authority of the Birmans. Xemindoo was taken some timeafterwards and put to death. _Chaumigrem_ being now king of the Birmansand of Pegu, went to war against Siam, with an army of 1, 700, 000 men, and 17, 000 elephants, having a considerable body of Portuguese in hisservice. All this army came to ruin, and the kingdom of Pegu was soonafterwards reduced to subjection by the king of Aracan, as formerlyrelated. 

The kingdom of Siam, though much harassed by these invasions, stillheld out, and, in 1627, was possessed by the _black_ king, so calledbecause he really was of a black colour, though all the inhabitants ofthat country are fair complexioned[27]. In 1621, this _black_ king ofSiam sent ambassadors to Goa, desiring that some Franciscans might besent to preach the gospel in his dominions. Accordingly, father Andrew, of the convent of the Holy Ghost, went to _Odiaa_[28], where he wasreceived honourably, and got leave to erect a church, which was done atthe king's expence. He likewise offered great riches to the venerablefather, who constantly refused his offers, to the great admiration andastonishment of the king. This _black_ king of Siam was of smallstature, of an evil presence, and an extraordinarily compound character, of great wickedness, mixed with great generosity. Although cruel men arefor the most part cowards, he was at the same time exceedingly cruel, and very valiant; and though tyrants are generally covetous, he wasextremely liberal; being barbarous in some parts of his conduct, andgenerous and benevolent in others. Not satisfied with putting thievesand robbers to ordinary deaths, he was in use to have them torn inpieces in his presence by tigers and crocodiles for his amusement. Understanding that one of his vassal kings intended to rebel, he had himshut up in a cage, and fed him with morsels of his own flesh torn fromhis body, after which he had him fried in a pan. On one occasion he slewseven ladies belonging to the court, only because they walked too quick;and on another occasion he cut off the legs of three others, becausethey staid too long when sent by him for some money to give to certainPortuguese. He even extended his severity to animals; having cut off thepaw of a favourite monkey for putting it into a box containing somecuriosities. A valuable horse was ordered to be beheaded, in presence ofhis other horses, because he did not stop when he checked him. A tigerthat did not immediately seize a criminal thrown to him, was ordered tobe beheaded as a coward. Yet had this cruel and capricious tyrant manyestimable virtues. He kept his word inviolable; was rigorous in theexecution of justice; liberal in his gifts; and often merciful to thosewho offended him. Having at one time sent a Portuguese to Malacca withmoney to purchase some commodities; this man, after buying them lostthem all at play, and yet had the boldness to return to the king, whoeven received him kindly, saying that he valued the confidence reposedin his generosity more than the goods he ought to have brought. Heshewed much respect to the Christian priests and missionaries, and gavegreat encouragement to the propagation of the gospel in his dominions. His valour was without the smallest stain. 

[Footnote 27: De Faria seems now to drop the fables of Fernan MendezPinto, and to relate real events in the remainder of this section. --E. ]

[Footnote 28: More properly Ythia, vulgarly called Siam. --E. ]

The proper name of the kingdom we call _Siam_, is _Sornace_[29]. Itextends along the coast for 700 leagues, and its width inland is 260. Most part of the country consists of fertile plains, watered by manyrivers, producing provisions of all sorts in vast abundance. The hillsare covered with a variety of trees, among which there are abundance ofebony, brasilwood, and _Angelin_. It contains many mines of sulphur, saltpetre, tin, iron, silver, gold, sapphires, and rubies; and producesmuch sweet-smelling wood, benzoin, wax, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, cardamunis, sugar, honey, silk, and cotton. The royal revenue is aboutthirteen millions. The kingdom contains 13, 000 cities and towns, besidesinnumerable villages. All the towns are walled; but the people for themost part are weak timorous and unwarlike. The coast is upon both seas;that which is on the sea of India, or bay of Bengal, containing the seaports of _Junzalam_[30], and _Tanasserim_; while on the coast of theChina sea, are _Mompolocata_, _Cey_, _Lugor_, _Chinbu_, and _Perdio_. 

[Footnote 29: The oriental term _Shan_, probably derived from theinhabitants of Pegu; but the Siamese call themselves _Tai_, or freemen, and their country _Meuang tai_, or the country of freemen--E. ]

[Footnote 30: Otherwise called Junkseylon. --E. ]

SECTION XVI. 

_A short Account of the Portuguese possessions between the Cape of GoodHope and China_. [31]

In the middle of the seventeenth century, the Portuguese empire in theeast, comprehended under the general name of India, from beyond the Capeof Good Hope in Africa, to Cape Liampo in China, extended for 4000leagues along the sea-coast, not including the shores of the Rea Sea andthe Persian gulf, which would add 1200 leagues more. Within these limitsare half of Africa, and all of eastern Asia, with innumerable islandsadjoining these two vast divisions of the world. This vast extent may beconveniently divided into seven parts. 

[Footnote 31: De Faria, III. 115. This is to be understood as about theyear 1640, before the Dutch had begun to conquer the Portuguesepossessions. They are now few and unimportant, containing only someremnant of dominion at Mozambique, with the cities of Goa and Diu inIndia, and Macao in China. --E. ]

The _first_ division, between the famous Cape of Good Hope, and themouth of the Red Sea, contains along the coast many kingdoms of the_Kafrs_; as the vast dominions of the Monomotapa, who is lord of all thegold mines of Africa, with those of Sofala, Mozambique, Quiloa, Pemba, Melinda, Pate, Brava, Magadoxa, and others. In this division thePortuguese have the forts of Sofala and Mombaza, with the city and fortof Mozambique. 

The _second_ division, from the mouth of the Red Sea to that of thePersian gulf, contains the coast of Arabia, in which they have theimpregnable fortress of Muskat. 

The _third_ division, between Busrah, or Bazorah, at the bottom of thePersian gulf, and India proper, contains the kingdoms of Ormuz, Guadel, and Sinde, with part of Persia, and Cambaya, on which they have the fortof Bandel, and the island of Diu. 

The _fourth_ division, from the gulph of Cambaya, to Cape Comorin, contains what is properly called India, including part of Cambaya, withthe Decan, Canara, and Malabar, subject to several princes. On thiscoast the Portuguese have, Damam, Assarim, Danu, St Gens, Agazaim, Maim, Manora, Trapor, Bazaim, Tana, Caranja, the city of Chaul, with theopposite fort of Morro; the most noble city of GOA, the large, strong, and populous metropolis of the Portuguese possessions in the east. Thisis the see of an archbishop, who is primate of all the east, and is theresidence of their viceroys; and there are the courts of inquisition, exchequer, and chancery, with a customhouse, arsenal, and well-storedmagazines. The city of Goa, which stands in an island, is girt with astrong wall, and defended by six mighty castles called Dauguim, SanBlas, Bassoleco, Santiago de Agazaim, Panguim, and Nuestra Sennora delCabo. On the other side of the bar is the castle of Bardes, and oppositeto Dauguim is the fort of Norva, with a considerable town. On one sideof the island of Goa is that of Salsete, in which is the fort of Rachol. Then going along the coast are the forts of Onor, Barcelor, Mongalor, Cananor Cranganor, Cochin, which is a bishopric; and near Cape Comorin, the town and fort of Coulan. 

The _fifth_ division, between Cape Comorin and the river Ganges, contains the coasts of Coromandel and Orixa, on which they have the fortof Negapatam, the fort and city of Meliapour, which is a bishopric, formerly named after St Thomas, and the fort of Masulipatan. 

The _sixth_ division, between the Ganges and Cape Cincapura, containsthe vast kingdoms of Bengal, Pegu, Tanasserim, and others of less note;where the Portuguese have the city of Malacca, the seat of a bishop, andtheir last possession on the continent. 

The _seventh_ division, from Cape Cincapura to Cape Liampo in China, contains the kingdoms of Pam, Lugor, Siam, Cambodia, Tsiompa, CochinChina, and the vast empire of China. In this vast extent the Portuguesehave only the island and city of Macao, yet trade all along thesecoasts. 

In the island of Ceylon, the Portuguese possess the city and fort ofColumbo, with those of Manaar, Gale, and others. Beyond Malacca, a fortin the island of Timor. The number of our ports in all this great trackis above fifty, with twenty cities and towns, and many dependentvillages. 

Much might be said of Ceylon, but we can only make room for a shortaccount of that famous island[32]. About 500 years before the time ofour Saviour, the heathen king of _Tenacarii_, who ruled over a greatpart of the east, banished his son and heir _Vigia Rajah_, for thewickedness and depravity of his conduct. The young man put to sea with700 dissipated persons like himself, and landed at the port of_Preature_, between Trincomalee, and Jafnapatam, in the island ofCeylon, which was not then inhabited, but abounded in delightful rivers, springs, woods, and fruit-trees, with many fine birds, and numerousanimals. These new colonists were so delighted with the country, thatthey gave it the name of _Lancao_, which signifies the terrestrialparadise, and, indeed, it is still considered as the delight of all theeast. The first town they built was _Montota_, opposite to _Manaar_, whence they traded with _Cholca Rajah_, the nearest king on thecontinent, who gave his daughter as wife to the prince, and supplied hiscompanions with women. He likewise sent them labourers and artizans toforward the new plantation; and seeing his power increase, the banishedprince assumed the title of emperor of the islands. By strangers thesenew come people were named _Galas_, signifying banished men on accountof their having actually been banished by the king of _Tenacarii. _ VigiaRajah died without children, and left the crown to his brother, in wholelineage it continued for 900 years. The fertility of the island, and thefame of its excellent cinnamon, drew thither the _Chinese_, whointermarried with the _Galas_, from which mixture arose a new race, called to this day the _Chingalas_, or Chingalese, who are very powerfulin the island, being subtle, false, and cunning, and excellently adaptedfor courtiers. 

[Footnote 32: This is supplied from a former portion of the PortugueseAsia, Vol II. P. 507. ]

On the extinction of the ancient royal family, the kingdom fell to_Dambadine Pandar Pracura Mabago_, who was treacherously taken prisonerby the Chinese, afterwards restored, and then murdered by _Alagexere_, who usurped the crown. The usurper dying ten years afterwards withoutissue, two sons of _Dambadine_ were sent for who had fled from thetyrant. _Maha Pracura Mabago_, the eldest, was raised to the throne, whosettled his court at _Cota_, and gave the dominion of the four _Corlas_to his brother. _Maha Pracura_ was succeeded by a grandson, the son of adaughter who was married to the Rajah of _Cholca_. This line likewisefailed, and _Queta Permal_, king of Jafnapatam, was raised to thethrone, on which he assumed the name or title of _Bocnegaboa_, or kingby force of arms, having overcome his brother, who was king of the four_corlas_. His son, _Caypura Pandar_, succeeded, but was defeated andslain by the king of the four _Corlas_, who mounted the throne, and tookthe name of _Jauira Pracura Magabo_. These two kings were of the royallineage, and had received their dominions from king _Maha Pracura_. After _Jauira_, his son _Drama Pracura Magabo_ succeeded, who reignedwhen Vasco de Gama discovered the route by sea to India. Afterwards, about the year 1500, the empire of Ceylon was divided by three brothers, into three separate kingdoms. _Bocnegababo Pandar_ had _Cota_; _ReigamPandar_ had _Reigam_; and _Madure Pandar_ had _Cheitavaca_. 

In the district of _Dinavaca_ in the centre of the island, there is aprodigiously high mountain called the _Peak of Adam_, as some haveconceived that our first parents lived there, and that the print of afoot, still to be seen on a rock on its summit, is his. The natives callthis _Amala Saripadi_, or the mountain of the footstep. Some springsrunning down this mountain form a pool at the bottom, in which pilgrimswash themselves, believing that it purifies them from sin. The rock orstone on the top resembles a tomb-stone, and the print of the foot seemsnot artificial, but as if it had been made in the same manner as when aperson treads upon wet clay, on which account it is esteemed miraculous. Pilgrims of all sorts resort thither from all the surrounding countries, even from Persia and China; and having purified themselves by washing inthe pool below, they go to the top of the mountain, near which hangs abell, which they strike, and consider its sound as a symbol of theirhaving been purified; _as if any other bell, on being struck, would notsound_. According to the natives, _Drama Rajah_, the son of an ancientking of the island, having done penance on the mountain along with manydisciples, and being about to go away, left the print of his foot on therock as a memorial. It is therefore respected as the relic of a saint, and their common name for this person is _Budam_, which signifies the_wise man_. Some believe this saint to have been _St Jesaphat_, but itwas more likely _St Thomas_, who has left many memorials in the _east_, and even in the _west_, both in Brasil and Paraguay. 

The natural woods of Ceylon are like the most curious orchards andgardens of Europe, producing citrons, lemons, and many other kinds ofdelicious fruit. It abounds in cinnamon, cardamums, sugar-canes, honey, and hemp. It produces iron, of which the best firelocks in the east aremade. It abounds in precious stones, as rubies, sapphires, cats-eyes, topazes, chrysolites, amythests, and berils. It has many civet-cats, andproduces, the noblest elephants in all the east. Its rivers and shoresabound in a variety of excellent fish, and it has many excellent portsfit for the largest ships. 

_End of the Portuguese Asia_. 

CHAPTER V. 

VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN EGYPT, SYRIA, ARABIA, PERSIA, AND INDIA. BYLUDOVICO VERTHEMA, IN 1503[33]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

This ancient itinerary into the east, at the commencement of thesixteenth century, together with the subsequent chapter, containing theperegrinations of Cesar Frederick, about 80 years later, form anappropriate supplement to the Portuguese transactions in India, asfurnishing a great number of observations respecting the countries, people, manners, customs, and commerce of the east at an early period. We learn from the _Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages_. I. 264, thatthis itinerary was originally published in Italian at Venice, in 1520. The version followed on the present occasion was republished in oldEnglish, in 1811, in an appendix to a reprint of HAKLUYT'S EARLYVOYAGES, TRAVELS, AND DISCOVERIES; from which we learn that it wastranslated from _Latine into Englishe, by Richarde Eden_, and originallypublished in 1576. In both these English versions, the author is named_Lewes Vertomannus_; but we learn from the _Biol. Univ. Des Voy. _ thathis real name was _Ludovico Verthema_, which we have accordingly adoptedon the present occasion, in preference to the latinized denominationused by Eden. Although, in the present version, we have strictly adheredto the sense of that published by Eden 236 years ago, it has appearedmore useful, and more consonant to the plan of our work, to render theantiquated language into modern English: Yet, as on similar occasions, we leave the _Preface of the Author_ exactly in the language andorthography of Eden, the original translator. 

[Footnote 33: Hakluyt, iv. App. Pp. 547--612. Ed. Lond. 1810-11. ]

The itinerary is vaguely dated in the title as of the year 1503, but welearn from the text, that Verthema set out upon the pilgrimage of Meccafrom Damascus in the beginning of April 1503, after having resided aconsiderable time at Damascus to acquire the language, probably Arabic;and he appears to have left India on his return to Europe, by way of theCape of Good Hope and Lisbon, in the end of 1508. From somecircumstances in the text, but which do not agree with thecommencement, it would appear that Verthema had been taken prisoner bythe Mamelukes, when fifteen years of age, and was admitted into thatcelebrated military band at Cairo, after making profession of theMahometan religion. He went afterwards on pilgrimage to Mecca, fromDamascus in Syria, then under the dominion of the Mameluke Soldan ofEgypt, and contrived to escape or desert from Mecca. By some unexplainedmeans, he appears to have become the servant or slave of a Persianmerchant, though he calls himself his companion, and along with whom hemade various extensive peregrinations in India. At length he contrived, when at Cananore, to desert again to the Portuguese, through whose meanshe was enabled to return to Europe. 

In this itinerary, as in all the ancient voyages and travels, the namesof persons, places, and things, are generally given in an extremelyvicious orthography, often almost utterly unintelligible, as taken downorally, according to the vernacular modes of the respective writers, without any intimate knowledge of the native language, or the employmentof any fixed general standard. To avoid the multiplication of notes, wehave endeavoured to supply this defect, by subjoining those names whichare now almost universally adopted by Europeans, founded upon a moreintimate acquaintance with the eastern languages. Thus the author, orhis translator Eden, constantly uses _Cayrus_ and _Alcayr_, for themodern capital of Egypt, now known either by the Arabic denomination AlCahira, or the European designation Cairo, probably formed by theVenetians from the Arabic. The names used in this itinerary haveprobably been farther disguised and vitiated, by a prevalent fancy orfashion of giving _latin_ terminations to all names of persons andplaces in latin translations. Thus, even the author of this itineraryhas had his modern _Roman_ name, _Verthema_, latinized into_Vertomannus_, and probably the _Cairo_, or _Cayro_ of the Italianoriginal, was corrupted by Eden into _Cayrus_, by way of giving it alatin sound. Yet, while we have endeavoured to give, oftenconjecturally, the better, or at least more intelligible and nowcustomary names, it seemed proper to retain those of the originaltranslation, which we believe may be found useful to our readers, as akind of _geographical glossary_ of middle-age terms. 

Of _Verthema_ or _Vertomannus_, we only know, from the title of thetranslation of his work by Eden, that he was a _gentleman of Rome;_ andwe learn, at the close of his itinerary, that he was knighted by thePortuguese viceroy of India, and that his patent of knighthood wasconfirmed at Lisbon, by the king of Portugal. The full title of thisjournal or itinerary, as given by the original translator, is asfollows; by which, and the preface of the author, both left unaltered, the language and orthography of England towards the end of the sixteenthcentury, or in 1576, when Eden published his translation, will besufficiently illustrated. --Ed. 

 THE NAUIGATION AND VYAGES OF LEWES VERTOMANNUS, GENTLEMAN OF THE CITIE OF ROME, TO THE REGIONS OF ARABIA, EGYPTE, PERSIA, SYRIA, ETHIOPIA AND EAST INDIA, BOTH WITHIN AND WITHOUT THE RYUER OF GANGES, ETC. IN THE YEERE OF OUR LORDE 1503. CONTEYNING MANY NOTABLE AND STRAUNGE THYNGES, BOTH HYSTORICALL AND NATURALL TRANSLATED OUT OF LATINE INTO ENGLYSHE, BY RICHARDE EDEN. IN THE YEERE OF OUR LORDE 1576. 

THE PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR. 

There haue been many before me, who, to know the miracles of the worlde, haue with diligent studie read dyuers authours which haue written ofsuch thynges. But other giuing more credit to the lyuely voyce, hauebeen more desirous to know the same, by relation of such as hauetraueyled in those countreys, and seene such thinges whereof they makerelation, for that in many bookes, geathered of vncertaine aucthoritie, are myxt false thinges with true. Other there are so greatly desirous toknow the trueth of these thinges, that they can in no wyse be satisfiedvntyll, by theyr owne experience they haue founde the trueth by vyagesand perigrinations into straunge countreys and people, to know theyrmaners, fashions, and customes, with dyuers thynges there to be seene:wherein the only readyng of bookes could not satisfie theyr thirst ofsuch knowledge, but rather increased the same, in so much, that theyfeared not with losse of theyr goods and daunger of lyfe to attemptegreat vyages to dyuers countreys, with witnesse of theyr eyes to seethat they so greatly desired to knowe. The whiche thyng among otherchaunced vnto me also, for as often as in the books of Hystories andCosmographie, I read of such marueylous thynges whereof they makemention [especially of thynges in the east parts of the world], therewas nothyng that coulde pacifie my vnquiet mynde, vntyll I had with myneeyes seene the trueth thereof. 

I know that some there are indued with hygh knowledge, mountyng vnto theheauens, whiche will contempne these our wrytinges as base and humble, by cause we do not here, after theyr maner, with hygh and subtileinquisition intreate of the motions and dispositions of the starres, andgyue reason of theyr woorkyng on the earth, with theyr motions, retrogradations, directions, mutations, epicicles, reuolutions, inclinations, diuinations, reflexions, and suche other parteyning to thescience of Astrologie: whych certeynely we doe not contempne, butgreatly prayse. But measuryng vs with our owne foote, we will leaue thatheauie burden of heauven to the strong shoulders of Atlas and Hercules:and only creepyng vpon the earth, in our owne person beholde thesituations of landes and regions, with the maners and customes of men, and variable fourmes, shapes, natures, and properties of beastes, fruites, and trees, especially suche as are among the Arabians, Persians, Indians, Ethiopians. And whereas in the searchyng of thesethynges we have [thanked be God], satisfied our desire, we thinkeneuerthelesse that we haue done little, excepte we should communicate toother, such thynges as we haue seene and had experience of, that theylykewyse by the readyng therof may take pleasure, for whose sakes wehave written this long and dangerous discourse, of thynges whych we haueseene in dyvers regions and sectes of men, desiryng nothyng more thenthat the trueth may be knowen to them that desyre the same. But whatincommodities and troubles chaunced vnto me in these vyages, as hunger, thirst, colde, heate, warres, captiuitie, terrours, and dyuers othersuche daungers, I will declare by the way in theyr due places. 

SECTION I. 

_Of the Navigation from Venice to Alexandria in Egypt, and from thenceto Damascus in Syria_[34]. 

Should any one wish to know the cause of my engaging in this voyage, Ican give no better reason than the ardent desire of knowledge, whichhath moved me and many others to see the world and the wonders ofcreation which it exhibits. And, as other known parts of the world hadbeen already sufficiently travelled over by others, I was determined towait and describe such parts as were not sufficiently known. For whichreason, with the grace of God, and calling upon his holy name to prosperour enterprise, we departed from Venice, and with prosperous winds wearrived in few days at the city of Alexandria in Egypt. The desire wehad to know things more strange and farther off, did not permit us toremain long at that place; wherefore, sailing up the river Nile, we cameto the city of new Babylon, commonly called _Cayrus_ or _Akayr_, _Cairo_or _Al-cahira_, called also _Memphis_ in ancient times. 

[Footnote 34: To accommodate this curious article to our mode ofarrangement, we have made a slight alteration of the nomenclature of itssubdivisions; calling those in this version _Sections_, which in theoriginal translation of Mr Eden are denominated chapters; and have usedthe farther freedom of sometimes throwing several of these chapters intoone section. --E. ]

On my first arrival at this place I was more astonished than I can wellexpress, yet on a more intimate observation it seemed much inferior tothe report of its fame, as in extent it seemed not larger than Rome, though much more populous. But many have been deceived in regard to itssize by the extensive suburbs, which are in reality numerous dispersedvillages with fields interspersed, which some persons have thought tobelong to the city, though they are from two to three miles distant, andsurround it on all sides. It is not needful to expatiate in this placeon the manners and religion of this city and its environs, as it is wellknown that the inhabitants are Mahometans and Mamelukes; these lastbeing Christians who have forsaken the true faith to serve the Turks andMahometans. Those of that description who used to serve the Soldan ofBabylon in Egypt, or Cairo, in former times before the Turkishconquest, used to be called Mamelukes, while such of them as served theTurks were denominated _Jenetzari_ or Janisaries. The MamelukeMahometans are subject to the Soldan of Syria. 

As the riches and magnificence of Cairo, and the Mameluke soldiers bywhom it is occupied are well known, we do not deem it necessary to sayany thing respecting them in this place. Wherefore departing fromBabylon in Egypt, or Cairo, and returning to Alexandria, we again put tosea and went to _Berynto_, a city on the coast of Syria Phoenicia, inhabited by Mahometans and abounding in all things, where we remained aconsiderable time. This city is not encompassed with walls, except onthe west side where there are walls close to the sea. We found nothingmemorable at this place, except an old ruined building where they saySt. George delivered the kings daughter from a cruel dragon which heslew, and then restated the lady to her father. Departing from thence wewent to Tripoli in Syria, which is two days sail to the east of Berynto. It is inhabited by Mahometans, who are subject to the lieutenant orgovernor of Syria under the Soldan. The soil of the neighbouring countryis very fertile, and as it carries on great trade this city abounds inall things. Departing from thence we came to the city of _Comagene_ ofSyria, commonly called Aleppo, and named by our men Antioch[35]. This isa goodly city, which is situated under mount _Taurus_ and is subject tothe lieutenant of Syria under the Soldan of Egypt. Here are the _scales_or ladders as they are called of the Turks and Syrians, being near mountOlympus. It is a famous mart of the Azamians and Persians. The Azamiansare a Mahometan people who inhabit Mesopotamia on the confines ofPersia. 

[Footnote 35: This is a gross error, as Aleppo is above 80 English milesN. E. And island from Antioch. From the sequel it is evident that Antiochis the place meant by Vertomannus in the text, as the _scales_, mart, orstaple of the Syrian trade. --E. ]

Departing from Antioch we went by land to Damascus, a journey of tendays; but mid-way we came to a city named _Aman_ in the neighbourhood ofwhich there grows a great quantity of gossampine or cotton, and allmanner of pleasant fruits. About six miles from Damascus on thedeclivity of a mountain is a city called _Menin_, inhabited by Greekchristians who are subject to the governor of Damascus. At that placethere are two fine churches, which the inhabitants allege were built byHelena the mother of the emperor Constantine. This place produces allkinds of fruit in great perfection, especially excellent grapes, and thegardens are watered with perpetual fountains. 

SECTION II. 

_Of the City of Damascus_. 

Departing from _Menin_ we came to Damascus, a city so beautiful assurpasses all belief, situated in a soil of wonderful fertility. I wasso much delighted by the marvellous beauty of this city that I sojournedthere a considerable time, that by learning the language I might inquireinto the manners of the people. The inhabitants are Mahometans andMamelukes, with a great number of Christians who follow the Greekritual. It may be proper in this place to give some account of the_Hexarchatus_ or commander of Damascus, who is subject to the lieutenantof Syria, which some call _sorya_. There is a very strong castle orfortress, which was built by a certain Etruscan or native of Florence inTuscany, while he was _exarch_ or governor of Damascus, as appears by aflower of the lily graven on marble, being the arms of Florence. Thiscastle is encompassed by a deep ditch and high walls with four goodlyhigh towers, and is entered by means of a drawbridge which can be letdown or taken up at pleasure. Within, this castle is provided with allkinds of great artillery and warlike ammunition, and has a constantguard of fifty Mamelukes, who wait upon the captain of the castle andare paid by the viceroy of Syria. The following story respecting theFlorentine _exarch_ or governor of Damascus was related to me by theinhabitants. One of the Soldans of Syria happened to have poisonadministered to him, and when in search of a remedy he was cured by thatFlorentine who belonged to the company of Mamelukes. Owing to this greatservice he grew into high favour with the Soldan, who in reward made himexarch or governor of Damascus in which he built the before mentionedcitadel. For saving the life of their Soldan this man is still reputedamong them as a saint, and after his death the sovereignty of Damascusreturned to the Syrians. 

The Soldan is said to be much beloved by his princes and lords, to whomhe is ever ready to grant principalities and governments, reservingalways to himself the yearly payment of many thousands of those piecesof gold called _saraphos_ or serafines, and any one who neglects paymentof the stipulated tribute is liable to be immediately put to death. Tenor twelve of the chief noblemen or governors always reside with theSoldan to assist him with their councils and to carry his orders intoexecution. The Mameluke government is exceedingly oppressive to themerchants and even to the other Mahometan inhabitants of Damascus. Whenthe Soldan thinks fit to extort a sum of money from any of the nobles ormerchants, he gives two letters to the governor of the castle, in one ofwhich is contained a list of such as he thinks proper to be invited intothe castle, and in the other is set down what sum the Soldan is pleasedto demand from his subjects; and with these commands they immediatelycomply. Sometimes however the nobles are of such power that they refuseto attend at the castle when summoned; and knowing that the tyrant willoffer them violence, they often escape into the dominions of the Turks. We have noticed that the watchmen who are stationed in the towers do notgive warning to the guard by calling out as with us, but by means ofdrums each answering the other; and if any of the centinels be asleepand do not answer the beat of the patrole in a moment, he is immediatelycommitted to prison for a whole year. 

This city is well built and wonderfully populous, much frequented andextremely rich, and abounds in all kinds of commodities and provisions, such as flesh, corn, and fruits. It has fresh damascene grapes all theyear round, with pomegranates, oranges, lemons, and excellent olivetrees; likewise the finest roses I ever saw, both red and white. Theapples are excellent, but the pears and peaches are unsavoury, owing asis said to too much moisture. A fine clear river runs past the city, which is so well supplied with water that almost every house has afountain of curious workmanship, many of them splendidly ornamented withembossed or carved work. Outwardly their houses are very plain, but theinsides are beautifully adorned with various ornaments of the stonecalled _oplus_ or serpentine marble. The city contains many templeswhich they call mosques, the most beautiful of which is built after themanner of St Peters at Rome, and as large, only that the middle has noroof being entirely open, all the rest of the temple being vaulted. Thistemple has four great double gates of brass, and has many splendidfountains on the inside, in which they preserve the body of the prophetZacharias, whom they hold in great veneration. There are still to beseen the ruins of many decayed canonical or Christian churches, havingmuch fine carved work. About a mile from the city the place is pointedout where our Saviour spoke to St Paul, saying, "Paul! Paul! whypersecutest thou me!" at which place all the Christians who die in thecity are buried. The tower also is shewn in which Paul was imprisoned, which joins the wall of the city; but even the Mahometans do not attemptto shut up that part of the tower through which St Paul was conducted bythe angel, alleging that, when they close it up over night is found openagain next morning. They likewise point out the houses in which they saythat Cain slew his brother Abel, which are in a certain valley about amile from the city, but on the side of a hill skirting that valley. 

The Mamelukes or stranger soldiers who inhabit Damascus live in a mostlicentious manner. They are all men who have forsaken the Christianfaith, and who have been purchased as slaves by the governor of Syria. Being brought up both in learning and warlike discipline, they are veryactive and brave; and all of them whether high or low, receive regularwages from the governor, being six of those pieces of gold calledserafines monthly, besides meat and drink for themselves and servants, and provender for their horses; and as they shew themselves valiant andfaithful their wages are increased. They never walk singly about thecity, which would be deemed dishonourable, but always by two or threetogether; and if they chance to meet with two or three women in thestreets, for whom even they are in use to wait in the neighbourhood ofsuch houses as the women frequent, licence is granted to such as firstmeet them to carry them to certain taverns where they abuse them. Whenthe Mamelukes attempt to uncover the faces of these women, they striveall they can to prevent being known, and are generally allowed to goaway without having their veils lifted. Hence it sometimes happens, whenthey think to have abused the daughter of some nobleman or person ofcondition, that they have fallen in with their own wives, as actuallyhappened while I was there. The women of Damascus beautify and adornthemselves with great attention, wearing silk clothes, which they coverwith an outer garment of cotton as fine as silk. They wear whitebuskins, and red or purple shoes, having their heads decorated withrich jewels and ear-rings, with rings on their fingers and splendidbracelets on their arms. They marry as often as they please, as whenweary of, or dissatisfied with their husbands, they apply to the chiefof their religion, called the _cady_, and request of him to divorcethem, which divorcement is called _talacare_ in their language, afterwhich they are at liberty to contract a new marriage; and the sameliberty is allowed to the husbands. Some say that the Mahometans haveusually five or six wives, but as far as I could learn they have onlytwo or three. They eat openly in the markets or fairs, and there theycook all their food, living on the flesh, of horses, camels, buffaloes, goats, and other beasts, and use great quantities of fresh cheese. Thosewho sell milk drive flocks of forty or fifty she-goats through thestreets, which they bring to the doors of those who buy, driving themeven into their chambers, though three stories high, where the animalsare milked, so that every one gets their milk fresh and unadulterated. These goats have their ears a span long, and are very fruitful. They usemany mushrooms, as there are often seen at one time 20 or 30 camelsloaded with mushrooms coming to market, and yet all are sold in two orthree days. These are brought from the mountains of Armenia, and fromAsia Minor, now called Turkey, Natolia, or Anatolia. The Mahometans uselong loose vestures both of silk and cloth, most having hose or trowsersof cotton, and white shoes or slippers. When any Mahometan happens tomeet a Mameluke, even though the worthier person, he must give place andreverence to the Mameluke, who would otherwise beat him with a staff. Though often ill used by the Mahometans, the Christians have manywarehouses in Damascus, where they sell various kinds of silks andvelvets, and other commodities. 

SECT. III. 

_Of the Journey from Damascus to Mecca, and of the Manners of theArabians_. 

On the 8th of April 1503, having hired certain camels to go with thecaravan to Mecca, and being then ignorant of the manners and customs ofthose with whom I was to travel, I entered into familiarity andfriendship with a certain Mameluke captain who had forsaken our faith, with whom I agreed for the expences of my journey, and who supplied mewith apparel like that worn by the Mamelukes, and gave me a good horse, so that I went in his company along with other Mamelukes. This advantagecost me much money and many gifts. Thus entering on our journey, we camein three days to a place called _Mezaris_, where we tarried other threedays that the merchants might provide all necessaries for the journey, and especially camels. There is a certain prince called _Zambei_, ofgreat power in Arabia, who had three brothers and four sons. This princepossessed 40, 000 horses, 10, 000 mares, and 4000 camels, which he kept ina country two days journey in extent. His power is so great, that he isat war with the Soldan of Egypt, the governor of Damascus, and theprince of Jerusalem all at once. His chief time of robbing andplundering is in harvest, when, he often falls unexpectedly on theArabians, invading their lands and carrying away their wheat and barley, employing himself continually in predatory incursions. When his maresare weary with continual running, he stops to rest them, and gives themcamels milk to drink, to refresh and cool them after their fatigue. These mares are of most wonderful swiftness, and when I saw them theyseemed rather to fly than to run in riding, these Arabians only covertheir horses with cloths or mats, and their own clothing is confined toa single vesture somewhat like a petticoat. Their weapons are longlances or darts made of reeds, ten or twelve cubits long, pointed withiron and fringed with silk. The men are despicable looking people, ofsmall stature, of a colour between black and yellow, which we callolive, having voices like women, and long black hair flowing on theirshoulders. They are more numerous than can well be believed, and arecontinually at war among themselves. They inhabit the mountains, andhave certain times appointed for going out on predatory excursions, whenthey march in troops in great order, carrying with them their wives andchildren, and all their goods. Their houses or tents rather are carriedon camels, having no other houses, but dwelling always in tents likesoldiers. These tents are made of wool, and look black and filthy. 

On the 11th of April we departed from Mezaris to the number of 40, 000men with 35, 000 camels, having only sixty Mamelukes to guide and guardus. We were regularly marshalled for the march into a van and main body, with two wings, in which order the caravans of pilgrims always travelin these regions. From Damascus to Mecca is a journey of forty days andforty nights. Departing from Mezaris we continued our journey that daytill the twenty-second hour of the day. Then our captain or_Agmirus_[36], having given the appointed signal, the whole caravanimmediately halted and disburdened the camels, two hours only beingallowed for rest and refreshment for the men and beasts. Then upon a newsignal the camels were all reloaded, and we resumed our march. Everycamel has for one feed five barley loaves, raw and not baked, as largeas pomegranates. We continued our second days journey like the first, all day and night, from sun-rise to the twenty-second hour of the day, and this was the constant regular order. Every eighth day they procurewater by digging the ground or sand, though sometimes we found wells andcisterns. Likewise after every eight day, they rest two days, that thecamels and horses may recover strength. Every camel bears an incredibleload, being equal to that Which is borne by two strong-mules. 

[Footnote 36: The Emir Haji, or captain of the pilgrimage, which name ofoffice is transposed in the text to Haji-emir, corrupted _Agmir_, andlatinized Agmirus. --E. ]

At every resting-place at the waters, they are always obliged to defendthemselves against vast numbers of Arabians, but these conflicts arehardly ever attended with bloodshed, insomuch that though we oftenfought with them, we had only one man slain during the whole journey, these Arabians are so weak and cowardly that our threescore Mamelukeshave often driven 60, 000 Arabians before them. Of these Mamelukes, Ihave often seen wonderful instances of their expertness and activity. Ionce saw a Mameluke place an apple on the head of his servant at thedistance of 12 or 14 paces, and strike it off from his head, anotherwhile riding at full speed took the saddle from his horse, and carriedit some time on his head, and put it again on the horse without checkinghis career. 

At the end of twelve days journey we came to the valley of Sodom andGomorra, which we found, as is said in the holy scripture, to retain theruins of the destroyed city as a lasting memorial of God's wrath. I mayaffirm that there are three cities, each situated on the declivity ofthree separate hills, and the ruins do not seem above three or fourcubits high, among which is seen something like blood, or rather likered wax mixed with earth. It is easy to believe that these people wereaddicted to horrible vices, as testified by the barren, dry, filthyunwholesome region, utterly destitute of water. These people were oncefed with manna sent from heaven, but abusing the gifts of God they wereutterly destroyed. Departing about twenty miles from this place, aboutthirty of our company perished for want of water, and several otherswere overwhelmed with sand. A little farther on we found water at thefoot of a little hill, and there halted. Early next morning there cameto us 24, 000 Arabians, who demanded money from us in payment of thewater we had taken, and as we refused them any money, saying that thewater was the free gift of God to all, we came to blows. We gatheredourselves together on the mountain as the safest place, using our camelsas a bulwark, all the merchants and their goods being placed in themiddle of the camels while we fought manfully on every side. The battlecontinued for two days, when water failed both with us and our enemies, who encompassed the mountain all round, continually calling out thatthey would break in among our camels. At length our captain assembledall the merchants, whom he commanded to gather twelve hundred pieces ofgold to be given to the Arabians: but on receiving that sum they said itwas too little, and demanded ten thousand pieces and more for the waterwe had taken. Whereupon our captain gave orders that every man in thecaravan who could bear arms should prepare for battle. Next morning ourcommander sent on the caravan with the unarmed pilgrims inclosed by thecamels, and made an attack upon the enemy with our small army, whichamounted to about three hundred in all. With the loss only of one manand a woman on our side, we completely defeated the Arabians of whom weslew 1500 men. This victory is not to be wondered at, considering thatthe Arabians are almost entirely unarmed being almost naked, and havingonly a thin loose vesture, while their horses are very ill provided forbattle, having no saddles or other caparisons. 

Continuing our march after this victory, we came in eight days to amountain about ten or twelve miles in circuit, which was inhabited byabout 5000 Jews. These were of very small stature, hardly exceeding fiveor six spans in height, and some much less[37]. They have small shrillvoices like women, and are of very dark complexions, some blacker thanthe rest. Their only food is the flesh of goats. They are allcircumcised and follow the Jewish law, and when any Mahometan falls intotheir hands they flea him alive. We found a hole at the foot of themountain out of which there flowed an abundant source of water, at whichwe laded 16, 000 camels, giving great offence to the Jews. These peoplewander about their mountain like so many goats or deer, not daring todescend into the plain for fear of the Arabians. At the bottom of themountain we found a small grove of seven or eight thorn trees, amongwhich we found a pair of turtle doves, which were to us a great rarity, as during our long journey hitherto we had seen neither beast nor bird. 

[Footnote 37: This account of the stature of the Jewish tribe cannotfail to be much exaggerated, otherwise the text must have been corruptedat this place; as we cannot well conceive of a tribe in Arabia notexceeding four feet two inches in average height. --E. ]

Proceeding two days journey from the mountain of the Jews, we came to_Medinathalhabi_[38] or Medina. Four miles from this city we found awell, where the caravan rested and remained for a whole day, that wemight wash ourselves and put on clean garments to appear decently in thecity. Medina contains about three hundred houses of stone or brick, andis well peopled, being surrounded by bulwarks of earth. The soil isutterly barren, except at about two miles from the city there are aboutfifty palm trees which bear dates. At that place, beside a garden, thereis a water-course which runs into a lower plain, where the pilgrims areaccustomed to water their camels. I had here an opportunity to refutethe vulgar opinion that the tomb or coffin of the _wicked_ Mahomet is atMecca, and hangs in the air without support. For I tarried here threedays and saw with my own eyes the place where Mahomet was buried, whichis here at Medina, and not at Mecca. On presenting ourselves to enterthe _Meschita_ or mosque, which name they give to all their churches ortemples, we could not be allowed to enter unless along with acompanion[39] little or great, who takes us by the hand and leads us tothe place where they say that Mahomet is buried. His temple is vaulted, being about 100 paces long by 80 in breadth, and is entered by twogates. It consists of three parallel vaults, which are supported byfour hundred pillars of white bricks, and within are suspended aboutthree thousand lamps. In the inner part of this mosque or temple is akind of tower five paces in circuit, vaulted on every side, and coveredwith a large cloth of silk, which is borne up by a grate of coppercuriously wrought, and at the distance of two paces on every side fromthe tower, so that this tower or tomb is only seen as through a latticeby the devout pilgrims. This tomb is situated in an inner buildingtoward the left hand from the great mosque, in a chapel to which youenter by a narrow gate. On every side of these gates or doors are seenmany books in the manner of a library, twenty on one side, andtwenty-five on the other, which contain the vile traditions of Mahometand his companions. Within this chapel is seen a sepulchre in which theysay that Mahomet lies buried with his principal companions, _Nabi_, _Bubacar_, _Othamar_, _Aumar_, and _Fatoma_. Mahomet, who was a nativeArabian, was their chief captain. _Hali_ or _Ali_ was his son in-law, for he took to wife his daughter _Fatima_. _Bubacar_ or Abubeker, was asthey say exalted to be chief councillor and governor under Mahomet, butwas not honoured with the office of apostle or prophet. _Othamar andAumar_, Othoman and Omar, were chief captains in the army of Mahomet. Every one of these have particular books containing the acts andtraditions which relate to them, whence proceed great dissentions anddiscords of religion and manners among these vile people, some of whomadhere to one doctrine and some to another, so that they are dividedinto various sects among themselves, and kill each other like beasts, upon quarrels respecting their various opinions, all equally false, having each their several patrons, doctors, and saints, as they callthem. This also is the chief cause of war between the Sophy of Persiaand the grand Turk, both of whom are Mahometans, yet they live incontinual and mortal hatred of each other for the maintenance of theirrespective sects, saints, and apostles, every one thinking their own thebest. 

[Footnote 38: This name ought probably to have been writtenMedinat-al-habi, and is assuredly the holy city of Medina, in whichMahomet was buried. --E. ]

[Footnote 39: This seems to refer to some official residents of Medina, who must accompany the pilgrims in their visits to the holy places, probably for profit. --E. ]

The first evening that we came to Medina, our captain, or Emir of thepilgrimage, sent for the chief priest of the temple, and declared thatthe sole object of his coming thither was to visit the sepulchre andbody of the _Nabi_ or prophet, as they usually call Mahomet, and that heunderstood the price generally paid for being admitted to a sight ofthese mysteries was four thousand gold _serafines_. He told him likewisethat he had no parents, neither brothers nor sisters, kindred, wife, norchildren; that he had not come hither to purchase any merchandise, suchas spices, _bacca_[40], spikenard, or jewels, but merely for thesalvation of his soul and from pure zeal for religion, and was thereforeexceedingly desirous to see the body of the prophet. To this the priestanswered in apparent anger, "Darest thou, with those eyes with whichthou hast committed so many abominable sins, presume to look on him bywhom God created heaven and earth?" The captain replied that he spoketrue, yet prayed him that he might be permitted to see the prophet, whenhe would instantly have his eyes thrust out. Then answered the _Side_ orchief priest, "Prince! I will freely communicate all things to you. Itis undeniable that our holy prophet died at this place; but he wasimmediately borne away by angels to heaven and there received among themas their equal. " Our captain then asked where was now Jesus Christ theson of Mary, and the _Side_ said that he was at the feet of Mahomet: Towhich the captain replied that he was satisfied, and wished for no moreinformation. After this, coming out of the temple, he said to us, "See Ipray you for what stuff I would have paid three thousand _serafines_ ofgold!"

[Footnote 40: This word is obviously _berries_, and signifiescoffee. --E. ]

That same evening at almost three o'clock of the night[41], ten ortwelve elders of the city came into the encampment of our caravan, closeby one of the gates of the city, where running about like madmen, theycontinually cried out aloud, "Mahomet the apostle of God shall riseagain: O prophet of God thou shalt rise again. God have mercy upon us!"Alarmed by these cries, our captain and all of us seized our weapons inall haste, suspecting that the Arabians had come to rob our caravan. Ondemanding the reason of all this outcry, for they cried out as is doneby the Christians when any miraculous event occurs, the elders answered, "Saw you not the light which shone from the sepulchre of the prophet?"Then said one of the elders, "Are you slaves?" meaning thereby boughtmen or Mamelukes; and when our captain answered that we were Mamelukes, the elder replied, "You, my lords, being new to the faith, and not yetfully confirmed in the religion of our holy prophet, cannot see theseheavenly things. " To which our captain answered, "O! you mad andinsensate beasts! I thought to have given you three thousand pieces ofgold; but now I shall give you nothing, you dogs and progeny of dogs?"Now, it is to be understood that the pretended miraculous light whichwas seen to proceed from the sepulchre, was merely occasioned by a flamemade by the priests in the open part of the tower formerly mentioned, which they wished to impose on us as a miracle. After this our commandergave orders that none of the caravan should enter into the temple. Having thus seen with my own eyes, I can assuredly declare that there isneither iron nor steel, nor magnet stone by which the tomb of Mahomet ismade to hang in the air, as some have falsely imagined, neither is thereany mountain nearer to Medina than four miles. To this city of Medinacorn and all other kinds of victuals are brought from Arabia Felix, Babylon or Cairo in Egypt, and from Ethiopia by way of the Red Sea, which is about four days journey from the city. 

[Footnote 41: Counting from sunset after the manner of theItalians. --E. ]

Having remained three days in our encampment on the outside of Medina torest and refresh ourselves and our animals, and being satisfied, ordisgusted rather, by the vile and abominable trumperies, deceits, andhypocritical trifles of the Mahometan delusions, we determined to resumeour journey; and procuring a pilot or guide, who might direct our way bymeans of a chart and mariners box or compass, as is used at sea, we bentour journey towards the west, where we found a fair well or fountainwhence flowed an abundant stream of water, and where we and our beastswere satisfied with drink. According to a tradition among theinhabitants, this region was formerly burnt up with drought andsterility, till the evangelist St Mark procured this fountain from Godby miracle. We came into the _sea of sand_ before our arrival at themountain of the Jews, formerly mentioned, and in it we journeyed threedays and nights. This is a vast plain covered all over by white sand asfine almost as flour; and if by evil chance any one travels south whilethe wind blows to the north, they are overwhelmed by drifted sand. Evenwith the wind favourable, or blowing in the direction of their journey, the pilgrims are apt to scatter and disperse, as they cannot see eachother at ten paces distance. For this reason those who travel across thesea of sand are enclosed in wooden cages on the backs of camels, andare guided by experienced pilots by chart and compass, as mariners onthe ocean. In this journey many perish by thirst, and many by drinkingwith too much avidity when they fall in with wells. Owing to this_Momia_ is found in these sands, bring the flesh of such as have been_drowned in the sea of sand_, which is there dried up by the heat of thesun, and the excessive dryness of the sand preventing putrefaction. This_Momia_ or dried flesh is esteemed medicinal; but there is another andmore precious kind of _Momia_, being the dried and embalmed bodies ofkings and princes, which have been preserved in all times fromcorrupting. 

When the wind blows from the north-east, the sand rises, and is drivenagainst a certain mountain, which is a branch from Mount Sinai; and inthat place we found certain pillars artificially wrought, which arecalled _Januan_. On the left hand side of that mountain, and near thehighest summit, there is a cave or den, to which you enter by an irongate, and into which cave Mahomet is said to have retired formeditation. While passing that mountain, we heard certain horrible criesand loud noises, which put us in great fear. Departing therefore fromthe fountain of St Mark, we continued our journey for ten days, andtwice in that time we had to fight against fifty thousand Arabians. Atlength, however, we arrived at Mecca, where we found every thing inconfusion, in consequence of a civil war between two brothers whocontended for the kingdom of Mecca. 

SECTION IV. 

_Observations of the Author during his residence at Mecca_. 

The famous city of Mecha or Mecca is populous and well built, in a roundform, having six thousand houses as well built as those in Rome, some ofwhich have cost three or four thousand pieces of gold. It has no walls, being protected or fortified as it were on all sides by mountains, overone of which, about two furlongs from the city, the road is cut by whichwe descended into the plain below; but there are three other entriesthrough the mountains. It is under the dominion of a sultan, one of fourbrethren of the progeny of Mahomet, who is subject to the Soldan ofEgypt, but his other three brothers are continually at war with him. Onthe 18th day of May, descending from the before-mentioned road obliquelyinto the plain, we came to Mecca by the north side. On the south side ofthe city there are two mountains very near each other, having a verynarrow intervening valley, which is the way leading to Mecca on thatside. To the east there in a similar valley between two other mountains, by which is the road to a mountain where they sacrifice to thepatriarchs Abraham and Isaac, which hill or mount is ten or twelve milesfrom Mecca, and is about three stone throws in height, being all of astone as hard as marble, yet is not marble. On the top of this mount isa temple or mosque, built after their manner, having three entrances. Atthe foot of the mountain are two great cisterns, which preserve waterfree from corruption: one of these is reserved for the camels belongingto the caravan of Cairo, and the other for that of Damascus. Thesecisterns are filled by rain water, which is brought from a great wayoff. We shall speak afterwards of the sacrifices performed at thismountain, and must now return to Mecca. 

On our arrival we found the caravan from Memphis, or Babylon of Egypt, which had arrived eight days before us, coming by a different way, andconsisted of 64, 000 camels, with a guard of an hundred Mamelukes. Thiscity of Mecca is assuredly cursed of God, for it is situated in a mostbarren spot, destitute of all manner of fruit or corn, and so burnt upwith drought, that you cannot have as much water for twelve pence aswill satisfy one person for a whole day. Most part of their provisionsare brought from Cairo in Egypt, by the Red Sea, or _Mare Erythreum_ ofthe ancients, and is landed at the port of _Gida_, Joddah or Jiddah, which is about forty miles from Mecca. The rest of their provisions arebrought from the _Happy Arabia_, or _Arabia Felix_, so named from itsfruitfulness in comparison with the other two divisions, called_Petrea_ and _Deserta_, or the Stoney and Desert Arabias. They alsoget much corn from Ethiopia. At Mecca we found a prodigious multitude ofstrangers who were _peregrines_ or pilgrims; some from Syria, othersfrom Persia, and others from both the Indies, that is, from India onthis side the river Ganges, and also from the farther India beyond thatriver. During my stay of twenty days at Mecca, I saw a most prodigiousnumber and variety of people, infinitely beyond what I had ever beforeseen. This vast concourse of strangers of many nations and countriesresort thither from various causes, but chiefly for trade, and toobtain pardon of their sins by discharging a vow of pilgrimage. 

From India, both on this side and beyond the Ganges, they bring for saleprecious stones pearls and spices; and especially from that city of thegreater India, which is named _Bangella_[42] they bring much_gossampyne_ cloth[43] and silk. They receive spices also fromEthiopia[44]; and, in short, this city of Mecca is a most famous andplentiful mart of many rich and valuable commodities. But the mainobject for which pilgrims resort thither from so many countries andnations, is, to purchase the pardon of their sins. In the middle of thecity there is a temple after the manner of the coliseum or amphitheatreof Rome, yet not built of marble or hewn stone, being only of burntbricks. Like an amphitheatre, it has ninety or an hundred gates, and isvaulted over. It is entered on every side by a descent of twelve steps, and in its porch is the mart for jewels and precious stones, all thewalls of the entry being gilt over in a most splendid manner. In thelower part of the temple under the vaults, there is always to be seen aprodigious multitude of men; as there are generally five or six thousandin that place, who deal solely in sweet ointments and perfumes, amongwhich especially is a certain most odoriferous powder, with which deadbodies are embalmed. From this place all manner of delightful perfumesare carried to all the Mahometan countries, for beyond any thing thatcan be found in the shops of our apothecaries. 

[Footnote 42: This must necessarily be the kingdom or province ofBengal. --E. ]

[Footnote 43: Fine cottons or muslins are here evidently meant. --E. ]

[Footnote 44: This is inexplicable, as Ethiopia possesses no spices, unless we may suppose the author to mean here the sea of Ethiopia or RedSea, as the track by which spices were brought to Mecca. --E. ]

On the 23d day of May yearly, the pardons begin to be distributed in thetemple, after the following manner: The temple is entirely open in themiddle, and in its centre stands a turret about six paces incircumference, and not exceeding the height of a man, which is hung allround with silken tapestry. This turret or cell is entered by a gate ofsilver, on each side of which are vessels full of precious balsam, whichthe inhabitants told us was part of the treasure belonging to the sultanof Mecca. _At every vault of the turret is fastened a round circle ofiron, like the ring of a door_[45]. On the day of Pentecost, all menare permitted to visit this holy place. On the 22d of May, a greatmultitude of people began early in the morning, before day, to walkseven times round the turret, every corner of which they devoutly kissedand frequently handled. About ten or twelve paces from this principalturret is another, which is built like a Christian chapel, having threeor four entries; and in the middle is a well seventy cubits deep, thewater of which is impregnated with saltpetre. At this well eight men arestationed to draw water for all the multitude. After the pilgrims haveseven times walked round the first turret, they come to this one, andtouching the mouth or brim of the well, they say these words: "Be it tothe honour of God, and may God pardon my sins. " Then those who drawwater pour three buckets on the heads of every one that stands aroundthe well, washing or wetting them all over, even should their garmentsbe of silk; after which the deluded fools fondly imagine that their sinsare forgiven them. It is pretended that the turret first spoken of wasthe first house that was builded by Abraham; wherefore, while yet allover wet by the drenching at the well, they go to the mountain alreadymentioned, where the sacrifice is made to Abraham; and after remainingthere for two days, they make their sacrifice to the patriarch at thefoot of the mountain. 

[Footnote 45: This description is altogether unintelligible. --E. ]

When they intend to sacrifice, the pilgrims who are able to afford it, kill some three, some four, or more sheep, even to ten, so that in onesacrifice there are sometimes slain above 3000 sheep; and as they areall slaughtered at sun-rise, the shambles then flow with blood. Shortlyafterwards all the carcasses are distributed for God's sake among thepoor, of whom I saw there at least to the number of 20, 000. These poorpeople dig many long ditches in the fields round Mecca, where they makefires of camels' dung, at which they roast or seethe the sacrificialflesh which has been distributed to them by the richer pilgrims. In myopinion, these poor people flock to Mecca more to satisfy their hunger, than from motives of devotion. Great quantities of cucumbers are broughthere for sale from Arabia Felix, which are bought by those who havemoney; and as the parings are thrown out from their tents, thehalf-famished multitude gather these parings from among the mire or sandto satisfy their hunger, and are so greedy of that vile food, that theyfight who shall gather most. 

On the day after the sacrifice to Abraham, the _cadi_, who is to thesepeople as the preachers of the word of God among us, ascends to the topof a high mountain, whence he preaches to the people who stand below. Heharangued for the space of on hour, principally inculcating that theyshould bewail their sins with tears and sighs and lamentations, beatingtheir breasts. At one time he exclaimed with a loud voice, "O! Abrahamthe beloved of God, O! Isaac the chosen of God and his friend, pray toGod for the people of the prophet. " As these words were spoken, wesuddenly heard loud cries and lamentations, and a rumour was spread thatan army of 20, 000 Arabians was approaching, on which we all fled intothe city, even those who were appointed to guard the pilgrims being thefirst to make their escape. Mid-way between the mountain of Abraham andthe city of Mecca, there is a mean wall, about four cubits broad, wherethe passengers had strewed the whole way with stones, owing to thefollowing traditionary story: When Abraham was commanded to sacrificehis son Isaac, he directed his son to follow him to the place where hewas to execute the divine command; and as Isaac was following after hisfather, a devil met him in the way near this wall, in the semblance of afair and friendly person, and asked him whither he went. Isaac answeredthat he was going to his father, who waited for him. To this the archenemy replied, that he had better not go, as his father meant tosacrifice him. But Isaac despising the warnings of the devil, continuedhis way, that his father might execute the commandments of Godrespecting him. On this the devil departed from him, but met him againas he went forward, under the semblance of another friendly person, andadvised him as before not to go to his father. On this Isaac threw astone at the devil, and wounded him in the forehead; in remembrance ofwhich traditionary story it is that the people, on passing this way, areaccustomed to throw stones at the wall before going to the city. As wewent this way, the air was in a manner darkened with prodigiousmultitudes of stock doves, all, as they pretend, derived from the dovethat spoke in the ear of Mahomet, in likeness of the Holy Ghost. Thesedoves are seen in vast numbers in all parts about Mecca, as in thehouses, villages, inns, and granaries of corn and rice, and are so tamethat they can hardly be driven away. Indeed it is reckoned a capitalcrime to kill or even take them, and there are certain funds assignedfor feeding them at the temple. 

Beyond the temple there are certain parks or inclosures, in which thereare two _unicorns_ to be seen, called by the Greeks _Monocerotae_, whichare shewn to the people as miracles of nature, and not without goodreason, on account of their scarcity and strange appearance. One ofthese, though much higher than the other, is not unlike a colt of thirtymonths old, and has a horn in its forehead, growing straight forwardsand the length of three cubits. The other is much younger, resembling acolt of one year old, and its horn is only four hand breadths long. These singular animals are of a weasel chesnut colour, having a headlike that of a hart, but the neck is not near so long, with a thin mane, hanging all to one side. The legs are thin and slender, like those of afawn or hind, and the hoofs are cleft much like those of a goat, theouter parts of the hind feet being very full of hair. These animalsseemed wild and fierce yet exceedingly comely. They were sent out ofEthiopia by a king of that country, as a rare and precious gift to thesultan of Mecca[46]. 

[Footnote 46: The unicorn is an unknown, or rather a fabulous animal, and the most charitable interpretation that can be made of thedescription in the text is, that Verthema was mistaken, or that one ofthe horns of some species of antelope had either been removed, or waswanting by a lusus naturae. The only real _Monoceros_, or one hornedanimal, known to naturalists, is the rhinoceros monoceros, or one-hornedrhinoceros, which bears its horn on the nose, a little way above themuzzle, not on the forehead. --E. ]

It may seem proper to mention here certain things which happened to meat Mecca, in which may be seen the sharpness of wit in case of urgentnecessity, which according to the proverb, has no law; for I was drivento the extent of my wits how I might contrive to escape privately fromMecca. One day, while in the market purchasing some things by thedirection of our captain, a certain Mameluke knew me to be a Christian, and said to me in his own language _inte mename_, which is to say, "Whence are you?" To this I answered that I was a Mahometan, but heinsisted that I spoke falsely, on which I swore by the head of Mahometthat I really was. Then he desired me to go home along with him, which Iwillingly did; and when there he began to speak to me in the Italianlanguage, affirming that he was quite certain I was not a Mahometan. Hetold me that he had been some time in Genoa and Venice, and mentionedmany circumstances which convinced me that he spoke truth. On this Ifreely confessed myself A Roman, but declared that I had become aMahometan at Babylon in Egypt, and had been there enrolled among theMamelukes. He seemed much pleased as this, and treated me honourably. Being very desirous of proceeding farther in my travels, I asked him ifthis city of Mecca was as famous as was reported in the world, and wherethe vast abundance of pearls, precious stones, spices, and other richmerchandise was to be seen, which was generally believed to be in thatcity, wishing to know the reason why these things were not now broughtthere as in former times; but to avoid all suspicion, I durst not makeany mention of the dominion acquired by the king of Portugal over theIndian ocean and the gulfs of Persia and Mecca. Then did he shew thecause why this mart of Mecca was not so much frequented as it used tobe, assigning the whole blame to the King of Portugal. Thereupon Ipurposely detracted from the fame of that king, lest the Mahometan mightsuspect me of rejoicing that the Christians resorted to India for trade. Finding me a professed enemy to the Christians, he conceived a greatesteem for me, and gave me a great deal of information. Then said I tohim in the language of Mahomet _Menaba menalhabi_, or "I pray you to aidme. " He asked me in what circumstance I wished his assistance; uponwhich I told him that I wished secretly to depart from Mecca, assuringhim under the most sacred oaths that I meant to visit those kings whowere the greatest enemies to the Christians, and that I possessed theknowledge of certain estimable secrets, which if known to those kingswould certainly occasion them to send for me from Mecca. He requested toknow what these secrets were, on which I informed him that I wasthoroughly versant in the construction of all manner of guns andartillery. He then praised Mahomet for having directed me to theseparts, as I might do infinite service to the true believers; and heagreed to allow me to remain secretly in his house along with his wife. 

Having thus cemented a friendship with the Mahometan, he requested of meto obtain permission from the captain of our caravan that he might leadfifteen camels from Mecca loaded with spices under his name, by whichmeans he might evade the duties, as thirty gold seraphines are usuallypaid to the sultan of Mecca for the custom of such a number of camels. Igave him great hopes that his request might be complied with, even if heasked for an hundred camels, as I alleged he was entitled to theprivilege as being a Mameluke. Then finding him in excellent goodhumour, I again urged my desire of being concealed in his house; andhaving entirely gained his confidence, he gave me many instructions forthe prosecution of my intended journey, and counselled me to repair tothe court of the king of _Decham_, or Deccan, a realm in the greaterIndia; of which I shall speak hereafter. Wherefore, on the day beforethe caravan of Damascus was to depart from Mecca, he concealed me in themost secret part of his house; and next morning early the trumpeter ofour caravan of Syria gave warning to all the Mamelukes to preparethemselves and their horses for the immediate prosecution of thejourney, on pain of death to all who should neglect the order. Uponhearing this proclamation and penalty I was greatly troubled in mind;yet committing myself by earnest prayer to the merciful protection ofGod, I entreated the Mamelukes wife not to betray me. On the Tuesdayfollowing, our caravan departed from Mecca and the Mameluke went alongwith it, but I remained concealed in his house. Before his departure, the friendly Mameluke gave orders to his wife that she should procure methe means of going along with the pilgrims who were to depart from_Zide_ or Juddah the port of Mecca for India. This port of Juddah is 40miles from Mecca. I cannot well express the kindness of the Mamelukeswife to me during the time I lay hid in her house; and what contributedmainly to my good entertainment was that a beautiful young maid whodwelt in the house, being niece to the Mameluke, was in love with me;but at that time I was so environed with troubles and fear of danger, that the passion of love was almost extinct in my bosom, yet I keptmyself in her favour by kind words and fair promises. 

On the Friday, three days after the departure of the caravan of Syria, Ideparted about noon from Mecca along with the caravan of India; andabout midnight we came to an Arabian village, where we rested all therest of that night and the next day till noon. From thence continuingour journey we arrived at Juddah on the second night of our journey. Thecity of Juddah has no walls, but the houses are well built, resemblingthose in the Italian cities. At this place there is great abundance ofall kinds of merchandise, being in a manner the resort of all nations, except that it is held unlawful for Jews or Christians to come there. Assoon as I entered Juddah I went to the mosque, where I saw a prodigiousnumber of poor people, not less than 25, 000, who were attending uponthe different pilots, that they might go back to their countries. Here Isuffered much trouble and affliction, being constrained to hide myselfamong these poor wretches and to feign myself sick, that no one might betoo inquisitive about who I was, whence I came, or whether I was going. The city of Juddah is under the dominion of the Soldan of Babylon orCairo, the Sultan of Mecca being his brother and his subject. Theinhabitants are all Mahometans; the soil around the town is veryunfruitful, as it wants water; yet this town, which stands on the shoreof the Red Sea, enjoys abundance of all necessaries which are broughtfrom Egypt, Arabia Felix, and various other places. The heat is soexcessive that the people are in a manner dried up, and there isgenerally great sickness among the inhabitants. This city contains about500 houses. After sojourning here for fifteen days, I at length agreedfor a certain sum with a pilot or ship-master, who engaged to convey meto Persia. At this time there lay at anchor in the haven of Mecca nearan hundred brigantines and foists, with many barks and boats of variouskinds, some with oars and some with sails. 

Three days after I had agreed for my passage, we hoisted sail and beganour voyage down the Red Sea, called by the ancients _Mareerythraeum_[47]. It is well known to learned men that this sea is notred, as its name implies and as some have imagined, for it has the samecolour with other seas. We continued our voyage till the going down ofthe sun, for this sea cannot be navigated during the night, whereforenavigators only sail in the day and always come to anchor every night. This is owing _as they say_, to the many dangerous sands, rocks andshelves, which require the ships way to be guided with great care anddiligent outlook from the _top castle_, that these dangerous places maybe seen and avoided: But after coming to the island of _Chameran_ orKamaran, the navigation may be continued with greater safety andfreedom. 

[Footnote 47: The _Mare erythraeum_ of the ancients was of much moreextended dimensions, comprising all the sea of India from Arabia on thewest to Guzerat and the Concan on the east, with the coasts of Persiaand Scindetic India on the north; of which sea the Red Sea and thePersian gulfs were considered branches or deep bays. --E. ]

SECTION V. 

_Adventures of the Author in various parts of Arabia Felix, or Yemen_. 

After six days sailing from Juddah we came to a city named _Gezan_, which is well built and has a commodious port, in which we found about45 foists and brigantines belonging to different countries. This city isclose to the sea, and stands in a fertile district resembling Italy, having plenty of pomegranates, quinces, peaches, Assyrian apples, _pepons_? melons, oranges, gourds, and various other fruits, also manyof the finest roses and other flowers that can be conceived, so that itseemed an earthly paradise. It has also abundance of flesh, with wheatand barley, and a grain like white millet or _hirse_, which they call_dora_, of which they make a very excellent bread. The prince of thistown and all his subjects are Mahometans, most of whom go nearly naked. 

After sailing five days from _Gezan_, having always the coast on ourleft hand, we came in sight of some habitations where 14 of us went onshore in hopes of procuring some provisions from the inhabitants; butinstead of giving us victuals they threw stones at us from slings, sothat we were constrained to fight them in our own defence. There wereabout 100 of these inhospitable natives, who had no other weapons exceptslings, and yet fought us for an hour; but 24 of them being slain therest fled, and we brought away from their houses some poultry andcalves, which we found very good. Soon afterwards the natives returned, being reinforced by others to the number of five or six hundred; but wedeparted with our prey and reimbarked. 

Continuing our voyage, we arrived on the same day at an island named_Kamaran_, which is ten miles in circuit. This island has a town of twohundred houses, inhabited by Mahometans, and has abundance of flesh andfresh water, and the fairest salt I ever saw. The port of Kamaran iseight miles from the Arabian coast, and is subject to the sultan of_Amanian_ or _Yaman_, a kingdom of Arabia Felix. Having remained heretwo days, we again made sail for the mouth of the Red Sea, where wearrived in other two days. From Kamaran to the mouth of the Red Sea thenavigation is safe both night and day; But from Juddah to Kamsran theRed Sea can only be navigated by day, as already stated, on account ofshoals and rocks. On coming to the mouth of the Red Sea, we seemed quiteinclosed, as the strait is very narrow, being only three miles across. On the right hand, or Ethiopian coast, the shore of the continent isabout ten paces in height, and seems a rude uncultivated soil; and onthe left hand, or coast of Arabia, there rises a very high rocky hill. In the middle of the strait is a small uninhabited island called_Bebmendo_[48], and those who sail from the Red Sea towards Zeyla, leavethis island on the left hand. Such, on the contrary, as go for Aden, must keep the north eastern passage, leaving this island on the right. 

[Footnote 48: This word is an obvious corruption of Bab-el-Mondub, theArabic name of the straits, formerly explained as signifying the gate orpassage of lamentation. The island in question is named _Prin_. --E. ]

We sailed for _Bab-al-Mondub_ to _Aden_, in two days and a half, alwayshaving the land of Arabia in sight on our left. I do not remember tohave seen any city better fortified than Aden. It stands on a tolerablylevel plain, having walls on two sides: all the rest being inclosed bymountains, on which there are five fortresses. This city contains 6000houses, and only a stone's throw from the city there is a mountainhaving a castle on its summit, the shipping being anchored at the footof the mountain. Aden is an excellent city, and the chief place in allArabia Felix, of which it is the principal mart, to which merchantsresort from India, Ethiopia, Persia, and the Red Sea; but owing to theintolerable heat during the day, the whole business of buying andselling takes place at night, beginning two hours after sunset. As soonas our brigantines came to anchor in the haven, the customers andsearchers came off, demanding what we were, whence we came, whatcommodities we had on board, and how many men were in each vessel? Afterbeing satisfied on these heads they took away our mast, sails, and othertackle, that we might not depart without paying the customs. 

The day after our arrival at Aden, the Mahometans took me prisoner, andput shackles on my legs in consequence of an _idolater_ calling after methat I was a Christian dog[49]. Upon this the Mahometans laid hold ofme, and carried me before the lieutenant of the sultan, who assembledhis council, to consult with them if I should be put to death as aChristian spy. The sultan happened to be absent from the city, and asthe lieutenant had not hitherto adjudged any one to death, he did notthink fit to give sentence against me till my case were reported to thesultan. By this means I escaped the present danger, and remained inprison 55 days, with an iron of eighteen pounds weight fastened to mylegs. On the second day of my confinement, many Mahometans went in greatrage to the lieutenant to demand that I should be put to death as aPortuguese spy. Only a few days before, these men had difficultlyescaped from the hands of the Portuguese by swimming, with the loss oftheir foists and barks, and therefore greatly desired to be revenged ofthe Christians, outrageously affirming that I was a Portuguese and aspy. But God assisted me, for the master of the prison made fast itsgates, that these outrageous men might not offer me violence. At the endof fifty-five days, the sultan sent for me into his presence; so I wasplaced on the back of a camel with my shackles, and at the end of eightdays journey I was brought to the city of _Rhada_, where the sultan thenresided, and where he had assembled an army of 30, 000 men to make warupon the sultan of _Sanaa_, a fair and populous city about three daysjourney from _Rhada_, situated partly on the slope of a hill and partlyin a plain. When I was brought before the sultan, he asked me what Iwas: on which I answered that I was a Roman, and had professed myself aMahometan and Mameluke at Babylon in Egypt, or Cairo. That from motivesof religion, and in discharge of a vow, I had made the pilgrimage to_Medinathalhabi_, to see the body of the _Nabi_ or holy prophet, whichwas said to be buried there; and that having heard in all the countriesand cities through which I passed, of the greatness, wisdom, and virtueof the sultan of Rhada, I had continued my travels to his dominions froman anxious desire to see his face, and I now gave thanks to God and hisprophet that I had attained my wish, trusting that his wisdom andjustice would see that I was no Christian spy, but a true Mahometan, andhis devoted slave. The sultan then commanded me to say _Leila illalaMahumet resullah_, which words I could never well pronounce, either thatit so pleased God, or because I durst not, from some fear or scruple ofconscience. Wherefore, seeing me silent, the sultan committed me againto prison, commanding that I should be carefully watched by sixteen menof the city, every day four in their turns. After this, for the space ofthree months, I never enjoyed the sight of the heavens, being every dayallowed a loaf of millet bread, so very small that seven of them wouldhardly have satisfied my hunger for one day, yet I would have thoughtmyself happy if I could have had my fill of water. 

[Footnote 49: According to the monk Picade, Christians are found in allregions except Arabia and Egypt, where they are most hated. --_Eden_. ]

Three days after I was committed to prison, the sultan marched with hisarmy to besiege the city of _Sanaa_, having, as I said before, 30, 000footmen, besides 3000 horsemen, born of Christian parents, who wereblack like the Ethiopians, and had been brought while young from thekingdom of _Prester John_, called in Latin _Presbyter Johannes_, orrather _Preciosus Johannes_. These Christian Ethiopians are also calledAbyssinians, and are brought up in the discipline of war like theMamelukes and Janisaries of the Turks, and are held in high estimationby this sultan for the guard of his own person. They have high pay, andare in number four-score thousand[50]. Their only dress is a _sindon_ orcloak, out of which they put forth one arm. In war they use roundtargets of buffaloe hide, strengthened with some light bars of iron, having a wooden handle, and short broad-swords. At other times they usevestures of linen of divers colours, also of _gossampine_ or _xylon_, otherwise named _bomasine_[51]. In war every man carries a sling, whencehe casts stones, after having whirled them frequently round his head. When they come to forty or fifty years of age, they wreath their hairinto the form of horns like those of goats. When the army proceeds tothe wars, it is followed by 5000 camels, all laden with ropes ofbombasine[52]. 

[Footnote 50: This is a ridiculous exaggeration, or blunder intranscription, and may more readily be limited to four thousand. --E. ]

[Footnote 51: These terms unquestionably refer to cotton cloth. Perhapswe ought to read gossamopine _of_ Xylon, meaning cotton cloth fromCeylon. --E. ]

[Footnote 52: The use of this enormous quantity of cotton ropes isunintelligible. Perhaps the author only meant to express that the packsor bales on the camels were secured by such ropes. --E. ]

Hard by the prison to which I was committed, there was a long court orentry in the manner of a cloister, where sometimes I and other prisonerswere permitted to walk, and which was overlooked by a part of thesultan's palace. It happened that one of the sultan's wives remained inthe palace, having twelve young maidens to wait upon her, who were allvery comely, though inclining to black. By their favour I was muchaided, after the following manner: There were two other men confinedalone with me in the same prison, and it was agreed among us that one ofus should counterfeit madness, by which we might derive some advantage. Accordingly it fell to my lot to assume the appearance of madness, whichmade greatly for my purpose, as they consider mad men to be holy, andthey therefore allowed me to go much more at large than before, untilsuch time as the hermits might determine whether I were _holy mad_, orraging mad, as shall be shewn hereafter. But the first three days of myassumed madness wearied me so much, that I was never so tired withlabour, or grieved with pain; for the boys and vile people used to runafter me, sometimes to the number of forty or fifty, calling me a madman, and throwing stones at me, which usage I sometimes repaid in theirown coin. To give the better colour to my madness, I always carried somestones in the lap of my shirt, as I had no other clothing whatever. Thequeen hearing of my madness, used oftentimes to look from her windows tosee me, more instigated by a secret love for my person than the pleasureshe derived from my mad pranks, as afterwards appeared. One time, whensome of the natives played the knave with me in view of the queen, whosesecret favour towards me I began to perceive, I threw off my shirt, andwent to a place near the windows, where the queen might see me allnaked, which I perceived gave her great pleasure, as she alwayscontrived some device to prevent me going out of her sight, and wouldsometimes spend almost the whole day in looking at me. In the mean timeshe often sent me secretly abundance of good meat by her maids; and whenshe saw the boys or others doing me harm or vexing me, she called to meto kill them, reviling them also as dogs and beasts. 

There was a great fat sheep that was fed in the court of the palace, ofthat kind whereof the tail only will sometimes weigh eleven or twelvepounds. Under colour of my madness, I one day laid hold of this sheep, repeating _Leila illala Mahumet resullah_, the words which the Sultandesired me to repeat in his presence, by way of proof whether I was aMahometan or professed Mameluke. As the sheep gave no answer, I askedhim whether he were Mahometan, Jew, or Christian. And willing to makehim a Mahometan, I repeated the formula as before, which signifies, "There is but one God, and Mahomet is his prophet, " being the words theMahometans rehearse as their profession of faith. As the sheep answerednever a word to all I could say, I at length broke his leg with staff. The queen took much delight in these my mad tricks, and commanded thecarcass of this sheep to be given me, and I never eat meat with morerelish or better appetite. Three days afterwards I killed an ass thatused to bring water to the palace, because he would not say these wordsand be a Mahometan. One day I handled a Jew so very roughly, that I hadnear killed him. On another occasion I threw many stones at a person whocalled me a Christian clog, but he threw them back at me with suchvengeance, that he hurt me sore, on which I returned to my prison, ofwhich I barricadoed the door with stones, and lay there for two days, ingreat pain, without meat or drink, so that the queen and others thoughtme dead, but the door was opened by command of the queen. Those Arabiandogs used to deride me, giving me stones in place of bread, and piecesof white marble, pretending that they were lumps of sugar, and othersgave me bunches of grapes all full of sand. That they might not think Icounterfeited madness, I used to eat the grapes sand and all. 

When it was rumoured abroad that I had lived two days and nights withoutmeat or drink, some began to believe that I was a holy madman, whileothers supposed me to be stark mad; wherefore they consulted to send forcertain men who dwell in the mountain, who lead a contemplative life, and are esteemed holy as we do hermits. When they came to give theirjudgment concerning me, and were debating among themselves for upwardsof an hour on my case, I pissed in my hands, and threw the water intheir faces, on which they agreed I was no saint, but a mere madman. Thequeen saw all this from her window, and laughed heartily at it among hermaids, saying, "By the head of Mahomet this is a good man. " Next morningI happened to find the man asleep who had so sore hurt me with stones, and taking him by the hair of his head with both hands, I so punched himin the stomach, and on the face with my knees, that I left him allbloody and half dead. The queen happening to see me, she called out, "Kill the beast, Kill the dog. " Upon which he ran away and came no morenigh me. 

When the president of the city heard that the queen took so much delightin my mad frolics, he gave orders that I might go at liberty about thepalace, only wearing my shackles, and that I should be immured everynight in another prison in the lower part of the palace. After I hadremained in this manner for twenty days, the queen took it into her headto carry me along with her a hunting; but on my return, I feigned myselfsick from fatigue, and continued in my cell for eight days, the queensending every day to inquire how I was. After this I took an opportunityto tell the queen that I had vowed to God and Mahomet to visit a certainholy person at Aden, and begged her permission to perform my vow. Sheconsented to this, and immediately gave orders that a camel and 25 goldseraphins should be given me. Accordingly I immediately set off on myjourney, and came to Aden at the end of eight days, when I visited theman who was reputed as a saint, merely because he had always lived ingreat poverty, and without the company of women. There are many such inthose parts, but doubtless they lose their labour, not being in thefaith of Christ. Having thus performed my vow, I pretended to haverecovered my health by miracle performed by this holy person, of which Isent notice to the queen, desiring permission to visit certain otherholy persons in that country who had great reputation. I contrived theseexcuses because the fleet for India was not to depart from Aden for thespace of a month. I took the opportunity to agree secretly with thecaptain of a ship to carry me to India, making him many fair promises ofreward. He told me that he did not mean to go to India till after he hadgone first to Persia, and to this arrangement I agreed. 

To fill up the time, I mounted my camel and went a journey of 25 miles, to a certain populous city named _Lagi_, seated in a great plain, inwhich are plenty of olives and corn, with many cattle, but no vines, andvery little wood. The inhabitants are a gross and barbarous people ofthe vagabond Arabs, and very poor. Going a days journey from thence, Icame to another city named _Aiaz_, which is built on two hills, having alarge plain between them, in which is a noted fountain, where variousnations resort as to a famous mart. The inhabitants are Mahometans, yetgreatly differ in opinion respecting their religion. All those whoinhabit the northern mount, maintain the faith of Mahomet and hissuccessors, of whom I have formerly spoken; but those of the southmountain affirm that faith ought only to be given to Mahomet and Ali, declaring the others to have been false prophets. The country about_Aiaz_ produces goodly fruits of various kinds, among which are vines, together with silk and cotton; and the city has great trade in spicesand other commodities. On the top of both of the hills there are strongfortresses, and two days journey from thence is the city of _Dante_, onthe top of a very high mountain, well fortified both by art and nature. 

Departing from _Dante_, I came in two days journey to the city of_Almacharam_, on the top of a very high mountain of very difficultascent, by a way so narrow that only two men are able to pass eachother. On the top of this mountain is a plain of wonderful size, andvery fertile, which produces abundance of every thing necessary to theuse of man. It has also plenty of water, insomuch that at one fountainonly there is sufficient water to supply a hundred thousand men. TheSultan is said to have been born in this city, and to keep his treasurehere, which is so large as to be a sufficient load for an hundred camelsall in gold. Here also always resides one of his wives. The air of thisplace is remarkably temperate and healthy, and the inhabitants areinclining to white. Two days journey from _Almacharam_, is the city of_Reame_, containing 2000 houses. The inhabitants are black, and are muchaddicted to commerce. The country around is fertile in all things, except wood. On one side of this city is a mountain, on which is astrong fortress. At this place I saw a kind of sheep without horns, whose tails weigh forty or fifty pounds. The grapes of this districthave no stones or grains, and are remarkably sweet and delicate, as areall the other fruits, which are in great abundance and variety. Thisplace is very temperate and healthful, as may be conceived by the longlife of its inhabitants, for I have conversed with many of them that hadpassed the age of an hundred and twenty-five years, and were stillvigorous and fresh-coloured. They go almost naked, wearing only shirts, or other thin and loose raiment like mantles, having one arm bare. Almost all the Arabs wreath their hair in the shape of horns, which theythink gives them a comely appearance. 

Departing from thence, I came in three days journey to the city of_Sanaa_ or _Zenan, _ upon the top of a very high mountain, and verystrong both by art and nature. The Sultan had besieged this place forthree months with a great army, but was unable to prevail against it byforce, yet it was afterwards yielded on composition. The walls of thiscity are eighteen cubits high and twenty in thickness, insomuch thateight camels may march abreast upon them. The region in which it standsis very fertile, and resembles Italy, having abundance of water. Thecity contains four thousand houses, all well built, and in no respectinferior to those in Italy, but the city is so large in circuit, thatfields, gardens, and meadows are contained within the walls. This citywas governed by a Sultan, who had twelve sons, one of whom namedMahomet, was four cubits high, and very strong, of a complexionresembling ashes, and from some natural madness or grossly tyrannicaldisposition he delighted in human flesh, so that he used to kill mensecretly to feed upon them. 

Three days journey from thence I came to a city upon a mountain, named_Taessa, _ well built, and abounding in all things necessary to man, andparticularly celebrated for roses, of which the inhabitants make rosewater. This is an ancient city, having many good houses, and stillcontains several monuments of antiquity. Its temple or chief mosque isbuilt much like the church of Sancta Maria Rotunda at Rome. Theinhabitants are of an ash-colour, inclining to black, and dress muchlike those already mentioned. Many merchants resort thither for trade. Three days journey from thence I came to another city named _Zioith_ or_Zabid_, half a days journey from the Red Sea. This is a well builtcity, abounding in many good things, particularly in excellent whitesugar and various kinds of delicious fruits. It is situated in a verylarge plain between two mountains, and has no walls, but is one of theprincipal marts for all sorts of spices, and various other merchandise. One days journey from thence I came to _Damar_, which is situated in afruitful soil, and carries on considerable trade. All these cities aresubject to a Sultan of Arabia-Felix, who is called _Sechamir_, or theholy prince; _Secha_ signifying holy, and _Amir_ prince, in the Arabianlanguage. He is so named, because he abhors to shed men's blood. While Iwas there in prison, he nourished sixteen thousand poor, includingcaptives in prison, who had been condemned to death, and he had as manyblack slaves in his palace. 

Departing from Damar I returned in three days journey to Aden, passingin the mid way by an exceedingly large and high mountain, on which thereare many wild beasts, and in particular the whole mountain is as it werecovered with monkeys. There are also many lions, so that it is by nomeans safe to travel that way unless in large companies of at least ahundred men. I passed this way along with a numerous company, yet wewere in much danger from the lions and other wild beasts which followedus, insomuch that we were forced to fight them with darts, slings, andarrows, using also the aid of dogs, and after all we escaped with somedifficulty. On arriving at Aden I feigned myself sick, lurking in themosque all day, and going only out under night to speak with the pilotof the ship formerly mentioned, from whom I obtained a bark in which Isecretly left Aden. 

We at length began our voyage for Persia, to which we were to go in thefirst place, our bark being laden with _rubricke_, a certain red earthused for dying cloth, with which fifteen or twenty vessels are yearlyfreighted from Arabia Felix. After having sailed six days on our voyage, a sudden tempest of contrary wind drove us back again and forced us tothe coast of Ethiopia, where we took shelter in the port of _Zeyla_. Weremained here five days to see the city, and to wait till the tempestwas over and the sea become quiet. The city of Zeyla is a famous martfor many commodities, and has marvellous abundance of gold and ivory, and a prodigious number of black slaves, which are procured by theMahometan or Moorish inhabitants, by means of war, from Ethiopia in thecountry of Prester John, the Christian king of the Jacobins orAbyssinians. These slaves are carried hence into Persia, Arabia Felix, Cairo, and Mecca. In this city justice and good laws are observed. Thesoil produces wheat and other convenient things, as oil which is notprocured from olives but from something else that I do not know. It haslikewise plenty of honey and wax, and abundance of animals for food, among which are sheep having tails of sixteen pounds weight, very fatand good; their head and neck black, and all the rest of their bodieswhite. There are also sheep all over white, whose tails are a cubitlong, and hang down like a large cluster of grapes, with great flaps ofskin hanging from their throats. The bulls and cows likewise havedewlaps hanging down almost to the ground. There are also certain kinehaving horns like to those of harts, which are very wild, and when takenare given to the sultan of the city as a gift worthy of a prince. I alsosaw other kine of a bright red colour, having only one horn in the midstof the forehead, about a span long, bending backwards, like the horn ofthe unicorn. The walls of this city are greatly decayed, and the havenbad and unsafe, yet it is resorted to by vast numbers of merchants. Thesultan of Zeyla is a Mahometan, and has a numerous army both of horseand foot. The people, who are much addicted to war, are of a darkash-colour inclining to black, and wear loose vestments like thosespoken of in Arabia. After the weather had become calm, we again put tosea, and soon afterwards arrived at an island on the coast of Ethiopianamed _Barbora_, which is under the rule of a Mahometan prince. It is asmall island, but fertile and well peopled, its principal richesconsisting in herds of cattle, so that flesh is to be had in greatplenty. We remained here only one day, and sailing thence went toPersia. 

SECTION VI. 

_Observations of the Author relative to some parts of Persia. _

When we had sailed twelve days we came to a city named_Divobanderrumi_[53], which name signifies the holy port of the _Rumes_or Turks. This place is only a little way from the Continent, and whenthe tides rise high it is an island environed on every side with water, but at ebb tides the passage between it and the land is dry. This is agreat mart of commerce, and is governed by a person named_Menacheas_, being subject to the sultan of Cambaia. It is wellfortified with good walls, and defended by a numerous artillery. Thebarks and brigantines used at this place are smaller than ours of Italy. Departing thence we came in three days to _Zoar_[54], which also is awell frequented mart in a fertile country inhabited by Mahometans. Nearthis place are two other good cities and ports named _Gieulfar_ and_Meschet_ or _Maskat_. 

[Footnote 53: From the context, this place appears to have been on thatpart of the oceanic coast of Arabia called the kingdom of Maskat, towards Cape Ras-al-gat and the entrance to the Persian gulf. The nameseems compounded of these words _Div_ or _Diu_, an island, _Bander_ aport, and _Rumi_ the term in the east for the Turks as successors of theRomans. It is said in the text to have been subject to the sultan ofCambaia, but was more probably tributary to the king or sultan ofOrmuz. --E. ]

[Footnote 54: In the text of Hakluyt this place is called _Goa_, assuredly by mistake, as it immediately afterwards appears to have beenin the neighbourhood of Maskat, and in the direct voyage between Adenand Ormus, by creeping along the coast from port to port. --E. ]

Proceeding on our voyage we came to the fair city of _Ormuz_ or_Armusium_, second to none in excellence of situation, and abundance ofpearls. It stands in an island twelve miles from the Continent, being initself very scarce of water and corn, so that all things required forthe sustenance of the inhabitants are brought from other places. At thedistance of three days sail from thence those muscles are procured whichproduce the fairest and largest pearls. There are certain people whogain their living by fishing for these muscles in the following manner:Going in small boats to that part of the sea where these are found, theycast a large stone into the sea on each side of the boat fastened tostrong ropes, by which they fix their boat steadily in one place like aship at anchor. Then another stone with a cord fastened to it is castinto the sea, and a man having a sack hung upon his shoulder both beforeand behind, and a stone hung to his feet, leaps into the water, andimmediately sinks to the bottom to the depth of 15 paces or more, wherehe remains gathering the pearl muscles and putting them into his sack. He then casts off the stone that is tied to his feet and comes up bymeans of the rope. At _Ormuz_ there are sometimes seen almost threehundred ships and vessels of various sorts at one time, which come frommany different places and countries. The sultan of the city is aMahometan. There are not less than four hundred merchants and factorscontinually residing here for the sake of trade in silks, pearls, precious stones, spices, and the like. The principal article of theirsustenance at this place is rice. 

Departing from Ormuz I went into Persia, and after ten days journey Icame to _Eri_[55] a city in _Chorazani_ which also we may name_Flaminia_. This region is fertile, and abounds in all good things, particularly in silk, so that one might purchase enough in one day toload 3000 camels. Owing to the fertility of this country corn is alwayscheap. Rhubarb is in such abundance that six of our pounds of twelveounces each may be bought for one gold crown. This city, in which dwellsthe king of that region, contains about seven thousand houses, allinhabited by Mahometans. In twenty days journey from thence, I noticedthat the inland parts of Persia are well inhabited and have many goodtowns and villages. In this journey I came to a great river called bythe inhabitants _Eufra_, which I verily believe to be the Euphrates, both from the resemblance of names and from its great size. Continuingmy journey along this river by the left hand, I came in three daysjourney to another city named _Schyra_[56], subject to a prince who is aPersian Mahometan, and is independent of any other prince. Here arefound all sorts of precious stones, especially that called _Eranon_, which defends men against witchcraft, madness, and fearfulnessproceeding from melancholy. It is the stone commonly called _Turquoise_, which is brought in great abundance from a city named _Balascam_, wherealso great plenty of _Castoreum_ is procured and various kinds ofcolours. The reason why so very little true _Castoreum_ is found amongus is because it is adulterated by the Persians before it comes to ourhands[57]. The way to prove true castoreum is by smelling, and ifgenuine and unadulterated it makes the nose bleed, as I saw proved onfour persons in succession. When genuine and unadulterated, _castoreum_will preserve its flavour for ten years. The Persians are a courteousand gentle people, liberal and generous towards each other, and kind tostrangers, as I found by experience. While here, I met with a Persianmerchant to whom I was known in the year before when at Mecca. This manwas born in the city of _Eri_ in Chorozani, and as soon as he saw me heknew me again, and asked by what fortune I had come into that country. To this I answered, "that I had come thither from a great desire to seethe world. " "Praised be God, said he, that I have now found a companionof the same mind with myself. " He exhorted me not to depart from him, and that I should accompany him in his journeys, as he meant to gothrough the chief parts of the world. 

[Footnote 55: In the rambling journey of Verthema, we are often as hereunable to discover the meaning of his strangely corrupted names. Chorazani or Chorassan is in the very north of Persia, at a vastdistance from Ormuz, and he pays no attention to the particulars of histen days journey which could not have been less than 400 miles. We arealmost tempted to suspect the author of romancing. --E. ]

[Footnote 56: Supposing that the place in the text may possibly mean_Shiras_, the author makes a wonderful skip in three days from theEuphrates to at least 230 miles distance--E. ]

[Footnote 57: What is named _Castoreum_ in the text was probably musk, yet Russia castor might in those days have come along with rhubarbthrough Persia. --E. ]

I accordingly remained with him for fifteen days in a city named_Squilaz_, whence we went in the first place to a city named _SaintBragant_[58], which is larger than Babylon of Egypt and is subject to aMahometan prince, who is said to be able to take the field when occasionrequires with 60, 000 horsemen. This I say only from the information ofothers, as we could not safely pass farther in that direction, by reasonof the great wars carried on by the Sophy against those Mahometans whofollow the sect of _Omar_, who are abhorred by the Persians as hereticsand misbelievers, while they are of the sect of Ali which they consideras the most perfect and true religion. At this place my Persian friend, as a proof of his unfeigned friendship, offered to give me in marriagehis niece named _Samis_, which in their language signifies the Sun, which name she well deserved for her singular beauty. As we could nottravel any farther by reason of the wars, we returned to the city ofEri, where he entertained me most honourably in his house, and showingme his niece desired that she might immediately become my wife. Beingotherwise minded, yet not willing that I should appear to despise sofriendly an offer, I thanked him for his goodness, yet begged the matchmight be delayed to a more convenient time. Departing soon afterwardsfrom Eri, we came in eight days journey to _Ormuz_, where we tookshipping for India. 

[Footnote 58: Of Squilaz and Saint Bragant it is impossible to make anything, even by conjecture--E. ]

SECTION VII. 

_Observations of the Author on various parts of India. _

We arrived in India at a certain port named _Cheo_[59], past which flowsthe great river Indus, not far from the city of _Cambay_. It issituated[60] three miles within the land, so that brigantines and foistscan have no access to it except when the tide rises higher thanordinary, when it sometimes overflows the land for the space of fourmiles. At this place the tides increase differently from what they dowith us, as they increase with the wane of the moon, whereas with uswhile the moon waxes towards full. This city is walled after our manner, and abounds in all kinds of necessaries, especially wheat and all mannerof wholesome and pleasant fruits. It has also abundance of _gosampine_or _bombassine_ (cotton) and some kinds of spices of which I do not knowthe names. Merchants bring here such quantities of cotton and silk, thatsometimes forty or fifty vessels are loaded with these commodities forother countries. In this region there is a mountain in which the _onyx_commonly called _carneola_ is found, and not far from thence anothermountain which produces _calecdony_ and diamonds. While I was there, thesultan of Cambay was named Mahomet, and had reigned forty years afterhaving expelled the king of Guzerat. The natives are not Mahometans, neither are they idolaters, wherefore I believe if they were onlybaptised they would not be far from the way of salvation, for theyobserve the pure rule of justice, doing unto others as they would bedone by. They deem it unlawful to deprive any living creature of itslife, and never eat flesh. Some of them go entirely naked, or only coverthe parts of shame, wearing fillets of a purple colour round theirheads. Their complexion is a dark yellow, commonly called a _leonell_colour. 

[Footnote 59: This name is inexplicably corrupted; and nothing more canbe said of it than is contained in the text, which indeed is veryvague. --E. ]

[Footnote 60: Verthema appears at this place to make an abrupttransition to the city of Cambay, taking no farther notice of Cheo. --E. ]

The sultan of Cambay maintains a force of 20, 000 horse. Every morningfifty men riding on elephants repair to his palace to reverence andsalute the king, which is done likewise by the elephants kneeling down. As soon as the king wakes in the morning there is a prodigious noise ofdrums, trumpets, and other warlike instruments of music, as if in tokenof joy that the sultan still lives. The same is done while he is atdinner, when likewise the elephants are again brought forward to do himreverence. We shall afterwards have occasion to notice the customs, docility, and wisdom of these beasts. The sultan has his upper lip solarge and gross that he sometimes beareth it up with a fillet as womendo their hair. His beard is white and hangs down below his girdle. Hehas been accustomed to the use of poison even from his infancy, and hedaily eats some to keep him in use; by which strange custom, although hefeels no personal hurt therefrom, yet is he so saturated with poisonthat he is a certain poison to others. Insomuch that when he isdisposed to put any noble to death, he causes the victim to be broughtinto his presence and to stand before him while he chews certain fruitscalled _Chofolos_[61] resembling nutmegs, chewing at the same time theleaves of a certain herb named _Tambolos_, to which is added the powderof oyster shells. After chewing these things for some time, he spitsupon the person whom he wishes to kill, and he is sure to die withinhalf an hour, so powerful is the venom of his body[62]. He keeps aboutfour thousand concubines, and whoever of them chances to sleep with himis sure to die next day. When he changes his shirt or any other articleof his dress, no one dare wear it, or is sure to die. My companionlearnt from the merchants of Cambay that this wonderful venomous natureof the sultan had been occasioned by his having been bred up by hisfather from a child in the constant use of poison, beginning by littleand little, and taking preservatives at the same time. 

[Footnote 61: It is evident from the text that the _areka_ nut is heremeant, which is chewed along with _betel_ leaf, called tambolos in thetext, and strewed with _chunam_ or lime made of oyster shells. --E. ]

[Footnote 62: This ridiculous story can only be understood as an easternmetaphor, expressive of the tyrannous disposition of the sultan. --E. ]

Such is the wonderful fertility of this country that it surpasses alldescription. The people, as already said, go almost entirely naked, orcontent themselves with a single garment, and are a brave and warlikenation, being at the same time much given to commerce, so that theircity is frequented by traders of all nations. From this city, andanother to be named afterwards, innumerable kinds and quantities ofmerchandise are transported to almost every region and nation of theworld; especially to the Turks, Syrians, Arabians, Indians, and todivers regions of Africa, Ethiopia, and Arabia; and more especially vastabundance of silk and cotton, so that by means of this prodigious tradethe sultan is astonishingly rich. The sultan of Cambay is almostcontinually at war with the king of _Joga_, whose realm is fifteen daysjourney from Cambay, and extends very far in all directions. This kingof _Joga_[63] and all his people are idolaters. He maintains an armyalways on foot of 30. 000 men, and is continually in the field travellingthrough his dominions with a prodigious train of followers at thecharge of his subject, his camp containing at the least 4000 tents andpavilions. In this perpetual progress he is accompanied by his wife, children, concubines, and slaves, and by every apparatus for hunting andamusement. His dress consists of two goat-skins with the hair sideoutwards, one of which covers his breast and the other his back andshoulders. His complexion is of a brown weasel colour inclining toblack, as are most of the native Indians, being scorched by the heat ofthe sun. They wear ear-rings of precious stones, and adorn themselveswith jewels of various kinds; and the king and principal people painttheir faces and other parts of their bodies with certain spices andsweet gums or ointments. They are addicted to many vain superstitions;some professing never to lie on the ground, while others keep acontinual silence, having two or three persons to minister to theirwants by signs. These devotees have horns hanging from their necks, which they blow all at once when they come to any city or town to makethe inhabitants afraid, after which they demand victuals and whateverelse they are in need of from the people. When this king remainsstationary at any place, the greater part of his army keeps guard abouthis pavilion, while five or six hundred men range about the countrycollecting what they are able to procure. They never tarry above threedays in one place, but are continually wandering about like vagabondEgyptians, Arabs, or Tartars. The region through which they roam is notfertile, being mostly composed of steep and craggy mountains. The cityis without walls, and its houses are despicable huts or hovels. Thisking is an enemy to the sultan of _Machamir_? and vexes his country withincessant predatory incursions. 

[Footnote 63: What sovereign of India is meant by the _king of Joga_ wecannot ascertain, unless perhaps some Hindoo rajah in the hilly countryto the north-east of Gujerat. From some parts of the account of thisking and his subjects, we are apt to conceive that the relation in thetext is founded on some vague account of a chief or leader of a band ofHindoo devotees. A king or chief of the _Jogues_. --E. ]

Departing from Cambay, I came in twelve days journey to the city of_Ceull_[64], the land of Guzerat being interposed between these twocities. The king of this city is an idolater. His subjects are of a darkyellow colour, or lion tawny, and are much addicted to war, in whichthey use swords, bows and arrows, darts, slings, and round targets. Theyhave engines to beat down walls and to make a great slaughter in anarmy. The city is only three miles from the sea on the banks of a fineriver, by which a great deal of merchandise is imported. The soil isfertile and produces many different kinds of fruits, and in the districtgreat quantities of cotton cloth are made. The people are idolaters likethose of Calicut, of whom mention will be made hereafter, yet there aremany Mahometans in the city. The king has but a small military force, and the government is administered with justice. Two days journey fromthence is a city named _Dabuly_[65] on a great river and in a fertilecountry. It is walled like the towns of Italy, and contains a vastnumber of Mahometan merchants. The king is an idolater, having an armyof 30, 000 men. Departing from thence I came to the island of _Goga_[66], not above a mile from the continent, which pays yearly a tribute of 1000pieces of gold to the king of _Deccan_, about the same value with theseraphins of Babylon. These coins are impressed on one side with theimage of the _devil_[67], and on the other side are some unknowncharacters. On the sea coast at one side of this island there is a townmuch like those of Italy, in which resides the governor, who is captainover a company of soldiers named _Savain_, consisting of 400 Mamelukes, he being likewise a Mameluke. Whenever he can procure any white man hetakes them into his service and gives them good entertainment, and iffit for military service, of which he makes trial of their strength bywrestling, he gives them a monthly allowance of 20 gold seraphins; butif not found fit for war he employs them in handicrafts. With this smallforce of only 400 men, he gives much disturbance to the king ofNarsinga. 

[Footnote 64: There is a district on the west of Gujerat or Guzeratnamed _Chuwal_, on the river Butlass or Banass which runs into the gulfof Cutch, which may be here meant. --. ]

[Footnote 65: No name having the least affinity to that in the text isto be found in any modern map of India near the coast of Gujerat. Itwould almost appear that the author had now gone down the coast ofIndia, and that his Chuwal and Dabuly are Chaul and Dabul on the coastof the Concan. --E. ]

[Footnote 66: Nothing can possibly be made of this island of Goga. Thereis a town on the coast of Gujerat and western side of the gulf of Cambaycalled Gogo, but it is no island, and could not possibly be subject tothe king of the Deccan; and besides Verthema is obviously now going downthe western coast of India. --E. ]

[Footnote 67: Of a Swammy or Hindoo idol. --E. ]

From the island of _Goga_ I went to the city of _Dechan_[68], of whichthe king or sultan is a Mahometan, and to whom the before mentionedcaptain of the Mamelukes at _Goga_ is tributary. The city is beautiful, and stands in a fertile country which abounds in all things necessaryfor man. The king of this country is reckoned a Mameluke, and has 35, 000horse and foot in his service. His palace is a sumptuous edifice, containing numerous and splendid apartments, insomuch, that one has topass through 44 several rooms in a continued suite before getting to thepresence-chamber of the sultan, who lives with wonderful pomp andmagnificence, even those who wait upon him having their shoes or_starpins_ ornamented with rubies and diamonds, and rich ear-rings ofpearls and other precious stones. Six miles from the city is a mountainfrom which they dig diamonds, which mountain is surrounded by a wall, and guarded by a band of soldiers. The inhabitants of the city aremostly Mahometans, who are generally clad in silk, or at least havetheir shirts or lower garments of that fabric; they wear also thinbuskin and hose or breeches like the Greek mariners, or what are calledtrowsers. Their women, like those of Damascus, have their faces veiled. The king of Deccan is almost in continual war with the king of Nursinga;most of his soldiers being white men from distant countries hired forwar, whereas the natives are of a dark colour like the other inhabitantsof India. This king is very rich and liberal, and has a large navy ofships, but he is a great enemy to the Christians. Having visited thiscountry, I went in five days from thence to _Bathacala_ or _Batecolak_, the inhabitants of which are idolaters, except some Mahometan merchantswho resort thither for trade. It abounds in rice, sugar, wheat, _walnuts_[69], figs, and many kinds of fruits and roots unknown to us, and has plenty of beeves, kine, buffaloes, sheep, goats, and otherbeasts, but no horses, asses, or mules. From thence, at the distance ofa days journey I came to _Centacola?_ the prince of which has no greatriches; but the district has plenty of flesh, rice, and such fruits asgrow in India; and to this place many Mahometans resort for trade. Theking is an idolater, and is subject to him of Batecolah. Two daysjourney from thence I came to _Onore_, the king of which is an idolater, subject to the king of Narsinga. The prince or king of Onore has eightarmed foists or barks, which make excursions by sea, and subsist bypiracy, yet is he in friendship with the Portuguese. The districtproduces plenty of rice, and has many kinds of wild beasts, as wildboars, harts, wolves, _lions_[70], and many kinds of birds, such aspeacocks and parrots, besides others very different from ours. It haslikewise many cattle of a bright yellow colour, and fine fat sheep. Ithas also abundance of flowers of all kinds. The air is so temperate andhealthy, that the natives live much longer than we do in Italy. Not farfrom this place is another city named Mangalore, whence about sixtyships depart yearly with cargoes of rice. The inhabitants are partlyidolaters, and part Mahometans. 

[Footnote 68: Dechan, Deccan, or Dacshin, is the name of a territory orkingdom, and properly signifies southern India, or simply the south, inreference to Hindostan proper, on the north of the Nerbuddah: ButVerthema almost always names the capital from the kingdom. --E. ]

[Footnote 69: By walnuts, I suspect that coca-nuts are meant, andrendered walnuts by some mistaken translation. --E. ]

[Footnote 70: There are no lions in India, and tigers are certainly heremeant. --E. ]

Departing from thence we went to the city of _Cananore_, where the kingof Portugal has a strong garrison, though the king of the city is anidolater and no great friend to the Portuguese. At this port many horsesare imported from Persia, which pay a high duty. Departing from thenceinto the inland we came to the city of _Narsinga_[71], which isfrequented by many Mahometan merchants. The soil in that country bearsno wheat, so that the inhabitants have no bread, neither hath it vinesor any other fruits except oranges and gourds, but they have plenty ofrice and such walnuts as that country _produces_[72]. It has likewiseplenty of spices, as pepper, ginger, mirabolans, cardamum, cassia, andothers, also many kinds of fruits unlike ours, and much sweeter. Theregion is almost inaccessible, _for many dens and ditches made byforce_[73]. The king has an army of 50, 000 _gentlemen whom they callheroes_[74]. In war they use swords and round targets, also lances, darts, bows, and slings, and are now beginning to use fire arms. Thesemen go almost entirely naked, except when engaged in war. They use nohorses, mules, asses, or camels; only employing elephants, which yet donot fight in battle. Great quantities of merchandise are consumed inthis city, insomuch that two hundred ships resort thither yearly fromvarious countries[75]. 

[Footnote 71: Bijanagur was the capital of the kingdom known by the nameof Narsinga; but from the neighbourhood of Cananore, it is possible thatVerthema here means Narsingapoor, about 25 miles S. S. W. FromSeringapatam. --E. ]

[Footnote 72: The walnuts of this author must have been cocoa-nuts, perhaps converted to walnuts by erroneous translation. --E. ]

[Footnote 73: This singular passage probably means, that the country isdefended by a great number of forts and garrisons, as indeed we knowthat the interior table land of southern India is thickly planted with_droogs_ or hill forts, which must then have been impregnable. --E. ]

[Footnote 74: Probably meaning Nairs or Rajputs, who are reckoned of ahigh or noble cast, next to the Bramins--E. ]

[Footnote 75: This is a most astonishing error, as Narsingapoor is above100 miles from the nearest coast. --E. ]

Departing from Narsinga, and travelling 15 days to the _east_[76], wecame to the city of _Bisinagar_, or Bijanagur, which is subject to theking of Narsinga. This city stands upon the side of a hill, and is verylarge, and well fortified, being surrounded by a triple wall, eightmiles in circuit. The district in which it stands is wonderfullyfertile, and produces every thing requisite for the necessities, andeven the delicacies and luxuries of man. It is likewise a mostconvenient country for hunting and hawking, having many large plains, and fine woods, so that altogether it is a kind of earthly paradise. Theking and people are idolaters; and the king has great power and riches, maintaining an army of 4000 horsemen, although it may be noted that agood horse in this country costs four or five hundred gold coins calledpardaos, and sometimes eight hundred. The reason of this high price is, that these horses are brought from other countries, whence they canprocure no mares, as the exportation of these is strictly prohibited bythe princes of the countries whence the horses are procured. He haslikewise 400 elephants to serve in his wars, and many of those swiftrunning camels which we commonly call _dromedaries_[77]. 

[Footnote 76: Bijanagur is 175 miles directly _north_ fromNarsingapoor. --E. ]

[Footnote 77: In modern language the term dromedary is very improperlyapplied to the Bactrian, or two-hunched camel, a slow beast of burden. The word dromedary is formed from the Greek _celer_, and only belongs toa peculiar breed of camels of amazing swiftness. --E. ]

At this place I had an excellent opportunity of learning the docilityand almost reasoning wisdom of the elephant, which certainly is the mostsagacious and most docile of all animals, approaching even to humanreason, and far exceeding all other beasts in strength. When used forwar, the Indians fix great pack-saddles on their backs, resembling thoseused in Italy for mules of burden, but vastly larger. These saddles aregirt round their bellies with two iron chains, and on each side isplaced a small house, cage, or turret of wood, each of which containsthree men. Between the two turrets an Indian sits on the back of theanimal, and speaks to him in the language of the country, which thecreature understands and obeys. Seven men, therefore, are that placedon the back of each elephant, all armed with coats of mail, and havinglances, bows, darts, and slings, and targets for defence. Also thetrunk, snout, or proboscis of the elephant is armed with a swordfastened to it, two cubits long, very strong, and a handbreadth inwidth. When necessary to advance, to retreat, to turn to either side, tostrike, or to forbear, the governor or conductor of the elephant sittingon his back, causes him to do whatever he wills, by speaking in suchlanguage and expressions as he is accustomed to, all of which the beastunderstands and obeys, without the use of bridle or spur. But when fireis thrown at them, they are wonderfully afraid and run away, on whichoccasions it is impossible to stop them; on which account the Indianshave many curious devices of fire-works to frighten the elephants, andmake them run away. I saw an instance of the extraordinary strength ofthese animals while at Cananore, where some Mahometans endeavoured todraw a ship on the land, stem foremost, upon three rollers, on whichoccasion three elephant, commodiously applied, drew with great force, and bending their heads down to the ground, brought the ship on theland. Many have believed that elephants have no joints in their legs, which therefore they could not bend; but this notion is utterly false, as they have joints like other beasts, but lower down on their legs. Thefemale elephants are fiercer than the males, and much stronger forcarrying burdens. Sometimes they are seized by a kind of fury ormadness, on which occasions they run about in a disorderly manner. Oneelephant exceeds the size of three buffaloes, to which latter animalstheir hair has some resemblance. Their eyes resemble those of swine. Their snout or trunk is very long, and by means of it they convey foodand drink to their mouths, so that the trunk may be called the hand ofthe elephant. The mouth is under the trunk, and is much like the mouthof a sow. The trunk is hollow, and so flexible, that the animal can useit to lay hold of sticks, and wield them with it as we do with the hand. I once saw the trunk of a tree overthrown by one elephant, which 24 menhad in vain attempted. It has two great teeth or tusks in the upper jaw. Their ears are very broad, above two spans even on the smallestelephants. Their feet are round and as broad as the wooden trencherswhich are in ordinary use, and each foot has five round hoofs like largeoyster shells. The tail is about four spans long, like that of abuffaloe, and is very thin of hair. Elephants are of various sizes, some18 spans or 14 spans high, and some have been seen as high as 16 spans;but the females are larger than the males of the same age. Their gait isslow and wallowing, so that those who are not used to ride upon them areapt to become sick, as if they were at sea; but it is pleasant to ride ayoung elephant, as their pace is soft and gentle like an ambling mule. On mounting them, they stoop and bend their knee to assist the rider toget up; but their keepers use no bridles or halters to guide them. Whenthey engender they retire into the most secret recesses of the woods, from natural modesty, though some pretend that they copulate backwards. 

The king of Narsinga exceeds in riches and dominion, all the princes Ihave ever seen or heard of. In beauty and situation the city resemblesMilan, only that being on the slope of a hill it is not so level. Othersubject kingdoms lie round about it, even as Ausonia and Venice surroundMilan. The bramins or priests informed me that the king receives dailyof tribute from that city only the sum of 12, 000 _pardaos_. He and hissubjects are idolaters, worshipping the devil like those of Calicut. Hemaintains an army of many thousand men, and is continually at war withhis neighbours. The richer people wear a slender dress, somewhat like apetticoat, not very long, and bind their heads with a fillet or broadbandage, after the fashion of the Mahometans, but the common people goalmost entirely naked, covering only the parts of shame. The king wearsa cape or short cloak of cloth of gold on his shoulders, only two spanslong; and when he goes to war he wears a close vest of cotton, overwhich is a cloak adorned with plates of gold, richly bordered with allkinds of jewels and precious stones. The horse he rides on, includingthe furniture or caparisons, is estimated to equal one of our cities invalue, being all over ornamented with jewels of great price. When begoes a hunting, he is attended by other three kings, whose office it isto bear him company wherever he goes. When he rides out or goes ajourney he is attended by 6000 horsemen; and from all that we have said, and various other circumstances respecting his power, riches, andmagnificence, he certainly is to be accounted one of the greatestsovereigns in the world. Besides the pieces already mentioned, named_pardaos_, which are of gold, he coins silver money called _fano_, or_fanams_, which are worth sixteen of our smallest copper money. Such isthe excellent government of this country, that travellers may go throughthe whole of it in safety, if they can avoid the danger of _lions_[78]. This king is in amity with the king of Portugal, and is a great friendto the Christians, so that the Portuguese are received and treated inhis dominions in a friendly and honourable manner. 

[Footnote 78: Wherever lions are mentioned by this traveller in India, tigers are to be understood. --E. ]

When I had tarried many days in this great city, I returned to Cananore, whence, after three days stay I went to a city twelve miles from thence, named _Trempata_[79], a sea-port, inhabited by idolaters, but frequentedby many Mahometan merchants. The only riches of this place consists inIndian nuts, or cocoa-nuts, and timber for ship-building. Passing fromthence, by the cities of _Pandara_ and _Capagot_[80], I came to thefamous city of Calicut. To avoid prolixity, I pass over many otherkingdoms and peoples, such as _Chianul_? _Dabul_, _Onouè_? _Bangalore_, _Cananore_, _Cochin_, _Cacilon_? and _Calonue_, or _Coulan_[81]. I haveso done on purpose to enable me to treat more at large of Calicut, beingin a manner the metropolis of all the Indian cities, as the king thereofexceeds all the kings of the east in royal majesty, and is thereforecalled _Samoory_ or _Zamorin_, which in their language signifies _God onearth_. 

[Footnote 79: About that distance south from Cananore isDermapatam. --E. ]

[Footnote 80: No names in the least respect similar to these are to befound in the indicated route between Cananore and Calicut. --E. ]

[Footnote 81: Of the three places marked with points of interrogation, the names are so disfigured in the orthography as to be unintelligible;_Cianul_ may possibly be Chaul, _Onouhè_ Onore, and _Cacilon_Cranganore. --E. ]

SECTION VIII. 

_Account of the famous City and Kingdom of Calicut. _

The city of Calicut is situated on the continent or main land of India, close upon the sea, having no port; but about a mile to the south thereis a river which runs into the ocean by a narrow mouth. This river isdivided into many branches among the fields in the plain country, forthe purpose of being distributed by means of trenches to water thegrounds, and one of these branches not exceeding three or four feetdeep runs into the city. Calicut is not walled, and contains about 6000houses, which are not built close adjoining each other, as in Europeancities, but a certain space is left between each, either to prevent thecommunication of fire, or owing to the ignorance of the builders. It isa mile in length, and its houses are only mean low huts, not exceedingthe height of a man on horseback, being mostly covered with boughs oftrees, instead of tiles or other covering. It is said that on diggingonly five or six spans into the ground they come immediately to water, on which account they cannot dig foundations of any depth. Warehouses orlodgings for merchants may be bought for 15 or 20 pieces of gold; butthe common run of houses cost only two pieces of gold or even less. 

The king and people of Calicut are idolaters, and worshippers of thedevil, though they acknowledge one supreme God, the Creator of heavenand earth, the first chief cause of all things. But they allege that Godcould have no pleasure in his government, if he were to take it uponhimself, and hath therefore given it in charge to the devil, who wassent as they say from heaven, to rule over and judge the world, rendering good or evil to men according to their deserts. The great Godthey call _Tamerani_, and this devil or subordinate deity _Deumo_. Theking has a chapel in his palace, where this Deumo is worshipped. Thischapel has an open vault or arch on all the four sides, about two pacesin breadth, and it is about three paces high. The entrance is by awooden gate, ornamented with carved work of monstrous forms or shapes ofdevils. In the midst of the chapel is a royal seat or throne of copper, on which sits the figure or image of the devil, likewise of copper. Onthe head of this image is a crown like that worn by the pope, but havingthe addition of four horns, besides which he is represented with a greatgaping mouth, having four monstrous teeth. The nose is horridlydeformed, with grim lowering eyes, a threatening look, and crookedhands, or talons like flesh-hooks, and feet somewhat like those of acock; forming on the whole, a monster terrible to look at. In everycorner of the chapel there are other figures of devils of shiningcopper, as if flames of fire devouring miserable souls. These souls areabout the size of half a finger, some of them larger, and each figureputs one of these souls into his mouth with the right hand, while theleft is on the ground lifting up another. Every morning the priests, who are called Bramins, wash the idol with rose water, and perfume himwith sweet savours, after which they pray to him prostrate on the earth. Once every week they sacrifice to the idol after this form. They have alittle altar or cupboard, three spans high, five spans long and fourbroad, on which they strew all manner of flowers and sweet-smellingpowders; then bringing a great silver chafing-dish full of warmingcoals, they kill a cock with a silver knife, throwing the blood into thefire, together with many sweet perfumes, and even thrust the bloodyblade of the knife often into the fire that none of the blood may belost; then the priest maketh many strange gestures with the knife, likea fencer, giving or defending thrusts. In the mean time other priestswith burning censers go round about the altar perfuming it with incense, and ringing a small silver bell all the time of the sacrifice. Thepriest who sacrifices the cock has his arms and legs garnished withsilver plates and pendants, which make a noise when he moves likehawks-bells, and he wears a kind of boss on his breast inscribed with Iknow not what signs, being perhaps the secret character of some hiddenmystery. When the sacrifice is finished, he fills both his hands withwheat, and goes backwards, keeping his eyes fixed on the altar till hecomes to a certain tree whereon he casts the wheat; then returning tothe altar he removes all that is upon it. 

The king never sits down to eat till four of his priests have offeredhis meat in this manner to the idol; lifting their hands above theirheads with many fantastical gesticulations and murmuring voices, theypresent the meat to the idol, and after many foolish ceremonies bringback the meat to the king. The meat is offered in a wooden tray, afterwhich it is laid on the broad leaves of a certain tree. The meat of theking consists of rice and divers other things, such as fruits; and beeats sitting on the ground without cloth or carpet. During his repast, the priests stand round him at four or five paces distance, carefullyobserving all his orders; and when he has done eating, they carry awayall the remains of his food, which they give to certain crows, whichbeing used to be thus fed, come upon a signal, and being esteemed holy, it is not lawful for any one to take or even hurt them. The chiefpriests of these idolaters are the bramins, who are with them as bishopsare among us, and are considered as the order of highest dignity. Thesecond order among them are the nairs, who come in place of ourgentlemen, and go out to war with swords and bucklers, lancet, bows, and other weapons. The third order consists of mechanics and handicraftsof all kinds. In the fourth are victuallers, or those that makeprovision of fish and flesh. Next to them are those who gather pepper, cocoa nuts, grapes and other fruits. The baser sort are those who sowand gather rice, who are kept under such subjection by the bramins andnairs that they dare not approach nearer to them than 50 paces underpain of death and are therefore obliged to lurk in bye places andmarshes; and when they go anywhere abroad they call out continually in aloud voice, that they may be hoard of the bramins and nairs otherwise ifany of these were to come near they would certainly put these low peopleto death. 

The dress of even the king and queen differ in little or nothing fromthe other idolaters, all going naked, barefooted, and bareheaded, excepta small piece of silk or cotton to cover their nakedness; but theMahometans wear single garments in a more seemly manner, their womenbeing dressed like the men except that their hair is very long. The kingand nobles eat no kind of flesh, except having first got permission ofthe priests; but the common people may eat any flesh they please exceptthat of cows. Those of the basest sort, named _Nirani_ and _Poliars_, are only permitted to eat fish dried in the sun. 

When the king or zamorin dies, his male children, if any, or hisbrothers by the fathers side, or the sons of these brothers, do notsucceed in the kingdom: For, by ancient law or custom, the successionbelongs to the sons of the kings sisters; and if there be none such, itgoes to the nearest male relation through the female blood. The reasonof this strange law of succession is, that when the king takes a wife, she is always in the first place deflowered by the chief bramin, forwhich he is paid fifty-pieces of gold. When the king goes abroad, eitherin war or a-hunting, the queen is left in charge of the priests, whokeep company with her till his return; wherefore the king may well thinkthat her children may not be his; and for this reason the children ofhis sisters by the same mother are considered as his nearest in blood, and the right inheritors of the throne. When the king dies, all hissubjects express their mourning by cutting their beards and shavingtheir heads; and during the celebration of his funerals, those who liveby fishing abstain from their employment during eight days. Similarrules are observed upon the death of any of the kings wives. Sometimesthe king abstains from the company of women for the space of a year, when likewise he forbears to chew _betel_ and _areka_, which arereckoned provocatives. 

The gentlemen and merchants of Calicut, when they wish to show greatfriendship to each other, sometimes exchange wives, but on theseoccasions the children remain with their reputed fathers. It is likewisecustomary among these idolaters, for one woman to have seven husbands atthe same time, each of whom has his appointed night to sleep with her;and when she has a child, she fathers it upon any of the husbands shepleases. The people of this country, when at their meals, lie upon theground, and eat their meat from copper trays, using certain leavesinstead of spoons; their food consisting for the most part of rice andfish seasoned with spices, and of the ordinary fruits of the country. The lowest people eat in a filthy manner, putting their dirty hands intothe dish, and thrusting their food by handfuls into their mouths. Thepunishment of murder is by impalement; but those who wound or hurt anyone have to pay a fine to the king. When any one is in debt, and refusesto pay, the creditor goes to the judges, of whom there are said to be ahundred, and having made due proof of the debt, he receives a certainstick or branch of a tree, with authority to arrest his debtor, to whom, when he is able to find him, he uses these words: "I charge you by theheads of the Bramins, and by the head of the king, that you stir notfrom the spot on which you stand till you pay me what you owe. " Thedebtor has now no resource but to pay immediately, or to lose his life:for, if he escape after this ceremony, he is adjudged a rebel, and it islawful for any man to kill him. 

When they mean to pray to their idols, they resort before sunrise tosome pool or rivet where they wash themselves, after which they resortto the idol-house, taking especial care not to touch any thing by theway, and say their prayers prostrate on the ground, making strangegesticulations and contortions, so marvellously distorting their faces, eyes, and mouths, that it is horrible to behold. The nairs or gentlemenmay not begin to eat, till one of them has dressed and set the food inorder, with certain ceremonies, but the lower orders are not bound tosuch rules. The women also have no other care than to dress and beautifythemselves, as they take much pains to wash and purify their persons, and to perfume their bodies with many sweet savours. Likewise when theygo abroad, they are singularly loaded with jewels and ornaments on theirears, arms, and legs. 

In Calicut there are certain teachers of warlike exercises, who train upthe youth in the use of the sword, target, and lance, and of such otherweapons as they employ in war; and when the king takes the field he hasan army of 100, 000 infantry, but there are no cavalry in that country. On this occasion the king rides upon an elephant, and elephants are usedin their wars. Those who are next in authority to the king wear filletsround their heads of crimson or scarlet silk. Their arms are crookedswords, lances, bows and arrows, and targets. The royal ensign is anumbrella borne aloft on a spear, so as to shade the king from the heatof the sun, which ensign in their language is called _somber_. When botharmies approach within three arrow-flights, the king sends his braminsto the enemy by way of heralds, to challenge an hundred of them tocombat against an hundred of his nairs, during which set combat bothsides prepare themselves for battle. In the mean time the two selectparties proceed to combat, mid-way between the two armies, alwaysstriking with the edge of their swords at the heads of theirantagonists, and never thrusting with the point, or striking at thelegs. Usually when five or six are slain of either side, the Braminsinterpose to stop the fight, and a retreat is sounded at their instance. After which the Bramins speak to the adverse kings, and generallysucceed to make up matters without any battle or farther slaughter. 

The king sometimes rides on an elephant, but at other times is carriedby his nairs or nobles, and when he goes out is always followed by anumerous band of minstrels, making a prodigious noise with drums, timbrels, tambourets, and other such instruments. The wages of the nairsare four _carlines_ each, monthly, in time of peace, and six during war. When any of them are slain, their bodies are burned with great pomp andmany superstitious ceremonies, and their ashes are preserved; but thecommon people are buried in their houses, gardens, fields, or woods, without any ceremony. When I was in Calicut it was crowded withmerchants from almost every part of the east, especially a prodigiousnumber of Mahometans. There were many from Malacca and Bengal, fromTanaserim, Pegu, and Coromandel, from the islands of Ceylon and Sumatra, from all the cities and countries of Western India, and variousPersians, Arabians, Syrians, Turks, and Ethiopians. As the idolaters donot sail on the sea, the Mahometans are exclusively employed innavigation, so that there are not less than 15, 000 Mahometans residentin Calicut, mostly born in that place. Their ships are seldom below theburden of four or five hundred tons, yet all open and without decks. They do not put any tow or oakum into the seams of their ships, yet jointhe planks so artificially, that they hold out water admirably, theseams being pitched and held together with iron nails, and the wood ofwhich their ships are built is better than ours. Their sails are made ofcotton cloth, doubled in the under parts, by which they gather much windand swell out like bags, having only one sail to each vessel. Theiranchors are of marble, eight spans long, having two on each side of theship, which are hung by means of double ropes. Their voyages are allmade at certain appointed times and seasons, as one time of the yearanswers for one coast, and another season for other voyages, which mustall be regulated according to the changes of the weather. In the monthsof May, June, and July, when with us in Italy every thing is almostburnt up with heat and drought, they have prodigious rains. The best oftheir ships are built in the island of _Porcai_, not far from Calicut. They have one kind of vessel or canoe, made all of one piece of woodlike a trough, very long, narrow, and sharp, which is propelled eitherby oars or sails, and goes with amazing swiftness, which is much used bypirates. 

The palace of the king of Calicut exceeds a mile in circumference, andis well constructed of beams and posts artificially joined, andcuriously carved all over with the figures of devils. It is all howeververy low, for the reason before-mentioned, as they cannot dig deep forsecure foundations. It is impossible to express in words the number andriches of the pearls and precious stones which the king wears about him, which exceed all estimate in regard to their value. Although, when I wasin that place, the king lived rather in a state of grief, both onaccount of the war in which he was engaged with the Portuguese, andbecause he was afflicted by the venereal disease which had got into histhroat, yet his ears, hands, legs, and feet, were richly garnished withall sorts of jewels and precious stones, absolutely beyond description. His treasure is so vast, that it cannot be contained in two immensecellars or warehouses, consisting of precious stones, plates of gold, and other rich ornaments, besides as much, gold coin as might load anhundred mules, as was reported by the Bramins, to whom these things arebest known. This treasure is said to have been hoarded up by twelvekings, his predecessors. In this treasury there is said to be a cofferthree spans long and two broad, entirely full of precious stones ofinestimable value. 

Pepper is gathered in the fields around the suburbs of Calicut, and evenin some places within the city. It grows on a weak and feeble plant, somewhat like vines, which is unable to support itself without props orstakes. It much resembles ivy, and in like manner creeps up and embracessuch trees as it grows near. This tree, or bush rather, throws outnumerous branches of two or three spans long, having leaves like thoseof the Syrian apple, but somewhat thicker. On every twig there hang sixclusters about the size of dates, and of the colour of unripe grapes, but thicker together. These are gathered in October, while stillinclining to green, and are spread out on mats in the sun to dry, whenin three days they become black, just as brought to us. The fruitfulnessof these plants proceeds entirely from the goodness of the soil in whichthey grow, as they do not require pruning or lopping like vines with us. This region also produces ginger, some roots weighing twelve ounces, though they do not penetrate the ground above three or four spans. Whenthe roots are dug up, the uppermost joint is again set in the ground, asseed for next year's crop. It and the mirabolans are found in ared-coloured soil, and the stalk much resembles a young pear-tree. 

Were I to describe all the strange fruits that are produced in thiscountry, it would require a large volume for that alone; as they notonly have many quite different from ours in form, taste, and flavour, but even those kinds which are the same with ours, differ essentially inmany particulars. Natural philosophers may consider how it should sohappen that things of the same kind become so essentially different, according to the changes of soil and climate; by which some fruits andseeds, by transplantation to better soil, become more perfect in theirkind, as larger, fairer, sweeter, and more fruitful; while others areimproved by a worse soil and colder region. This diversity may not onlybe seen in plants and herbs, but also in beasts, and even in man. It isstrange to observe how very differently some trees bear their fruitsand seeds, some in one part of the tree and some in other parts. AtCalicut there is a fruit named _Jaceros_, which grows on a tree aboutthe size of our pear trees. The fruit is about two spans and a halflong, and as thick as the thigh of a man, growing out of the body of thetree under the branches, some in the middle of the tree and others lowerdown. The colour of this fruit is green, and its form and appearanceresembles a pine apple, but with smaller grains or knobs. When ripe itis black, and is gathered in December. It has the taste of a _pepon_with a flavour of musk, and in eating seems to give various pleasanttastes, sometimes resembling a peach, sometimes like a pomegranate, andleaves a rich sweet in the month like new honeycombs. Under the skin ithas a pulp like that of a peach, and within that are other fruits likesoft chesnuts, which when roasted eat much like them. This is certainlyone of the finest fruits I ever met with. There is another fruit called_Apolanda_, which is worthy of being mentioned. The tree grows to theheight of a man, having not above four or five leaves hanging fromcertain slips, each leaf being so large that it is sufficient to cover aman entirely from rain or the heat of the sun. In the middle of eachleaf rises a stalk like that of a bean, which produces flowers followedby fruit a span long, and as thick as a mans arm. These fruits aregathered unripe, as they become ripe in keeping. Every slip bears abouttwo hundred fruits in a cluster. They are of a yellow colour with a verythin skin, and are most delicate eating, and very wholesome. There arethree kinds of this fruit, one of which is not so pleasant or so muchesteemed as the others. This tree bears fruit only once and then dies;but there rise from the ground all about the root fifty or sixty youngslips which renew the life of the parent tree. The gardeners transplantthese to other places, and in one year they produce fruit This fruit isto be had in great abundance, almost the whole year, and are so cheapthat twenty of them may be had for a penny. This country producesinnumerable flowers of great beauty and most pleasant flavour, all theyear round, and especially roses, both red, white, and yellow. 

The cocoa is another tree most worthy of being known, as in fruitfulnessand sweetness of fruit it surpasses all other trees. Its fruit is a nutof large size; and taken altogether, this tree produces ten differentcommodities of value: as it produces wood most excellent for burning, nuts very pleasant to eat, cords or ropes that answer well for ships, fine cloth, which when dyed resembles silk. The wood is the best thatcan be found for making charcoal, and it yields wine, odoriferous water, sugar, and oil. The boughs or leaves serve to cover houses, instead oftiles or thatch, as, by reason of their closeness and substance, theykeep out the rain admirably. One tree will produce about two hundredlarge nuts. The outer rhind of these nuts is removed, and thrown intothe fire, where it burns quickly and with a strong flame. The innerrhind is like cotton or flax, and can be wrought in the same manner. From the finer part of this, a kind of cloth is made resembling silk;and from the tow, or refuse, they make a coarser cloth, or small ropesand twine; while the coarsest parts are made into cables and large ropesfor ships. The inner hard shell of the nut incloses the kernel, which isexcellent eating, and lines the shell to the thickness of an inch orless. Within this is found to the quantity of two or three cups of sweetwater, which is excellent to drink, and which, by boiling, produces goodoil. Only one side of the tree is allowed to produce fruit, as theywound the other side every morning and evening in several places, whencea juice or sap runs out into vessels placed to receive it. Thus theyprocure at each wound, every night and morning, a cupful of mostprecious liquor, which sometimes they boil till it becomes strong asbrandy, so as to make people drunk like strong wine, which it resemblesin taste and flavour. They likewise procure sugar from this tree, butnot very sweet. This tree produces fruit continually, as at all timesthere are to be seen upon it both old ripe fruit of the past season, andgreen fruit of the present year. It does not begin bearing till fiveyears old, and only lives for twenty five years. It thrives best insandy ground, and is planted or set out like our walnuts; and is so muchvalued, that it is to be found all over the country for at least twohundred miles. This country also produces other fruits, from which theymake good oil. 

For the cultivation of rice they till the ground with oxen as we do, andat the season for sowing they have a holiday, on which they testifytheir joy by singing and dancing to the sound of all kinds ofinstruments of music. To ensure, as they conceive, a favourable produce, ten men are disguised like so many devils, who dance to the noise oftheir music; and after the festivities of the day, they pray to thedevils to send them a plentiful crop. 

When any merchant of these idolaters is sore afflicted with disease andnear death, then certain persons who are accounted physicians among themore called to visit the person in extremity. These persons accordinglycome to his house in the dead of night, dressed like devils, andcarrying burning sticks in their mouth and hands. And there, with madcries and boilings, and with the jangling of certain instruments, theymake such a horrible noise in the ears of the sick man, as is enough tomake a healthy man sick. This is the only remedy these pretendedphysicians offer to their sick persons, being merely to present to himwhen at the point of death the resemblance of him whom, worse thandevils, they honour as the vicegerent of the deity. When any one hath soengorged himself with eating as to be sick at stomach, he takes thepowder of ginger, mixed in some liquid to the consistence of syrup, which he drinks, and in three days he recovers his former health. 

Their bankers, brokers, and money-changers use weights and scales ofsuch small size, that the box containing the whole does not exceed anounce in weight, yet are they so delicate and just that they will turnwith the weight of a hair. For trying the parity of gold, they use thetouch-stone as with us, but with this addition: having first rubbed thegold to be tried on the touch-stone, they rub over the mark with a ballof some sort of composition resembling wax, by which all that is notfine gold disappears, and the marks or spots of gold remain, by whichthey have an exact proof of the fineness of the gold. When the ballbecomes full of gold, they melt it in the fire, to recover the goldwhich it contains; yet are these men very ignorant even of the art whichthey profess. In buying or selling merchandise they employ the agency ofbrokers; so that the buyer and seller each employs a separate broker. The seller takes the buyer by the hand, under cover of a scarf or veil, where, by means of the fingers, counting from one to a hundred thousandprivately, they offer and bargain far the price till they are agreed, all of which passes in profound silence. 

The women of this country suckle their children till three months old, after which they feed them on goats milk. When in the morning they havegiven them milk, they allow them to tumble about on the sands all fouland dirty, leaving them all day in the sun, so that they look more likebuffaloe calves than human infants; indeed I never saw such filthycreatures. In the evening they get milk again. Yet by this manner ofbringing up they acquire marvellous dexterity in running, leaping, swimming, and the like. 

There are many different kinds of beasts and birds in this country, as_lions_, wild boars, harts, hinds, buffaloes, cows, goats, andelephants; but these last are not all bred here, being brought fromother places. They have also parrots of sundry colours, as green, purple, and other mixt colours, and they are so numerous that the ricefields have to be watched to drive them away. These birds make awonderful chattering, and are sold so low as a halfpenny each. There aremany other kinds of birds different from ours, which every morning andevening make most sweet music, so that the country is like an earthlyparadise, the trees, herbs, and flowers being in a continual spring, andthe temperature of the air quite delightful, as never too hot nor toocold. There are also monkeys, which are sold at a low price, and arevery hurtful to the husbandmen, as they climb the trees, and rob them oftheir valuable fruits and nuts, and cast down the vessels that areplaced for collecting the sap from which wine is made. There areserpents also of prodigious size, their bodies being as thick as thoseof swine, with heads like those of boars; these are four footed, andgrow to the length of four cubits, and breed in the marshes[82]. Theinhabitants say that these have no venom. There are three other kinds ofserpents, some of which have such deadly venom, that if they draw everso little blood death presently follows, as happened several times whileI was in the country. Of these some are no larger than asps, and somemuch bigger, and they are very numerous. It is said that, from somestrange superstition, the king of Calicut holds them in such veneration, that he has small houses or cottages made on purpose for them, conceiving that they are of great virtue against an over abundance ofrain, and overflowing of the rivers. Hence they are protected by law, and any person killing one would be punished with death, so that theymultiply exceedingly. They have a strange notion that serpents come fromheaven, and are actuated by heavenly spirits, and they allege that onlyby touching them instant death insues. These serpents know the idolatersfrom the Mahometans, or other strangers, and are much more apt toattack the former than the latter. Upon one occasion, I went into ahouse where eight men lay dead, and greatly swollen, having been killedthe day before by these serpents; yet the natives deem it fortunate tomeet any of them in their way. 

[Footnote 82: From the description these must be crocodiles--E. ]

The palace of the king of Calicut contains many mansions, and aprodigious number of apartments, in all of which a prodigious number oflamps are lighted up every evening. In the great hall of the palacethere are ten or twelve great and beautiful candlesticks of _laton_ orbrass, of cunning workmanship, much like goodly fountains, the height ofa man. In each of these are several vessels, and in every vessel arethree burning candles of two spans long, with great plenty of oil. Inthe first vessel there are many lamps or wicks of cotton; the middlevessel, which is narrower, is also full of lamps; and the lowest vesselhas also a great number of lights, maintained with oil and cotton wicks. All the angles or corners of these candlesticks are covered with figuresof devils, which also hold lights in their hands; and in a vessel on thetop of all the candlesticks there are innumerable cotton wicks keptconstantly burning, and supplied with oil. When any one of the royalblood dies, the king sends for all the bramins or priests in hisdominions, and commands them to mourn for a whole year. On theirarrival, he feasts them for three days, and when they depart gives eachof them five pieces of gold. 

Not far from Calicut, there is a temple of the idolaters, encompassedwith water like an island, built in the ancient manner, having a doublerow of pillars much like the church of _St John de fonte_ at Rome, andin the middle of this temple is a stone altar, on which the peoplesacrifice to their idols. High up between the rows of pillars there is avessel like a boat, two paces long, and filled with oil. Also, all roundabout the temple there are many trees, on which are hung an incrediblenumber of lamps, and the temple itself is everywhere hung round withlamps, constantly burning. Every year, on the 25th of December, aninfinite number of people resort to this temple, even from fifteen daysjourney all round the country, together with a vast number of priests, who sacrifice to the idols of the temple, after having washed in thewater by which it is surrounded. Then the priests ascend to the boatwhich is filled with oil, from which they anoint the heads of all thepeople, and then proceed to the sacrifice. On one side of the altar, there is a most horrible figure of a devil, to whom the people laytheir prayers, prostrate on the ground, and then depart each one to hishome, believing that all their sins are forgiven them. On this occasion, the environs of the temple is considered a sanctuary, where no personmay be arrested or troubled on any cause or pretence. I never saw soprodigious a number of people assembled in any one place, except in thecity of Mecca. 

SECTION IX. 

_Observations on various parts of India_. 

As there was no convenience for trade at Calicut, on account of war withthe Portuguese, because the inhabitants in conjunction with theMahometans had murdered 48 Portuguese while I was in that city, myfaithful friend and companion _Cociazenor_ the Persian, formerlymentioned, thought it best for us to depart from thence. Indeed, inrevenge for that cruel murder, the Portuguese have ever since wagedcruel war upon Calicut, doing infinite injury to the city and people. Wherefore, departing from thence by way of a fine river, we came to acity named _Caicolon_[83], which is fifty leagues from Calicut. Theinhabitants of this city are idolaters, but it is frequented by manymerchants from different places, as its district produces excellentpepper. At this place we found certain merchants who were Christians, calling themselves followers of the apostle St Thomas. They observelent, or the fast of forty days, as we do, and believe in the death andresurrection of Christ, so that they celebrate Easter after our manner, and observe the other solemnities of the Christian religion after themanner of the Greeks. They are commonly named John, James, Matthew, Thomas, and so forth, after the names of the apostles. Departing thence, after three days journey we came to another city named _Coulan_, abouttwenty leagues from _Caicolon_. The king of this place is an idolater, and has an army of 20, 000 men always on foot. Coulan has an excellentharbour, and the surrounding country produces plenty of pepper, but nocorn. By reason of the wars, we made no stay here, and on our wayfarther we saw people fishing for pearls, in the manner alreadymentioned when treating of Ormuz. 

[Footnote 83: From the distance and direction of the journey or voyage, this name may possibly be an error or corruption for Cranganore. --E. ]

The _city of Coromandel_ on the sea coast, is seven days sail fromCoulan. It is very large, but without walls, and is subject to the kingof Narsinga, being within sight of the island of Ceylon[84]. Afterpassing the southern point of Cape Comorin, the eastern coast of Indiaproduces abundance of rice. This city is resorted to by vast numbers ofMahometan merchants from many distant countries, as from it they cantravel to various great regions and cities of India. At this place I metwith certain Christians, who affirm that the body of St Thomas theapostle is buried in a certain place about twelve miles from the city, where several Christians continually dwell to guard the body of thesaint. They told me that these Christians are evil intreated by thenatives, on account of the war carried on by the Portuguese against thepeople of the country; and that the Christians are often murdered insecret, that it may not be known to the king of Narsinga, who is inamity with the Portuguese, and greatly favours the Christians. Once on atime there was a conflict between the Christians and Mahometans, inwhich one of the Christians was sore wounded in the arm. He immediatelyrepaired to the sepulchre of St Thomas, where, making his prayers andtouching the holy shrine, he was immediately healed by miracle, uponwhich, as it is said, the king of Narsinga has ever since greatlyfavoured the Christians. At this place my companion sold much of hismerchandize; but on account of war raging in the country, we determinedto depart, and calling with much danger over a gulf 20 leagues broad, wecame to the large island of _Zailon_, or Ceylon. 

[Footnote 84: From other circumstances in the text, particularly theneighbourhood of the place where St Thomas lay buried, the city herealluded to was probably Meliapour, which formerly stood not far fromMadras, or the famous _Mahubulipoor_, the city of the great Bali, 16 or18 miles from the English settlement. The author, as on many otheroccasions, gives the name of the country to the capital. As to being insight of Ceylon, this may be an error in transcription, and we ought toread that on the voyage between Coulan and the city of Coromandel; theauthor passed in sight of Ceylon. --E. ]

This island of Ceylon is 1000 miles in circumference, and is dividedamong four powerful kings; and because of the wars which then ragedamong them we could not remain long there to acquire any minuteknowledge of the country and manners of its inhabitants. It containsmany elephants. At the foot of a very long and high mountain there arefound many precious stones called _piropi_ or rubies, which are got inthe following manner. The adventurers purchase from the king a certainmeasure of the ground where these rubies are found, being about a cubitsquare, for which they pay five pieces of gold, yet under the conditionthat there shall always be an officer belonging to the king presentwhile they are digging, that if any stone be found beyond the weight often carats it may be reserved for the king, all under that weightbelonging to the adventurer. Not far from that mountain they find otherprecious stones, as jacinths, sapphires, and topazes, besides others. The soil of Ceylon produces the sweetest fruits I ever saw, especially_cloves_[85] and Assyrian apples of wonderful sweetness, and its otherproductions are similar to those of Calicut. The cinnamon-tree is muchlike our bay, only that the leaves are smaller and somewhat white. Thetrue cinnamon is the bark of this tree, which is gathered every thirdyear, and of which the island produces great quantities. When firstgathered, it is by no means so sweet and fragrant as it becomes a monthafterwards when thoroughly dry. A Mahometan merchant assured mycompanion, that on the top of a high mountain in the centre of thisisland, there is a certain cave or den where the inhabitants resort fordevotion, in memory of our first parents, who, as they allege, lived inthat place in continual penitence, after breaking the covenant with God, which is confirmed by the print of Adam's feet being still to be seenthere above two spans in length. The inhabitants of this island aresubject to the king of Narsinga, to whom they pay tribute. The climateis temperate and healthy, though situated so near the equinoctial line. The people are of a dark tawny colour, and wear slight cotton dresses, having the right arm bare, as is the universal custom of the Indians;the men being by no means warlike, neither have they the use of iron. Inthis island my companion sold the king a great deal of saffron andcoral. 

[Footnote 85: Cloves are certainly not found in Ceylon. --E. ]

In three days sail we came to a city named _Paleachet_ or Pullicat, belonging to the king of Narsinga, a famous mart for rich commodities, and especially for jewels and precious stones brought from Ceylon andPegu, and where likewise abundance of spices are sold. Many Mahometanmerchants dwell in this city; and being received into one of theirhouses, we told him whence we came, and that we had brought saffron andcoral for sale, with other merchandise, of which he was very glad. Atthis city wheat is scarce, but rice is to be had in great plenty; and inother respects the productions of the neighbouring country are much thesame as at Calicut. But as the inhabitants were preparing for war, wedeparted from thence, and after thirteen days sail we arrived at thecity of _Tarnasari_ or Tanaserim, a hundred miles distant. 

The city of Tanaserim is not far from the sea, well walled, seated on afine plain, and has a famous port on a fine river that runs past itsnorth side. The king is an idolater of great power, and is constantly atwar with the kings of Narsinga and Bengal[86]. He is able to bring intothe field an hundred thousand foot and as many cavalry, together with ahundred of the largest and finest elephants I ever saw. The weapons ofhis troops are swords, round bucklers, _peltes_, bows and arrows, andjavelins or darts made of long reeds; they also use for defence cottonjacks wrought very hard and close quilted. The houses in their towns arebuilt close together like those in Italy. This country produces wheat, cotton, silk of various kinds, Brazil wood, sundry kinds of fruit likethose of Italy, with Assyrian apples, oranges, lemons, citrons, gourds, cucumbers, and many others. It has many animals both wild and tame. Among the former are oxen and cows, sheep, goats, hogs, and deer. Thewild beasts are lions, wolves, catamountains, and musk cats or civets. In the woods are many peacocks and falcons, with popinjays or parrots, some of which are entirely white, while others are of seven differentcolours. There are plenty of hares and partridges, and several kinds ofbirds of prey larger than eagles. These birds are black and purple, withseveral white feathers intermixed, having yellow bills tipt beautifullywith crimson, which are so large that the handles of swords aresometimes made of the upper mandible. Their cocks and hens are thelargest I ever saw, and both the natives and the Mahometans who dwellthere, take great delight in cock-fighting, on which they venture largesums. I have seen them fight for six hours, yet will they sometimeskill at the first stroke. Some of their goats are much larger andhandsomer than ours, and of these the females have often four kids atone birth. So abundant are animals in this country, that twelve sheepmay be bought for a single piece of gold worth about a pistole. Some oftheir rams have horns like a buck, and are much bigger and fiercer thanours. Their buffaloes are not so good as those of Italy. This coast hasabundance of fine large fish, which are sold very cheap. The natives eatthe flesh of all kinds of beasts except cows, and feed sitting on theground without cloth or carpet, having their meat in wooden vesselsartificially wrought. Their drink is sugar and water. Their beds areraised from the ground like ours. Their apparel is a cloak or mantle ofcotton cloth, leaving one arm bare, but some wear inner vests or shirtsof silk or cotton. All go bareheaded, except the priests, who have akind of caps of two spans long on their heads, with a knob on the topabout the size of an acorn, all sparkling with gold. They delight inear-rings, but have neither rings nor bracelets. The complexion of thenatives inclines towards fair, as the air is more temperate than atCalicut. In their tillage and reaping there is little difference fromthe manner of Italy. 

[Footnote 86: It is not easy to conceive by what means this could be, asPegu, Ava, Aracan, and Tipera, intervene between Tanaserim and Bengal, and the bay of Bengal between Tanaserim and Narsinga or the Carnatic, none of the powers mentioned being possessed of any maritime force. --E. ]

When the king or any of the priests or great men die, their bodies areburnt on a large pile of wood, and all the while the assistantssacrifice to the devil. The ashes are then gathered into earthen jarslike those of _Samos_, and are preserved or buried in their houses. While the bodies are burning, they cast into the fire all manner ofperfumes, as wood of aloes, myrrh, frankincense, storax, sandal-wood, and many other sweet gums, spices, and woods: In the mean time also, they make an incessant noise with drums, trumpets, pipes, and otherinstruments, much like what was done of old by the Greeks and Romans, when deifying their departed great men. Likewise during these obsequies, there are 15 or 20 persons disguised like devils, continually walkinground the fire with strange gesticulations. All the while the wife ofthe deceased stands alone beside the fire weeping and lamenting herloss. Fifteen days afterwards she invites all the kindred of her husbandto a feast, when they go at night in a body to the place where thehusband was burnt, the widow being dressed in all her jewels and richestattire, using on this occasion the help of her relations to decorate herperson to the utmost. At this place a pit of some size is prepared andfilled with dry reeds, covered over with a silk cloth to conceal thepit. Then a fire of sweet woods is kindled in the pit; and when all theguests have been heartily feasted, the widow having eaten a greatquantity of _betola_ so as to make her mad or drunk, a great company oftheir musicians habited like devils, with burning sticks in theirmouths, dance around the fire, and then make a sacrifice to the greatdevil _Deumo_. The widow then runs about like a person bereaved of hersenses, dancing and rejoicing after a strange manner; then turning tothe persons disguised like devils, she commends herself to theirprayers, desiring them to make intercession for her with _Deumo_, thatafter this transitory life she may be received among his angels. Whenall the ceremonies are finished, she takes leave of all her kindred, andthen lifting up her hands, and with a sudden loud cry, she leaps intothe flaming pit, on which her kindred cover her up with faggots of sweetwood, and great quantities of pitch or bitumen, that she may be speedilyconsumed. If the widow refuses thus to sacrifice herself, she would beever afterwards esteemed an evil woman, hated of all men, and even indanger of being slain by her own and her husband's kindred. The king isgenerally present at these ceremonies, which are not used at the deathof ordinary people, but only for kings, priests, and great men. 

Justice in strictly administered in this country. Whoever kills a man isadjudged to die as at Calicut. Proof of giving or receiving is taken bywritings or by witnesses, the governor of the city being chief judge. Ifany merchant stranger die there without children, all his goods fall tothe king. When the king dies, he is succeeded in the throne by hischildren. The children of the natives divide equally among them all thepossessions of their father. When any Mahometan merchant dies, theirbodies are embalmed with many sweet spices and gums, and being placed inwooden coffins, they are buried with their faces towards Mecca. In theirmanner of writing they use parchment as we do, and not the leaves oftrees as at Calicut. Their vessels are a kind of shallow brigantines orbarks with flat bottoms, which draw very little water. Some also usefoists having _double foreparts_[87], and two masts, but these have nodecks. They have also some vessels of large burden, even carrying athousand tons, in which they have several boats, and these are used whenthey go to Malacca for spices. 

[Footnote 87: This is not easily understood, unless it may mean thatthey are so built that they may sail with either end foremost. --E. ]

Having finished our business at Tanaserim, we packed up all our waresand embarked for Bengal, distant 700 miles from Tanaserim, whither wearrived in twelve days sailing. In fruitfulness and abundance of allthings _this city_[88] may contend for eminence with any city in theworld. The kingdom dependent upon this city is very large, rich, andpopulous, and the king, who is a Mahometan, maintains an army of 200, 000men, including cavalry and infantry, with which he keeps up almostcontinual wars against the king of Narsinga. This country is sofruitful, that it possesses every thing conducive to the use of man, abounding in all kinds of beasts, wholesome fruits, and corn. It hasspices also of several kinds, and vast abundance of cotton and silk. Noother region in the world is comparable to this, so that there are manyrich merchants. Every year there depart from hence fifty ships ladenwith cloths of cotton or silk, bound for the cities of Turkey, Syria, Arabia, Persia, Ethiopia, and India. There are also many merchantstrangers, who buy precious stones from the natives. We found here manyChristian merchants who were born, as they told us, in the city of_Sarnau_. They had brought to this great mart wood of aloes and _laser_, which latter yields the sweet gum called _laserpitium_, commonly called_belzoi_, or benzoin, which is a kind of myrrh. They bring also musk andseveral other sweet perfumes. These Christian merchants told us, that intheir country were many Christian princes, subject to the great khan, who dwells in the city of _Cathay_[89]. The dress of these Christianswas of camblet, very loose and full of plaits, and lined with cotton;and they wore sharp pointed caps of a scarlet colour, two spans high. They are white men, believing in one God with a trinity of persons, andwere baptized after our manner. They believe in the doctrines of theevangelists and apostles, and write from right to left like theArmenians. They celebrate the birth and crucifixion of Christ, observethe forty days of lent, and keep the days of several saints. They wearno shoes, but have a kind of hose of silk on their legs, garnished withjewels. On their fingers they wore rings with stones of wonderfulsplendour. At their meat they use no tables, but eat lying on theground, feeding upon flesh of all kinds. They affirmed also that thereare certain Christian kings, whom they called _Rumi_, bordering on theTurks. When these Christians had seen the precious merchandise belongingto my companion, and particularly a great branch of coral, theyearnestly advised him to accompany them to a certain city, whither theywere bound, assuring him that by their procurement he should sell thisto very great advantage, especially if he would take rubies in payment, by means of which he might easily gain 10, 000 pieces of gold, assuringhim that these stones were of much greater value in Turkey than in theeast. And as they were ready to depart the very next day in a foistbound for the city of Pegu, where they meant to go, my companionconsented to go with them, more especially as he expected to find therecertain Persians his countrymen. Wherefore departing with these men fromBengal, and sailing across a great gulf to the south-east, we came atlength to the city of Pegu, which is 1000 miles from Bengal. 

[Footnote 88: Here, as usual, the name of the country is given insteadof the chief city, and we have no means even to guess what place isindicated, unless perhaps the _Satigan_ of other ancient relations, which appears to have been a city on the Hoogly river, or western branchof the Ganges. --E. ]

[Footnote 89: The capital of Cathay or northern China is Cambalu orPekin, but it is difficult to make any thing of these Christian nativesof _Sarnau_, or of their many Christian princes in Tartary; unless wemay suppose Verthema to have mistaken the followers of the Lama ofThibet for Christians, as appears to have been done by some of the moreancient travellers in our early volumes. --E. ]

The city of Pegu is situated on the continent, not far from the sea, andupon a large river, by which merchandise are conveyed to or from thecity very conveniently. The city is walled, and the houses are wellbuilt. The king and his subjects are idolaters, of a fairer complexionthan those of Tanaserim, as the climate is rather cooler, but in dress, manner of living, and general appearance, in every respect resemble theinhabitants of that other city. The king has a vast army both of horseand foot, among whom are many native Christians, who have six pardaos ofmonthly pay. The beasts and fowls are much the same as at Calicut, sothat they have abundance of animal food; and besides these they have afew elephants. This country produces the best timber I ever saw, eitherfor building ships or houses; and has many reeds or canes of vast size, as large in diameter as the body of a man or a large barrel. Civet-catsor musk-cats are so plenty that three may be bought for one piece ofgold. This city produces very little merchandise for purchase, exceptprecious stones, and especially rubies, which are brought thither fromanother city named _Cassela_, thirty days journey towards the east, where also they procure other precious stones called _smaragdes_ oremeralds. On our arrival at Pegu, the king was at the distance oftwenty-five days journey making war upon the king of Ava; but returnedshortly afterwards in great triumph on account of a victory he hadobtained over his enemy. Though this king is very rich and powerful, hedoes not use such pompous and magnificent ceremony as the king ofCalicut, and is so affable and accessible, that even a child may comeinto his presence and speak to him; yet the rich jewels, pearls, andprecious stones, especially rubies, with which he is decorated surpassall belief, and exceed the value of a great and flourishing city. Hisfingers are full of rings, his arms all covered with bracelets, and hislegs and feet covered with similar ornaments, all gloriously beset andsparkling with the finest precious stones, and his ears so loaded withjewels that they hang down half a span. With all these splendid jewelshe shines in a dark night as if with the sunbeams. 

At a favourable opportunity, the Christian merchants whom we hadaccompanied to Pegu gave intimation to the king of the valuablemerchandise which my companion had brought for sale, and accordingly hesent for us on the following day, desiring my companion to bring thegoods which he had to dispose of. Among other things he had two greatbranches of coral so large and beautiful as had not been seen before, which the king took great pleasure to look upon, and being astonished atthese things, he asked the Christian merchants what men we were. Theyanswered that we were Persians. The king then desired to know if wewould sell these things. Upon this my companion desired the interpretersto say to the king, that they were all his own, and that he begged hewould do him the honour to accept them freely. The king then said thathe had been two years continually at war with the king of Ava, by whichhis treasure was consumed, but if my companion would bargain for them byway of exchange for precious stones, especially rubies, that he wouldcontent him for the coral. Then said my companion to the interpreters, "I pray you give the king to understand that I desire nothing else formy goods than the good-will of his majesty, and therefore that I humblyintreat he may take of my goods what pleases him best without money orpayment of my kind. " When the king heard this, he said that he had oftenbeen told the Persians were courteous and liberal men, but that he hadnever known any one so generous as this, and swore by the head of thedevil, that he would try whether he or the Persian were most liberal. Upon this he ordered one of his attendants to bring him a casket ofprecious stones. This casket was a span and a half square, entirely fullof rubies, the inside being divided into many compartments where thestones were sorted in order according to their sizes. When he had openedthe casket, he ordered it to be placed before the Persian, desiring himto take of these precious rubies as many as he thought fit. But mycompanion, as if still more provoked to generosity by the liberality ofthe king, spoke to him in these words, "Most high and honourablesovereign! Such is my sense of your generous conduct to me, that I swearby the head of Mahomet and all the mysteries of his holy religion, thatI freely and gladly give you all my goods. I do not travel in search ofgain, but merely from a desire to see the world; in which I have nothitherto found any thing that has given me so much delight as thegenerous favour your majesty has now been pleased to shew me!" To thisthe king answered, "Will you yet contend with me in liberality?" Thenselecting some rubies from all the compartments in the casket, out ofwhich he took as many as he could hold in his hand, being two hundredrubies, he gave all these to the Persian with most royal munificence, and commanded him not to refuse. He gave also to each of the Christianstwo rubies worth not less than a thousand crowns; but those he gave tothe Persian were reckoned worth a hundred thousand crowns. This kingtherefore certainly exceeds all the kings of the earth in munificence, both in manner and in richness of his gifts. About this time news cameto Pegu that the king of Ava was advancing against him with a vast army, on which the king of Pegu went to meet him with one almost innumerable. 

Two days after the departure of the king from Pegu, we sailed towardsthe city of Malacca, where we arrived after a voyage of eight days. Notfar from this city is a famous river named Gaza[90], the largest I eversaw, as it is 25 miles broad, and on the other side of it is seen thevery large island of _Sumatra_, which by old writers was called_Taprobana_, and which is said by the inhabitants to be 500 miles incircuit[91]. Upon our arrival at _Malacca_, called by some _Melcha_, wewere commanded to appear before the sultan, who is a Mahometan andtributary to the great sultan of _Chini_[92], because as is said thecity was built about 80 years before on account of the convenience ofits harbour, being one of the best in the ocean, and to which doubtlessmany ships resort for trade. This region is not everywhere fruitful, yetit has a sufficiency of corn and cattle, although scarce of wood. Theyhave plenty of birds of the same kind with those at Calicut, but thepopinjays or parrots are more beautiful. It produces sandal-wood andtin; likewise elephants, horses, sheep, kine, _pardalles_ or leopards, buffaloes, peacocks, and many other beasts and birds. The country hasbut few products of value, so that its only merchandise is spices andsilk. The people are of a blackish ash-colour, and are clothed like theMahometans of _Memphis_, otherwise called _Cayr_, _Alchayr_, or_Babylon_, on the Nile. They have very large foreheads, round eyes, andflat noses; and they are so much given to murder and robbery that it isdangerous to go abroad in the night, for they kill one another likedogs, and therefore merchants always remain on board their ships in thenight. The people are fierce, barbarous, and unruly, insomuch that theywill not submit to any governor, being altogether addicted to seditionand rebellion, and they always threaten to quit the country when theirrulers endeavour to enforce order; which threat they are certainly ableto execute, as their country is upon the sea-coast. 

[Footnote 90: It is obvious from the context, that this famous river ofGaza refers to the Straits of Malacca. --E. ]

[Footnote 91: The Taprobana of the ancients certainly was Ceylon. Sumatra is about 977 statute miles in length, and 200 in its greatestbreadth, so that its circumference must exceed 2500 miles. --E. ]

[Footnote 92: By Chini in the text is probably meant _Acheen_ inSumatra. --E. ]

We stopt no time at Malacca, but hiring a brigantine we sailed fromthence for the island of Sumatra, and arrived at the city of _Pyder_ orPedier about 80 miles from the mainland, where we found an excellentharbour. The island of Sumatra is governed by four kings, who with theirpeople are all idolaters, and do not differ much in fashions, apparel, and manner of life from the inhabitants of Tanaserim. They are of awhitish colour with large foreheads, round eyes; and of _brasyll_?colour. They wear their hair long, have very broad and flat noses, andare of low mean stature. Their money is of gold, silver, and tin. Onone side the gold coin has the head of a _devil_, and on the other awaggon or chariot drawn by elephants. The silver coin is similar, andten of them passes for one of gold; but it requires 25 pieces of tin toequal one gold piece. In this country there are a greater number andfiner elephants than in any other place I have been in. The people areby no means warlike, being entirely devoted to merchandise and gain;they use strangers with much kindness and hospitality, and justice iswell administered. They have in this island great abundance of longpepper, which in their language is called _Molaga_, and is much longerand whiter than any other, yet very light and strong; it is sold bymeasure like corn, and is to be had in such plenty that twenty ships areloaded with it every year for _Cathay_, or China, where it is much inrequest on account of the coldness of the climate. The tree whichproduces this pepper has a larger body, with broader and flatter leavesthan the pepper tree of Calicut. This island produces plenty of silk, which is the work of worms as with us; but there is another kind broughtforth on the trees spontaneously without any care or labour, which isworse than the other. Here likewise grows the _laser_ tree, whichproduces the precious gum called _Laserpitium_ or _Belzoe_[93], as wewere told by the inhabitants and merchants, but not having myself seenit I am unable to give any distinct account of this substance. Varietyis always pleasing, and ingenious minds can never be satiated withcontemplating the marvellous and diversified works of God in nature:Therefore, that the reader may take the more pleasure in these mywritings, or at least may experience less tediousness in reading them, Ihave thought good to set down such things as I have seen more at large. It is therefore to be understood that the reason of no great quantity of_aloes_ or _Laserpitium_ being brought to us is because it comes fromthe farthest parts of the earth. There are three kinds or sorts of_aloes_, differing greatly in point of goodness. The most perfect isthat called _Calampat_, which is not found in Sumatra, but is broughtfrom the city of _Sarnau_ near which it grows, as we were told by ourcompanions the Christian merchants formerly mentioned. There is anotherkind of _aloes_ called _Juba_ or _Luba_, brought to Sumatra by thebefore mentioned river or strait, but I know not from what country. Thethird kind is called _bochor_. These Christian merchants also told usthat none of the finest and best kind of aloes is brought to us, becauseit comes from the kingdoms of _Cathay, Chini, Macym, Sarnau_, and_Gravay_, countries much richer than ours and more abounding in gold, having kings of great power and riches, who take great delight in sweetsavours and use them much more than our western princes, owing to whichcircumstance the true and best kind of _aloes_ is worth ten crowns thepound even in the city of _Sarnau_. 

[Footnote 93: From similarity of names this appears to be _Benzoin_, or_benzoe_, sometimes called _gum benjamin_; yet from some circumstancesin the sequel it may possibly indicate _camphor_. --E. ]

We were taught by the said Christian merchants our companions, how toknow and distinguish the two kinds of the sweet gums called _aloes_ or_Laserpitium_. One of them had a certain portion of them both, and abouttwo ounces of the best sort of aloes called _calampat_. Taking a pieceof this in his hand and holding it close for about as long as one mighttake to rehearse the psalm _Miserere mei Deus_ three times, the aloesbecome hot, and on opening his hand gave out a savour of incrediblesweetness, such as I had never experienced from any other substance. Hetook also about the size of a walnut of the common _laserpitium_ or_belzoe_, and half a pound of that which comes from the city of_Sarnau_, and putting both into different chaffing-dishes with burningcoals in a close chamber, the small quantity of _belzoe_ far exceeded, in sweetness of flavour, the other which weighed half a pound, and wouldeven have done so had it been two pounds weight[94]. In this region alsois found the substance called _lacca_ from which a bright red colour isprocured. This is the gum of a tree not much unlike our walnut tree[95]. In Pedier I saw in one street not less than 500 bankers or exchangers ofmoney; and at this place they make many curious works, such as finebaskets garnished with gold, which were sold for two crowns each[96]. This is a famous mart to which innumerable merchants resort. Theinhabitants wear mantles of silk, and _syndones_? made of cotton. 

[Footnote 94: It is impossible to determine from the account in the textwhat is meant by these articles of sweet scent under the names of_aloes, laserpitium, belzoe, calampat, luba_, and _bochor_; all of whichseem to be different names of the same substance in different degrees ofquality, and assuredly not the drugs now known by the name of _aloes_and _benzoin_. There is a sweet-scented wood in the east known by thename of _lignum aloes_, and possibly the sweet gum called _belzoe_ mayhave been extracted from it, or from that which produces the oil ofrhodium. --E. ]

[Footnote 95: Gum lac, long believed the gum of a tree, is now known tobe the work of insects, serving as a nidus for their young, in the samemanner as bees wax is used by the honey bee. --E. ]

[Footnote 96: Perhaps filagree work?--E. ]

This country has plenty of wood fit for the construction of ships. Thosewhich they build are of a strange fashion, named _gunchos_ or junks, having three masts with two stems and two sterns, having _gouvernals_ orrudders on both. "When sailing on the ocean and having given their sailsto the wind, if it be afterwards needful to have more sails, notchanging the first they go backwards without turning the ship and usingonly one mast[97]. " The natives are most expert swimmers, and have awonderful contrivance for producing fire in an instant. Their houses arevery low and built of stone, and instead of tiles or thatch they arecovered by the hide of a fish called _tartaruca_! which is found in thatpart of the Indian sea, which is so huge a monster that one of theirskins which I saw weighed 330 pounds. There are likewise serpents inthis country much larger than those at Calicut. 

[Footnote 97: This account of the mode of navigation is inexplicable, orat least obscure. Perhaps it is meant to express that they do not tack, but sail with either end foremost as suits the change of wind ordirection of the ship. --E. ]

At this place our Christian friends, meaning to prosecute their ownaffairs, proposed to take their leave of us, but my Persian companionspoke to them in this manner; "Though my friends I am not yourcountryman, yet being all brethren and the children of Adam, I take Godto witness that I love you as if you were of my own blood, and childrenof the same parents, and considering how long we have kept companytogether in a loving manner, I cannot think of parting from you withoutmuch grief of mind: Besides, even if you would leave me, I hope you willnot desert this my companion who is of the same faith with yourselves. "Then the Christians asked how I, being a Persian, happened to be of theChristian faith? To which my companion answered that I was no Persian, but had been bought at Jerusalem. On hearing the holy name of Jerusalempronounced, the Christians lifted up their hands and eyes to heaven, andprostrating themselves thrice kissed the ground; then rising up, theyasked what age I was of when brought from Jerusalem. Being told that Iwas then fifteen years of age, they said I might well remember mycountry; to which my companion answered that I did so assuredly, and hadoften given him much pleasure by the things I had told him concerningit. Then the merchants said that although they had long desired toreturn into their own country, which was far from thence, they wouldstill bear us company to those places to which we proposed going. Preparing ourselves therefore for a voyage, we took shipping and infifteen days we came to the island of _Bandan_ or Banda, whence nutmegsand mace are procured. 

In this voyage to the isle of Banda, we passed about twenty islands, some of them inhabited and some desert. This island of Banda is verylow, savage, and barren, being about 100 miles in circuit. It hasneither king nor governor, but is inhabited by a savage and brutalpeople, who live without law, order, or government, dwelling in low hutsscarcely rising above the ground, and having a scanty shirt for theirwhole clothing. Their complexion inclines towards white, and they are oflow stature: They go bareheaded and barefooted, with their hair hangingdown, having broad round foreheads. They are idolaters, and worse eventhan the _Poliars_ and _Hyrana_[98] of Calicut, being of dullapprehension, little strength, and altogether barbarous in theirmanners. The soil bears no fruits except nutmegs, which grow on a treevery much like the peach in its branches and leaves. Before the nutbecomes ripe, the mace expands round like a red rose; but when the nutripens the mace closes and embraces the nut, and both are gatheredtogether, which the natives do without rule or order, catch who catchmay, all things being there in common. The tree yields fruit of its ownnature without grafting or pruning, and it is so common and plentifulthat twenty-six pound weight is sold for three _souses_ or half a_carline_ of the money which is current at Calicut. These islanders haveno other order of justice than the law of nature, and live thereforewithout lawsuits or any of those contentions proceeding from _thine andmine_. 

[Footnote 98: These are named on a former occasion _Nirani_. --E. ]

Having tarried three days in Banda, my companion asked the Christianmerchants where was the region which produces cloves, and they told himthat these were found in an island named _Monoch_ or Molucca, six dayssail from Banda. We therefore resumed our voyage, and came there inseven days. This island[99] is very narrow, yet is longer than Banda, and the inhabitants are even more barbarous than those of Banda, for ifit were not for the human shape, they differ in nothing from brutes. Their colour is whiter, owing to the air being colder. This islandproduces cloves, which likewise grow on several small and desolateislands on its coast. The body of the tree resembles the box-tree, andhas leaves almost like the bay tree. When the cloves are ripe, theinhabitants beat them off the tree with long canes, having previouslylaid matts under the tree to receive them. The soil is sandy, and so lowunder the horizon that the north star cannot be seen[100]. The price ofcloves is about double that formerly mentioned for nutmegs, but they aresold by measure, as the natives are entirely ignorant of the use ofweights. 

[Footnote 99: Instead of one island, the Moluccas are a group ofislands, the largest of which, Gilolo, is about 200 miles from N. To S. On its western side are several small islands, the most important ofwhich for the produce of cloves are Ternate and Tidore. Gilolo wasprobably the island visited by Verthema. --E. ]

[Footnote 100: A strange mode of expressing that Gilolo is immediatelyunder the line. --E]

As we were conversing together respecting our voyages, the Christianmerchants addressed me as follows: "Dearly beloved friend, as by thegrace of God we are come thus far in safety, we will, if it so pleaseyou go to visit one of the finest islands in the world, and so rich aswe believe you have never seen. But we must go in the first place toanother island named _Borneo_, where we shall procure a larger vessel, as we have to cross a deep and rough sea. " My companion then desiredthem to do as they thought proper. Therefore hiring a larger foist, wedirected our voyage to that island, sailing to the southward both by dayand night, and passing our time in much pleasant conversation. Themerchants, among other things, asked me many questions respecting theceremonies and solemnities of the Christian religion as used among us inEurope. And when I made mention of the _Veronica_ or _Vernacle_ of theface of Christ[101], and of the heads of St Peter and St Paul, thechiefest of the apostles, they told me secretly that if I would go withthem, I should become a great man in their country by my knowledge ofthese divine things. But being deterred by the length of the journey, and fearful that I might never be able to get home, I refused toaccompany them. At length we came to Borneo, which is 200 miles fromMolucca and is somewhat bigger[102] and as low under the horizon. Theinhabitant are idolaters of a sharp wit and decent manner of life. Theircomplexion inclines towards fair. They do not all dress alike, as somewear cotton shirts, while others have camblet mantles, and others wearpointed caps of a red colour. They are under regular government andsubmit to laws, which are righteously administered. This island yieldsgreat quantities of _camphor_, which I was told was the gum of a tree;but I dare not affirm this for fact, as I have never seen the way inwhich it is procured. 

[Footnote 101: The Veronica among the Catholics, is the handkerchiefwith which our Saviour is supposed to have wiped his face during hispassion, which they allege took from his bloody sweat a miraculousimpression or portrait of his countenance. --E. ]

[Footnote 102: Instead of being only _somewhat_ larger than Gilolo, Borneo is perhaps the largest island in the world, except New Holland, being about 880 English miles in its greatest diameter from S. W. To N. E. And 550 in the opposite direction at the widest. --E. ]

At Borneo my companion hired a light bark for 100 pieces of gold, andhaving laid in provisions for the voyage, we directed our course for thegreat island of _Gyava_, or Java, to which we came in five days, sailingtowards the south. Our pilot used the mariners compass with loadstone, and the sea chart as ours do. Observing that the north star could not beseen, my companion asked the Christian merchants in what manner theyguided their course in those seas. To this the pilot made answer, thatin navigating these southern seas, they were particularly guided by fivestars, and one other particular star which was directly opposite theenorth star, and that they also used the loadstone, which always pointsto the north. He said moreover, that beyond the island of Java there wasa certain people who were antipodes to them of European Sarmatia, inhabiting a cold climate, and as near to the antarctic pole as Sarmatiais to the arctic, as was evident by the shortness of their day, whichwas only four hours long in winter[103], in which conversation we tookmuch delight. 

[Footnote 103: This pilot must have been acquainted with the southernextremity of South America, or must have built this information onhypothesis, as there is no known inhabited land of this description tothe South of Java--E. ]

Proceeding on our voyage for five days, we came to the great island ofJava, in which there are many kingdoms and peoples, all idolaters, butof sundry manners and customs. Some worship the sun, others the moon, some consider cows as their gods, while others worship all day whateverthey first meet in the morning. This island produces silk, which growsspontaneously in the woods, and has the finest emeralds in the world, asalso great plenty of gold and copper. The soil is as productive of cornand fruits as that of Calicut, and has an abundance of flesh. Theinhabitants are an honest and fair-dealing people, much of the samestature and colour with Europeans, but with larger foreheads, very largeeyes of a brazil or red colour, with flat noses, and wear their hairlong. It has a great number of birds different from ours, exceptpeacocks, turtle-doves, and crows, which are the same as we have. Intheir dress, the natives wear mantles or cloaks of cotton, silk, orcamblet, always having one arm bare. They have no defensive armour, asthey are hardly ever at war; but when they go to sea they use bows andarrows, and likewise poisoned arrows made of reeds, which they blow fromlong hollow canes, and the poison with which these arrows are infectedis so virulent that death certainly follows from the slightest wound. They have no kind of fire-arms. They eat all kinds of flesh, fish, orfruit, as they please or can procure. 

Some of the natives of this island are so very barbarous, that whentheir parents become feeble from age, so as to be useless to themselvesand others, they bring them into the public market and sell them to thecannibals who eat human flesh, who immediately upon buying them, killand eat them. Likewise when any young person falls into disease of whichthey do not expect he shall recover, his kinsmen sell him in the samemanner to the cannibals. When my companion expressed his horror at thisbarbarous and savage practice, a certain native merchant observed, "Thatno sacrifice could redeem the sins of the Persians, who gave the fleshof their dead to be eaten by the worms. " Abhorring these savage manners, we returned to our ship not willing to tarry longer in that island. While we were there, the Christian merchants, who were ever desirous toshew us strange things which we might relate at our return to our owncountry, made us remark that the sun at noon-day was to the north of us, which as they said is always the case in the month of July. I mustacknowledge however, that I hardly remember these things distinctly, asI had then almost forgot the names of our months. At this island mycompanion bought two fine emeralds for 1000 pieces of gold, andlikewise two children who were eunuchs, for two hundred pieces, as thereare in that country certain merchants who deal solely in these youngeunuchs. 

After remaining fifteen days in Java, being weary of the barbarousmanners of the inhabitants, and of the coldness of the country at thatseason of the year, we determined to prosecute our voyage back to India, as there were no other regions in these eastern parts worth seeing. Wherefore, hiring a light bark, we departed from thence, and havingsailed fifteen days to the north-west, we came to the city of Malacca, where we remained three days. At this place we took our leave of theChristian merchants, with sorrowful minds and many friendly embraces. Ofthis separation I was sore grieved, and had I been a single man withoutwife and children[104], I certainly would never have separated from suchdear friends. Leaving them therefore at Malacca, they remained at thatplace, whence they said they meant shortly to return to the city of_Sana_[105]. My Persian companion and I went on board a foist, in whichwe returned to Coromandel. While on this voyage the pilot informed usthat there were about seven thousand small islands in the eastern sea, beyond Sumatra and Java. While at Malacca my companion bought as muchspices, perfumes of various kinds, and silk, as cost him 5000 pieces ofgold. We were fifteen days on our voyage to Coromandel, and remainedthere twenty days. Hiring another foist we sailed thence to the city ofCoulan, where we found twenty-two Portuguese Christians. Fearing theymight seize me as a spy, I began to contrive how I might make my escapefrom thence; but as there were many Mahometans there who knew that I hadbeen on the pilgrimage to Mecca, I changed my purpose, and we soonafterwards went to Calicut by way of the river, which took us twelvedays. 

[Footnote 104: This oblique insinuation of having a wife and children, is rather contradictory to several circumstances in the early part ofthe itinerary of Verthema. --E. ]

[Footnote 105: This is probably a mistake for _Sarnau_, whence theChristians are said to have come. --E. ]

SECTION X. 

_Continuation of the Author's Adventures, after his Return to Calicut. _

After so many long and dangerous voyages and peregrinations, in which wehad partly satisfied our desire of travel, and were partly wearied bythe many inconveniencies we had undergone, we began to consider of thebest means for returning to our native country. I will therefore brieflyrelate what happened to me by the way, that other men, taking example bymy travels, may know better how to conduct themselves in likesituations, if similar inclinations should move them to undertake suchvoyages. In Calicut we found two Christians of Milan in Italy, who hadcome to India with licence from the king of Portugal, on purpose to buyprecious stones. The names of these men were John Maria and PeterAnthony. I was more rejoiced at the sight of these men than I canexpress, and knowing them to be Christians by their fair complexions, though they could not know me as I was naked like the natives, Iimmediately spoke to them, informing them that I also was a Christian, and their countryman. Then, taking me kindly by the hand, they broughtme to their house, where, for joy of this unexpected meeting, we couldscarcely satisfy ourselves with tears, embraces, and kisses, for itseemed a strange thing to me thus to find men who spoke my own language, and even to speak it myself. They told me that they were in great favourwith the king of Calicut, yet anxiously wished to get hack to theirnative country, but knew not how, as they had fled from the Portuguese, and durst not run the risk of falling into their hands, having made manypieces of great cannon and other ordnance for the king of Calicut, andthat now the Portuguese fleet would shortly be there. When I proposed toendeavour to go to Cananore, and solicit their pardon from thePortuguese admiral, they said that could not be looked for, as they werewell known to many of the kings and princes between Calicut andCananore, who were friendly to the Portuguese, and who would certainlyintercept them, as they had made above 400 guns, great and small, andcould never hope for pardon. By this I could perceive how fearful athing it is to have an evil conscience, and called to remembrance thesaying of the poet:--

"Multa male timeo, qui feci multa proterve. "

That is to say, "I fear much evil because I have done much. " These menhad not only made many pieces of artillery for the infidels, to thegreat injury of the Christians, in contempt of Christ and his holyreligion, but had also taught the idolaters both how to make and usethem. While I remained in Calicut, I saw them give a mould to theidolaters, by which they might cast brass cannon of sufficient bignessto receive a charge of 105 _cantaros_ or measures of powder. At thistime also there was a Jew in Calicut who had built a handsomebrigantine, in which were four large iron cannons; but Providence soonafter gave him his due reward, as he was drowned while bathing in theriver. To return to the two Italians: God knows how earnestly Iendeavoured to persuade them never to make any more guns or artilleryfor the infidels, in contempt of God, and to the great detriment of ourmost holy faith. At my words, tears fell from the eyes of Peter Anthony;but John Maria, who perhaps was not so anxious to return home, said itwas all one to him whether he died in India or Italy, and that God onlyknew what was decreed for him. Within two days after I returned to mycompanion, who had wondered what was become of me, fearing that I waseither sick, or had died, or run away. I told him that I had been allnight in the temple, that he might not suspect my great intimacy withthe Christians. 

While I remained in the lodging of my companion, there came to him twoPersian merchants from the city of Cananore, saying that they had badnews to tell him, as there had arrived twelve Portuguese ships, whichthey had actually seen. Then asked he what manner of men were thesePortuguese? To this the Persians answered, that they were Christians, armed in cuirasses of bright iron, and had built an impregnable fortressat Cananore. Then turning to me, my companion asked what kind of peoplethese were. To this I answered, that they were a nation of wickedpeople, entirely given up to robbery and piracy on the seas: And I cantruly say, that he was not so sorry for these news as I was rejoiced attheir arrival. After the rumour spread of the arrival of the Portuguese, I began to be in fear for myself, and to consider what was best to bedone to ensure my safety; and considering that nothing could be easieramong these ignorant people than to gain a reputation of holiness byhypocrisy, I used to lurk about the temple all day without meat, as allthe people thought, but in the night I had my fill in the house of thetwo Milanese. By this device, every one took me for a saint or holyperson, so that in a few days I could go about all the city withoutbeing suspected. To help me in this assumed character, a rich Mahometanmerchant of Calicut happened to fall sick, having his belly soconstipated that he could get no ease; and as he was a friend of myPersian companion, and the disease daily increased, he at last asked meif I had any skill in physic. To this I answered, that my father was aphysician, and that I had learnt many things from him. He then took mealong with him to see his friend the sick merchant, and being told thathe was very sick at the head and stomach, and sore constipated, andhaving before learnt that he was a great eater and drinker, I felt hispulse, and said that he was filled with choler or black bile, owing tosurfeiting, and that it was necessary he should have a glyster. Then Imade a glyster of eggs, salt, and sugar, together with butter and suchherbs as I could think of upon a sudden; and in the space of a day and anight I gave him five such glysters, but all in vain, for his pains andsickness increased, and I began to repent me of my enterprise. But itwas now necessary to put a good face on the matter, and to attempt someother way, yet my last error seemed worse than ever. Endeavouring toinspire him with confidence, I made him lie grovelling on his belly, and, by cords tied to his feet, I raised up the hinder part of his body, so that he rested only on his breast and hands; and in this posture Iadministered to him another glyster, allowing him to remain in thatposition for half an hour. On beholding this strange mode of practice, my Persian friend asked me, if that was the manner of treating sickpeople in my country, to which I answered that it was, but only in casesof extremity; on which he observed with a smile, that he believed itwould certainly relieve him one way or other. In the mean time, the sickman cried out in his own language, "It is enough, it is enough, for mysoul now departeth. " We comforted him as well as we could, desiring himto have patience yet a little longer; and almost immediately his bellywas loosened, and he voided like a gutter. We then let him down, and hecontinued to discharge a prodigious quantity, so that shortly the painof his head and stomach left him, and his fever was assuaged, which gaveus all great joy. By this adventurous cure, and my counterfeitholiness, I grew into great credit, and when my patient offered me tenpieces of gold as my reward, I would only accept two, which I gave awayimmediately among the poor. 

These silly people believed implicitly in my hypocrisy, which I shewedin a constrained gravity of countenance and deportment, and byforbearing openly from eating flesh, insomuch that all thoughtthemselves happy to have me at their houses, or to kiss my hands andfeet. The report also of my companion, that he had met with me first atMecca, where I had gone to see the body of the holy prophet Mahomet, greatly increased among the Mahometans the opinion of my sanctity. Butall this while, I used to resort secretly in the night to the house ofthe Milanese Christians; and learning from them that the twelvePortuguese ships were arrived at Cananore, I thought that it was now afavourable opportunity for me to escape. I remained, however, for sevendays more, learning every thing I could respecting the preparations thatwere making by the king of Calicut and his people against thePortuguese, in regard to their army, artillery, and every thing relativeto the war. But, before I speak of the manner of my departure, it may beproper to say something of the religious practices of the Mahometans. 

For calling the people to the mosque, their priests and other ministers, of whom there are a great number, ascend to the highest tower of thetemple, where they sound three or four brass trumpets instead of bells, and then call to the people in a loud voice to come to prayers. Thenstopping one ear with their finger, they call out in their own language, _Alla u eccubar, etc. _ That is to say, "God is great! God is great! Cometo the temple of the great God! Come pray to the great God! God isgreat! God is great! God was! God is! Mahomet, the messenger of God, shall arise!" They even invited me to the mosque, and desired me to prayto God for the Mahometans; and this I did outwardly, but with quite adifferent meaning from them. They have certain daily and stated prayersas we have, in which they call upon God as their father, and they evenvouchsafe to name the blessed Virgin Mary; but they always wash beforeprayers. Standing all in order, after the priest has prayed, the wholepeople pray in their own language. 

At this time I feigned myself sick, and finding some occasion or pretextfor going to Cananore, I advertised my companion thereof, who gave mehis consent, saying that he would shortly follow me to that place, andin the meantime gave me letters recommending me to a friend andcountryman of his, a rich merchant at that place, desiring him to giveme kind entertainment for his sake. The day before my departure, I madethe before-mentioned Milanese Christians privy to my intentions, and mycompanion made me join company with two other Persian merchants who weregoing to Cananore, as there were then in Calicut many merchants ofPersia, Syria, and Turkey. Therefore, on the 1st of December, havinghired a light bark, I and my two companions set sail; but had hardly gotfrom shore an arrow-flight, when four of the _nairs_ of the king's guardcalled to the pilot of our vessel, and ordered him, in the king's name, to come to land. When the nairs understood who we were, they asked thePersians why they carried me along with them, without licence from theking? Then the Persians said, that this was a holy man, who meant toaccompany them to Cananore. The nairs answered, that they knew I was aperson who had wrought miracles; but as I could speak the language ofthe Portuguese, it was to be feared that I might betray their secrets tothe enemy, and give them notice of the navy and army which had beenprepared at Calicut against them, and therefore they strictly enjoinedthe pilot to carry us no farther. He accordingly obeyed their orders, and left us on the shore. It was then proposed by one of the Persiansthat we should return to Calicut, on which I advised him to take heedhow he did so, as he would be in danger of losing all his silks, if itshould be discovered that he had not paid the king's custom. Then heasked my advice as to what I thought was best for us to do in thepresent exigency, and I advised that we should travel along the shore, in hopes of finding some other bark for our purpose. They agreed to thisproposal, and we accordingly travelled twelve miles along the shore, ourslaves carrying our baggage; and I leave any judicious person toconceive the terror I was in, during this time, of being stopt by theservants of the king of Calicut. At length, by good providence, we founda poor fisherman, who agreed to carry us in his boat to Cananore, wherewe arrived in safety late at night. We went immediately to wait upon thePersian merchant, to whom I had letters of recommendation from mycompanion. Their tenor was as follows: That he should receive me intohis house, and entertain me in a friendly manner, till his own arrival, and that whatever friendship was shewn me should be considered as doneto himself, as I was a holy man, and united with him in the strictestfriendship. Immediately on reading this letter, the merchant laid hishand on his head, and bid me welcome, swearing by his head that I was insafety, and caused a good supper to be set before us. After supper, thePersians and I took a walk by the sea side, and we soon came to wherethe Portuguese ships were lying at anchor. I am utterly unable toexpress the joy I felt on seeing these ships, but which I took careshould not be observed by my companions. In our walk, I observed wherethe Portuguese had built their fortress, and determined within myself togo there as soon as possible. 

Next day, finding a fit opportunity, I went towards the Portuguesefortress, which is not above four furlongs from the city of Cananore, and chanced to meet two Portuguese by the way, at whom I inquired inSpanish if that were the fortress of the Portuguese. They asked if Iwere a Christian? and having answered that I was, they demanded to knowwhence I came? I told them that I was from Calicut, on which they saidthey would immediately shew me the way to their governor, whose name wasLorenzo[106], son to the viceroy. They accordingly brought me beforehim, and when I was come into his presence, I fell down on my knees, andentreated him in all humility, for the sake of Christ, to whom I wasconsecrated in baptism, that he would have compassion upon me, anddeliver me out of the hands of these infidel dogs. When it was noisedabout in the city that I had escaped to the Christians, there began astir and mutiny among the people, upon which the governor commanded hisofficers and men to put their artillery and all things in readiness, lest the people in their sudden rage should make any attempt against thefortress; but every thing was speedily pacified. After this, thegovernor took me by the hand into a hall or room by ourselves, anddemanded to know what the king and people of Calicut were preparing todo against the Christians. I informed him of all things as far as Iknew, having diligently inquired into all their preparations anddesigns. When I had thus informed the governor of all I knew, heappointed a galley commanded by one Joam Serano to carry me to theviceroy, who was then at Cochin. 

[Footnote 106: Don Francisco de Almeyda was viceroy of Portuguese Indiafrom 1507 to 1510, both inclusive, and his son Lorenzo made aconspicuous figure on several occasions under his father. It is truethat Verthema appears in the present journal to have returned from Indiato Europe in the end of 1506 or beginning of 1507; but the dates of thepresent journal are exceedingly few and vague, and the incidents whichit relates could hardly have occurred in so short a period as betweenthe commencement of 1503 and close of 1506. --E. ]

The viceroy received me very favourably, and then I gave him an accountof all the warlike preparations at Calicut. After this I humbly imploredpardon for the two Italians, Peter Anthony and John Maria, who had madeartillery for the infidel princes, declaring that they were desirous toreturn to the Christians, and would do them good service, for that allthey had hitherto done at Calicut was by constraint, and that all theyasked was a safe conduct and money to defray their charges. The viceroylistened to my petition, and three days afterwards he sent me back toCananore with letters to his son, commanding him to deliver me as muchmoney as might suffice for the Christian spies at Calicut. At Cananore, I procured an idolater, who from poverty had been forced to pawn hiswife and children, and engaged him to carry a letter from me to the twoMilanese at Calicut, informing them that the viceroy had granted theirpardon and safe conduct, with money for their charges. I desired them tomake no one privy to their intended departure, and particularly not tolet it be known to their slaves or concubines, each of them having aconcubine, a child, and a slave, and to leave all their goods behind, except things of great value, such as gold coin and precious stones. They had a very fine diamond of 32 carats, reckoned to be worth 35, 000crowns; a pearl of 24 carats; 2000 rubies, some of which weighed onecarat, and others a carat and half; upwards of 60 bracelets, garnishedwith many fine jewels; and about 1500 pieces of gold coin. But inconsequence of their covetousness, while they sought to save all theylost all, and their lives to boot; for, not content with carrying offall these riches, they would needs carry along with them, in spite ofthe advice I sent, four guns, three monkeys, two musquets, and two ofthose wheels on which precious stones are polished. The attempt to carryoff these bulky articles was the cause of their destruction, as one oftheir slaves gave notice to the zamorin or king of Calicut of what wasgoing on. The zamorin would not at first believe the information, having conceived a good opinion of their fidelity, yet sent four of hisnairs to examine into the truth of the information. But the slave, perceiving that the zamorin seemed inclined to deal favourably withthem, went to the cady or chief priest of the Mahometans, and told himall that he had said to the zamorin, adding that the two Christians haddisclosed all their secrets to the Portuguese. The eddy immediatelyconvened a council of all the Mahometan merchants, willing them to givean hundred pieces of gold to the _king of Gioghi_[107], who was then atCalicut, and to speak to him in the following terms: "It is not unknownto you, most noble prince, that when your majesty came to this placesome years ago, we received you in a more honourable manner than we arenow enabled to do. The change in our behaviour is not owing to any wantof good will towards you, but is occasioned by the great and manifoldinjuries which we have sustained, and are daily suffering from ourmortal enemies the Christians. We have at the present moment a notableexample of this in two Christian traitors now residing in this city, whohave disclosed all our secrets to the Portuguese; and therefore we mosthumbly petition that you would be pleased to accept from us an hundredpieces of gold, and to issue your commands that these traitorousChristians shall be slain. "

[Footnote 107: This king of _Gioghi_ was probably the chief bramin inthe southern part of India, a species of patriarch or pope of thebraminical idolatry, similar to the king of _Joga_, formerly mentioned, in Guzerat, in these travels of Verthema. In a future part of ourcollection we shall have a more favourable opportunity of explaining thehierarchy of the Hindoos. --E. ]

When this oration was repeated to the _king of Gioghi_, he immediatelyaccepted the gift, and consented to the prayer of the petition, andappointed two hundred of his followers to put the Milanese to death. These men, that they might not be suspected by the devoted Christians, came in small bodies to their house, only ten at a time, as if to demandtheir customary reward. But on seeing so great a number of men assembledabout their house, the Christians began to suspect that they were insearch of something beyond their usual reward or offering, whereforetaking to their arms, they so bravely defended themselves, that theyslew six of the assailants and wounded forty: But at length some of the_Gioghi_ or Jogues, shot them both with arrows from cross-bows, onebeing sore wounded in the head and the other in the body; and as soon asthey saw them fall, they broke into the house and cut their throats. Then taking the warm blood into the palms of their hands, they drank itup, using the most contumelious expressions against the Christians. After this murder, the concubine of John Maria came to Cananore with heryoung son, whom I bought of her for eight pieces of gold, and had himbaptized by the name of Lorenzo, as he was christened on the festival ofSt Laurence. But he died within a year afterwards of the lues venerea, which disease has been spread over almost the whole world, as I haveseen many infected with it 400 miles beyond Calicut. It is there called_pua_, and they affirm that it was not seen there till about seventeenyears before; yet it is there more grievous and destructive than with usin Italy. 

SECTION XI. 

_Account of a memorable Battle between the Mahometan Navy of Calicut andthe Portuguese_. 

On the 4th of March 1506, intelligence was received at Cananore of thedeath of the two Milanese Christians at Calicut, and on the same day theCalicut fleet set sail from the cities of _Pavan? Capagot? Pandaram_?and _Trompatam_? It consisted of 208 vessels [108], of which 84 wereships of considerable size and burden, and the rest were rowing vesselswhich are called _paraos_. This great fleet was manned with a prodigiousnumber of Mahometans richly dressed in purple silk and cotton, also withhigh pointed caps after their fashion of the same colour, lined withsilk, having their arms decked with many bracelets, and embroideredgloves on their hands. For weapons, they had Turkish bows, swords, lances, _peltes_[109], and all kind of guns made in our manner. When wesaw their fleet proceeding in order and well appointed, it seemed afaroff like a great wood, so numerous were the masts, yet were we in surebelief that God would give us the victory over the blasphemers of hisholy name, and that we should prevail against the idolaters andSaracens, the ancient enemies of the religion of the blessed Jesus. Therefore the valiant knight our governor, Don Lorenzo, the son of DonFrancisco de Almeyda, viceroy of India, who had the supreme command oftwelve Portuguese ships, with the assistance of the admiral, assembledall the Portuguese soldiers and mariners by sound of trumpet, and spoketo them after this manner: "Dear friends, and brethren in one God and inone faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, it is now time for us to considerthat our Lord spared not to give his precious body unto death for oursakes; wherefore it is our bounden duty to spend our lives in defence ofhis glory and of our holy faith, assuring ourselves of victory overthese infidel dogs, who are hated of God, being the progeny of thedevil. Now, therefore, fighting in his holy name and under the banner ofhis cross, shew yourselves valiant, as you have now a fair opportunityto gain eternal fame in defending the glorious cause of your Lord andSaviour. Therefore, along with me, raising our hearts to God, and ourarms with force and courage against the enemy, in the name of the Lord, let us manfully give the onset. " When Don Lorenzo had spoken thesewords, the priest went up to the highest part of the ship, holding inhis hands the picture of Christ nailed to the cross, which he exposed tothe view of all the soldiers, and earnestly exhorted them to rememberthe commands of God, and the holy faith in which they were consecratedby baptism, having no doubt that all their sins should be forgiven tothose who fell in the cause of God. Then blessing them in the name ofthe Lord, he pronounced the absolution and forgivenness of their sins. This exhortation of the priest so moved all our hearts, that tears ofjoy ran from our eyes, and we were all animated with a desire of dyingin the holy cause. 

[Footnote 108: According to the account of this great armament formerlygiven in the History of the Portuguese Transactions in India, the fleetof the Mahometans and Zamorin on this occasion consisted of 260 paraos, 60 of which exceeded the size of the armed ships then used in India bythe Portuguese. The action between the Portuguese and their enemies isthere stated to have been in 1508. --E. ]

[Footnote 109: Perhaps cross-bows, or it may probably signify leatherntargets, or shields made of _pelts_ or skins. --E. ]

In the mean time the Mahometan fleet made sail towards us, and on thesame day our admiral went to reconnoitre their fleet with two foists, and passing between two of their largest ships discharged his ordnanceon both sides, on purpose to try the strength of those ships in whichthey placed the greatest confidence. But nothing of any importanceoccurred this day. Next day the enemy made sail towards Cananore, andsent a message to our commanders, saying, that if they were permitted topursue their voyage they would not attack us. To this it was answered, that the Christians had not forgotten the perjury and violated faith ofthe Mahometans, when they prevented the Christians from passing that wayon a former occasion, and had slain 47 Portuguese, and robbed them of4000 pieces of gold: Wherefore, they might proceed at their peril, andshould learn of what spirit and reputation in arms the Christians werecomposed. Then said the Mahometans, "Mahomet will defend us and confoundthe Christians. " Then with great fury they assaulted us all at once, thinking to have forced their way through our fleet, as they were only10 miles from Cananore. Our admiral intentionally allowed them to drawnear until they were right over-against Cananore, when he intended toset upon them with all his force, that the rajah or king of Cananoremight be a witness of the valour of the Christians. When the trumpeterof the admiral sounded the charge as a signal of battle, the admiralimmediately assaulted two of the largest ships of the enemy, casting hisgrappling irons and chains, that he might fight them hand to hand. Afterthrowing our grapplings three times in vain, they caught hold the fourthtime, on which the Christians boarded the greatest ship, and made suchhavoc that the whole crew of 600 Mahometans were slain, not one escapingor being made prisoner. Encouraged by this success, the admiralimmediately grappled another large ship which had chained itself to oneof the Christian foists; this ship was likewise taken and sunk, with theloss of 500 Mahometans. Discouraged by this defeat, the Mahometansassailed our twelve foists with all their force, _and carried themaway_. On this emergency the captain of the galley, Joam Serano, shewedthe utmost gallantry, as he fiercely assaulted in his single galleythose ships of the enemy which had _carried away_ our foists, and madesuch prodigious slaughter among the Mahometans as seemed quiteincredible, so that he recovered all the foists, and sunk two otherMahometan ships. The conflict continued with unabated fury from morningtill the darkness of the night parted the combatants, and God sofavoured the Christians that few of them were slain, though many werewounded. 

I must not omit to notice the zeal and courage displayed by SimonMartin, the captain of one of our ships, on the following occasion inthis battle. It so happened that the brigantine in which I was, was atone time somewhat parted from the rest of our ships, on which four shipsof the enemy assailed us all at once; and 150 of the Mahometans havingboarded our vessel, constrained us to flee to the poop for safety. Whilewe were in this extreme danger, Simon Martin leapt on board our vessel, invoking the name of Jesus to aid him, and fought with such desperatevalour that he slew six of the enemy with his own bond. Encouraged byhis gallantry, we came down from the poop to his assistance, and sohandled the Mahometans that they leapt overboard for safety, when someof them were drowned and others escaped by swimming. Upon this oursuccess, the enemy sent down four other foists to help those who werealready engaged against us. But our captain took several empty casks inwhich gunpowder had been kept before, and placed them in such a manneron the side of our brigantine, that they seemed like large pieces ofartillery, standing beside them with a _fire-stick_ or lighted match, asif about to discharge them. This device put the enemy in such fear thatthey departed from us. 

Our admiral continued to pursue the enemy, and gave them another greatoverthrow, taking seven of their foists laden with various kinds ofmerchandise, and sank ten others by the shot of his artillery, one ofwhich was laden with elephants. Hie enemy, seeing the ocean almostcovered with the bodies of their slain, their principal ships taken, sunk, or much injured, and having lost all hope of victory, endeavouredto save themselves by flight. But the Portuguese determined to follow uptheir success, and again brought them to battle, which continued a wholeday and night, to the utter discomfiture of the Mahometans, most ofwhose vessels were sunk. At this time some of our foists saw a largeship belonging to the enemy at some distance, and made sail towards her;but as the enemy saw themselves overmatched, they hurled all theircarriages into the sea [110], after which they leapt overboardthemselves, in hopes to swim on shore, as they are most expert swimmers. But our men followed them even to the shore with lances, cross-bows, and stones, killing them while swimming, so that the sea was colouredwith their blood. Yet about 200 of them escaped on shore, after swimmingabout 20 miles. These Mahometans are all exceedingly expert swimmers, being accustomed to it from their early youth; and while we pursuedthem, they often dived and remained so long under water, that we thoughtthey had sunk outright, and when they came up again and floated on thewater, we thought we had been deceived by phantoms. They were howevermostly all destroyed afterwards by one mischance or another, so that onthis occasion the enemy lost a prodigious number of men. After thebattle and pursuit ceased, our admiral sent some boats on shore insundry places to number the dead bodies, which had been cast up by thesea, when about 3000 were found, besides many that had been carried awayby the sea. 

[Footnote 110: Perhaps they threw their guns overboard to lighten theirvessel and facilitate their escape. --E. ]

The king of Cananore beheld this great victory from the shore, and gavegreat commendations to the Portuguese for their valour, and verydeservedly; for, though I have been in many hard-fought battles, I neversaw greater valour than was displayed on this occasion by thePortuguese. After this great victory, we thought to have enjoyed peaceand security, but worse events ensued; for the king of Cananore, who wasa great friend to the Portuguese, died a few days afterwards, and wassucceeded by a mortal enemy to the Christians, and a great friend to thezamorin, by whole interest he had been advanced to the kingdom ofCananore. This new king assembled his forces to make war against thePortuguese in all haste, believing that much of their ammunition hadbeen expended in the late naval battle, and that their men were muchwearied, and for the most part wounded, so that they would be unable tomake any great resistance. To aid him on this occasion, the zamorin senthim 24 pieces of great cannon. This war began on the 7th of April, andcontinued to the 20th of August [111], before peace was restored. Itwere too long to recount all the brave actions performed by theChristians in this war against the Mahometans [112], who neverencountered them with less than twenty-five or twenty-six thousand menand 140 pieces of artillery. The enemy on this occasion were armed inthe manner already mentioned respecting the weapons of the inhabitantsof Calicut, and the Christians in the harness and with the weapons thenused by us in Europe[113]. 

[Footnote 111: From the context, combined with the date of the latenaval action, as given from the History of the Portuguese Transactions, this land-war with the rajah of Cananore must have been in 1509. --E. ]

[Footnote 112: In the naval battle the principal force at least musthave been Mahometans, as the Hindoos do not use the sea; but, in thisland-war with the new rajah of Cananore, the nairs would constitute themain force of the enemy, though there might be some Mahometanauxiliaries. --E. ]

[Footnote 113: The European soldiers then wore defensive armour andshields. And besides matchlocks, their offensive arms were pikes, swords, and cross-bows. --E. ]

In their wars, the infidels divide their army into many _wings_, orbrigades, of two or three thousand men each, only one of which proceedsto battle at a time, all the rest waiting the result of this chargebefore they proceed to join battle. While marching to give battle, itpasses all imagination to conceive the prodigious noise made byinnumerable musical instruments after their fashion, which fill the earsof their soldiers and encourage them to fight; while in the mean time agreat number of men run before with artificial fireworks[114]. At lastthey give the onset with such fury and outcry, that two or threethousand of them are often able to put to flight 10, 000 men who areunused to this mode of warfare. But God in his merciful providence neverforsakes those who believe in his holy religion, as was now exemplifiedin our distress. For, while the Portuguese were in a manner overwhelmedwith the multitude of their enemies, the joyful news arrived that a newfleet had come from Portugal to Cananore, under the valiant knight DonTristan de Cunna, who was immediately informed of the straits to whichwe were reduced. He immediately sent us a reinforcement of 300 valiantsoldiers, well provided with defensive armour, and weapons of offence, after the manner of the Christians. On the arrival of these succours, wewere so encouraged that we would have burnt the city of Cananore, if ouradmiral had permitted us. But on learning the arrival of thisreinforcement, the enemy were so cast down that they sought to makepeace with us by every means they could think of, and appointed one_Mamalmaricar_, a man of great riches and wisdom, to be theirambassador, with full powers to conclude peace. This man accordinglywaited on our admiral, who told him that he could not make peace withoutthe authority of the viceroy, who was then at Cochin: Yet it was thoughtbest not to reject the proffered peace, as, during war, the Portuguesecould not send home their ships with the commodities of India, and forthis reason the viceroy agreed to the conclusion of peace. 

[Footnote 114: Probably alluding to a kind of javelins armed with aspecies of rockets, which have long been used in the wars of India, andoften produce great disorder among the crowded masses of theirill-disciplined troops. --E. ]

To mingle some pleasure with these tragedies, I shall now rehearse apleasant story, worthy of being remembered. One day after the peace wassettled, I happened to walk in the city of Cananore with some merchantidolaters, with whom I was acquainted before the war. They asked me toshow them a certain Christian, much taller and stronger than any of theothers, who used every day to slay about twenty of the Mahometans, andwho at one time, when assailed by fifty of the nairs, escaped unhurt. Atfirst I answered, that this valiant Christian had gone to Cochin to theviceroy: But after some farther consideration, I told them that thissoldier was the God of the Portuguese, the great God who had created theworld. Then answered they, that the Mahometans had said as much to themalready, and therefore they were inclined to believe that the God of theChristians was better and more powerful than theirs. Thus it came to berumoured all over the country that the Portuguese had overcome more bythe assistance of God, than by the strength of man. These people arewonderfully simple and ignorant, and are easily astonished at verytrifling matters; for when they saw one of our company ring a smallhand-bell, and that it ceased to make a noise when set down, they tookit for a miracle, saying one to another, "Doubtless the God of these menis greater than ours, for when they touch that little instrument itspeaks, and when they touch it not it is silent. " They took much delightin seeing the celebration of mass; and when the priest lifted up theholy bread, or host, I said unto them, "Behold the God of the Christiansand of all the world. " To which they answered, "You say truly, but wesee him not. " I repeat this that it may be seen how ignorant thesepeople are. Yet are they great sorcerers, and can enchant the mostvenomous serpents, so as to do no harm, though their venom is sopowerful as to kill only by touching. They are likewise of wonderfulagility, and are astonishingly expert in vaulting, running, leaping, swimming, tumbling, walking on ropes, and such other feats of activity. 

SECTION XII. 

_Navigation of the Author to Ethiopia, and return to Europe by Sea. _

Those who engage to write any history, ought to keep in mind what theyhave promised, lest after all their pains and trouble they only reapshame and reproach. Wherefore, having in the beginning of thisperformance engaged to write concerning the navigation of Ethiopia, Ishall now make an end of my long travels and peregrinations, by adescription of this voyage, in which I shall speak of such things as Isaw by the way, on my return from India to my long wished-for country, along with the Portuguese. 

Leaving India on the 7th of December[115], we directed our course toEthiopia[116]; and having sailed across the great gulf we came to theisland of _Monzambrick_, or Mozambique, which is under the dominion ofthe king of Portugal. But before our arrival there, we saw many townsand fortresses by the way, belonging to the Portuguese, in the kingdomsof Melinda and Mombaza. They have also some strong fortresses inMozambique and Sofala. Were I to enlarge upon the memorable deeds of thevaliant Tristran de Cunna, on his return from India, I should enter upona subject far beyond my powers, being such as would rather require thepen of a Homer or a Virgil: For he invaded and subdued the great citiesof _Gogia, Pati_, and _Crava[117]_, and also the goodly island of_Sacutara_, [Socotoro, ] where a fortress was erected by order of theking of Portugal. I omit also to speak of many islands which we saw bythe way, such as the island of _Cumeris_, or Curia Muria, and sixothers, which produce plenty of ginger, sugar, and other goodly fruits, and the most fruitful island of _Penda_, which is likewise subject tothe Portuguese. 

[Footnote 115: Probably of the year 1508. --E. ]

[Footnote 116: It is hardly necessary to remark, that the term Ethiopiais here applied to the western coast of Africa on the ocean. --E. ]

[Footnote 117: The Gogia of the text is probably Oja, on the coast ofAfrica, 17 leagues from Melinda, and Pati may possibly be somecorruption of Paniany, both of these places having been reduced by deCunna. Crava may be an error for Brava, on the western coast ofAfrica. --E. ]

From the island of Mozambique, which belongs to Portugal, it broughtmuch gold and ivory, but these come from the continent of Ethiopia. Thisisland is not large, but has a commodious port, and is inhabited byblack Mahometans[118], who are in great want of all the necessaries oflife, having no corn or provisions but what are brought from thecontinent. We landed on the continental part of Ethiopia to see thecountry, where we saw a barbarous Vagabond people of blacks, both menand women going entirely naked, except covering their parts of shamewith leaves of trees. Their lips are two fingers thick, their foreheadsvery large, and they have great teeth as white as snow. They areexceedingly timorous and fearful of armed men; wherefore six of us, wellarmed with muskets, and accompanied by a black slave who knew thecountry, went a considerable way inland to view the country. When we hadgone forwards a days journey, we came to many herds of elephants, andour guide recommended to us to carry burning firebrands in our hands, asthese beasts are afraid of fire above all things; but we chanced to fallin with three female elephants that had lately calved, and they couldnot be scared by our fire, but followed us so far that we were obligedto save ourselves by scrambling up a steep mountain. 

[Footnote 118: Perhaps this expression ought to have been black-a-moors, the old name for negroes. --E. ]

When we were about ten miles inland, we came to a cave on the side of amountain inhabited by some of the black natives, whose manner of speechwas so strange and chattering, like so many apes, that I am unable toexpress the manner of their language, which comes near the strangejargon used by the muleteers of Sicily, when they drive theirmules[119]. Our pilot asked us if we were inclined to purchase anycattle from these people, saying that we might have them at a very lowprice; but suspecting that he either mocked us, or meant, in concertwith the natives, to impose upon us, we said that we had no money. Thenhe told us that these people wanted no money, having already gold ingreater plenty than we, which they procure not far from where we were. On asking him what articles they were desirous of in payment for theircattle, he said they preferred things of small value, such as pins, knives, scissars, looking-glasses, hawks-bells, bags, or boxes, tocontain their gold, copper rings, _janglings_ to hang at their timbrils, bosses, laces, broaches, copper-chains, caskanets, bracelets, and suchlike baubles to deck their wives and children. We then said that wewould willingly give them such things for their cattle if they wouldbring them to us at the shore; but the pilot said the natives woulddrive them to the next mountain, but no farther on any condition. Thenone of our companions said that he had a boss of engraven copper, and asmall bell; and as I had none of such merchandise, and yet was desirousof eating fresh meat, I said I would give one of my shirts to buycattle. The pilot engaged to make our purchases to the best advantage, and calling five or six of the natives about him, he shewed them our_goodly jewels, _ and demanded from them _three hundred_ head of cattle. The natives, not differing much from beasts, answered by signs that theywould only give fifteen. At length we made a bargain, though we stillsuspected some deceit; yet they kept their promise, and sent us fifteenbeasts by two of their companions. We had scarcely gone when we heard anoise and tumult among them, and were in some fear lest these_troglodites_ might follow to do us some injury, wherefore leaving thecattle we took to our weapons. But they made signs to us to fearnothing, and the pilot told us they were quarrelling who should have thecopper boss. Then recovering our cattle, we drove them forward to thetop of the mountain, where we dismissed the two natives, and continuedour journey towards the coast. While driving our cattle past a littlewood, we again fell in with the elephants, which put us in such fearthat we abandoned our cattle and trusted to our feet, making the best ofour way to the island. 

[Footnote 119: Perhaps alluding to the _cluck_, which occurs perpetuallyin the language of the Hottentots, resembling the sound used in someparts to urge on a horse, and which is inexpressible inorthography. --E. ]

Having made provision for our voyage of such things as could be procuredat Mozambique, we sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, passing the islandof St Lawrence, otherwise called Madagascar, which is 80 leagues fromthe nearest part of the continent. I suppose that in a short time thePortuguese will be masters of this island, as they have burned anddestroyed many of its towns and villages, and are much feared by thenatives. So far as I conjecture by my peregrinations, especially thosein India and Ethiopia, it is my opinion that the king of Portugal islikely to be the richest king in the world, if he continue as he hasbegun; and certainly his dignity and godly zeal is not unworthy of suchhigh fortune, as by his means the knowledge of the Christian faith isgreatly extended. In Cochin, where the viceroy of India resides, everyholiday ten or twelve Mahometans or idolaters are professed to ourreligion; so that we may have good hope that in time our faith maygreatly spread with the blessing of God, who hath given such miraculousvictories to the Christians; wherefore all who profess to believe in theholy name of Christ, ought incessantly to pray to God to assist the kingof Portugal in so godly an enterprise. 

When we had sailed about two hundred miles beyond the Cape of Good Hope, there arose a sudden tempest of contrary wind, which towed us to and frofor seven days in great danger, but we escaped by the blessing of God. After the cessation of this tempest, and when we had again proceededother two hundred miles on our voyage, a new tempest arose, whichscattered all our ships during six days that it continued, so that wedid not all meet again till our arrival at Lisbon in Portugal. I was ina ship called the St Vincent, belonging to one Bartholomew a Florentine, who was a citizen of Lisbon. She was a vessel of great size, and carriedseven hundred tons of spices of all kinds. We passed the island of StHelena, near which we saw certain fishes of such enormous bigness thatone of them was as large as a great house. When they rise above water, or gape or yawn, the upper jaw covers all the forehead, as it were asoldier in shining armour, and when they swim along the surface of thedeep, the forehead seems three paces broad. As they swam about near theships, they raised such a commotion in the sea that we discharged allour artillery to drive them away. We soon afterwards came to an islandnamed _Ascension, _ where we saw many birds about the size of ducks, which were so stupid that we took them with our hands, yet immediatelyafterwards they shewed wonderful fierceness. In that island we saw noouter living creatures besides these birds, which seemed as if they hadnever seen mankind before, and there were prodigious quantities of fisharound its shores. 

Having sailed many days beyond that island, we seemed to have returnedagain into our own world, as the north star, the guide of mariners, appeared to us. Here we have a good opportunity of refuting the opinionof those who think that it is impossible to sail in the regions of theantartic pole by the guidance of the north star; for it is undeniablethat the Portuguese sail by the aid of the north polar star, althoughentirely hidden from their sight in the antartic region of the sea. Yetthey frequently refresh the virtue of the needle by means of that stonewhich ever naturally points towards the north. A few days afterwards wearrived at a fair region, in which are seen many islands called the_Astures_ Açores, so named from the multitude of that species of eaglesor hawks which are called açores or _azores_. These islands arevariously named, as _Pico_, _Martii_, _Corvo_, _Flores_, _St George_, _Gratiosa_ and _Fyal_. From thence we went to the island of _Tercera_, where we remained two days. All these are very fertile, and haveabundance of all the necessaries of life. 

Departing from thence, we came in seven days sailing to _Luxburne_ or_Ulisbona_, [_Lisbon_] in Portugal. On my arrival I was carried to thepresence of the king, whose hand I had the honour to kiss, and with mosthumble reverence I thanked his majesty for the great favour I had foundwith his officers and subjects in India. He entertained me verygraciously at his court, until I had informed him fully of all that Ihad observed in my peregrinations in various parts of India. Some daysafterwards, I shewed his majesty the letters-patent by which his viceroyin India had honoured me with the order of knighthood, and humblyrequested of his majesty to confirm the same under his great seal, whichhe was graciously pleased to grant. Then departing from Lisbon, with thepassport and safe conduct of the king, I returned at length, after thesemy long and perilous travels, to my long-desired native home, the cityof Rome, by the blessing of God, to whom be all honour and glory. 

_End of the Voyages of Verthema. _

CHAPTER VI. 

VOYAGES AND TRAVELS OF CESAR FREDERICK IN INDIA[120]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

This article has been adopted from the Collection of Hakluyt, and, withthat immediately preceding, may serve as a supplement to the PortugueseTransactions in India. The entire title, as given in that early andcurious Collection, is "_The Voyage and Travel of M. Cesar Fredericke, Merchant of Venice, into the East India and beyond the Indies: Whereinare contained the Customes and Rites of these Countries, the Merchandiseand Commodities, as well of Golde as Silver, as Spices, Drugges, Pearles, and other Jewels. Translated out of Italian by M. ThomasHickocke_. "

[Footnote 120: Hakluyt, II. Pp. 359--375. Ed. Lond. 1810. ]

In adapting the present chapter to the purposes of our Collection, theonly liberty we have taken with the ancient translation exhibited byHakluyt, has been to employ the modern orthography in the names ofplaces, persons, and things, and to modernise the language throughout. As in the itinerary of Verthema, to avoid the multiplication of notesunnecessarily we have corrected the frequently vicious orthography ofthese names as given by Cesar Frederick and his original translator, either by substituting the true names or more generally received modernorthography, or by subjoining the right name in the text immediatelyafter that employed by the author. When the names employed in theoriginal translation of this Journal are so corrupt as to be beyond ourpower to rectify, or where we are doubtful of our correction, we havemarked them with a point of interrogation, as doubtful or unknown, ashas likewise been done in our version of the Itinerary of Verthema. These two journals, besides that they coincide with the plan of ourarrangement of giving as many appropriate original journals of voyagesand travels as we can procure, contain a great number of curiousparticulars, nowhere else to be met with, respecting the manners andcustoms of various parts of India, between the years 1503 and 1581, with many intersecting notices respecting its history, production, andtrade. 

We learn from the following journal, that Cesar Frederick began hisperegrination in 1563; and, as he informs us in his preface, that he wascontinually employed in coasting and travelling for eighteen years, hecould not have returned to Venice before the year 1581. In thepublication of this journal in the Collection of Hakluyt, it is veryirregularly divided into fragments, upon no apparent principles ofregular distribution; but on the present occasion it has been arrangedin sections, so as to suit the general plan of the present work. --E. 

_Cesar Frederick to the Reader. _

Having for the space of eighteen years continually coasted and travelledover almost all the East Indies, and many other countries beyond theIndies, both with good and bad success; and having seen and learned manythings worthy of notice, which have never been before communicated tothe world; I have thought it right, since the Almighty hath graciouslybeen pleased to return me to my native country, the noble city ofVenice, to write and publish this account of the perils I haveencountered during my long and arduous peregrinations by sea and land, together with the many wonderful things I have seen in the Indies; themighty princes that govern these countries; the religion or faith inwhich they live; their rites and customs; the various successes Iexperienced; and which of these countries abound in drugs and jewels:All of which may be profitable to such as desire to make a similarvoyage: Therefore, that the world may be benefited by my experience, Ihave caused my voyages and travels to be printed, which I now present toyou, gentle and loving readers, in hopes that the variety of thingscontained in this book may give you delight. 

SECTION I. 

_Voyage from Venice to Bir in Asia Minor. _

In the year 1563, while residing at Venice, being desirous to see theeastern parts of the world, I embarked in a ship called the _Gradaige_of Venice, commanded by Jacomo Vatica, bound for Cyprus, taking withme certain merchandise. On arriving at Cyprus, I left that ship, andwent in a lesser to Tripoli in Syria, where I made a short stay. I thentravelled by land to Aleppo, where I became acquainted with someArmenian and Moorish merchants, and agreed to accompany them to Ormuz. We accordingly departed together from Aleppo, and came to the city of_Bir_ in two days journey and a-half. 

Bir is a small city in which provisions are very scarce, situated inAsia Minor, [in lat. 37° 5' N. Long. 38° E. From Greenwich], the riverEuphrates running near its walls. In this city, the merchants who intendto descend the Euphrates form themselves into companies or associations, according to the quantities of merchandise they possess, and eitherbuild or buy a boat to carry themselves and their goods down theEuphrates to Babylon[121], under the care of a master and mariners hiredto conduct the boat. These boats are almost flat-bottomed and verystrong, yet serve only for one voyage, as it is impossible to navigatethem upwards. They are fitted for the shallowness of the river, which inmany places is full of great stones which greatly obstruct thenavigation. At _Feluchia_ a small city on the Euphrates, the merchantspull their boats to pieces or sell them for a small price; as a boatthat cost forty or fifty chequins at Bir sells only at Feluchia forseven or eight chequins. When the merchants return back from Babylon, ifthey have merchandise or goods that pay custom, they travel through thewilderness in forty days, passing that way at much less expence than theother. If they have no such merchandise, they then go by the way ofMosul in Mesopotamia, which is attended with great charges both for thecaravan and company. From Bir to _Feluchia_. On the Euphrates, overagainst Babylon, which is on the Tigris, if the river have sufficientwater, the voyage down the river may be made in fifteen or eighteendays; but when the water is low in consequence of long previous drought, the voyage is attended with much trouble, and will sometimes requireforty or fifty days to get down. In this case the boats often strike onthe stones in the river, when it becomes necessary to unlade and repairthem, which is attended with much trouble and delay; and on this accountthe merchants have always one or two spare boats, that if one happen tosplit or be lost by striking on the shoals, they may have another readyto take in their goods till they have repaired the broken boat If theywere to draw the broken boat on the land for repair, it would bedifficult to defend it in the night from the great numbers of Arabs thatwould come to rob and plunder them. Every night, when it is necessary tomake fast the boat to the bank, good watch must be kept against theArabs, who are great thieves and as numerous as ants; yet are they notgiven to murder on these occasions, but steal what they can and runaway. Arquebuses are excellent weapons for keeping off these Arabs, asthey are in great fear of the shot. In passing down the river from Birto Feluchia, there are certain towns and villages on the Euphratesbelonging to _the son of Aborise_, king of the Arabs and of the desert, at some of which the merchants have to pay so many _medins_ of custom oneach bale. 

[Footnote 121: It is obvious that Bagdat is here meant. --E. ]

SECTION II. 

_Of Feluchia and Babylon. _

Feluchia is a village on the Euphrates, where they who come from Bir forBabylon disembark with their goods, and go thence by land to Babylon, ajourney of a day and a half. Babylon is no great city, but is verypopulous and is greatly resorted to by strangers, being the greatthoroughfare for Persia, Turkey and Arabia, and from this place thereare frequent caravans to different countries. Babylon is abundantlysupplied with provisions, which are brought down the river Tigris oncertain rafts or _zattores_ called Vtrij, the river Tigris running pastthe walls of Babylon. The blown-up hides of which these rafts arecomposed, are bound fast together, on which boards are laid, and onthese boards the commodities are loaded. When unladed at Babylon, theair is let out of the skins, which are then laid on the backs of camelsand carried back to serve for another voyage. The city of Babylon isproperly speaking in the kingdom of Persia, but is now under thedominion of the Turks. On the other side of the river towards Arabia, over against Babylon, there is a handsome town in which is an extensiveBazar for the merchants, with many lodging rooms, in which the greaterpart of the stranger merchants that go to Babylon expose their goodsfor sale. The passage across the river between Babylon and this town isby a long bridge of boats chained together with great chains: And whenthe river is swollen by the great rains, this bridge is opened in themiddle, one half falling alongside of the walls of Babylon, and theother half along the opposite bank of the borough. So long as the bridgeremains open, the people cross from side to side in small boats withmuch danger, by reason of their smallness, and that they are usuallyoverladen, so that they are very liable to be overset by the swiftnessof the current, or to be carried away and wrecked on the banks. In thismanner-many people are lost and drowned, as I have often witnessed. 

The tower of Nimrod, or Babel, is situated on the Arabian side of theTigris, in a great plain, seven or eight miles from Babylon. Beingruined on every side, it has formed a great mountain, yet a considerablepart of the tower is still standing, compassed and almost covered up bythese ruins. It has been built of square bricks dried in the sun, andconstructed in the following manner. In the first place a course ofbricks was laid, then a mat made of canes squared like the bricks, anddaubed with earth instead of lime mortar; and these mats still remain sostrong that it is wonderful considering their great antiquity. I havegone all round it without being able to discover any place where therehad been a door or entrance, and in my opinion it may be about a mile incircumference or rather less. Contrary to all other things, which appearsmall at a distance and become larger the nearer they are approached, this tower appears largest when seen from afar, and seems less as youcome nearer. This may be accounted for, as the tower stands in a verylarge plain, and with its surrounding ruins forms the only perceptibleobject; so that from a distance the tower and the mountains formed ofits ruins make a greater shew than it is found to be on coming near. 

SECTION III. 

_Of Basora. _

From Babylon I embarked in one of those small vessels which ply upon theTigris between Babylon and Basora, which are built after the manner offoists or galliots, having a _speron_[122] and a covered poop. They useno pumps, being so well daubed with pitch as effectually to exclude thewater. This pitch they have from a great plain near the city of _Heit_on the Euphrates, two days journey from Babylon. This plain full ofpitch is marvellous to behold, and a thing almost incredible, as from ahole in the earth the pitch is continually thrown into the air with aconstant great smoke; and being hot it falls as it were sprinkled allover the plain, in such abundance that the plain is always full ofpitch[123]. The Moors and Arabs of the neighbourhood allege that thishole is the mouth of Hell; and in truth it is a very memorable objectFrom this native pitch or bitumen the whole people of that countryderive great benefit, as with it they pay or serve their barks, whichthey call _Daneck_ and _Saffin_. 

[Footnote 122: In imitation of the original translator Hickocke andHakluyt, this word must be left untranslated and unexplained. --E. ]

[Footnote 123: This account of the hole which discharges pitch or nativebitumen mixed with water is most true; the water and pitch running intothe valley _or island_, where the pitch remains, and the water runs intothe Euphrates, when it occasions the water for a long way to have abrackish taste with the smell of pitch and brimstone. --Hakl. ]

When the river Tigris is well replenished with water, the passage fromBabylon or Bagdat to Basora may be made in eight or nine days, less ormore according to circumstances; we were fourteen or fifteen days, because the water was low, and when the waters are at the lowest itrequires eighteen days. Having no rocks or shoals in the river, thevoyage may be continued day and night. There are some places by the wayat which you have to pay so many medins for each bale, as toll orcustom. Basora, Bussora, or Busrah, [in lat. 30° 20' N. Long. 47° 40'E. ] is a city on the Arabian side of the united rivers Euphrates andTigris, which was governed of old by those Arabs called _Zizarij_, butis now under the dominion of the grand Turk, who keeps an army there atgreat charge. The tribe of Arabs called Zizarij still have possession ofa large extent of country, and cannot be overcome by the Turks, as thesea divides their country into islands by many channels, so that theTurks are unable to bring an army against them either by land or sea, and likewise because the inhabitants are brave and warlike. A days sailbefore coming to Basora, we pass a small castle or fort called _Corna_, on the point of land where the Euphrates and Tigris join; whence theunited waters of these two rivers form a very large river that runs intothe gulf of Persia. 

Basora is fifty miles from the sea, and it a place of great trade inspices and drugs, which are brought from Ormuz. It is abundantlysupplied with corn, rice, and dates, from the surrounding country. AtBasora I shipped myself for Ormuz, to which I sailed through the Persiangulf 600 miles, which is the distance between Basora and Ormuz. Wesailed in small ships built of board fastened together with small ropesor cords, and, instead of caulking, a certain kind of straw is laidbetween the boards at their junctions, and they are sewed together;owing to which imperfect construction, these vessels are very dangerous, and take in much water. On departing from Basora we sailed 200 milesalong the left shore of the gulf, having the open sea on our right hand, till we came to an island called _Carichij_ or _Karak_, whence wecontinued our voyage to Ormuz, always keeping the Persian shore in sighton our left, and seeing many islands on our right hand towards Arabia. 

SECTION IV. 

_Of Ormuz. _

The island of Ormuz is twenty-five or thirty miles in circuit, being thedriest and most barren island in the world, producing nothing butsalt-water and wood. All things necessary for the life of man arebrought here from Persia, which is twelve miles off, and from islandsadjoining to Persia, and in such abundance that the city has always agreat store of every necessary. Near the shore there stands a faircastle, in which resides the commander appointed by the king ofPortugal, with a good band of Portuguese soldiers. The married menbelonging to the garrison dwell in the city, in which there aremerchants of almost every nation, among whom are many Moors andGentiles. This city has a vast trade for all kinds of spices, drugs, silk, cloth of silk, brocades, and various kinds of merchandise fromPersia. The trade in horses is very great, being transported from henceto India. The island has a Mahometan or Moorish king of the Persianrace, who is created and set up by the Portuguese commander in the nameof the king of Portugal. Being present on one of these occasions, Ishall set down the ceremonies as I saw them. 

The old king being dead, the Portuguese commander proceeds with muchpomp and ceremony to elect a new one in the castle; and when he ischosen from the blood-royal, the new king is sworn to be true andfaithful to the king of Portugal, as his lord-paramount, after which thecaptain presents him with the royal sceptre. The newly elected king isthen conducted in great pomp to the royal palace, amid great feasts andrejoicings, and attended by a numerous and splendid retinue. The kingkeeps a good train of attendants, and has sufficient revenues tomaintain his state and dignity, with very little of the cares ofroyalty, as the captain of the castle defends the kingdom. When the kingand captain ride out together, the king is treated with much ceremonyand respect, yet cannot ride abroad with his train without having firstreceived permission of the captain, which precaution is necessarybecause of the great trade carried on at this place. The native languagein this island is the Persian. I embarked at Ormuz for Goa in India, ina ship on board of which were fourscore horses. All merchants proceedingfrom Ormuz for Goa ought to go in ships carrying horses, because everyship carrying twenty horses or upwards is privileged from the payment ofcustoms on all their other goods, whereas all ships having no horseshave to pay eight per centum on their goods and commodities. 

SECTION V. 

_Of Goa, Diu, and Cambaya. _

Goa is the chief city of the Portuguese in India, in which reside theviceroy and his court, being many officers of the crown of Portugal. From Ormuz it is 990 miles to Goa, on which passage the first city youcome to in India is Diu, situated in a small island of the kingdom ofCambaia; and, though a small city, is the strongest fortified of any ofthose possessed by the Portuguese in India, having great trade, andloading many great ships with merchandise for Ormuz and the Red Sea. These ships belong both to Moors and Christians; but the Moors canneither trade nor navigate in these seas, unless they have a pass orlicence from the Portuguese viceroy, without which they we liable to becaptured. The merchandise loaded at Diu comes from _Cambaietta_, a portin the kingdom of Cambaia, about 180 miles up a strait or gulf called_Macareo_, which signifies _a race of the tide_, because the water runsthere with immense rapidity, such as is not to be seen anywhere else, except in the kingdom of Pegu, where there is another _Macareo_ or raceof the tide still more violent. On this account, and because no largevessels can go to _Cambaietta_ or _Cambay_, by reason of the shallownessof the water in the gulf for 80 or 100 miles, the principal city ofCambaia or Guzerat is _Amadaver_ or _Amedabad_, a day and a halfjourney from Cambay, being a great and populous city, and for a city ofthe Gentiles it is well built with handsome houses and wide streets. Init there is a fine bason or canul, having many ships, so that itresembles Cairo, but not so large. 

Cambay is situated on the sea at the head of the gulf of the same name, and is a handsome city. While I was there it was suffering greatcalamity, owing to a scarcity, insomuch that the Gentiles offered theirsons and daughters for sale to the Portuguese, and I have seen them soldfor 8 or 10 _larines_ each, which is of our money about 10s. Or 13s. 4d. [124]. Yet if I had not actually seen it, I could not have believedthat Cambay had so great a trade. Every new and full moon, when thetides are at the highest, the small barks that come in and go out arequite innumerable. These barks are laden with all kinds of spices, withsilks of China, sandal-wood, elephants teeth, velvets of _Vercini_, great quantities of _Pannina_, which comes from Mecca, _chequins_ orgold coins worth 7s. Each sterling, and various other commodities. Thesebarks carry out an infinite quantity of cloth of all sorts made of_bumbast_ or cotton, some white, others stamped or painted; largequantities of indigo, dried and preserved ginger, dry and confectedmyrabolans, _boraso_ or borax in paste, vast quantities of sugar, cotton, opium, asafoetida, _puchio?_ and many other kinds of drugs, turbans made at Delhi, great quantities of carnelians, garnets, agates, jaspers, calcedonies, _hematitis_, or bloodstones, and some naturaldiamonds. 

[Footnote 124: This comparison seems made by the translator between_larines_ and sterling money. --E. ]

It is customary at Cambay, though no one is obliged, to employ brokers, of whom there are great numbers at this place, all Gentiles and ofgreat repute, every one of whom keeps fifteen or twenty servants. Allthe Portuguese, and more other merchants who frequent this place, employthese brokers, who purchase and tell for them; and such as come therefor the first time are informed by their friends of this custom, andwhat broker they ought to employ. Every fifteen days, when the greatfleet of barks comes into port, these brokers come to the water side, and the merchants immediately on landing give charge of their cargoes tothe broker who transacts their business, with the marks of all theirbales and packages. After this the merchant carries on shore all thefurniture for his dwelling, it being necessary for every one who tradesto India to carry a sufficient provision of household staff for his use, as none such are to be procured. Then the broker who takes charge of hiscargo, makes his servants carry the merchant's furniture to some emptyhouse in the city, every broker having several such for theaccommodation of their merchants, where there are only bedsteads, tables, chairs, and empty water jars. Then the broker says to themerchant, go and repose yourself and take your rest in the city. Thebroker remains at the water-side in charge of the cargo, causes all thegoods to be discharged from the bark, pays the customs, and causes everything to be carried to the house in which the merchant has taken up hisresidence, the merchant having no trouble with any thing. After this, the broker inquires if the merchant is disposed to sell his goods at therate then current; and if he desires it, the broker sells the goodsimmediately, and informs the merchant how much money comes to him afterpayment of all charges. If the merchant is disposed to lay out his moneyin the purchase of other commodities, the broker informs him at whatrate the different articles may be put free on board, all charges paid. Being thus properly instructed, the merchant makes his calculations, andif he is satisfied to buy or sell at the current prices he directs thebroker accordingly; so that if he have even to the value of 20, 000ducats or more, every thing will be sold off or bartered in fifteendays, without giving himself any trouble or concern about the matter. Should the merchant not be disposed to sell the goods at the thencurrent prices, he may tarry as long as he pleases, but the goods cannotbe sold for him by any other person than the broker who has taken themin hand, and has paid the duties. Sometimes, by delaying the sale oftheir commodities for a time, the merchants make good profit, and atother times they lose; but those articles which do not ordinarily comeevery fifteen days, frequently produce great profit by delaying to selltill the prices rise. 

The barks that lade at Cambay go to Diu to supply the ships at that portwhich are taking in goods for the Red Sea and Ormuz, and some go toChaul and Goa. These ships are either well armed, or are protected byPortuguese ships of war, as there are many corsairs or piratescontinually cruizing along that coast, robbing and plundering whateverthey are able to master. The kingdom of Cambaia or Guzerat has greattrade, though it has long been in the hands of tyrants and usurpers, ever since the lawful sovereign, then 75 years of age, named SultanBadur, was slain, at the assault of Diu, at which time four or fiveprincipal officers of his army divided the kingdom among themselves, alltyrannizing in their several shares as in emulation of each other. Twelve years before my coming, the great Mogul, who is the Mahometanking of Delhi and Agra, 40 days journey inland from Amedabad, reducedall the provinces of Guzerat under his authority without resistance, hispower being so great that none of the usurpers dared to oppose him. While I dwelt in Cambay, I saw many curious things. There were aprodigious number of artificers who made ivory bracelets called mannij, of, various colours, with which the Gentile women are in use to decoratetheir arms, some covering their arms entirely over with them. In thissingle article there are many thousand crowns expended yearly, owing tothis singular custom, that, when any of their kindred die, they breakall their bracelets in token of grief and mourning, so that they haveimmediately to purchase new ones, as they would rather go without meatas not have these ornaments. 

SECTION VI. 

_Of Damann, Bassen, Tana, Chaul, and some other places_. 

Leaving Diu, I went on to Damann, the second city belonging to thePortuguese in the territory of Guzerat, and distant from Diu 120 miles. This place has no trade of any importance, except in rice and wheat, andhas many dependent villages, where in time of peace the Portuguese enjoythe pleasure of a country retirement, but in time of war they are allspoiled and plundered by the enemy, so that then they derive very smallbenefit from them. The next place is Bassen, a small dirty place incomparison with Damann, which supplies Goa with rice and wheat, besidestimber for the construction of ships and gallies. At a small distancefrom Bassen is a small island named Tana, well peopled with Portuguese, Moors, and Gentiles. This place affords nothing but rice, but containsmany manufacturers of _armesies_? and weavers of girdles made of wooland cotton, black and red like _moocharie_?

Beyond this is Chaul on the continent, where there are two cities, onebelonging to the Portuguese, and the other to the Moors; that whichbelongs to the Portuguese is lower than the other, commands the mouth ofthe harbour, and is very strongly fortified. About a mile and a halffrom this city is that of the Moors, belonging to their king _Zamaluco_, or Nizam-al-mulk. In time of war no large ships can go to the city ofthe Moors, as they must necessarily pass under the guns of thePortuguese castles, which would sink them. Both cities of Chaul aresea-ports, and have great trade in all kinds of spices, drugs, raw silk, manufactures of silk, sandal-wood, _Marsine, Versine_[125], porcelain ofChina, velvets and scarlets, both from Portugal and Mecca[126], withmany other valuable commodities. Every year there arrive ten or fifteenlarge ships, laden with great nuts called _Giagra_[127], which are curedor dried, and with sugar made from these nuts. The tree on which thesenuts grow is called the _Palmer_ tree, and is to be found in greatabundance over all India, especially between this place and Goa. Thistree very much resembles that which produces dates, and no tree in theworld is more profitable or more useful to man; no part of it but servesfor some useful purpose, neither is any part of it so worthless as to beburnt. Of its timber they build ships, and with the leaves they makesails. Its fruit, or nuts, produce wine, and from the wine they makesugar and _placetto_[128]. This wine is gathered in the spring of theyear from the middle of the tree, where there is then a continual streamof clear liquor like water, which they gather in vessels placed onpurpose under each tree, and take them away full every morning andevening. This liquor being distilled by means of fire, is converted intoa very strong liquor, which is then put into buts with a quantity ofwhite or black _Zibibs_, and in a short time it becomes a perfect wine. Of the nuts they make great quantities of oil. The tree is made intoboards and timbers for building houses. Of the bark cables and otherropes are made for ships which are said to be better than those made ofhemp. The branches are made into bed-steads after the Indian fashion, and into _Sanasches_? for merchandise. The leaves being cut into thinslips are woven into sails for all kinds of ships, or into thin mats. The outer rhind of the nut stamped serves as oakum for caulking ships, and the hard inner shell serves for spoons and other utensils forholding food or drink. Thus no portion whatever of this _Palmer_ tree isso worthless as to be thrown away or cast into the fire. When the nutsare green, they are full of a sweet water, excellent to drink, and theliquor contained in one nut is sufficient to satisfy a thirsty person. As the nut ripens, this liquor turns all into kernel. 

[Footnote 125: Formerly noticed as a species of velvet; but the wordsmarsine and versine were inexplicable in the days of Hakluyt, and mustso remain. --E. ]

[Footnote 126: The velvets and scarlet cloths from Mecca were probablyItalian manufactures, brought through Egypt and the Red Sea. --E. ]. 

[Footnote 127: These great nuts must necessarily be the cocoa nuts, andthe palmer tree, on which they grow, the cocoa palm. --E. ]

[Footnote 128: Possibly molasses are here meant. --E. ]

From Chaul, an infinite quantity of goods are exported for other partsof India, Macao, Portugal, the coast of Melinda, Ormuz, and other parts;such as cloth of _bumbast_ or cotton, white, painted, and printed, indigo, opium, silk of all kinds, borax in paste, asafoetida, iron, corn, and other things. Nizam-al-Mulk, the Moorish king, has greatpower, being able to take the field with 200, 000 men, and a great storeof artillery, some of which are made in pieces[129], and are so largethat they are difficultly removed, yet are they very commodiously used, and discharge enormous stone bullets, some of which have been sent tothe king of Portugal as rarities. The city of _Abnezer[130]_, in whichNizam-al-Mulk resides, is seven or eight days journey inland from Chaul. Seventy miles[131] from Chaul toward the Indies, or south, is Dabul, ahaven belonging to Nizam-al-Mulk, from whence to Goa is 150 miles[132]. 

[Footnote 129: Probably meaning that they were formed of bars hooped orwelded together, in the way in which the famous _Mons meg_, long inEdinburgh Castle, and now in the tower of London, was certainlymade. --E. ]

[Footnote 130: Perhaps that now called Assodnagur in the Mahrattacountry, about 125 miles nearly east from Chaul. --E. ]

[Footnote 131: In fact only about half that distance. --E. ]

[Footnote 132: About 165 English miles--E. ]

SECTION VII. 

_Of Goa. _

Goa, the principal city of the Portuguese in India, in which the viceroyresides with a splendid court, stands in an island about 25 or 30 milesin circuit. The city, with its boroughs or suburbs, is moderately large, and is sufficiently handsome for an Indian city; but the island is verybeautiful, being full of fine gardens, and adorned with many trees, among which are the _Palmer_, or cocoa-nut trees, formerly mentioned. Goa trades largely in all kinds of merchandise usual in these parts, andevery year five or six large ships come directly thither from Portugal, usually arriving about the 6th or 10th of September. They remain there40 or 50 days, and go from thence to Cochin, where they finish theirlading for Portugal; though they often load one ship at Goa and theother at Cochin for Portugal. Cochin is 420 miles from Goa. The city ofGoa stands in the kingdom of _Dial-can_, or Adel Khan, a Moorish orMahometan king, whose capital, called Bejapour or Visiapour, is eightdays journey inland from Goa[133]. This sovereign has great power; for, when I was at Goa in 1570, he came to attack that city, encamping with200, 000 men at a river side in the neighbourhood, where he remainedfourteen months, at the end of which a peace was concluded. It wasreported in Goa that a great mortality prevailed in his army during thewinter, which also killed many of his elephants. When I went in 1567from Goa to _Bezenegur_ or Bijanagur, the capital city of the kingdom of_Narsinga, _ eight days journey inland from Goa[134], I travelled incompany with two other merchants, who carried with them 300 Arabianhorses for sale to that king; the horses of the country being of smallstature, occasioning Arabian horses to sell at high prices in that partof India. Indeed it is necessary that the merchants should get goodprices, as they are at great charges in bringing them from Persia toOrmuz and thence to Goa. At going out of Goa, 42 pagodas are paid ofduty for each horse; the pagoda being a small gold coin worth about 6s. 8d. Sterling. In the inland country of Narsinga, the Arabian horses sellfor 300, 400, and 500 ducats each, and some very superior horses sell ashigh as 1000 ducats. 

[Footnote 133: About 175, N. E. From Goa. In the original it is calledBisapor. --E. ]

[Footnote 134: The ruins of the royal city of Bijanagur are 190 Englishmiles nearly due east from Goa. --E. ]

SECTION VIII. 

_Of the City of Bijanagur. _

In the year 1565, the city of Bijanagur was sacked by four Moorish kingsof great power: Adel-Khan, Nizam-al-Mulk, Cotub-al-Mulk, andViriday-Khan; yet with all their power they were unable to overcome thiscity and its king but by means of treachery. The king of Bijanagur was aGentile, and among the captains of his numerous army had two famousMoors, each of whom commanded over seventy or eighty thousand men. Thesetwo captains being of the same religion with the four Moorish kings, treacherously combined with them to betray their own sovereign. Accordingly, when the king of Bijanagur, despising the power of hisenemies, boldly faced them in the field, the battle had scarcely lastedfour hours, when the two treacherous captains, in the very heat of thebattle, turned with their followers against their own sovereign, andthrew his army into such disorder that it broke and fled in the utmostconfusion. 

This kingdom of Bijanagur had been governed for thirty years by theusurpation of three brothers, keeping the lawful king a state prisoner, and ruling according to their own pleasure, shewing the king only once ayear to his subjects. They had been principal officers under the fatherof the king whom they now held a prisoner, who was very young when hisfather died, and they assumed the government. The eldest brother wascalled _Ram rajah_, who sat in the royal throne and was called king; thesecond was named _Temi rajah_, who held charge of the civil governmentof the country; and the third, _Bengatre_, was general in chief of thearmy. In the great battle against the four Mahometan kings all the threebrothers were present, but the first and the last were never heard ofmore, neither dead nor alive. Temi rajah alone escaped from the battle, with the loss of one eye. On the news of this great defeat coming to thecity of Bijanagur, the wives and children of the three tyrants fled withthe imprisoned king, and the four Mahometan kings entered the city ingreat triumph, where they remained for six months, searching everywherefor money and valuable effects that had been hidden. After this theydeparted, being unable to retain possession of so extensive a dominionat such a distance from their own territory[135]. 

[Footnote 135: The reason in the text for evacuating the kingdom ofNarsinga, or Bijanagur, is very unsatisfactory, as it in fact borderedon their dominions. More probably they could not agree on the partition, each being afraid of the others acquiring an ascendancy, and theysatisfied themselves with the enormous spoils of the capital. This eventhas been before mentioned from De Faria. --E. ]

After the retreat of the four kings, Temi rajah returned to Bijanagur, which he repeopled, and sent word to the merchants of Goa to bring allthe horses to him that they had for sale, promising good prices; and itwas on this occasion that the two merchants went up with their horses, whom I accompanied. This tyrant also issued a proclamation, that if anymerchant happened to have any of the horses which were taken in the latebattle, even although they happened to have the Bijanagur mark uponthem, that he would pay for them their full values, and give safeconduct for all who had such to come to his capital. When by this meanshe had procured a great number of horses, he put off the merchants withfair promises, till he saw that no more horses were likely to come, andhe then ordered the merchants to depart without giving them any thingfor the horses. I remained in Bijanagur seven months, though I mighthave concluded my whole business in one; but it was necessary for me toremain until the ways were cleared of thieves and robbers, who ranged upand down in whole troops. 

While I rested there I saw many strange and barbarous deeds done amongthese Gentiles. When any noble man or woman dies, the dead body isburned. If a married man die, his widow must burn herself alive for thelove of her husband, and along with his body; but she may have therespite of a month, or even of two or three, if she will. When theappointed day arrives on which she is to be burnt, she goeth out fromher house very early in the morning, either on horseback or on anelephant, or on a stage carried by eight men, apparelled like a bride, and is carried in triumph all round the city, having her hair hangingdown about her shoulders, garnished with jewels and flowers, accordingto her circumstances, and seemingly as joyful as a bride in Venice goingto her nuptials. On this occasion, she carries a mirror in her lefthand, and an arrow in her right, and sings during the procession, saying, that she is going to sleep with her dear husband. In this mannershe continues, surrounded by her kindred and friends till about one ortwo in the afternoon, when the procession goes out of the city to theside of the river called _Nigondin_ or _Toombuddra_, which runs past thewalls of the city, to a certain spot where this ceremony is usuallyperformed, where there is prepared a large square pit full of driedwood, having a little pinnacle or scaffold close to one side four orfive steps up. On her arrival, a great banquet is prepared, where thevictim eats with as much apparent joy as if it were her wedding-day; andat the end of the feast there is dancing and singing so long as shethinks fit. At length she gives orders of her own accord to kindle thedry wood in the square pit; and when told that the fire is kindled, shetakes the nearest kinsman of her husband by the hand, who leads her tothe bank of the river, where she puts off her jewels and all herclothes, distributing them among her parents or relations; when, puttingon a cloth, that she may not be seen naked by the people, she throwethherself into the river, saying, O! wretches wash away your sins. Comingout of the water, she rolls herself up in a yellow cloth, fourteen yardslong, and again taking the nearest kinsman of her husband by the hand, they go together to the pinnacle at the funeral pile. From this placeshe addresses the people, to whom she recommends her children andrelations. Before the pinnacle it is usual to place a mat, that she maynot see the fierce fire; yet there are many who order this to beremoved, as not afraid of the sight. When the silly woman has reasonedwith the people for some time, another woman takes a pot of oil, part ofwhich she pours on the head of the devoted victim, anointing also herwhole body with the same, and then throws the pot into the fire, whichthe widow immediately follows, leaping into the fiercest of the fire. Then those who stand around the pile throw after her many great piecesof wood, by the blows from which, and the fierce fire in which she isenveloped, she quickly dies and is consumed. Immediately the mirth ofthe people is changed to sorrow and weeping, and such howling andlamentation is set up as one is hardly able to bear. I have seen manyburnt in this manner, as my house was near the gate where they go out tothe place of burning; and when a great man dies, not only his widow, butall the female slaves with whom he has had connection, are burnt alongwith his body. Also when the baser sort of people die, I have seen thedead husband carried to the place of sepulchre, where he is placedupright; then cometh his widow, and, placing herself on her knees beforehim, she clasps her arms about his neck, till the masons have built awall around both as high us their necks. Then a person from behindstrangles the widow, and the workmen finish the building over theirheads, and thus they remain immured in one tomb. Inquiring the reason ofthis barbarous custom, I was told that this law had been established inancient times as a provision against the slaughters which the women werein use to make of their husbands, poisoning them on every slight causeof displeasure; but that since the promulgation of this law they havebeen more faithful to their husbands, reckoning their lives as dear tothem as their own, because after the death of their husband their own issure soon to follow. There are many other abominable customs among thesepeople, but of which I have no desire to write. 

In consideration of the injury done to Bijanagur by the four Mahometankings, the king with his court removed from that city in 1567, and wentto dwell in a castle named _Penegonde_, eight days journey inland fromBijanagur. Six days journey from Bijanagur is the place where diamondsare got[136]. I was not there, but was told that it is a great placeencompassed by a wall, and that the ground within is sold to theadventurers at so much per square measure, and that they are evenlimited as to the depth they may dig. All diamonds found of a certainsize and above belong to the king, and all below that size to theadventurers. It is a long time since any diamonds have been got there, owing to the troubles that have distracted the kingdom of Narsinga: Forthe son of Temi rajah having put the imprisoned king to death, thenobles and great men of the kingdom refused to acknowledge authority ofthe tyrant, so that the kingdom has fallen into anarchy, every onesetting up for themselves. 

[Footnote 136: The diamond mines of Raolconda are about 90 miles directnorth from the ruins of Bijanagur, on the Kisma. The castle of Penegondeis not now to be found in the maps of Indostan; but indeed the names ofthis ingenious traveller an often unintelligible, and almost alwaysextremely corrupt. --E. ]

The city of Bijanagur is not altogether destroyed, as the houses aresaid to be still standing, but entirely void of population, and becomethe dwellings of tigers, and other wild beasts. The circuit of thisgreat city is twenty-four miles round the walls, within which areseveral hills. The ordinary dwellings are of earthen walls, andsufficiently mean, but the three palaces of the tyrant brothers, and thepagodas or idol temples, are built of fine marble, cemented with lime. Ihave seen many kings courts, yet have never seen any thing to comparewith the greatness of the royal palace of Bijanagur, which hath ninegates. First, when you go into that part where the king lodged, thereare five great gates kept by captains and soldiers: Within these arefour lesser gates, which are kept by porters. On the outer side of thefirst gate is a small porch or lodge, where there is a captain andtwenty-five soldiers, who keep watch day and night; and within thatanother, with a similar guard. Through this you enter into a very faircourt, at the end of which is another porch like the first, with asimilar guard, and within that another court. Thus the first five gatesare each guarded by their respective captains. Then each of the lessergates within are kept by a separate guard of porters. These gates standopen the greatest part of the night, as it is the custom of the Gentilesto transact business and make their feasts during the night, rather thanin the day. This city is very safe from thieves, insomuch that thePortuguese merchants sleep under porches open to the street, and yetnever meet with any injury. 

At the end of two months, I determined to go for Goa, in company withtwo Portuguese merchants, who were making ready to depart in twopalankins or small litters, which are very convenient vehicles fortravelling, being carried by eight _falchines_, or bearers, four at atime, and other four as reliefs. For my own use I bought two bullocks, one to ride upon and the other to carry my provisions. In that countrythey ride upon bullocks, having pannels fastened with girths, and guidethem with bridles. In summer, the journey from Bijanagur to Goa takesonly eight days; but we went in July, which is the middle of winter inthat country, and were fifteen days in going to _Ancola_, on the seacoast. On the eighth day of the journey I lost both my bullocks. Thatwhich carried my provisions was weak, and could not proceed; and onpassing a river by means of a small foot bridge, I made my otherbullock swim across, but he stopt on a small island in the middle of theriver where he found pasture, and we could devise no means to get himout. I was under the necessity therefore to leave him, and was forced togo on foot for seven days, during which it rained almost incessantly, and I suffered great fatigue. By good fortune I met some_falchines_[137] by the way, whom I hired to carry my clothes andprovisions. In this journey we suffered great troubles, being every daymade prisoners, and had every morning at our departure to pay four orfive _pagies?_ a man as ransom. Likewise, as we came almost every dayinto the country of a new governor, though all tributary to the king ofBijanagur, we found that every one of them had their own copper coin, sothat the money we got in change one day was not current on the next. Atlength, by the mercy of God, we got safe to _Ancola_, which is in thecountry of the queen of _Gargopam_[138], a tributary to the king ofBijanagur. 

[Footnote 137: These _falchines_ of Cesar Frederick are now denominated_coolies_. --E. ]

[Footnote 138: These names of Ancola and Gargopam are so unintelligiblycorrupted, as not be even conjecturally referable to any places ordistricts in our best maps. --E. ]

The merchandise sent every year from Goa to Bijanagur consists ofArabian horses, velvets, damasks, satins, armoisins of Portugal, porcelain of China, saffron, and scarlet cloth; and at Bijanagur, theyreceived in exchange or barter, jewels and pagodas, which are the goldducats of the country. At Bijanagur, according to the state andcondition of the wearers, the apparel is of velvet, satin, damask, scarlet cloth, or white cotton; and they wear long hats on their heads, called _colae_, made of similar materials; having girdles round theirbodies of fine cotton cloth. They wear breeches made like those used bythe Turks; having on their feet plain high things called _aspergh_. Intheir ears they wear great quantities of golden ornaments. 

Returning to my journey. When we got to _Ancola_, one of my companionshaving nothing to lose, took a guide and set out for Goa, which is onlyat the distance of four days journey; but as the other Portuguese wasnot inclined to travel any farther at this season, he and I remainedthere for the winter[139], which beginning on the 15th of May, lasts tothe end of October. While we tarried there, another horse-merchantarrived in a palanquin, together with two Portuguese soldiers fromCeylon, and two letter-carriers, who were Christians born in India. Allthese persons agreed to go in company to Goa, and I resolved to go withthem; for which purpose, I got a sorry palanquin made for me of canes, and in the hollow of one of these I concealed all my jewels. Accordingto the usual custom, I hired eight _falchines_ or bearers, and we setoff one day about eleven o'clock. About two o'clock the same day, as wewere passing a mountain which separates the territory of _Ancola_ fromthat belonging to Abel Khan, and while I was a little way behind therest of the company, I was assaulted by eight robbers, four of whom werearmed with swords and targets, and the others with bows and arrows. Mybearers immediately let fall the palanquin and ran off, leaving me aloneon the ground wrapped up in my clothes. The robbers instantly came upand rifled me of every thing I had, leaving me stark naked. I pretendedto be sick and would not quit the palanquin, in which I had made a kindof bed of my spare clothes. After searching with great industry, thethieves found two purses in which I had tied up some copper money I hadgot in change for four pagodas at Ancola; and thinking this treasureconsisted of gold coin, they searched no farther, and went away, throwing all my clothes into a bush. Fortunately at their departure theydropped a handkerchief which I noticed, and getting up I wrapped it upin my palaquin[140]. In this forlorn condition, I had resolved to pluckthe hollow cane from my palanquin in which my jewels were hid, and tohave endeavoured to make my own way on foot to Goa, using the cane as awalking stick. But my bearers were so faithful that they returned tolook for me after the robbers departed, which indeed I did not expect, as they were paid before hand, according to the custom of India. We gotto Goa in four days, during which I fared very badly, as the robbers hadleft me no money of any kind, and all I had to eat was given me by mybearers for God's sake; but after my arrival in Goa, I paid them royallyfor what they gave me. 

[Footnote 139: This winter of our author, on the coast of Canara, inabout the lat. Of 15° N. When the sun is nearly vertical, must beunderstood as the rainy season. --E. ]

[Footnote 140: This incident in the text is given as fortunate, andperhaps it ought to have been expressed, "He wrapped it about his loinsand returned to his palanquin. "--E. ]

From Goa I departed for Cochin, a voyage of 300 miles, there beingseveral strong-holds belonging to the Portuguese between these twocities, as Onore, Barcelore, Mangalore, and Cananore. Onore, the firstof these, is in the dominions of the queen of _Battacella_, or_Batecolah_, who is tributary to the king of Bijanagur. There is notrade at this place, which is only a military post held by a captainwith a company of soldiers. After this you go to another small castle ofthe Portuguese called Mangalore, in which there is only a small trade inrice. Thence you go to a little fort called Bazelore[141], whence agreat deal of rice is transported to Goa. From thence you go to a citynamed Cananore, which is within a musket-shot of the capital of the kingof Cananore who is a Gentile[142]. He and his people are wicked andmalicious, delighting in going to war with the Portuguese; yet when atpeace they find their interest in trading with them. From this kingdomof Cananore is procured great store of cardomums, pepper, ginger, honey, cocoa-nuts, and _archa_ or _areka_. This is a fruit about the size of anutmeg, which is chewed in all the Indies, and even beyond them, alongwith the leaf of a plant resembling ivy called _betel_. The nut iswrapped up in a leaf of the betel along with some lime made of oystershells, and through all the Indies they spend a great deal of money; onthis composition, which they use daily, a thing I could not havebelieved if I had not seen it continually practised. A great revenue isdrawn from this herb, as it pays custom. When they chew this in theirmouths, it makes their spittle as red as blood, and it is said toproduce a good appetite and a sweet breath; but in my opinion, they eatit rather to satisfy their filthy lusts, for this herb is moist and hot, and causes a strong expulsion. 

[Footnote 141: This must be Barcelore, and ought to have been namedbefore Managalore, as above 50 miles to the north, between Goa andManagalore. --E. ]

[Footnote 142: This passage ought to have stood thus "The fort ofCananore belonging to the Portuguese, only a musket-shot from the cityof that name, the capital of" &c. --E. ]

From Cananore you go Cranganore, which is a small fort of the Portuguesein the country of the king of Cranganore, another king of the Gentiles. This is a country of small importance of about a hundred miles extent, full of thieves, subject to the king of Calicut, who is another king ofthe Gentiles and a great enemy to the Portuguese, with whom he iscontinually engaged in war. This country is a receptacle of foreignthieves, and especially of those Moors called _Carposa_, on account oftheir wearing long red caps. These thieves divide the spoil they getwith the king of Calicut, who gives them leave to go a-roving; so thatthere are so many thieves all along this coast, that there is no sailingin those seas except in large ships well armed, or under convoy ofPortuguese ships of war. From Cranganore to Cochin is 15 miles[143]. 

[Footnote 143: The direct distance is twenty geographical miles. --E. ]

SECTION IX. 

_Of Cochin. _

Cochin, next to Goa, is the chief place in India belonging to thePortuguese, and has a great trade in spices, drugs, and all other kindsof merchandise for Portugal. Inland from that place is the peppercountry, which pepper is loaded by the Portuguese in bulk not in sacks. The pepper which is sent to Portugal is not so good as that which goesup the Red Sea; because in times past the officers of the king ofPortugal made a contract with the king of Cochin for all the pepper, tobe delivered at a fixed price, which is very low; and for which reasonthe country people deliver it to the Portuguese unripe and full of dirt. As the Moors of Mecca give a better price, they get it clean and dry andin much better condition; but all the spices and drugs which they carryto Mecca and the Red Sea are contraband and stolen or smuggled. Thereare two cities at Cochin, one of which belongs to the Portuguese and theother to the native king; that of the Portuguese being nearer the sea, while the native city is a mile and a half farther up the same river. They are both on the banks of the same large river, which comes from themountains in the pepper country[144], in which are many Christians ofthe order of St Thomas. The king of Cochin is a Gentile and a steadfastfriend to the king of Portugal, and to all the Portuguese who aremarried and have become citizens of Cochin. By the name of Portuguese, all the Christians are known in India who come from Europe, whether theybe Italians, Frenchmen, or Germans. All those who marry and settle atCochin get some office according to the trades they are off, by whichthey have great privileges. The two principal commodities in which theydeal are silk which comes in great quantities from China, and largequantities of sugar, which comes from Bengal. The married citizens payno customs for these two commodities; but pay 4s. Per centum for allother goods to the king of Cochin, rating their own goods almost attheir own valuation. Those who are not married pay to the king ofPortugal 8s. Per centum for all kinds of commodities. While I was inCochin, the viceroy used his endeavours to break the privileges of thesemarried citizens, that they might pay the same rates of customs withothers. On this occasion the citizens were glad to weigh their pepper inthe night to evade the customs. When this came to the knowledge of theking of Cochin, he put a stop to the delivery of pepper, so that theviceroy was glad to allow the merchants to do as formerly. 

[Footnote 144: In the version of Cesar Frederick in Hakluyt, it is said"to come from the mountains of the king of the pepper country, who is aGentile, and in whose dominions there are many Christians, " &c. As inthe text. This king of the pepper country is probably meant for therajah of Travancore. The great river of the text is merely a sound, which reaches along the coast from Cochin to beyond Coulan, a distanceof above 90 miles, forming a long range of low islands on the sea-coast, and receiving numerous small rivers from the southern gauts. --E. ]

The king of Cochin has small power in comparison with the othersovereigns of India as he is unable to send above 70, 000 men into thefield. He has a great number of gentlemen, some of whom are called_Amochi_[145] and others _Nairs_. These two sorts of men do not valuetheir lives in any thing which tends to the honour of their king, andwill run freely into any danger in his service, even if sure to losetheir lives in the attempt. These men go naked from the waist upwards, and barefooted, having only a cloth wrapped about their thighs. Theirhair is long and rolled up on the top of their heads, and they go alwaysarmed, carrying bucklers and naked swords. The Nairs have their wives incommon among themselves, and when any of them goes into the house of oneof these women, he leaves his sword and buckler at the door, and whilehe is within no other dare enter the house. The king's children neverinherit the kingdom after their fathers, lest perchance they may havebeen begotten by some other man; wherefore the son of the king'ssisters, or of some female of the royal-blood succeeds, that they may besure of having a king of the royal family. Those Naires and their wiveshave great holes in their ears by way of ornament, so large and wide asis hardly credible, holding that the larger these holes are, so much themore noble are they. I had leave from one of them to measure thecircumference of the hole in one of his ears with a thread; and withinthat circumference I put my arm up to the shoulder with my clothes on, so that in fact they are monstrously large. This is begun when they arevery young, at which time a hole is made in each ear, to which they hanga piece of gold or a lump of lead, putting a certain leaf into the holewhich causes the hole to increase prodigiously. They load ships atCochin both for Portugal and Ormuz: but all the pepper that is carriedto Ormuz is smuggled. Cinnamon and all other spices and drugs arepermitted to be exported to Ormuz or Cambaia, as likewise all otherkinds of merchandise from other parts of India. From Cochin there aresent yearly to Portugal great quantities of pepper, dry and preservedginger, wild cinnamon, areka nuts and large store of cordage made of_cayro_, that is from the bark of the cocoa-nut tree, which is reckonedbetter than that made of hemp. The ships for Portugal depart everyseason between the 5th of December and the 5th of January. 

[Footnote 145: On former occasions these _amochi_ have been explained asdevoted naires, under a vow to revenge the death of theirsovereign. --E. ]

From Cochin I went to Coulan, at which is a small fort belonging to thePortuguese, 72 miles from Cochin. This is a place of small trade, asevery year a ship gets only half a lading of pepper here, and then goesto Cochin to be filled up. From Cochin to Cape Comorin is 72 miles, andhere ends the Indian coast. Along this coast, and also at Cape Comorin, and down to the low lands of _Chialon_[146], which is about 200 miles, there are great numbers of the natives converted to the Christian faith, and among them are many churches of the order of St Paul, the friars ofwhich order do much good in these places, and take great pains toinstruct the natives in the Christian faith. 

[Footnote 146: These geographical notices are inexplicable, unless by_Chialon_ is meant the low or maritime parts of Ceylon, which CesarFrederick afterwards calls Zeilan. --E. ]

SECTION X. 

_Of the Pearl Fishery in the Gulf of Manaar_. 

The men along the coast which extends from Cape Comorin to the low landof _Chioal_[147], and the island of _Zeilan_ or Ceylon, is called thepearl-fishery. This fishery is made every year, beginning in March orApril, and lasts fifty days. The fishery is by no means made every yearat one place, but one year at one place, and another year at anotherplace; all however in the same sea. When the fishing season approaches, some good divers are sent to discover where the greatest quantities ofoysters are to be found under water; and then directly facing that placewhich is chosen for the fishery, a village with a number of houses, anda bazar all of stone, is built, which stands as long as the fisherylasts, and is amply supplied with all necessaries. Sometimes it happensnear places already inhabited, and at other times at a distance from anyhabitations. The fishers or divers are all Christians of the country, and all are permitted to engage in this fishery, on payment of certainduties to the king of Portugal, and to the churches of the friars of StPaul on that coast. Happening to be there one year in my peregrinations, I saw the order used in fishing, which is as follows. 

[Footnote 147: This word is unintelligible, having no similar name inmodern geography. From the context, it seems to signify the maritimecoast of Tinnevelly and Marwar, or the most southern part of theCarnatic, opposite to Ceylon; and may possibly be that called _Chialon_immediately before--E. ]

During the continuance of the fishery, there are always three or fourarmed foists or galliots stationed to defend the fishermen from pirates. Usually the fishing-boats unite in companies of three or four together. These boats resemble our pilot boats at Venice, but are somewhatsmaller, having seven or eight men in each. I have seen of a morning agreat number of these boats go out to fish, anchoring in 15 or 18fathoms water, which it the ordinary depth all along this coast. When atanchor, they cast a rope into the sea, having a great stone at one end. Then a man, having his ears well stopped, and his body anointed withoil, and a basket hanging to his neck or under his left arm, goes downto the bottom of the sea along the rope, and fills his basket withoysters as fast as he can. When that is full, he shakes the rope, andhis companions draw him up with the basket. The divers follow each otherin succession in this manner, till the boat is loaded with oysters, andthey return at evening to the fishing village. Then each boat or companymakes their heap of oysters at some distance from each other, so that along row of great heaps of oysters are seen piled along the shore. Theseare not touched till the fishing is over, when each company sits downbeside its own heap, and fails to opening the oysters, which is noweasy, as the fish within are all dead and dry. If every oyster hadpearls in them, it would be a profitable occupation, but there are manywhich have none. There are certain persons called _Chitini_, who arelearned in pearls, and are employed to sort and value them, according totheir weight, beauty, and goodness, dividing them into four sorts. The_first_ sort, which are round, are named _aia_ of Portugal, as they arebought by the Portuguese: The _second_, which are not round, are named_aia_ of Bengal: The _third_, which are inferior to the second, arecalled _aia_ of Canara, which is the name of the kingdom of Bijanagur orNarsinga, into which they are sold: And the _fourth_, or lowest kind, iscalled _aia_ of Cambaia, being sold into that country[148]. Thus sorted, and prices affixed to each, there are merchants from all countries readywith their money, so that in a few days all the pearls are bought up, according to their goodness and weight. 

[Footnote 148: Pearls are weighed by _carats_, each of which is fourgrains. The men who sort and price them have a copper instrument withholes of various sizes, by which they estimate their severalvalues. --_Hakluyt_. ]

In this sea of the pearl-fishery there is an island called _Manaar_, over-against Ceylon, inhabited by Christians who were formerly Gentiles, and in which island there is a small fort belonging to the Portuguese. Between this island and Ceylon there is a narrow channel with a smalldepth of water, through which only small ships can pass at the full andchange of the moon, when the tides are high, and even then they must puttheir cargoes into lighters to enable them to pass the shoals, afterwhich they take in their goods again, and proceed on their voyage. Butlarge ships going for the eastern coast of India pass by the coast ofCoromandel, on the other side of this gulf, beside the land of_Chilao_[149], which is between the firm land and the isle of Manaar. Onthis voyage ships are sometimes lost, but they are empty, as ships goingthis way discharge their cargoes at _Periapatam_ into smallflat-bottomed boats named _Tane_, which can run over any shoal withoutdanger, as they always wait at Periapatam for fine weather. On departingfrom Periapatam, the small ships and flat-bottomed boats go alwaystogether, and on arriving at the shoals about thirty-six miles from thatplace, they are forced through by the winds, which always blow soforcibly that they have no means of taking shelter during the passage. The flat boats go through safely; but if the small ships happen to missthe proper channel, they get fast on the shoals, by which many of themare lost. In coming back from the Indies, instead of this passage, theytake the channel of Manaar, which has an ouze bottom, so that even incase of grounding they are generally got off again without damage. Thereason of not using this passage on the outward voyage is, that theprevailing winds between Ceylon and Manaar frequently occasion thatchannel to have so little water that it cannot be navigated. From CapeComorin to the island of Ceylon, the distance is 120 miles. 

[Footnote 149: By this account of the matter, the land of _Chilao_appears to be the island of Ramiseram, between which and the island ofManaar extends a reef of rocks called _Adams Bridge_. The deep channelis between Ramiseram and the point of _Tanitory_ on the Coromandelcoast. --E. ]

SECTION XI. 

_Of the Island of Ceylon_

In my judgment, the island of Ceylon is a great deal larger than Cyprus. On the west side, facing India, is the city of Columba, the principalhold of the Portuguese, but without walls or enemies. In this city, which has a free port, dwells the lawful king of the whole island, whohas become a Christian, and is maintained by the king of Portugal, having been deprived of his kingdom. The heathen king to whom thisisland formerly belonged was named _Madoni_, who had two sons named_Barbinas_ and _Ragine_. By acquiring the favour of the soldiers, theyounger son Ragine usurped the kingdom, in prejudice of his father andelder brother, and became a great warrior. Formerly there were threekingdoms in this island. Those were, the kingdom of Cotta, with otherdependent or conquered provinces: The kingdom of Candy, which hadconsiderable power, and was allied to the Portuguese, the king beingsupposed a secret Christian: The third was the kingdom of_Gianisampatam_, or Jafnapatam. During thirteen years that _Ragine_ruled over this island, he became a great tyrant. 

The island of Ceylon produces fine cinnamon and abundance of pepper, with great quantities of _nuts_ and _aroche_[150]. They here make greatquantities of _cayre_ of which ropes are manufactured, as formerlynoticed. It likewise produces great store of that kind of crystal called_ochi de gati_ or cats eyes, and it is said to produce some rubies; buton my return thither from Pegu, I sold some rubies here for a goodprice, which I had bought in that country. Being desirous to see how thecinnamon is gathered from the trees, and happening to be there duringthe season when it is gathered, which is in the month of April; at thistime the Portuguese were in the field making war on the king of thecountry, yet to satisfy my curiosity, I took a guide and went out into awood about three miles from the city, where there grew great numbers ofcinnamon trees intermixed among other wild trees. The cinnamon is asmall tree not very high, and has leaves resembling those of the baytree. In March or April, when the sap rises, the cinnamon or bark istaken from the trees. They cut the bark of the trees round about inlengths, from knot to knot, or from joint to joint, both above andbelow, and then easily strip it off with their hands, after which it islaid in the sun to dry. Yet for all this the tree does not die, butrecovers a new bark by the next year. That which is gathered every yearis the best cinnamon, as what remains upon the trees for two or threeyears becomes thick and coarse, and not so good as the other. In thesewoods there grows much pepper. 

[Footnote 150: The author probably here means cocoa-nuts and areka. --E. ]

SECTION XII. 

_Of Negapatam. _

From the island of Ceylon a trade is carried on in small ships toNegapatam on the continent, and 72 miles off is a very great andpopulous city, full of Portuguese and native Christians, with manyGentiles. [151] Almost the only trade here is for rice and cotton cloth, which is carried to various countries. It formerly abounded in victuals, on which account many Portuguese resorted thither and built houses, asthey could live there at small expense, but provisions have now becomescarcer and dearer. This city belongs to a Gentile nobleman of thekingdom of Bijanagur, yet the Portuguese and other Christians are welltreated, and have built churches, together with a monastery of theFranciscans. They live with great devotion, and are well accommodatedwith houses; yet are they among tyrants who may always do them much harmat their pleasure, as in reality happened to them in the year 1565. Atthat time the _nayer_ or lord of the city sent to demand from thecitizens certain Arabian horses, which they refused; whereupon this lordgave out that he proposed to take a view of the sea, so that the poorcitizens doubted some evil was meant against them by this unusualcircumstance, dreading that he would plunder the city. Accordingly theyembarked as fast as they could with all their goods and moveables, merchandise, jewels, and money, and put off from the shore. But to theirgreat misfortune, a great storm arose next night, by which all theirships were driven on shore and wrecked, and all their goods which cameto land were seized by the troops of this great lord, who had come downwith his army to see the sea. 

[Footnote 151: It is not easy to say whether the author means to expressthat Negapatam is this great city 72 miles from Ceylon, or if he refersto another city 72 miles from Negapatam. --E. ]

SECTION XIII. 

_Of Saint Thome and other places. _

Following my voyage from Negapatam 150 miles towards the east, I came tothe house of the blessed apostle St Thomas[152], which is a church heldin great devotion, and is even much reverenced by the Gentiles, for thegreat miracles which they have heard were performed by that holyapostle. Near to this church the Portuguese have built a city, whichstands in the country that is subject to the king of Bijanagur. Thoughnot large, this city, in my judgment, is the handsomest in all that partof India, having many good houses with fine gardens in the environs. Thestreets are large and in straight lines, with many well frequentedchurches; and the houses are built contiguous, each having a small door, so that every house is sufficiently defensible by the Portuguese againstthe natives. The Portuguese have no other property here beyond theirhouses and gardens, as the sovereignty, together with the customs ontrade, belong to the king of Bijanagur. These customs are small andeasy, and the country is very rich and has great trade. Every year therecome to this port two or three very large and rich ships, besides manyother small ships. One of these great ships goes to Pegu and the otherto Malacca, laden with fine _bumbast_ or cotton cloth of all kinds, manyof them being beautifully painted, and as it were _gilded_ with variouscolours, which grow the livelier the oftener they are washed. There isalso other cotton cloth that is woven of divers colours and is of greatvalue. They also make at St Thome a great quantity of red yarn, dyedwith a root called _saia_, which never fades in its colour, but growsthe redder the oftener it is washed. Most of this red yarn is sent toPegu, where it is woven into cloth according to their own fashion, andat less cost than can be done at St Thome. 

[Footnote 152: St Thome, about 5 miles south from Madras, is about 160English miles nearly north from Negapatam. --E. ]

The shipping and landing of men and merchandise at St Thome is verywonderful to those who have not seen it before. The place is sodangerous that ordinary small barks or ships boats cannot be used, asthese would be beaten to pieces; but they have certain high barks madeon purpose, which they call _Masadie_ or _Mussolah_, made of smallboards sewed together with small cords, in which the owners will embarkeither men or goods. They are laden upon dry land, after which theboatmen thrust the loaded boat into the stream, when with the utmostspeed they exert themselves to row her out against the huge waves of thesea which continually best on that shore, and so carry them out to theships. In like manner these _Masadies_ are laden at the ships with menand merchandise; and when they come near the shore, the men leap outinto the sea to keep the bark right, that she may not cast athwart theshore, and keeping her right stem on, the surf of the sea sets her withher lading high and dry on the land without hurt or danger. Yetsometimes these boats are overset; but there can be but small loss onsuch occasions, as they lade but little at a time. All the goods carriedoutwards in this manner are securely covered with ox hides, to preventany injury from wetting. 

In my return voyage in 1566, I went from Goa to Malacca in a ship orgalleon belonging to the king of Portugal, which was bound for Banda tolade nutmegs and mace. From Goa to Malacca it is 1800 miles. We passedwithout the island of Ceylon and went through the channel of _Nicobar_, and then through the channel of _Sombrero_, past the island of Sumatra, called in old times _Taprobana_. [153] Nicobar, off the coast of Pegu, consists of a great multitude of islands, many of which are inhabited bya wild people. These islands are likewise called _Andemaon_ orAndaman. [154] The natives are savages who eat each other, and arecontinually engaged in war, which they carry on in small boats, chieflyto make prisoners for their cannibal feasts. When by any chance a shiphappens to be cast away on those islands, as many have been, the men aresure to be slain and devoured. These savages have no trade orintercourse with any other people, but live entirely on the productionsof their own islands. In my voyage from Malacca through the channel ofSombrero, two boats came off from these islands to our ship laden withfruit, such as _Mouces_ which we call Adams apples, with fresh cocoanuts, and another fruit named _Inani_, much like our turnips, but verysweet and good to eat. These people could not be prevailed on to come onboard our ship, neither would they accept payment for their fruit inmoney, but bartered them for old shirts or old trowsers. These rags werelet down from the ship into their boats by a rope, and when they hadconsidered what they were worth in their estimation, they tied as muchfruit as they thought proper to give in exchange to the rope, which theyallowed us to hale up. I was told that sometimes a man may get avaluable piece of amber for an old shirt. 

[Footnote 153: The Taprobana or Sielendive of the ancients certainly wasCeylon, not Sumatra. --E. ]

[Footnote 154: The Andaman and Nicobar islands, in long. 93° East fromGreenwich, reach from the lat. Of 6° 45' to 15° N. --E. ]

SECTION XIV. 

_Of the Island of Sumatra and the City of Malacca_. 

The island of Sumatra is very large and is governed by many kings, beingdivided by many channels through which there is a passage[155]. Towardsthe west end is the kingdom of _Assi_ or _Acheen_, under a Mahometanking who has great military power, besides a great number of_foists_[156] and gallies. This kingdom produces large quantities ofpepper, besides ginger and benzoin. The king is a bitter enemy to thePortuguese, and has frequently gone against Malacca, doing great injuryto its dependent towns, but was always bravely resisted by the citizens, with great injury to his camp and navy, done by their artillery from thewalls and batteries. 

[Footnote 155: This assertion is unintelligible, unless the author meansto include a number of small islands off the coast as belonging toSumatra. --E. ]

[Footnote 156: Foists are described as a kind of brigantines, ratherlarger than half gallies, and much used by the Turks and other easternnations in those days for war. _Maons_, formerly mentioned among theships of Soliman Pacha in the siege of Diu, are said to have been largeflat-bottomed vessels or hulks, of 700 or 800 tons burden, havingsometimes _seven_ mizen sails. --_Hakluyt_. ]

Leaving Sumatra on the right hand, I came to Malacca, which is a city ofwonderful trade in all kinds of merchandise from various parts, as allships frequenting those seas whether large or small must stop at Malaccato pay customs, even though they do not load or unload any part of theircargoes at that place, just as all ships in Europe frequenting theBaltic must do at Elsineur. Should any pass under night without payingthe dues at Malacca, they fall into great danger afterwards, if foundany where in India without the _seal of Malacca_, having in that case topay double duties. 

I have not gone beyond Malacca during my Indian peregrinations. Indeedthe trade to the east of Malacca, particularly to China and Japan, isnot free for all, being reserved by the king of Portugal to himself andhis nobles, or to those who have special leave for this purpose from theking, who expects to know what voyages are made from Malacca eastwards. The royal voyages from Malacca eastwards are as follow. Every year twogalleons belonging to the king depart from Malacca, one of which isbound for the Moluccas to lade cloves, and the other goes to Banda fornutmegs and mace. These two are entirely laden on the kings account, anddo not take any goods belonging to individuals, saving only theprivilege of the mariners and soldiers. Hence these voyages are notfrequented by merchants, who would have no means of transporting theirreturn goods, and besides the captains of these ships are not permittedto carry any merchants thither. There go however to these places somesmall ships belonging to the Moors from the coast of Java, who exchangeor barter their commodities in the kingdom of Acheen. These are mace, cloves, and nutmegs, which are sent from Acheen to the Red Sea. Thevoyages which the king of Portugal grants to his nobles, are those fromChina to Japan and back to China, from China to India, and those ofBengal, the Moluccas, and Sunda, with fine cloth and all kinds of cottongoods. 

Sunda is an island of the Moors near the coast of Java, whence pepper iscurried to China. The ship which goes yearly from India to China iscalled the _drug ship_, because she carries various drugs of Cambaia, but her principal lading consists of silver. From Malacca to China thedistance is 1800 miles; and from China there goes every year a largeship to Japan laden with silk, in return for which she brings back barsof silver which are bartered in China for goods. The distance betweenJapan and China is 2400 miles, in which sea there are several islands ofno great size, in which the friars of St Paul, by the blessing of God, have made many Christians _like themselves_: But from these islands theseas have not been fully explored and discovered, on account of thegreat numbers of shoals and sand banks [157]. 

[Footnote 157: The text in this place it erroneous or obscure. Theindicated distance between China and Japan is enormously exaggerated, and probably ought to have been stated as between Malacca and Japan. Theundiscovered islands and shoals seem to refer to the various islandsbetween Java and Japan, to the east and north. --E. ]

The Portuguese have a small city named Macao on an island near thecoast of China, in which the church and houses are built of wood. Thisis a bishopric, but the customs belong to the king of China, and arepayable at the city of Canton, two days journey and a half from Macao, and a place of great importance. The people of China are heathens, andare so fearful and jealous that they are unwilling to permit anystrangers to enter their country. Hence when the Portuguese go there topay their customs and to buy goods, they are not allowed to lodge withinthe city, but are sent out to the suburbs. This country of China, whichadjoins to great Tartary, is of vast size and importance, as may bejudged by the rich and precious merchandise which comes from thence, than which I believe there are none better or more abundant in quantityin all the world besides. In the first place it affords great quantitiesof gold, which is carried thence to the Indies made into small plates_like little ships_, and in value 23 _carats_ each[158]; largequantities of fine silk, with damasks and taffetas; large quantities ofmusk and of _occam_[159] in bars, quicksilver, cinabar, camphor, porcelain in vessels of divers sorts, painted cloth, and squares, andthe drug called Chinaroot. Every year two or three large ships go fromChina to India laden with these rich and precious commodities. Rhubarbgoes from thence over land by way of Persia, as there is a caravan everyyear from Persia to China, which takes six months to go there and aslong to return. This caravan arrives at a place called _Lanchin_, wherethe king and his court reside. I conversed with a Persian who had beenthree years in that city of _Lanchin_, and told me that it was a city ofgreat size and wealth. 

[Footnote 158: Perhaps the author may have expressed _of 23 caratsfine_. --E. ]

[Footnote 159: Perhaps the mixed metal called tutenag may be heremeant. --E. ]

The voyages which are under the jurisdiction of the captain of Malaccaare the following. Every year he sends a small ship to Timor to loadwhite sandal wood, the best being to be had in that island. He alsosends another small ship yearly to Cochin-China for aloes wood, which isonly to be procured in that country, which is on the continent adjoiningto China. I could never learn in what manner that wood grows, as thepeople of Cochin-China will not allow the Portuguese to go into theland except for wood and water, bringing provisions and merchandise andall other things they want to their ships in small barks, so that amarket is held daily on the deck of the ship till she is laden. Anothership goes yearly from Malacca for Siam to lade _Verzino_[160]. All thesevoyages belong exclusively to the captain of Malacca, and when he is notdisposed to make them on his own account he sells them to others. 

[Footnote 160: From another part of this voyage it appears that this issome species of seed from which oil was expressed. --E. ]

SECTION XV. 

_Of the City of Siam_. 

Siam was the imperial seat of the kingdom of that name and a great city, till the year 1567, when it was taken by the king of Pegu, who came byland with a prodigious army of 1, 400, 000 men, marching for four months, and besieged Siam for twenty-two mouths, during which he lost a vastnumber of men, and at lost won the city. I happened to be in the city ofPegu about six months after his departure on this expedition, and sawthe governors left by him in the command of Pegu send off 500, 000 men, to supply the places of those who were slain in this siege. Yet afterall he would not have won the place unless for treachery, in consequenceof which one of the gates was left open, through which he forced his waywith great trouble into the city. When the king of Siam found that hewas betrayed and that his enemy had gained possession of the city, hepoisoned himself. His wives and children, and all his nobles that werenot slain during the siege, were carried captives to Pegu. I was thereat the return of the king in triumph from this conquest, and his entryinto Pegu was a goodly sight, especially the vast number of elephantsladen with gold, silver, and jewels, and carrying the noblemen and womenwho were made captives at Siam. 

To return to my voyage. I departed from Malacca in a great ship boundfor St Thome on the coast of Coromandel, and as at that time the captainof Malacca had intelligence that the king of Acheen meant to comeagainst Malacca with a great fleet and army, he refused to allow anyships to depart. On this account we departed from Malacca under nightwithout having made any provision of water; and being upwards of 400persons on board, we proposed to have gone to a certain island forwater, but by contrary winds we were unable to accomplish this, and weredriven about by the tempests for forty-two days, the mountains of_Zerzerline_ near the kingdom of _Orissa_, 500 miles beyond St Thome, being the first land we got sight of. So we came to Orissa with manysick, and had lost a great number for want of water. The sick generallydied in four days illness. For the space of a year after, my throatcontinued sore and hoarse, and I could never satisfy my insatiablethirst. I judged the reason of this hoarseness to be from the continualuse of sippets dipped in vinegar and oil, on which I sustained my lifefor many days. We had no scarcity of bread or wine; but the wines ofthat country are so hot that they cannot be drank without water, or theyproduce death. When we began to want water, I saw certain Moors who wereofficers in the ship who sold a small dish of water for a ducat, and Ihave afterwards seen a _bar_ of pepper, which is two quintals and ahalf, offered for a small measure, and it could not be had even at thatprice. I verily believe I must have died, together with my slave, whom Ihad bought at a high price, had I not sold him for half his value, thatI might save his drink to supply my own urgent wants, and save my ownlife. 

SECTION XVI. 

_Of the Kingdom of Orissa and the River Ganges_. 

This was a fair and well regulated kingdom, through which a man mighthave travelled with gold in his hand without danger, so long as it wasgoverned by its native sovereign who was a Gentile, and resided in thecity of _Catecha_[161] six days journey inland. This king lovedstrangers, especially merchants who traded in his dominions, insomuchthat he took no customs from them, neither did he vex them with anygrievous impositions, only that each ship that came thither paid somesmall affair in proportion to her tonnage. Owing to this good treatmenttwenty-five ships, great and small, used to lade yearly in the port ofOrissa, mostly with rice and with different kinds of white cottoncloths, oil of _zerzerline_ or _verzino_ which is made from a seed, andanswers well for eating or frying fish, lac, long pepper, ginger, dryand candied mirabolans, and great store of cloth made from a kind ofsilk which grows on trees requiring no labour or cultivation, as whenthe _bole_ or round pod is grown to the size of an orange, all they haveto do is to gather it. About sixteen years before this, the Pagan kingof Orissa was defeated and slain and his kingdom conquered, by the kingof _Patane_[162], who was also king of the greatest part of Bengal. After the conquest of Orissa, this king imposed a duty of 20 per centumon all trade, as had been formerly paid in his other dominions. But thisking did not enjoy his acquisitions long, being soon conquered byanother tyrant, who was the great Mogul of Delhi, Agra, and Cambaia, against whom the king of Patane made very little resistance. 

[Footnote 161: Cuttack, at the head of the Delta of the Mahamuddy orGongah river, in lat. 20° 32' N. Lon. 86° 9' E. Is probably here meant, It is only about 45 miles from the sea, but might have been six daysjourney from the port where the author took shelter, which probably wasBalasore. --E. ]

[Footnote 162: Probably so called from residing at Patna, called Patanein the text. --E. ]

Departing from Orissa I went to the harbour of _Piqueno_ in Bengal, 170miles to the east from Orissa. We went in the first place along thecoast for 54 miles when we entered the river Ganges. From the mouth ofthis river to a place called _Satagan_, where the merchants assemblewith their commodities, are 100 miles, to which place they row up theriver along with the flood tide in _eighteen_ hours. This river ebbs andflows as it does in the Thames, and when the ebb begins, although theirbarks are light and propelled with oars like foists, they cannot rowagainst the ebb tide, but must make fast to one of the banks of theriver and wait for next flood. These boats are called _bazaras_ and_patuas_, and row as well as a galliot or any vessel I have ever seen. At the distance of a good tide rowing before reaching _Satagan_ we cometo a place called _Buttor_, which ships do not go beyond, as the riveris very shallow upwards. At _Buttore_ a village is constructed everyyear, in which all the houses and shops are made of straw, and haveevery necessary convenience for the use of the merchants. This villagecontinues as long as the ships remain there; but when they depart forthe Indies, every man goes to his plot of houses and sets them on fire. This circumstance seemed very strange to me; for as I passed up theriver to _Satagan_, I saw this village standing, having a greatmultitude of people with many ships and bazars; and at my return alongwith the captain of the last ship, for whom I tarried, I was amazed tosee no remains of the village except the appearance of the burnt houses, all having been razed and burnt. 

Small ships go up to _Satagan_ where they load and unload their cargoes. In this port of _Satagan_ twenty-five or thirty ships great and smallare loaded yearly with rice, cotton cloths of various kinds, lac, greatquantities of sugar, dried and preserved mirabolans, long pepper, oil of_Verzino_, and many other kinds of merchandise. The city of Satagan istolerably handsome as a city of the Moors, abounding in every thing, andbelonged formerly to the king of _Patane_ or _Patna_, but is now subjectto the great Mogul. I was in this kingdom four months, where manymerchants bought or hired boats for their convenience and greatadvantage, as there is a fair every day in one town or city of thecountry. I also hired a bark and went up and down the river in theprosecution of my business, in the course of which I saw many strangethings. 

The kingdom of Bengal has been long under the power of the Mahomedans, yet there are many Gentile inhabitants. Wherever I speak of Gentiles Iam to be understood as signifying idolaters, and by Moors I mean thefollowers of Mahomet. The inhabitants of the inland country do greatlyworship the river Ganges; for if any one is sick, he is brought from thecountry to the banks of the river, where they build for him a cottage ofstraw, and every day they bathe him in the river. Thus many die at theside of the Ganges, and after their death they make a heap of boughs andsticks on which they lay the dead body and then set the pile on fire. When the dead body is half roasted, it is taken from the fire, andhaving an empty jar tied about its neck is thrown into the river. I sawthis done every night for two months as I passed up and down the riverin my way to the fairs to purchase commodities from the merchants. Onaccount of this practice the Portuguese do not drink the water of theGanges, although it appears to the eye much better and clearer than thatof the Nile. 

"Of _Satagan, Buttor_, and _Piqueno_, in the kingdom of Bengal, nonotices are to be found in the best modern maps of that country, so thatwe can only approximate their situation by guess. Setting out from whatthe author calls the port of _Orissa_, which has already beenconjectured to be Balasore, the author coasted to the river Ganges, atthe distance of 54 miles. This necessarily implies the western branch ofthe Ganges, or _Hoogly_ river, on which the English Indian capital, _Calcutta_, now stands. _Satagan_ is said to have been 100 miles up theriver, which would carry us up almost to the city of _Sautipoor_, whichmay possibly have been _Satagan_. The two first syllables of the nameare almost exactly the same, and the final syllable in Sauti_poor_ is aPersian word signifying town, which may have been _gan_ in some otherdialect. The entire distance from _Balasore_, or the port of Orissa, to_Piqueno_ is stated at 170 miles, of which 154 have been alreadyaccounted for, so that Piqueno must have been only about 16 miles aboveSatagan, and upon the Ganges[163]. "--ED. 

[Footnote 163: These observations, distinguished by inverted commas, areplaced in the text, as too long for a note. --E. ]

SECTION XVII. 

_Of Tanasserim and other Places_. 

In continuation of my peregrinations, I sailed from the port of_Piqueno_ to Cochin, from whence I went to Malacca, and afterwards toPegu, being 800 miles distant. That voyage is ordinarily performed intwenty-five or thirty days; but we were four months on the way, and atthe end of three months we were destitute of provisions. The pilotalleged that, according to the latitude by his observation, we could notbe far from _Tanassery_, or _Tanasserim_, a city in the kingdom of Pegu. In this he was mistaken, as we found ourselves in the middle of manyislands and uninhabited rocks, yet some Portuguese who were on boardaffirmed that they knew the land, and could even point out where thecity of Tanasserim stood. This city belongs of right to Siam, and issituated on the side of a great river, which comes from the kingdom ofSiam. At the month of this river there is a village called _Mirgim, Merghi_, or _Morgui_, at which some ships load every year with_Verzino_, _Nypa_, and Benzoin, with a few cloves, nutmegs, and mace, that come from Siam; but the principal merchandise are _Verzino_ and_Nypa_. This last is an excellent wine, which is made from the flower ofa tree called _Nyper_. They distil the liquor prepared from the _Nyper_, and make therewith an excellent drink, as clear as crystal, which ispleasant to the taste, and still better to the stomach, as it has mostexcellent virtues, insomuch that if a person were rotten with the lues, and drinks abundantly of this wine, he shall be made whole, as I haveseen proved: For when I was in Cochin, the nose of a friend of minebegan to drop off with that disease, on which he was advised by thephysicians to go to Tanasserim at the season of the new wines, and todrink the _Nyper_ wine day and night, as much as he was able. He wasordered to use it before being distilled, when it is most delicate; forafter distillation it become much stronger, and is apt to producedrunkenness. He went accordingly, and did as he was directed, and I haveseen him since perfectly sound and well-coloured. It is very cheap inPegu, where a great quantity is made every year; but being in greatrepute in the Indies, it is dear when carried to a distance. 

I now return to my unfortunate voyage, where we were among theuninhabited rocks and islands far from Tanasserim, and in great straitsfor victuals. From what was said by the pilot and two Portuguese, thatwe were directly opposite the harbour of Tanasserim, we determined to gothither in out boat to bring provisions, leaving orders to the ship toawait our return. Accordingly, twenty-eight of us went into the boat, and left the ship about noon one day, expecting to get into the harbourbefore night; but, after rowing all that day and the next night, and allthe ensuing day, we could find no harbour nor any fit place to land;for, trusting to the ignorant counsel of the pilot and the twoPortuguese, we had overshot the harbour and left it behind us. In thisway we twenty-eight unfortunate persons in the boat lost both our shipand the inhabited land, and were reduced to the utmost extremity, havingno victuals along with us. By the good providence of God, one of themariners in the boat had brought a small quantity of rice along withhim, intending to barter it for some other thing, though the whole wasso little that three or four men might have eaten it all at one meal. Itook charge of this small store, engaging, with God's blessing, that itshould serve to keep us all in life, till it might please God to send usto some inhabited place, and when I slept I secured it in my bosom, thatI might not be robbed of my precious deposit. We were nine days rowingalong the coast, finding nothing but an uninhabited country and desertislands, where even grass would have been esteemed a luxury in ourmiserable state. We found indeed some leaves of trees, but so hard thatwe could not chew them. We had wood and water enough, and could only rowalong with the flood tide, as when it ebbed we had to make fast our boatto one of the desert islands. On one of these days, it pleased God thatwe discovered a nest or hole, in which were 144 tortoise eggs, whichproved a wonderful help to us, as they were as large as hens eggs, covered only by a tender skin, instead of a shell. Every day we boiled akettle full of these eggs, mixing a handful of rice among the broth. Atthe end of nine days, it pleased God that we discovered some fishermenin small barks, employed in catching fish. We rowed immediately towardsthem with much delight and thankfulness, for never were men more gladthan we, being so much reduced by famine that we could hardly stand onour legs; yet, according to the allotment we had made of our rice, westill had as much as would have served four days. The first village wecame to was in the gulf of _Tavay_, on the coast of Tanasserim, in thedominions of Pegu, where we found plenty of provisions; yet for two orthree days after our arrival none of us could eat much, and most of uswere at the point of death. From Tavay to _Martaban_, in the kingdom ofPegu, the distance is 72 miles[164]. We loaded our boat at Tavay withprovisions sufficient for six months, and then went in our boat to thecity and port of Martaban, in the kingdom of Pegu, and arrived there ina short time. But not finding our ship there as we hoped, we dispatchedtwo barks in search of her. They found her in great calamity at ananchor, with a contrary wind, which was exceedingly unfortunate for thepeople, especially as they had been a whole month without a boat, whichprevented them from making any provision of wood and water. The ship, however, arrived safe, by the blessing of God, in the harbour ofMartaban. 

[Footnote 164: On the coast of Tanasserim, in lat. 13° N. Is an islandcalled _Tavay_, so that the gulf of Tavay in the text was probably inthat neighbourhood. Martaban is in lat. 16° 40' N. So that thedifference of latitude is 8° 40', and the distance cannot be less than250 miles. --E. ]

SECTION XVIII

_Of Martaban and the Kingdom of Pegu. _

On our arrival at Martaban we found about ninety Portuguese there, including merchants and lower people, who had fallen at variance withthe governor of the city, because certain vagabond Portuguese had slainfive _falchines, _ or porters, belonging to the king of Pegu. Accordingto the custom of that country, when the king of Pegu happens to be at adistance from his capital, a caravan, or company of _falchines_, isdispatched every fifteen days, each of them having a basket on his headfull of fruit or some other delicacy, or clean clothes for the king'suse. It accordingly happened, about a month after the king of Pegu hadgone against Siam, with 1, 400, 000 men, that one of these caravans stoptat Martaban, to rest for the night. On this occasion a quarrel ensuedbetween them and some Portuguese, which ended in blows, and thePortuguese being worsted, returned upon the _falchines_ in the night, while they were asleep, and cut off five of their heads. There is a lawin Pegu, that whosoever sheds the blood of a man, shall pay the price ofblood according to the rank of the person slain: but as these_falchines_ were the servants of the king, the governor of Martabandurst not do any thing in the matter without the king's orders. The kingwas accordingly informed of the affair, and gave orders that themalefactors should be kept in custody till his return, when he wouldduly administer justice, but the captain of the Portuguese refused todeliver up these men to the governor, and even armed himself and theother Portuguese, marching every day about the city, with drums beatingand displayed colours, as in despite of the governor, who was unable toenforce his authority, as the city was almost empty of men, all who werefit for war having gone with the vast army against Siam. 

We arrived at Martaban in the midst of this difference, and I thought ita very strange thing to see the Portuguese behave themselves with suchinsolence in the city of a sovereign prince. Being very doubtful of theconsequences, I did not think proper to land my goods, which Iconsidered in greater safety on board ship than on shore. Most part ofthe goods on board belonged to the owner, who was at Malacca; but therewere several merchants in the ship who had goods, though none of themhad to any great value, and all of them declared they would not land anyof their goods unless I landed mine; yet they afterwards neglected myadvice and example, and landed their goods, all of which wereaccordingly lost. The governor and intendant of the custom-house sentfor me, and demanded to know why I did not land my goods, and pay theduties like the rest; on which I said that I was a stranger, only new tothe country, and observing so much disorder among the Portuguese, I wasafraid to lose my goods, which I was determined not to bring on shore, unless the governor would promise me in the king's name that no harmshould come to me or my goods, whatever might happen to the Portuguese, with whom I had taken no part in the late tumult. As what I said seemedreasonable, the governor sent for the _Bargits_, who are the councillorsof the city, who engaged, in the name of the king, that neither I nor mygoods should meet with any injury, and of which they made a notarialentry or memorandum. I then sent for my goods, and paid the customs, which is ten per centum of the value at that port; and for my greatersecurity I hired a house for myself and my goods, directly facing thehouse of the governor. 

In the sequel, the captain of the Portuguese and all the merchants ofthat nation, were driven out of the city, in which I remained, alongwith twenty-one poor men, who were officers in the ship I came in fromMalacca. The Gentiles had determined on being revenged of the Portuguesefor their insolence, but had delayed till all the goods were landed fromour ship; and the very next night there arrived four thousand soldiersfrom Pegu, with some war elephants. Before these made any stir in thecity, the governor issued orders to all the Portuguese, in case ofhearing any noise or clamour in the city, not to stir from their houseson pain of death. About four hours after sunset, I heard a prodigiousnoise and tumult of men and elephants, who were bursting open the doorsof the Portuguese warehouses, and overturning their houses of wood andstraw, in which tumult some of the Portuguese were wounded, and one ofthem slain. Many of those who had before boasted of their courage, nowfled on board some small vessels in the harbour, some of them fleeingnaked from their beds. That night the Peguers carried all the goodsbelonging to the Portuguese from the suburbs into the city, and many ofthe Portuguese were likewise arrested. After this, the Portuguese whohad fled to the ships resumed courage, and, landing in a body, set fireto the houses in the suburbs, and as these were entirely composed ofboards covered with straw, and the wind blew fresh at the time, theentire suburbs were speedily consumed, and half of the city had like tohave been destroyed. After this exploit, the Portuguese had no hopes ofrecovering any part of their goods, which might amount to the value of16, 000 ducats, all of which they might assuredly have got back if theyhad not set the town on fire. 

Understanding that the late seizure of their goods had been done by thesole authority of the governor of Martaban, without authority from theking of Pegu, they were sensible of the folly of their proceedings insetting the town on fire; yet next morning they began to discharge theircannon against the town, and continued their cannonade for four days, yet all in vain, as their balls were intercepted by the top of a smallhill or rising ground which intervened, and did no harm to the city. Atthis time the governor arrested the twenty-one Portuguese who were inthe city, and sent them to a place four miles up the country, where theywere detained till such time as the other Portuguese departed with theirships, after which they were allowed to go where they pleased, having nofarther harm done them. During all these turmoils I remained quietly inmy house, under the protection of a strong guard appointed by thegovernor, to prevent any one from doing harm to me or my goods. In thismanner he effectually performed the promise he had made me in the king'sname; but he would on no account permit me to depart till the kingreturned from Siam to Pegu, which was greatly to my hindrance, as Iremained twenty-one months under sequestration, during all which time Icould neither buy nor sell any kind of goods whatever. Those commoditieswhich I had brought with me were pepper, sandal wood, and porcelain ofChina. At length, when the king came back to Pegu, I made mysupplication to him, and had liberty to go when and where I pleased. Accordingly, I immediately departed from Martaban for Pegu, the capitalcity of the kingdom of that name, being a voyage by sea of three or fourdays. We may likewise go by land between these two places, but it ismuch better and cheaper for anyone that has goods to transport, as Ihad, to go by sea. 

In this short voyage we meet with the _Macareo_, or _bore_ of the sea, which is one of the most marvellous of the works of nature, and one ofthese hardest to be believed if not seen. This consists in theprodigious increase and diminution of the water of the sea all at onepush or instant, and the horrible noise and earthquake which thisMacareo produces when it makes its approach. We went from Martaban inbarks like our pilot boats, taking the flood tide along with us, andthey went with the most astonishing rapidity, as swift as an arrow froma bow as long as the flow lasts. Whenever the water is at the highest, these barks are carried out of the mid-channel to one or other bank ofthe river, where they anchor out of the way of the stream of the ebb, remaining dry at low water; and when the ebb is completely run out, thenare the barks left on high above the water in the mid-channel, as far asthe top of a house is from the foundation. The reason of thus anchoringso far from the mid-stream or channel is, that when the first of theflood, Macareo or bore, comes in, any ship or vessel riding in the fairway or mid-channel would surely be overthrown and destroyed. And evenwith this precaution of anchoring so far above the channel, so that thebore has lost much of its force before rising so high as to float them, yet they always moor with their bows to the stream, which still is oftenso powerful as to put them in great fear; for if the anchor did not holdgood, they would be in the utmost danger of being lost. When the waterbegins to increase, it comes on with a prodigious noise as if it were anearthquake. In its first great approach it makes three great waves. Thefirst wave washes over the bark from stem to stem: The second is not sostrong; at the third they raise the anchor and resume their voyage upthe river, rowing with such swiftness that they seem to fly for thespace of six hours, while the flood lasts. In these tides there must beno time lost, for if you arrive not at the proper station before theflood is spent, you must turn back from whence you came, as there is nostaying at any place except at these stations, some of which are moredangerous than others, according as they happen to be higher or lower. On returning from Pegu to Martaban they never continue more than halfebb, that they may have it in their power to lay their barks high uponthe bank, for the reason already given. I could never learn any reasonfor the prodigious noise made by the water in this extraordinary rise ofthe tide. There is another Macareo in the gulf of Cambay, as formerlymentioned, but it is nothing in comparison of this in the river of Pegu. 

With the blessing of God we arrived safe at Pegu, which consists of twocities, the old and the new, all the merchants of the country andstranger merchants residing in the old city, in which is far thegreatest trade. The city itself is not very large, but it has very greatsuburbs. The houses are all built of canes, and covered with leaves orstraw; but every merchant has one house or magazine, called _Godown_, built of bricks, in which they secure their most valuable commodities, to save them from fire, which frequently happens to houses built of suchcombustible materials. 

In the new city is the royal palace, in which the king dwells, with allhis nobles and officers of state, and attendants. While I was there thebuilding of the new city was completed. It is of considerable size, built perfectly square upon an uniform level, and walled round, having awet ditch on the outside, filled with crocodiles, but there are nodraw-bridges. Each side of the square has five gates, being twenty inall; and there are many places on the walls for centinels, built ofwood, and gilded over with gold. The streets are all perfectly straight, so that from any of the gates you can see clear through to the oppositegate, and they are so broad that 10 or 12 horsemen may ride abreast withease. The cross streets are all equally broad and straight, and on eachside of all the streets close to the houses there is a row of cocoa-nuttrees, making a most agreeable shade. The houses are all of wood, covered with a kind of tiles, in the form of cups, very necessary anduseful in that country. The palace is in the middle of the city, walledround like a castle, the lodgings within being built of wood, all overgilded, and richly adorned with pinnacles of costly work, covered allover with gold, so that it may truly be called a king's house. Withinthe gate is a large handsome court, in which are lodges for thestrongest and largest elephants, which are reserved for the king's use, among which are four that are entirely white, a rarity that no otherking can boast of; and were the king of Pegu to hear that any other kinghad white elephants, he would send and demand them as a gift. While Iwas there two such were brought out of a far distant country, which costme something for a sight of them, as the merchants were commanded to goto see them, and every one was obliged to give something to the keepers. The brokers gave for every merchant half a ducat, which they call a_tansa_, and this produced a considerable sum, as there were a greatmany merchants in the city. After paying the _tansa_, they may eithervisit the elephants or not as they please, as after they are put intothe king's stalls, every one may see them whenever they will. But beforethis, every one mast go to see them, such being the royal pleasure. Among his other titles, this king is called _King of the WhiteElephants_; and it is reported that if he knew of any other king havingany white elephants who would not resign them to him, he would hazardhis whole kingdom to conquer them. These white elephants are so highlyesteemed that each of them has a house gilded all over, and they areserved with extraordinary care and attention in vessels of gold andsilver. Besides these white elephants, there is a black one of mostextraordinary size, being _nine cubits high_. It is reported that thisking has four thousand war elephants, all of which have teeth. They areaccustomed to put upon their uppermost teeth certain sharp spikes ofiron, fastened on with rings, because these animals fight with theirteeth. He has also great numbers of young elephants, whose teeth are notyet grown. 

In this country they have a curious device for hunting or takingelephants, which is erected about two miles from the capital. At thatplace there is a fine palace gilded all over, within which is asumptuous court, and all round the outside there are a great number ofplaces for people to stand upon to see the hunting. Near this place is avery large wood or forest, through which a great number of the king'shuntsmen ride on the backs of female elephants trained on purpose, eachhuntsman having five or six of these females, and it is said that theirparts are anointed with a certain composition, the smell of which sopowerfully attracts the wild males that they cannot leave them, butfollow them wheresoever they go. When the huntsmen find any of the wildelephants so entangled, they guide the females towards the palace, whichis called a _tambell_, in which there is a door which opens and shuts bymachinery, before which door there is a long straight passage havingtrees on both sides, so that it is very close and dark. When the wildelephant comes to this avenue, he thinks himself still in the woods. Atthe end of this avenue there is a large field, and when the hunters haveenticed their prey into this field, they immediately send notice to thecity, whence come immediately fifty or sixty horsemen, who beset thefield all round. Then the females which are bred to this business godirectly to the entry of the dark avenue, and when the wild maleelephant has entered therein, the horsemen shout aloud and make as muchnoise as possible to drive the wild elephant forward to the gate of thepalace, which is then open, and as soon as he is gone in, the gate isshut without any noise. The hunters, with the female elephants and thewild one, are all now within the court of the palace, and the femalesnow withdraw one by one from the court, leaving the wild elephant alone, finding himself thus alone and entrapped, he is so madly enraged for twoor three hours, that it is wonderful to behold. He weepeth, he flingeth, he runneth, he jostleth, he thrusteth under the galleries where thepeople stand to look at him, endeavouring all he can to kill some ofthem, but the posts and timbers are all so strong that he cannot do harmto any one, yet he sometimes breaks his teeth in his rage. At length, wearied with violent exertions, and all over in a sweat, he thrusts histrunk into his mouth, and sucks it full of water from his stomach, whichhe then blows at the lookers on. When he is seen to be much exhausted, certain people go into the court, having long sharp-pointed canes intheir hands, with which they goad him that he may enter into one of thestalls made for the purpose in the court, which are long and narrow, sothat he cannot turn when once in. These men must be very wary and agile, for though their canes are long, the elephants would kill them if theywere not swift to save themselves. When they have got him into one ofthe stalls, they let down ropes from a loft above, which they pass underhis belly, about his neck, and round his legs, to bind him fast, andleave him there for four or five days without meat or drink. At the endof that time, they loosen all the cords, put one of the females inbeside him, giving them meat and drink, and in eight days after he isquite tame and tractable. In my opinion, there is not any animal sointelligent as the elephant, nor of so much capacity and understanding, for he will do every thing that his keeper desires, and seems to lacknothing of human reason except speech. 

It is reported that the great military power of the king of Pegu mainlydepends on his elephants; as, when he goes to battle, each elephant hasa castle set on his back, bound securely with bands under his belly, andin every castle four men are placed, who fight securely witharquebusses, bows and arrows, darts, and pikes, or other missileweapons; and it is alleged that the skin of the elephant is so hard andthick as not to be pierced by the ball of an arquebuss, except under theeyes, on the temples, or in some other tender part of the body. Besidesthis, the elephants are of great strength, and have a very excellentorder in time of battle, as I have seen in their festivals, which theymake every year, which is a rare sight worth mention, that among sobarbarous a people there should be such goodly discipline as they havein their armies; which are drawn up in distinct and orderly squares, ofelephants, horsemen, pikemen, and arquebuseers, the number of which isinfinite and beyond reckoning; but their armour and weapons areworthless and weak. Their pikes are very bad, and their swords worse, being like long knives without points; yet their arquebusses are verygood, the king having 80, 000 men armed with that weapon, and the numberis continually increasing. They are ordained to practise daily inshooting at a mark, so that by continual exercise they are wonderfullyexpert. The king of Pegu has also great cannon made of very good metal;and, in fine, there is not a king in the world who has more power orstrength than he, having twenty-six crowned kings under his command, andhe is able to take the field against his enemies with a million and ahalf of soldiers. The state and splendour of this kingdom, and theprovisions necessary for so vast a multitude of soldiers, is a thingincredible, except by those who know the nature and quality of thepeople and government. I have seen with my own eyes these people, boththe commons and soldiers, feed upon all kinds of beasts or animals, however filthy or unclean, everything that hath life serving them forfood: Yea, I have even seen them eat scorpions and serpents, and allkinds of herbs, even grass. Hence, if their vast armies can only getenough of water, they can maintain themselves long even in the forests, on roots, flowers, and leaves of trees; but they always carry rice withthem in their marches, which is their main support. 

The king of Pegu has no naval force; but for extent of dominion, numberof people, and treasure of gold and silver, he far exceeds the GrandTurk in power and riches. He has various magazines full of treasure ingold and silver, which is daily increased, and is never diminished. Heis also lord of the mines of rubies, sapphires, and spinels. Near theroyal palace there is an inestimable treasure, of which he seems to makeno account, as it stands open to universal inspection. It is containedin a large court surrounded by a stone wall, in which are two gates thatstand continually open. Within this court there are four gilded housescovered with lead, in each of which houses are certain heathen idols ofvery great value. The first house contains an image of a man of vastsize all of gold, having a crown of gold on his head enriched with mostrare rubies and sapphires, and round about him are the images of fourlittle children, all likewise of gold. In the second house is the statueof a man in massy silver, which seems to sit on heaps of money. Thisenormous idol, though sitting, is as lofty as the roof of a house. Imeasured his feet, which I found exceeded that of my own stature; andthe head of this statue bears a crown similar to that of the formergolden image. The third house has a brazen image of equal size, having asimilar crown on its head. In the fourth house is another statue aslarge as the others, made of gansa, or mixed metal of copper and lead, of which the current money of the country is composed, and this idol hasa crown on its head as rich and splendid as the others. All thisvaluable treasure is freely seen by all who please to go in and look atit, as the gates are always open, and the keepers do not refuseadmission to any one. 

Every year the king of Pegu makes a public triumph after the followingmanner. He rides out on a triumphal car or great waggon, richly gildedall over, and of great height, covered by a splendid canopy, and drawnby sixteen horses, richly caparisoned. Behind the car walk twenty of hisnobles or chief officers, each of whom holds the end of a rope, theother end being fastened to the car to keep it upright and prevent itfrom falling over. The king sits on high in the middle of the car, andon the same are four of his most favoured nobles surrounding him. Beforethe car the whole army marches in order, and the whole nobles of thekingdom are round about the car; so that it is wonderful to behold somany people and so much riches all in such good order, especiallyconsidering how barbarous are the people. The king of Pegu has oneprincipal wife, who lives in a seraglio along with 300 concubines, andhe is said to have 90 children. He sits every day in person to hear thesuits of his people, yet he nor they never speak together. The kingsits up aloft on a high seat or tribunal in a great hall, and lower downsit all his barons round about. Those that demand audience enter intothe great court or hall in presence of the king, and sit down on theground at forty paces from the king, holding their supplications intheir hands, written on the leaves of a tree three quarters of a yardlong and two fingers broad, on which the letters are written orinscribed by means of a sharp stile or pointed iron. On these occasionsthere is no respect of persons, all of every degree or quality beingequally admitted to audience. All suitors hold up their supplication inwriting, and in their hands a present or gift, according to theimportance of their affairs. Then come the secretaries, who take thesupplications from the petitioners and read them to the king; and if hethinks good to grant the favour or justice which they desire, hecommands to have the gifts taken from their hands; but if he considerstheir request not just or reasonable, he commands them to depart withoutreceiving their presents. 

There is no commodity in the Indies worth bringing to Pegu, exceptsometimes the opium of Cambay, and if any one bring money he is sure tolose by it. The only merchandise for this market is the fine paintedcalicos of San Thome, of that kind which, on being washed, becomes morelively in its colours. This is so much in request, that a small bale ofit will sell for 1000 or even 2000 ducats. Also from San Thome they sendgreat store of cotton yarn, dyed red by means of a root called _saia_, which colour never washes out. Every year there goes a great ship fromSan Thome to Pegu laden with a valuable cargo of these commodities. Ifthis ship depart from San Thome by the 6th of September, the voyage issure to be prosperous; but if they delay sailing till the 12th, it is agreat chance if they are not forced to return; for in these parts thewinds blow firmly for certain times, so as to sail for Pegu with thewind astern; and if they arrive not and get to anchor before the windchange, they must perforce return back again, as the wind blows three orfour months with great force always one way. If they once get to anchoron the coast, they may save their voyage with great labour. There alsogoes a large ship from Bengal every year, laden with all kinds of finecotton cloth, and which usually arrives in the river of Pegu when theship of San Thome is about to depart. The harbour which these two shipsgo to is called _Cosmin_. From Malacca there go every year to Martaban, which is a port of Pegu, many ships, both large and small, with pepper, sandal-wood, porcelain of China, camphor, _bruneo_[165], and othercommodities. The ships that come from the Red Sea frequent the ports ofPegu and Ciriam, bringing woollen cloths, scarlets, velvets, opium, andchequins, by which last they incur loss, yet they necessarily bring themwherewith to make their purchases, and they afterwards make great profitof the commodities which they take back with them, from Pegu. Likewisethe ships of the king of Acheen bring pepper to the same ports. 

[Footnote 165: Perhaps we ought to read in the text _camphor ofPerneo_. --E. ]

From San Thome or Bengal, _out of the sea of Bara_? to Pegu, the voyageis 300 miles, and they go up the river, with the tide of flood in fourdays to the city of _Cosmin_, where they discharge their cargoes, andthither the _customers_ of Pegu come and take notes of all the goods ofevery one, and of their several marks; after which they transport thegoods to Pegu to the royal warehouses, where the customs of all thegoods are taken. When the _customers_ have taken charge of the goods, and laden them in barks for conveyance to Pegu, the governor of the citygives licences to the merchants to accompany their goods, when three orfour of them club together to hire a bark for their passage to Pegu. Should any one attempt to give in a wrong note or entry of his goods, for the purpose of stealing any custom, he is utterly undone, as theking considers it a most unpardonable offence to attempt depriving himof any part of his customs, and for this reason the goods are all mostscrupulously searched, and examined three several times. This search isparticularly rigid in regard to diamonds, pearls, and other articles ofsmall bulk and great value, as all things, in Pegu that are not of itsown productions pay custom both in or out. But rubies, sapphires, andspinels, being productions of the country, pay no duties. As formerlymentioned respecting other parts of India, all merchants going to Peguor other places, must carry with them all sorts of household furnitureof which they may be in need, as there are no inns or lodging-houses inwhich they can he accommodated, but every man must hire a house when hecomes to a city, for a month or a year, according to the time he meansto remain. In Pegu it is customary to hire a house for six months. 

From Cosmin to Pegu they go up the river with the flood in sixhours[166]; but if the tide of ebb begin it is necessary to fasten thebark to the river side, and to remain there till the next flood. This isa commodious and pleasant passage, as there are many large villages onboth sides of the river which might even be called cities, and in whichpoultry, eggs, pigeons, milk, rice, and other things may be had on veryreasonable terms. The country is all level and fertile, and in eightdays we get up to _Macceo_ which is twelve miles from. Pegu, and thegoods are there landed from the barks, being carried thence to Pegu incarts or wains drawn by oxen. The merchants are conveyed from _Macceo_to Pegu in close palanquins, called _delings_ or _doolies_, in each ofwhich one man is well accommodated, having cushions to rest upon, and asecure covering from the sun or rain, so that he may sleep if he will. His four _falchines_ or bearers carry him along at a great rate, runningall the way, changing at intervals, two and two at a time. The freightand customs at Pegu may amount to 20, 22, or 23 per centum, according asthere may be more or less stolen of the goods on paying the customs. Itis necessary therefore for one to be very watchful and to have manyfriends; for when the goods are examined for the customs in the greathall of the king, many of the Pegu gentlemen go in accompanied by theirslaves, and these gentlemen are not ashamed when their slaves robstrangers, whether of cloth or any other thing, and only laugh at itwhen detected; and though the merchants assist each other to watch thesafety of their goods, they cannot look so narrowly but some will stealmore or less according to the nature or quality of the goods. Even iffortunate enough to escape being robbed by the slaves, it is impossibleto prevent pilfering by the officers of the customs; for as they takethe customs in kind, they oftentimes take the best, and do not rate eachsort as they ought separately, so that the merchant is often, made topay much more than he ought. After undergoing this search and deductionof the customs, the merchant causes his goods to be carried home to hishouse, where he may do with them what he pleases. 

[Footnote 166: From subsequent circumstances the text is obviously hereincorrect, and ought to have been translated, that the flood tides runsix hours; as it will be afterwards seen that the voyage to a place 12miles short of Pegu requires eight days of these tide trips of six]

In Pegu there are eight brokers licenced by the king, named _tareghe_, who are bound to sell all the merchandise which comes there at thecurrent prices; and if the merchants are willing to sell their goods atthese rates they sell them out of hand, the brokers having _two percentum_ for their trouble, and for which they are bound to make good alldebts incurred for the goods sold by them, and often the merchant doesnot know to whom his goods are sold. The merchants may indeed sell theirown goods if they will; but in that case the broker is equally intitledto his two per centum, and the merchant must run his own risk ofrecovering his money. This however seldom happens, as the wife, children, and slaves of the debtor are all liable in payment. When theagreed time of payment arrives, if the debt is not cleared, the creditormay seize the person of the debtor and carry him home to his house, andif not immediately satisfied, he may take the wife, children, and slavesof the debtor and sell them. The current money through all Pegu is madeof _ganza_, which is a composition of copper and lead, and which everyone may stamp at his pleasure, as they pass by weight; yet are theysometimes falsified by putting in too much lead, on which occasions noone will receive them in payment. As there is no other money current, you may purchase gold, silver, rubies, musk, and all other things withthis money. Gold and silver, like other commodities, vary in theirprice, being sometimes cheaper and sometimes dearer. This _ganza_ moneyis reckoned by _byzas_, each _byza_ being 100 _ganzas_, and is worthabout half a ducat of our money, more or less according as gold is cheapor dear. 

When any one goes to Pegu to buy jewels, he will do well to remain therea whole year; for if he would return by the same ship, he can do verylittle to purpose in so short a time. Those who come from San Thomeusually have their goods customed about Christmas, after which they mustsell their goods, giving credit for a month or two, and the ships departabout the beginning of March. The merchants of San Thome generally takepayment for their goods in gold and silver, which are always plentifulin Pegu. Eight or ten days before their departure they are satisfied fortheir goods. They may indeed have rubies in payment, but they make noaccount of them. Such as propose to winter in the country ought tostipulate in selling their goods for payment in two or three months, andthat they are to be paid in so many _ganzas_, not in gold or silver, asevery thing is most advantageously bought and sold by means of this_ganza_ money. It is needful to specify very precisely both the time ofpayment, and in what weight of ganzas they are to be paid, as aninexperienced person may be much imposed upon both in the weight andfineness of the _ganza_ money; for the weight rises and falls greatlyfrom place to place, and he may be likewise deceived by false _ganzas_or too much alloyed with lead. For this reason, when any one is toreceive payment he ought to have along with him a public weigher ofmoney, engaged a day or two before he commences that business, whom hepays two _byzas_ a-month, for which he is bound to make good all yourmoney and to maintain it good, as he receives it and seals the bags withhis own seal, and when he has collected any considerable sum he causesit to be delivered to the merchant to whom it belongs. This money isvery weighty, as forty _byzas_ make a porters burden. As in receiving, so in paying money, a public weigher of money must be employed. 

The merchandises exported from Pegu are gold, silver, rubies, sapphires, spinels, great quantities of benzoin, long-pepper, lead, lac, rice, wine, and some sugar. There might be large quantities of sugar made inPegu, as they have great abundance of sugar-canes, but they are given asfood to the elephants, and the people consume large quantities of themin their diet. They likewise spend many of these sugar-canes[167] inconstructing houses and tents for their idols, which they call _varely_and we name pagodas. There are many of these idol houses, both large andsmall, which are ordinarily constructed in a pyramidical form, likelittle hills, sugar-loaves or bells, some of them being as high as anordinary steeple. They are very large at the bottom, some being aquarter of a mile in compass. The inside of these temples are all builtof bricks laid in clay mortar instead of lime, and filled up with earth, without any form or comeliness from top to bottom; afterwards they arecovered with a frame of canes plastered all over with lime to preservethem from the great rains which fall in this country. Also about these_varely_ or idol-houses they consume a prodigious quantity of leaf gold, as all their roofs are gilded over, and sometimes the entire structureis covered from top to bottom; and as they require to be newly gildedevery ten years, a prodigious quantity of gold is wasted on thisvanity, which occasions gold to be vastly dearer in Pegu than it wouldbe otherwise. 

[Footnote 167: This is certainly an error, and Cesar Frederick hasmistaken the bamboo cane used in such erections for the sugar-cane. --E. ]

It may be proper to mention, that in buying jewels or precious stones inPegu, he who has no knowledge or experience is sure to get as good andas cheap articles as the most experienced in the trade. There are fourmen at Pegu called _tareghe_ or jewel-brokers, who have all the jewelsor rubies in their hands; and when any person wants to make a purchasehe goes to one of these brokers, and tells him that he wants to lay outso much money on rubies; for these brokers have such prodigiousquantities always on hand, that they know not what to do with them, andtherefore sell them at a very low price. Then the broker carries themerchant along with him to one of their shops, where he may have whatjewels he wants according to the sum of money he is disposed to lay out. According to the custom of the city, when the merchant has bargained fora quantity of jewels, whatever may be the amount of their value, he isallowed to carry them home to his house, where he may consider them fortwo or three days; and if he have not himself sufficient knowledge orexperience in such things, he may always find other merchants who areexperienced, with whom he may confer and take counsel, as he is atliberty to shew them to any person be pleases; and if he find that hehas not laid out his money to advantage, he may return them back to theperson from whom he had them without loss or deduction. It is reckonedso great a shame to the _tareghe_ or jewel-broker to have his jewelsreturned, that he would rather have a blow on the face than have itbelieved that he had sold his jewels too dear and have them returned onhis hands; for which reason they are sure to give good bargains, especially to those who have no experience, that they may not lose theircredit. When such merchants as are experienced in jewels purchase toodear it is their own fault, and is not laid to the charge of thebrokers; yet it is good to have knowledge in jewels, as it may sometimesenable one to procure them at a lower price. On the occasions of makingthese bargains, as there are generally many other merchants present atthe bargain, the broker and the purchaser have their hands under acloth, and by certain signals, made by touching the fingers and nippingthe different joints, they know what is bidden, what is asked, and whatis settled, without the lookers-on knowing any thing of the matter, although the bargain may be for a thousand or ten thousand ducats. Thisis an admirable institution, as, if the lookers-on should understandwhat is going on, it might occasion contention. 

SECTION XIX. 

_Voyages of the Author to different parts of India. _

When I was at Pegu in August 1569, having got a considerable profit bymy endeavours, I was desirous to return to my own country by way of StThome, but in that case I should have been obliged to wait till nextMarch; I was therefore advised to go by way of Bengal, for which countrythere was a ship ready to sail to the great harbour of Chittagong, whence there go small ships to Cochin in sufficient time to arrive therebefore the departure of the Portuguese ships for Lisbon, in which I wasdetermined to return to Europe. I went accordingly on board the Bengalship; but this happened to be the year of the _Tyffon_, which willrequire some explanation. It is therefore to be understood that in Indiathey have, once every ten or twelve years, such prodigious storms andtempests as are almost incredible, except to such as have seen them, neither do they know with any certainty on what years they may beexpected, but unfortunate are they who happen to be at sea when thistempest or _tyffon_ takes place, as few escape the dreadful danger. Inthis year it was our evil fortune to be at sea in one of these terriblestorms; and well it was for us that our ship was newly _over-planked_, and had no loading save victuals and ballast, with some gold and silverfor Bengal, as no other merchandise is carried to Bengal from Pegu. Thetyffon accordingly assailed us and lasted three days, carrying away oursails, yards, and rudder; and as the ship laboured excessively, wecut away our mast, yet she continued to labour more heavily than before, so that the sea broke over her every moment, and almost filled her withwater. For the space of three days and three nights, sixty men who wereon board did nothing else than bale out the water continually, twenty atone place, twenty in another, and twenty at a third place; yet duringall this storm so good was the hull of our ship that she took not in asingle drop of water at her sides or bottom, all coming in at thehatches. Thus driving about at the mercy of the winds and waves, we wereduring the darkness of the third night at about four o'clock aftersunset cast upon a shoal. When day appeared next morning we could see noland on any side of us, so that we knew not where we were. It pleasedthe divine goodness that a great wave of the sea came and floated us offfrom the shoal into deep water, upon which we all felt as men reprievedfrom immediate death, as the sea was calm and the water smooth. Castingthe lead we found twelve fathoms water, and bye and bye we had only sixfathoms, when we let go a small anchor which still hung at the stern, all the others having been lost during the storm. Our anchor parted nextnight, and our ship again grounded, when we shored her up the best wecould, to prevent her from over-setting at the side of ebb. 

When it was day, we found our ship high and dry on a sand-bank, a fullmile from the sea. When the _tyffon_ entirely ceased, we discovered anisland not far from us, to which we walked on the sand, that we mightlearn where we were. We found it inhabited, and in my opinion the mostfertile island I had ever seen. It is divided into two parts by achannel or water-course, which is full at high tides. With much ado webrought our ship into that channel; and when the people of the islandsaw our ship, and that we were coming to land, they immediately erecteda bazar or market-place with shops right over-against the ship, to whichthey brought every kind of provisions for our supply, and sold them atwonderfully reasonable rates. I bought many salted kine as provision forthe ship at half a _larine_ each, being all excellent meat and very fat, and four wild hogs ready dressed for a larine. The larine is worth abouttwelve shillings and sixpence. Good fat hens were bought for a _byza_each, which does not exceed a penny; and yet some of our people saidthat we were imposed upon, as we ought to have got every thing for halfthe money. We got excellent rice at an excessively low price, and indeedevery article of food was at this place in the most wonderful abundance. The name of this island is _Sondiva_ or Sundeep, and belongs to thekingdom of Bengal, being 120 miles from Chittagong, to which place wewere bound. The people are Moors or Mahometans, and the king or chiefwas a very good kind of man for a Mahometan; for if he had been a tyrantlike others, he might have robbed us of all we had, as the Portuguesecaptain at Chittagong was in arms against the native chief of thatplace, and every day there were some persons slain. On receiving thisintelligence, we were in no small fear for our safety, keeping goodwatch and ward every night, according to the custom of the sea; but thegovernor of the town gave us assurance that we had nothing to fear, foralthough the Portuguese had slain the governor or chief at Chittagong, we were not to blame, and indeed he every day did us every service andcivility in his power, which we had no reason to expect, consideringthat the people of Sundeep and those of Chittagong were subjects of thesame sovereign. 

Departing from Sundeep we came to Chittagong, by which time a peace ortruce had been agreed upon between the Portuguese and the chiefs of thecity, under condition that the Portuguese captain should depart with hisship without any lading. At this time there were 18 Portuguese ships ofdifferent sizes at that port, and the captain being a gentleman and abrave man, was contented to depart in this manner, to his materialinjury, rather than hinder so many of his friends and countrymen whowere there, and likewise because, the season for going to Western Indiawas now past. During the night before his departure, every ship that wasin the port, and had any part of their lading on board, transshipped itto this captain to help to lessen his loss and bear his charges, inreward for his courteous behaviour on this occasion. At this time therecame a messenger from the king of _Rachim_ or Aracan to this Portuguesecaptain, saying that his master had heard tidings of his great valourand prowess, and requesting him to bring his ship to the port of Aracanwhere he would be well received. The captain went thither accordingly, and was exceedingly well satisfied with his reception. 

The kingdom of Aracan is in the mid-way between Bengal and Pegu, and theking of Pegu is continually devising means of reducing the king ofAracan under subjection, which hitherto he has not been able to effect, as he has no maritime force, whereas the king of Aracan can arm twohundred galleys or foists; besides which he has the command of certainsluices or flood-gates in his country, by which he can drown a greatpart of his country when he thinks proper, when at any time the king ofPegu endeavours to invade his dominions, by which be cuts off the wayby which alone the king of Pegu can have access. 

From the great port of Chittagong they export for India great quantitiesof rice, large assortments of cotton cloth of all sorts, with sugar, corn, money, and other articles of merchandise. In consequence of thewar in Chittagong, the Portuguese ships were so long detained there, that they were unable to arrive at Cochin at the usual time; for whichreason the fleet from Cochin was departed for Portugal before theirarrival. Being in one of the smaller ships, which was somewhat inadvance of our fleet from Chittagong, I came in sight of Cochin just asthe very last of the homeward-bound fleet was under sail. This gave memuch dissatisfaction, as there would be no opportunity of going toPortugal for a whole year; wherefore, on my arrival at Cochin, I wasfully determined to go for Venice by way of Ormuz. At that time Goa wasbesieged by the troops of _Dialcan_ [Adel-khan, ] but the citizens madelight of this attack, as they believed it would not continue long. Inthe prosecution of my design, I embarked at Cochin in a galley bound forGoa; but on my arrival there the viceroy would not permit any Portugueseship to sail for Ormuz on account of the war then subsisting, so that Iwas constrained to remain there. 

Soon after my arrival at Goa I fell into a severe sickness, which heldme four months; and as my physic and diet in that time cost me 800ducats, I was under the necessity to sell some part of my rubies, forwhich I only got 500 ducats, though well worth 1000. When I began torecover my health and strength, very little of my money remained, everything was so scarce and dear. Every chicken, and these not good, cost meseven or eight livres, or from six shillings to six and eightpence, andall other things in proportion; besides which the apothecaries, withtheir medicines, were a heavy charge upon me. At the end of six monthsthe siege of Goa was raised, and as jewels rose materially in theirprice, _I began to work_[168]; and as before I had only sold a smallquantity of inferior rubies to serve my necessities, I now determined tosell all the jewels I had, and to make another voyage to Pegu; and asopium was in great request at Pegu when I was there before, I went fromGoa to Cambay, where I laid out 2100 ducats in the purchase of 60parcels of opium, the ducat being worth 4s. 2d. I likewise bought threebales of cotton cloth, which cost me 800 ducats, that commodity sellingwell in Pegu. When I had bought these things, I understood the viceroyhad issued orders that the custom on opium should be paid at Goa, afterwhich it might be carried anywhere else. I shipped therefore my threebales of cotton cloth at Chaul, in a vessel bound for Cochin, and wentmyself to Goa to pay the duty for my opium. 

[Footnote 168: From this expression it may be inferred, that besides hismercantile speculations in jewels, Cesar Frederick was a lapidary. --E. ]

From Goa I went to Cochin, in a ship that was bound for Pegu, andintended to winter at San Thome; but on my arrival at Cochin I learntthat the ship with my three bales of cotton cloth was cast away, so thatI lost my 800 seraphins or ducats. On our voyage from Cochin to SanThome, while endeavouring to weather the south point of Ceylon, whichlies far out to sea, the pilot was out in his reckoning, and laying-toin the night, thinking that he had passed hard by the Cape of Ceylon;when morning came we were far within the Cape, and fallen to leeward, bywhich it became now impossible to weather the island, as the wind wasstrong and contrary. Thus we lost our voyage for the season, and we wereconstrained to go to Manaar to winter there, the ship having lost allher masts, and being saved from entire wreck with great difficulty. Besides the delay and disappointment to the passengers, this was a heavyloss to the captain of the ship, as he was under the necessity of hiringanother vessel at San Thome at a heavy charge, to carry us and our goodsto Pegu. My companions and I, with all the rest of the merchants, hireda bark at Manaar to carry us to San Thome, where I received intelligenceby way of Bengal, that opium was very scarce and dear in Pegu; and asthere was no other opium but mine then at San Thome, for the Pegumarket, all the merchants considered me as a very fortunate man, as Iwould make great profit, which indeed I certainly should have done, ifmy adverse fortune had not thwarted my well-grounded expectations, inthe following manner: A large ship from Cambaya, bound for _Assi_[Acheen?] with a large quantity of opium, and to lade pepper in return, being forced to lay-to in crossing the mouth of the bay of Bengal, wasobliged to go _roomer_[169] for 800 miles, by which means it went toPegu, and arrived there one day before me. Owing to this circumstance, opium, which had been very dear in Pegu, fell to a very low price, thequantity which had sold before for 50 _bizze_ having fallen to 2-1/2, solarge was the quantity brought by this ship. Owing to this unfortunatecircumstance, I was forced to remain two years in Pegu, otherwise I musthave given away my opium for much less than it cost me, and even at theend of that time I only made 1000 ducats by what had cost me 2100 inCambaya. 

[Footnote 169: The meaning of this ancient nautical term is here clearlyexpressed, as drifting to leeward while laying-to. --E. ]

After this I went from Pegu to the Indies[170] and Ormuz, with aquantity of _lac_. From Ormuz I returned to Chaul, and thence to Cochin, from which place I went again to Pegu. Once more I lost the opportunityof becoming rich, as on this voyage I only took a small quantity ofopium, while I might have sold a large quantity to great advantage, being afraid of meeting a similar disappointment with that whichhappened to me before. Being now again resolved to return into my nativecountry, I went from Pegu to Cochin, where I wintered, and then sailedfor Ormuz. 

[Footnote 170: Here, and in various other parts of these early voyages, India and the Indies seem confined to the western coast of thepeninsula, as it is called, or the Malabar coast. --E. ]

SECTION XX. 

_Some Account of the Commodities of India_. 

Before concluding this relation of my peregrinations, it seems properthat I should give some account of the productions of India. 

In all parts of India, both of the western and eastern regions, there ispepper and ginger, and in some parts the greatest quantity of pepper isfound wild in the woods, where it grows without any care or cultivation, except the trouble of gathering it when ripe. The tree on which thepepper grows is not unlike our ivy, and runs in the same manner up tothe top of such trees as grow in its neighbourhood, for if it were notto get hold of some tree it would lie flat on the ground and perish. Itsflower and berry in all things resemble the ivy, and its berries orgrains are the pepper, which are green when gathered, but by drying inthe sun they become black. Ginger requires cultivation, and its seedsare sown on land previously tilled. The herb resembles that called_panizzo_, and the root is the spice we call ginger. Cloves all comefrom the Moluccas, where they grow in two small islands, Ternate andTidore, on a tree resembling the laurel. Nutmegs and mace come from theisland of Banda, where they grow together on one tree, which resemblesour walnut tree, but not so large. Long pepper grows in Bengal, Pegu, and Java. 

All the good sandal-wood comes from the island of Timor. Camphor, beingcompounded, or having to undergo a preparation, comes all from China. That which grows in canes[171] comes from Borneo, and I think none ofthat kind is brought to Europe, as they consume large quantities of itin India, and it is there very dear. Good aloes wood comes fromCochin-China; and benjamin from the kingdoms of _Assi_, Acheen? andSiam. Musk is brought from Tartary, where it is made, as I have beentold, in the following manner. There is in Tartary a beast as large andfierce as a wolf, which they catch alive, and beat to death with smallstaves, that his blood may spread through his whole body. This they thencut in pieces, taking out all the bones, and having pounded the fleshand blood very fine in a mortar, they dry it and put it into purses madeof the skin, and these purses with their contents are the cods ofmusk[172]. 

[Footnote 171: This is an error, as camphor is a species of essentialoil, grossly sublimed at first from a tree of the laurel family, andafterwards purified by farther processes. --E. ]

[Footnote 172: The whole of this story is a gross fabrication imposed byignorance on credulity. The cods of musk are natural bags oremunctories, found near the genitals on the males of an animal named_Moschus Moschiferus_, or Thibet Musk. It is found through the whole ofCentral Asia, except its most northern parts, but the best musk comesfrom Thibet. --E. 

"The Jewes doe counterfeit and take out the halfe of the goode muske, beating it up with an equal quantity of the flesh of an asse, and putthis mixture in the bag or purse, which they sell for truemuske. "--_Hackluyt_. ]

I know not whereof amber is made[173], and there are divers opinionsrespecting it; but this much is certain, that it is cast out from thesea, and is found on the shores and banks left dry by the recess of thetides. Rubies, sapphires, and spinells are got in Pegu. Diamonds comefrom different places, and I know but three kinds of them. The kindwhich is called _Chiappe_ comes from _Bezeneger_, Bijanagur? Those thatare naturally pointed come from the land of Delly and the island ofJava, but those of Java are heavier than the others. I could never learnwhence the precious stones called _Balassi_ are procured. Pearls arefished for in different places, as has been already mentioned. Thesubstance called Spodium, which is found concreted in certain canes, isprocured in _Cambaza_, Cambaya? Of this concrete I found many pieces inPegu, when building myself a house there, as in that country theyconstruct their houses of canes woven together like mats or basket-work, as formerly related. 

[Footnote 173: Ambergris is probably meant in the text under the name ofAmber, as the former came formerly from India, while the latter isprincipally found in the maritime parts of Prussia. --E. ]

The Portuguese trade all the way from Chaul along the coast of India, and to Melinda in Ethiopia, in the land of Cafraria, on which coast aremany good ports belonging to the Moors. To these the Portuguese carry avery low-priced cotton cloth, and many _paternosters_, or beads made ofpaultry glass, which are manufactured at Chaul; and from thence theycarry back to India many elephants teeth, slaves, called Kafrs orCaffers, with some _amber_ and gold. On this coast the king of Portugalhas a castle at Mozambique, which is of as great importance as any ofhis fortresses, in the Indies. The captain or governor of this castlehas certain privileged voyages assigned to him, where only his agentsmay trade. In their dealings with the Kafrs along this coast, to whichthey go in small vessels, their purchases and sales are singularlyconducted without any conversation or words on either side. Whilesailing along the coast, the Portuguese stop in many places, and goingon shore they lay down a small quantity of their goods, which theyleave, going back to the ship. Then the Kafr merchant comes to look atthe goods, and having estimated them in his own way, he puts down asmuch gold as he thinks the goods are worth, leaving both the gold andthe goods, and then withdraws. If on the return of the Portuguese traderhe thinks the quantity of gold sufficient, he taketh it away and goesback to his ship, after which the Kafr takes away the goods, and thetransaction is finished. But if he find the gold still left, itindicates that the Portuguese merchant is not contented with thequantity, and if he thinks proper he adds a little more. The Portuguesemust not, however, be too strict with them, as they are apt to beaffronted and to give over traffic, being a peevish people. By means ofthis trade, the Portuguese exchange their commodities for gold, whichthey carry to the castle of Mozambique, standing in an island near theContinental coast of Cafraria, on the coast of Ethiopia, 2800 milesdistant from India. 

SECTION XXI. 

_Return of the Author to Europe_. 

To return to my voyage. On my arrival at Ormuz, I found there M. FrancisBerettin of Venice, and we freighted a bark in conjunction to carry usto Bussora, for which we paid 70 ducats; but as other merchants wentalong with us, they eased our freight. We arrived safely at Bussora, where we tarried 40 days, to provide a caravan of boats to go up theriver to _Babylon_ [Bagdat], as it is very unsafe to go this voyage withonly two or three barks together, because they cannot proceed during thenight, and have to make fast to the sides of the river, when it isnecessary to be vigilant and well provided with weapons, both forpersonal safety and the protection of the goods, as there are numerousthieves who lie in wait to rob the merchants: Wherefore it is customaryand proper always to go in fleets of not less than 25 or 30 boats, formutual protection. In going up the river the voyage is generally 38 or40 days, according as the wind happens to be favourable or otherwise, but we took 50 days. We remained four months at Babylon, until thecaravan was ready to pass the desert to Aleppo. In this city sixEuropean merchants of us consorted together to pass the desert, five ofwhom were Venetians and one a Portuguese. The Venetians were _MesserFlorinasca_, and one of his kinsmen, _Messer Andrea de Polo, MesserFrancis Berettin_, and I. So we bought horses and mules for our own use, which are very cheap there, insomuch that I bought a horse for myselffor eleven _akens_, and sold him afterwards in Aleppo for 30 ducats. Webought likewise a tent, which was of very great convenience and comfortto us, and we furnished ourselves with sufficient provisions, and beansfor the horses, to serve 40 days. We had also among us 33 camels ladenwith merchandise, paying two ducats for every camels load, and, according to the custom of the country, they furnish 11 camels for every10 bargained and paid for. We likewise had with us three men to serveus during the journey, _which are used to go for five Dd. _[174] a man, and are bound to serve for that sum all the way to Aleppo. 

[Footnote 174: Such is the manner in which the hire of these servants isexpressed in Hakluyt. Perhaps meaning 500 pence; and as the Venetian_sol_ is about a halfpenny, this will amount to about a guinea, but itdoes not appear whether this is the sum for each person, or for allthree. --E. ]

By these precautions we made the journey over the desert without anytrouble, as, whenever the camels stopt for rest, our tent was always thefirst erected. The caravan makes but small journeys of about 20 milesa-day, setting out every morning two hours before day, and stoppingabout two hours after noon. We had good fortune on our journey as itrained, so that we were never in want of water; yet we always carriedone camel load of water for our party for whatever might happen in thedesert, so that we were in no want of any thing whatever that thiscountry affords. Among other things we had fresh mutton every day, as wehad many shepherds along with us taking care of the sheep we had boughtat Babylon, each merchant having his own marked with a distinguishingmark. We gave each shepherd a _medin_, which is twopence of our money, for keeping and feeding our sheep by the way, and for killing them;besides which the shepherds got the heads, skins, and entrails of allthe sheep for themselves. We six bought 20 sheep, and 7 of them remainedalive when we came to Aleppo. While on our journey through the desert, we used to lend flesh to each other, so as never to carry any fromstation to station, being repaid next day by those to whom we lent theday before. 

From Babylon to Aleppo is 40 days journey, of which 36 days are throughthe desert or wilderness, in which neither trees, houses, norinhabitants are anywhere to be seen, being all an uniform extended plainor dreary waste, with no object whatever to relieve the eye. On thejourney, the pilots or guides go always in front, followed by thecaravan in regular order. When the guides stop, all the caravan does thesame, and unloads the camels, as the guides know where wells are to befound. I have said that the caravan takes 36 days to travel across thewilderness; besides these, for the two first days after leaving Babylonwe go past inhabited villages, till such time as we cross the Euphrates;and then we have two days journey through among inhabited villagesbefore reaching Aleppo. Along with each caravan there is a captain, whodispenses justice to all men, and every night there is a guardappointed to keep watch for the security of the whole. From Aleppo wewent to Tripoli, in Syria, where M. Florinasca, M. Andrea Polo, and I, with a friar in company, hired a bark to carry us towards Jerusalem. Weaccordingly sailed from Tripoli to Jaffa, from which place we travelledin a day and a half to Jerusalem, leaving orders that the bark shouldwait for our return. We remained 14 days at Jerusalem visiting the holyplaces, whence we returned to Jaffa, and thence back to Tripoli, andthere we embarked in a ship belonging to Venice, called the Bajazzana;and, by the aid of the divine goodness, we safely arrived in Venice onthe 5th of November 1581. 

Should any one incline to travel into those parts of India to which Iwent, let him not be astonished or deterred by the troubles, entanglements, and long delays which I underwent, owing to my poverty. On leaving Venice, I had 1200 ducats invested in merchandise; but whileat Tripoli in my way out I fell sick in the house of M. Regaly Oratio, who sent away my goods with a small caravan to Aleppo. This caravan wasrobbed, and all my goods lost, except four chests of glasses, which costme 200 ducats. Even of my glasses many were broken, as the thieves hadbroken up the boxes in hopes of getting goods more suitable for theirpurpose. Even with this small remaining stock I adventured to proceedfor the Indies, where, by exchange and re-exchange, with much patientdiligence, and with the blessing of God, I at length acquired arespectable stock. 

It may be proper to mention, for the sake of others who may follow myexample, by what means they may secure their goods and effects to theirheirs, in case of their death. In all the cities belonging to thePortuguese in India, there is a house or establishment called the schoolof the _Santa Misericordia comissaria_, the governors of which, onpayment of a certain fee, take a copy of your testament, which you oughtalways to carry along with you when travelling in the Indies. Therealways goes into the different countries of the Gentiles and Mahometansa captain or consul, to administer justice to the Portuguese, and otherChristians connected with them, and this captain has authority torecover the goods of all merchants who chance to die on these voyages. Should any of these not have their wills along with them, or not havethem registered in one of the before-mentioned schools, these captainsare sure to consume their goods in such a way that little or nothingwill remain for their heirs. There are always also on such voyages somemerchants who are commissaries of the _Sancta Misericardia_, who takecharge of the goods of those who have registered their wills in thatoffice, and having sold them the money is remitted to the head office ofthe Misericordia at Lisbon, whence intelligence is sent to any part ofChristendom whence the deceased may have come, so that on the heirs ofsuch persons going to Lisbon with satisfactory testimonials, they willreceive the full value of what was left by their relation. It is to benoted, however, that when any merchant happens to die in the kingdom ofPegu, one-third of all that belongs to him goes, by ancient law andcustom, to the king and his officers, but the other two-thirds arehonourably restored to those having authority to receive them. On thisaccount, I have known many rich men who dwelt in Pegu, who have desiredto go thence into their own country in their old age to die there, thatthey might save the third of their property to their heirs, and thesehave always been allowed freely to depart without trouble ormolestation. 

In Pegu the fashion in dress is uniformly the same for the high and low, the rich and the poor, the only difference being in the quality orfineness, of the materials, which is cloth of cotton, of variousqualities. In the first place, they have an inner garment of whitecotton cloth which serves for a shirt, over which they gird anothergarment of painted cotton cloth of fourteen _brasses_ or yards, which isbound or tucked up between the legs. On their heads they wear a _tuck_or turban of three yards long, bound round the head somewhat like amitre; but some, instead of this, have a kind of cap like a bee-hive, which does not fall below the bottom of the ear. They are allbarefooted; but the nobles never walk a-foot, being carried by men on aseat of some elegance, having a hat made of leaves to keep-off the rainand sun; or else they ride on horseback, having their bare feet in thestirrups. All women, of whatever degree, wear a shift or smock down tothe girdle, and from thence down to their feet a cloth of three yardslong, forming a kind of petticoat which is open before, and so straitthat at every step they shew their legs and more, so that in walkingthey have to hide themselves as it were very imperfectly with theirhand. It is reported that this was contrived by one of the queens ofthis country, as a means of winning the men from certain unnaturalpractices to which they were unhappily addicted. The women go allbarefooted like the men, and have their arms loaded with hoops of goldadorned with jewels, and their fingers all filled with precious rings. They wear their long hair rolled up and fastened on the crown of theirheads, and a cloth thrown over their shoulders, by way of a cloak. 

By way of concluding this long account of my peregrinations, I have thisto say, that those parts of the Indies in which I have been are verygood for a man who has little, and wishes by diligent industry to makerich: _providing always that he conducts himself so as to preserve thereputation of honesty_. Such, persons will never fail to receiveassistance to advance their fortunes. But, for those who are vicious, dishonest, or indolent, they had better stay at home; for they shallalways remain poor, and die beggars. 

_End of the Peregrinations of Cesar Frederick_. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER VII. 

EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES TO GUINEA, AND OTHER PARTS OF THE WEST COAST OFAFRICA. 

INTRODUCTION. 

On the present occasion we are principally guided in our selection bychronological order, owing to which this _Chapter_ may have an anomalousappearance, as containing the early voyages of the English to theWestern or Atlantic coast of Africa, while the title of the _Book_ towhich it belongs was confined to the Discoveries and Conquests of thePortuguese, and other European Nations, in India; yet the arrangementhas been formed on what we have considered as sufficient grounds, moreespecially as resembling the steps by which the Portuguese were led totheir grand discovery of the route by sea to India. Our collectionforms a periodical work, in the conduct of which it would be obviouslyimproper to tie ourselves too rigidly, in these introductory discourses, to any absolute rules of minute arrangement, which might prevent us fromavailing ourselves of such valuable sources of information as may occurin the course of our researches. We have derived the principal materialsof this and the next succeeding chapter, from Hakluyt's Collection ofthe Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation, usingthe late edition published at London in 1810, and availing ourselves ofthe previous labours of the Editor of Astleys Collection, published in1745. Mr John Green, the intelligent editor of that former collection, has combined the substance of the present and succeeding chapters of ourwork in the second book of his first volume, under the title of TheFirst Voyages of the English to Guinea and the East Indies; and as ourpresent views are almost solely confined to the period which heembraces, we have thought it right to insert his introduction to thatbook, as containing a clear historical view of the subject[175]. It isproper to mention, however, that, while we follow his steps, we haveuniformly had recourse to the originals from which he drew hismaterials; and, for reasons formerly assigned, wherever any differencemay occur between our collection and that of Astley, we shall subjoinour remarks and references, at the place or places to which theybelong. --E. 

[Footnote 175: Astley's Collection, Vol. I. P. 138, 140. ]

"Although the Portuguese were the first who set on foot discoveries bysea, and carried them on for many years before any other European nationattempted to follow their example; yet, as soon as these voyagesappeared to be attended with commercial gain, the English were ready toput in for a share. The Portuguese discovered Guinea about the year1471; and only ten years afterwards we find the English makingpreparations to visit the newly discovered coast[176]. In the year 1481, John Tintam and William Fabian were busy in fitting out a fleet for thecoast of Guinea; but whether on their own account in whole or in part, or solely for the Duke of _Medina Sidonia_ in Spain, by whose commandthey are said to have done this, cannot be now determined. It ispossible, as the Spaniards were excluded by the Papal grant in favourof the Portuguese from trading to the East Indies, that they mightendeavour to elude this authority by employing Englishmen in thatnavigation. However this may have been, _Joam_ or John II. King ofPortugal, sent two persons on an embassy to Edward king of England, torenew the ancient league of friendship between the crowns, and to movehim to hinder that fleet from putting to sea. The Portuguese ambassadorshad orders to acquaint the king of England with the title which the kingof Portugal derived from the Pope, to the exclusive sovereignty andnavigation of Guinea, and to demand that Edward should prohibit hissubjects from sending any ships to that country. This was accordinglydone, and the purposes of that intended voyage were frustrated. This isan authentic testimony of the early attempts of the English, which isrelated at length by _Garcia de Resende_, in the life of Joam II. Ch. 33[177]. To this, or some similar circumstance, it may have been owingthat the English desisted so long from sailing to the southwards, andturned their endeavours to the discovery of a passage to India by someother way. 

[Footnote 176: The French pretend to have traded with Guinea from 1364till 1413, being 107 years before it was discovered by thePortuguese. --Astl. I. 138, a. ]

[Footnote 177: Cited by Hakluyt, Vol. II. Part 2. P. 2]

"It appears by a memorandum or letter of _Nicholas Thorn_, senior, aconsiderable merchant in Bristol, of which Hakluyt gives thecontents[178], that in 1526, and from circumstances for a long timeprevious, certain English merchants, among whom were _Nicholas Thorn_and _Thomas Spacheford_, had frequently traded to the Canary islands. Inthat letter or memorandum, notice was given to _Thomas Midnal_ hisfactor and _William Ballard_ his servant; residing in St Lucar inAndalusia, that the Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies, hadtaken on board several packs of cloth of different fineness and colours, together with packthread, soap, and other goods, to be landed at SantaCruz in Teneriffe. They are directed to sell these goods, and to sendback returns in Orchil[179], sugar, and kid skins. 

[Footnote 178: Id. Ib. P. 3. ]

[Footnote 179: A species of moss growing on high rocks, much used inthese days in dying. --Astl. I. 138. D. ]

"At length, about the middle of the _sixteenth_ century, the Englishspirit of trade, meeting with favourable circumstances, began to exertitself, and to extend its adventures to the south as well as the north. About the year 1551, Captain Thomas Windham sailed in the ship Lion forMorocco, whither he carried two Moors of the blood-royal. This was thefirst voyage to the western coast of Africa of which we have anyaccount, and these are all the particulars to be found respecting it;except that one Thomas Alday, a servant to Sebastian Cabot, in a letterinserted in Hakluyt's Collection[180], represents himself as the firstpromoter of this trade to Barbary, and observes that he would haveperformed this voyage himself, with the sole command of the ship andgoods, had it not been that Sir John Lutterel, John Fletcher, HenryOstrich, and others with whom he was connected, died of the sweatingsickness, and he himself, after escaping that disease, was seized by aviolent fever, so that Thomas Windham sailed from Portsmouth before herecovered, by which he lost eighty pounds. 

[Footnote 180: Vol. II. P. 7. ]

"In the next year, 1552, Windham made a second voyage to _Zafin_ or_Saffi_ and Santa Cruz without the straits, which gave so much offenceto the Portuguese, that they threatened to treat the English as enemiesif found in these seas. Yet in the year following, the same ThomasWindham, with a Portuguese named Antonio Yanez Pinteado, who appears tohave been the chief promoter of the attempt, undertook a voyage toGuinea, with three ships having an hundred and forty men; and havingtraded for some time on the coast for gold, they went to Benin to loadpepper: But both the commanders and most of the men dying of sickness, occasioned by the climate, the rest returned to Plymouth with one shiponly, having burnt the other two for want of hands, and brought back nogreat riches. In 1554, Mr John Lok made a voyage with three ships to thecoast of Guinea, whence he brought back a considerable quantity of goldand ivory. These voyages appear to have been succeeded by others almostevery year. At length, upon application to Queen Elizabeth, two patentswere granted to certain merchants. One in 1585, for the Barbary orMorocco trade, and the other in 1588, for the trade to Guinea betweenthe rivers Senegal and Gambia[181]. In 1592, a third patent was grantedto other persons, taking in the coast from the river _Nonnia_ to thesouth of Sierra Leona, for the space of 100 leagues, which patents gaverise to the African company. In all their voyages to the coast of Africathey had disputes with the Portuguese. Several of these voyages havebeen preserved by Hakluyt, and will be found inserted in this chapter, as forerunners to the English voyages to the East Indies. 

[Footnote 181: The former for twelve years, was granted to the Earls ofLeicester and Warwick, and certain merchants of London, to the number of32 in all. The other for ten years to eight persons of Exeter, London, and other places. By this latter patent, it appears that this trade wasadvised by the Portuguese residing in London, and one voyage had beenmade before the grant. See Hakluyt, II. Part 2. Pp. 114 and 123. --Astl. I. 139. A. ]

"The views of the English extending with experience and success, andfinding the long attempted north-east and north-west passages to Indiaimpracticable, they at length determined to proceed for that distantregion round Africa by the same course with the Portuguese. In 1591, that voyage was undertaken for the first time by three large ships underthe command of Captain Raymond; and in 1596, another fleet of threeships set out on the same design under Captain Wood, but with badsuccess. In the mean time several navigators were employed to discoverthis course to the East Indies. At length in 1600, a charter wasobtained from Queen Elizabeth by a body of merchants, to the number of216, having George Earl of Cumberland at their head, under the name ofthe _Company of Merchant Adventurers_, for carrying on a trade to theEast Indies. From this period ships were sent there regularly every twoor three years; and thus were laid the foundations of the English EastIndia commerce, which has subsisted ever since under exclusive charteredcompanies. 

"Long before the English sailed to India in their own ships, severalEnglish merchants and others had gone to India from time to time in thePortuguese ships, and some overland; from a desire to pry into and toparticipate in the advantages of that gainful commerce. Of those whowent by land, several letters and relations remain which will be foundin the sequel: But of all who performed the voyage as passengers in thePortuguese vessels, we know of only one who left any account of hisadventures, or at least whose account has been published; viz. ThomasStephens. To this may be added the account by _Captain Davis_ of avoyage in the Dutch ship called the _Middleburgh Merchants_ in 1598, ofwhich he served as pilot, for the purpose of making himself acquaintedwith the maritime route to India, and the posture of the Portugueseaffairs in that country. Both of these journals contain very usefulremarks for the time in which they were made, and both will be found inour collection. 

"Although the first voyages of the English to the East Indies are fullof variety, yet the reader is not to expect such a continued series ofnew discoveries, great actions, battles, sieges, and conquests, as areto be met with in the history of the Portuguese expeditions: For it mustbe considered that we made few or no discoveries, as these had beenalready made before; that our voyages were for the most part strictlycommercial; that our settlements were generally made by the consent ofthe natives; that we made no conquests; and that the undertakings wereset on foot and carried on entirely by our merchants[182]. On thisaccount it is, probably, that we have no regular history extant of theEnglish Voyages, Discoveries, and Transactions in the East Indies, as wefind there are many such of the Portuguese and Spanish. It may bepresumed, however, that as the East India Company has kept regularjournals of their affairs, and is furnished with letters and othermemorials from their agents, that a satisfactory account of all theEnglish Transactions in India might be collected, if the Company thoughtproper to give orders for its execution[183]. "--_Astley_. 

[Footnote 182: These observations are to be considered as applyingentirely to the earlier connection of the English with India. In moremodern days there has been a sufficiently copious series of greatactions, battles, sieges, and conquests; but these belong to a differentand more modern period than that now under review, and are moreconnected with the province of political military and naval history, than with a Collection of Voyages and Travels. Yet these likewise willrequire to be noticed in an after division of this work. --E. ]

[Footnote 183: A commencement towards this great desideratum in EnglishHistory has been lately made, by the publication of the early History ofthe English East India Company, by John Bruce, Esquire, Historiographerto the Company. --E. ]

SECTION I. 

_Second Voyage of the English to Barbary, in the year 1552, by CaptainThomas Windham_[184]. 

Of the first voyage to Barbary without the straits, made by the sameCaptain Thomas Wyndham, the only remaining record is in a letter fromJames Aldaie to Michael Locke, already mentioned in the Introduction tothis Chapter, and preserved in Hakluyt's Collection, II. 462. Accordingto Hakluyt, the account of this second voyage was written by JamesThomas, then page to Captain Thomas Windham, chief captain of thevoyage, which was set forth by Sir John Yorke, Sir William Gerard, SirThomas Wroth, Messieurs Frances Lambert, Cole, and others. --E. 

[Footnote 184: Hakluyt, II. 463. Astley, I. 140. ]

 * * * * *

The ships employed on this voyage were three, of which two belonged tothe River Thames. These were the Lion of London of about 150 tons, ofwhich Thomas Windham was captain and part owner; and the Buttolfe ofabout 80 tons. The third was a Portuguese caravel of about 60 tons, bought from some Portuguese at Newport in Wales, and freighted for thevoyage. The number of men in the three ships was 120. The master of theLion was John Kerry of Minehead in Somersetshire, and his mate was DavidLandman. Thomas Windham, the chief captain of the Adventure, was agentleman, born in the county of Norfolk, but resident at MarshfieldPark in Somersetshire. 

The fleet set sail from King-road near Bristol about the beginning ofMay 1552, being on a Monday morning; and on the evening of the Mondayfortnight we came to anchor in the port of Zafia or Asafi on the coastof Barbary, in 32° N. Where we landed part of our cargo to be conveyedby land to the city of Marocco. Having refreshed at this port, we wentthence to the port of Santa-Cruz, where we landed the rest of our goods, being a considerable quantity of linen and woollen cloth, with coral, amber, jet, and divers other goods esteemed by the Moors. We found aFrench ship in the road of Santa-Cruz, the people on board which beinguncertain whether France and England were then at peace or engaged inwar, drew her as near as possible to the walls of the town, from whichthey demanded assistance for their defence in case of need; and onseeing our vessels draw near, they shot off a piece of ordnance from thewalls, the ball passing through between the main and fore masts of theLion. We came immediately to anchor, and presently a pinnace came off toinquire who we were; and on learning that we had been there the yearbefore, and had the licence of their king for trade, they were fullysatisfied, giving us leave to bring our goods peaceably on shore, wherethe viceroy, Sibill Manache came shortly to visit us, and treated uswith all civility. Owing to various delays, we were nearly three monthsat this place before we could get our lading, which consisted of sugar, dates, almonds, and molasses, or the syrup of sugar. Although we were atthis place for so long a time during the heat of summer, yet none of ourcompany perished of sickness. 

When our ships were all loaded, we drew out to sea in waiting for awestern wind to carry us to England. But while at sea a great leak brokeout in the Lion, on which we bore away for the island of Lançerota, between which and Fuertaventura we came to anchor in a safe road-stead, whence we landed 70 chests of sugar upon the island of Lançerota, with adozen or sixteen of our men. Conceiving that we had come wrongfully bythe caraval, the inhabitants came by surprise upon us and took all whowere on shore prisoners, among whom I was one, and destroyed our sugars. On this transaction being perceived from our ships, they sent on shorethree boats filled with armed men to our rescue; and our people landing, put the Spaniards to flight, of whom they slew eighteen, and made thegovernor of the island prisoner, who was an old gentleman about 70 yearsof age. Our party continued to chase the Spaniards so far for ourrescue, that they exhausted all their powder and arrows, on which theSpaniards rallied and returned upon them, and slew six of our men in theretreat. After this our people and the Spaniards came to a parley, inwhich it was agreed that we the prisoners should be restored in exchangefor the old governor, who gave us a certificate under his hand of thedamages we had sustained by the spoil of our sugars, that we might becompensated upon our return to England, by the merchants belonging tothe king of Spain. 

Having found and repaired the leak, and all our people being returned onboard, we made sail; and while passing one side of the island, theCacafuego and other ships of the Portuguese navy entered by the otherside to the same roadstead whence we had just departed, and shot offtheir ordnance in our hearing. It is proper to mention that thePortuguese were greatly offended at this our new trade to Barbary, andboth this year and the former, they gave out through their merchants inEngland, with great threats and menaces, that they would treat us asmortal enemies, if they found us in these seas: But by the goodprovidence of God we escaped their hands. We were seven or eight weeksin making our passage from Lançerota for the coast of England, where thefirst port we made was Plymouth; and from thence sailed for the Thames, where we landed our merchandise at London about the end of October 1552. 

SECTION II. 

_A Voyage from England to Guinea and Benin in 1553, by Captain Windhamand Antonio Anes Pinteado_[185]. 

PREVIOUS REMARKS. 

This and the following voyage to Africa were first published by RichardEden in a small collection, which was afterwards reprinted in 4to, byRichard Willes in 1577[186]. Hakluyt has inserted both these in hisCollection, with Eden's preamble as if it were his own; only that heascribes the account of Africa to the right owner[187]. 

[Footnote 185: Astley, I. 141. Hakluyt, II. 464. --The editor of Astley'sCollection says _Thomas_ Windham; but we have no evidence in Hakluyt, copying from Eden, that such was his Christian name, or that he was thesame person who had gone twice before to the coast of Morocco. InHakluyt, the Voyage is said to have been at the charge of certainmerchant adventurers of London. --E. ]

[Footnote 186: Hist. Of Travayle in the West and East Indies, &c. ByEden and Willes, 4to, p. 336. --Astl. I. 141. B. ]

[Footnote 187: So far the editor of Astley's Collection: The remainderof these previous remarks contains the preamble by Eden, as reprinted byHakluyt, II. 464. --E. ]

"I was desired by certain friends to make some mention of this voyage, that some memory of it might remain to posterity, being the firstenterprised by the English to parts that may become of great consequenceto our merchants, if not hindered by the ambition of such as conceivethemselves lords of half the world, by having conquered some forty orfifty miles here and there, erecting certain fortresses, envying thatothers should enjoy the commodities which they themselves cannot whollypossess. And, although such as have been at charges in the discoveringand conquering of such lands, ought in good reason to have certainprivileges, pre-eminences and tributes for the same; yet, undercorrection, it may seem somewhat rigorous and unreasonable, or rathercontrary to the charity that ought to subsist among Christians, thatsuch as invade the dominions of others, should not allow other friendlynations to trade in places nearer and seldom frequented by themselves, by which their own trade is not hindered in such other places as theyhave chosen for themselves as staples or marts of their trade[188]. Butas I do not propose either to accuse or defend, I shall cease to speakany farther on this subject, and proceed to the account of the firstvoyage to those parts, as briefly and faithfully as I was advertised ofthe same, by information of such credible persons as made diligentinquiry respecting it, omitting many minute particulars, not greatlynecessary to be known; but which, with the exact course of thenavigation, shall be more fully related in the second voyage. If somemay think that certain persons have been rather sharply reflected on, Ihave this to say, that favour and friendship ought always to give waybefore truth, that honest men may receive the praise of well-doing, andbad men be justly reproved; that the good may be encouraged to proceedin honest enterprizes, and the bad deterred from following evil example. 

[Footnote 188: Richard Eden here obviously endeavours to combat themonopoly of trade to the Portuguese discoveries, arrogated by thatnation; although the entire colonial system of all the European nationshas always been conducted upon the same exclusive principles, down tothe present day. --E. ]

That these voyages may be the better understood, I have thought properto premise a brief description of Africa, on the west coast of whichgreat division of the world, the coast of Guinea begins at Cape Verd inabout lat. 12° N. And about two degrees in longitude _from the measuringline_[189]; whence running from north to south, and in some places byeast, within 5, 4, and 3-1/2 degrees into the equinoctial, and so forthin manner directly east and north, for the space of about 36 degrees inlongitude from west to east, as shall more plainly appear in the secondvoyage[190]. 

[Footnote 189: Evidently meaning the first meridian passing through theisland of Ferro, one of the Canaries, from which Cape Verd is about 2°W. --E. ]

[Footnote 190: These geographical indications respecting the coast ofGuinea, are extremely obscure, so as to be almost unintelligible. --E. ]

 * * * * *

_Brief Description of Africa, by Richard Eden_[191]. 

In the lesser Africa are the kingdoms of Tunis and Constantina, whichlatter is at this day subject to Tunis, and also the regions of Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Africa is very barren, by reason of thegreat deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principal ports of the kingdomof Tunis are, Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia, Bona, and Stora. Tunis andConstantina are the chief cities, with several others. To this kingdombelong the following islands, Zerbi, Lampadola, Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta; in which the grand-master of the knights ofRhodes now resides. To the south of this kingdom are the great desertsof Lybia. All the nations of this lesser Africa are of the sect ofMahomet, a rustical people living scattered in villages. 

[Footnote 191: This brief description of Africa is preserved, rather forthe purpose of shewing what were the ideas of the English on thissubject towards the end of the sixteenth century, than for anyexcellence. --E. ]

The best of this part of Africa is Mauritania, now called Barbary, onthe coast of the Mediterranean. Mauritania is divided into two parts, Tingitana and Cesariensis. Mauritania Tingitana is now called thekingdoms of Fez and Marocco, of which the capitals bear the same names. Mauritania, Cesariensis is now called the kingdom of Tremessan, thecapital of which is named Tremessan or Telensin. This region is full ofdeserts, and reaches to the Mediterranean, to the city of Oran with theport of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fez reaches to the ocean, from thewest to the city of Arzilla, and Sala or Salee is the port of thiskingdom. The kingdom of Marocco also extends to the ocean, on which ithas the cities of Azamor and Azafi. Near to Fez and Marocco in the oceanare the Canary islands, anciently called the Fortunate islands. 

To the south is the kingdom of Guinea, with Senega, Jalofo, Gambra, andmany other regions of _the black Moors_, called Ethiopians or Negroes, all of which regions are watered by the river Negro, called ancientlythe Niger[192]. In these regions there are no cities, but only villagesof low cottages made of boughs of trees, plastered over with chalk andcovered with straw; and in these regions there are great deserts. 

[Footnote 192: In the text the Senegal river is to be understood by theNegro, or river of the Blacks. But the ancient Niger is now well knownto run eastwards in the interior of Nigritia, having no connectionwhatever with the Senegal or with the sea. --E. ]

The kingdom of Marocco includes seven subordinate kingdoms, named Hea, Sus, Guzula, Marocco proper, Duccula, Hazchora, and Tedle. Fez has anequal number, as Fez, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet, and Elcair. Tremessan has only three, being Tremessan, Tenez, and Elgazair; all theinhabitants of all these regions being Mahometans. But all the regionsof Guinea are peopled by Gentiles and idolaters, having no religion orknowledge of God except from the law of nature. 

Africa, one of the three great divisions of the world known to theancients, is separated from Asia on the east by the river Nile, and onthe west from Europe by the Pillars of Hercules or the Straits ofGibraltar. The entire northern coast along the Mediterranean is nowcalled Barbary, and is inhabited by the Moors. The inner part is calledLybia and Ethiopia. Lesser Africa, in which stood the noble city ofCarthage, has Numidia on the west and Cyrenaica on the east. 

On the east side of Africa, to the west of the Red Sea, are thedominions of the great and mighty Christian king or emperor PresterJohn, well known to the Portuguese in their voyages to Calicut. Hisdominions reach very far on every side, and he has many other kingsunder his authority who pay him tribute, both Christian and Pagan. Thismighty prince is named David emperor of Ethiopia, and it is said thatthe Portuguese send him every year eight ships laden with merchandise. His dominions are bounded on one side by the Red Sea, and stretch farinto Africa towards Egypt and Barbary. To the southwards they adjoinwith the great sea or ocean towards the Cape of Good Hope, and to thenorth are bounded by the great and dangerous _Sea of Sand_, lyingbetween the great city of Cairo in Egypt and the country of Ethiopia; inwhich are many uninhabitable deserts continuing for the space of fivedays journey. It is affirmed, if the Christian emperor were not hinderedby the deserts, in which there is great want of provisions andespecially of water, that he would ere now have invaded Egypt. The chiefcity of Ethiopia, in which this great emperor resides, is called_Amacaiz_, being a city of some importance, the inhabitants of which areof an olive complexion. There are many other cities, such as the city of_Sava_ on the Nile, where the emperor ordinarily resides during thesummer. There is likewise a great city named _Barbaregaf_ and _Ascon_, whence the queen of Saba is supposed to have gone for Jerusalem to hearthe wisdom of Solomon[193]. This last city though little is very fair, and one of the principal cities of Ethiopia. In this province there aremany very high mountains, on which the terrestrial paradise is supposedto have been situated; and some say that the trees of the sun and moonwhich are mentioned by the ancients, are to be found there, but no onehas ever been able to go to them, on account of great deserts extendingto an hundred days journey. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape ofGood Hope. 

[Footnote 193: The names of places are so corruptly given as hardly evento be guessed at. Amacaiz may possibly be meant for Amba Keshem, Savafor Shoa, Barbaregaf for the Baharnagash, and Ascon for Assab. --E. ]

_Journal of the Voyage_. 

On the 12th of August 1553, there sailed from Portsmouth two goodlyships, the Primrose and the Lion, with a pinnace called the Moon, allwell furnished with 140 able bodied men, and with ordnance and victualsfitting for the voyage. They were commanded by two captains; one of whomwas a foreigner named Antonio Anes Pinteado, a native of Oporto inPortugal, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who, for his skill innavigation both as an experienced pilot and prudent commander, was atone time in such favour with the king of Portugal, that the coasts ofBrazil and Guinea were committed to his care against the French, to whomhe was a terror in these seas. He had been likewise a gentleman of thehousehold to the king. But as fortune ever flatters when it favours, ever deceives when it promises, and ever casts down whom it raises, sogreat wealth and high favour are always accompanied by emulation andenvy; in like manner was he, after many adversities and maliciousaccusations, forced to take refuge in England. In this golden voyagePinteado was ill-matched with an evil companion, his own various goodqualities being coupled with one who had few or no virtues. Thus didthese noble ships depart on their voyage; but previously captain Windhamput out of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the headmerchants, shewing in this a sample of the bad intention of his mind, which grew from this small beginning to a monstrous enormity; yet happywas that young man for being left behind. 

Arriving at the island of Madeira, they took in some wine for the use ofthe ships. At this island was a great galleon belonging to the king ofPortugal, full of men and ordnance, which had been expressly fitted outto interrupt our ships in their intended voyage, or any others thatmight intend a similar expedition; for the king of Portugal had beensecretly informed that our ships were armed to attack his castle ofMina, though no such thing was intended; yet did not that galleonattempt to stay our ships, nor could she have been able to withstandthem if that had been tried. 

After their departure from Madeira the worthy captain Pinteado began toexperience affliction from Captain Windham, who had hitherto carried afair appearance of good will, but now assumed to himself the solecommand, setting both captain Pinteado and the merchants factors atnought, giving them opprobrious words and sometimes abusing them mostshamefully with threats of personal ill-treatment. He even proceeded todeprive captain Pinteado of the service of the boys and others who hadbeen assigned him by order of the merchant adventurers, reducing him tothe rank of a common mariner, which is the greatest affront that can beput upon a Portuguese or Spaniard, who prize their honour above allthings. Passing the Canaries, they came to the island of St Nicholas, one of the Cape Verds, where they procured abundance of the flesh ofwild goats, being almost its only produce. Following their voyage fromthence, they tarried by the way at certain desert islands, not willingto arrive too early on the coast of Guinea on account of the heat. Butbeing under an arbitrary rule, they tarried too long, and came at lengthto the first land of Guinea at the river _Cesto_[194], where they mighthave exchanged their merchandise for a full lading of the _grains_, orspice of that country, which is a very hot fruit and much like figs; thefruit being full of grains which are loose within the pod[195]. Thiskind of spice is much used in cold countries, and may be sold there togreat advantage in exchange for other commodities. But, by thepersuasion or command rather of our tyrannical captain, our people madelight of this commodity in comparison with the fine gold for which theythirsted, wherefore they made sail an hundred leagues farther till theycame to the golden land or gold coast. 

[Footnote 194: Or Sestre, a river on the Grain coast or Malaguette. --E. ]

[Footnote 195: This is the Guinea pepper, called grains of Paradise bythe Italians, whence this part of Guinea was named the grain coast. Thetext describes the pods as having a hole on each side, which, it wasafterwards learnt, were for putting thongs, strings or twigs on which todry the pods. These pods grow on a humble plant, not above a foot and ahalf or two feet from the ground, and are bright red when firstgathered, --Astl. ]

At this part of the coast, not venturing to come near the castle of StGeorge del Mina belonging to the king of Portugal, they made sale oftheir goods only on this side and beyond that place, receiving the goldof the country in exchange to the extent of 150 pounds weight[196], andthey might have bartered all their merchandise for gold at that place, if the pride of Windham had allowed him to listen to the counsel andexperience of Pinteado: but not satisfied with what he had got or mightstill have procured, if he had remained in the neighbourhood of Mina, hecommanded Pinteado to navigate the ships to Benin under the equinoctial, 150 leagues beyond the Mina, where he expected to have laden the shipswith pepper. When Pinteado urged the lateness of the season, and advisedthat instead of going farther they should continue to dispose of theirwares for gold, by which great profit would have been gained, Windhamflew into a passion, called Pinteado a Jew, and gave him muchopprobrious language, saying, "This rascally Jew promised to conduct usto places that either do not exist or to which he knows not the way, butif he does not I will cut off his ears and nail them to the mast. " Theadvice given by Pinteado, not to go farther, was for the safety of themens lives, which would have been in great danger at that late season, during their winter or _rossia_, not so called on account of cold, butfrom the heat accompanied with close and cloudy air, alternating withgreat tempests, during which the air was of so putrifying a quality asto rot the clothes on their backs. He had formerly lingered by the way, to prevent them arriving too soon on the coast, when the heat of the sunis scorching and unbearable. 

Thus constrained contrary to his wish, he brought the ships to anchoroff the mouth of the river Benin, whence the pinnace was sent 50 or 60leagues up the river. They then landed, and Pinteado, with Franciscoanother Portuguese, Nicholas Lambert a gentleman, and other merchantswere conducted to the kings court, ten leagues from the river, wherethey were brought into the kings presence by a great company. The kingwas a _black Moor_ or negro, though not quite so black as the rest, andsat in a long wide hall having earthen walls without windows, roofedwith thin planks open in many parts to let in air. These people givewonderful reverence to their king, even the highest of his officerswhen in his presence never daring to look him in the face, but sitcowering on their buttocks with their elbows on their knees, and theirhands on their faces, never looking up till the king commands them. Whencoming towards the king they shew him the utmost reverence from as faroff as they can see him; and when they depart they never turn theirbacks towards him. In the communication of our men with the king, heused the Portuguese language, which he had learnt when a child. Commanding our men to stand up, he inquired the reason of their cominginto his country; on which he was answered by Pinteado, that we weremerchants who had come from a distant country into his dominions, toprocure the commodities of the country in exchange for wares which wehad brought from our own country, to the mutual convenience of bothcountries. The king had then 30 or 40 quintals or hundred weights ofpepper, which had long lain in a store-house, which he desired ourpeople to look at, and that they should exhibit to him such commoditiesas they had brought for sale. He likewise sent some of his officers toconduct our people to the water-side, and to carry our wares from thepinnace to his residence. These things being done, the king engaged toour merchants that in 30 days he would provide a sufficiency of pepperto load all our ships, and in case our merchandise might not amount tothe whole value of the pepper, he promised to give credit till nextseason, and immediately sent orders over all the country to gatherpepper, so that in 30 days 80 tons of pepper were procured. 

[Footnote 196: Or 1800 ounces, which at L. 3, 17s. 6d. Per ounce, isequal to L. 6975 sterling, a large sum in those days. --E. ]

In the meantime our men lived without any rule, eating without measureof the fruit of the country, drinking the palm wine which runs in thenight from the cut branches of that tree, and continually running intothe water to assuage the extreme heat of the season; and not being usedto these sudden transitions, which are excessively dangerous, they fellinto swellings and agues, by which about the end of the year they weredying sometimes 3, 4, or 5 in a day. When the 30 days were expired, andWindham saw his men dying so fast, he sent orders to Pinteado and therest to come away without any more delay. Pinteado and the others wroteback to inform him of the large quantity of pepper already gathered, andthat they looked daily for more, desiring him to consider the greatpraise they would all get on their return if the voyage turned outprofitable, and the shame that must attend returning without a fullloading. Not satisfied with this answer, more especially as the mencontinued to die in great numbers, Windham sent a second messageordering them to return immediately, or that he would go away and leavethem. Thinking to prevail upon him by reasonable means, Pinteadoreturned to the ships under an escort provided by the negro king. 

In the mean time Windham, enraged at Pinteado, broke open his cabin andall his chests, spoiled all the cordials and sweetmeats he had providedfor his health, and left him nothing either of his cloaths or nauticalinstruments; after which strange procedure he fell sick and died. Whenhe came on board, Pinteado lamented as much for the death of Windham asif he had been his dearest friend; but several of the mariners andofficers spit in his face, calling him Jew, and asserted that he hadbrought them to this place on purpose that they should die; and someeven drew their swords, threatening to slay him. They insisted that heshould leave the coast immediately, and though he only requested them towait till those who were left at the court of the king of Benin could besent for, they would by no means consent. He then prayed them to givehim a boat, and as much of an old sail as might serve to fit her out, inwhich he proposed to bring Nicholas Lambert[197] and the rest toEngland, but even this they would not consent to. Finding all hisrepresentations in vain, he wrote a letter to the merchants at court, informing them of all that had happened at the ships, promising, if Godspared his life, that he would return as soon as possible for them. 

[Footnote 197: This Lambert was a Londoner born, his father having beenLord Mayor of London. --Hakluyt. ]

Pinteado, thus kept on board against his will, was thrust among thecabin-boys, and worse used than any of them, insomuch that he was forcedto depend on the favour of the cook for subsistence. Having sunk one oftheir ships for want of hands to navigate her, the people departed fromthe coast with the other. Within six or seven days, Pinteado diedbroken-hearted, from the cruel and undeserved usage he had met with, --aman worthy to have served any prince, and most vilely used. Of 140 menwho had sailed originally from Portsmouth on this unfortunate andill-conducted voyage, scarcely 40 got back to Plymouth, and many evenof those died soon afterwards. 

That no one may suspect that I have written in commendation of Pinteadofrom partiality or favour, otherwise than as warranted by truth, I havethought good to add copies of the letters which the king of Portugal andthe infant his brother wrote to induce him to return to Portugal, at thetime when, by the king's displeasure, and not owing to any crime oroffence, he was enforced by poverty to come to England, where he firstinduced our merchants to engage in voyages to Guinea. All these writingsI saw under seal in the house of my friend Nicholas Lieze, with whomPinteado left them when he departed on his unfortunate voyage to Guinea. But, notwithstanding these friendly letters and fair promises, Pinteadodurst not venture to return to Portugal, neither indeed durst he trusthimself in company with any of his own countrymen, unless in thepresence of other persons, as he had secret intimation that they meantto have assassinated him, when time and place might serve their wickedpurpose. 

 * * * * *

The papers alluded to in this concluding paragraph by Richard Eden, donot seem necessary to be inserted. They consist of, a commission orpatent dated 22d September 1551, appointing Pinteado one of the knightsof the royal household, with 700 _rees_, or ten shillings a month, andhalf a bushel of barley every day so long as he should keep a horse; butwith an injunction not to marry for six years, lest he might havechildren to succeed in this allowance. The second document is merely acertificate of registration of the first. The third is a letter from theinfant, Don Luis, brother to the king of Portugal, dated 8th December1552, urging Pinteado to return to Lisbon, and intimating that PeterGonzalvo, the bearer of the letter, had a safe conduct for him in dueform. From the introduction to these papers, it appears that Pinteadohad suffered long disgrace and imprisonment, proceeding upon falsecharges, and had been at last set free by means of the king's confessor, a grey friar, who had manifested his innocence. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_Voyage to Guinea, in 1554, by Captain John Lok_[198]. 

As in the first voyage of the English to Guinea, I have given rather theorder of the history than the course of navigation, of which I had thenno perfect information; so in this second voyage my chief purpose hasbeen to shew the course pursued, according to the ordinary custom andobservation of mariners, and as I received it from the hands of anexpert pilot, who was one of the chiefest in this voyage[199], who withhis own hand wrote a brief journal of the whole, as he had found andtried in all things, not conjecturally, but by the art of navigation, and by means of instruments fitted for nautical use[200]. Not assumingtherefore to myself the commendations due to another, neither havingpresumed in any part to change the substance or order of this journal, so well observed by art and experience, I have thought fit to publish itin the language commonly used by mariners, exactly as I received it fromthat pilot[201]. 

[Footnote 198: Hakluyt, II. 470. Astl 1. 114. In the first edition ofHakluyt's collection, this voyage is given under the name of RobertGainsh, who was master of the John Evangelist, as we learn by a marginalnote at the beginning of the voyage in both editions. --Astl. I. 144. A. ]

[Footnote 199: Perhaps this might be Robert Gainsh, in whose name thevoyage was first published. --Astl. I. 144. B. ]

[Footnote 200: Yet the latitudes he gives, if observed, are by no meansexact. --Astl. 

In this version we have added the true latitudes and longitudes in thetext between brackets; the longitude from Greenwich alwaysunderstood. --E. ]

[Footnote 201: This is the exordium, written by Richard Eden, from whosework it was adopted by Hakluyt, yet without acknowledgement. In thetitle, it appears that this expedition was fitted out as the jointadventure of Sir George Barne, Sir John York, Thomas Lok, AnthonyHickman, and Edward Castelin. --E. ]

 * * * * *

On the 11th October 1554, we departed from the river Thames with threegood ships. One of these named the Trinity, was of 140 tons burden; thesecond, called the Bartholomew, was 90 tons; and the third, called theJohn Evangelist, was 140 tons. With these three ships and two pinnaces, one of which was lost on the coast of England, we staid fourteen days atDover, and three or four days at Rye, and lastly we touched atDartmouth. Departing on the 1st November, at 9 o'clock at night, fromthe coast of England, off the Start point, and steering due south-westall that night, all next day, and the next night after, till noon of the3d, we made our way good, running 60 leagues. The morning of the 17th wehad sight of the island of Madeira, which to those who approach fromN. N. E. Seems to rise very high, and almost perpendicular in the west. Tothe S. S. E. Is a long low land, and a long point with a saddle throughthe midst of it, standing in 32° N. [lat. 32° 30' N. Long. 16° 12' W. ]And in the west part are many springs of water running down from themountain, with many white fields like fields of corn, and some whitehouses in the S. E. Part. Also in this part is a rock at a small distancefrom the shore, over which a great gap or opening is seen in themountain. 

The 19th at noon we had sight of the isles of Palma, Teneriffe, andGrand Canarea. The isle of Palma rises round, and stretches from S. E. ToN. W. The north-west part being lowest. In the south is a round hill overthe head-land, with another round hill behind and farther inland. Between the S. E. End of Madeira and the N. W. Part of the island ofPalma, the distance is 57 leagues[202], Palma being in 28°. [lat. 28°45' N. Long 17° 45' W. ] Our course between the S. E. End of Madeira andthe N. W. Part of Palma was S. And S. By W. So that we had sight ofTeneriffe and the Grand Canary. The S. E. Part of Palma and N. N. E. OfTeneriffe lie S. E. And N. W. [rather E. And W. ] distance 20 leagues [33leagues. ] Teneriffe and Grand Canarea, with the west part ofFuertaventura, stand in 27° 30'[203]. Gomera is a fair island, but veryrugged, W. S. W. From Teneriffe, the passage between running from N. By W. To S. By E. In the south part of Gomera is a town and good road-stead, in lat. 28° N. Teneriffe is a mountainous island, with a great high peaklike a sugar-loaf, on which there is snow all the year, and by that peakit may be known from all other islands. On the 20th November we werethere becalmed from six in the morning till four in the afternoon. Onthe 22d November, being then under the tropic of Cancer, the sun set W. And by S. On the coast of Barbary, 25 leagues N. Of Cape Blanco, at 3leagues from shore, we had 15 fathoms water on a good shelly bottommixed with sand, and no currents, having two small islands in lat. 22°20' N. [7] From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is 100 leagues, [116] thecourse being S. By E. That cape is in lat. 22° 30, [22° 15'] all thecoast thereabout being flat, and having 16 and 17 fathoms off shore. Allthe way from the river del Oro to Cape Barbas, at 7 or 8 leagues offshore, many Spaniards and Portuguese employ themselves in fishing duringthe month of November, the whole of that coast consisting of very lowlands. From Cape Barbas we held a course S. S. W. And S. W. By S. Till wecame into lat. 20° 30', reckoning ourselves 7 leagues off shore, and wethere came to the least shoals of Cape Blanco. We then sailed to thelat. Of 13° N. Reckoning ourselves 20 leagues off; and in 15° _we didrear the crossiers_, or cross stars, and might have done so sooner if wehad looked for them. They are not right across in the month of November, as the nights are short there, but we had sight of them on the 29th ofthat month at night. The 1st of December, being in lat. 13° N. We setour course S. By E. Till the 4th at noon, when we were in 9° 20'reckoning ourselves 30 leagues W. S. W. From the shoals of the Rio Grande, which extend for 30 leagues. On the 4th, being in 6° 30', we set ourcourse S. E. The 9th we changed our course E. S. E. The 14th, being in lat. 5° 30' and reckoning ourselves 36 leagues from the coast of Guinea, weset our course due E. The 19th, reckoning ourselves 17 leagues from CapeMensurado, we set our course E. By N. The said cape being E. N. E. Of us, and the river Sesto E. The 20th we fell in with Cape Mensurado orMesurado, which bore S. E. 2 leagues distant. This cape may be easilyknown, as it rises into a hummock like the head of a porpoise. Alsotowards the S. E. There are three trees, the eastmost being the highest, the middle one resembling a hay-stack, and that to the southward like agibbet. Likewise on the main there are four or five high hills, oneafter the other, like round hummocks. The south-east of the three treesis _brandiernaure?_ and all the coast is a white sand. The said capestands within a little of six degrees [lat. 6° 20' N. Long. 10° 30' W. ]The 22d we came to the river Sesto or Sesters, where we remained tillthe 29th, and we thought it best to send our pinnace before us to theRio Dulce, that they might begin the market before the arrival of theJohn Evangelist. At the river Sesto, which is in six degrees less oneterce, or 5° 40', we got a ton of grains[205]. From Rio Sesto to RioDulce the distance is 25 leagues, Rio Dulce being in 5° 30' N. The RioSesto is easily known by a ledge of rocks to the S. E. Of the road[206], and at the mouth of the river are five or six trees without leaves. Itis a good harbour, but the entrance of the river is very narrow, and hasa rock right in the mouth. All that coast, between Cape Mount and CapePalmas, lies S. E. By E. And N. W. By N. Being three leaguesoffshore[207], and there are rocks in some places two leagues off, especially between the river Sesto and Cape Palmas. 

[Footnote 202: The real distance is 84 marine leagues, 20 to thedegree. --E. ]

[Footnote 203: The parallel of lat. 28° N. Goes through the centre ofGrand Canarea, touching the southern point of Teneriffe, and justkeeping free of the S. W. Point of Fuertaventura. --E. ]

[204][Footnote 204: 7 Cape Blanco is in lat. 20° 50' N. 25 leagues tothe north, would only reach to lat. 22° 5'; exactly almost in 22° is thesmall island of Pedro de Agale. --E. ]

[Footnote 205: In the preceding voyage grains have been explained asGuinea pepper, a species of capsicum. --E. ]

[Footnote 206: Rock Sesters is in long. 9° 20' W. ]

[Footnote 207: This is not intelligible, unless meant that ships mayanchor for three leagues from the shore. --E. ]

Between the river Sesto and the river Dulce are 25 leagues. Between themand 8 leagues from Sesto river is a high land called _Cakeado_, and S. E. From it a place called _Shawgro_, and another called _Shyawe_ or_Shavo_, where fresh water may be had. Off Shyawe lies a ledge of rocks, and to the S. E. Is a headland named _Croke_, which is 9 or 10 leaguesfrom Cakeado. To the S. E. Is a harbour called St Vincent, right overagainst which is a rock under water, two and a half leagues from shore. To the S. E. Of this rock is an island 3 or 4 leagues off, and not abovea league from shore, and to the S. E. Of the island is a rock abovewater, and past that rock is the entrance of the river Dulce, which maybe known by that rock. The N. W. Side of the haven is flat sand, and theS. E. Side is like an island, being a bare spot without any trees, whichis not the case in any other place. In the road ships ride in 13 or 14fathoms, the bottom good ouse and sand. The marks for entering this roadare to bring the island and the north-east land in one. We anchoredthere on the last day of December 1554, and on the 3d of January 1555 wecame from the Rio Dulce. _Cape Palmas_ is a fair high land, some lowparts of which by the waterside seem red cliffs, with white streaks likehighways, a cables length each, which is on the east side of the Cape. This is the most southerly land on the coast of Guinea, and is in lat. 4° 25' N. From Cape Palmas to Cape _Three-points_ or _Tres puntas_, thewhole coast is perfectly safe and clear, without rock or other danger. About 25 leagues to the eastward of Cape Palmas the land is higher thanin any other place till we come to Cape Three-points, and about tenleagues westward from that Cape the land begins to rise, and growshigher all the way to the point. Also about 5 leagues west from thatCape there is some broken ground with two great rocks, within which, inthe bight of a bay, there is a castle called _Arra_ belonging to theking of Portugal, which is readily known by these rocks, as there arenone other between Cape Palmas and Cape Three-points. The coast trendsE. By N. And W. By S. From Cape Palmas to Arra castle is 95 leagues, andfrom thence to the western point of Cape Three-points it is S. E. By S. And N. W. By N. This western point of Cape Three-points is low land, stretching half a mile out to sea, and on the neck nearest the land is atuft of trees. 

We arrived at Cape Three-points on the 11th January, and came next dayto a town called _Samma_ or _Samua_, 8 leagues beyond, towards E. N. E. There being a great ledge of rocks a great way out to sea between CapeThree-points and that town. We remained four days off that town, thecaptain of which desired to have a pledge on shore, but on receiving onehe kept him, and refused to continue trade, even shooting his ordnanceat us, of which he only had two or three pieces[208]. On the 16th of themonth we came to a place called Cape _Corea_[209], where dwelt Don John, and where we were well received by his people. This Cape Corea is 4leagues eastward from the castle of _Mina_. We arrived there on the 18thof the month, making sale of all our cloth except two or three packs. Onthe 26th we weighed anchor and went to join the Trinity, which was 7leagues to the eastwards of us, and had sold most of her wares. Then thepeople of the Trinity willed us to go 8 or 9 leagues farther to theeast, to sell part of their wares at a place called _Perecow_, andanother called _Perecow-grande_, still farther east, which is known by agreat hill near it called _Monte Rodondo_ lying to the westwards, andmany palm trees by the water side. From thence we began our voyagehomewards on the 13th of February, and plied along the coast till wecame within 7 or 8 leagues of Cape Three-points. About 8 in theafternoon of the 15th we cast about to seawards. Whoever shall come fromthe coast of Mina homewards, ought to beware of the currents, and shouldbe sure of making his way good as far west as Cape Palmas, where thecurrent sets always to the eastwards. About 20 leagues east of CapePalmas is a river called _De los Potos_, where abundance of fresh waterand ballast may be had, and plenty of ivory or elephants teeth, whichriver is in four degrees and almost two terces, or 4° 40' N. When youreckon to be as far west as Cape Palmas, being in lat. 1° or 1° 30' N. You may then stand W. Or W. By N. Till in lat. 3° N. Then you may go W. Or N. W. By W. Till in lat. 5° N. And then N. W. In lat. 6° N. We metnortherly winds and great ruffling tides, and as far as we could judgethe current set N. N. W. Likewise between Cape Mount and Cape Verd thereare great currents, which are very apt to deceive. 

[Footnote 208: The pledge was nephew to Sir John Yorke. --_Eden_. ]

[Footnote 209: From the context, this seems to have been the place nowcalled Cape Coast. --E. ]

On the 22d of April we were in lat. 8° 40' N. And continued our courseto the north-west, having the wind at N. E. And E. N. E. Sometimes at E. Till the first of May, when we were in lat. 18° 20' N. Thence we had thewind at E. And E. N. E. Sometimes E. S. E. When we reckoned the Cape Verdislands E. S. E. From us, and by estimation 48 leagues distant. In 20° and21° N. We had the wind more to the east and south than before; and so weran N. W. And N. N. W. Sometimes N. By W. And N. Till we came into lat. 31°N. When we reckoned ourselves 180 leagues S. W. By S. Of the island ofFlores. Here we had the wind S. S. E. And shaped our course N. E. In 23° wehad the wind at S. And S. W. And made our course N. N. E. In whichdirection we went to 40°, and then set our course N. E. Having the windat S. W. And the isle of Flores E. Of us, 17 leagues distant. In 41° wehad the wind N. E. And lay a course N. W. Then we met the wind at W. N. W. And at W. Within 6 leagues, when we went N. W. We then altered to N. E. Till in 42° where we shaped our course E. N. E. Judging the isle of_Corvo_ to be W. Of us, 36 leagues distant. On the 21st of May wecommuned with John Rafe who judged us to be in lat. 39° 30' N. 25leagues E. Of Flora, and recommended to steer N. E. 

It is to be noted that in lat. 9° N. On the 4th of September, we lostsight of the north star. In lat. 45° N. The compass varied 8° to the W. Of N. In 40° N. It varied 15°. And in 30° 30' N. Its variation was 5° W. 

It is also to be noted that two or three days before we came to CapeThree-points, the pinnace went along shore endeavouring to sell some ofour wares, and then we came to anchor three or four leagues west bysouth of that cape, where we left the Trinity. Then our pinnace came onboard and took in more wares, telling us that they would go to a placewhere the Primrose[210] was, and had received much gold in the firstvoyage to these parts; but being in fear of a brigantine that was thenon the coast, we weighed anchor and followed them, leaving the Trinityabout four leagues from us. We accordingly rode at anchor opposite thattown, where Martine, by his own desire and with the assent of some ofthe commissioners in the pinnace, went on shore to the town, and thenceJohn Berin went to trade at another town three miles father on. The townis called Samma or Samua, which and Sammaterra are the two first townsto the N. E. Of Cape Three-points, where we traded for gold. 

[Footnote 210: This was one of the ships in the former voyage underWindham. --E. ]

Having continued the course of the voyage as described by thebefore-mentioned pilot, I will now say something of the country andpeople, and of such things as are brought from thence[211]. 

[Footnote 211: These subsequent notices seem subjoined by Richard Eden, the original publisher. --E. ]

They brought home in this voyage, 400 pounds weight and odd ofgold[212], twenty-two carats and one grain fine. Also 36 buts of_grains_, or Guinea pepper, and about 250 elephants teeth of differentsizes. Some of these I saw and measured, which were nine spans in lengthmeasured along the crook, and some were as thick as a mans thigh abovethe knee, weighing 90 pounds each, though some are said to have beenseen weighing 125 pounds. There were some called the teeth of calves, ofone, two, or three years old, measuring one and a-half, two, or threefeet, according to the age of the beast. These great teeth or tusksgrow in the upper jaw downwards, and not upwards from the lower jaw, aserroneously represented by some painters and _arras_ workers. In thisvoyage they brought home the head of an elephant of such huge bignessthat the bones or cranium only, without the tusks or lower jaw, weighedabout two hundred pounds, and was as much as I could well lift from theground. So that, considering also the weight of the two great tusks andthe under jaw, with the lesser teeth, the tongue, the great hangingears, the long big snout or trunk, with all the flesh, brains, and skin, and other parts belonging to the head, it could not in my opinion weighless than five hundred weight. This head has been seen by many in thehouse of the worthy merchant Sir Andrew Judde, where I saw it with mybodily eyes, and contemplated with those of my mind, admiring thecunning and wisdom of the work-master, without which consideration suchstrange and wonderful things are only curiosities, not profitablesubjects of contemplation. 

[Footnote 212: Or 4800 ounces, worth, L. 18, 600 sterling at the old priceof L. 3 17s. 6d. Per ounce; and perhaps worth in those days as much asninety or an hundred thousand pounds in the present day. --E. ]

The elephant, by some called oliphant, is the largest of all four-footedbeasts. The fore-legs are longer than those behind; in the lower part orancles of which he has joints. The feet have each five toes, butundivided. The trunk or snout is so long and of such form that it serveshim as a hand, for he both eats and drinks by bringing his food anddrink to his mouth by its means, and by it he helps up his master orkeeper, and also overturns trees by its strength. Besides his two greattusks, he has four teeth on each side of his mouth, by which he eats orgrinds his food, each of these teeth being almost a span long, as theylie along the jaw, by two inches high and about as much in breadth. Thetusks of the male are larger than those of the female. The tongue isvery small, and so far within the mouth that it cannot be seen. This isthe gentlest and most tractable of all beasts, and understands and istaught many things, so that it is even taught to do reverence to kings, being of acute sense and great judgment. When the female is onceseasoned, the male never touches her afterwards. The male lives twohundred years, or at least 120, and the female almost as long; but theflower of their age is reckoned 60 years. They cannot endure our winteror cold weather; but they love to go into rivers, in which they willoften wade up to their trunk, snuffing and blowing the water about insport; but they cannot swim, owing to the weight of their bodies. Ifthey happen to meet a man wandering in the wilderness, they will gogently before him and lead him into the right way. In battle they paymuch respect to those who are wounded, bringing such as are hurt orweary into the middle of the army where they may be defended. They aremade tame by drinking the juice of barley[213]. 

[Footnote 213: The meaning of this expression is by no means obvious. Itis known that in India, arrack, or a spirituous liquor distilled fromrice, is given regularly to elephants, which may be here alludedto. --E. ]

They have continual war with dragons, which desire their blood becauseit is very cold; wherefore the dragon lies in wait for the passing of anelephant, winding its tail of vast length round the hind legs of theelephant, then thrusts his head into his trunk and sucks out his breath, or bites him in the ears where he cannot reach with his trunk. When theelephant becomes faint with the loss of blood, he falls down upon theserpent, now gorged with blood, and with the weight of his body crushesthe dragon to death. Thus his own blood and that of the elephant run outof the serpent now mingled together, which cooling is congealed intothat substance which the apothecaries call _sanguis draconis_ orcinnabar[214]. But there are other kinds of cinnabar, commonly called_cinoper_ or vermillion, which the painters use in certain colours. 

[Footnote 214: It is surely needless to say that this is a merefable. --E. ]

There are three kinds of elephants, as of the marshes, the plains, andthe mountains, differing essentially from each other. Philostratuswrites, that by how much the elephants of Lybia exceed in bigness thehorses of Nysea, so much do the elephants of India exceed those ofLybia, for some of the elephants of India have been seen nine cubitshigh; and these are so greatly feared by the others, that they dare notabide to look upon them. Only the males among the Indian elephants havetusks; but in Ethiopia and Lybia, both males and females are providedwith them. They are of divers heights, as of 12, 13, or 14 _dodrants_, the dodrant being a measure of 9 inches; and some say that an elephantis bigger than three wild oxen or buffaloes. Those of India are black, or mouse-coloured; but those of Ethiopia or Guinea are brown. The hideor skin of them all is very hard, and without hair or bristles. Theirears are two dodrants, or 18 inches in breadth, and their eyes are verysmall. Our men saw one drinking at a river in Guinea as they sailedalong the coast. Those who wish to know more of the properties of theelephant, as of their wonderful docility, of their use in war, of theirchastity and generation, when they were first seen in the triumphs andamphitheatres of the Romans, how they are taken and tamed, when theycast their tusks, and of their use in medicine, and many otherparticulars, will find all these things described in the eighth book ofNatural History, as written by Pliny. He also says in his twelfth book, that the ancients made many goodly works of ivory or elephants teeth;such as tables, tressels or couches, posts of houses, rails, latticesfor windows, idols of their gods, and many other things of ivory, eithercoloured or uncoloured, and intermixed with various kinds of preciouswoods; in which manner at this day are made chairs, lutes, virginals, and the like. They had such plenty of it in ancient times, that one ofthe gates of Jerusalem was called the ivory gate, as Josephus reports. The whiteness of ivory was so much admired, that it was ancientlythought to represent the fairness of the human skin; insomuch that thosewho endeavoured to improve, or rather to corrupt, the natural beauty bypainting, were said reproachfully, _ebur atramento candefacere_, towhiten ivory with ink. Poets also, in describing the fair necks ofbeautiful virgins, call them _eburnea colla_, or ivory necks. Thus muchmay suffice of elephants and ivory, and I shall now say somewhat of thepeople, and their manners, and mode of living, with another briefdescription of Africa. 

The people who now inhabit the regions of the coast of Guinea and themiddle parts of Africa, as inner Lybia, Nubia, and various otherextensive regions in that quarter, were anciently called Ethiopians and_Nigritae_, which we now call Moors, Moorens, or Negroes; a beastlyliving people, without God, law, religion, or government, and soscorched by the heat of the sun, that in many places they curse it whenit rises. Of the people about Lybia interior, Gemma Phrysius thuswrites: Libia interior is large and desolate, containing many horriblewildernesses, replenished with various kinds of monstrous beasts andserpents. To the south of Mauritania or Barbary is Getulia, a rough andsavage region, inhabited by a wild and wandering people. After thesefollow the _Melanogetuli_, or black Getulians, and Phransii, who wanderin the wilderness, carrying with them great gourds filled with water. Then the Ethiopians, called Nigritae, occupy a great part of Africa, extending to the western ocean or Atlantic. Southwards also they reachto the river Nigritis or Niger, which agrees in its nature with theNile, as it increases and diminishes like the Nile, and containscrocodiles. Therefore, I believe this to be the river called the Senegalby the Portuguese. It is farther said of the Niger, that the inhabitantson one side were all black and of goodly stature, while on the otherside they were brown or tawny and of low stature, which also is the casewith the Senegal. [215] There are other people of Lybia, called_Garamantes_, whose women are in common, having no marriages or anyrespect to chastity. After these are the nations called _Pyrei, Sathiodaphintae, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamator, Dolones, Agangince, LeuciEthiopes, Xilicei Ethiopes, Calcei Ethiopes_, and _Nubi_. These lasthave the same situation in Ptolemy, which is now given to the kingdom ofNubia, where there are certain Christians under the dominion of thegreat emperor of Ethiopia, called Prester John. From these towards thewest was a great nation called _Aphricerones_, inhabiting, as far as wecan conjecture, what is now called the _Regnum Orguene_, bordering onthe eastern or interior parts of Guinea. From hence westwards andtowards the north, are the kingdoms of _Gambra_ and _Budamel_, not farfrom the river Senegal; and from thence toward the inland region andalong the coast are the regions of _Ginoia_ or Guinea. On the west sideof this region is Cabo Verde, _caput viride_, Cap Verd, or the GreenCape, to which the Portuguese first direct their course when they sailto the land of Brazil in America, on which occasion they turn to theright hand towards the quarter of the wind called _Garbino_, which isbetween the west and south. 

[Footnote 215: It may be proper to mention in this place, that the Nigerand the Senegal, though agreeing in these particulars, are totallydifferent rivers in the same parallel. The Senegal runs into the seafrom the east; while the Niger running to the east, loses itself in aninterior lake, as the Wolga does in the Caspian, having no connectionwhatever with the ocean. According to some accounts, this lake onlyexists as such during the rainy season, drying up in the other part ofthe year, probably however leaving an extensive marsh, called the_Wangara_. If so, the environs of that lake and marsh must be unhealthyin the utmost extreme. --E. ]

To speak somewhat more of Ethiopia, although there are many nationscalled Ethiopians, yet is Ethiopia chiefly divided into two parts, oneof which being a great and rich region, is called _Ethiopia sub Egypto_, or Ethiopia to the south of Egypt. To this belongs the island of Meroe, which is environed by the streams of the Nile. In this island womenreigned in ancient times, and, according to Josephus, it was some timecalled _Sabea_, whence the queen of Saba went to Jerusalem to listen tothe wisdom of Solomon. From thence, towards the east and south, reigneththe Christian emperor called Prester John, by some named Papa Johannes, or as others say _Pean Juan_, signifying Great John, whose empirereaches far beyond the Nile, and extends to the coasts of the Red Seaand of the Indian ocean. The middle of this region is almost in 66degrees of E. Longitude, and 12 degrees of N. Lat. [216] About thisregion dwell the people called _Clodi, Risophagi, Axiuntiae, Babylonii, Molili_, and _Molibae_. After these is the region called _Trogloditica_, the inhabitants of which dwell in caves and dens, instead of houses, andfeed upon the flesh of serpents, as is reported by Pliny and DiodorusSiculus, who allege, that instead of language, they have only a kind ofgrinning and chattering. There are also people without heads, called_Blemines_, having their eyes and mouths in their breast. Likewise_Strucophagi_, and naked _Gamphasantes_; _satyrs_ also, who have nothingof human nature except the shape. _Oripei_ likewise, who are greathunters, and _Mennones_. Here also is _Smyrnophora_, or the region ofmyrrh; after which is _Azania_, producing many elephants. [217] A greatportion of the eastern part of Africa beyond the equinoctial line is inthe kingdom of _Melinda_, the inhabitants of which have long been in useto trade with the nations of Arabia, and whose king is now allied to theking of Portugal, and pays tribute to Prester John. 

[Footnote 216: Reckoning the longitude from the island of Ferro, themiddle of Abyssinia is only in about 52° 30' E. And as Ferro is 18° W. From Greenwich, that coincides with 34° 30' E. As the longitude is nowreckoned by British geographers. --E. ]

[Footnote 217: It is impossible, in the compass of a note, to enter intoany commentary on this slight sketch of the ancient geography of easternAfrica. --E. ]

The other, or interior Ethiopia, being a region of vast extent, is nowonly somewhat known upon the sea-coast, but may be described as follows. In the first place, towards the south of the equator, is a great regionof Ethiopians, in which are white elephants, _tigers_, (lions) andrhinoceroses. Also a region producing plenty of cinnamon, which liesbetween the branches of the Nile. Also the kingdom of Habesch orHabasia, [218] a region inhabited by Christians, on both sides of theNile. Likewise those Ethiopians called _Ichthyophagi_, or who live onlyon fish, who were subdued in the wars of Alexander the Great[219]. Alsothe Ethiopians called _Rapsii_ and _Anthropophagi_, who are in use toeat human flesh, and inhabit the regions near the mountains of the moon. _Gazatia_ is under the tropic of Capricorn; after which comes the_front_ of Africa, and the Cape of Good Hope, past which they sail fromLisbon to Calicut: But as the capes and gulfs, with their names, are tobe found on every globe and chart, it were superfluous to enumerate themhere. 

[Footnote 218: It is strange that Habasia or Abyssinia, inhabited byChristians, should thus be divided from the empire of Prester John. --E. ]

[Footnote 219: The Icthyophagi of Alexander dwelt on the oceanic coastof Persia, now Mekran, between the river Indus and the Persian gulf, notin Ethiopia. --E. ]

Some allege that Africa was so named by the Greeks, as being withoutcold; the Greek letter _alpha_ signifying privation, void of, orwithout, and _phrice_ signifying cold; as, although it has a cloudy andtempestuous season instead of winter, it is yet never cold, but rathersmothering hot, with hot showers, and such scorching winds, that atcertain times the inhabitants seem as if living in furnaces, and in amanner half ready for purgatory or hell. According to Gemma Phrisius, incertain parts of Africa, as in the greater Atlas, the air in the nightis seen shining with many strange fires and flames, rising as it were ashigh as the moon, and strange noises are heard in the air, as of pipes, trumpets, and drums, which are caused perhaps by the vehement motions ofthese fiery exhalations, as we see in many experiments wrought by fire, air, and wind. The hollowness also, and various reflections andbreakings of the clouds, may be great causes thereof, besides the greatcoldness of the middle region of the air, by which these fieryexhalations, when they ascend there, are suddenly driven back with greatforce. Daily experience teaches us, by the whizzing of a burning torch, what a noise fire occasions in the air, and much more so when it strivesand is inclosed with air, as seen in guns; and even when air alone isinclosed, as in organ pipes and other wind instruments: For wind, according to philosophers, is nothing but air vehemently moved, as whenpropelled by a pair of bellows, and the like. 

Some credible persons affirm that, in this voyage to Guinea, they felt asensible heat in the night from the beams of the moon; which, though itseem strange to us who inhabit a cold region, may yet reasonably havebeen the case, as Pliny writes that the nature of stars and planetsconsists of fire, containing a spirit of life, and cannot therefore bewithout heat. That the moon gives heat to the earth seems confirmed byDavid, in the 121st psalm, where, speaking of such men as are defendedfrom evils by the protection of God, he says, "The sun shall not burnthee by day, neither the moon by night[220]. " They said likewise, thatin some parts of the sea they saw streams of water, which they call_spouts_, falling out of the air into the sea, some of them being aslarge as the pillars of churches; insomuch that, when these fall intoships, they are in great danger of being sunk. Some allege these to bethe cataracts of heaven, which were all opened at Noah's flood: But Irather consider them to be those fluxions and eruptions said byAristotle, in his book de Mundo, to happen in the sea. For, speaking ofsuch strange things as are often seen in the sea, he writes thus:"Oftentimes also, even in the sea are seen evaporations of fire, andsuch eruptions and breaking forth of springs, that the mouths of riversare opened. Whirlpools and fluxions are caused of such other vehementmotions, not only in the midst of the sea, but also in creeks andstraits. At certain times also, a great quantity of water is suddenlylifted up and carried about by the moon, " &c. From these words ofAristotle it appears, that such waters are lifted up at one time in oneplace, and suddenly fall down again in another place at another time. Tothis also may be referred what Richard Chancellor told me, as havingheard from Sebastian Cabot, as far as I remember, either on the coast ofBrazil or of the Rio de la Plata, that his ship or pinnace was suddenlylifted from the sea and cast upon the land, I know not how far. Which, and other strange and wonderful works of nature considered, and callingto remembrance the narrowness of human knowledge and understanding, compared with her mighty power, I can never cease to wonder, and toconfess with Pliny, that nothing is impossible to nature, whose smallestpower is still unknown to man. 

[Footnote 220: In our present version the word _smite_ is used insteadof burn. But the quotation in the text is a literal translation from theLatin vulgate, and agrees with the older English version, still used inthe Book of Common Prayer. --E. ]

Our people saw and considered many things in this voyage that areworthy of notice, and some of which I have thought fit to record, thatthe reader may take pleasure, both in the variety of these things, andin the narrative of the voyage. Among other matters respecting themanners and customs of these people, this may seem strange, that theirprinces and nobles are in use to pierce and wound their skins in suchway as to form curious figures upon it, like flowered damask, which theyconsider as very ornamental[221]. Although they go in a manner naked, yet many of them, and the women especially, are almost loaded withcollars, bracelets, rings, and chains, of gold, copper, or ivory. I haveseen one of their ivory armlets weighing 38 ounces, which was worn byone of their women on her arm. It was made of one piece of the largestpart of an elephant's tooth, turned and somewhat carved, having a holethrough which to pass the hand. Some have one on each arm and one oneach leg, and though often so galled by them as to be almost lame, theystill persist to use them. Some wear great shackles on their legs ofbright copper, and they wear collars, bracelets, garlands, and girdlesof certain blue stones, resembling beads. Some also of their women wearupon their arms a kind of _fore-sleeves_[222], made of plates of beatengold. They wear likewise rings on their fingers made of gold wire, having a knot or wreath, like those which children make on rush rings. Among other golden articles bought by our men, were some dog-collars andchains. 

[Footnote 221: Now well known under the name of tatooing. --E. ]

[Footnote 222: Sleeves for the fore-arms, or from the elbow to thewrist. --E. ]

These natives of Guinea are very wary in driving bargains, and will notwillingly lose the smallest particle of their gold, using weights andmeasures for the same with great circumspection. In dealing with them, it is necessary to behave with civility and gentleness, as they will nottrade with any who use them ill. During the first voyage of our peopleto that country, on departing from the place where they had firsttraded, one of them either stole a musk-cat or took her away by force, not suspecting that this could have any effect to prevent trading at thenext station: But although they went there in full sail, the news hadgot there before them, and the people refused to deal with them untilthe cat were either restored or paid for at a fixed price. Their housesare made of four posts or trees set in the ground, and are covered withboughs; and their ordinary food is roots, with such fish as they take, which are in great plenty. Among these are flying fishes, similar tothose seen in the West India seas. Our people endeavoured to salt someof the fish which they caught on the coast of Africa, but some said thatthey would not take salt, and must therefore be eaten immediately; whileothers alleged that, if salted immediately when taken, they would keepgood for ten or twelve days. Part of the salt meat taken by our peoplefrom England became putrid while on the coast of Africa, yet turnedsweet again after their return to a temperate region. They have astrange method of making bread, which is as follows: They grind, withtheir hands, between two stones, as much corn into meal as they thinkmay suffice the family, and making this flour into a paste with water, they knead it into thin cakes, which are stuck upon the posts of theirhouses and baked or dried by the heat of the sun; so that when themaster of the house or any of the family are in want of bread, they takeit down from the post and eat. 

They have very fair wheat, the ear of which is two hand-breadths longand as big as a great bulrush, the stem or straw being almost as thickas a man's little finger. The grains are white and round, shining likepearls that have lost their lustre, and about the size of our pease. Almost their whole substance turns to flour, leaving very little bran. The ear is inclosed in three blades, each about two inches broad, andlonger than the ear; and in one of them I counted 260 grains of corn. Bythis fruitfulness, the sun seems in some measure to compensate for thetrouble and distress produced by its excessive heat. Their drink iseither water, or the juice which drops from cut branches of the palmito, a barren palm or date tree; to collect which they hang great gourds tothe cut branches every evening, or set them on the ground under thetrees, to receive the juice which issues during the night. Our peoplesaid that this juice tasted like whey, but sweeter and more pleasant. The branches of the palmito are cut every evening to obtain this juice, as the heat of the sun during the day dries up and sears over the wound. They have likewise large beans, as big as chesnuts, and very hard, having shells instead of husks or pods. While formerly describing thefruit containing the _grains_ or Guinea pepper, called by the physicians_grana paradisi_, I remarked that they have holes through them, as ineffect they have when brought to us; but I have been since informed, that these holes are made on purpose to put strings or twigs through, for hanging up the fruit to dry in the sun. This fruit grows on a plantwhich does not rise above eighteen inches or two feet above the ground. 

At their coming home, the keels and bottoms of the ships were strangelyovergrown with certain shells, two inches or more in length, as thick asthey could stand, and so large that a man might put his thumb into theirmouths. It is affirmed that a certain slimy substance grows in theseshells, which falls afterwards into the sea, and is changed into thebird called barnacles[223]. Similar shells have been seen on shipscoming from Ireland, but these Irish barnacles do not exceed half aninch long. I saw the Primrose in dock, after her return from Guinea, having her bottom entirely covered over with these shells, which in myjudgment must have greatly impeded her sailing. Their ships also were inmany places eaten into by the worms called _Bromas_ or _Bissas_, whichare mentioned in the Decades[224]. These worms creep between the planks, which they eat through in many places. 

[Footnote 223: This is an old fable not worth confuting. The Barnaclegoose or clakis of Willoughby, anas erythropus of Linnaeus, calledlikewise tree-goose, anciently supposed to be generated from drift wood, or rather from the _lepas anatifera_ or multivalve shell, calledbarnacle, which is often found on the bottoms of ships. --See Pennant'sBrit. Zool. 4to. 1776. V. II. 488, and Vol. IV. 64. --E. ]

[Footnote 224: Meaning the Decades of Peter Martyr, part of which bookwas translated and published by Richard Eden. --Astl I. 149. B. ]

In this voyage, though they sailed to Guinea in seven weeks, they tooktwenty to return; owing to this cause, as they reported, that about thecoast at Cape Verd the wind was continually east, so that they wereobliged to stand far out into the ocean, in search of a western wind tobring them home. In this last voyage about twenty-four of the men died, many of them between the Azores and England, after their return into thecold or temperate region. They brought with them several blackslaves[225], some of whom were tall strong men, who could well agreewith our meats and drinks. The cold and moist air of England somewhatoffended them; yet men who are born in hot regions can much betterendure cold, than those of cold regions can bear heat; because violentheat dissolves the radical moisture of the human body, while coldconcentrates and preserves it. It is to be considered as among thesecrets of nature, that while all parts of Africa under the equator, andfor some way on both sides, are excessively hot, and inhabited by blackpeople, such regions in the West Indies [America], under the sameparallels, are very temperate, and the natives are neither black, norhave they short curled wool on their heads like the Africans; but are ofan olive colour, with long black hair. The cause of this difference isexplained in various places of the _Decades_. Some of those who wereupon this voyage told me that on the 14th of March they had the sun tothe north of them at noon. 

[Footnote 225: In a side note, _five blacke moors_. --E. ]

SECTION IV. 

_Voyage to Guinea in 1555, by William Towerson, Merchant ofLondon_[226]. 

On Monday the 30th of September 1555, we sailed from the harbour ofNewport, in the Isle of Wight, with two good ships, the Hart and theHind, both belonging to London, of which John Ralph and William Carterswere masters, bound on a voyage for the river Sestos, in Guinea, andother harbours in that neighbourhood. Owing to variable winds, we couldnot reach Dartmouth before the 14th of October; and having continuedthere till the 20th of that month, we warpt out of the harbour, and setsail to the S. W. And by next morning had run 30 leagues. On the 1stNovember, by the reckoning of our master, we were in lat. 31° N. Andthat day we ran 40 leagues. The 2d we ran 36 leagues; and on the 3d wehad sight of Porto Santo, a small island about three leagues long andone and a-half broad, belonging to the Portuguese, and lying in theocean. As we came towards it from the N. N. W. It seemed like two smallhills near each other. The east end of the island is a high land like asaddle, having a valley which gives it that appearance; while the westend is lower, with several small round hillocks[227]. Porto Santo is inabout lat. 33° N. The same day at 11 o'clock A. M. We raised the islandof Madeira, which is 12 leagues S. W. From Porto Santo. Madeira is a fineand fertile island belonging to the Portuguese, and rises from afar likeone great high mountain. By 3 P. M. Being athwart of Porto Santo, we setour course to the S. W. Leaving both Madeira and Porto Santo to theeastwards, being the first land we had seen after leaving England. Aboutthree next morning we were abreast of Madeira, within three leagues ofits west end, and were becalmed under its high land. We estimated havingrun 30 leagues in the past day and night. The 4th we remained becalmedunder the west end of Madeira till 1 P. M. When the wind sprung up ateast, and we continued our course S. W. Making in the rest of that day 15leagues. The 5th we ran 15 leagues. 

[Footnote 226: Hakluyt, II. 480, Astl. I. 150. --From several passages inthis journal it appears that Towerson had been on the former voyage toGuinea with Captain Lock; but in the present voyage he appears to haveacted as captain or chief director, and seems to have been the author ofthe journal here adopted from Hakluyt. --Astl. I. 150, 2. ]

[Footnote 227: The saddle-backed hills of old navigators, are to beconsidered in reference to the old demipique or war-saddle, having highabrupt peaks, or hummocks, at each end, with a flattish hollowbetween. --E. ]

The 6th in the morning we got sight of _Teneriffe_, otherwise called thePeak, being very high land, with a peak on the top like a sugar loaf;and the same night we got sight of _Palma_, which also is high land andW. From Teneriffe [W. N. W. ] The 7th we saw _Gomera_, an island about 12leagues S. E. From Palma, and eight W. S. W. From Teneriffe; and lest wemight have been becalmed under Teneriffe, we left both it and Gomera tothe east, and passed between Palma and Gomera. This day and night ourcourse was 30 leagues. These islands, called the Canaries, are 60leagues from Madeira, and there are other three islands in the group tothe eastward of Teneriffe, named _Gran Canarea_, _Fuertaventura_, and_Lancerota_, none of which we saw. All these islands are inhabited bySpaniards. On this day likewise we got sight of the Isle of _Ferro_, which is 13 leagues south from Gomera, and belongs to the Spaniards likethe others. We were unable all this day or the following night to getbeyond Ferro, unless we had chosen to go to the westwards, which hadbeen much out of our proper course; wherefore we put about, and stoodback five hours E. N. E. In hope of being able to clear it next tack, thewind keeping always S. E. Which is not often met with in that latitude bynavigators, as it generally keeps in the N. E. And E. N. E. Next morning, being on the other tack, we were nearly close in with the island, buthad room enough to get clear past. 

The 8th, our due course to fetch the Barbary coast being S. E. By E. Wewere unable to keep it by reason of the wind being scant, but lay asnear it as we could, running that day and night 25 leagues. The 9th weran 30 leagues; the 10th 25; and 11th, 24 leagues. The 12th we saw asail under our lee, which we thought to be a fishing bark, and stooddown to speak with her; but in an hour there came on so thick a fog thatwe could neither see that vessel nor our consort the Hind. Weaccordingly shot off several guns to give notice to the Hind of oursituation, but she did not hear or answer us. In the afternoon the Hindfired a gun, which we heard and answered with another gun. About half anhour afterwards the fog cleared away, and we were within four leagues ofthe Barbary coast, when sounding we had 14 fathoms water. The bark alsohad come _room_[228] with us, and anchored here likewise, the wind beingcontrary for going down the coast, or to the southwards. On falling inwith the land, we could not judge precisely whereabout we were, most ofthat coast being low, the forepart of the coast being white like chalkor sand, _and very deep unto the hard shore_[229]. Immediately on comingto anchor we began to fish, and got abundance of that kind which thePortuguese call _Pergosses_, the French _saders_, and our men salt-water_breams_. Before the fog entirely cleared away, the vessel we hadfollowed shaped such a course that we lost sight of her, chiefly becausewe had bore up to find the Hind again. Our pilot reckoned that we wereupon that part of the coast which is 16 leagues eastwards[230] from theRio del Oro. 

[Footnote 228: This antiquated nautical word, which occurred before inthe journal of Don Juan de Castro, is here obviously going down thewind, large, or to leeward. --E. ]

[Footnote 229: The meaning of this passage is not obvious, and seems towant some words to make out the meaning: It may be that the shore isvery steep, or that the water continues deep close to the shore. --E. ]

[Footnote 230: Eastwards from Rio del Oro is directly into the land; sothat they must either have been N. N. E. Or S. S. W. Probably theformer. --E. ]

In the afternoon of the 13th we spied a sail coming towards us, which wejudged to be that we had seen the day before, and we immediately causedthe Hind to weigh anchor and go towards her, manning likewise our ownskiff, to lay her on board or to learn what she was, and within half anhour we weighed also. When the vessel noticed us, she put about andsailed from us; and soon after there came on so heavy a fog that wecould not see her, and as the fog continued the whole night we had toquit the chase. In the afternoon the wind came about fair, so that wewere able to shape a course S. W. By W. To keep clear of the coast, andran that night 16 leagues. The 14th in the morning was very foggy, butthe fog cleared away about noon, when we espied a caravel of 60 tonsfishing, and sent our skiff on board with five men unarmed. For hastethe caravel slipped her anchors and set sail, yet our unarmed boatovertook her and made her strike sail, and brought her away, though shehad fourteen or fifteen men on board, all armed, but they had not theheart to resist. On coming to us they anchored, as we were likewise, because the wind had become foul; on which I made our skiff come for me, and I went on board the caravel, to take care that no harm was offered, and to see if they would spare us any thing for our money. Accordinglywe got from them three _tapnets_ of figs, two small jars of oil, twopipes of water, and four hogsheads of salt fish, which they had taken onthe coast, besides some fresh fish, which they held of no value, as theyare so plentiful on that coast that one man may often take as many in anhour or less as will serve twenty men a whole day. For these things, some wine we drank while on board their ship, and three or four greatcans which they sent on board our ships, I paid them 27 pistoles, beingtwice as much as they would willingly have taken. We then let them go totheir anchor and cable which they had slipped, and assisted them torecover. After this we made sail, but the wind obliged us to come toanchor again about 12 leagues from the Rio del Oro, as we were informedby the Portuguese. There were five other caravels in this place, butimmediately on our appearance they all made away for fear of us. 

The 15th we continued at anchor, as the wind was still foul. The 16th weset sail and run our course 40 leagues, being this day, according to ourpilots, right under the Tropic of Cancer, in lat. 23° 30' N. The 17th weran 25 leagues, mostly in sight of the coast of Barbary. The 18th we ran30 leagues, and at noon, by the reckoning of our pilots, were abreast ofCape Blanco. The 22d they reckoned we were abreast of Cape Verd. The12th of December we got sight of the coast of Guinea, towards which weimmediately hauled, standing to the N. E. And about 12 at night, beingless than two leagues from the shore, we lay to and sounded, finding 18fathoms water. We soon afterwards saw a light between us and the shore, which we thought might have been a ship, from which circumstance wejudged ourselves off the river Sestro, and we immediately came toanchor, armed our tops, and made all clear for action, suspecting itmight be some Portuguese or French ship. In the morning we saw no shipwhatever, but espied four rocks about two English miles from us, onebeing a large rock and the other three small; whence we concluded thatthe light seen during the night had been on shore. We then weighed andstood E. S. E. Along shore, because the master did not rightly know theplace, but thought we were still to the westward of Sestro river. Allalong this coast the land is low, and full of high trees close to theshore, so that no one can know what place he falls in with, except bymeans of the latitude. I think we ran 16 leagues that day, as we had allnight a stiff gale, with much thunder and lightning. 

For most port of the 13th we ran E. S. E. Along the coast, within twoleagues of the land, finding the shore all covered with tall trees tothe water's edge, and great rocks hard by the beach, on which thebillows continually broke in white foam, so high that the surf mighteasily be seen at four leagues distance, and in such a manner that noboat could possibly go to land. At noon our masters and pilots took thealtitude of the sun, by which they judged that we were 24 leagues beyondthe river Sestro to the eastwards, wherefore we hauled in towards theshore and came to anchor within two English miles of the land in 15fathoms, the water being so smooth that we might have rode with ahawser. We employed the afternoon to rig out our boat with a sail, forthe purpose of sending her along shore in search of a place to take inwater, as we could not go back to the river Sestro, because the wind isalways contrary and the current sets continually to the eastwards. The14th we weighed anchor and plied up along the coast to the W. N. W. Sending our boats close in shore to seek a watering-place, which theyfound about noon. At this time, being far out to sea, we fell in withseveral small long and narrow boats or canoes of the natives, in each ofwhich was one man only. We gave them bread, which they accepted and eatreadily. About 4 P. M. Our boats came off to us with fresh water; and atnight we anchored off the mouth of a river. The 15th we weighed andstood near the shore, sounding all the way, finding sometimes a rockybottom, at other times good ground, and never less than seven fathoms. Finally, we cast anchor within an English mile of the shore, in sevenand a half fathoms, directly over against the mouth of the river, andthen sent our boats for water, which they got very good after rowing amile up the river. This river, called St Vincent in the chart, is byestimation about eight leagues beyond the river Sestro, but is so hardto find that a boat may be within half a mile of it without being ableto discover any river, as a ledge of rocks of greater extent than itsbreadth lies directly before its mouth, so that the boats had to go aconsiderable way between that ledge and the shore before coming to itsmouth. When once in, it is a great river, having several others thatfall into it. The entrance is somewhat difficult, as the surf is ratherhigh, but after getting in it is as smooth as the Thames. [231] Upon thisriver, near the sea, the inhabitants are tall large men, going entirelynaked, except a clout about a quarter of a yard long before theirmiddle, made of the bark of trees, yet resembling cloth, as the barkused for this purpose can be spun like flax. Some also wear a similarcloth on their heads, painted with sundry colours, but most of them gobareheaded, having their heads clipped and shorn in sundry ways, andmost of them have their bodies punctured or slashed in various figureslike a leathern jerkin. The men and women go so much alike, that a womanis only to be known from a man by her breasts, which are mostly long andhanging down like the udder of a milch goat. 

[Footnote 231: Sestro river, in the Complete Neptune of the Rev. JamesStanier Clarke, chart. 2, is called Sesters, in lat. 5° 30' N. Long. 9°10' W. From Greenwich. The river St Vincent of the text does not appearin that chart, but nearly at the indicated distance to the E. S. E. Is onenamed Sangwin. --E. ]

Soon after coming to anchor on the 15th December, we went up the riverin our skiff, carrying with us certain basons, _manels_, &c. For sale. We procured that day one hogshead and 100 pounds weight of grains, [232]and two elephants teeth, getting both at an easy rate. We sold thenatives basons, _maneilios_, and _margarits_, [233] but basons were mostin request, and for most of these we got thirty pounds of _grains_ inexchange for each, and gave for an elephants tooth of thirty poundsweight six basons. We went again up the river on the 16th, in themorning, taking some of every kind of merchandise along with us in ourboat, and shewed them to the negroes, but they made light of everything, even of the basons, manellios, and margarite which they hadbought the day before; yet they would have given us some grains for ourbasons, but so very little that we did not that day get above 100 poundsweight, through their chief or captain, who would not suffer any one tosell but through his mediation and at his price. He was so cunning thathe would not give above 15 pounds of grains for a bason, and wouldsometimes offer us a small dishful, whereas we had a basket full foreach the day before. Seeing that we would not accept what he offered, the captain of the negroes went away, and caused all the boats to departlikewise, thinking perhaps that we would have followed and agreed to histerms; but on perceiving his drift, we hauled up our grapnel and wentaway likewise. We landed at a small town, to see the manners of thepeople, and about 60 of them came about us, being at first shy, andseemingly afraid of us; but seeing we did them no harm, they came up ina familiar manner, and took us by the hand. We then went into theirtown, which consisted of about twenty small hovels, covered over withlarge leaves. All the sides were open, and the floor was raised like ascaffold about a yard high, where they work many ingenious things of thebarks of trees, and there also they sleep. In some of these hovels theywork in iron, making very pretty heads for javelins, tools for makingtheir boats, and various other things, the women working as well as themen. 

[Footnote 232: That is grains of paradise, so the Italians called Guineapepper when they first saw it, not knowing what it was. We took the namefrom them, and hence came the name of the Grain Coast--Astl. I. 152, a. ]

[Footnote 233: Margarits may possibly have been mock pearl beads; themanels or manellios were bracelets of some kind. --E. ]

While we were among them, several of the women danced and sung aftertheir manner, by way of amusing us, but the sound was by no meansagreeable to our ears. Their song was continually, Sakere, sakere, ho! ho! Sakere, sakere, ho! ho!

And with these words they kept leaping, dancing and clapping theirhands. The only animals we saw among them were two goats, a few smalldogs, and some hens. Having seen these things, we went on board ourships; and on seeing us depart, the chief of the other town sent two ofhis servants after us with a basket of grains, making signs to us thatwhen we had slept, or next day, we should have plenty of grains if wecame for them: Then shewing us his grains, he went away. Accordingly, next morning being the 17th, thinking that some business might be donewith the negroes as the captain sent for us, I sent the master with therest of the merchants on shore, remaining myself on board, because theyhad esteemed our goods so lightly the day before. The captainaccordingly came to our people after they went up the river, bringinggrains with him, but not seeing me he made signs to know where I was, and was answered in the same manner that I was on board ship. He theninquired by signs who was captain, or Diago as they call it, and themaster of the ship being pointed out to him, he began to shew hisgrains, but held them so unreasonably dear that no profit could be madeof them; on which, and because they seemed to have no store, the mastercame away with only about 50 pounds of grains. Going on shore at thesmall town on their way back to the ships, some one of our peopleplucked a gourd which gave great offence to the negroes, on which manyof them came with their darts and large targets, making signs for ourmen to depart; which our men did, as they had only one bow and two orthree swords among them. As soon as they were on board we weighed andset sail, but the wind was from the sea, so that we could not clearcertain rocks, for which reason we came again to anchor. 

This river called St Vincent is in lat. 4° 30' N[234]. The tide at thisplace ebbs and flows every twelve hours, but while we were there therise and fall did not exceed 9 feet. So far as we could see, the wholecountry was altogether covered with wood, all the kinds of trees beingunknown to us, and of many different sorts, some having large leaveslike gigantic docks, so high that a tall man is unable to reach theirtops. By the sea-side there grow certain pease upon great and longstalks, one of which I measured and it was 27 paces long. These grow onthe sand like trees, and so very near the sea that we could distinctlyperceive by the water marks that the sea sometimes flows into the woods. All the trees and other plants of this country are continually green. Some of the women have exceedingly long breasts, but they are not allso. All day the wind blows from the sea, and all night from the land, though we found this to differ sometimes, at which our master was muchsurprised. 

[Footnote 234: This latitude would bring us to a river about half waybetween the Grand Sesters and Cape Palmas; but which does not agree withthe former circumstances, as they could hardly have been so far to theS. E. Without seeing Cape Palmas. The river Sangwin, which we have beforesupposed might be the St Vincent, is in lat. 5° 20' N. Almost a degreefarther north. --E. ]

This night at 9 o'clock the wind came to east, which used ordinarily tobe at N. N. W. Off shore[235]; yet we weighed and hauled off south toseawards, and next morning stood in again towards the land, whence wetook in 6 tons of water for our ship, the Hind probably taking as much. On this part of the coast I could not find that the natives had any goldor other valuable article of trade, for indeed they are so savage andidle that they give not themselves the trouble to seek for any thing, for if they would take pains they might easily gather large quantitiesof grains, yet I do not believe there were two tons to be had in allthat river. They have many fowls likewise in their woods, but the peopleare not at the trouble to catch them. While here I collected thefollowing words of their language, all of which they speak very thick, often repeating one word three times successively, and always the lasttime longer than the two former. 

[Footnote 235: The text here is probably corrupt. The direct off-shorewind on the grain coast of Africa is N. E. The wind at N. N. W. Certainlyis in some degree off-shore, but very obliquely; and the wind at east ismore direct from shore. --E. ]

 Bezow! bezow! Is their salutation. Manegete afoye, [236], Grains enough. Crocow afoye, Hens enough. Zeramme afoye, Have you enough? Begge sacke, Give me a knife. Begge come, Give me bread. Borke, Silence! Contrecke, You lie! Veede, Put forth, or empty. Brekeke, Row! Diago, or dabo, Captain, or chief. 

[Footnote 236: In some maps the grain coast is named Malaguete, probablyfrom this word, and consequently synonimous with the ordinary name. Itis likewise called the Windward coast. --E. ]

Towards night on the 18th, while sailing along the coast, we fell inwith some boats or canoes, when the natives expressed by signs that wewere abreast of a river where we might have grains, but we did not thinkit right to stop there, lest other ships might get before us. This riverhas three great rocks and five small ones lying before it, with onegreat tree and a small one close by the river, which exceed all the restin height. This night we proceeded 10 leagues along the coast. Aboutnoon of the 19th, while proceeding along shore, three boats came off totell us we might have grains, and brought some to shew, but we did notchoose to stop. Continuing our course we anchored at night, having runthis day 10 leagues. On the 20th as the Hind had come to anchor near usamong some rocks and foul ground, she lost a small anchor. While passingalong shore about noon a negro came off to us as before, offering grainsif we would go on shore, and where we anchored at night another broughtus a similar intimation, besides which a fire was kindled on shore, asif indicating where we might land, which was likewise done on otherparts of the coast when they saw us anchored. Wherever we happened toanchor on this coast from our first watering place, we always found thetide [of flood?] running to the westwards, and saw many rocks closealong shore, many others being a league out to sea. This day we ran 12leagues. The 21st though we sailed all day with a brisk gale, yet sostrong were the tides against us that we were only able to make out 6leagues. This day likewise some negroes came off to us, offering to dealin grains if we would land. The 22d we ran all day and night to a doublepoint called Cabo das Palmas[237]. 

[Footnote 237: Reckoning the course run as expressed in the text, thedistance measured back from Cape Palmas brings us very nearly to Sangwinfor the river St Vincent of Towerson, as formerly conjectured. --E. ]

The 23d about 3 o'clock we were abreast of the point, and before we cameto the western part of it we saw a great ledge of rocks which lie out tothe west of it about 3 leagues, and a league or more from the shore. Wesoon after got sight of the eastern side of this cape, which is 4leagues from the west side. Upon both corners of this cape there are twogreen spots like meadows, and to the westwards of this cape the landforms a bay, by which it may be easily known. Four leagues farther onthere is a head-land jutting out to sea, and about two leagues fartheron there is a great bay, seemingly the entrance to a river, before whichwe anchored all that night, lest we should overshoot a river where, inthe voyage of last year, 1554, they got all their elephants teeth. CapePalmas is in lat. 4° 30' N. Between which and the river Sestro thegreatest abundance of grains is to be had, while beyond this cape verylittle is got. Where we anchored this night, we found that the tide nowran to the eastwards, while on the other side of the cape it went to theN. W. This day we ran about 16 leagues. 

While continuing our course on the 24th about 8 o'clock, some boats cameoff to us bringing small soft eggs without shells, and made signs thatwe might have fresh water and goats by going on shore. As the masterjudged this might be the river of which we were in search, we castanchor and sent our boat on shore with a person who knew the river. Oncoming near the shore he perceived that it was not the river, and cametherefore back again, and went along shore by the help of sails andoars, upon which we weighed and sailed likewise along shore. Being now13 leagues past the cape, the master observed a place which he believedmight be the river, when we were in fact two miles past it. At this timethe boat came off to the ship, reporting that there was no river; yet wecame to anchor, after which the master and I went in the boat with fivemen, and on coming near the shore he saw that it was the river for whichhe sought. We then rowed in with much difficulty, the entrance beingvery much obstructed by a heavy surf. After entering, several boats cameoff to us, informing us by signs that they had elephants teeth, andbrought us one of 8 pounds and a small one only one pound weight, bothof which we bought. Then they brought some other teeth to the riverside, giving us to understand by signs that they would sell them to usif we came next day. We then gave a _manillio_ each to two chiefs, anddeparted to the ships. We sent another boat to a different place onshore, where some of the natives in the canoes at sea made signs thatfresh water was to be had; and on going there they found a town but noriver, yet the people brought them fresh water and shewed an elephantstooth, making signs that they would sell them such next day. This riverlies 13 leagues beyond Cape Palmas, having a rock to the westwards abouta league out to sea, and there juts out from the river a point of landon which grow five trees which may be discerned two or three leagues offwhen coming from the westwards; but the river itself cannot be seen tillclose upon it, and then a small town may be seen on either side, each ofwhich has a _diago_ or captain. The river is small, but the water isfresh and good[238]. Two miles beyond the river, where the other townlies, another point runs oat to sea, which is green like a meadow, having only six trees growing upon it, all distant from each other, which is a good mark to know it by, as I have not seen as much bare landon the whole coast[239]. In this place, and three or four leagues to thewestwards, there grow many palm trees, from which the natives have theirpalm wine, all along shore. These trees are easily known almost twoleagues off, as they are very straight, tall and white bodied, andthickest in the middle, having no limbs or boughs, but only a round bushof leaves at the top. In this top the natives bore a hole, to which theyhang a bottle or empty gourd, and in this they receive the juice thatruns from the tree, which is their wine. 

[Footnote 238: From the indicated distance eastwards from Cape Palmas, and the description in the text, the river and point in question seemthose called Tabou, in long. 7° 10' W. From Greenwich. --E. ]

[Footnote 239: It is hardly necessary to observe that these are very badland-marks, being subject to alteration from many causes; besides thatthis description is above 250 years old. --E. ]

From Cape Palmas to Cape _Tres-puntas_ or Three-points, the distance is100 leagues east[240]; and from Cape Three-points to the port where weproposed to sell our cloth are other 40 leagues[241]. The language here, as far as I could judge, seemed to differ little from that formerlymentioned. The people likewise dress much in the same manner, or almostnaked, but they were gentler in their manners and better looking. Theychiefly coveted manillios and margarites, and cared very little for therest of our wares. About 9 o'clock A. M. Some boats came off to us fromboth towns, bringing with them some elephants teeth, and having made meswear by the water of the sea that I would do them no harm, three orfour of them came on board, and we entertained them with such things aswe had, of which they eat and drank as freely as ourselves. We thenbought all their teeth, of which they had 14, 10 being small. On goingaway, they desired us to come to their towns next day. Not wishing totrifle our time at this place, I desired the master to go on the 26thwith two of our merchants to one of the towns, while I went with onemerchant to the other town, the two towns being three miles asunder. Taking with us to both places some of every kind of merchandise that wehad, the master got nine rather small teeth at one town, while at theother I got eleven not large. Leaving on board with the [other] masteran assortment of manillios, he bought 12 teeth in our absence frompeople who came to the ships. I bought likewise a small goat, and themaster bought five small hens at the other town. Finding that nothingmore was to be done here, as they had no more teeth, we went on board byone o'clock, P. M. And immediately weighed anchor, continuing ourprogress eastward, always within sight of land. 

[Footnote 240: Between these two points is what is called the ivorycoast of Guinea: After which is the gold coast to Cape St Pauls; andthen the slave coast. --E. ]

[Footnote 241: Forty leagues E. N. E. Along the gold coast bring us toSaccoom or Accra, in the country called Aquamboo. --E. ]

The 28th, the wind turning contrary, we stood out to sea, and when thewind changed from the seaward we again stood for the land, which we fellin with at a great round red cliff, not very high, having to theeastwards a smaller red cliff, and right above that towards the inland around green hummock, which we took to be covered with trees. In the last24 hours we only made good about 4 leagues. The 29th coming near theshore, we noticed the before mentioned red cliff to have a large tuft oftrees on its summit. All to the westwards as far as we could see wasfull of red cliffs, and all along the shore, both on the tops of thesecliffs, and in the low intervals between them, was everywhere full ofwood. Within a mile of the great cliff to the eastwards there was ariver, and no cliffs that we could see beyond it, except one small cliffvery near its eastern side. At this place we had the wind in the nightat north off the land, and in the day south from the sea, which was notusual, as we were assured by such of our people as had been therebefore, being commonly N. W. And S. W. We ran this day and night 12leagues. The 31st we went our course by the shore, which was everywherelow and covered with wood, with no rocks. This morning many boats of thenegroes came out to fish, being larger than those we had seen hithertobut of similar make, some of them having five men. In the afternoon, about 3 o'clock we had sight of a town by the sea-side, which our pilotsjudged to be 25 leagues west from Cape Three-points. 

On the morning of the 3d January 1556, we fell in with CapeThree-points, having passed during the night one of the Portuguesecastles, which is 8 leagues west from this point[242]. This is a veryhigh land all grown over with trees, and on coming nearer we perceivedthree head-lands, having a kind of two bays between them, which opendirectly westwards. The farthest out to sea is the eastern cape. Themiddle cape is not above a league from the western cape, though thechart we had laid them down as 3 leagues asunder. Right before the pointof the middle cape there is a small rock near it, which cannot be seenfrom the cape itself, except one be near the shore, and on the top ofthis cape there is a great tuft of trees. When abreast of this capethere is seen close beside it a round green hummock rising from themain-land. The eastern cape is about a league from the middle one, andis high land like the other two, and between these there is a littlehead or point of land, and several rocks close in shore. About 8 leaguesbefore we came to cape Three-points the coast trends S. E. By E. , andafter passing the cape it runs N. E. By E. About two leagues afterpassing Cape Three-points there is a low glade for about two miles inlength, after which the land becomes again high, with several successivepoints or headlands, the first of which has several rocks out to sea. The middle of the three capes runs farthest out to sea southwards, sothat it can be seen a great way off from the coast, when it appears torise with two small rocks. We ran this day 8 leagues, and anchoredbefore night, lest we might overshoot a town named St Johns[243]. In theafternoon a boat with five men came off from the shore and rangedalongside of us, as if looking at our flags, but would not come near, and after looking at us for some time went back to the land. In themorning of the 4th, while sailing along the coast, we espied a ledge ofrocks close to the shore, to the westwards of which were two green hillsjoining together, with a hollow between them resembling a saddle; and, as the master thought the town we were looking for stood within theserocks, we manned our boats, taking with us a quantity of cloth and othergoods, with which we rowed on shore; but after going some way along theshore without finding any town, we returned again on board. About twoleagues to the eastwards from the two saddle hills, a ledge of rocksstretches almost two miles out to sea, beyond which is a great bayrunning N. N. W. While the general stretch of the coast at this place isfrom S. W. By W. To N. E. By E. Having with a gentle gale run past thatuttermost headland, we saw a great red cliff, which the master againjudged to be near the town of St Johns, on which we again took our boatand merchandise and rowed to the shore. We actually found a town on thetop of a hill to which we directed our course, and on seeing us aconsiderable number of the inhabitants collected together and waved apiece of cloth as a signal for us to come in, on which we rowed into anexcellent bay to eastward of the cliff on which the town stands, and ongetting fairly into the bay we let drop our grapnel. After remainingsome time, a boat or canoe came off to us and one of the men in hershewed us a piece of gold about half a crown weight, requiring us togive them our measure and weight that they might shew them to theircaptain. We accordingly gave them a measure of two ells, and a weight oftwo _angels_, as the principles on which we meant to deal. He took theseon shore to their captain; and then brought us back a measure of twoells one quarter and a half, and one _crusado_ weight of gold, makingsigns that they would give so much weight of gold for that measure ofcloth and no more; but this we refused. After staying about an hour, andfinding that they would not deal on our principles, besidesunderstanding that the best places for trade were all before us, wereturned to our ships, weighed anchor, and stood along shore, goingbefore in the boat. 

[Footnote 242: This was probably Fort St Antonio, at the mouth of theriver Aximer or Ashim. --Astl. I. 155. A. ]

[Footnote 243: St Johns river is about 12 leagues E. N. E. Of CapeThree-points, nearly in lat. 5° N. Long 2° 10' W. --E. ]

Having sailed about a league, we came to a point of land having a longledge of rocks running out from it to seawards like the others; and onpassing the ledge our master noticed a place which he said was assuredlythe town of Don John[244]. As the night approached we could not see itvery distinctly, wherefore we came to anchor as near as possible. On themorning of the 5th it was recognized to be the town we wanted, whereforewe manned our boats and went towards the shore; but knowing that thePortuguese had taken away a man from that place the year before, and hadafterwards shot at them with great _bases_[245], driving them from theplace, we let go our grapnel almost a _base_ shot from shore, and laythere near two hours without any boat coming off to us. At this timesome of our men who had gone in the Hinds boat into the bay to theeastward of the town, where they found a fine fresh river, waved to usto join them, because the negroes were seen coming down to that place, which we did. Immediately afterwards the negroes came down to the shore, and gave us to know by signs that they had gold, but none of them wouldcome to our boats, neither indeed did we see that they had any canoes tocome in, so that we suspected the Portuguese had spoiled their boats, aswe saw half their town in ruins. Wherefore, having tarried a good while, and seeing that they did not come to us, and as we were well armed, werun the heads of both boats on shore. Upon this the captain of the towncame towards us with his dart in his hand, followed by six tall men eachof whom had a dart and target. Their darts were all headed with ironwell-fashioned and sharp. After this party came another negro carryingthe captains stool. We all saluted the captain respectfully, pulling offour caps and bowing to him; but he, seeming to consider himself as a manof consequence, did not move his cap in return, and gravely sat down onhis stool, hardly inclining his body in return to our salute: All hisattendants however, took off their caps and bowed to us. 

[Footnote 244: Called St Johns twice before; and we shall see that theycame to another town afterwards called Don Johns, more to the east, whence it appears that the Don John of the text here is an error for StJohn. --E. ]

[Footnote 245: Probably musketoons or blunderbusses, and certainly somespecies of gun or fire-arm. --E. ]

This chief was clothed from the loins downwards, with a cloth of thecountry manufacture, wrapped about him and made fast with a girdle roundhis waist, having a cap of the country cloth on his head, all his bodyabove the loins with his legs and feet being bare. Some of hisattendants had cloths about their loins, while others had only a cloutbetween their legs, fastened before and behind to their girdles; havinglikewise caps on their heads of their own making, some made ofbasket-work, and others like a large wide purse of wild beast skins. Alltheir cloth, girdles, fishing lines, and other such things, are madefrom the bark of certain trees, very neatly manufactured. They fabricatelikewise all such iron implements as they use very artificially; such asthe heads of their darts, fish-hooks, _hooking_ irons, _ironheads_, andgreat daggers, some of these last being as long as a bill hook, orwoodcutters knife, very sharp on both sides and bent like a Turkishcymeter, and most of the men have such a dagger hanging on their leftside. Their targets are made of the same materials with their cloths, very closely wrought, very large and of an oblong square form, somewhatlonger than broad, so that when they kneel on the ground the targetentirely covers their whole body. Their bows are short and tolerablystrong, as much as a man is able to draw with one finger, and the stringis made of the bark of a tree, made flat, and a quarter of an inchbroad. I have not seen any of their arrows, as they were all closewrapped up, and I was so busily engaged in traffic that I had notleisure to get them opened out for my inspection. They have also the artto work up their gold into very pretty ornaments. 

When the captain had taken his seat on the stool, I sent him as apresent two ells of cloth and two basins, and he sent back for ourweight and measure, on which I sent him a weight of two angels, andinformed him that such was our price in gold for two ells, or themeasure I had already sent him. This rule of traffic he absolutelyrefused, and would not suffer his people to buy any thing but basins ofbrass or latten; so that we sold that day 74 brass basins for about halfan angel weight each, and nine white basins for about a quarter of anangel each. We shewed them some of all our other wares, but they did notcare for any of them. About two o'clock, P. M. The chief returned again, and presented me a hen and two great roots, which I accepted, and hethen made me understand by signs, that many people would come from thecountry that night to trade with me, who would bring great store ofgold. Accordingly about 4 o'clock there came about 100 men under 3chiefs, all well equipped with darts and bows; and when they came to us, every man stuck his dart into the ground in token of peace, all thechiefs having their stools with them, sat down, after which they sent ayouth on board our boat who brought a measure of an ell, a quarter and asixteenth, making us understand that they would have four times thatmeasure in cloth for the weight in gold of an angel and 12 grains. Ioffered him two ells for that weight, for which I had before demandedtwo angels; but this he despised, and stuck to the four measures, being5-1/4 ells. When it grew late and I motioned to go away, he came to fourells for the above weight, and as he and I could not agree we went backto the ships. This day we took for basins 6 ounces a half and an eighthof gold. 

In the morning of the 6th, we well manned our boats and the skiff, beingin some fear of the Portuguese, who had taken away a man from the shipsin the year before; and as the negroes had not canoes, we went near theshore to them. The young man who had been with us the night before wasagain sent to us, and he seemed to have had intercourse with thePortuguese, as he could speak a little of that language, and was quiteexpert in weights and measures. At his coming he offered us, as before, an angel and 12 grains for four ells, giving us to understand, if wewould not deal on these terms, we might go away, which we didaccordingly; but before going away, I offered him three ells of rottencloth for his weight, which he would not accept. We then went on boardour ships, which lay a league off, after which we went back in the boatsfor sand ballast. When the chiefs saw that our boats had now nomerchandise, but came only for water and sand, they at last agreed togive the weight for three ells. Therefore, when the boats returned tothe ships, we put wares into both, and, for greater expedition, I andJohn Saville went in one boat, while the master, John Makeworth, andRichard Curligin, went in the other. That night I took for my part 52ounces of gold, and those in the other boat took 8-1/4 ounces, all bythe above weight and measure. When it grew late we returned to theships, having taken that day in all 5 pounds of gold. 

We went on shore again on the 7th, and that day I took in our boat 3pounds 19 ounces[246], so that we had sold most of the cloth we carriedin the boat before noon, by which time many of the negroes were gone, and the rest seemed to have very little gold remaining; yet they madesigns to us to bring them more latten basins, which I was not inclinedto, not wishing to spend any more time there, but to push forwards forDon Johns town. But as John Saville and John Makeworth were anxious togo again, I consented, but did not go myself. They bartered goods foreighteen ounces of gold and came away, all the natives having departedat a certain cry or signal. While they were on shore, a young negroe whocould speak a little Portuguese came on board with three others, and tohim I sold 39 basins and two small white saucers, for three ounces ofgold. From what I could pick out, this young fellow had been in thecastle of Mina among the Portuguese, and had got away from them, for hetold us that the Portuguese were bad men, who made the negroes slaveswhen they could take them, and put irons on their legs. He said alsothat the Portuguese used to hang all the French or English they couldlay hold of. According to his account, the garrison in the castleconsisted of 60 men, and that there came thither every year two ships, one large and the other a small caravel. He told me farther that DonJohn was at war with the Portuguese, which encouraged me to go to histown, which is only four leagues from the castle, and from which our menhad been driven in the preceding year. This fellow came fearlessly onboard, and immediately demanded why we had not brought back the men wetook away the year before, for he knew that the English had taken awayfive negroes. We answered that they were in England, where they werewell received, and remained there till they could speak the language, after which they were to be brought back to serve as interpretersbetween the English and the natives; with which answer he seemed quitesatisfied, as he spoke no more of that matter. 

[Footnote 246: This is surely an error, as the troy or bullion poundcontains only 12 ounces. We ought therefore to read 3 pounds 9ounces--E. ]

Our boats being come on board, we weighed and set sail, and soonafterwards noticed a great fire on the shore, by the light of which wecould discern a large white object, which was supposed to be thePortuguese castle of St George del Mina; and as it is very difficult toply up to windward on this coast, in case of passing any place, we cameto anchor for the night two leagues from the shore, lest we mightovershoot the town of Don John in the night. This town lies in a greatbay which is very deep[247], and there the people were chiefly desirousto procure basins and cloth, though they bought a few other trifles, asknives, horse-tails, and horns; and some of our people who were on shoresold a cap, a dagger, a hat, and other such articles. They shewed us acoarse kind of cloth, which I believe was of French manufacture: Thewool was very coarse, and the stuff was striped with various colours, asgreen, white, yellow, &c. Several of the negroes at this place worenecklaces of large glass beads of various colours. At this place Ipicked up a few words of their language, of which the following is ashort specimen:

 Mattea! Mattea! Is their salutation. Dassee! Dassee! I thank you. Sheke, Gold. Cowrte, Cut. Cracca, Knives. Bassina, Basins. Foco, foco, Cloth. Molta, Much, or great plenty[248]

[Footnote 247: This abrupt account of a town, &c. Seems to refer back tothat of St John, which they had just left. --E. ]

[Footnote 248: This language seems partly corrupted. --_Hakluyt_. 

Two of the words in this short specimen have been evidently adopted fromthe Portuguese, _bassina_ and _molta_. --E. ]

In the morning of the 8th, we had sight of the Portuguese castle ofMina, but the morning being misty we could not see it distinctly till wewere almost at Don Johns town, when the weather cleared up and we had afull view of the fort, beside which we noticed a white house on a hill, which seemed to be a chapel. We stood in towards the shore, within twoEnglish miles of Don Johns town, where we anchored in seven fathoms. Wehere found, as in many places before, that the current followed thecourse of the wind. At this place the land by the sea is in some placeslow, and in others high, everywhere covered with wood. This town of DonJohn[249] is but small, having only about twenty huts of the negroes, and is mostly surrounded by a fence about the height of a man, made ofreeds or sedge, or some such material. After being at anchor two orthree hours, without any person coming off to us, we manned our boatsand put some merchandize into them, and then went with our boats verynear the shore, where we anchored. They then sent off a man to us, whotold us by signs that this was the town belonging to Don John, who wasthen in the interior, but would be home at sunset. He then demanded areward, as most of these people do on first coming aboard, and on givinghim an ell of cloth he went away, and we saw no more of him that night. In the morning of the 9th we went again near the shore with our boats, when a canoe came off to us, from the people in which we were informedby signs that Don John was not yet come home, but was expected that day. There came also a man in a canoe from another town a mile from this, called Don Devis[250], who shewed us gold, and made signs for us to gothere. I then left John Saville and John Makeworth at the town of DonJohn, and went in the Hind to the other town, where we anchored, afterwhich I went in the boat close to the shore near the town. Boats orcanoes soon came off to us, shewing a measure of 4-1/2 yards, and aweight of an angel and 12 grains, as their rule of traffic, so that Icould make no bargain. All this day our people lay off Don Johns townand did nothing, being told that he was still absent. 

[Footnote 249: Or Don _Juan_. This place stands at Cape Korea orCors. --Astl. I. 158. A. 

Cape Cors or Korea is now corruptly called Cape coast, at which there isan English fort or castle of the same name, in lat. 5° 10' N. Long. 1°16' W. --E. ]

[Footnote 250: Called afterwards the town of John De Viso. --E. ]

We went on the 10th to the shore, when a canoe came off with aconsiderable quantity of gold; and after long haggling we at lengthreduced their measure to a nail less than three ells, and brought uptheir weight to an angel and twenty grains, after which, in about aquarter of an hour, I sold cloth for a pound and a quarter of an ounceof gold. They then made signs for me to tarry till they had parted theircloth among them on shore, after their custom, and away they went andspread all their cloth on the sand. At this time a man came running fromthe town and spoke with them, and immediately they all hastened awayinto the woods to hide their cloth and gold. We suspected sometreachery, and though invited by signs to land we would not, butreturned on board the Hind, whence we could see 30 men on the hill, whomwe judged to be Portuguese, who went up to the top of the hill, wherethey drew up with a flag. Being desirous to know what the people of theHart were about, I went to her in the Hind's boat, and on nearing herwas surprised on seeing her shoot off two pieces of ordnance. I thenmade as much haste as possible, and met her boat and skiff coming withall speed from the shore. We all met on board the Hart, when they toldme that they had been on shore all day, where they had given 3-1/2 yardsof cloth to each of Don Johns two sons, and three basins between them, and had delivered 3 yards more cloth at the agreed weight of an angeland 12 grains. That while remaining on shore for an answer, somePortuguese had come running down the hill upon them, of which thenegroes had given them warning shortly before, but they understood themnot. The sons of Don John had conspired with the Portuguese againstthem, so that they were almost taken by surprise; yet they recoveredtheir boat and pushed off from the shore, on which the Portuguesedischarged their calivers or muskets at them, but hurt none of them; inrevenge for which hostility, the people in the ship had fired off thetwo guns formerly mentioned. We now laid _bases[251]_ into both theboats and the skiff, manning and arming them all, and went again towardsthe shore; but being unable to land on account of the wind, we lay offat the distance of about 200 yards, whence we fired against thePortuguese, but could not injure them as they were sheltered by thehill. They fired upon us in return from the hills and rocks, the negroesstanding by to help them, more from fear than love. Seeing the negroesin such subjection that they durst not deal with us, we returned onboard; and as the wind kept at east all night, we were unable to fetchthe Hind, but I took the boat and went on board in the night, to see ifany thing could be done there; and as in the morning we could perceivethat the town was overawed by the Portuguese like the other, we weighedanchor and went along the coast to the eastwards. 

[Footnote 251: Formerly conjectured to be musquetoons, orwall-pieces. --E. ]

This town of John de Viso stands on a hill like that of Don John, buthad been recently burnt, so that there did not remain above six housesstanding. Most of the gold on this part of the coast comes from theinterior country, and doubtless, if the people durst bring their gold, which they are prevented from doing by the Portuguese, we might have gotabundance; but they are under such subjection to the Portuguese, thatthey dare not trade with others. 

While coasting along on the 11th, we saw a small town about 4 leagues tothe east of that we last came from. About half a league farther wasanother town upon a hill, and half a league beyond that another largetown on the coast, to which we went to try what could be done in the wayof trade, meaning, if unsuccessful, to return to the towns we had leftbehind, in hopes that the Portuguese would leave them on our departure. All the way from the castle of Mina to this place, there were very highhills to be seen rising above other hills, all covered with wood, andthe coast was lined with great red cliffs close to the sea. The boats ofthis coast are larger than those we had seen hitherto, as one of themcould carry 12 men, but they were still of the same form with all theboats along the coast. About these towns there seemed few rivers, andtheir language seemed the same with that at Don Johns town, every personbeing able to speak a few words of Portuguese, which they constantlyused to us. About five o'clock P. M. We saw 22 of the native boats orcanoes going along shore to the westwards, on which we suspected sometreachery; wherefore on the 12th we made sail farther along the coasteastwards, and descried more towns, in which there were some largerhouses than any we had hitherto seen, and from these the people came outto look at us, but we could see no boats on the shore. Two miles beyondthe eastermost town there are black rocks, which continue to theuttermost cape or point of the land for the space of a league, afterwhich the land runs E. N. E. Some negroes came down to these black rocks, whence they waved a white flag for us to land; but as we were near theprincipal town, we continued our course along shore, and when we hadopened the point of land we perceived another head-land about a leaguefarther on, having a rock lying off to sea, which was thought to be theplace of which were in search. On coming abreast of the town it wasrecognized, and having anchored within half a mile of the shore in fivefathoms, with good ground, we put wares into our boat, and went near theshore to endeavour to open trade. Anchoring close to the shore, about 10A. M. We saw many canoes on the beach, and some came past us, but no onewould draw near, being, as we supposed, afraid of us, as four men hadbeen forcibly taken away from thence the year before. Seeing that no onecame off to us, we went again on board, expecting to make no sales; buttowards evening a great number of people came to the shore and waved awhite flag, as inviting us to land, after which their chief or captaincame down with many men along with him, and sat down under a tree nearthe shore. On seeing this I took some things with me in the boat topresent to him, and at length he sent off a boat to us which would notcome near, but made signs for us to return next day. At length, byoffering things for their captain, I enticed them into our boat, andgave them two ells of cloth, a latten basin, a white basin, a bottle, alarge piece of beef, and six biscuits, which they received and madesigns for us to come back next day, saying that their chief was _grandcaptain_, which indeed appeared by his numerous attendants, who werearmed with darts, targets, and other weapons. This town is very large, and stands upon a hill among trees, so that it cannot well be seenexcept when one is near. To the eastwards of it there are two very hightrees on a hill close to the town[27]; and under the town is anotherand lower hill washed by the sea, where it is all composed of greatblack rocks. Beyond this town there is another considerably smaller on abay. 

[252][Footnote 252: 27 It is added, _which is a good mark to know thetown_. But at this distance of time, above 250 years, such marks cannotbe supposed to remain. --E. ]

In the morning of the 13th we took our boat and went close to the shore, where we remained till ten o'clock, but no one came near us. We preparedtherefore to return on board, on seeing which some negroes came runningdown and waved us back with a white flag, so we anchored again and theymade us to understand by signs that the chief would soon come down. Inthe meantime we saw a sail pass by us, but being small we regarded itnot. As the sun was high, we made a tilt with our oars and sails. Therenow came off to us a canoe with five men, who brought back our bottle, and gave me a hen, making signs by the sun that within two hours themerchants of the country would come and buy all we had. I gave them six_manillios_ to present to their captain; and as they signified by signsthat they would leave a man with us if we gave them a pledge, we put oneof our men into their boat; but as they would not give us one of theirmen, we took back our man again, and remained in expectation of themerchants. Shortly afterwards there came down one of the natives to theshore, arrayed like their captain, attended by a numerous train, whosaluted us in a friendly manner, and then sat down under a tree wherethe captain used to sit in the former year. Soon afterwards we perceiveda great number of natives standing at the end of a hollow way, andbehind them the Portuguese had planted a base, which they suddenlydischarged, but its ball overshot us, though we were very near. Beforewe could ship our oars to get away, they shot at us again, but did us noharm; the negroes came to the rocks close beside us, whence theydischarged calivers at us, and the Portuguese shot off their base twicemore. On this our ship made some shots at them, but they were protectedby the rocks and hills. 

We now went on board to leave this place, as the negroes were bentagainst us, because in the former year Robert Gainsh had taken away thecaptains son from this place, with three others, and all their gold andevery thing else they had about them; owing to which they had becomefriends to the Portuguese, whom they hated before, as appeared in theformer year when the Trinity was there; when the chief came on boardand brought them to his town, trading with them largely, and offeringthem ground on which to build a fort[253]. The 14th we plied back tomeet the Hind, which we met in the morning, and then both ships sailedeastwards to try what could be done at the place where the Trinity soldher friezes in the preceding year. The day after we parted, the Hind hadtaken eighteen and a half ounces of gold from some negroes in exchangefor wares. This day, about one P. M. We saw some canoes on the coast, with men standing beside them, and going to them with merchandise, wetook three ounces of gold for eighteen _fuffs_ of cloth, each _fuffe_being three and a half yards, at the rate of one angel twelve grains the_fuffe_. These people made us understand by signs that if we waited tillnext day we might have plenty of gold. For this reason I sent off themaster with the Hind, accompanied by John Saville and John Makeworth, toseek the other place, while I and Richard Pakeman remained here to tryour fortunes next day. When the negroes perceived the Hind going awaythey feared the other ship would follow, wherefore they sent off fourmen in two canoes, asking us to remain, and offering two men to remainwith us, if we would give one as a pledge or hostage for his safety. Accordingly, one Edward, who was servant to Mr Morley, seeing them somuch in earnest, offered himself as a pledge, and we let him go for twoof them who staid with us, one of whom had his weights and scales, witha chain of gold about his neck and another round his arm. These men eatreadily of such things as we had to give them, and seemed quitecontented. During the night, the negroes kept a light on shore overagainst us; and about one o'clock, A. M. We saw the flash of a _base_, which was twice shot off at the light, and then two _calivers_ weredischarged, which in the end we perceived came from a Portuguesebrigantine that followed us from place to place, to warn the natives tohave no dealings with us. 

[Footnote 253: In the margin, Hakluyt sets down the voyage of RobertGainsh to Guinea as in 1554; yet does not mention where that voyage isto be found, or that it is the same voyage published in his secondedition, under the name of Lok, instead of Gainsh to whom it wasascribed in his first edition. All the light we have into the matterfrom the second edition, is from a marginal note at the beginning ofLoks voyage, in which Robert Gainsh is said to have been master of theJohn Evangelist; neither is there any mention of this villainoustransaction in the relation of that voyage. Such crimes deserve severepunishment; since a whole community may suffer for the fault of one badman. --Astl. I. 160, a. ]

In the morning of the 15th, the negro chief came down to the coastattended by 100 men, bringing his wife along with him, and many othersbrought their wives also, as they meant to remain by the sea side tillthey had bought what they wanted, and their town was eight miles up thecountry. Immediately on his arrival, the chief sent our man on board, and offered to come himself if we would give two of our men in pledgefor him. I accordingly sent him two, but he only retained one, and cameon board accompanied by his wife and several friends, bringing me a goatand two great roots, for which I gave him in return a latten basin, awhite basin, six _manillios_ and a bottle of _Malmsey_, and to his wifea small casket. After this we began to adjust our measure and weight. Hehad a weight of his own, equal to an angel and 14 grains, and required ameasure of 4-1/2 ells. In fine we concluded the 8th part[254], for anangel and 20 grains; and before we had done he took my own weight andmeasure. The 16th I took 8 libs. 1 oz. Of gold. Since the departure ofthe Hind I had not heard of her; but when our pledge went into thecountry the first night he said that he saw her at anchor about 5leagues from us. The 17th I sold about 17 pieces of cloth, for which Igot 4 libs. 4-1/2 oz. Of gold. The 18th the chief desired to purchasesome of our wine, offering half a gold ducat for a bottle; but I gavehim one freely, and made him and his train drink besides. This day Itook 5 libs. 5 oz. Of gold. The 19th I sold about 18 pieces of cloth, and took 4 libs. 4-1/2 oz. Of gold. The 20th 3 libs. 6-1/4 oz; the 21st8 libs. 7-1/4 oz; the 22d 3 libs. 8-1/4 oz: And about 4 o'clock thisnight[255] the chief and all his people went away. The 23d we were wavedon shore by other negroes, and sold them cloth, caskets, knives, and adozen bells, for 1 lib. 10 oz. Of gold. The 24th we sold bells, sheets[256], and thimbles, for 2 libs. 1-1/4 oz. Of gold. The 25th wesold 7 doz. Of small bells and other things, and finding their gold allgone, we weighed and sailed to leewards in search of the Hind, which wefound about 5 o'clock, P. M. And understood she had made some sales. 

[Footnote 254: The meaning is here obscure; perhaps the word _less_ isomitted, and the bargain was for a measure an eighth part less than thatoriginally proposed. --E. ]

[Footnote 255: Perhaps we should rather understand 4 o'clock nextmorning?--E. ]

[Footnote 256: Perhaps this ought to be sheers or scissars?--E. ]

The 26th we received from the Hind 48 libs. 3-1/8 oz. Of gold, whichthey had taken while we were asunder; and this day, on the request of anegro sent us by the chief, we went on shore with our merchandise andtook 7 libs, 1 oz. Of gold. At this place they required no pledges fromus, yet sent every night a man to sleep on board, as an assurance thatthey would come to us next day. The 27th in both ships we took 8 libs. 1-7/8 oz. Of gold. The 28th we made sales to the amount of 1 lib. 1/3oz. For the company. The 29th in the morning we heard two caliver shotson shore, which we judged might either be the Portuguese or some oftheir negroes, and we accordingly manned our boats, armed ourselves andour men, and went on shore, but they were gone off. The 30th we mademore sales both for the company and the masters. The 31st we sent ourboats on shore to take in sand for ballast; and our men met the negroeswith whom they had dealt the day before, who were now employed fishing, and helped them to fill sand; and having now no gold, sold fish to ourmen for their handkerchiefs and neckerchiefs. The 1st of February weweighed and went to another place, where we took 1 lib. 9 1/3 oz. Ofgold. The 2d we made more sales; but on taking a survey of ourprovisions, we resolved not to stay much longer on the coast, most ofour drink being spent, and what remained turning sour. The 3d and 4th wemade some sales though not great; and finding the wind on this last daycome off shore, we set sail and went along the coast to the westwards. Upon this coast, we found by experience that ordinarily, about 2 o'clockin the night[257] the wind came off shore from N. N. E. , and continued inthat direction till 8 o'clock in the morning, blowing all the rest ofthe day and night at S. W. The tide or current on this shore goescontinually with the wind. [258] We continued our course along shore onthe 5th, expecting to have met some English ships, but found none. 

[Footnote 257: It is hard to say whether this means 2 hours aftersunset, or after midnight--E. ]

[Footnote 258: Apparently running from the east during the land breeze, and from the west with the sea breeze--E. ]

The 6th February 1556, we altered our course S. W. Leaving the coast, tofetch under the line, and ran 24 leagues by estimation. By the 13th wereckoned ourselves off Cape Palmas, and by the 22d we were by ourreckoning abreast of Cape Mount, 30 leagues west from the river Sestosor Sestro. The 1st March we lost sight of the Hind in a tornado; onwhich we set up a light and fired a gun, but saw nothing of her, wherefore we struck sail and lay by for her, and in the morning hadsight of her 3 leagues astern. This day we found ourselves in thelatitude of Cape Verd which is in 14° 30' [14° 50' N. ] Continuing ourcourse till the 29th, we were then in 22°, on which day one of our mennamed William King died in his sleep, having been long sick. His clotheswere distributed among those of the crew who were in want of suchthings, and his money was kept to be delivered to his friends at home. The 30th we found ourselves under the tropic. On the 1st April we werein the latitude of the Azores, and on the 7th of May we fell in with thesouth of Ireland, where we sent our boat on shore for fresh water, andwhere we bought two sheep and such other victuals as we needed from thecountry people, who are wild _kernes_. The 14th of the same month wewent into the port of Bristol called Hungrode[259], where we cast anchorin safety, giving God thanks for our happy arrival. 

[Footnote 259: Probably that now called King-road?--E. ]

SECTION V. 

_Second Voyage to Guinea in 1556, by William Towerson_[260]. 

On the 14th September 1556, we set sail from Harwich bound for the coastof Guinea, in the Tiger of London of 120 tons, directing our coarse forScilly, where we expected to meet the Hart of London of 60 tons and apinnace of 16 tons, both of which had been fitted out and victualled atBristol. We arrived at Scilly on the 28th, and having lain to some timefor our consorts to no purpose, we sailed back to Plymouth on the 12thOctober. They there joined us, and we sailed together from that port onthe 15th November. 

[Footnote 260: Hakluyt, II. 496. Astl. I. 162. 

Hitherto we have given these voyages to Guinea at full length, as theyare found in the collection of Hakluyt; but in this and the subsequentearly English voyages to Guinea, we have thought proper to abbreviatesuch matters as seemed of small importance. --E. ]

We made the coast of Guinea on the 30th December, where we got sight ofthree ships and two pinnaces which were to windward of us, on which wemade ourselves ready for action and gave them chase, hauling to the windas near as we could to gain the weather-gage. At first they made sailfrom us, but having cleared for fighting they put about and came towardsus in brave order, their streamers, pennants and ensigns displayed, andtrumpets, sounding. When we met they still had the weather-gage of us, yet were we firmly determined to have fought them if they had beenPortuguese, and hailed them to come under our lee, which they stoutlyrefused. On demanding whence they were, they said from France; and wethen told them we were from London in England. They then told us therewere certain Portuguese ships gone to Mina to protect that place, andthat they had already burnt a Portuguese ship of 200 tons at the riverSestro. The captain of the admiral ship and several other Frenchmen cameon board of us in a friendly manner, and proposed that we should joincompany because of the Portuguese, and go together to Mina. We told themthat we had not yet watered, having just fallen in with the coast. Theysaid we were 50 leagues to leeward of Sestro river, but still watermight be had, and they would assist us in watering with their boats forthe sake of our company. They told us farther that they had been sixweeks on the coast, and had only got 3 tons of grains among themall[261]. 

[Footnote 261: These ships were the Espoir of Harfleur, the admiral, ofwhich Denis Blundel was captain; the Levriere of Rouen, vice-admiral, commanded by Jerome Baudet; and a ship of Houfleur, commanded by Jean deOrleans. --E. ]

After hearing what they had to say, we considered that even if Mina wereclear of Portuguese ships, yet if the Frenchmen went before us theywould spoil our market: That if there were Portuguese ships at Mina, andthey took the French ships, they would learn that we were behind, andwould wait to take us likewise: And finally, if we went along with themand found the coast clear, we would do as well as they; but if thePortuguese remained on the coast we should be stronger in their company. Wherefore, having thus considered their friendly offers, we told themthat we would confer more largely of the matter next day; upon whichthey invited me to dine with them next day, and to bring with me themasters of our ships and such merchants as I thought proper, offering tosupply us with water from their own ships if we would, or else to remainwith us and help us to water with their boats and pinnaces. In themorning of the 31st, the French admiral sent his boat for me, and I wenton board his ship accompanied by our masters and some of our merchants. He had provided a noble banquet for us, and treated us excellently, requesting us to keep him company, promising to part with us whatvictuals were in his ship, or any other things that could serve us, even offering to strike his flag and obey my commands in all things. Notbeing able to find water at that place, we set sail on the 1st January1557, and anchored off the mouth of a river, where on the two followingdays we procured water, and bought a few small elephants teeth. 

On the 4th of January we landed with 30 men, well armed with arquebuses, pikes, long-bows, cross-bows, partizans, long swords, and swords andbucklers, meaning to seek for elephants. We found two, which we woundedseveral times with our fire-arms and arrows, but they both got away fromus and hurt one of our men. We sailed on the 5th, and next day fell inwith the river St Andrew, [in long. 6° 4' W. ] The land is somewhat highto the westward of this river, having a fine bay likewise to thewestward, but to the east the land is low. This is a great river, having7 fathoms water in some places at its mouth. On the 7th we went into theriver, where we found no village, and only some wild negroes not used totrade. Having filled our water casks here, we set sail to the eastward. On the 10th we had a conference with Captain Blondel, the admiral of theFrench ships, Jerome Baudet his vice-admiral, and Jean de Orleans, master of the ship of 70 tons. We agreed to traffic in friendly accord, so as not to hurt each others market, certain persons being appointed tomake a price for the whole, and then one boat from every ship to makesales on the agreed terms. On the 11th, at a place called _Allow_[262], we got only half an angel weight and 4 grains of gold, which was takenby hand, the natives having no weights. 

[Footnote 262: Rather Lu how or La hu. --Astl. I 163. B. --The rivercalled Jack Lahows river, in Long. 4° 14' W. --E. ]

On the 14th we came within _Saker_ shot of the castle of Mina, whence anAlmadia was sent out to see what we were, but seeing that we were notPortuguese, she went immediately back to the large negroe town of_Dondou_ close by the castle. Without this there lie two great rockslike islands, and the castle stands on a point resembling an island. Atsome distance to the westwards the land for 5 or 6 leagues was high, butfor 7 leagues from thence to the castle the land is low, after which itbecomes high again. The castle of Mina is about 5 leagues east from CapeThree-points[263]. Here I took the boat with our negroes, and, wentalong the coast till I came to the cape, where I found two small townshaving no canoes, neither could we have any trade. At these places ournegroes understood the natives perfectly, and one of them went on shoreat all the places, where he was well received by his countrymen. At aplace called _Bulle_, about 3 leagues east from the eastermost point ofCape Three-points, we learnt from the natives by means of our negroGeorge, that about a month before there had been an engagement at thisplace, in which two ships had put one to flight; and that some timebefore, one French ship had put to flight four Portuguese ships at thecastle of Mina. 

[Footnote 263: Mina is in Long. 1° 60', Cape Three points in 2 40' bothwest, the difference of Longitude therefore is about 50 minutes, ornearly 17 leagues. --E]

On the 16th we went to a place called _Hanta_, 12 leagues beyond thecape, but did no good, as the natives held their gold too dear. We wentthence to _Shamma_[264], where we landed with 5 boats well armed withmen and ordnance, making a great noise with our drums and trumpets, suspecting we might have found Portuguese here, but there were none. Wesent our negroes first on shore, after which we followed and were wellreceived. The 18th we agreed to give the negroes 2 yards and 3 nails ofcloth, as a _fuffe_, to exchange for an angel-ducat weight; so we tookin all 70 ducats, of which the Frenchmen had 40 and we 30. The 19th Itook 4 libs. 2-1/2 oz. Of gold, and the boat of the Hart had 21 oz. Thisnight we were informed by the negroes that the Portuguese meant toattack us next day either by sea or land, and as we were about to returnon board we heard several shots in the woods, but they durst not comenear us. The 20th we went on shore well armed, but heard no more of thePortuguese, and this day the negroes informed us there were some shipscome to _Hanta_, a town about 2 leagues to the west. The 21st we went inour boats to a town a league to the west, where we found many negroesunder another chief, with whom we dealt on the same terms as at Shamma. The 22d we went again on shore, and I got 1 lib. 4 oz. Of gold. The 23dthe negroes told as that the Portuguese ships had departed from theMina, intending to ply to windward and then come down to fight us, giving us warning to be on our guard. The 24th we went again on shore totrade, and I invited the chief of the town to dinner. While we wereashore on the 25th, our ships descried 5 sail of ships belonging to theking of Portugal, and fired several shots to recall us on board. So wewent to the ships, but by the time that every thing was in order and wehad weighed anchor it was night, so that nothing could be done. We setsail however and tried all night to gain the wind of the Portuguese, some of which were very near during the night. One of them, which wejudged was their admiral, fired a shot, as we supposed to call theothers to come and speak with him. The 26th we came in with the shore, and got sight of the Portuguese at anchor, on which we made sail towardsthem, giving all our men white scarfs, that the French and we might knoweach other in case of boarding: But night coming on before we couldfetch the Portuguese, we anchored within demi-culverine shot of them. 

[Footnote 264: Called Chama in modern maps, near the mouth of St Johnsriver, about 6 leagues east from Mina. --E. ]

In the morning of the 27th, both we and the Portuguese weighed anchor, and by 11 o'clock, A. M. We had gained the weather-gage, on which we wentroom with them[265]: on this they bore away towards the shore, and weafter them, and when they were near shore they put about again toseawards. We put about likewise, and gained a head of them, on which wetook in our topsails and waited for them. The first that came up was asmall bark, which sailed so well that she cared not for any of us, andhad good ordnance. As soon as she came up she discharged her guns at usand shot past with ease, after which she fired at the French admiral andstruck his ship in several places; and as we were in our fighting sails, she soon got beyond our reach. Then another caravel came up under ourlee, discharging her ordnance at us and at the French admiral, woundingtwo of his men and shooting through his main-mast. After him came up thePortuguese admiral also under our lee, but was not able to do us so muchharm as the small ships had done, as he carried his ordnance higher thanthey; neither were we able to make a good shot at any of them, becauseour ship was so weak in the side that she laid all her ordnance in thesea[266]. We determined therefore to lay the Portuguese admiral onboard; but on making the attempt, the French admiral fell to leeward andcould not fetch him, after which he fell to leeward of two othercaravels, and was unable to fetch any of them. Being thus to leeward, the French admiral kept on towards the shore and left us. We hoistedour topsails and gave chase to the enemy, but both the other Frenchships kept their wind and would not come near us, and our own consortwas so much astern that she could not get up to our assistance. When wehad followed them to seaward about two hours, the enemy put abouttowards the land, thinking to pay us as they went past, and to gain thewind of the French admiral which had gone in shore; but we put aboutlikewise keeping still the weather gage, expecting our consort and therest to have followed our example. But when the Portuguese had passedour consort and the two French ships, firing as they went along, all ofthese ships and our own pinnace continued to seawards, leaving us in the_laps_, (lurch. ) We continued our course after the enemy, keeping theweather gage, that we might succour the French admiral who was toleeward of them all; and on coming up with him, all the enemies shipsbore down and gave him their broadsides, after which they put aboutagain, but durst not board him as we were still to wind-wind of them, otherwise they had certainly taken or sunk him. Three of their smallestvessels were such prime sailors that it was quite impossible for any ofour ships to have boarded them, and they carried such ordnance that theywould have sore troubled any three of our ships; if they had been ableto gain the weather-gage. Their other ships, the admiral andvice-admiral, were both notably appointed. 

[Footnote 265: Bore down upon them. --E. ]

[Footnote 266: Meaning apparently that she lay too much over toleeward. --E. ]

When the French admiral was clear of them, he lay as near the wind aspossible and ran to seaward after the rest, while we followed the enemyto leeward. Then seeing us alone and in chase, they put about, which wedid likewise to keep the wind of them, and in this situation we sailedwithin _base_ shot of them, but they shot not at us, because we had theweather gage and they could not therefore harm us. We continued in thiscourse till night, when we lost sight of them. All the rest of our shipsmade to seawards with all the sail they could carry; and, as theyconfessed themselves afterwards, they gave us their prayers, and noother help had we at their hands. 

Next day, the 28th, we rejoined our own consort and pinnace, and two ofthe French ships, but the third, which was a ship of 80 tons belongingto Rouen, had fled. I took my skiff and went to them to know why they, had deserted me. John Kire said his ship would neither rear norstear[267]. John Davis said the pinnace had broke her rudder, so thatshe could sail no farther, and had been taken in tow by the Hart. Ifound the French admiral to be a man of resolution, but half his crewwas sick or dead. The other Frenchman said his ship could bear no sail, and 16 of his men were sick or dead, so that he could do nothing. Afterthis the French ships durst not come to anchor for fear of thePortuguese. 

[Footnote 267: Meaning perhaps, would neither wear nor tack?--E. ]

The 29th, on finding our pinnace incapable of farther use, we took outher four bases, anchor, and every thing of value, and set her on fire, after which we ran along the coast. On the 3d February we anchored about4 leagues from a town, which we saluted with two guns, on which thechief came to the shore, to whom I sent Thomas Rippon who knew him. After some conference, the chief came off to me; as it was become late, he did not enter into bargain for any price, but exchanged pledges and, returned on shore. Next day I went on shore, and though some Frenchships had been there and spoiled the market, I took 5-1/2 oz. Of gold. The 5th I took 8-1/2 oz. But could perceive that the negroes thought theFrench cloth better and broader than ours; wherefore I told CaptainBlundel that I would go to leeward, as where he was I should do no good. The 6th there came an Almadie or canoe to us with some negroes, invitingme to their town, where they had plenty of gold and many merchants. Idid so, but could do no good that night, as the merchants were not comefrom the interior. On the 7th our negro George came to us, havingfollowed us at least 30 leagues in a small canoe, and soon after hisarrival we settled the terms of dealing with the natives. George hadbeen left in Shamma at the time of the fight, which he saw from theshore, and told us that the Portuguese had gone afterwards into thatriver, when they said that two of their men had been slain by a shot, which was from our ship. This day I took 5 libs. 1-1/4 oz. Of gold; the8th 19 libs. 3-1/2 oz. ; the 9th 2 libs. 6-1/2 oz. ; the 10th 3 libs. The11th. Jerome Baudet, the French vice-admiral, came to us in his pinnace, saying that they could do no good where they were, and that he meant togo to the eastwards: But we told him this could not be allowed, anddesired him to return to his comrades, which he refused; till we shotthree or four pieces at his pinnace; on which his ship put about and ranout to sea followed by the pinnace. This day I took 1 lib. 5 oz. 

The 12th one of the French pinnaces came with cloth, but we would notallow them to trade, and made them remain all day close to our ship. This day we took 5 lib. 6-1/2 oz. The 17th we went to another town, where we understood that three of the Portuguese ships were at thecastle, and the other two at Shamma. Though the Portuguese were so nearthat they might have been with us in three hours, we yet resolved toremain and make sales if we could. The chief of this town was absent atthe principal town of the district visiting the king, but came soon backwith a weight and measure. The 18th some of the kings servants came tous, and we took 1 lib. 2-1/8 oz. Of gold. The 19th we took 5 libs. 1 oz. The 20th 1 lib. 4 oz; the 21st 4 libs. 1 oz; the 22d 3-1/2 oz. 

Having sent one of our merchants with a present to the king, he returnedon the 23d, saying that he had been received in a friendly manner by_Abaan_, who had little gold but promised if we would stay that he wouldsend all over his country in search of gold for us, and desired ourpeople to request our king to send men to his country to build a fort, and to bring tailors with them to make them apparel, and to send goodwares and we should be sure to sell them; but that the French had forthe present filled the market with cloth. This town where the king Abaanresides, is about 4 leagues up the country, and in the opinion of ourpeople who were there is as large in circumference as London, though allbuilt like those we had already seen. Around the town there was greatabundance of the wheat of the country, insomuch that on one side of itthey saw 1000 ricks of wheat and of another sort of grain called _mill_or millet, which is much used in Spain. All round this town there iskept a good nightly watch, and across all the roads or paths they havecords stretched and connected with certain bells; so that if any onetouch the cords the bells, immediately ring to alarm the watchmen, onwhich they run out to see what is the matter. In case of any enemies, they have nets suspended over the paths ready to let fall and entanglethem. It is impossible to get to the town except by the regular paths, as it is every where environed with trees and thick underwood; besideswhich the town is surrounded by a fence of sedge bound with thick ropesmade of the bark of trees[268]. 

[Footnote 268: It is hard to discover what place this was. Perhaps itwas _Great Commendo_ or _Guaffo_, which stands on a river that runs bythe town of the _Mina_, and is still the residence of a negro king; inwhich case the port they put in at might have been little _Commendo. _But the royal city is very far from being as large as London was in1556, not having above 400 houses. The contrivance for apprizing thewatchmen of the approach of an enemy, and for taking them prisoners, seems a notable invention of our countrymen; for surely an enemy mighteasily destroy these net-traps to catch soldiers, these pack-threadfortifications. --Astl. 1. 167. A. ]

As in this country it is necessary to travel in the night to avoid theheat of the day, our men came to the town about five in the morning. About nine the king sent for them, as no one must go to him unless sentfor, and they proposed carrying their present, but were told they mustbe brought before him three times, before their gift could be offered. They then waited upon him and were graciously received. And having beensent for three several times, they carried their present the last time, which was thankfully accepted; and calling for a pot of Palm wine, theking made them drink. Before drinking they use the following ceremonies:On bringing out the pot of wine, a hole is made in the ground into whicha small quantity of the wine is poured, after which the hole is filledup, and the pot set on the place. Then with a small cup made of a gourdshell, they take out a little of the wine, which is poured on the groundin three several places. They set up likewise some branches of the Palmtree in different parts of the ground, where they shed some of the wine, doing reverence to the palms. All these ceremonies being gone through, the king took a gold cup full of wine which he drank off, all the peoplecalling out Abaan! Abaan! together with certain words, as is usual inFlanders on twelfth night, _the king drinks. _ When he had drank, thenthe wine was served round to every one, and the king allowed them todepart. Then every one bowed three times, waving his hands, and sodeparted. The king has usually sitting beside him, eight or ten old menwith grey beards. 

On the 23d we took 1 lib. 10 oz. Of gold; the 24th 3 lib. 7 oz. ; the25th 3-1/4 oz. ; the 26th 2 libs. 10 oz. ; the 27th 2 libs. 5 oz. ; the28th 4 libs. Then seeing that there was no more gold to be had, weweighed anchor and continued along the coast. The 1st of March we cameto a town called _Moure_, where we found neither boats nor people; butwhen about to depart there came some people to us in two canoes fromanother town, from whom we took 2-1/2 oz. Of gold, and who told us thatthe inhabitants had removed from Mowre to _Lagoua. _[269]. The 2d we wereabreast the castle of Mina, where we saw all the five Portuguese shipsat anchor, and by night we were off Shamma or Chama, where we meant towater. But next day we saw a tall ship of about 200 tons to windwardwithin two leagues, and then two more astern of her, one a ship of 500tons or more and the other a pinnace. Upon this we weighed anchor, andmade a shirt to stand out to sea, the wind being S. S. W. , but the Hartfell three leagues to leeward of us. These ships chased us from 9 A. M. Till 5 P. M. But could not make up with us. At night, when we joined theHart, on asking why she fell to leeward, they pretended that they durstnot make sail to windward, lest they had carried away theirfore-top-mast. Having been thus obliged to abandon our watering-place, we were under the necessity of boiling our meat-in sea-water, and toreduce our allowance of drink to make it hold out, as we now shaped ourcourse homewards. 

[Footnote 269: Mowree is 4-1/2 leagues east from the castle of Minas, and Lagoua or Laguy is 9 leagues east from the same place. --Astl. I. 168. A. ]

On the 16th of March we fell in with the land, which I judged to be CapeMisurado, about which there is much high land. The 18th we lost sight ofthe Hart, and I think the master wilfully went in shore on purpose tolose us, being offended that I had reproved him for his folly whenchased by the Portuguese. The 27th we fell in with two small islandsabout 6 leagues off Cape Sierra Leona; and before we saw them wereckoned ourselves at least 30 or 40 leagues from them. Therefore allwho sail this way must allow for the current which sets N. N. W. Or theywill be much deceived. The 14th April we met two large Portuguese ships, which we supposed were bound to Calicut. The 23d we saw a French ship of90 tons to windward of us, which came down upon us as if to lay us onboard, sending up some of his men in armour into the tops, and callingout to us to strike. Upon this we saluted him with some cross-bars, chain-shot, and arrows, so thick that we made their upper works flyabout their ears, and tore his ship so miserably, that he fell asternand made sail. Our trumpeter was a Frenchman, at this time ill in bed;yet he blew his trumpet till he could sound no more, and so died. The29th we arrived at Plymouth, and gave thanks to God for our safety. 

SECTION VI. 

_Third Voyage of William Towerson to Guinea, in 1558_[270]. 

On the 30th of January of the above year, we set sail from Plymouth withthree ships and a pinnace, bound by the grace of God for the Canariesand the coast of Guinea. Our ships were the Minion, admiral; theChristopher, vice-admiral; the Tiger, and a pinnace called the Unicorn. Next day we fell in with two hulks[271] of Dantziek, one called the Roseof 400 tons, and the other the Unicorn of 150, both laden at Bourdeaux, mostly with wine. We caused them to hoist out their boats and come onboard, when we examined them separately as to what goods they had onboard belonging to Frenchmen[272]. At first they denied having any; butby their contradictory stories, we suspected the falsehood of theircharter parties, and ordered them to produce their bills of lading. Theydenied having any, but we sent certain persons to the place where theywere hid, and thus confronted their falsehood. At length they confessedthat there were 32 tons and a hogshead of wine in the Unicorn belongingto a Frenchman, and 128 tons in the Rose belonging to the, same person;but insisted that all the rest was laden by Peter Lewgues of Hamburgh, and consigned to Henry Summer of Campvere. After a long consultation, considering that to capture or detain them might lose our voyage, already too late, we agreed that each of our ships should take out asmuch as they could stow for necessaries, and that we should considernext morning what was farther to be done. We accordingly took out manytuns of wine, some aquavitae, cordage, rosin, and other things, givingthem the rest of the Frenchmans wines to pay for what we had taken oftheir own, and took a certificate under their hands of the quantity ofFrench goods they had confessed to, and then allowed them to continuetheir voyage. 

[Footnote 270: Hakluyt, II. 504. Astley, I. 169. --In the last Londonedition of Hakluyt, 1810, it is dated erroneously in 1577, but we learnfrom the editor of Astley's Collection that in the edition 1589, it isdated in 1557. Yet, notwithstanding that authority, we may be assuredthat the date of this voyage could not have been earlier than January1558, as Towerson did not return from his former voyage till the 29th ofApril 1557. --E. ]

[Footnote 271: Probably meaning large unwieldy ships. --E]

[Footnote 272: It is to be noted, that at this time there was warbetween England and France. --This observation is a side note of Hakluyt:And it may be worth while to notice that, so early as 1557, free bottomswere not considered by the English as making free goods. --E. ]

The 10th January we had sight of the grand Canary, and on the 12th weanchored in the road, a league from the town, where we were wellreceived. We went to the town with two English merchants who residedthere, and remained that day at their house. The second day following wereturned on board to get our pinnace repaired, which had broken herrudder, and to deliver our merchandize. The 14th there came nineteensail of Spanish ships into the road, bound for the West Indies, six ofthem being of 400 or 500 tons each, and the rest of 200, 150, and 100tons. On coming to anchor they saluted us, which we returned. TheSpanish admiral, who was a knight, sent a boat for me, and received mein a friendly manner, desiring to learn the news of England andFlanders. After partaking of a banquet, I departed; and when I was inthe boat, he desired my interpreter to say that he expected I shouldstrike my flag to him, as general of the Emperors fleet. When I was comeon board my own ship this was told me by the interpreter, and as Irefused compliance and continued to display my ensign, some Spanishsoldiers began to discharge their arquebusses at us. At this time someSpanish gentlemen came on board to see our ship, to whom I said that ifthey did not order their men to cease firing, I would fire my cannonthrough their ships. They accordingly went away and made their soldiersgive over firing, and coming back said that they had punished their men. I then shewed them our ship, and gave them such cheer as I had, whichthey were well pleased with. Next day they sent for me to dine withthem, saying their general was sorry any one should have desired me tostrike my flag, which had been done without his orders. 

The 17th we set sail, and got sight of the coast of Africa, and runningalong shore came off Rio del Oro which is almost under the tropic ofCancer. The 25th we got sight of the land in the bay to the north ofCape Verd[273]. The 26th taking our interpreter Francisco and FrancisCastelin along with me in the pinnace, I went to the Tiger, which wasnearer shore than the other ships. With her and the other ships we ranW. By S. And W. S. W, till about 4 o'clock, P. M. When we were close onboard the cape. Then going about 4 leagues beyond the cape S. W. We founda fair island, and beside that two or three islands of high rocks, fullof various kinds of sea fowl and pigeons, with other kinds of landbirds, and so numerous that the whole island was covered with theirdung, and as white as if the whole had been covered by chalk. Withinthese islands was a fine bay; and close by the rocks we had 18 fathomsand good ground[274]. The 27th, as no negroes came to us, we went alongshore in the pinnace, and going beyond the point of the bay (CapeEmanuel) we found a fair island (_Goree_) with a goodly bay, and sawsome negroes on the main who waved us on shore. Going a-land, they toldus that they had elephants teeth, musk[275], and hides for traffic; butas the captain of the Christopher was not willing to stop, we went onboard and made sail, On inquiry, some of the negroes said there had beenno ships there for 8 months, others said six, and some only four, andthat they were French ships. 

[Footnote 273: The bay of Yof, in lat. 15° N. Long. 17° 20' W. FromGreenwich. --E. ]

[Footnote 274: Obviously the Bird isles, which are 4-1/2 leagues E. S. E. From Cape Verd, not W. S. W. As in the text. --E. ]

[Footnote 275: What is here called musk must have either been civet orambergris. --E. ]

The 10th of March we fell in with the coast of Guinea, 5 leagues east ofCape _Monte_, beside a river called Rio das Palmas. At this place I got19 elephants teeth, and 2 1/2oz. Of gold. The 13th we came to RioSestro, and next day sent our boats for water, and delivered such waresto the Christopher and Tiger as they needed. The 15th we sent the Tigerto another river for water, and to try what she could do for grains. Wehere learnt that three French ships had been at this river two monthsbefore, two six weeks ago, and one only a fortnight past, all of whichhad gone eastwards to the Mina. Getting few grains, and many of our menfalling sick at this unwholesome place, and considering that the Frenchships were before us, we left the Rio Sestro on the 19th, and made allsail for the Mina[276]. The 21st we came to Rio de Potos, where ourboats went for water, and where I got 12 small elephants teeth. The 31stwe came to _Hanta_, where I sold some _Manillios_. 

On the 1st of April we had sight of 5 Portuguese ships, on which westood out to sea to gain the wind of them, which we had done if thewind had kept its ordinary course at S. W. And W. S. W. But this day itkept with a _flow_ always at E. And E. S. E. So that they had the wind ofus and chased us to leeward till near night, when all but one thatsailed badly were within shot of us. It then fell calm, and the windcame round to S. W. At which time the Christopher was about 4 leagues toleeward of us. We tacked in the Minion, and gained the wind of thePortuguese admiral and other three of his ships; when he cast about andfired at us, which we returned, shooting him four or five times through. Several of their shots went through our sails, but none of our men werehurt. The Christopher was still to leeward, though the Tiger and thepinnace had joined us; but as it was night we did not think itadviseable to lay him on board; wherefore, after firing two hours ormore, we three stood out to sea, and fired a gun to give notice to theChristopher. We joined the Christopher on the 2d, which had exchangedshots with the Portuguese the night before about midnight, and we agreedto seek the Portuguese, keeping however to windward of the place wherewe meant to trade. We accordingly ran all day on the 3d to the S. W. Insearch of the Portuguese ships, but could not see them, and stoodtowards the shore at night. When we made the shore on the 4th, we foundourselves off Lagua, 30 leagues to the eastwards of our reckoning, owingto the currents setting east. Going on shore with our negro interpreter, we learned that there were four French ships on the coast: One at_Perinnen_, 6 leagues west of Lagua; one at _Weamba[277]_, 4 leagueseast of Lagua; a third at _Perecow[9]_, 4 leagues east of Weamba; andthe fourth at _Egrand[10]_, 4 leagues east of Perecow. We accordinglyproceeded toward Weamba, where we saw one of the French ships under sailto which we gave chase; and lest we should over-shoot her in the night, the Minion was brought to anchor, and the Tiger and Christopher followedthe chase all night. 

[Footnote 276: The Mina is here to be considered as the gold coast ofGuinea, called Mina or the mines on account of its great produce in golddust. The castle of St George del Mina, is usually called in these earlyvoyages _the castle. _--E. ]

[Footnote 277: Or Wiamba, where the English had afterwards afort. --Astl. I. 172. D. ]

[278][Footnote 278: 9 This seems to have been little Barakhow, orBerow. --Astl. I. 172. C. ]

[279][Footnote 279: 10 Probably Akkara, where the English, Dutch, andDanes had afterwards separate forts--Astl. 1. 172. D. ]

The 5th we found three French ships at anchor: One called _La Foi_ ofHarfleur of 200 tons, the second the _Venturuse_ of Harfleur of 100, andthird the _Mulet de Batville_ of Rouen of 120 tons. On nearing them, wein the Minion were determined to lay the admiral on board, while theChristopher boarded the vice-admiral, and the Tiger the smallest. Butthey weighed and got under sail, on which the Christopher, being ourheadmost ship, bore down on La Foi, and we in the Minion on the Mulet, which we took; but the Venturuse sailed so swift that we could not takeher. The one we took was the richest except the admiral, which had taken80 libs, of gold, the Venturuse having only 22 libs. ; while our prisehad 50. They had been above two months on the coast; but three othershad been there before them, and had departed a month before our arrival, having swept the coast of 700 pounds of gold. Having continued the chaseall that day and night, and the next day till 3 P. M. And being unable toget up with them, we were afraid of falling too far to leewards, andmade sail back to the shore. On the 7th, I convened the captainsmasters and merchants of all our three ships, when we weighed the goldtaken in the prize, being 50 libs. 5 oz. , after which we put men out ofall our ships into the prize to keep her. On the 12th, on coming to_Egrand_, having taken all the goods out of the prize, we offered tosell the ship to the Frenchmen; but she was so leaky that they would nothave her, and begged us to save their lives by taking them into ourships. So we agreed to take out all the victuals and sink the ship, dividing the men among us. 

On the 15th, it was proposed to proceed to Benin, but most of our peoplerefused; wherefore it was agreed to remain as long as we could on thecoast of Mina, leaving the Minion at Egrand, sending the Tiger toPerecow 4 leagues, west, and the Christopher to Weamba 10 leagues west, with directions in case of seeing any force they were unable to copewith, to come to leewards to us in the Minion at Egrand. We remainedhere till the last of April, by which time many of our men fell sick andsix of them died, and we could only trade with the natives three or fourdays of the week, as on the other days they could not come off to us. The 3d May, as the pinnace had not come to us with cloth from the otherships, as promised, we sold French cloth, giving only three yards forevery _fuffe_. The 5th the negroes left us, saying they would be back infour days. The 8th all our own cloth being sold, I called the peopletogether, to ask them whether they chose to remain till the prize clothwas all sold. They answered, that as several of our men were dead, andtwenty now sick, they would not tarry, but desired that we should repairto the other two ships. On the 10th we accordingly sailed in quest ofthe other ships, meaning to try what we could do at Don Johns town. The11th we joined the Christopher, which had done little. The 13th theTiger was sent down to Egrand, as we found no trade worth while atPerinnen. The 14th the pinnace was sent with cloth to Weamba, where shehad before got 10 libs. Of gold. 

The 21st we anchored before Don Johns town; and on the 22d we manned ourboats and went close in shore, but the negroes would not come to us. The24th our pinnace came to us from Cormantine, where they had taken 2libs. 5 oz. Of gold. The 25th the master of the Christopher sent hisboat on shore at Mowre for ballast, when the negroes attempted to drivethem off with stones; but our men slew and hurt several of them, thenburnt their town and stove all their canoes. The 27th we went toCormantine, where we were joined next day by the Christopher. The 2dJune the Tiger came to us from Egrand and the pinnace from Weamba, thetwo having procured 50 libs. Of gold. The 4th we made sail and plied towindward for Chama, not being able to remain longer for want ofvictuals, and especially as our drink ran short. The 7th we saw fivePortuguese ships at anchor beside the castle. The 8th George and Binnycame off to us, and brought about 2 libs. Of gold. The 21st we put 25Frenchmen into our pinnace with such victuals as we could spare, andsent them away. The 25th we put to sea on our homeward voyage. The 30thwe fell in again with the land, 18 leagues to leeward of the placewhence we had taken our departure, having been deceived by the currentwhich sets continually towards the east. The 7th July we fell in withthe island of San Thome [280], where we wished to come to anchor; butthe wind coming about we again made sail. From that time till the 13thwe were tossed about by baffling winds, and that day fell in again withSan Thome. 

[Footnote 280: They must have fallen far to leeward, as San Thome is tothe east of the Bight of Benin, almost 8 degrees or 160 leagues to theeast of St George del Mina. --E. ]

This is a very high island, and being on the west side of it, we hadsight of a very high small and upright peak, like the steeple of achurch, which peak is directly under the equator, and to the westward ofthe south end of the island there is a small islet about a mile from thelarger one. The 3d of August we set sail from San Thome with the wind atS. W. The 22d we fell in with the island of _Salt_, one of the CapeVerds; and being told by a Scotsman whom we had taken among the Frenchon the coast of Guinea, that there were fresh provisions to be had atthis place, we came to anchor. The 24th we went on shore, where we foundno houses, and only saw four men who would not come near us. We foundplenty of goats, but so wild that we could only take three or four ofthem; but we got plenty of fish, and great quantities of sea-fowl on asmall isle close to the larger one. At night the Christopher broke hercable and lost an anchor, so that we were all obliged to weigh and putto sea. On this occasion the Scotsman was left on shore, by what meanswe could not tell, unless that he had been found asleep by theinhabitants and carried off-prisoner. 

The 25th the master of the Tiger came on board, and reported his ship tobe in so leaky a condition and his men so weak, that he was unable tokeep her afloat, and requested therefore that we would return to theisland to take every thing out of her, that she might be abandoned: Thisday on mustering the companies of all the three ships, we had not above30 sound men altogether[281]. The 25th we had sight of St Nicholas, andthe day following of St Lucia, St Vincent, and St Anthony, four of theCape Verd islands, which range with each other from N. W. By W. To S. Eby E. The 26th we were unable to weather the Cape of St Anthony, andthis day Philip Jones the master of the Christopher came on board andreported that they were not able to keep the Tiger from sinking as shewas so leaky, and the master and crew were very weak. The 3d September Iwent on board the Tiger, accompanied by the masters and merchants tosurvey her, and we found her in a very leaky condition with only six menfit for duty, one of whom was master gunner. It was agreed accordinglyto take all the men into the other ships, with all the goods we couldsave, and then to abandon her. We began discharging her on the 5th, andhaving taken out her guns, victuals, gold, and every thing we could bythe 8th, we set her adrift in lat. 25° N. 

[Footnote 281: At this place Hakluyt observes in a note, thegreat inconvenience of staying late on the coast of Guinea. He oughtrather to have said, the impropriety of sailing too late for thatcoast. --E. ]

On the 6th October, the ships companies both of the Minion andChristopher being very weak, so as to be scarce able to keep the sea, weagreed to make for Vigo, which is frequented by many English ships; buthaving a fair wind for England on the 10th, we fired two shots to givenotice to the Christopher of our intention, and immediately shaped ourcourse homewards. She followed us, and we carried a light to direct herway; but it was so thick next morning that we could not see her, and asshe was not seen all that day we concluded she had either shot ahead ofus in the night or had bore up for Spain, for which reason we hoistedour top-sails and continued our course, being then 120 leagues fromEngland and 45 leagues N. W. By W. From Cape Finister, having then onlysix mariners and six merchants in health. The 16th we had a great stormat W. S. W. By W. Which came on about 6 P. M. And our men being very weakand unable to hand our sails, we that night lost our mainsail, foresail, and spritsail, and were obliged to _lie hulling_ till the 18th, when wegot up an old foresail; and finding ourselves now in the Channel, webore up for the coast of England. In less than two hours the oldforesail was blown from the yard by a spurt of wind, and we were againforced to lie to till the morning of the 19th, when we got up an oldbonnet, or topsail, on the fore-yard, which by the blessing of Godbrought us to the Isle of Wight in the afternoon of the 20th. 

 * * * * *

_Commodities most in request in Guinea, between Sierra Leone and thefarthest extremity of the Mine or Gold Coast[282]. _

 MANILS of brass, and some of lead. Basins of various sorts, but chiefly of latten. Pots holding a quart or more, of coarse tin. Some wedges of iron. Margarites, and other low priced beads. Some blue coral. Some horse nails. Linen cloth, principally. Basins of Flanders. Some low priced red cloth, and kersies. Dutch kettles with brass handles. Some large engraved brass basins, like those usually set upon. Their cupboards in Flanders. Some large pewter basins and ewers, graven. Some lavers for holding water. Large low priced knives. Slight Flemish caskets. Low priced Rouen chests, or any other chests. Large pins. Coarse French coverlets. Good store of packing sheets. 

Swords, daggers, prize-mantles and gowns, cloaks, hats, red cans, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of iron, slightbells, low priced gloves, leather bags, and any other trifling articlesyou will. 

[Footnote 282: This list is appended in Hakluyt's Collection, II. 513. Tothe present voyage, and is therefore here retained, though several ofthe articles are scarcely intelligible. --E. ]

SECTION VII. 

_Notices of an intended Voyage to Guinea, in 1561[283]. _

In 1561, a voyage was projected to Guinea by Sir William Gerard, knight, in conjunction with Messrs William Hunter, Benjamin Gonson, AnthonyHickman, and Edward Castelin. Only one ship, the Minion, was to havegone, and seems to have been intended to assist and bring home thePrimrose and Flower de Luce, then on the coast. The command of theMinion was to have been given to John Lok, probably the same person whomade the Guinea voyage in 1554, already inserted. The adventurers sentthe following articles of instruction to Mr Lok, dated 8th September1561. But Lok declined undertaking the voyage for the following reasons, dated Bristol, 11th December 1561. 1. The Minion was so spent androtten, as to be incapable of being put into a fit and safe conditionfor the voyage. 2. The season was too far gone to perform the voyage insafety. 3. He understood that four large Portuguese ships were inreadiness to intercept him. 4. It was quite uncertain that he shouldmeet the Primrose, which would have completed her voyage before he couldget to the coast, or would have been obliged to quit the coast by thattime for want of provisions. It will be seen in the succeeding section, that the Minion actually proceeded on her voyage; on the 25th February1562, and the unsuccessful events of that voyage fully justify therefusal of Lok. 

[Footnote 283: Hakluyt, II. 514. Astl I. 176. --As this voyage did nottake place, it is principally inserted here for the sake of theinstructions devised by the adventurers, for the conduct of the intendedexpedition--E. ]

 * * * * *

_Remembrance for Mr Lok, at his Arrival on the Coast of Guinea. _

When God shall bring you upon the coast of Guinea, you are to makeyourself acquainted, as you proceed along the coast, with all itsrivers, havens and harbours or roadsteads, making a plat or chart of thesame, in which you are to insert every place that you think material, all in their true elevations. You will also diligently inquire what arethe commodities to be procured it the several places you visit, and whatwares are best calculated for their markets. 

As it is believed that a fort on the coast of Mina or the Gold Coast ofGuinea, in the King of _Habaan's_ country, might be extremely useful, you are especially desired to consider where such a fort could be bestplaced, in which you will carefully note the following circumstances. 

1. That the situation be adjoining to the sea on one side, so that shipsand boats may conveniently load and unload--2. What is the nature of thesoil in its neighbourhood?--3. What wood or timber may be had, and inwhat manner it may be carried?--4. What victuals are to be procured inthe country, and what kinds of our victuals are best calculated forkeeping there?--5. The place must be strong by nature, or capable ofbeing made strong at small expence, and of being afterwards defended bya small number of men. --6. How water is to be procured, if none is to behad on the ground where the fort is to stand, or at least near it?--7. What help may be expected from the natives, either in building the fort, or in defending it afterwards?

You are to sound the King of Habaan at a distance as to the erection ofa fort in his country, taking notice how he relishes the proposal; yetyou will so manage your communication with him that he may notunderstand your meaning, although there may seem good cause for itserection. 

You will search the country as far as you can, both along the coast andinto the interior. You will likewise use your endeavours to learn whatbecame of the merchants who were left at Benin. In all other importantmatters worthy of notice, we have no doubt that you will diligentlyinquire and report to us, which we leave to your good discretion. Wealso request, that you will aid and assist our factors on all occasions, both with your advice and otherwise; and thus God send you safely toreturn. 

SECTION VIII. 

_Voyage to Guinea in 1562, written by William Rutter_[284]. 

This relation is said by Hakluyt to have been written by _one_ WilliamRutter, to his master Anthony Hickman, being an account of a voyage toGuinea in 1562, fitted out by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Three of these arenamed in the preceding section as adventurers in the voyage proposed tohave gone under John Lok, and two of those former adventurers are hereomitted, while two others seem now to have supplied their places, yet itappears to have been the same adventure, as the Minion was the shipemployed, notwithstanding the unfavourable report made of her by Lok. But it would appear that the Primrose was likewise of this voyage, asthis relation is contained in a letter from Rutter to his master, datedon board the Primrose, 16th of August 1563. --E. 

[Footnote 284: Hakluyt, II. 516. Astley, I. 177. ]

 * * * * *

Worshipful Sir, --My duty remembered, this shall serve to inform you ofour voyage, since our departure from Dartmouth on the 25th February1562, of which I then gave you notice. Having prosperous wind, wearrived at Cape Verd on the 20th of March, whence we sailed along thecoast, to our first appointed port at Rio de Sestos, where we arrived onthe morning of the 3d April. We here saw a French ship, whichimmediately made sail to leeward, and we came to anchor in the road. While we merchants were on shore engaged in traffic, the French shipreturned and hailed [_saluted_] our ship with his ordnance. We wereinformed by the negroes that the Frenchman had been trading there forthree days before our arrival, and we concluded, if he sent his boat onshore again for trade, that we would not suffer him till we hadconferred with his captain and merchants. Accordingly his pinnace cameon shore in the afternoon, but we desired them not to trade till we hadspoken with their captain and merchants, whom we desired might come thatnight on board our admiral for that purpose. They did so accordingly, when Mr Burton and John Munt went on board the Minion, where theFrenchmen were, and it was determined that they should wait eight daysbeside us, allowing us to trade quietly the while. They were muchdissatisfied with this arrangement, and sailed next morning eastwards tothe Rio de Potos, on purpose to hinder our trade on the coast. 

In consequence of this the merchants, both of the Minion and our ship, determined to go on before them, understanding that no other ships hadgone that way before this season, and that our trade might not beinterrupted by the French ship. We did so accordingly, and found theFrenchman trading to the westward at Rio de Potos, on which we passedthem, and came to Rio de Potos on the 12th of April, where we remainedtrading till the 15th, when we departed with the Primrose for the riverSt Andrew, where we agreed to wait for the Minion. We arrived at thatriver on the 17th, and the Minion came to us that same day, saying thatthey had met with a great ship and a caravel, belonging to the king ofPortugal, off cape Palmas, bound for the Mina, which had chased them, and shot many guns at them, which the Minion had returned in herdefence. God be praised the Minion had no harm at that time. We thenconcluded to hasten to cape Three-points, to endeavour to intercept themon their way to the castle. We lay to off the cape for two days and anight, and suspecting they were past, the Minion went in shore and senther boats to a place called _Anta_, where we had formerly traded. Nextmorning, the 21st of April, we again saw the ship and caravel toseaward, when we immediately made sail, endeavouring to get between themand the castle, but to our great grief they got to the castle before us, when they shot freely at us and we at them, but as they had the aid ofthe castle against us we profited little. 

We set sail in the afternoon, and came to the town of Don Juan, called_Equi_, where, on the morning of the 22d, we went ashore to trade: Butthe negroes refused till they should hear from Don Luis the son of DonJuan, who was now dead. On the 23d Don Luis and Pacheco came to Equi, intending to trade with us; but two gallies came rowing along shore fromthe castle of Mina, meaning to interrupt our trade. We made sail on the24th, and chased the gallies back to the castle, at which the negroeswere much pleased; but they desired us to proceed to _Mowre_, aboutthree leagues farther on, where they promised to follow us, being infear of the Portuguese. We did so, and remained there waiting for themerchants who were coming with gold from the country, but Antonio, theson of Don Luis, and Pacheco were on board the Minion. In the morning ofthe 25th the two gallies came again from the castle, the weather beingvery calm, and shot at us, hitting us three times. Shortly after theland-wind sprung up, at which time we observed the great ship and thecaravel making towards us, on which we weighed and made sail to attackthem; but it was night before we could get up with them, and we lostsight of them in the night. While returning towards the coast next nightwe agreed to proceed to Cormantin; and next morning, the 28th, we foundourselves very near the large ship and the two gallies, the caravelbeing close in-shore. It being very calm, the two gallies rowed towardsthe stern of the Minion, and fought with her most part of the forenoon. During the engagement a barrel of powder blew up in the steward room ofthe Minion, by which misfortune the master-gunner, the steward, and mostof the gunners were sore hurt. On perceiving this, the gallies becamemore fierce, and with one shot cut half through the Minions foremast, sothat she could bear no sail till that were repaired. Soon after this, the great ship sent her boat to the gallies, which suddenly withdrew. 

After their departure we went on board the Minion to consult what wasbest to be done: As the Minion was sore discomfited by the accident, andas we knew the negroes durst not trade with us so long as the gallieswere upon the coast, it was agreed to return to the Rio Sestos. In themorning of the 14th of May we fell in with the land, and being uncertainwhereabout we were, the boats were sent on shore to learn the truth, when it was found to be the Rio Barbas. We remained there taking inwater till the 21st, and lost five of our men by the Hack pinnaceover-setting. Departing on the 22d, we came to the Rio Sestos on the 2dof June. We again set sail on the 4th, and arrived this day, the 6th ofAugust, within sight of the Start Point in the west of England, forwhich God be praised. We are very side and weak, not having above twentymen in both ships, able for duty. Of our men 21 have died, and many moreare sore hurt or sick. Mr Burton has been sick for six weeks, and is nowso very weak that, unless God strengthen him, I fear he will hardlyescape. Your worship will find inclosed an abstract of all the goods wehave sold, and also of what commodities we have received for them;reserving all things else till our meeting, and to the bearer of thisletter. 

In this voyage there were brought home, in 1563, 166 elephants teeth, weighing 1758 libs, and 22 buts full of grains, or Guinea pepper. 

SECTION IX. 

_Supplementary Account of the foregoing Voyage_ [285]

An account of the preceding voyage to Guinea in 1563, of which thissection is an abstract, was written in verse by Robert Baker, whoappears to have been one of the factors employed by the adventurers. Itis said to have been written in prison in France, where he had beencarried on his subsequent voyage, which forms the subject of the nextsection, and was composed at the importunity of his fellow traveller andfellow-prisoner, Mr George Gage, the son of Sir Edward Gage. Of thisvoyage he relates nothing material, except a conflict which happenedwith the negroes at a certain river, the name of which is not mentioned;neither does the foregoing relation by Rutter give any light into thematter. But from the circumstance of the ship commencing her return forEngland immediately after this adventure, it must have happened at theriver Sestos or Sestre, which was the last place they touched at, andwhere they staid three days, as stated both in this and the proceedingnarratives. --Astl. I. 179. 

[Footnote 285: Astley, I. 179. Hakluyt, II. 518. ]

In the versified relation, which is to be found at large in the lastedition of Hakluyts Collection, London, 1810, Vol. II. P. 518-523, hecomplains of being detained in a French prison, against all law andright, as the war between England and France was concluded by a peace. The account given of this conflict with the negroes is to the followingeffect--E. 

One day while the ship was at anchor on the coast of Guinea, Bakerordered out the small pinnace or boat, with nine men well armed, to goon shore to traffic. At length, having entered a river, he saw a greatnumber of negroes, whose captain came to him stark naked, sitting in acanoe made of a log, _like a trough to feed hogs in_. Stopping, at somedistance, the negro chief put water on his cheek, not caring to trusthimself nearer till Baker did the like. This signal of friendship beinganswered, and some tempting merchandize being shewn him, the chief cameforward and intimated by signs, that he would stand their friend if someof these things were given him. He was gratified, and many things givento others of the natives. After trading all day with the negroes, Bakerreturned at night to the ship, carrying the chief along with him, wherehe clothed him and treated him kindly. In return the chief promised bysigns to freight them in a day or two. While on board, Baker observedthat the chief took much notice of the boat which was left astern, ofthe ship loaded with goods; yet not suspecting he had any ill design, nofarther care or precaution was taken of the boat. 

Next morning the chief was carried on shore, and trade or barter went onwith the negroes as on the day before; and at the return of Baker to theship, the boat was fastened to the stern, and the goods left in her asusual. In the night the negro captain came with two or three canoes, andwas noticed by the watch to be very busy about the boat. On giving thealarm, the negroes fled; but on hoisting up the boat, all the goods werecarried of. Vexed at being so tricked, the English went next morning upthe river to the negro town, in order to recover their goods; but alltheir signs were to no purpose, as the negroes would neither understandthem nor acknowledge the theft. On the contrary, as if wronged by thecharge, and resolved to revenge the affront, they followed the Englishdown the river in 100 canoes, while as many appeared farther down readyto intercept their passage. In each canoe were two men armed withtargets and darts, most of which had long strings to draw them backagain after they were thrown. 

Being hard pressed, they discharged their arquebuses upon the negroes, who leapt into the water to avoid the shot. The English then rowed withall their might to get to sea; but the negroes getting again into theircanoes, pursued and overtook them. Then drawing near, poured in theirdarts with accurate aim. The English kept them off with their pikes andhalberts, and many of the negroes being slain or wounded by the Englisharrows and hail-shot from the arquebuses, they retreated. But when theEnglish had expended all their arrows, the negroes came on again, andmade many attempts to board the boat. The negro chief, who was a largetall man, advanced in his canoe under cover of his target, with apoisoned dart in his hand, in order to board; and as he pressed forward, the masters-mate thrust a pike through his target and throat, whichdispatched him. While the mate was striving to disengage his pike, whichstuck fast in the shield, he was wounded by a dart; yet drew the dartfrom his flesh and killed with it the negro who had wounded him. Theenemy continued the fight closer than ever, and did great mischief withtheir darts, which made wide and grievous wounds. The gunner receivedtwo desperate wounds, and lost a great deal of blood, and the bravemasters-mate, while standing firmly in his post, was struck through theribs by a dart, on pulling out which his bowels followed, and he felldown dead. On perceiving this, the negroes gave a great shout, andpressed to enter the boat where the mate had stood, imagining as so manyof the English were wounded they would now soon yield. But four of thoseremaining in the pinnace kept them off with their pikes, while the otherfour at the oars made the best of their way to sea. 

At length they got out of the river, and the negroes retired havingexpended all their darts. This was fortunate for the English, as six ofthe remaining eight were desperately wounded, one of whom was RobertBaker, the author of this narrative, and only two remained who were ableto handle the oars, so that they made very slow progress to the ship, which appears to have been four leagues from the shore. When they got onboard they were all so faint that none of them were able to stand. Afterhaving their wounds dressed they refreshed themselves; but as RobertBaker had more occasion for rest than food he went to bed, and when heawoke in the morning the ship was under sail for England. 

SECTION X. 

_Voyage to Guinea in 1563 by Robert Baker_[286]

This relation, like the former, is written in verse, and only contains adescription of two adventures that happened in the voyage, one of whichproved extremely calamitous to those concerned in it, among whom was theauthor. From the title or preamble, we learn that the adventurers inthis voyage were Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Sir ThomasLodge, Benjamin Gonson, William Winter, Lionel Ducket, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. There were two ships employed, one called the JohnBaptist, of which Lawrence Rondell was master, and the other the Merlin, Robert Revell master. The factors were Robert Baker, the author, Justinian Goodwine, James Gliedell, and George Gage. They set out ontheir voyage in November 1563, bound for Guinea and the river Sestos, but the port whence they fitted out is nowhere mentioned. After theunlucky disaster that befel him in Guinea in the year before, Baker hadmade a kind of poetical vow not to go near that country any more; butafter his return to England, and recovery from his wounds, he soonforgot past sorrows; and being invited to undertake the voyage inquality of factor, he consented. --Astley. 

[Footnote 286: Astley I. 180. Hakluyt, II. 523-531. The prose abstracthere inserted is chiefly taken from Astleys collection, carefullycompared with the original versified narrative in Hakluyt. --E. ]

After we had been at sea two days and a night, the man from the main-topdescried a sail or two, the tallest of which they immediately made upto, judging her to be the most valuable; and, as captains are in use todo[287], I hailed her to know whence she was. She answered from France, on which we _waved_ her, but she nothing dismayed, _waved_ us in return. I immediately ordered armed men aloft into the main and fore-tops, andcaused powder to be laid on the poop to blow up the enemy if they shouldboard us that way. At the sound of trumpets we began the fight, discharging both chain and bar-shot from our brazen artillery; while theFrenchmen, flourishing their swords from the main-yard, called out tous to board their ship. Willing to accept their invitation, we pliedthem warmly with our cannon, and poured in flights of arrows, while ourarquebuses plied them from loop-holes, and we endeavoured to set theirsails on fire by means of arrows and pikes carrying wildfire. Iencouraged, the men to board, by handing spiced wine liberally amongthem, which they did with lime-pots, after breaking their nets withstones, while those of our men who were aloft entered the enemys tops, after killing those who defended them. Then cutting the ropes, theybrought down the yard by the board, and those who entered the ship pliedthe enemy so well with their swords, that at length the remainingFrenchmen ran below deck and cried out for quarter. Having thus becomemasters of the ship, we carried her to the _Groin_ in Spain, or Corunna, where we sold the ship and cargo for ready money. 

[Footnote 287: In these early trading voyages, the chief factor, whohere appears to have been Baker, seems to have had the supremecommand--Astl. I. 180. B. ]

After this we proceeded on our voyage and arrived in Guinea. One dayabout noon, I went with eight more in a boat towards the shore to trade, meaning to dispatch my business and be back before night. But when wehad got near the shore, a furious tempest sprung up, accompanied withrain and thunder, which drove the ships from their anchors out to sea;while we in the boat were forced to run along the coast in search ofsome place for shelter from the storm, but meeting none, had to remainall night near the shore, exposed to the thunder, rain, and wind ingreat jeopardy. We learnt afterwards that the ships returned next day insearch of us, while we rowed forward along the coast, supposing theships were before us, and always anxiously looked out for them; but themist was so great that we could never see them nor they us. The shipscontinued, as we were told afterwards, looking out for us for two orthree days; after which, concluding that we had inevitably perished inthe storm, they made the best of their way for England. 

Having been three days in great distress for want of food, we at lengthlanded on the coast and exchanged some of our wares with the negroes forroots and such other provisions as they had, and then put to sea againin search of the ships, which we still supposed were before us or toleeward, wherefore we went down the coast to the eastwards. We continuedin this manner ranging along shore for twelve days, seeing nothing butthick woods and deserts, full of wild beasts, which often appeared andcame in crowds at sunset to the sea shore, where they lay down or playedon the sand, sometimes plunging into the water to cool themselves. Atany other time it would have been diverting to see how archly theelephants would fill their trucks with water, which they spouted outupon the rest. Besides deer, wild boars, and antelopes, we saw manyother wild beasts, such as I had never seen before. 

We often saw a man or two on the shore, who on seeing us used to comeoff in their almadias or canoes; when casting anchor we offered suchwares as we had in the boat for fish and fresh water, or provisions oftheir cooking, and in this way we procured from them roots and the fruitof the palm tree, and some of their wine, which is the juice of a treeand is of the colour of whey. Sometimes we got wild honeycombs; and bymeans of these and other things we relieved our hunger; but nothingcould relieve our grief, fatigue and want of sleep, and we were so soredepressed by the dreadful situation in which we were placed, that wewere ready to die, and were reduced to extreme weakness. Having lost allhope of rejoining the ships, which we now concluded were either lost orgone homewards, we knew not how to conduct ourselves. We were in astrange and distant country, inhabited by a people whose manners andcustoms were entirely different from ours; and to attempt getting homein an open boat destitute of every necessary was utterly impossible. Bythis time we found we had passed to leeward of _Melegete_ or the graincoast, and had got to the Mina or gold coast of Guinea, as the negroeswho now came on board spoke some Portuguese, and brought off theirweights and scales for the purpose of trade, asking where were ourships. To this we answered, in hopes of being the better treated, thatwe had two ships at sea, which would be with them in a day or two. 

We now consulted together how they should best proceed. If we continuedat sea in our boat, exposed by day to the burning heat of the sun whichsensibly consumed us by copious perspiration, and to the frequenttornadoes or hurricanes by night, accompanied with thunder, lightningand rain; which deprived us of all rest, we could not possibly long holdout. We were often three days without a morsel of food; and having satfor twenty days continually in our boat, we were in danger of losing theuse of our limbs for want of exercise, and our joints were so swollen bythe scurvy, that we could hardly stand upright. It was not possible forus to remain much longer in the boat in our present condition, so thatit was necessary to come to some resolution, and we had only threethings to choose. The first was to repair to the castle of St George delMina, which was not far off, and give ourselves up to the Portuguese whowere Christians, if we durst trust them or expect the more humanity onthat account. Even the worst that could happen to us from them was to behanged out of our misery; yet possibly they might have some mercy on us, as nine young men such as we were might be serviceable in their gallies, and if made galley slaves for life we should have victuals enough toenable us to tug at the oar, whereas now we had both to row and starve. 

The next alternative was to throw ourselves upon the mercy of thenegroes, which I stated was very hopeless and discouraging, as I did notsee what favour could be expected from a beastly savage people, whosecondition was worse than that of slaves, and who possibly might becannibals. It was likewise difficult for us to conform ourselves to theircustoms, so opposite to ours; and, we could not be expected, havingalways lived on animal food, to confine ourselves to roots and herbslike the negroes, which are the food of wild beasts. Besides, havingbeen always accustomed to the use of clothes, we could not for shame gonaked. Even if we could get the better of that prejudice, our bodieswould be grievously tormented and emaciated by the scorching heat of thesun, for want of that covering and defence to which we had beenaccustomed. The only other course was to stay at sea in the boat, anddie miserably. Being determined to run any risk at land, rather than tocontinue pent up in a narrow boat, exposed to all the inclemencies ofthe weather day and night, and liable to be famished for want ofvictuals, I gave it as my opinion that we had better place confidence inthe Christian Portuguese than in the negroes who lived like so manybrutes. We how determined to throw ourselves on the mercy of thePortuguese, and hoisting sail shaped our course for the castle of StGeorge del Mina; which was not above 20 leagues distant. We went on allday without stopping till late at night, when we perceived a light onshore. Concluding that this might be a place of trade, our boatswainproposed to cast anchor at this place, in hopes that we might be able toprocure provisions next morning in exchange for some of our wares. Thiswas agreed upon, and on going next morning near the shore we saw awatchhouse upon a rock, in the place whence the light had proceededduring the night, and near the watchhouse a large black cross waserected. This made us doubtful whereabout we were, and on lookingfarther we perceived a castle which perplexed us still more[288]. 

[Footnote 288: It appears in the sequel that this fort or castle hadbeen recently erected by the Portuguese at the western point orhead-land of Cape Three-points, and of which there are no notices in anyof the preceding voyages on this part of the coast. --Astley, I. 132, a. ]

Our doubts were quickly solved by the appearance of some Portuguese, oneof whom held a white flag in his hand which he waved as inviting us tocome on shore. Though we were actually bound in quest of the Portuguese, yet our hearts now failed us, and we tacked about to make from theshore. On being seen from the castle, a gun was fired at us by a negro, the ball from which fell within a yard of our boat. At length we turnedtowards the shore to which we rowed, meaning to yield ourselves up; butto our great surprise, the nearer we came to the shore the more did thePortuguese fire at us; and though the bullets fell thick about us wecontinued to advance till we got close under the castle wall, when wewere out of danger from their cannon. We now determined to land in orderto try the courtesy of the Portuguese, but were presently assailed byshowers of stones from the castle: wall, and saw a number of negroesmarching down to the beach with their darts and targets, some of themhaving bows and poisoned arrows. Their attack was very furious, partlyfrom heavy stones falling into the boat which threatened to break holesin her bottom, as well as from flights of arrows which came whizzingabout our ears, and even wounded some of us: Therefore being indesperation, we pushed off from the shore to return to sea, setting fourof our men to row, while the other five determined to repay some part ofthe civility we had received, and immediately handled our fire-arms andbows. We employed these at first against the negroes on the beach, someof whom soon dropped; and then against the Portuguese who stood on thewalls dressed in long white-shirts and linstocks in their hands, many ofwhich were dyed red by means of the English arrows. We thus maintainedour ground a long while, fighting at our leisure, regardless of thethreats of the enemy, as we saw they had no gallies to send out to makeus prisoners. When we had sufficiently revenged their want ofhospitality, we rowed off, and though we knew that we must pass throughanother storm of bullets from the castle, we escaped without damage. 

When we got out to sea, we saw three negroes rowing after us in analmadia, who came to inquire to what country we belonged, speaking goodPortuguese. We told them we were Englishmen, and said we had broughtwares to trade with them if they had not used us so ill. As the negroesinquired where our ship was, we said we had two at sea well equipped, which would soon come to the coast to trade for gold, and that we onlywaited their return. The negroes then pretended to be sorry for what hadhappened, and intreated us to remain where we were for that day, andpromised to bring us whatever we were in want of. But placing noconfidence in their words, we asked what place that was, and beinganswered that it was a Portuguese castle at the western head-land ofCape Three-points, we hoisted sail and put to sea, to look out for somemore friendly place. 

We now resolved to have no more reliance on the kindness of thePortuguese, of which we had thus sufficient experience, and to maketrial of the hospitality of the negroes; for which purpose we sailedback about 30 leagues along the coast, and coming to anchor, somenatives came off to the boat, to all of whom we gave presents. By thiswe won their hearts, and the news of such generous strangers being onthe coast soon brought the kings son to our boat. On his arrival, Iexplained our sad case to him as well as I could by signs, endeavouringto make him understand that we were quite forlorn, having been abandonedby our ships, and being almost famished for want of food, offering himall the goods in our boat if he would take us under his protection andrelieve our great distress. The negro chief was moved even to tears, andbid us be comforted. He went then on shore to know his fathers pleasureregarding us, and returning presently invited us to land. This wasjoyful news to us all, and we considered him as a bountiful benefactorraised up to us by the goodness of Providence. We accordingly fell toour oars in all haste to pull on shore, where at least 500 negroes werewaiting our arrival; but on coming near shore the surf ran so high thatthe boat overset, on which the negroes plunged immediately into thewater and brought us all safe on shore. They even preserved the boat andall that was in her, some swimming after the oars, and others diving forthe goods that had sunk. After this they hauled the boat on shore andbrought every thing that belonged to us, not daring to detain the mosttrifling article, so much were they in awe of the kings son, who was astout and valiant man, and having many excellent endowments. 

They now brought us such provisions as they used themselves, and beingvery hungry we fed heartily, the negroes all the while staring at uswith much astonishment, as the common people are used to do in Englandat strange outlandish creatures. Notwithstanding all this apparenthumanity and kindness, we were still under great apprehensions of thenegroes, all of whom were armed with darts. That night we lay upon theground among the negroes, but never once closed our eyes, tearing theymight kill us while asleep. Yet we received no hurt from them, and fortwo days fared well; but finding the ships did not come for us, as theyexpected would soon have been the case, when likewise they looked tohave had a large quantity of goods distributed among them in reward fortheir hospitality, they soon became weary of us; and after lessening ourallowance from day to day, they at length left us to shift forourselves. In this forlorn state, we had to range about the woods insearch of fruits and roots, which last we had to dig from the groundwith our fingers for want of any instruments. Hunger had quite abatedthe nicety of our palates, and we were glad to feed on every thing wecould find that was eatable. Necessity soon reconciled us to goingnaked, for our clothes becoming rotten with our sweat fell from ourbacks by degrees, so that at length we had scarcely rags left to coverour nakedness. We were not only forced to provide ourselves in food, buthad to find fuel and utensils to dress it. We made a pot of clay driedin the sun, in which we boiled our roots, and roasted the berries in theembers, feasting every evening on these varieties. At night we slept onthe bare ground, making a great fire round us to scare away the wildbeasts. 

What with the entire change in our manner of living, and the heat andunhealthiness of the climate, our people sickened apace; and in a shorttime our original number of nine was reduced to three. To those who diedit was a release from misery, but we who remained were rendered moreforlorn and helpless than before. At length, when we had abandoned allhopes of relief, a French ship arrived on the coast, which took us onboard and carried us to France, which was then at war with England, where we were detained prisoners. 

 A prisner therefore I remaine, And hence I cannot slip Till that my ransome be Agreed upon and paid: Which being levied yet so hie, No agreement can be made. And such is lo my chance, The meane time to abide; A prisner for ransome in France, Till God send time and tide. From whence this idle rime To England I do send: And thus, till I have further time, This tragedie I end. 

SECTION XI. 

_A Voyage to Guinea, in 1564:, by Captain David Carlet_[289]. 

At a meeting of merchant adventurers, held at the house of Sir WilliamGerard, on the 11th July 1564, for setting forth a voyage to Guinea, thefollowing chief adventurers were present, Sir William Gerard, SirWilliam Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and John Castelin. It was then agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford forhis letters to Peter Pet, to go about rigging of the Minion at thecharges of the queens majesty, after which Francis Ashbie was to repairwith these letters to Gillingham, with money to supply our chargesthere. 

[Footnote 289: Hakluyt, II. 531. Astley, I. 134. ]

It was also agreed that every one of the five partners shall forthwithcall upon their partners to supply, towards this new rigging andvictualling L. 29, 10s. 6d. , for every L. 100 value. Also that every oneof the five partners shall forthwith bring in L. 50, towards thefurniture of the premises. Likewise, if Mr Gonson give his consent thatthe Merlin shall be brought round from Bristol to Hampton, that a lettershall be drawn under his hand, before order be given in the same. 

The ships employed in this voyage were, the Minion belonging to thequeen, David Carlet, captain, the John Baptist of London, and the Merlinbelonging to Mr Gonson. The success of this voyage in part appears bycertain brief relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir JohnHawkins to the West Indies, made in the year 1564, which I have thoughtgood to set down for want of more direct information, which hitherto Ihave not been able to procure notwithstanding every possibleendeavour[290]. 

[Footnote 290: This is the substance of Hakluyt's introduction to thefollowing brief relation of the present voyage. --E. ]

 * * * * *

Sir John, then only Mr Hawkins, departed from Plymouth with a prosperouswind for the West Indies, on the 18th of October 1564, having under hiscommand the Jesus of Lubec of 700 tons, the Salomon of 140 tons, a barknamed the Tiger of 50 tons, and a pinnace called the Swallow of 30 tons, having in all 170 men, well supplied with ordnance and provisions forsuch a voyage. While casting loose the foresail, one of the officers inthe Jesus was killed by the fall of a block, giving a sorrowfulbeginning to the expedition. After getting ten leagues out to sea, theyfell in with the Minion, a ship belonging to the queen, of which DavidCarlet was captain, and her consort the John Baptist of London; whichtwo ships were bound for Guinea. The two squadrons, as they may becalled, saluted each other with some pieces of ordnance, after thecustom of the sea; after which the Minion parted company to seek herother consort the Merlin of London, which was out of sight astern, leaving the John Baptist in company with Hawkins. 

Continuing their voyage with a prosperous wind until the 21st, a greatstorm arose at N. E. About 9 o'clock at night, which continued 23 hours, in which storm Hawkins lost sight of the John Baptist and of his pinnacecalled the Swallow, the other three ships being sore tossed by thetempest. To his great joy the Swallow joined company again in the night, 10 leagues to the north of Cape Finister, having been obliged to go_roomer_, as she was unable to weather that cape against a strongcontrary wind at S. W. On the 25th, the wind still continuing contrary, he put into Ferol in Galicia, where he remained five days, and gave outproper instructions to the masters of the other ships for keepingcompany during the rest of the voyage. 

On the 26th of the month the Minion came into Ferol, on which Mr Hawkinssaluted her with some guns, according to the custom of the sea, as awelcome for her safe arrival: But the people of the Minion were not inthe humour of rejoicing, on account of the misfortune which had happenedto their consort the Merlin, whom they had gone to seek on the coast ofEngland when they parted from Mr Hawkins. Having met with her, they keptcompany for two days; when, by the negligence of one of the gunners ofthe Merlin, the powder in her gun-room took fire, by which her stern wasblown out and three of her men lost, besides many sore hurt, who savedtheir lives in consequence of their brigantine being at her stern; forthe Merlin immediately sunk, to the heavy loss of the owners and greatgrief of the beholders. 

On the 30th of the month, Mr Hawkins and his ships, together with theMinion and her remaining consort the John Baptist, set sail in theprosecution of their voyage with a prosperous gale, the Minion havingboth brigantines at her stern. The 4th of November they had sight ofMadeira, and the 6th of Tenerife, which they thought to have been grandCanary, as they reckoned themselves to the east of Tenerife, but werenot. The Minion and her consort, being 3 or 4 leagues a head of theships of Mr Hawkins, kept the course for Tenerife, of which they had abetter view than the other ships, and by that means they parted company. 

Hawkins and his ships continued his voyage by Cape Verd and SierraLeone, after which he crossed the Atlantic ocean and came to the town ofBurboroata on the coast of the Terra Firma in the West Indies, or SouthAmerica; where he afterwards received information of the unfortunateissue of the Guinea voyage, in the following manner. While at anchor inthe outer road on the 29th of April 1565, a French ship came in calledthe Green Dragon of Newhaven, of which one Bon-temps was captain, whichsaluted the English squadron after the custom of the sea, and wassaluted in return. This ship had been at the Mina, or Gold coast ofGuinea, whence she had been driven off by the Portuguese gallies, andobliged to make for the Terra Firma to endeavour to sell her wares. Sheinformed that the Minion had been treated in the same manner; and thatthe captain, David Carlet, with a merchant or factor and twelvemariners, had been treacherously made prisoners by the negroes on theirarrival on that coast, and remained in the hands of the Portuguese;besides which they had lost others of their men through the want of_fresh water_, and were in great doubts of being able to get home theships[291]. 

[Footnote 291: Hakluyt might have said whether they did come home ornot, which he certainly might have known; but he often leaves us in thedark as to such matters. --Astl. I. 185. A. ]

 * * * * *

_Note_. --It may not be improper to state in this place, that no shipneed be reduced to utter distress for want of _fresh water_ at sea; asdistilled sea water is perfectly fresh and wholesome. For this purpose, all ships bound on voyages of any length, ought to have a still headworm and cooler adapted to the cooking kettle, to be used when needed, by which abundance of fresh water may always be secured while cookingthe ships provisions, sufficient to preserve the lives of the crew. Indefault of that useful appendage, a still may be easily constructed forthe occasion, by means of the pitch kettle, a reversed tea kettle for ahead, and a gun barrel fixed to the spout of the tea kettle, the breachpin being screwed out, and the barrel either soldered to the spout, orfixed by a paste of flour, soap and water, tied round with rags andtwine. The tea kettle and gun barrel are to be kept continually wet bymeans of swabs and sea water, to cool and condense the steam. Thisdistilled water is at first vapid and nauseous, both to the taste andthe stomach; but by standing open for some time, especially if agitatedin contact with air, or by pumping air through it, as is commonly doneto sweeten putrid water, this unpleasant and nauseous vapidness is soonremoved. 

The nautical world owes this excellent discovery, of distilled sea waterbeing perfectly fresh, to the late excellent and ingenious Dr JamesLino, first physician to the general hospital of the navy at Haslar nearPortsmouth during the American war, the author of two admirable works, on the Scurvy, and the Means of Preserving the Health of Seamen duringlong voyages, to which the British navy, and seamen in general, oweinestimable advantages. The editor, while giving this useful hint toseamen engaged on long voyages, is happy in having an opportunity ofbearing this feeble testimony of honourable respect to the friend of hisyouth, under whom he had the happiness and advantage of serving, in thatmagnificent asylum of the brave defenders of the glory and prosperity ofour king and country, for the last three years of the American war. Besides being an eminent and experienced physician, Dr Lind was a man ofexemplary humanity, and of uncommon urbanity and singleness of manners:He was truly the seaman's friend. The rules and expedients which hedevised and proposed, founded on the solid basis, of observation andexperience, for Preserving the Health of Seamen on long voyages, wereafterwards employed and perfected by the great navigator and discovererCOOK, and by his pupils and followers; and are now universallyestablished in our glorious navy, to the incalculable advantage of theservice. 

In high northern or southern latitudes, solid clear ice melted affordsgood fresh water, the first runnings being thrown away as contaminatedby adhering sea water. White cellular ice is quite unfit for thepurpose, being strongly impregnated with salt. In future articles of ourwork, several opportunities will occur in which these two expedients forsupplying ships with fresh water will be amply detailed. But on thepresent opportunity, it seemed proper to mention these easy andeffectual expedients for preserving the health and lives of seamen, whenin want of fresh water by the ordinary means. --Ed. 

SECTION XII. 

_A Voyage to Guinea and the Cape de Verd Islands in 1566, by GeorgeFenner_[292]

Three ships were employed on this voyage, the admiral, called the Castleof Comfort, George Fenner general[293] of the expedition, and WilliamBats master; the May-Flower, vice-admiral, William Courtise master; theGeorge, John Heiwood captain, and John Smith of Hampton master; besidesa small pinnace. Walter Wren, the writer of the narrative, belonged tothe George. 

[Footnote 292: Hakluyt, II. 533. Astley, I. 185. ]

[Footnote 293: This general was probably head factor--E. ]

We departed from Plymouth on the 10th December 1566, and were abreast ofUshant on the 12th. On the 15th we got sight of Cape Finister, and lostcompany of our admiral that night, for which reason we sailed along thecoast of Portugal, hoping our admiral might be before us. Meeting aFrench ship on the 18th and getting no intelligence of our admiral, wemade sail for the Canaries, and fell in with the island of Tenerife onthe 28th, where we came to anchor in a small bay, at which there werethree or four small houses, about a league from the town of Santa Cruz. In this island there is a marvellous high hill called the Peak, andalthough it is in lat. 28° N. Where the air is as warm in January as itis in England at midsummer, the top of this hill, to which no man hasever been known to ascend, is seldom free from snow even in the middleof summer. On the 3d January 1567, we departed from this place, goinground the western point of the island, about 12 or 14 leagues from SantaCruz, and came into a bay right over against the house of one Pedro deSouza, where we came to anchor on the 5th, and heard that our admiralhad been there at anchor seven days before us, and had gone thence tothe island of Gomera, to which place we followed him, and coming toanchor on the 6th over against the town of Gomera, we found our admiralat anchor to our great mutual satisfaction. We found here Edward Cookein a tall ship, and a ship of the coppersmiths of London, which had beentreacherously seized by the Portuguese in the bay of Santa Cruz on thecoast of Barbary, or Morocco, which ship we left there all spoiled. Atthis place we bought 14 buts of wine for sea stores, at 15 ducats a but, which had been offered to us at Santa Cruz for 8, 9, or 10 ducats. The9th we went to another bay about three leagues off, where we took infresh water; and on the 10th we sailed for Cape Blanco on the coast ofAfrica. 

The 12th we came to a bay to eastwards of Cape Pargos, (_Barbas?_) whichis 35 leagues from Cape Blanco, but being unacquainted with that part ofthe coast, we proceeded to Cape Blanco, off which we had 16 fathoms twoleagues from shore, the land being very low and all white sand. At thisplace it is necessary to beware of going too near shore, as when in 12or 10 fathoms you may be aground within two or three casts of the lead. Directing our course on the 17th S. And S. By E. We fell into a bayabout 16 leagues east of Cape Verd, where the land seemed like a greatnumber of ships under sail, owing to its being composed of a greatnumber of hummocks, some high some low, with high trees upon them. Whenwithin three leagues of the land we sounded and had 28 fathoms over aground of black ouze. This day we saw much fish in sundry _sculs_ orshoals, swimming with their noses at the surface. Passing along thiscoast we saw two small round hills about a league from the other, forming a cape, and between them great store of trees, and in all oursailing we never saw such high land as these two hills. The 19th we cameto anchor at the cape in a road, fast by the western side of twohills[294], where we rode in 10 fathoms, though we might safely havegone into five or six fathoms, as the ground is good and the wind alwaysblows from the shore. 

[Footnote 294: The paps of Cape Verd are about a League S. S. E. From theextreme west point of the Cape. --E. ]

At this place some of our officers and merchants went on shore with theboat unarmed, to the number of about 20 persons, among whom were MrGeorge Fenner the general, his brother Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine, John Worme, and Francis Leigh, merchants, John Haward, William Bats, Nicholas Day, John Thomson, and several others. At their coming on shorethey were met by above 100 negroes armed with bows and arrows. Aftersome talk pledges were interchanged, five of the English being deliveredinto their hands, and three negroes taken on board the admirals skiff. Our people mentioned the merchandize they had brought, being linen andwoolen cloth, iron, cheese, and other articles; on which the negroessaid that they had civet, musk, gold, and grains to give in exchange, with which our people were well pleased. The negroes desired to see ourmerchandize, on which one of the boats was sent back to the ships, whileour general and merchants remained in the other with the three negroepledges, our five men walking about on shore among the negroes. On thereturn of the boat from the ship with goods, bread, wine, and cheesewere distributed among the natives. At this time two of the negroepledges, on pretence of sickness, were allowed to go on shore, promisingto send two others in their stead. On perceiving this, Captain Haiwardbegan to dread some perfidy, and retreated towards the boat, followed bytwo or three negroes, who stopped him from going on board, and madesigns for him to bring them more bread and wine, and when he would havestepped into the boat, one of them caught him by the breeches, but hesprung from him and leapt into the boat. As soon as he was in, one ofthe negroes on shore began to blow a pipe, on which the negroe pledgewho remained in the boat, suddenly drew Mr Wormes sword, cast himselfinto the sea and swam on shore. The negroes immediately laid hands onour men that were on shore, and seized three of them with greatviolence, tore their clothes from their backs, and left them nothing tocover them. Then many of them shot so thick at our men in the boats thatthey could scarcely handle their oars, yet by God's help they got theboats away, though many of them were hurt by the poisoned arrows. Thispoison is incurable, if the arrow pierce the skin so as to draw blood, except the poison be immediately sucked out, or the part hurt be cut outforthwith; otherwise the wounded man inevitably dies in four days. Within three hours after any part of the body is hurt, or even slightlypricked, although it be the little toe, the poison reaches the heart, and affects the stomach with excessive vomiting, so that the person cantake neither meat nor drink. 

The persons seized in this treacherous manner by the negroes wereNicholas Day, William Bats, and John Thomson, who were led away to atown about a mile from the shore. The 20th we sent a boat on shore witheight persons, among whom was the before-mentioned John Thomson[295] andour interpreter, who was a Frenchman, as one of the negroes spoke goodFrench. They carried with them two arquebuses, two targets, and a_mantell?_ and were directed to learn what ransom the negroes demandedfor Bats and Day whom they detained. On coming to the shore and tellingthe negroes the nature of their errand, Bats and Day were brought fromamong some trees quite loose, but surrounded by some 40 or 50 negroes. When within a stone's throw of the beach, Bats broke suddenly from themand ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat; butimmediately on getting into the water he fell, so that the negroesretook him, violently tearing off his clothes. After this some of thenegroes carried our two men back to the town, while the rest began toshoot at our people in the boat with their poisoned arrows, and woundedone of our men in the small of the leg, who had nearly died in spite ofevery thing our surgeons could do for him. Notwithstanding thisunjustifiable conduct, our general sent another message to the negroes, offering any terms they pleased to demand as ransom for our men. Butthey gave for answer, that three weeks before we came an English shiphad forcibly carried off three of their people, and unless we brought orsent them back we should not have our men, though we gave our threeships and all their lading. On the 21st a French ship, of 80 tons cameto the place where we were, intending to trade with the negroes, andseeing that the Frenchmen were well received by the natives, our generaltold them of our two men being detained, and wished them to endeavourto procure their release, promising L. 100 to the Frenchmen if theysucceeded. We then committed this affair to the management of theFrenchmen, and departed. Of our men who were hurt by the poisonedarrows, four died, and one had to have his arm cut off to save his life. Andrews, who was last hurt, lay long lame and unable to help himself, and only two recovered. 

[Footnote 295: It is not said how he had got away from the negroes. --E. ]

While between Cape Verd and Bonavista on the 26th, we saw many flyingfishes of the size of herrings, two of which fell into the boat which wetowed at our stern. The 28th we fell in with Bonavista, one of the Capede Verd islands, which is 86 leagues from that cape. The north side ofthat island is full of white sandy hills and dales, being somewhat highland. That day we came to anchor about a league within the westernpoint, in ten fathoms upon fine sand, but it is quite safe to go nearerin five or six fathoms, as the ground is every where good. The 30th wewent into a bay within a small island about a league from our firstanchorage, where we took plenty of various kinds of fish. Whoever meansto anchor in this bay may safely do so in four or five fathoms off thesouth point of the small island; but must beware of the middle of thebay, where there is a ledge of rocks on which the sea breaks at lowwater, although then they are covered by three fathoms water. The lastday of January, our general went on shore in the bay to some houses, where he found twelve Portuguese, the whole island not having more than30 inhabitants, who were all banished men, some condemned to more yearsof exile and some to less, and among them was a simple man who was theircaptain. They live on goat's flesh, cocks and hens, with fresh water, having no other food except fish, which they do not care for, neitherindeed have they any boats wherewith to catch them. They told us thatthis island had been granted by the king of Portugal to one of hisgentlemen, who had let it at 100 ducats of yearly rent, which was paidby the profit on goats skins, of which 40, 000 had been sent from thatisland to Portugal in one year. These men made us very welcome, entertaining us as well as they could, giving us the carcasses of asmany he-goats as we pleased, and even aided us in taking them, bringingthem down for us from the mountains on their asses. They have greatstore of oil procured from tortoises, which are _fishes_ that swim inthe sea, having shells on their backs as large as targets. It only rainsin this island for three months in every year, from the middle of Julyto the middle of October; and the climate is always very hot. Cows havebeen brought here, but owing to the heat and drought they always died. 

We left Bonavista, or Buenavista, on the 3d February, and fell in thesame day with another island called Mayo, 14 leagues distant; therebeing a danger midway between the two islands, but it is always seen andeasily avoided. We anchored in a fine bay on the N. W. Side of Mayo, ineight fathoms on a good sandy bottom; but weighed next day and went toanother island called St Jago, about five leagues E. By S. From Mayo. Atthe westermost point of this island, we saw a good road-stead, having asmall town by the waterside, close to which was a fort or battery. Wehere proposed to have anchored on purpose to trade; but before we werewithin shot, they let fly two pieces at us, on which we went to leewardalong shore two or three leagues, where we found a small bay and two orthree houses, off which we anchored in 14 fathoms upon good ground. Within an hour after we had anchored, several persons both on foot andhorseback were seen passing and repassing opposite the ships. Next day aconsiderable force of horse and foot was seen, and our general sent amessage to know whether they were disposed to trade with us. Theyanswered that we were made welcome as merchants, and should have everything we could reasonably demand. On this our general ordered all theboats to be made ready, but doubting the good faith of the Portuguese, caused the boats to be well armed, putting a _double base_ in the headof his pinnace and two _single bases_ in the skiff, directing the boatsof the May-flower and George to be similarly armed. On rowing towardsthe shore with all the boats, the general was surprised to see above 60horsemen and 200 foot all armed to receive us, for which reason he senta flag of truce to learn their intentions. Their answer was fair andsmooth, declaring that they meant to treat us like gentlemen andmerchants, and desired that our general might come on shore to conversewith their captain. When our general approached the shore in his skiff, they came towards him in great numbers, with much seeming politeness, bowing and taking off their bonnets, and earnestly requesting ourgeneral and the merchants to come on shore. He declined this however, unless they would give sufficient hostages for our security. At lengththey promised to send two satisfactory hostages, and to give us water, provisions, money, and negroes in exchange for our merchandize, anddesired a list of our wares might be sent on shore; all of which ourgeneral promised to do forthwith, and withdraw from the shore, causingour _bases, curriers_[296], and arquebuses to be fired off incompliment to the Portuguese, while at the same time our ships salutedthem with five or six cannon shot. Most of the Portuguese now left theshore, except a few who remained to receive the list of our commodities;but, while we meant honestly and fairly to trade with them as friends, their intentions were treacherously to betray us to our destruction, aswill appear in the sequel. 

[Footnote 296: Bases and curriers must have been some small species ofordnance, capable of being used in boats; arquebuses were matchlockmuskets. --E. ]

About two leagues to the west of where we lay, there was a town behind apoint of land, where the Portuguese had several caravels, and twobrigantines or row barges like gallies. With all haste the Portuguesefitted out four caravels and these two brigantines, furnishing them withas many men and cannon as they could carry; and as soon as it was nightthese vessels made towards us with sails and oars, and as the land washigh, and the weather somewhat dark and misty, we did not see them tillthey were almost close on board the May-flower, which lay at anchorabout a gun-shot nearer them than our other ships. When within gun-shotof the May-flower, one of the watch chanced to see a light, and thenlooking out espied the four ships and gave the alarm. The Portuguese, finding themselves discovered, began immediately to fire their cannon, _curriers_, and arquebuses; then lighted up certain tubes of wild fire, and all their people both on shore and in their ships set up greatshouts, while they continued to bear down on the May-flower. With allthe haste we could, one of our guns was got ready and fired at them, onwhich they seemed to hesitate a little; But they recharged theirordnance, and again fired at us very briskly. In the mean time we gotthree guns ready which we fired at them, when they were so near that wecould have shot an arrow on board. Having a fine breeze of wind from theshore, we hoisted our foresail and cut our cable, making sail to joinour admiral to leeward, while they followed firing sometimes at us andsometimes at our admiral. At length one shot from our admiral had theeffect to make them retire, when they made away from us like cowardlytraitors. During all this time, though they continually fired all theirguns at us, not a man or boy among us was hurt; but we know not whatwere the effects of our shot among them. 

Seeing the villany of these men, we set sail immediately for an islandnamed _Fuego_, or the Fire island, twelve leagues from St Jago, where wecame to anchor on the 11th February, opposite a white chapel at the westend of the island, half a league from a small town, and about a leaguefrom the western extremity of the island. In this island, there is aremarkably high hill which burns continually, and the inhabitants toldus, that about three years before, the whole island had like to havebeen destroyed by the prodigious quantity of fire which it discharged. About a league west from the chapel we found a fine spring of freshwater, whence we supplied our ships. They have no wheat in this island, instead of which they grow millet, which makes good bread, and theylikewise cultivate peas like those of Guinea. The inhabitants arePortuguese, and are forbidden by their king to trade either with theEnglish or French, or even to supply them with provisions, or any otherthing unless forced. Off this island is another named Brava, or St John, not exceeding two leagues over, which has abundance of goats and manytrees, but not above three or four inhabitants. 

On the 25th of February we set sail for the Azores, and on the 23d ofMarch we got sight of one of these islands called Flores, to the northof which we could see another called Cuervo, about two leagues distant. The 27th we came to anchor at Cuervo, opposite a village of about adozen mean houses; but dragging our anchors in the night during a galeof wind, we went to Flores, where we saw strange streams of waterpouring from its high cliffs, occasioned by a prodigious rain. The 18thApril we took in water at Flores, and sailed for Fayal, which we hadsight of on the 28th, and of three other islands, Pico, St George, andGraciosa, which are round about Fayal. The 29th we anchored in 22fathoms water in a fine bay on the S. W. Side of Fayal, over against asmall town, where we got fresh water and fresh provisions. In thisisland, according to the report of the inhabitants, there grows greenwoad, which they allege is far better than the woad of St Michael or ofTercera. 

The 8th of May we came to Tercera, where we found a Portuguese ship, andnext morning we saw bearing down, upon us, a great ship and twocaravels, which we judged to belong to the royal navy of Portugal, asthey really were, and therefore made ready for our defence. The largeship was a galliass, of about 400 tons and 300 men, well appointed withbrass guns both large and small, some of their shot being as large as amans head; and the two caravels were both well appointed in men andammunition of war. As soon as they were within shot of us, they waved usamain with their swords as if in defiance, and as we kept our coursethey fired at us briskly, while we prepared as well as we could for ourdefence. The great ship gave us a whole broadside, besides firing fourof her greatest guns which were in her stern, by which some of our menwere hurt, while we did our best to answer their fire. At this time twoother caravels came from shore to join them, and two pinnaces or boatsfull of men, whom they put on board the great ship, and then returned tothe shore with only two men in each. The ship and caravels gave us threeattacks the first day, and when night came they ceased firing, yet kepthard by us all night, during which we were busily employed knotting andspicing our ropes and strengthening our bulwarks. 

Next day the Portuguese were joined by four great caravels or armadas, three of which were not less than 100 tons each, the fourth beingsmaller, but all well armed and full of men. All these came up againstus, in the admiral or Castle of Comfort, and we judged that one of thecaravels meant to lay us on board, as we could see them preparing theirfalse nettings and all other things for that purpose, for which thegalliasse came up on our larboard side, and the caravel on ourstarboard. Perceiving their intention, we got all our guns ready withbar-shot, chain-shot, and grape; and as soon as they came up, and hadfired off their guns at us, thinking to lay us on board, we gave themsuch a hearty salutation on both sides of us, that they were both gladto fall astern, where they continued for two or three hours, there beingvery little wind. Then our small bark the George came up to confer withus, and as the Portuguese ships and caravels were coming up again toattack us, the George, while endeavouring to get astern of us, fell toleeward, and was so long of filling her sails for want of wind, that theenemy got up to us, and she got into the middle of them, being unable tofetch us. Then five of the caravels assailed her all round about, yetshe defended herself bravely against them all. The great ship and onecaravel came to us and fought us all day. The May-flower being well towindward, took the benefit of that circumstance, and kept close hauledall that day, but would not come near us. When night came, the enemyceased firing, yet followed us all night. During these repeated attackswe had some men slain and several wounded, and our tackle much injured;yet we did our best endeavour to repair all things, resolving to defendourselves manfully, putting our trust in God. In the night theMay-flower came up to us, on which our captain requested they wouldspare us half a dozen fresh men, but they would not, and bore awayagain. 

Next morning, the enemy seeing us at a distance from one another, cameup against us with a great noise of hooping and hallooing, as ifresolved to board or sink us; yet although our company was small, lestthey might think us any way dismayed, we answered their shouts, andwaved upon them to board us if they durst, but they did not venture. This day they gave us four several assaults; but at night they forsookus, desisting with shame from the fight which they had begun with pride. We had some leaks in our ship from shot holes, which we stopped with allspeed, after which we took some rest after our long hard labour. In themorning the Mayflower joined, and sent six of her men on board us, whichgave us much relief, and we sent them four of our wounded men. 

We now directed our course for England, and by the 2d of June came intosoundings off the Lizard. On the 3d we fell in with a Portuguese ship, the captain of which came on board our admiral, saying that he was ladenwith sugar and cotton. Our merchants shewed him five negroes we had, asking him to buy them, which he agreed to do for 40 chests of sugar, which were very small, not containing above 26 loaves each. While theywere delivering the sugar, we saw a large ship and a small one bearingdown upon us, which our captain supposed to be men of war or rovers, onwhich he desired the Portuguese to take back their sugars, meaning toprepare for defence. But the Portuguese earnestly entreated our captainnot to forsake him, and promised to give him ten chests of sugar inaddition to the bargain, if we would defend him. To this our captainconsented, and the rovers seeing that we were not afraid of them, let usalone. Next morning two others came up, but on seeing that we did notattempt to avoid them, they left us also. The 5th of June we got sightof the Start, and about noon were abreast of Lyme bay, where we soundedin 35 fathoms water. Next day we came in at the Needles, and anchored ata place called Meadhole, under the isle of Wight; from whence we sailedto Southampton, where our voyage ended. 

SECTION XIII. 

_Embassy of Mr Edmund Hogan to Morocco in 1577, written byhimself_. [297]

Though not exactly belonging to the subject of the present chapter, yetas given by Hakluyt along with the early voyages to Guinea, it has beenthought proper to be inserted in this place. According to Hakluyt, MrHogan was one of the sworn esquires of the person to Queen Elizabeth, bywhom he was sent ambassador to Muley Abdulmeleck, emperor of Morocco andking of Fez. --_Hakl_. 

[Footnote 297: Hakluyt, II. 541. ]

 * * * * *

I Edmund Hogan, being appointed ambassador from her majesty the queen tothe emperor and king Muley Abdulmeleck, departed from London with mycompany and servants on the 22d of April 1577; and embarking in the goodship called the Gallion of London, I arrived at Azafi, a port inBarbary, on the 21st of May. I immediately sent Leonell Edgerton onshore, with my letters to the care of John Williams and John Bampton, who dispatched a _trottero_ or courier to Morocco, to learn the emperorspleasure respecting my repair to his court. They with all speed gave theking notice of it[298]; who, being much satisfied with the intelligence, sent next day some of his officers and soldiers to Azafi, with tents andother necessaries, so that these captains, together with John Bampton, Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, came late on Whitsunday night toAzafi. Having written in my letter, that I would not land till I knewthe kings pleasure, I remained on board till their arrival; but I causedsome of the goods to be landed to lighten the ship. 

[Footnote 298: It would appear that Williams and Bampton were residentat the city of Morocco. --E. ]

The 22d of May the Make-speed arrived in the road: and on the 27th, being Whitsunday, John Bampton came on board the Gallion with others inhis company, giving me to understand that the king was rejoiced at mysafe arrival from the queen of England, and that for my safe conduct hehad sent four captains and 100 soldiers, together with a horse andfurniture on which the king was in use to ride. I accordingly landedwith my suite consisting of ten persons, three of whom were trumpeters. The four English ships in the harbour were dressed up to the bestadvantage, and shot off all their ordnance, to the value of twenty marksin powder. On coming ashore, I found all the soldiers drawn up onhorseback, the captains and the governor of the town standing close tothe water side to receive me, with a jennet belonging to the king for myuse. They expressed the great satisfaction of their sovereign, at myarrival from the queen my mistress, and that they were appointed by theking to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I should remain fiveor six days on shore, to refresh myself before commencing my journey. Having mounted the jennet, they conducted me through the town to a fairfield, where a tent was provided for me, having the ground spread withTurkey carpets. The castle discharged a peal of ordnance, and everything necessary was brought to my tent, where I had convenient table andlodging, and had other tents for the accommodation of my servants. Thesoldiers environed the tents, and kept watch as long as I remainedthere. 

Although I sought a speedier dispatch, I could not be permitted to beginmy journey till Wednesday the 2d of June, when I mounted towardsevening, and travelled about ten miles to the first place on the roadwhere water was to be had, and there pitched our tents till nextmorning[299]. The 3d we began our journey early, and travelled till teno'clock, when we halted till four, at which time we resumed our journey, travelling as long as we had light, making about 26 miles in all thatday. The 4th being Friday, we travelled in the same manner about 28miles, and pitched our tents beside a river, about six wiles from thecity of Morocco. Immediately afterwards, all the English and Frenchmerchants came on horseback to visit me, and before night there came an_alcayde_ from the king, with 50 men and several mules laden withprovisions, to make a banquet for my supper, bringing a message from theking, expressing how glad he was to hear from the queen of England, andthat it was his intention to receive me more honourably than everChristian had been before at the court of Morocco. He desired also toknow at what time I proposed to come next day into his city, as he wasresolved that all the Christians, and also his own nobles should meetme. He desired likewise that John Bampton should wait upon him earlynext morning, which he did accordingly. 

[Footnote 299: Having no inns in Barbary, travellers have to encamp orlodge in the open fields where they can find water. --_Hakluyt_. ]

About seven o'clock the next morning, I moved towards the city, accompanied by the English and French merchants, and a great number ofsoldiers; and by the time I had gone about two miles, I was met by allthe Spanish and Portuguese Christians, which I knew was more owing tothe kings commands than of their own good will, [300] for some of them, though they spoke me fair, hung down their heads like dogs, especiallythe Portuguese, and I behaved to them accordingly. When I had arrivedwithin two miles of the city, John Bampton rejoined me, expressing thatthe king was so glad of my arrival, that he knew not how sufficiently toshew his good will towards the queen and her realm. His counsellors metme without the gates; and on entering the city some of the kings footmenand guards were placed on both sides of my horse, and in this manner Iwas conducted to the palace. The king sat in his chair of state, havinghis counsellors about him, both Moors and _Elchies_; and, according tohis order previously given me, I declared my message to him in theSpanish language, and delivered her majestys letters. All that I spokeat this time in Spanish, he caused one of his _Elchies_ to interpret tothe Moors who were present in the _Larbe_ tongue. When this was done, heanswered me in Spanish, returning great thanks to the queen my mistress, for my mission, and offering himself and country to be at her majesty'sdisposal; after which he commanded some of his counsellors to conduct meto my lodging, which was at no great distance from the court. The houseappointed for me was very good according to the fashion of the country, and was every day furnished with all kinds of provisions at the kingscharge. 

[Footnote 300: The Spaniards and Portuguese were commanded by the king, on pain of death, to meet the English ambassador. --Hakluyt. ]

I was sent for again to court that same night, and had a conference withthe king for the space of about two hours, when I declared to him theparticulars of what had been given me in charge by the queen, and foundhim perfectly willing to oblige her majesty, and not to urge her withany demands that might not conveniently be complied with, well knowingthat his country might be better supplied from England with such thingsas it stood in need of, than England from his country. He likewiseinformed me, that the king of Spain had sent demanding a licence to sendan ambassador to him, and had strongly urged him not to give credence orentertainment to any ambassador that might come from the queen ofEngland: "Yet, " said he, "I know well what the king of Spain is, andwhat the queen of England and her realm; for I neither like him nor hisreligion, being so governed by the inquisition that he can do nothing ofhimself; wherefore, when his ambassador comes upon the licence I havegiven, he will see how little account I make of him and Spain, and howgreatly I shall honour you for the sake of the queen of England. Heshall not come into my presence, as you have done and shall daily; for Imean to accept of you as a companion and one of my household, whereas heshall wait twenty days after he has delivered his message. "

At the end of this speech I delivered him the letters of Sir ThomasGresham; upon which he took me by the hand, and led me down a long courtto a palace, past which there ran a fair fountain of water, and sittingdown in a chair, he commanded me to sit upon another, and sent for suchsimple musicians as he had to entertain me. I then presented him with agreat bass lute, which he thankfully accepted, and expressed a desire tohear when he might expect the musicians: I told him great care had beentaken to provide them, and I did not doubt that they would come out inthe first ship after my return. He is willing to give them goodentertainment, with lodgings and provisions, and to let them liveaccording to their own law and conscience, as indeed he urges, no one tothe contrary. He conducts himself greatly by the fear of God, and Ifound him well read in the scriptures both of the old and new testament, bearing a greater affection for our nation than any other, because thatour religion forbids the worship of images; and indeed the Moors callhim the Christian king. That same night[301] I continued with him tilltwelve o'clock, and he seemed to have taken a great liking for me, ashe took from his girdle a short dagger set with 200 stones, rubies andturquoises, which he presented to me, after which I was conducted backto my lodgings. 

[Footnote 301: In the original this is said to have been the 1st ofJune; but from what has gone before, that date must necessarily beerroneous; it could not be before the 5th of June, on which day heappears to have entered Morocco in he morning. --E. ]

Next day being Sunday, which he knew was our Sabbath, he allowed me toremain at home; but he sent for me on the afternoon of Monday, when Ihad a conference with him, and was entertained with music. He likewisesent for me on Tuesday by three o'clock, when I found him in his gardenlaid upon a silk bed, as he complained of a sore leg. Yet after a longconference, he walked with me into another orchard, having a finebanqueting-house and a large piece of water, in which was a new galley. He took me on board the galley, and for the space of two or three hours, shewed me what great experience he had in the management of gallies, inwhich he said he had exercised himself for eighteen years of his youth. After supper he shewed me his horses, and other matters about his house. From that time I did not see him, as he was confined with his sore leg, yet he sent messages to me every day. I was sent for to him again on the13th of June, about six in the evening, and continued with him tillmidnight, conferring about her majestys commission, and with regard tothe good usage of our merchants trading in his dominions. He said thathe would even do more than was asked for the queen and her subjects, whomight all come to his ports in perfect security, and trade in every partof his dominions, likewise that they should at all times freely havewater and provisions, and in times of war might bring in the ships takenfrom our enemies, and either sell them there, or freely depart at theirpleasure. Likewise that all English ships, either passing along hiscoast of Barbary, or going through the straits into the Mediterranean orLevant sea, should have safe conducts to pass freely to the dominions ofthe Turks or of Algiers, as well as to his own. And he engaged to writeto the great Turk and the king of Algiers to use our ships and goods ina friendly manner. Also, that if any Englishmen should be hereafter madecaptives and brought into his dominions, that they should on no accountbe sold as slaves. Whereupon, declaring the acceptance by her majesty ofthese conditions, to confirm the intercourse of trade between ourmerchants and his dominions, I engaged to satisfy him with suchcommodities as he stood in need of, to furnish the wants of his countryin all kinds of merchandize, so that he might not require any thing fromher majesty contrary to her honour and law, or in breach of league andamity with the Christian princes her neighbours. That same night Ipresented him with a case of combs[302], and requested his majesty togive orders for the lading of the ships back again, as I found there wasvery little saltpetre in the hands of John Bampton. He answered that Ishould have all the aid in his power, as he expected there was somestore in his house at _Sus, _ and that the mountaineers had much inreadiness. On my request that he would send orders for that to bebrought, he promised to do so. 

[Footnote 302: This seems rather a singular present to the emperor ofMorocco. --E. ]

The 18th day I was with him again and continued till night, when heshewed me his house, with the amusement of duck-hunting with waterspaniels, and bull-baiting with English dogs. At this time I remindedhim of sending to _Sus_ about the saltpetre, which he engaged to do; andon the 21st the Alcayde Mammie departed on that errand, accompanied byLionel Edgerton and Rowland Guy, carrying with them, on our account andthe king's, letters to his brother Muley Hamet, the Alcayde Shavan, andthe viceroy. The 23d the king sent me out of Morocco with a guard, andaccompanied by the Alcayde Mahomet, to see his garden calledShersbonare; and at night of the 24th I was sent for to court to see aMorris dance, and a play acted by his _Elchies. _ He promised me anaudience on the next day being Tuesday, but put it off till Thursday, when he sent for me after supper, when the Alcaydes Rodwan and Gowrywere appointed to confer with me; but after a short conversation, Irequested to be admitted to the king to receive my dispatch. On beingadmitted, I preferred two bills, or requests, of John Bampton respectingthe provision of saltpetre, also two other petitions for the quiet tradeof our English merchants, together with petitions or requests for thesugars which had been agreed to be made by the Jews, both for the debtsthey had already incurred to our merchants, and those they might incurhereafter, as likewise for the proper regulation of the ingenios. I alsomoved him to give orders for the saltpetre and other affairs that hadbeen before agreed upon, which he referred me to be settled by the twoalcaydes. But on Friday the alcaydes could not attend to my affairs, andon Saturday Rodwan fell sick. So on Sunday I again made application tothe king, and that afternoon I was sent for to confer upon the bargainwith the alcaydes and others, but we could not agree. 

Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the king for my dispatch, and wascalled again to court that afternoon, when I referred all things to theking, accepting his offer of saltpetre. That night the king took meagain into his galley, when the water spaniels hunted the duck. OnThursday I was appointed to weigh the 300 gross quintals of saltpetre;and that afternoon the _tabybe_ came to my lodging, to inform me thatthe king was offended with John Bampton for various reasons. Late onSunday night, being the 7th of July, I got the king to forgive all toJohn Bampton, and he promised to give me another audience on Monday. Upon Tuesday I wrote to the king for my dispatch, when he sent _FrayLewes_ to me, who said he had orders to write them out. Upon Wednesday Iwrote again, and the king sent me word that I should come on Thursday toreceive my dispatches, so that I might depart without fail on Friday the12th of July. 

According to the kings appointment I went to court on Friday, when allthe demands I had made were granted, and all the privileges which hadbeen requested on behalf of the English merchants were yielded to withgreat favour and readiness. As the Jews resident in Morocco wereindebted in large sums to our men, the emperor issued orders that allthese should be paid in full without delay or excuse. Thus at length Iwas dismissed with great honour and special favour, such as had notordinarily been shewn to other Christian ambassadors. Respecting theprivate affairs treated on between her majesty and the emperor, I hadletters to satisfy her highness in the same. To conclude, having thesame honourable escort for my return from court that I had on my waythere, I embarked with my suite, and arrived soon after in England, whenI repaired to court, and ended my embassy to her majestys satisfaction, by giving a relation of my services. 

SECTION XIV. 

_Embassy of Henry Roberts from Queen Elizabeth to Morocco in 1585, written by himself_[303]. 

Like the former ambassador, Edmund Hogan, Mr Henry Roberts was one ofthe sworn esquires of the person to Elizabeth queen of England, and thefollowing brief relation of his embassy, according to Hakluyt, waswritten by himself. This, like the former, does not properly belong tothe present portion of our arrangement, but seemed necessary to beinserted in this place, however anomalous, as an early record of theattentions of the English government to extend the commerce andnavigation of England, the sinews of our strength, and the bulwark ofour glorious constitution. Mr Roberts appears to have spent three yearsand five months on this embassy, leaving London on the 14th August 1585, and returning to the same place on the 12th January 1589, having, in thewords of Hakluyt, remained at Morocco as _lieger_, or resident, duringupwards of three years. 

[Footnote 303: Hakluyt, II 602. ]

In the commencement of this brief notice, Mr Roberts mentions theoccasion of his embassy as proceeding from the incorporation of acompany of merchants, for carrying on an exclusive trade from England toBarbary; upon which event he was appointed her majestys messenger andagent to the emperor of Morocco, for the furtherance of the affairs ofthat company. It is not our intention to load our work with copies offormal patents and diplomatic papers; yet in the present instance it maynot be amiss to give an abridgment of the patent to the Barbary company, as an instance of the mistaken principles of policy on which the earlyfoundations of English commerce were attempted. --E. 

_Letters Patent and Privileges granted in 1585 by Queen Elizabeth, tocertain Noblemen and Merchants of London, for a Trade to Barbary. [304]_

[Footnote 304: Hakluyt, II. 599. ]

Elizabeth, &c. --Whereas our right trusty and well beloved counsellors, Ambrose earl of Warwick, and Robert earl of Leicester, and also ourloving and natural subjects Thomas Starkie, &c. [305] all merchants ofLondon, now trading into the country of Barbary, in the parts of Africaunder the government of Mulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco, andking of Fez and Sus, have made it evident to us that they have sustainedgreat and grievous losses, and are likely to sustain greater if itshould not be prevented. In tender consideration whereof, and becausediverse merchandize of the same countries are very necessary andconvenient for the use and defence of this our realm, &c. Wherefore wegive and grant to the said earls, &c. By themselves, their factors orservants, and none others, for and during the space of twelve years, thewhole freedom and liberty of the said trade, any law, &c. To thecontrary in any way notwithstanding. The said trade to be free of allcustoms, subsidies or other duties, during the said period to us, ourheirs and successors, &c. Witness ourself at Westminster, the 5th July, in the 27th year of our reign. 

[Footnote 305: Here are enumerated forty merchants of London, as membersof the Barbary company in conjunction with the two earls. --E. ]

_Narrative. _

Upon an incorporation granted to the company of Barbary merchantsresident in London, I Henry Roberts, one of her majesties sworn esquiresof her person, was appointed messenger and agent from her highness untoMulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco and king of Fez and Sus. And, having received my commission, instructions, and her majesties letters, I departed from London, the 14th August 1585, in a tall ship called theAscension, in company with the Minion and Hopewell. We arrived in safetyat the port of Azaffi in Barbary on the 14th of September following. Thealcaide of the town, who is the kings chief officer there, or as it weremayor of the place, received me with all civility and honour, accordingto the custom of the country, and lodged me in the best house in thetown. From thence I dispatched a messenger, which in their language iscalled a _trottero_, to inform the emperor of my arrival; whoimmediately sent a party of soldiers for my guard and safe conduct, withhorses for myself, and mules for my baggage and that of my company orsuite. 

Accompanied by Richard Evans, Edward Salcot, and other English merchantsresident in the country, and with my escort and baggage, I came to theriver _Tenisist_, within four miles of the city of Morocco, and pitchedmy tents among a grove of olive trees on the banks of that river, whereI was met by all the English merchants by themselves, and the French, Flemish, and various other Christians, who waited my arrival. After wehad dined, and when the heat of the day was over, we set out about 4o'clock in the afternoon for the city, where I was lodged by order ofthe emperor in a fair house in the _Judaria_ or jewry, the quarter inwhich the Jews have their abode, being the best built and quietest partof the city. 

After I had rested there three days, I was introduced into the kingspresence, to whom I delivered my message and her majesties letters, andwas received with much civility. During three years in which I remainedthere as her majesties agent and _ligier_, or resident, I had favourableaudiences from time to time; as, whenever I had any business, I waseither admitted to his majesty himself or to his viceroy, the alcaideBreme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the principalofficer of the court. For various good and sufficient reasons, I forbearto put down in writing the particulars of my service. 

After obtaining leave, and receiving an honourable reward from theemperor, I departed from his court at Morocco the 18th of August 1588, to a garden belonging to him called Shersbonare, where he promised Ishould only stay one day for his letters. Yet on one pretence oranother, I was detained there till the 14th of September, always at thekings charges, having 40 or 50 shot attending upon me as my guard. Atlength I was conducted from thence, with every thing requisite for myaccommodation, to the port of Santa Cruz, six days journey from Morocco, where our ships ordinarily take in their lading, and where I arrived onthe 21st of that month. 

I remained at Santa Cruz 43 days. At length, on the 2d November, Iembarked in company with one Marshok, a Reis or captain, a gentlemansent along with me by the emperor on an embassy to her majesty. Aftermuch foul weather at sea, we landed on new-years day 1589, at St Ives inCornwal, whence we proceeded together by land to London. We were metwithout the city by 40 or 50 of the principal Barbary merchants all onhorseback, who accompanied us by torch light into the city on Sunday the12th January 1589, the ambassador and myself being together in a coach. 

_Edict of the Emperor of Morocco in favour of the English, obtained byHenry Roberts_. 

In the name of the most merciful God, &c. The servant of the SupremeGod, the conqueror in his cause, the successor appointed by God, emperorof the Moors, son of the emperor of the Moors, the Shariffe, the Haceny, whose honour and estate may God long increase and advance. This ourimperial commandment is delivered into the hands of the Englishmerchants who reside under the protection of our high court, that allmen who see these presents may understand that our high councils willdefend them, by the aid of God, from all that may injure or oppress themin any way or manner in which they shall be wronged; and that which waysoever they may travel, no man shall take them captives in these ourkingdoms, ports, or other places belonging to us; and that no one shallinjure or hinder them, by laying violent hands upon them, or shall giveoccasion that they be aggrieved in any manner of way. And we charge andcommand all the officers of our ports, havens, and fortresses, and allwho bear authority of any sort in our dominions, and likewise all oursubjects generally of all ranks and conditions, that they shall in noway molest, offend, wrong, or injure them. And this our commandmentshall remain inviolable, being registered on the middle day of the monthRabel of the year 996. 

The date of this letter agrees with the 20th of March 1587, which I, Abdel Rahman el Catun, interpreter for his majesty, have translated outof Arabic into Spanish, word for word as contained therein. [306]

[Footnote 306: Besides this, Hakluyt gives copies in Spanish and Englishof a letter from Mulley Hamet to the Earl of Leicester, and of a letterfrom Queen Elizabeth to Mulley Hamet, both of which are merelycomplimentary, or relate to unexplained circumstances respecting oneJohn Herman an English rebel, whose punishment is required from theemperor of Morocco. He had probably contraveened the exclusiveprivileges of the Barbary company, by trading in Morocco. --E. ]

SECTION XV. 

_Voyage to Benin beyond Guinea in 1588, by James Welsh_[307]. 

This and the subsequent voyage to Benin were fitted out by Messrs Birdand Newton, merchants of London, in which a ship of 100 tons called theRichard of Arundel and a pinnace were employed, under the chief commandof James Welsh, who wrote the account of both voyages--_Astley_. 

[Footnote 307: Hakluyt, II. 613. Astley, I. 199. ]

It seems not improbable that these voyages were intended as an evasionof an exclusive privilege granted in May 1588 by Queen Elizabeth, fortrade to the rivers Senegal and Gambia, called Senega and Gambra inHakluyt. The boundaries of this exclusive trade are described asbeginning at the northermost part of the river Senegal, and from andwithin that river all along the coast of Guinea into the southermostpart of the river Gambia, and within that river also; and the reasonassigned for this exclusive grant is, that the patentees had alreadymade one voyage to these parts, and that the enterprizing a new trademust be attended with considerable hazard and expence. The patenteeswere several merchants of Exeter and other parts of Devonshire, and onemerchant of London, who had been instigated by certain Portugueseresident in England to engage in that trade, and the privilege isextended to ten years. [308]--E. 

[Footnote 308: See the patent at large in Hakluyt, II. 610. Londonedition, 1810. ]

 * * * * *

On the 12th October 1588, weighing anchor from Ratcliff we dropped downto Blackwall, whence we sailed next day; but owing to contrary winds wedid not reach Plymouth till the 25th October, where we had to remain forwant of a fair wind to the 14th of December, when we set sail and passedthe Lizard that night. Thursday the 2d January 1589, we had sight of theland near Rio del Oro, making our lat. 22° 47' N. The 3d we saw CapeBarbas, distant 5 leagues S. E. The 4th in the morning we had sight ofthe stars called the _Croziers_. The 7th we had sight of Cape Verd, making our lat. 14° 43' at 4 leagues off shore. Friday 17th Cape Mountbore from us N. N. E. , when we sounded and had 50 fathoms water with ablack ouse, and at 2 P. M. It bore N. N. W. 8 leagues distant, when CapeMisurado bore E. By S. Here the current sets E. S. E. Along shore, and atmidnight we had 26 fathoms on black ouse. The 18th in the morning wewere athwart a land much resembling Cabo Verde, about 9 leagues beyondCape Misurado. It is a saddle-backed hill, and there are four or fiveone after the other; and 7 leagues farther south we saw a row ofsaddle-backed hills, all the land from Cape Misurado having manymountains. The 19th we were off Rio de Sestos, and the 20th Cape Baixoswas N. By W. 4 leagues distant. In the afternoon a canoe came off withthree negroes from a place they called Tabanoo. Towards evening we wereathwart an island, and saw many small islands or rocks to the southward, the current setting from the south. We sounded and had 35 fathoms. The21st we had a flat hill bearing N. N. E. Being 4 leagues from shore; andat 2 P. M. We spoke a French ship riding near a place called _Ratere_, there being another place hard bye called Crua[309]. The Frenchmancarried a letter from us on shore for Mr Newton; and as we lay to whilewriting the letter, the current set us a good space along shore to theS. S. E. The 25th we were in the bight of a bay to the west of CapeThree-points, the current setting E. N. E. The 31st January we were offthe middle part of Cape Three-points at 7 in the morning, the currentsetting to the E. Saturday 1st February we were off a round foreland, which I considered to be the easternmost part of Cape Three-points, within which foreland was a great bay and an island in the bay. 

[Footnote 309: Krou Sestra, nearly in lat. 5° N. ]

The 2nd February we were off the castle of Mina; and when the thirdglass of the watch was run out, we spied under our larboard quarter oneof their boats with some negroes and one Portuguese, who would not comeon board. Over the castle upon some high rocks, we saw what we thoughtto be two watch houses, which were very white. At this time our coursewas E. N. E. The 4th in the morning we were athwart a great hill, behindwhich within the land were other high rugged hills, which I reckonedwere little short of _Monte Redondo_, at which time I reckoned we were20 leagues E. N. E. From the castle of Mina; and at 11 o'clock A. M. I sawtwo hills within the land, 7 leagues by estimation beyond the formerhills. At this place there is a bay, having another hill at its eastextremity, beyond which the land is very low. We went this day E. N E. And E. By N. 22 leagues, and then E. Along shore. The 6th we were shortof Villa Longa, and there we met a Portuguese caravel. The 7th, being afair temperate day, we rode all day before Villa Longa, whence we sailedon the 8th, and 10 leagues from thence we anchored again, and remainedall night in 10 fathoms water. The 9th we sailed again, all along theshore being clothed with thick woods, and in the afternoon we wereathwart a river[310], to the eastward of which a little way was a greathigh bushy tree which seemed to have no leaves. The 10th we sailed E. And E. By S. 14 leagues along shore, the whole coast being so thick ofwoods that in my judgment a person would have much difficulty in passingthrough them. Towards night we anchored in 7 fathoms. The 11th we sailedE. By S. And 3 leagues from shore we had only 5 fathoms water, all thewood along shore being as even as if it had been clipt by gardenerssheers. After running 2 leagues, we saw a high tuft of trees on a browof land like the head of a porpoise. A league farther on we had a verylow head land full of trees; and a great way from the land we had veryshallow water, on which we hauled off to seaward to get deeper water, and then anchored in 5 fathoms, athwart the mouth of the river _Jayo_. The 12th we sent the pinnace and the boat to land with the merchants, and they did not return till next morning. The shallowest part of thisriver is toward the west, where there is only 4-1/2 fathoms, and it isvery broad. 

[Footnote 310: Rio de Lagoa--_Hakluyt_. --Probably that now called Lagos, in long. 2° 40' E. From Greenwich, in the Bight of Benin. --E. ]

Thursday the 13th we set sail going S. S. E. Along shore, the trees beingwonderfully even, the east shore being higher than the west shore[311]. After sailing 18 leagues we had sight of a great river, called Rio deBenin, off which we anchored in 3-1/2 fathoms, the sea being here veryshallow two leagues from the main[312]. The 15th we sent the pinnace andboat with the merchants into the river; and as we rode in shallow water, we made sail with the starboard tacks aboard till we came to 5 fathomswater, where we anchored having the current to the westwards. The westpart of the land was high-browed, much like the head of a Gurnard, andthe eastermost land was lower, having three tufts of trees like stacksof corn. Next day we only saw two of these trees, having removed more tothe eastwards. We rode here from the 14th of February till the 14th ofApril, having the wind always at S. W. 

[Footnote 311: This is only to be understood as implying that the shorewas now higher in the eastern part of the voyage along the coast, thanformerly to the west on the coast of Mina; the east shore and the westshore referring to the bight or bay of Benin. --E. ]

[Footnote 312: It is probable that the two rivers mentioned in the textunder the names of Rio de Lagoa and Rio de Benin, are those now calledthe Lagos creek and the great river Formosa, both in the negro kingdomof Benin. --E. ]

The 17th February our merchants weighed their goods and put them aboardthe pinnace to go into the river, on which day there came a greatcurrent out of the river setting to the westwards. The 16th March ourpinnace came on board with Anthony Ingram the chief factor, bringing 94bags of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. All his company were sick. The19th our pinnace went again into the river, having the purser andsurgeon on board; and the 25th we sent the boat up the river again. The30th our pinnace came from Benin with the sorrowful news that ThomasHemstead and our captain were both dead. She brought with her 159 seronsor bags of pepper, besides elephants teeth. In all the time of ourremaining off the river of Benin, we had fair and temperate weather whenthe wind was at S. W. From the sea; but when the wind blew at N. And N. E. From the land, it then rained with thunder and lightning, and theweather was intemperately hot. 

The 13th of April 1589, we began our voyage homeward, and the 27th ofJuly we spoke a ship called the Port belonging to London, giving us goodnews of England. The 9th September we put into Catwater, where weremained till the 28th, owing to sickness and want of men. The 29th wesailed from Plymouth, and arrived at London on the 2d October 1589. 

The commodities we carried out in this, voyage were linens and woollencloths, iron work of sundry kinds, manillios or bracelets of copper, glass beads and coral. Those we brought home were pepper, elephantsteeth, palm oil, cloth made of cotton very curiously woven, and clothmade of the bark of the palm tree. Their money consists of pretty whiteshells, as they have no gold or silver. They have also great store ofcotton. Their bread is made of certain roots called _Inamia_, as largeas a mans arm, which when well boiled is very pleasant and light ofdigestion. On banian or fish days, our men preferred eating these rootswith oil and vinegar to the best stock-fish[313]. There are greatquantities of palm trees, out of which the negroes procure abundance ofa very pleasant white wine, of which we could purchase two gallons for20 shells. The negroes have plenty of soap, which has the flavour ofviolets. They make very pretty mats and baskets, also spoons of ivoryvery curiously wrought with figures of birds and beasts. 

[Footnote 313: It is obvious that the banian or meager days, stillcontinued in the British navy, are a remnant of the meager days of theRoman catholic times, when it was deemed a mortal sin to eat flesh. Stock-fish are, however now abandoned, having been found to promotescurvy. --E. ]

Upon this coast we had the most terrible thunder and lightning, whichused to make the deck tremble under our feet, such as I never heard thelike in any other part of the world. Before we became accustomed to it, we were much alarmed, but God be thanked we had no harm. The natives arevery gentle and courteous; both men and women going naked till they aremarried, after which they wear a garment reaching from the middle downto the knees. Honey was so plentiful, that they used to sell our peopleearthen pots of comb full of honey, the size of two gallons for 100shells. They brought us also great store of oranges and plantains, whichlast is a fruit which grows on a tree, and resembles our cucumbers, butis very pleasant eating. It pleased God of his merciful goodness to giveme the knowledge of a means of preserving water fresh with little cost, which served us six months at sea; and when we came to Plymouth it wasmuch wondered at by the principal men of the town, who said there wasnot sweeter water in all Plymouth[314]. Thus God provides for hiscreatures, unto whom be praise, now and _for ever more_, amen. 

[Footnote 314: This preservative is wrought by casting a handful ofbay-salt into a hogshead of water, as the author told me. --_Hakluyt_. 

The Thames water soon putrifies on board ships in long voyages; butafterwards throws down a sediment and becomes perfectly sweet pleasantand wholesome; insomuch that it is often bought from ships which havebeen to India and back. Putrid water at sea is purified or renderedcomparatively sweet by forcing streams of air through it by what iscalled an air pump. Water may be preserved sweet on long voyages, orrestored when putrid, by means of pounded charcoal. --E. ]

SECTION XVI. 

_Supplement to the foregoing Voyage, in a Letter from Anthony Ingram thechief Factor, written from Plymouth to the Owners, dated 9th September, the day of arriving at Plymouth_[315]. 

Worshipful Sirs! The account of our whole proceedings in this voyagewould require more time than I have, and a person in better health thanI am at present, so that I trust you will pardon me till I get toLondon. 

[Footnote 315: Hakluyt, II. 616. Astley, I. 202. ]

Departing from London in December 1588, we arrived at our destined portof Benin on the 14th of February following, where we found not waterenough to carry our ship over the bar, so that we left her without inthe road. We put the chiefest of our merchandise into the pinnace andships boat, in which we went up the river to a place called _Goto_[316], where we arrived on the 20th, that place being the nearest to Benin towhich we could go by water. From thence we sent negro messengers tocertify the king of our arrival, and the object of our coming. Thesemessengers returned on the 22d with a nobleman to conduct us to the cityof Benin, and with 200 negroes to carry our merchandise. On the 23d wedelivered our commodities to the kings factor, and the 25th we came tothe great city of Benin, where we were well entertained. The 26th wewent to court to confer with the king, but by reason of a solemnfestival then holding we could not see him; yet we spoke with his_veador_, or chief man who deals with the Christians, who assured usthat we should have every thing according to our desires, both in regardto pepper and elephants teeth. 

[Footnote 316: Goto or Gato is a negro town on the northern branch ofthe Rio Formoso, about 45 miles in a straight line from the mouth of theriver, and about 85 miles short of the town of Benin. This branch orcreek is probably the river of Benin of the text. --E. ]

We were admitted into the kings presence on the 1st of March, who gaveus like friendly assurances respecting our trade; and next day we wentagain to court, when the _veador_ shewed us a basket of green pepper andanother of dry in the stalks. We desired to have it plucked from thestalks and made clean, which he said would require some time to getdone, but should be executed to our satisfaction, and that by next yearit should be all in readiness for us, as we had now come unexpectedly totheir country, to which no Christians had traded for pepper in the reignof the present king. Next day they sent us 12 baskets full, andcontinued to send more daily till the 9th March, by which time we hadmade up 64 serons of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. By this time, as ourconstitutions were unused to the climate of Benin, all of us were seizedwith fevers; upon which the captain sent me down to Goto with the goodswe had collected. On my arrival there, I found all the men belonging toour pinnace sick, so that they were unable to convey the pinnace andgoods to the ship; but fortunately the boat came up to Goto from theship within two hours after my arrival, to see what we were about, sothat I put the goods into the boat and went down to the ship: But by thetime I had got on board several of our men died, among whom were MrBenson, the copper, and the carpenter, with three or four more, and Iwas in so weak a state as to be unable to return to Benin. I thereforesent up Samuel Dunne and the surgeon, that he might let blood of them ifit were thought adviseable; but on their arrival they found the captainand your son William Bird both dead, and Thomas Hempstead was so veryweak that he died two days after. 

In this sorrowful state of affairs they returned with all speed to theship, with such pepper and elephants teeth as they had got, as willappear by the cargo. At their coming away; the _veador_ told them hewould use all possible expedition to procure them more goods if theywould remain longer; but the sickness so increased among us, that by thetime our men came back we had so many sick and dead, that we looked tolose our ship, lives, country, and all. We were so reduced that it waswith much difficulty we were able to heave our anchors; but by Godsblessing we got them up and put to sea, leaving our pinnace behind, onthe 13th of April. After which our men began to recover and gatherstrength. Sailing between the Cape de Verd islands and the Main, we cameto the Azores on the 25th of July; and here our men began again to fallsick, and several died, among whom was Samuel Dunn, those who remainedalive being in a sad state. In the midst of our distress, it pleased Godthat we should meet your ship the _Barke Burre_ on this side the NorthCape, which not only kept company with us, but sent us six fresh men onboard, without whose assistance we must have been in a sad condition. Bythis providential aid we are now arrived at Plymouth, this 9thSeptember; and, for want of better health at this present. I must referyou for farther particulars till my arrival in London. --Yours tocommand, ANTHONY INGRAM. 

SECTION XVII. 

_Second Voyage of James Welsh to Benin, in 1590_[317]. 

In the employment of the same merchants, John Bird and John Newton, andwith the same ship as in the former voyage, the Richard of Arundel, accompanied by a small pinnace, we set sail from Ratclif on the 3dSeptember 1590, and came to Plymouth Sound on the 18th of that month. Weput to sea again on the 22d, and on the 14th October got sight ofFuertaventura, one of the Canary islands, which appeared very rugged aswe sailed past. The 16th of October, in the lat. Of 24° 9' N. We met aprodigious hollow sea, such as I had never seen before on this coast;and this day a monstrous great fish, which I think is called a_gobarto_[318], put up his head to the steep-tubs where the cook wasshifting the victuals, whom I thought the fish would have carried away. The 21st, being in lat. 18° N. We had a _counter-sea_ from the north, having in the same latitude, on our last voyage, encountered a similarsea from the south, both times in very calm weather. The 24th we hadsight of Cape Verd, and next day had a great hollow sea from the north, a common sign that the wind will be northerly, and so it proved. The15th November, when in lat. 6° 42' N. We met three currents from west tonorth-west, one after the other, with the interval of an hour betweeneach. The 18th we had two other great currents from S. W. The 20th we sawanother from N. E. The 24th we had a great current from S. S. W. And at 6P. M. We had three currents more. The 27th we reckoned to have gone 2-1/2leagues every watch, but found that we had only made _one_ league everywatch for the last 24 hours, occasioned by heavy billows and a swiftcurrent still from the south. The 5th December, on setting the watch, wecast about and lay E. N. E. And N. E. And here in lat. 5° 30' our pinnacelost us wilfully. The 7th, at sunset, we saw a great black spot on thesun; and on the 8th, both at rising and setting we saw the like, thespot appearing about the size of a shilling. We were then in lat. 5° N. And still had heavy billows from the south. 

[Footnote 317: Hakluyt, II. 618. Astley, I. 203. ]

[Footnote 318: In a side note, Astley conjectures this to have been agreat shark. ]

We sounded on the 14th December, having 15 fathoms on coarse red sand, two leagues from shore, the current setting S. E. Along shore, and stillwe had heavy billows from the south. The 15th we were athwart a rock, somewhat like the _Mewstone_ in England, and at the distance of 2leagues from the rock, had ground in 27 fathoms. This rock is not abovea mile from the shore, and a mile farther we saw another rock, the spacebetween both being broken ground. We sounded off the second rock, andhad ground at 20 fathoms on black sand. We could now see plainly thatthe rocks were not along the shore, but at some distance off to sea, andabout 5 leagues farther south we saw a great bay, being then in lat. 4°27' N. The 16th we met a French ship belonging to Harfleur, which robbedour pinnace: we sent a letter by him. This night we saw another spot onthe sun at his going down. Towards evening we were athwart the mouth ofa river, right over which was a high tuft of trees. The 17th we anchoredin the mouth of the river, when we found the land to be Cape Palmas, there being a great ledge of rocks between us and the Cape, a league andhalf to sea, and an island off the point or foreland of the Cape. Wethen bore to the west of the Cape, and as night came on could see nomore of the land, except that it trended inwards like a bay, in whichthere ran a stream or tide as it had been the Thames. This was on thechange day of the moon. 

The 19th December, a fair temperate day, with the wind S. We sailedeast, leaving the land astern of us to the west, all the coast appearinglow like islands to the east of Cape Palmas, and trending inwards like agreat bay or sound. We went east all night, and in the morning were onlythree or four leagues from shore. The 20th we were off Rio de lasBarbas. The 21st we continued along shore; and three or four leagueswest of Cape Three Points, I found the bay to be set deeper than it islaid down by four leagues. At 4 P. M. The land began to shew high, thefirst part of it being covered by palm trees. The 24th, still goingalong shore, the land was very low and full of trees to the water side. At noon we anchored off the Rio de Boilas, where we sent the boattowards the shore with our merchants, but they durst not put into theriver, because of a heavy surf that broke continually on the bar. The28th we sailed along shore, and anchored at night in seven fathoms, toavoid being put back by a current setting from E. S. E. From _Papuas_. 

At noon on the 29th we were abreast of Ardrah, and there we took acaravel, the people belonging to which had fled to the land. She hadnothing in her except a small quantity of palm oil and a few roots. Nextmorning our captain and merchants went to meet the Portuguese, who cameoff in a boat to speak with them. After some communing about ransomingthe caravel, the Portuguese promised to give for her some bullocks andelephants teeth, and gave us then one tooth and one bullock, engaging tobring the rest next day. Next day being the 1st January 1591, ourcaptain went a-land to speak with the Portuguese, but finding them todissemble, he came on board again, when presently we unrigged thecaravel and set her on fire before the town. We then set sail and wentalong the coast, where we saw a date tree, the like of which is not onall that coast, by the water side. We also fell a little aground at oneplace. Thus we went on to _Villalonga_ where we anchored. The 3d we cameto Rio de Lagoa, or Lagos Creek, where our merchants went to land, finding 3 fathoms on the bar, but being late they did not go in. Thereis to the eastward of this river a date tree, higher than all the othertrees thereabouts. Thus we went along the coast, anchoring every night, and all the shore was full of trees and thick woods. The morning of the6th was very foggy, so that we could not see the land; but it cleared upabout three in the afternoon, when we found ourselves off the riverJaya; and finding the water very shallow, we bore a little out toseawards as we had done in the former voyage, and came to anchor in fivefathoms. We set sail again next day, and came about noon abreast theriver of Benin, where we anchored in four fathoms. 

The 10th our captain went to land with the boat at 2 P. M. All this weekit was very foggy every day till 10 o'clock A. M. And hitherto theweather had been as temperate as our summer in England. This day weanchored in the road in 4 fathoms, the west point bearing from us E. N. E. The 21st, being a fair temperate day, Mr Hassald went up to the town ofGato to hear news of our captain. The 23d came the caravel[319] in whichwas Samuel, bringing 63 elephants teeth and three bullocks. The 28th wasa fair temperate day, but towards night we had much rain with thunderand lightning. This day our boat came on board from Gato. The 24thFebruary, we took in 298 serons or bags of pepper, and 4 elephantsteeth. The 26th we put the rest of our goods on board the caravel, inwhich Mr Hassald went up to Gato. The 5th March the caravel came again, bringing 21 serons of pepper and 4 elephants teeth. The 9th April ourcaravel came again on board with water for our return voyage, and thisday we lost our shallop or small boat. The 17th was a hazy and rainyday, and in the afternoon we saw three great water spouts, two tolarboard and one right a-head, but by the blessing of God they came notto our ship. This day we took in the last of our water for sea store, and on the 26th we victualled our caravel to accompany us. The 27th weset sail on our voyage homewards. 

[Footnote 319: It is not mentioned how they came by this caravel. --Astl. I. 204. B. Probably the pinnace that attended them in the voyage, forthe purpose of going up the shallow rivers. --E. ]

The 24th May we were 37 leagues south of Cape Palmas. The 1st July wegot sight of Brava, one of the Cape Verd islands, bearing east 7 leaguesoff. The 13th August we spoke the queens ship, of which Lord Howard wasadmiral and Sir Richard Grenville vice-admiral. They made us keepcompany till the night of the 15th, lying all the time a hull in waitingfor prizes, 30 leagues S. W. From the island of Flores. That night we gotleave to depart, accompanied by a fliboat laden with sugar from theisland of San Thome which had been taken by the queens ship, and ofwhich my lord admiral gave me strict charge not to part with her tillsafe harboured in England. The 23d the N. E. Part of the island of Corvobore from us E. By S. 6 leagues distant. The 17th September we fell inwith a ship belonging to Plymouth bound from the West Indies. Next daywe had sight of another sail; and this day died Mr Wood one of ourcompany. The 23d we spoke the Dragon belonging to my Lord Cumberland, ofwhich _master_ Ivie was _maister_[320]. The 2d October we met a shipbelonging to Newcastle coming from Newfoundland, out of which we got 300couple of _Newland_ fish. The 13th we put into Dartmouth, where we staidtill the 12th December, when we sailed with a west wind, and by theblessing of God we anchored on the 18th December 1591, at Limehouse inthe river Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of pepper, 150 elephantsteeth, and 32 barrels of palm oil. 

[Footnote 320: This distinction of master and maister often occurs inthese early voyages. --Astl. I. 205. A. ]

The commodities we carried out on this my second voyage were, broadcloth, kersies, bays, linen cloth, unwrought iron, copper bracelets, coral, hawks bells, horse-tails, hats, and the like. This voyage wasmore comfortable to us than the former, because we had plenty of freshwater and that very sweet. For even yet, being the 7th June 1592, thewater we brought out of Benin on the 1st of April 1591, is as clear andgood as any fountain can yield. In this voyage we sailed 350 leagueswithin half a degree of the equator, where we found the weather moretemperate than at our anchorage on the coast of Benin. Under the line wekilled many small dolphins, and many other good fish, which were veryrefreshing to us; and the fish never forsook us till we were to thenorth of the Azores: But God be thanked we met with several ships of ourown country, during the five months we were at sea, which were greatcomfort to us, having no consort. 

SECTION XVIII. 

_Voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the Rivers Senegal andGambia adjoining to Guinea, in 1591_[321]. 

PREVIOUS REMARKS [322]. 

In virtue of her majestys most gracious charter, given in the year 1588, being the 30th of her reign, certain English merchants were privilegedto trade, in and from the river of Senega or Senegal, to and in theriver of Gambra or Gambia on the western coast of Africa. The chiefestplaces of trade on that coast, in and between these rivers are: 1. _Senegal_ river, where the commodities are hides, gum, elephants teeth, a few grains or pepper, ostrich feathers, ambergris, and some gold. 2. _Beseguiache_[323], a town near Cape Verd, and ---- leagues[324] from theriver Senegal. The commodities here are small hides and a few teeth. 3. _Rufisque_, or _Refisca viejo_, a town 4 leagues from Beseguiache, producing small hides and a few teeth now and then. 4. _Palmerin_, atown 2 leagues from Rufisque[325], having small hides and a fewelephants teeth occasionally. 5. _Porto d'Ally_, or _Portudale_, a town5 leagues from Palmerin, having small hides, teeth, ambergris, and alittle gold; and many Portuguese are there. 6. _Candimal_, a town half aleague from Portudale, having small hides and a few teeth now and then. 7. _Palmerin_[326], a town 3 leagues from Candimal, with similarcommodities. 8. _Jaale_ or _Joala_, 6 leagues beyond Palmerin, itscommodities being hides, wax, elephants teeth, rice, and some gold, forwhich it is frequented by many Spaniards and Portuguese, 9. _Gambiariver_, producing rice, wax, hides, elephants teeth, and gold. 

[Footnote 321: Hakluyt, III. 2. Astley, I. 242. ]

[Footnote 322: In Astley, these previous remarks are stated to have beenwritten by Richard Rainolds; but in the original collection of Hakluytno such distinction is made, only that in the text Richard Rainoldsstates himself to have written the account of the voyage. --E. ]

[Footnote 323: Or Barzaguiche, by which name the natives call the islandof Goree; the town of that name being on the opposite shore of thecontinent. --Astl, I. 242. C. ]

[Footnote 324: At this place the editor of Astley's Collection supplies28 leagues, in the text between brackets: But Cape Verd is 39 leaguesfrom the southern mouth of the Senegal, and Goree is 6 leagues beyondCape Verd. Near the situation pointed out for Beseguiache, modern mapsplace two small towns or villages named Dakar and Ben. --E. ]

[Footnote 325: A league north from Rufisque in modern maps is a placecalled Ambo; about 1-1/2 league farther north, one named Canne; and near2 leagues south, another named Yenne. --E. ]

[Footnote 326: We have here two towns called Palmerin within a fewleagues, perhaps one of them may be wrong named in the text. --E. ]

The French have traded thither above thirty years from Dieppe inNew-haven[327], commonly with four or five ships every year, of whichtwo small barks go up the river Senegal. The others are wont, untilwithin these four years that our ships came thither, to ride with theirships in Portudale, sending small shalops of six or eight tons to someof the before-named places on the sea coast. They were generally as wellbeloved and as kindly treated by the negroes as if they had been nativesof the country, several of the negroes going often into France andreturning again, to the great increase of their mutual friendship. Sincewe frequented the coast, the French go with their ships to Rufisque, andleave us to anchor a Portudale. The French are not in use to go up theriver Gambia, which is a river of secret trade and riches concealed bythe Portuguese. Long since, one Frenchman entered the river in a smallbark, which was surprised, betrayed, and taken by the Portuguese. Inour second voyage in the second year of our trade[328], about fortyEnglishmen were cruelly slain or captured, and most or all of theirgoods confiscated, by the vile treachery of the Portuguese, with theconsent of the negro kings in Portudale and Joala. On this occasion onlytwo got back, who were the merchants or factors. Likewise, by theprocurement of Pedro Gonzalves, a person in the service of Don Antonioone of the officers of the king of Portugal, Thomas Dassel and othershad been betrayed, if it had not pleased the Almighty to reveal andprevent the same. 

[Footnote 327: Havre de Grace is probably here meant--E. ]

[Footnote 328: Hence it appears that the relation in the text was thethird voyage of the English exclusive company, in the third year oftheir patent, but we find no account of the other two beyond what is nowmentioned. It appears, however from Kelly's ship being at the same timeupon the coast, that others as well as the patentees carried on thistrade. --Astl. I. 242. D. ]

From the south side of the river Senegal, all along the sea coast toPalmerin is one kingdom of the Negroes, the king of which is namedMelick Zamba[329], who dwells about two days journey inland fromRufisque. 

[Footnote 329: Melick; or Malek, in Arabic signifies king. --Astl. I. 242. E. ]

_The Voyage. _

On the 12th of November 1591, I, Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel, being factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London, of 125 tons, accompanied by a pinnace of 40 tons called the Messenger, arrived nearCape Verd at a small island called the _Isle of Liberty_. At this islandwe set up a small pinnace in which we are in use to carry our goods toland in the course of our traffic; and in the mean time Thomas Dasselwent in the large pinnace to traffic with the Spaniards or Portuguese inPortudale or Joale. Over against this island of Liberty [_Goree_] thereis a village of the negroes called Beseguiache, the alcaide or governorof which came on board, with a great train in a number of canoes, toreceive the kings duties for anchorage and permission to set up ourpinnace. He was much pleased that we had no Portuguese in our ships, saying that we should be always better thought of by the king and peopleof that country if we never brought any Portuguese, but came ofourselves as the French do always. To secure his favour, I gave him andhis company very courteous entertainment, and upon his entreaty, havingsufficient hostages left on board, I and several others went to the landalong with him. At this time a war subsisted between this governor andthe governor of a neighbouring province; but upon our arrival a trucewas entered into for some time, and I with my companions were conductedthrough among the contending parties belonging to both provinces, to thehouse of the governor of Beseguiache, where we were hospitablyentertained after their manner, and having received some presentsreturned safely on board. Next day the alcaide came again on board, desiring me to send some iron and other commodities in the boat tobarter with the negroes, and also requested me to remove with the shipto Rufisque, which I did accordingly. I observed one thing, that anumber of negroes, armed with bows and poisoned arrows, poisoned darts, and swords, attended the landing of the governor in warlike array, because the hostile tribe had come there to view our ship, takingadvantage of the truce. These his armed attendants for the most partapproached him in a kneeling posture, and kissed the back of his hand. 

On the 17th of November, finding no French ship had yet come out, I leftthe anchorage at the island [_Goree_], and went to the road of Rufisque, where the interpreters of the alcaide came on board and received from methe kings duties for free trade with the negroes, with whom I every dayexchanged my iron and other wares for hides and some elephants teeth, finding the people very friendly and tractable. Next day I went aboutthree miles inland to the town of Rufisque, where I was handsomelyreceived and treated by the alcaide, and especially so by a young noblenamed _Conde Amar Pattay_[330], who presented me with an ox, and somegoats and kids, for my company, assuring me that the king would be gladto hear of the arrival of a Christian ship, calling us _blancos_ orwhite men, and more especially that we were English. Every day the young_conde_ came to the sea-side with a small company of horsemen, feastingme with much courtesy and kindness. On the 5th of December, he and histrain came on board to view the ship, which to them seemed wonderful, asa thing they had seldom seen the like of. He then told me that amessenger sent to the king to notify our arrival was returned, and thatthe king was much rejoiced that the English had brought a ship to tradein his ports; and as I was the first Englishman who had brought a shipthere, he promised that I and any Englishman hereafter might be sure ofbeing well treated, and of receiving good dealings in his country. The_conde_ farther requested, in the kings name and his own, that before myfinal departure from the coast, I might return to the road of Rufisque, to confer with him for our better acquaintance, and for theestablishment of stable friendship between them and the English, which Iagreed to. Having shewn him and his train every civility in my power, hewent on shore, on which I proposed to have given him a salute, but hedesired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise ofthe guns, which they greatly admired. 

[Footnote 330: In the name or title of this negro chief or noble may berecognized the Portuguese or Spanish _conde_, and the Arabic _amir_ or_emir_. --E. ]

The 13th of December I weighed anchor from before Rufisque, and went toPorto d'Ally, which is in another kingdom, the king of which is calledAmar Malek, being son to Malek Zamba the other king, and has hisresidence a days journey and a half inland from Porto d'Ally. When wehad anchored, the governors of the town, who were the kings kinsmen, andall the other officers, came on board to receive the kings duty foranchorage and liberty to trade, all of whom seemed much pleased that wehad no Portuguese on board, saying that it was the kings pleasure weshould bring none of that nation, whom they considered as a peopledevoid of truth[331]. They complained of one Francisco de Costa, aservant of Don Antonio, who had often, and particularly the former year, abused their king Amar Malek, promising to bring him certain things outof England which he had never done, and supposed that might be hisreason for not coming this voyage. They said likewise that neither thePortuguese nor Spaniards could abide us, but always spoke to the greatdefamation and dishonour of England. They also affirmed that on thearrival of a ship called the Command, belonging to Richard Kelley ofDartmouth, one Pedro Gonzalves, a Portuguese, who came in that ship fromDon Antonio, reported to them that we were fled from England, and hadcome to rob and commit great spoil on the coast, and that Thomas Dasselhad murdered Francisco de Acosta since we left England, who was comingin our ship with great presents for their king from Don Antonio, desiring on our arrival that they should seize our goods and ourselvessecretly. They assured us however that they had refused to do this, asthey disbelieved the report of Gonzalves, having often before beenabused and deceived by such false and slanderous stories by thePortuguese. Their king, they said, was extremely sorry for the formermurder of our people, and would never consent to any such thing infuture, holding the Portuguese and Spaniards in utter abhorrence eversince, and having a much better opinion of us and our nation than theseour enemies wished them to entertain. I gave them hearty thanks fortheir good opinion, assuring them that they should always find a greatdifference between our honour, and the dishonourable words and actionsof our enemies, and then paid them the customary duties. As this was achief place for trade, I told them that I intended to wait upon theirking that I might give him certain presents which I had brought out ofEngland, on purpose to strengthen the friendship between their nationand ours. 

[Footnote 331: From this and other passages of the present journal, itappears that the English used to carry a Portuguese along with them intheir first voyages to the coast of Africa, whether from choice or byagreement with the government of Portugal does not clearly appear: andthat, finding the inconvenience of this custom, they began now to lay itaside. This seems to have provoked the king of Portugal, who proposed toruin the English trade by means of these agents or spies. --_Astl_. I. 214. B. ]

All this time, Thomas Dassel was with our large pinnace at the town ofJoala, in the dominions of king Jocoel Lamiockeric, trading with theSpaniards and Portuguese at that place. The before-mentioned PedroGonzalves, who had come out of England, was there also along with someEnglish merchants, employed in the service of Richard Kelley. AsGonzalves had not been able to accomplish his treacherous purposesagainst Dassel at Porto d'Ally, where I remained, he attempted, alongwith other Portuguese who were made privy to his design, to betrayDassel at this town of Joala, and had seduced the chiefs among thenegroes, by means of bribes, to concur in his wicked and mosttreacherous intentions. These, by the good providence of God, wererevealed to Thomas Dassel by Richard Cape, an Englishman, in the serviceof Richard Kelley; on which Thomas Dassel went on board a small Englishbark called the Cherubim of Lyme, where a Portuguese named Joam Payva, aservant of Don Antonio, declared that Thomas Dassel would have beenbetrayed long before, if he and one Garcia, a Portuguese, who lived atJoala, would have concurred with Pedro Gonzalves. Upon this warning, Thomas Dassel contrived next day to get three Portuguese on board thepinnace, two of whom he sent on shore, and detained the third namedVillanova as an hostage, sending a message that if they would bringGonzalves on board next day by eight o'clock, he would releaseVillanova; but they did not. Dassel likewise got intelligence, thatcertain Portuguese and negroes were gone post by land from Joala toPorto d'Ally, with the view of having me, Richard Rainolds, and mycompany detained on shore; and, being doubtful of the negro friendship, who were often wavering, especially when overcome by wine, he came withhis pinnace and the Portuguese hostage to Porto d'Ally on the 24thDecember, for our greater security, and to prevent any treacherous planthat might have been attempted against us in the roads by thePortuguese. He was no sooner arrived beside our large ship theNightingale in the road of Porto d'Ally, than news was brought him fromJohn Baily, servant to Anthony Dassel, that he and our goods weredetained on shore, and that twenty Portuguese and Spaniards were comethere from Joala along with Pedro Gonzalves, for the purpose of gettingVillanova released. After a conference of two or three days, held withthe negro chiefs and the Spaniards and Portuguese, the negroes were inthe end convinced how vilely Pedro Gonzalves had behaved; and as he wasin their power, they said he ought to suffer death or torture for hisvillany, as an example to others; but we, in recompence of his crueltreachery, pitied him and shewed mercy, desiring the negroes to use himwell though undeserving; upon which the negro chiefs brought him onboard the pinnace to Thomas Dassel, to do with him as he thought proper. Owing to some improper language he had used of certain princes, Gonzalves was well buffetted by a Spaniard at his coming off from theshore, and had been slain if the natives had not rescued him for oursakes. 

When I went on shore to release Villanova, Pedro Gonzalves confessed toThomas Dassel, that he had concerted with some negroes and Portugueseabout detaining Dassel and the goods on shore; but that he had actednothing on this subject without authority from his king, contained incertain letters he had received at Dartmouth from London, after ourdeparture from the Thames, occasioned by our presuming to trade toGuinea without a servant of the king of Portugal; and declared likewisethat he had power or authority from Francisco de Costa, a Portuguese, remaining in England, to detain the goods of Anthony Dassel in Guinea. By consent of Francis Tucker, John Browbeare, and the other factors ofRichard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonzalves came from England, it wasagreed that we should detain Gonzalves in our ships until theirdeparture, to avoid any other mischief that he might contrive. Therefore, on 9th January 1592, he was delivered to go for England inthe same ship that brought him, being all the time he remained in ourship, well and courteously treated by me, though much against the willof our mariners, who were much disgusted at seeing one who had beennourished and relieved in our country, seeking, by villanous means, toprocure the destruction of us all. 

Although the Spaniards and Portuguese are dissemblers and not to betrusted, yet when they saw how the subjects of Amar Malek befriended andfavoured us, and that it would be prejudicial to their trade if we wereany way injured, they renounced their evil intentions against us, shewing detestation of him who had been the cause of it, and promised todefend us and our affairs in all faithfulness for the future; desiringus, as the negro king had done already, to bring no more Portuguese withus from England, for they esteemed one bar of iron as more valuable thantwenty Portuguese, and more serviceable towards the profitable tradewhich had been of late carried on by us and the French; whereas thePortuguese, whom we were in use to bring with us, endeavoured all theycould to do us injury, and even to hurt all parties concerned in thetrade. 

At the beginning of these broils, Amar Malek had sent his chiefsecretary with three horses for me, Richard Rainolds; but I refusedgoing, on account of the disturbances, though I might have had negroesof condition left as hostages for my safety; yet I transmitted thecustomary presents for the king. When he understood the reason of my notcoming to his residence, he was very sorry and much offended at thecause, and immediately issued a proclamation, commanding that no injuryshould be done to us in his dominions by his own people, neithersuffered to be done by the Spaniards or Portuguese; and declaring, ifany of the neighbouring negro tribes should confederate with theSpaniards and Portuguese to molest us, that he and his subjects shouldbe ready to aid and defend us. Thus there appeared more kindness andgood will towards us in these ignorant negroes, than in the Spaniardsand Portuguese. 

None of the Spaniards or Portuguese are in use to trade up the riverSenegal, except one Portuguese named _Ganigogo_ who dwells far up thatriver, where he has married the daughter of one of the kings. In thetowns of Porto d'Ally and Joala, which are the places of chief trade onthis coast, and at Cauton and Cassan in the river Gambia, there are manySpaniards and Portuguese who have become resident by permission of thenegroes, and carry on a valuable trade all along the coast, especiallyto the Rio San Dominica and Rio Grande, which are not far distant fromthe Gambia, to which places they transport the iron which they purchasefrom us and the French, exchanging it for _negro slaves_, which aretransported to the West Indies in ships that come hither from Spain. Byorder of the governor and renters of the castle of Mina, and of allthose places on the coast of Guinea where gold is to be had, theseresidents have a place limited for them in the river Gambia, beyondwhich they must not go under pain of death and confiscation of theirgoods; as the renters themselves send their own barks at certain timesup the river, to those places where gold is to be had. In all thoseplaces hereabout, where we are in use to trade, the Spaniards andPortuguese have no castle or other place of strength, merely tradingunder the licence and safe conduct of the negroes. Most of the Spaniardsand Portuguese who reside in those parts are banished men or fugitives, who have committed heinous crimes; and their life and conversation isconformable to their conditions, as they are the basest and mostvillainously behaved persons of their nation that are to be met with inany part of the world. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

SOME MISCELLANEOUS EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The present chapter is rather of an anomalous nature, and chieflyconsists of naval expeditions against the Spaniards and Portuguese, scarcely belonging in any respect to our plan of arrangement: yet, ascontained mostly in the ancient English collection of Hakluyt, and inthat by Astley, we have deemed it improper to exclude them from ourpages, where they may be considered in some measure as an episode. Indeed, in every extensively comprehensive plan, some degree of anomalyis unavoidable. The following apology or reason given by the editor ofAstley's collection for inserting them in that valuable work, may serveus likewise on the present occasion; though surely no excuse can beneeded, in a national collection like ours, for recording the exploitsof our unrivalled naval defenders. 

"For want of a continued series of trading voyages to Guinea, we shallhere insert an account of some remarkable achievements by the Englishagainst the Spaniards and Portuguese; who, being greatly alarmed to findout merchants extending their commerce, and trading to those parts ofthe world which they pretended a right of engrossing to themselves, began to treat our ships very severely, wherever they had thesuperiority; and when they wanted force, endeavoured to surprise them bytreachery, never scrupling to violate the most solemn oaths andengagements to compass their designs. For this reason the Englishmerchant ships were obliged to go to sea armed and in company; by whichmeans they not only prevented the outrages of these faithless enemies, but often revenged the injuries done to others of their countrymen. Atlength, the resentment of the nation being inflamed by their repeatedtreacheries and depredations, the English began to send out fleets toannoy their coasts and disturb their navigation. Of these proceedings, we propose to give a few instances in this chapter, which may suffice toshew the noble spirit that prevailed in these early times. "--_Astl_. I. 194. 

SECTION I. 

_Gallant escape of the Primrose from Bilboa in Spain, in 1585_[332]. 

It is not unknown to the world, what dangers our English ships havelately escaped from, how sharply they have been entreated, and howhardly they have been assaulted; insomuch that the valour of those whomanaged and defended them is worthy of being held in remembrance. Wherefore, the courageous attempt and valiant enterprize of the tallship named the Primrose of London, from before the town of Bilboa, inthe province of Biscay in Spain, (which ship the corregidore of thatprovince, accompanied by 97 Spaniards, offered violently to arrest, yetwas defeated of his purpose, and brought prisoner into England, ) havingobtained renown, I have taken in hand to publish the truth thereof, thatit may be generally known to the rest of our English ships; that, by thegood example of this gallant exploit, the rest may be encouraged andincited in like extremity to act in a similar manner, to the glory ofthe realm and their own honour. --_Hakluyt_, II, 597. 

[Footnote 332: Hakluyt, II. 537. Astley, I. 194. ]

 * * * * *

Upon Wednesday the 26th of May 1585, while the ship Primrose of 150 tonswas riding at anchor off the bay of Bilboa, where she had been two days, there came on board a Spanish pinnace, in which were the corregidore andsix others, who seemed to be merchants, bringing cherries with, them, and spoke in a very friendly manner to the master of the ship, whosename was Foster. He received them courteously, giving them the bestcheer he could, with beer, beef, and biscuit. While thus banqueting, four of the seven departed in the pinnace for Bilboa; the other threeremaining, and seeming much pleased with their entertainment. Yet MrFoster was suspicious of some evil designs, and gave secret intimationto his people that he was doubtful of the intentions of these men, butsaid nothing to his guests by which they could any way surmise that hedistrusted them. Soon afterwards there came a shipboat in which wereseventy persons, seemingly merchants and the like of Biscay, and alittle behind came the pinnace in which were twenty-four other persons, as the Spaniards afterwards confessed. On reaching the Primrose, thecorregidore and three or four of his men went on board that ship; but onseeing such a multitude, Mr Foster desired that no more might come onaboard which was agreed to: Yet suddenly all the Spaniards left theirboat and boarded the Primrose, all being armed with rapiers and otherweapons which they had brought secretly in the boat, and had even a drumalong with them to proclaim their expected triumph. 

On getting on board, the Spaniards dispersed themselves over the ship, some below deck, others entering the cabins, while the most partremained in a body as if to guard their prize. Then the corregidore, whohad an officer along with him bearing a white rod in his hand, desiredMr Foster to yield himself as a prisoner to the king of Spain; on whichhe called out to his men that they were betrayed. At this time some ofthe Spaniards threatened Mr Foster with their daggers in a furiousmanner, as if they would have slain him, yet they had no such purpose, meaning only to have taken him and his men prisoners. Mr Foster and hismen were amazed at this sudden assault, and were greatly concerned tothink themselves ready to be put to death; yet some of them, muchconcerned for their own and Mr Fosters danger, and believing themselvesdoomed to death if landed as prisoners, determined either to defendthemselves manfully or to die with arms in their hands, rather than tosubmit to the hands of the tormentors[333]; wherefore they boldly tookto their weapons, some armed with javelins, lances, and boar-spears, andothers with five calivers ready charged, being all the fire-arms theyhad. With these they fired up through the gratings of the hatches at theSpaniards on deck, at which the Spaniards were sore amazed not knowinghow to escape the danger, and fearing the English had more fire-armsthan they actually possessed. Others of the crew laid manfully aboutamong the Spaniards with their lances and boar-spears, disabling two orthree of the Spaniards at every stroke. Then some of the Spaniards urgedMr Foster to command his men to lay down their arms and surrender; buthe told them that the English were so courageous in the defence of theirlives and liberties, that it was not in his power to controul them, foron such an occasion they would slay both them and him. At this time theblood of the Spaniards flowed plentifully about the deck; some beingshot between the legs from below, the bullets came out at theirbreasts; some were cut in the head, others thrust in the body, and manyof them so sore wounded that they rushed faster out at one side of theship than they came in at the other, tumbling fast overboard on bothside with their weapons, some falling into the sea, and others intotheir boats, in which they made all haste on shore. But though they cameto the ship in great numbers, only a small number of them returned, yetit is not known how many of them were slain or drowned. On this occasiononly one Englishman was slain named John Tristram, and six otherswounded; but it was piteous to behold so many Spaniards swimming in thesea, and unable to save their lives, of whom four who had got hold ofsome part of the ship, were rescued from the waves by Mr Foster and hismen, whose bosoms were found stuffed with paper to defend them from theshot, and these four being wounded, were dressed by the English surgeon. One of these was the corregidore himself, who was governor over anhundred cities and towns, his appointments exceeding six hundred poundsa year. This strange incident took place about six o'clock in theevening; after they had landed upwards of twenty tons of goods from thePrimrose, which were delivered at Bilboa by John Barrell and JohnBrodbank, who were made prisoners on shore. 

[Footnote 333: This seems to allude to their fears of the Inquisition, if made prisoners. --E. ]

After this valiant exploit, performed by 28 Englishmen against 97Spaniards, Mr Foster and his men saw that it were vain for them toremain any longer; wherefore they hoisted their sails and came away withthe rest of their goods, and arrived safely by the blessing of God nearLondon, on the 8th June 1585. During their return towards England, thecorregidore and the other Spaniards they had made prisoners offered 500crowns to be set on shore anywhere on the coast of Spain or Portugal;but as Mr Foster would not consent, they were glad to crave mercy andremain on board. On being questioned by Mr Foster as to their reason forendeavouring thus to betray him and his men, the corregidore assured himit was not done of their own accord, but by the command of the king ofSpain; and calling for his hose, which were wet, he took out the royalcommission authorising and commanding him to do what he had attempted, which was to the following purport:

"Licentiate de Escober, my corregidore of my lordship of Biscay. Seeingthat I have caused a great fleet to be equipped in the havens of Lisbonand Seville, that there is required for the soldiers, armour, victuals, and ammunition, and that great store of shipping is wanted for the saidservice: I therefore require you, on sight of this order, that with asmuch secrecy as may be, you take order for arresting all the shippingthat may be found on the coast and in the ports of the said lordship, particularly all such as belong to Holland, Zealand, Esterland, Germany, England, or other provinces and countries that are in rebellion againstme; excepting those of France, which, being small and weak, are thoughtunfit for the present service. And being thus arrested and staid, youshall take special care, that such merchandise as are on board theseships be taken out, and that all the armour, arms, ammunition, tackle, sails, and provisions be bestowed in safe custody, so that none of theships and men may escape, &c. Done at Barcelona, the 29th May 1585. "

In this gallant exploit is to be noted, both the great courage of themaster, and the love of the mariners to save their master; likewise thegreat care of Mr Foster to save as much as he could of the goods of hisowners, although by this conduct he may never more frequent those parts, without losing his own life and those of his people, as they wouldassuredly, if known, subject themselves to the sharp torments of their_Holy house_. As for the king of Spain pretending that the English werein rebellion against him, it is sufficiently well known even tothemselves, with what love, unity, and concord our ships have ever dealtwith them, being always at least as willing to shew pleasure and respectto their king and them, as they have been to deal hospitably by theEnglish. --_Hakl. _

SECTION II. 

_Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, in 1585, to the West Indies_[334]. 

Upon the knowledge of the embargo laid by the king of Spain in 1585, upon the English ships, men, and goods found in his country, having nomeans to relieve her subjects by friendly treaty, her majesty authorisedsuch as had sustained loss by that order of embargo to right themselvesby making reprisals upon the subjects of the king of Spain; for whichshe gave them her letters of reprisal, to take and arrest all ships andmerchandises they might find at sea or elsewhere, belonging to thesubjects of that King. At the same time, to revenge the wrongs offeredto her crown and dignity, and to resist the preparations then makingagainst her by the king of Spain, her majesty equipped a fleet oftwenty-five sail of ships, and employed them under the command of SirFrancis Drake, as the fittest person in her dominions, by reason of hisexperience and success in sundry actions. 

[Footnote 334: Church. Collect. III. 155. ]

It is not my intention to give all the particulars of the voyagestreated of, but merely to enumerate the services performed, and themistakes and oversights committed, as a warning to those who may readthem, to prevent the like errors hereafter. As this voyage of SirFrancis Drake was the first undertaking on either side in this war, forit ensued immediately after the arrest of our ships and goods in Spain, I shall deliver my opinion of it before I proceed any farther. Oneimpediment to the voyage was, that to which the ill success of severalothers that followed was imputed, viz. The want of victuals and othernecessaries fit for so great an expedition; for had not this fleet metwith a ship of Biscay, coming from Newfoundland with fish, whichrelieved their necessities, they had been reduced to great extremity. Inthis expedition Sir Francis Drake sailed in the Elizabeth Bonadventure;captain Frobisher, in the Aid was second in command; and captain Carleewas lieutenant-general of the forces by land, Sir Francis having thesupreme command both as admiral and general. 

The services performed in this expedition were, the taking and sackingof St Domingo in Hispaniola, of Carthagena on the continent of America, and of St Justina in Florida, three towns of great importance in theWest Indies. This fleet was the greatest of any nation, except theSpaniards, that had ever been seen in these seas since their firstdiscovery; and, if the expedition had been as well considered of beforegoing from home, as it was happily performed by the valour of thoseengaged, it had more annoyed the king of Spain than all the otheractions that ensued during that war. But it seems our long peace hadmade us incapable of advice in war; for had we kept and defended thoseplaces when in our possession, and made provision to have relieved themfrom England, we had diverted the war from Europe; for at that timethere was no comparison betwixt the strength of Spain and England bysea, by means whereof we might have better defended these acquisitions, and might more easily have encroached upon the rest of the Indies, thanthe king of Spain could have aided or succoured them. But now we see andfind by experience, that those places which were then weak andunfortified, are since fortified, so that it is to no purpose for us toattempt annoying the king of Spain now in his dominions in the WestIndies. And, though this expedition proved fortunate and victorious, yetas it was father an awakening than a weakening of the king of Spain, ithad been far better wholly let alone, than to have undertaken it on suchslender grounds, and with such inconsiderable forces[335]. 

[Footnote 335: It must be acknowledged that the present section can onlybe considered as a species of introduction or prelude to an intendednarrative of an expedition: Yet such actually is the first article inSir William Monson's celebrated Naval Tracts, as published in theCollection of Churchill; leaving the entire of the narrative an absoluteblank. Nothing could well justify the adoption of this inconclusive andutterly imperfect article, but the celebrity of its author and actor:For Sir William Monson, and the editor of Churchill's Collection, seemto have dosed in giving to the public this _Vox et preterea nihil_. --E. ]

SECTION III. 

_Cruizing Voyage to the Azores by Captain Whiddon, in 1586, written byJohn Evesham_[336]. 

This voyage was performed by two barks or pinnaces, the Serpent of 35tons, and the Mary Sparke of Plymouth of 50 tons, both belonging to SirWalter Raleigh, knight. Leaving Plymouth on the 10th June 1586, wedirected our course in the first place for the coast of Spain, andthence for the islands called the Azores, in which course we captured asmall bark, laden with sumach and other commodities, in which was thePortuguese governor of St Michael's Island, with several otherPortuguese and Spaniards. Sailing thence to the island of Gracioso, westward of Tercera, we descried a sail to which we gave chase, andfound her to be a Spaniard. But at the first, not much respecting whomwe took, so that we might enrich ourselves, which was the object of ourexpedition, and not willing it should be known what we were, wedisplayed a white silk ensign in our maintop, which made them believethat we were of the Spanish navy laying in wait for English cruizers;but when we got within shot, we hauled down our white flag, and hoistedthe St Georges ensign, on which they fled as fast as they were able, butall in vain, as our ships sailed faster than they; wherefore they threwoverboard all their ordnance and shot, with many letters and the chartof the straits of Magellan, which lead into the south sea, immediatelyafter which we took her, finding on board a Spanish gentleman namedPedro Sarmiento, who was governor of the straits of Magellan, whom webrought home to England, and presented to the queen our sovereign. 

[Footnote 336: Hakluyt; II. 606. Astley, I. 196. The command of thisexpedition is attributed by the editor of Astley's Collection to captainWhiddon, on the authority of the concluding sentence. --E. ]

After this, while plying off and on about the islands, we espied anothersail to which we gave chase, during which our admiral sprung hismain-mast; yet in the night our vice-admiral got up with and capturedthe chase, which we found was laden with fish from Cape Blanco on whichwe let her go for want of hands to bring her home. Next day we descriedtwo vessels, one a ship and the other a caravel, to which we gave chase, on which they made with all haste for the island of Gracioso, where theygot to anchor under protection of a fort; as having the wind of us wewere unable to cut them off from the land, or to get up to attack themwith our ships as they lay at anchor. Having a small boat which wecalled a _light horseman_, there went into her myself and four men armedwith calivers, and four others to row, in which we went towards themagainst the wind. On seeing us row towards them, they carried aconsiderable part of their merchandise on shore, and landed all the menof both vessels; and as soon as we got near, they began to fire upon usboth from their cannon and small arms, which we returned as well as wecould. We then boarded one of their ships, in which they had not left asingle man; and having cut her cables and hoisted her sails, we sent heroff with two of our men. The other seven of us then went very near theshore and boarded the caravel, which rode within stones throw of theshore, insomuch that the people on the land threw stones at us; yet inspite of them, we took possession of her, there being only one negro onboard. Having cut her cables and hoisted her sails, she was so becalmedunder the land that we had to tow her off with our boat, the fort stillfiring on us from their cannon, while the people on shore, to the numberof about 150, continually fired at us with muskets and calivers, weanswering them with our five muskets. At this time the shot from mymusket, being a bar-shot, happened to strike the gunner of the fortdead, while he was levelling one of his great guns; and thus we got offfrom them without loss or wound on our part. Having thus taken five[337]sail in all, we did as we had done with the ship with the fish, weturned them off without hurting them, save that we took from one of themher mainmast for our admiral, and sent her away with all our Spanish andPortuguese prisoners, except Pedro Sarmiento, three other principalpersons, and two negroes, leaving them within sight of land, with breadand water sufficient to serve them ten days. 

[Footnote 337: Four only are mentioned in the text; and it appears thatthey only sent away at this time the first taken ship, in which they hadcaptured Sarmiento. --E. ]

We now bent our course for England, taking our departure from off thewestern islands in about the latitude of 41° N. And soon afterwards oneof our men descried a sail from the foretop, then ten sail, and thenfifteen sail. It was now concluded to send off our two prizes, bymanning of which we did not leave above 60 men in our two pinnaces. Whenwe had dispatched them, we made sail towards the fleet we haddiscovered, which we found to consist of 24 sail in all; two of thembeing great caraks, one of 1200 and the other of 1000 tons, and 10galeons, all the rest being small ships and caravels, laden withtreasure, spices, and sugars. In our two small pinnaces we kept companywith this fleet of 24 ships for 32 hours, continually fighting with themand they with us; but the two huge caraks always kept between theirfleet and us, so that we were unable to take any one of them; till atlength, our powder growing short, we were forced to give over, muchagainst our wills, being much bent upon gaining some of them, butnecessity compelling us by want of powder, we left them, without anyloss of our men, which was wonderful, considering the disparity of forceand numbers. 

We now continued our course to Plymouth, where we arrived within sixhours after our prizes, though we sent them away forty hours before webegan our homeward course. We were joyfully received, with the ordnanceof the town, and all the people hailed us with willing hearts, we notsparing our shot in return with what powder we had left. From thence wecarried our prizes to Southampton, where our owner, Sir Walter Raleigh, met us and distributed to us our shares of the prizes. 

Our prizes were laden with sugars, elephants teeth, wax, hides, Brazil-wood, and _cuser?_ as may be made manifest by the testimony ofme, John Evesham, the writer hereof, as likewise of captains Whiddon, Thomas Rainford, Benjamin Wood, William Cooper master, William Cornishmaster, Thomas Drak corporal, John Ladd gunner, William Warefieldgunner, Richard Moon, John Drew, Richard Cooper of Harwich, WilliamBeares of Ratcliff, John Row of Saltash, and many others. 

SECTION IV. 

_Brief relation of notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake in1587_[338]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The title of this article at large in Hakluyt is, A brief relation ofthe notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake, upon the Spanishfleet prepared in the road of Cadiz; and of his destroying 100 sail ofbarks; passing from thence all along the coast of Spain to _Cape Sacre_, where also he took certain forts; and so to the mouth of the river ofLisbon; thence crossing over sea to the isle of St Michael, where hesurprised a mighty carak called the St Philip, coming from the EastIndies, being the first of that kind ever seen in England. 

[Footnote 338: Hakl. II. 607. Astl. I. 197. ]

The editor of Astleys Collection says, that this relation seems to havebeen taken from a letter, written by one who was in the expedition to afriend; and thinks that it is not unlike the manner of Sir WalterRaleigh. --E. 

 * * * * *

Being informed of mighty naval preparations in Spain for the invasion ofEngland, her Majesty queen Elizabeth, by the good advice of her graveand prudent council, thought it expedient to use measures to prevent thesame; for which purpose she caused a fleet of some thirty sail to beequipped, over which she appointed as general Sir Francis Drake, ofwhose many former good services she had sufficient proof. Sheaccordingly caused four ships of her royal navy to be delivered to him, the Bonaventure, in which he went general; the Lion, under the commandof Mr William Borough, comptroller of the navy; the Dreadnought, commanded by Mr Thomas Venner; and the Rainbow, of which Mr HenryBellingham was captain[339]. Besides these four ships, two of hermajestys pinnaces were appointed to serve as tenders or advice boats. Tothis fleet, there were added certain tall ships belonging to the city ofLondon, of whose special good service the general made particularmention, in his letters to the queen. 

[Footnote 339: Sir William Monson in his Naval Tracts, in ChurchillsCollection, III. 156, gives a short account of this expedition. By himthe admiral ship is called the Elizabeth Bonaventure, and Sir WilliamBurroughs is called vice admiral. From a list given by Sir WilliamMonson of the royal navy of England left by queen Elizabeth at herdeath, (Church. Coll. III. 196. ) the Bonaventure appears to have been ofthe burden of 600 tons, carrying 50 pieces of cannon and 250 men, 70 ofwhom were mariners, and the rest landsmen. The Lion and Rainbow of 500tons each, with the same number of guns and men as the Bonaventure. TheDreadnought of 400 tons, 20 guns, 200 men, 50 of them seamen. --E. ]

This fleet sailed from Plymouth Sound, towards the coast of Spain, inApril 1587. The 16th of that month, in latitude of 40° N. We met twoships belonging to Middleburg, in Zealand, coming from Cadiz, by whichwe were acquainted that vast abundance of warlike stores were providedat Cadiz and that neighbourhood, and were ready to be sent to Lisbon. Upon this information, our general made sail with all possibleexpedition thither, to cut off and destroy their said forces andstores, and upon the 19th of April entered with his fleet into theharbour of Cadiz; where at our first entering we were assailed by sixgallies over against the town, but which we soon constrained to retireunder cover of their fortress. There were in the road at our arrivalsixty ships, besides sundry small vessels close under the fortress. Twenty French ships fled immediately to Puerta Real, followed by somesmall Spanish vessels that were able to pass the shoals. At our firstcoming, we sunk a ship belonging to Ragusa of 1000 tons, very richlyladen, which was armed with 40 brass guns. There came two other galliesfrom Port St Mary, and two more from Puerta Real, which shot freely atus, but altogether in vain, so that they were forced to retire wellbeaten for their pains. Before night we had taken 30 of their ships, andwere entire masters of the road in spite of the gallies, which were gladto retire under the protection of the fort. Among the captured ships wasone quite new, of extraordinary size, being above 1200 tons burden, belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, high admiral of Spain. Five wereships of Biscay, four of which were taking in stores and provisionsbelonging to the king of Spain for his great fleet at Lisbon, which weburnt. The fifth was of about 1000 tons, laden with iron spikes, nails, hoops, horse shoes, and other things of a similar kind, for the WestIndies, which we likewise set on fire. We also took a ship of 250 tons, laden with wines on the kings account, which ship we carried with us tosea, when we took out the wines for our own use, and then set her onfire. We took three fliboats of 300 tons each, laden with biscuit, oneof which we set on fire, after taking out half her loading, and took theother two with us to sea. We likewise fired ten ships, which were ladenwith wine, raisins, figs, oil, wheat, and the like. The whole number ofships which we then burnt, sunk, or brought away, amounted to 30 at theleast, and by our estimation to the burden of 10, 000 tons. Besidesthese, there were about 40 ships at Puerta Real, not including thosethat fled from Cadiz. 

We found little ease during our stay in the road of Cadiz, as the enemywere continually firing at us from the gallies, the fortress, and theshore, being continually employed in planting new batteries against usin all convenient situations; besides which, finding they could notdefend their ships any longer, they set them on fire that they mightcome among us, so that at the tide of flood we had much ado to defendourselves: Yet was this a pleasant sight to behold, as we were therebyrelieved from the great labour and fatigue of discharging the provisionsand stores belonging to the enemy into our ships. Thus, by theassistance of the Almighty, and the invincible courage and good conductof our general, this perilous but happy enterprize was achieved in oneday and two nights, to the great astonishment of the king of Spain, andthe so great vexation of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, the high admiral, that he never had a good day after, and in a few months, as may justlybe supposed, he died of extreme grief. Having thus performed thisnotable service, we came out from the road of Cadiz on Friday morning, the 21st of April, having sustained so small loss as is not worthmentioning. 

After our departure, the ten gallies which were in the road of Cadizcame out after us, as if in bravado, playing their ordnance against us. At this time the wind scanted, upon which we cast round again, and madefor the shore, coming to anchor within a league of the town; and there, for all their vapouring, the gallies allowed us to ride in quiet. Havingthus had experience of a galley fight, I can assure you that the fourships of her majesty which we had with us would make no scruple to fightwith twenty gallies, if all alone, and not being occupied in guardingothers. There never were gallies that had better place and opportunityof advantage to fight against ships; yet were they forced to retire fromus while riding at anchor in a narrow gut, which we were obliged tomaintain till we had discharged and fired their ships, which we couldonly do conveniently upon the flood tide, at which time the burningships might drive clear of us. Being thus provisioned for several monthswith bread and wine at the enemies cost, besides what we had broughtwith us from England, our general dispatched captain Crosse to Englandwith his letters, giving him farther in charge to relate all theparticulars of this our first enterprize to her majesty. 

We then shaped our course to Cape Sacre[340], and in our way thither wetook at several times near 100 ships, barks, and caravels, laden withhoops, galley oars, pipe staves, and other stores belonging to the kingof Spain, intended for furthering his preparations against England, allof which we set on fire and destroyed, setting all their men on shore. We also spoiled and destroyed all the fishing boats and netsthereabouts, to their great annoyance, and as we suppose to the entireoverthrow of their rich Tunny fishing for that year. We came at lengthto Cape Sagres, where we landed; and the better to enjoy the harbour atour ease[341], we assailed the castle of Sagres and three other strongholds, some of which we took by storm and others by surrender. Fromthence we came before the harbour of Lisbon or mouth of the Tagus, wherelay the Marquis of Santa Cruz with his fleet of gallies, who seeing uschase his ships on shore, and take and carry away his barks andcaravels, was obliged to allow us to remain quietly at our pleasure, andlikewise to depart, without exchanging a single shot. When our generalsent him word that he was ready to combat with him, the marquis refusedhis challenge, saying that he was not then ready, neither had he anysuch commission from his sovereign. 

[Footnote 340: Cape St Vincent, or rather Punta de Sagres, one of thehead lands of that great promontory. --E. ]

[Footnote 341: Probably the harbour of Figuera in Algarve, a town nearCape Sagres. --E. ]

Thus having his challenge refused by the marquis, and seeing no moregood to be done on the coast of Spain, our general thought it improperto spend any more time there; and therefore with consent of his chiefofficers[342], he shaped his course towards the island of St Michael, within 20 or 30 leagues of which he had the good fortune to fall in witha Portuguese carak, called the San Philippo, being the same ship whichhad carried out to the Indies three Japanese princes who had been inEurope[343]. The carak surrendered without resistance, and being thefirst that had ever been taken on the homeward voyage from India, thePortuguese took it for a bad omen, especially as she had the kings ownname. Our general put all the people belonging to this carak intocertain vessels well provided with provisions, and sent them courteouslyhome to their own country. The riches of this prize seemed so great tothe whole fleet, as in truth they were, that every one expected to havesufficient reward of their labour, and thereupon it was unanimouslyresolved to return to England, which we happily did, and arrived safethe same summer in Plymouth with our whole fleet and this rich booty, toour own profit and due honour, and the great admiration of the wholekingdom. 

[Footnote 342: According to Sir William Monson, Church. Col. III. 156. Sir Francis Drake went upon this expedition to conciliate the merchantadventurers, to whom most of the ships of his squadron belonged. --E. ]

[Footnote 343: Sir William Monson, in the place quoted above, says hehad intelligence of this carak having wintered at Mosambique, and beingnow expected home. --E. ]

It may be here noted, that the taking of this carak wrought twoextraordinary effects in England; as in the first place it taught othersthat caraks were no such bugbears but that they might be easily taken, as has been since experienced in taking the Madre de Dios, and inburning and sinking others; and secondly in acquainting the Englishnation more particularly with the exceeding riches and vast wealth ofthe East Indies, by which themselves and their neighbours of Hollandhave been encouraged, being no less skillful in navigation nor of lesscourage than the Portuguese, to share with them in the rich trade ofIndia, where they are by no means so strong as was formerly supposed. 

SECTION V. 

_Brief account of the Expedition of the Spanish Armada in 1588_[344]. 

Notwithstanding the great hurt and spoil made by Sir Francis Drake inCadiz roads the year before, by intercepting some part of thepreparations intended for the great navy of the king of Spain, he usedhis utmost endeavours to be revenged this year, lest by longer delay hisdesigns might be prevented as before; wherefore he arrested all ships, men, and necessaries that were wanting for his fleet, compelling everyone to serve him in his great expedition. He appointed for general ofthis his so called Invincible Armada, the duke of Medina Sidonia, whowas employed on this occasion more for his high birth and exalted rank, than for any experience in sea affairs; for so many dukes, marquises, and earls had volunteered on this occasion, that it was feared theymight repine if commanded by a person of lower quality than themselves. They departed from Lisbon on the 19th of May 1588, with the greatestpride and glory, and with less doubt of victory than ever had been doneby any nation. But God, angry with their insolence, turned the eventquite contrary to their expectation. 

[Footnote 344: Church. Col. III. 157. ]

The directions given by the king of Spain to his general, the duke ofMedina Sidonia, were to repair, as wind and weather might allow, to theroad of Calais in Picardy, there to wait the arrival of the prince ofParma and his army, and on their meeting they were to open a lettercontaining their farther instructions. He was especially commanded tosail along the coasts of Brittany and Normandy in going up the channel, to avoid being discovered by the English; and, if he even met theEnglish fleet, he was in no case to offer them battle, but only todefend himself in case of attack. On coming athwart the North Cape[345]the duke was assailed with contrary wind and foul weather, by which hewas forced to take shelter in the _Groyne_, or bay of Corunna, wherepart of his fleet waited for him. 

[Footnote 345: Perhaps Cape Ortegal may be here meant, being the mostnorthern head land of Spain, and not far from Corunna, called the Groynein the text. --E. ]

When about to depart from Corunna, the duke got intelligence from anEnglish fisherman, that our fleet had lately been at sea, but had putback again and discharged most of their men, as not expecting theSpanish armada this year. This intelligence occasioned the duke to alterhis resolutions, and to disobey the instructions given him by the king;yet this was not done without some difficulty, as the council wasdivided in opinion, some holding it best to observe the kings commands, while others were anxious not to lose the opportunity of surprising ourfleet at unawares, when they hoped to burn and destroy them. DiegoFlores de Valdes, who commanded the squadron of Andalusia, and on whomthe duke most relied, because of his judgment and experience in maritimeaffairs, was the main cause of persuading to make the attempt upon ourships in harbour, and in that design they directed their course forEngland. 

The first land they fell in with was the Lizard, being the mostsoutherly point of Cornwall, which they mistook for the Ram-head offPlymouth; and as the night was at hand, they tacked out to sea, layingtheir account to make an attempt upon our ships in Plymouth nextmorning. In the mean time, while thus deceived in the land, they werediscovered by captain Fleming, a pirate or freebooter who had beenroving at sea, and who knowing them to be the Spanish fleet, repaired inall haste to Plymouth, and gave notice to our fleet then, riding atanchor, as follows:

THE ENGLISH FLEET[346]. 

 _Ships. Commanders. Tons. Guns. Men. _ The Ark Royal The Lord Admiral 800 32 400 Revenge Sir F. Drake, vice admiral Victory Sir J. Hawkins, rear admiral 800 52 400 Lion Lord Thomas Howard 500 80 250 Bear Lord Sheffield 900 40 500 Elizabeth-Jonas Sir Robert Southwell 900 40 500 Triumph Sir Martin Frobisher 1000 40 500 Hope Captain Crosse 600 30 250 Bonaventure ---- Reyman 600 30 250 Dreadnought ---- George Beeston 400 20 200 Nonparielle ---- Thomas Fenner 500 50 250 Swiftsure ---- William Fenner 400 20 200 Rainbow Lord Henry Seymour Vauntguard Sir William Wentworth Mary-Rose Captain Fenton Antilope Sir Henry Palmer 350 16 160 Foresight Captain Baker 300 16 160 Aid ---- John Wentworth Swallow ---- Richard Hawkins 330 16 160 Tiger ---- William Wentworth 200 12 100 Scout ---- Ashley 120 8 66 Bull Tremontanny 8 70 Acatice 100 8 60 Charles, pinnace Captain Roberts Moon ---- Clifford Spy ---- Bradbury 50 5 40 Noy

[Footnote 346: This list, as given by Sir William Monson in the presentarticle, contains only the names of the ships and commanders; the othercircumstances enumerated, tonnage, guns, and men, are added from a listof the royal navy of England at the death of queen Elizabeth, which willbe given hereafter. --E. ]

Immediately on receiving the intelligence brought by Fleming, the lordadmiral got out his ships to sea with all possible expedition; so thatbefore the Spaniards could draw near Plymouth, they were welcomed at seaby the lord admiral and his fleet, who continued to fight with them tillthey came to anchor at Calais. The particulars of the fight and itssuccess I purposely omit, being things so well known[347]. 

[Footnote 347: This surely is a poor excuse for omitting the gloriousdestruction of the Spanish Armada; yet in a Collection of Voyages, itwere improper to attempt supplying even this great omission, by anycomposition of our own; as it may be found in the historians of thetime. --E. ]

While this great armada was preparing, her majesty had frequent andperfect intelligence of the designs of the Spaniards; and knowing thatthe king of Spain intended to invade England by means of a mighty fleetfrom his own coast, she caused her royal navy to be fitted out under theconduct of the lord high admiral of England, whom she stationed atPlymouth as the fittest place for attending their coming. Knowinghowever, that it was not the Armada alone which could endanger thesafety of England, as it was too weak for any enterprise on land, without the assistance of the Prince of Parma and his army in Flanders, she therefore appointed thirty ships of the Hollanders to lie at anchoroff Dunkirk, where the prince and his army were to have embarked in flatbottomed boats, which were built on purpose and all in readiness for theexpedition to England. Thus by the wise precautions of the queen, theprince was effectually prevented from putting to sea with his flatboats; but in truth neither his vessels nor his army were in readiness, which caused the king of Spain to be jealous of him ever after, and issupposed to have hastened his end. 

Although her majesty had taken the most vigilant precautions to foreseeand prevent all dangers that might threaten from sea, yet did she notdeem herself and country too secure against the enemy by these means, and therefore prepared a royal army to receive them in case of landing. But it was not the will of God that the enemy should set foot onEngland, and the queen became victorious over him at sea with smallhazard, and little bloodshed of her subjects. Having thus shewn thedesigns of the Spaniards, and the course pursued by the queen to preventthem, I propose now to consider the errors committed on both sides[348]. 

[Footnote 348: Our readers are requested to remember that these are thereflections of Sir William Monson, a contemporary. --E. ]

Nothing could appear more rational or more likely to happen, after theDuke of Medina Sidonia had got intelligence of the state of our navy, than a desire to surprise them at unawares in harbour; since he wellknew, if he had taken away or destroyed our strength at sea, that hemight have landed when and where he pleased, which is a great advantageto an invading enemy: Yet, admitting it to have had the effect hedesigned, I see not how he is to be commended for infringing theinstructions he had received from his sovereign. That being the case, it is easy to appreciate what blame he deserved for the breach of hisinstructions, when so ill an event followed from his rashness anddisobedience. It was not his want of experience, or his laying the blameon Valdes, that excused him at his return to Spain, where he certainlyhad been severely punished, had not his wife obtained for him the royalfavour. 

Before the arrival in Spain of the ships that escaped from thecatastrophe of this expedition, it was known there that Diego Flores deValdes had persuaded the duke to infringe the royal instructions. Accordingly, the king had given strict orders in all his ports, whereverValdes might arrive, to apprehend him, which was executed, and he wascarried to the castle of Santander, without being permitted to plead inhis defence, and remained there without being ever seen or heard ofafterwards; as I learned from his page, with whom I afterwardsconversed, we being both prisoners together in the castle of Lisbon. Ifthe directions of the king of Spain had been punctually carried intoexecution, then the armada had kept along the coast of France, and hadarrived in the road of Calais before being discovered by our fleet, which might have greatly endangered the queen and realm, our fleet beingso far off at Plymouth. And, though the Prince of Parma had not beenpresently ready, yet he might have gained sufficient time to get inreadiness, in consequence of our fleet being absent. Although the princewas kept in by the thirty sail of Hollanders, yet a sufficient number ofthe dukes fleet might have been able to drive them from the road ofDunkirk and to have possessed themselves of that anchorage, so as tohave secured the junction of the armada and the land army; after whichit would have been an easy matter for them to have transportedthemselves to England. What would have ensued on their landing may bewell imagined. 

But it was the will of HIM who directs all men and their actions, thatthe fleets should meet, and the enemy be beaten, as they were, anddriven from their anchorage in Calais roads, the Prince of Parmablockaded in the port of Dunkirk, and the armada forced to go aboutScotland and Ireland with great hazard and loss: Which shews how God didmarvellously defend us against the dangerous designs of our enemies. Here was a favourable opportunity offered for us to have followed up thevictory upon them: For, after they were beaten from the road of Calais, and all their hopes and designs frustrated, if we had once more offeredto fight them, it is thought that the duke was determined to surrender, being so persuaded by his confessor. This example, it is very likely, would have been followed by the rest. But this opportunity was lost, notthrough the negligence or backwardness of the lord admiral, but throughthe want of providence in those who had the charge of furnishing andproviding for the fleet: For, at that time of so great advantage, whenthey came to examine into the state of their stores, they found ageneral scarcity of powder and shot, for want of which they were forcedto return home; besides which, the dreadful storms which destroyed somany of the Spanish fleet, made it impossible for our ships to pursuethose of them that remained. Another opportunity was lost, not muchinferior to the other, by not sending part of our fleet to the west ofIreland, where the Spaniards were of necessity to pass, after the manydangers and disasters they had endured. If we had been so happy as tohave followed this course, which was both thought of and discoursed ofat the time, we had been absolutely victorious over this great andformidable armada. For they were reduced to such extremity, that theywould willingly have yielded, as divers of them confessed that wereshipwrecked in Ireland. 

By this we may see how weak and feeble are the designs of men, inrespect of the great Creator; and how indifferently he dealt between thetwo nations, sometimes giving one the advantage sometimes the other; andyet so that he only ordered the battle. 

SECTION VI. 

_Account of the Relief of a part of the Spanish Armada, at Anstruther inScotland, in 1588_[349]. 

However glorious and providential the defeat and destruction of the_Invincible Armada_, it does not belong to the present work to give aminute relation of that great national event. It seems peculiarlynecessary and proper, however, in this work, to give a very curiousunpublished record respecting the miserable fate of the Spanish armada, as written by a contemporary, the Reverend James Melville, minister ofAnstruther, a sea-port town on the Fife, or northern, shore of theFrith of Forth. 

[Footnote 349: From MS. Memoirs of James Melville, a contemporary. ]

James Melville, who was born in 1556, and appears to have been inductedto the living of Anstruther only a short time before the year 1588, lefta MS. History of his own life and times, extending to the year 1601. Ofthis curious unpublished historical document, there are several copiesextant, particularly in the splendid library of the Faculty ofAdvocates, and in that belonging to the Writers to the Signet, both atEdinburgh. The present article is transcribed from a volume of MSSbelonging to a private gentleman, communicated to the editor by a valuedliterary friend. It had formerly belonged to a respectable clergyman ofEdinburgh, and has the following notice of its origin written by theperson to whom it originally belonged. 

"The following History of the Life of James Melville, was transcribedfrom an old MS. Lent to me by Sir William Calderwood of Poltoun, one ofthe Judges of the Courts of Session and Justiciary, who had it amongother papers that belonged to his grand-uncle, Mr David Calderwood, author of Altare Damascenum, History, &c. "

This MS. So far as it contains the Life of James Melville, extends to360 folio pages; of which the present article occupies about threepages, from near the bottom of p. 184. To nearly the same part of p. 187. The orthography seems to have been considerably modernized by thetranscriber, but without changing the antiquated words and modes ofexpression. Such of these as appeared difficult to be understood by ourEnglish readers, are here explained between brackets. --E. 

 * * * * *

That winter, [1587-8] the King [James VI. Of Scotland] was occupied incommenting of the Apocalyps, and in setting out sermons thereupon, against the papists and Spaniards; and yet, by a piece of greatoversight, the papists practiced never more busily in this land, and[nor] made greater preparation for receiving of the Spaniards, nor[than] that year. For a long time, the news of a Spanish navy and armyhad been blazed abroad; and about the lambastyde of the year 1588, thisisland had found a fearful effect thereof, to the utter subversion bothof kirk and policy, if God had not wonderfully watched over the same, and mightily foughen and defeat that army, by his souldiers theelements, which he made all four most fiercely till afflict them, tillalmost utter consumption. Terrible was the fear, peircing were thepreachings, earnest zealous and fervent were the prayers, sounding werethe sighs and sabs, and abounding were the tears, at that fast andgeneral assembly keeped at Edinburgh, when the news were credibly told, sometimes of their landing at Dunbar, sometimes at St Andrews and inTay, and now and then at Aberdeen and Cromerty firth: and, in very deed, as we knew certainly soon after, the Lord of armies, who rides upon thewings of the wind, the Keeper of his own Israel, was in the mean timeconvying that monstrous navy about our coasts, and directing their hulksand galliasses to the islands, rocks and sands, whereupon he haddistinat their wrack and destruction. 

For, within two or three moneths thereafter, early in the morning bybreak of day, one of our baillies[350] came to my bed side, saying, butnot with fray [fear], "I have to tell you news, Sir: There is arrivedwithin our harbour this morning, a shipfull of Spaniards, but not togive mercy; but to ask. " And so shews me that the commander had landed, and he had commanded them to their ship again, and the Spaniards hadhumbly obeyed. He therefore desired me to rise and hear their petitionwith them. Up I got with diligence, and, assembling the honest men ofthe town, came to the tolbooth[351], and after consultation taken tohear them and what answer to make, there presented us a very venerableman of big stature, and grave and stout countenance, grey haired andvery humble like, who, after much and very low courtesie, bowing downwith his face near the ground, and touching my shoe with his hand, beganhis harangue in the Spanish tongue, whereof I understood the substance;and, I being about to answer in Latin, he having only a young man withhim to be his interpreter, [who] began and told over again to us in goodEnglish. 

[Footnote 350: The baillies of towns in Scotland are equivalent toaldermen in England. The author here refers to the town of Anstruther, asea port town of Fife, on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth, ofwhich he was minister. There are two Anstruthers, easter and wester, very near each other, and now separate parishes; but it does not appearto which of these the present historical document refers: Perhaps theywere then one. --E. ]

[Footnote 351: The town-house; but now generally applied to signify theprison, then, and even now, often attached to the town hall. --E. ]

The sum was, That king Philip his master had rigged out a navy and armyto land in England, for just causes to be avenged of many intollerablewrongs which he had received of that nation. But God, for their sins, had been against them, and by storm of weather had driven the navy _by_[past] the coast of England, and him with certain captains, being thegeneral of twenty hulks, upon an isle of Scotland called the Fair isle, where they had made shipwrack, and were, so many as had escaped themerciless seas and rocks, more nor [than] six or seven weeks sufferedgreat hunger and cold, till conducting that bark out of Orkney, theywere come hither as to their special friends and confederates, to kissthe kings majesties hand of Scotland, and herewith he _becked_ [bowed]even to the _yeard_ [ground]; and to find relief and comfort thereby tohimself, these gentlemen, captains, and the poor souldiers, whosecondition was for the present most miserable and pitiful. 

I answered this much in sum, That, howbeit neither our friendship, whichcould not be great, seeing their king and they were friends to thegreatest enemy of Christ, the pope of Rome, and our king and we defiedhim, nor yet their cause against our neighbours and special friends ofEngland, could procure any benefit at our hands for their relief orcomfort; nevertheless they should know by experience that we were men, and so moved by human compassion, and christians of better religion_nor_ [than] they, which should _kythe_ [appear manifest] in the fruitsand effects plain contrary to theirs: For, whereas our people, resortingamong them in peaceable and lawful affairs of merchandise, wereviolently taken and cast in prison, their goods and _gier_ [chattels]confiscate, and their bodies committed to the cruel flaming fire for thecause of religion, they should find nothing amongst us but Christianpity and works of mercy and alms, leaving to God to work in their heartsconcerning religion as it pleased him. This being truly reported againto him by his townsmen, with great reverence he gave thanks and said, "He could not make answer for their _kirk_ [church], and the laws andorder thereof, only for himself, that there were divers Scotsmen whoknew him, and to whom he had shewn courtesy and favour at Calice[352], and as he supposed some of this same town of Anstruther. "

[Footnote 352: _Calice_ in this passage, and _Calais_ in one subsequent, certainly means Cadiz in Spain; which to this day is often called_Cales_ by English mariners. --E. ]

So [I] shewed him that the bailies had granted him licence, with thecaptains, to go to their lodging for their refreshment, but to none oftheir men to land, till the overlord of the town were advertised, andunderstood the kings majesties mind _anent_ [concerning] them. Thus withgreat courtesie he departed. 

That night the _laird_ [lord of the manor] being advertised, came; and, on the morn, with a good number of the gentlemen of the countrey roundabout, gave the said general and the captains _presence_, [audience] andafter the same speeches in effect as before, received them in his house, and suffered the souldiers to come a land and ly altogether to thenumber of thirteen score, for the most part young beardless men, _silly_, [weak] travelled, and hungered; to the which, one day or two_kail pottage_[353] and fish was given; for my advice was conform to theprophet Elizeus [Elisha] his to the king of Israel in Samaria, _Givethem bread and water, &c. _

[Footnote 353: A mess formerly much used in Scotland among the commons, being a kind of soup maigre, composed of _kail_, a species of greens orcoleworts, boiled in water, and thickened with oat-meal, grits, orshelled barley. --E. ]

The names of the commanders were Jan [Juan] Gomes de Medina, general oftwenty hulks, captain Patricio, captain de Lagaretto, captain deLuffera, captain Mauretio, and Seingour Serrano. But verily all thewhile, my heart melted within me for desire of thankfulness to God, whenI remembered the prideful and cruel natural temper of the people, andhow they would have used us, in case they had landed with their forcesamong us, and the wonderful work of Gods mercy and justice in making ussee them, the chief commanders of them, to make such due-gard[submission] and courtesie to poor seamen, and their souldiers, soabjectly, to beg alms at our doors and in our streets. 

In the mean time, they knew not of the wrack of the rest, but supposedthat the rest of the army was safely returned [to Spain, ] till one day Igot in St Andrews, in print, the wrack of the gallies in particular, with the names of the principal men, and how they were used, in Irelandand our Highlands, in Wales and other parts of England. The which, whenI recorded to Jan Gomes, by particular and special names, he cried outfor grief, _bursted and grat_ [burst into tears. ] This Jan Gomes shewedgreat kindness to a ship of our town, which he found arriested at_Calais_[354] at home coming, _rode_[355] to court for her, and madegreat _russe_ [praise] of Scotland to his king, took the honest men tohis house, and inquired for the laird of Anstruther, for the minister, and his host, and sent home many commendations: But we thanked God inour hearts, that we had seen them in that form. 

[Footnote 354: This must signify Cadiz, as mentioned before. --E. ]

[Footnote 355: Perhaps ought to have been _wrote_. --E. ]

SECTION VII. 

_A cruising Voyage to the Azores in 1589, by the Earl ofCumberland_[356]. 

We learn from Hakluyt, II. 647, that this narrative was written by MrEdward Wright, an eminent mathematician and engineer, who was the realauthor of that admirable invention for charts, commonly called_Mercators projection_, but unjustly, as Mr Wright complains in his workentitled _Vulgar Errors_, where he charges Mercator with plagiarism. From the narrative, Mr Wright appears to have been engaged in theexpedition and on board the Victory[357]. 

[Footnote 356: Hakluyt, II. 647. Churchill, III. 161. Astley, I. 206. ]

[Footnote 357: Astley, I. 206. A. ]

 * * * * *

The right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, intending to cruize againstthe enemy, prepared a small fleet of four ships only[358] at his owncharges, one of which was the Victory[359] belonging to the queens royalnavy. The others were the Meg and Margaret, two small ships, one ofwhich was soon obliged to be sent home as unable to endure the sea, besides a small caravel. Having assembled about 400 men, sailors andsoldiers, with several gentlemen volunteers, the earl and they embarkedand set sail from Plymouth Sound on the 28th June 1589, accompanied bythe following captains and gentlemen. Captain Christopher Lister, anofficer of great resolution, Captain Edward Careless, _alias Wright_, who had been captain of the Hope in Sir Francis Drakes expedition tothe West Indies against St Domingo and Carthagena; Captain Boswel, MrMervin, Mr Henry Long, Mr Partridge, Mr Norton; Mr William Monson, afterwards Sir William[360], who was captain of the Meg andvice-admiral, and Mr Pigeon, who was captain of the caravel. 

[Footnote 358: Sir William Monson, in Churchills collection, says therewere _five_ ships; and indeed we find a fifth, called the Saucy Jack, mentioned in the narrative. --E. ]

[Footnote 359: The Victory was of 800 tons, carrying 32 guns and 400men; of whom, according to Sir William Monson, 268 were mariners, and100 sailors, the remaining 32 being probably soldiers, or as we now callthem marines. The distinction between mariners and sailors is notobvious; perhaps what are now called ordinary and able seamen, --E. ]

[Footnote 360: Sir William Monson was author of some curious NavalTracts, giving an account of the Royal Navy of England in the reigns ofQueen Elizabeth and James I. Which are preserved in ChurchillsCollection, Vol. III. Pp. 147--508. --E. ]

About three days after our departure from Plymouth, we met with threeFrench ships, one of which belonged to Newhaven[361], and another to StMaloes; and finding them to be leaguers[362], and therefore lawfulprizes, we took them, and sent two of them home to England with alltheir loading, being mostly fish from Newfoundland, having firstdistributed among our ships as much of the fish as they could findstowage room for; and in the third ship we sent all the prisoners hometo France. On that day and the next we met some other ships, but findingthem belonging to Rotterdam and Embden, bound for Rochelle, we dismissedthem. On the 28th and 29th, we met several of our English shipsreturning from an expedition to Portugal, which we relieved withvictuals. The 13th July, being in sight of the coast of Spain in lat. 39° N. We descried eleven ships, on which we immediately prepared toengage them, sending the Meg commanded by Captain Monson to ascertainwhat and whence they were. On the approach of the Meg some shots wereexchanged, and as their admiral and vice-admiral displayed their flags, we perceived that some fighting was likely to follow. Having thereforeprepared for battle, we made all haste towards them, always taking careto get to windward, and between ten and eleven o'clock A. M. We came upwith them in the Victory, when they all yielded after a slightresistance. The masters all came on board our admiral, and shewed theirseveral passports from Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen, Pomerania, and Calais. They had certain bags of pepper and cinnamon, which they confessed tobelong to a Jew in Lisbon, which they had charge of to deliver to hisfactor in their country; and finding this to be lawful prize by theirown confession, the same was taken and divided among our whole company, the value being estimated at L. 4500, at two shillings the pound[363]. Wedismissed these ships on the 17th of July, but seven of their men, having volunteered as sailors in our fleet, were taken to reinforce ourcrew. After this we held on our course for the Azores or Westernislands. 

[Footnote 361: Probably that port now called Havre de Grace. --E. ]

[Footnote 362: Alluding to the _Catholic League_, then in alliance withSpain, and in rebellious opposition to their lawful sovereign, for thepurpose of excluding the king of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV. From thecrown of France. --E. ]

[Footnote 363: Sir William Monson, who gives a short account of thisexpedition in the Naval Tracts already quoted, says that spices to thevalue of L. 7000 were taken out of these vessels. --E. ]

In the morning of the 1st August we got sight of St Michael, one of theeastermost of the Azores, towards which we made sail all that day; and, putting up a Spanish flag at our maintop that we might not be suspectedfor enemies, we approached at night to the chief town and road of theisland, where we espied three ships and some other vessels at anchor, all of which we determined to take during the darkness of the night. Accordingly about ten or eleven o'clock P. M. Our boats were sent wellmanned to cut their cables and hawsers and tow them out to sea. Oncoming to them, one of the largest of these ships was found to be theFalcon of London, commanded by a Scots pilot who passed her off as hisown. But our men let loose three other smaller ships, which they towedtowards us, most of their men leaping overboard and swimming on shorewith loud outcries, which were answered from the town, which was all inan uproar on hearing what was going forwards. The castle discharged someshots at our boats, but being unable to see them by reason of thedarkness, did us no harm. The Scotsman too, to make the Spaniardsbelieve him their friend, fired a few shots in the air. Shortly after, he and some others came on board our admiral, offering their services. The three ships brought out were laden with wine and sallad oil fromSeville. The same day our caravel chaced a Spanish caravel on shore, which carried letters by which we learnt that the caraks had departedfrom the island of Tercera eight days before. 

The 7th of August we got sight of a small ship which we chased towardsTercera with our pinnace, the weather being calm, and overtook hertowards evening, when we found in her 30 tons of good Madeira wine, besides woollen cloth, silk, taffeta, and other goods. Coming on the14th to the island of Flores, it was determined to take in fresh water, and such fresh provisions as the island afforded; wherefore manning ourboats with about 120 men, we rowed towards the shore, where theinhabitants, who were assembled at the watering-place, hung out a flagof truce, and we did the like. On coming to them, the earl gave them tounderstand, by means of his Portuguese interpreter, that he was a friendto their king Don Antonio, and came not with any intention to injurethem, meaning only to procure water and fresh provisions, by way ofexchange for oil wine and pepper, to which they readily agreed, and sentoff some of their people immediately for beeves and sheep. In themeantime we marched southwards to their town of Santa Cruz, whence allthe inhabitants had fled and carried off every thing of value. Ondemanding the reason of this, they answered it proceeded from fear, andthat they always did so on the appearance of any ships near their coast. That part of the island was mostly composed of large rocky hills andbarren mountains, and was little inhabited, being apt to be molested byships of war; and even Santa Cruz, one of their principal towns, was allin ruins, having been burnt about two years before by some English shipsof war, according to what we were told by the inhabitants. As we wererowing towards the Victory in the evening, a huge fish pursued us fornearly two miles, mostly distant about a spear length from the stern ofthe boat, and sometimes so near as to touch. The tips of his fins at thegills, appearing often above water, were by estimation four or fiveyards asunder, and his jaws gaping a yard and half wide, put us in fearhe might overset our pinnace; but God be thanked, by rowing as hard aswe could, we escaped. 

When we were about the island of Flores, we got notice from a smallvessel called the Drake[364], that the caraks were at Tercera, of whichnews we were very glad, and made sail thither with all the speed wecould. By the way we came to Fayal road on the 27th August after sunset, where we saw some ships at anchor, towards which Captains Lister andMonson were sent in the skiff to see what they were, and lest anymischance should befall our boat, we sent in likewise the Saucy Jack andthe small caravel; but as the wind was off shore, these vessels were notable to set up to where the Spanish ships were anchored. The skiff wenton however, and endeavoured to board a ship of 250 tons, which carried14 pieces of ordnance, and continued fighting with her for an hour, till our other boats came up to the rescue and aid of the skiff. A freshboarding was then attempted, by one boat on the quarter and another onthe bow, when we entered on one side while all the Spaniards leaptoverboard on the other side, except Juan de Palma the captain, and twoor three more. This ship was moored close to the castle, which fired atus all the time; but the only one wounded on the occasion was the masterof our caravel, who had the calf of one of his legs shot away. This shipwas from St Juan de Puerto Rico, laden with sugar ginger and hides. After we had towed her clear of the castle, our boats went in again andbrought out five other small ships; one laden with hides, another withelephants teeth, grains[365], cocoa-nuts, and goats skins, come fromGuinea; another with woad, and two with dog-fish, which two last wereset adrift as of no value, but all the other four were sent for Englandon the 30th of August. At the taking of these prizes there wereconsorted with us some other small men of war, as Master John Davis, with his ship, pinnace, and boat; Captain Markesburie with his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Raleigh; and the bark of Lyme, which also wasconsorted with us before. 

[Footnote 364: Sir William Monson says, from an English man of war. --E. ]

[Footnote 365: Guinea Pepper. --E. ]

The last of August we came in sight of Tercera in the morning, beingabout nine or ten leagues from shore, when we espied a small boat undersail coming towards us, which seemed strange at such a distance fromland and no ship in sight; but on coming near, we found it to containeight Englishmen, who had been prisoners in Tercera, and had committedthemselves to the sea in this open boat in hopes to escape. Theirmainyard consisted of two pipe-staves tied together by the ends, andthey had no other provisions than what they had been able to carry offin their pockets and bosoms. When taken on board the Victory, they gaveus certain assurance that the caraks had left Tercera about a weekbefore. Being thus without any hopes of taking the caraks, it wasresolved to return for Fayal, intending to surprise the town; but tillthe 9th of September, we had either the wind so contrary, or such calmweather, that in all that time we scarcely made nine or ten leagues way, lingering up and down near the island of Pico. 

In the afternoon of the 10th September, we came again to Fayal road;upon which the earl sent Captain Lister, with a person from Graciosawhom Captain Monson had taken some time before, and some others, carrying a message to Fayal. He was met by some of the inhabitants in aboat, who were brought by Captain Lister to my lord, who gave them theirchoice, either to allow him to take possession of the platform or fort, when he and his company would remain quietly there for some space, without injury, till the inhabitants had compounded for the ransom oftheir town; or else to stand the chance of war. With this message theyreturned on shore; but those who had charge of the fort said, that itwas contrary to their allegiance and the oath they had taken to kingPhilip, to deliver up their garrison without endeavouring to defend it. Upon this, the earl gave orders for all the boats of the different shipsto be manned and armed, and he soon afterwards landed with all his menon the sandy beach under the side of a hill, about half a league fromthe fort. Certain troops both horse and foot were seen on the top of thehill, and two other companies appeared to oppose us with displayedensigns, one on the shore in front of the town, which marched towardsour landing place as if they meant to attack us; while the other wasseen in a valley to the south of the fort, as if coming to assist indefending the town; and at the same time, the garrison in the fort firedupon us briskly from their cannon. In spite of all these demonstrationsof resistance, having first marshalled his men in proper order, my lordmarched along the sandy beach towards the fort, passing between the seaand the town for something more than a mile; and as the shore becamerocky, so as to render any farther progress in that direction extremelydifficult, he entered the town, and marched through the streetsunopposed to the fort, these companies of the enemy, that seemed atfirst resolved to resist his progress, being soon dispersed. Those inthe fort likewise fled at our approach, leaving my lord and his men toscale the walls and gain possession, without any resistance. In themeantime the ships continued to batter the town and fort, until they sawthe _red cross_ of England floating from the walls. 

Fayal is the principal town of this island, and is situated directlyover against the high and mighty mountain of _Pico_, towards thenorth-west from that mountain, from which it is divided by a narrow seaor strait, which at that place is some two or three leagues broad, between the islands of Fayal and Pico. This town contained about 300houses, which were handsomely and strongly built of stone and lime, their roofs being double covered with hollow tyles, much like those usedin England, only that they are less at one end than at the other. Almostevery house had a cistern or well in a garden behind, in which likewisethere were vines with ripe grapes, forming pleasant arbours or shadywalks; and in every garden there grew some tobacco, then hardly known, but now commonly used in England, with which the women of the place werethen in use to stain their faces, to make them look young and fresh. Inthese gardens there likewise grew pepper, both Indian and common, fig-trees with fruit both white and red, peach-trees rather of humblegrowth, oranges, lemons, quinces, potatoes, and other fruits and roots. Sweet wood, which I think is cedar, is very common in that island, andis used both for building and fuel. 

Having possessed himself of the town and fort, my lord issued ordersthat none of the soldiers or mariners should enter into any of thehouses for plunder, and was especially careful that none of the churchesor religious houses should suffer injury of any kind, all of which werepreserved from violation by the appointment of guards for theirprotection. But the rest of the town, either from the want of thatprecaution, or owing to the cupidity of our people, was rifled andransacked by the soldiers and mariners, who scarcely left a single houseunsearched, taking out of them every thing that struck their fancy orseemed worth carrying away, such as chests of sweet wood, chairs, clothes, coverlets, hangings, bedding, and the like; besides many of ourpeople ranged the country in search of plunder, where some of them werewounded by the inhabitants. The friery at this place containedFranciscan friars, not one of whom was able to speak pure Latin. It wasbuilt in 1506 by a friar of that order belonging to Angra in the islandof Tercera. The tables in its hall or refectory had seats only on oneside, and was always covered, as if ever ready for feasting. Wecontinued in the town from the Wednesday afternoon, at which time wetook possession, until the Saturday night, when the inhabitants agreedto pay 2000 ducats for its ransom, which was mostly paid in churchplate. In the fort there were 58 pieces of iron ordnance, 23 of which, according to my remembrance, were mounted upon carriages, and placedbetween baricadoes or merlins on a platform by the sea side. Taking awayall the ordnance, we set the platform on fire. On the Sunday following, my lord had invited as many of the inhabitants as chose to dine with himon board the Victory, save only Diego Gomez the governor, who only cameonce to confer about the ransom. Only four came, who were wellentertained, and were afterwards honourably dismissed with the sound ofdrums and trumpets, and a salute from our cannon. To these persons mylord delivered a letter subscribed by himself, requesting all otherEnglishmen to abstain from any farther molestation of the place, saveonly to take such water and provisions as might be necessary. 

The day after we came to Fayal, being the 11th September, two men cameto us from Pico, who had been prisoners in that island; and we also seta prisoner at liberty who had been sent thither from St Jago, beingcousin to a servant of Don Antonio king of Portugal, then residing inEngland. On Monday we sent our boats on shore for fresh water, havingnow abundance running down the hills in consequence of heavy rain thenight before, which otherwise had been hard to be got. Next day we sentagain on shore to complete our stock of water, which was not then soeasily brought off, by reason of a strong gale, which increased so muchin the afternoon that we did not think it safe to ride so near the land, for which reason we weighed anchor, and stood N. W. By W. Along the coastof Fayal. Some of the inhabitants came on board this day, who told usthat the wind usually blew strong at W. S. W. At this time of the year onthis coast. While near St Georges Island we saw a huge fish of a blackcolour right ahead of our ship, a little under water, or rather evenwith its surface, on which the sea broke in such manner that we supposedit a rock; and as we were going directly stem on, we were in great fearfor a time how to avoid the seeming danger, till at length we saw itmove out of our way. 

It lightened much in the night of the 16th September, which was followedby heavy rains and violent gales till the 21st. On the 23d we returnedto Fayal road, to weigh an anchor which we had left in our haste todepart. We went on shore to the town, whence many of the people ranaway, or were preparing to depart with their goods, till assured by mylord that they had nothing to fear, as we only came for fresh water andother necessaries, for all of which they should be paid to theirsatisfaction. We then went quietly about the town, purchasing suchthings as we needed as peaceably as if we had been in England; and thepeople helped us to fill our water casks, for which they received whatsatisfied them. We were forced by a heavy tempest to depart on the 25th, before we had completed our water; and the tempest came on so suddenlythat my lord himself had to raise the people from their beds to weighthe anchors, himself assisting at the capstans, and cheering the menwith wine. Next day, the caravel and the Saucy Jack were sent to theroad of St Michaels to see what was there, and we followed on the 27th, plying to and fro; but by contrary winds on the 28th, 29th, and 30th, wewere driven to leeward, and could not get near the island. The 1stOctober, we sailed along the island of Tercera, and at Cape Brazil, nearAngra, the strongest town of that island, we espied some boats goingtowards the town, which we attempted to intercept; but being near land, they ran on shore and escaped. 

Coming near Graciosa in the afternoon, my lord sent Captain Lister onshore, to inform the islanders that he only wanted water, wine, and somefresh provisions, and would not otherwise trouble them. They sent backword that they could give no positive answer, until the governors of theisland had consulted on the subject, and desired therefore to send foran answer next day. The 2d October, early in the morning, we dispatchedour long-boat and pinnace, with 50 or 60 men, together with the Margaretand Captain Davis in his ship to protect them, as we now wanted ourother consorts; but when our people endeavoured to land, they were firedat by the islanders, who would not permit them to go on shore, severaltroops of armed men being drawn up to oppose us with displayed ensigns. Our boats rowed along shore, seeking some place where they might land, without the enemy having too much advantage, our ships and boats firingall the while upon the islanders. No convenient place being found forlanding, we were under the necessity of retiring without any answer, ashad been promised. After some negociation and delay, they agreed to letus have sixty butts of wine, together with fresh provisions to refreshour men; but declared we could not have water, having little or none forthemselves, except what they had saved in tanks or cisterns, insomuchthat they would rather give us two tons of wine than one of water. Theyrequested that our soldiers might not come on shore, as they wouldthemselves bring all they had promised to the water side; which requestwas granted, one of their messengers remaining on board as an hostagefor the fulfilment of their promise, while the other went ashore withour empty casks and some of our men to assist in filling them andbringing them away, with such other provision as was promised. 

The Margaret, the ship of Captain Davis, and another belonging toWeymouth remained at anchor before the town, to take in our wine andprovisions. This ship of Weymouth came to us only the day before, havingtaken a rich prize said to be worth sixteen thousand pounds, and broughtus news that the West India fleet had not yet gone past, but was shortlyexpected. We put to sea in the Victory, and on Saturday the 4th October, we took a French ship of St Maloes, a city belonging to the league, laden with fish from Newfoundland, which had been forced to cut away hermast in a tempest, and was now bound to Gracioso for repairs. Taking outher principal people, we put some of our own mariners and soldiers onboard, and sent her off for England. At night on the following Sunday, having received all the supplies promised us at Gracioso, we parted fromthe islanders in a friendly manner, and saluted them with our ordnance. 

The three next days we plyed to and fro among these western islands, having very rough weather. On Thursday night, being driven to withinthree or four leagues of Tercera, we saw fifteen sail of the West Indiafleet going into the haven of Angra in that island; but, though we layas close to windward as possible during the four following days, we wereunable to get near them. At this time we lost sight of our French prize, which was not able to lay so close to the wind as our ships, and heardno more of her till our return to England, where she arrived safe. Getting at length on the fifth day near the mouth of Angra harbour, weinclined to have run among the West India fleet, on purpose to have cutout some of them if possible; but this enterprize was deemed toohazardous, considering the strength of the place, as the ships werehauled close to the town on our approach, under protection of the castleof Brazil on one side, having 25 pieces of ordnance, and a fort on theother side with 13 or 14 large brass cannon. Besides which, on nearingthe land, the wind proved too scanty for the attempt. 

On Thursday the 14th October, we sent our boat into the road of Angra totake the soundings, and to endeavour to find some proper place for us toanchor, beyond the shot of the castle and within shot of some of theships, that we might either force them to come out to us or sink themwhere they lay. Our boat found a fit place for us, but the wind wouldnot suffer us to get to it; and besides, if we had anchored there, itwas more likely that they would have run their ships on shore, to savetheir lives and liberties and some of their goods, than have resignedall to us by coming out. We therefore discharged a few guns at them, butour shot fell far short; upon which we departed, as it was not likelythey would come out while we watched before the mouth of the harbour, orremained within sight. We accordingly put to sea, where we cruized forfive days, sending a pinnace to watch them close in shore but out ofsight, to bring us word when they set sail. After some time the pinnacebrought us notice that all the ships had taken down their sails andstruck their top-masts, so that we concluded they would remain till sureof our departure. Wherefore, having heard there were some Scots ships atSt Michael, we sailed thither on the 20th October, and found there oneScots _roader_, and two or three more at Villa-franca, the next road, aleague or two east from St Michaels. From these we received five or sixbutts of wine and some fresh water, but by no means sufficient to serveour wants. The 21st October, we sent our long-boat on shore to procurefresh water at a brook a short way west from Villa-franca; but theinhabitants came down with about 150 armed men, having two ensignsdisplayed, and our boat was forced to return without water, having spentall its powder in vain, and being unable to prevail against such greatodds. 

Learning that the island of St Mary was a place of no great strength, wemade sail for that place, intending to take in water there, and to gothence to the coast of Spain. On the Friday following, my lord sentcaptain Lister and captain Amias Preston, afterwards Sir Amias, with ourlong-boat and pinnace, with between 60 and 70 arquebusiers, carrying afriendly letter to the islanders, desiring leave to procure water, inexchange for which he engaged to do them no harm. Captain Preston hadcome on board the Victory not long before from his own ship, which lostcompany with us in the night, so that he was under the necessity ofremaining with us. We departed from the Victory in our boats about ninein the morning, rowing for the land, and by three in the afternoon hadgot within a league or two of the shore, being then four or five leaguesfrom the Victory, and our men sore spent with hard rowing. At this timewe perceived, to our great joy, two ships at anchor close under thetown; upon which we shifted six or seven of our men into the boatbelonging to captain Davis, being too much crowded, and retaining about20 arquebusiers in the pinnace, we made towards these two ships with allpossible haste. 

While proceeding towards them, we saw several boats passing between the_roaders_[366] and the shore, and many men in their shirts swimming andwading on shore, who, as we afterwards learnt, were endeavouring to getthe ships fast aground; and the inhabitants were at the same time busiedin preparing to defend the ships and themselves against us. On comingnear them, captain Lister commanded the trumpets to be sounded, butprohibited any firing till farther orders; yet some of the people, either not hearing, or disregardful of these orders, began firing assoon as the trumpets sounded, though with small injury to the islanders, who mostly lay under the cover of trenches or other means of defence. Captain Lister then urged on the rowers, who began to shrink at the shotfrom the enemy which flew thick about their ears, and was himself thefirst to board one of the ships which lay farther from shore than theother, while we speedily followed, still plying the enemy with our shot, and having cut her cables and hawsers, we towed her out to sea. In themean time, captain Davis came up in his boat, and boarded the othership, both having been abandoned by their crews; but, as she was quitefast aground, he was under the necessity of quitting her, exposed toshot and stones even from the shore. At this time, the towns-people madean attempt to capture captain Davis and his boats crew, which were butfew in number; but they joined us, and we jointly towed off our prize, which was a ship from Brazil laden with sugar. In this exploit we hadtwo men slain and sixteen wounded, while it is probable that the enemysuffered small loss, as they were mostly sheltered behind stone walls, many of which were built above one another on the end of the hill onwhich the town stands, between two vallies. On the top of the hill theyhad some large cannon, from which they fired leaden bullets, one onlyof which went through the side of our prize, but did no other injury. 

[Footnote 366: This uncommon word seems merely to signify, ships lyingat anchor in an open road. --E. ]

Next day we made another attempt to get fresh water at this island, butas we were ignorant of the landing-place, where we found manyinconveniences and disadvantages, we were unable to effect our purpose. Wherefore we departed on the night of the 25th October for the island ofSt George, in quest of fresh water, and got there on the 27th. Observinga stream of water running down into the sea, the pinnace, and long-boatwere sent under captains Preston and Manson, by whom a letter was sentby my lord to the islanders, desiring leave to take water quietly, andno farther injury should be done them. On getting to the shore, our menfound some of the poor islanders hid among the rocks, being afraid ofus. On the 29th, our boats returned with fresh water, bringing only sixtons to the Victory, alleging they could get no more; thinking, as wasafterwards supposed, as he had only 12 tons of water and wine, that mylord would now return direct for England, as many of our men greatlydesired. My lord, was very unwilling to do this, and meant next day tohave taken in more water, but from the roughness of the sea, and thewind freshening, and owing to the unwillingness of the people, no morewater was procured: yet my lord would not return with so much provisionunspent, especially as the expedition had not hitherto produced suchfruits as might reasonably satisfy himself and others. Wherefore, withconsent of the whole ships companies, it was agreed to go for England byway of the coast of Spain, to endeavour to make more captures, the wholepeople being reduced to half allowance of water, except such as weresick or wounded, who were to have whole allowance. On Saturday, the 31stOctober, as the Margaret was very leaky, she was sent off direct forEngland in charge of the Brazil ship, and in them our sick and woundedmen were sent home; but captain Monson was taken out of the _Megge_ intothe Victory[367]. 

[Footnote 367: In the commencement of this voyage, the Meg and Margaretare named as distinct ships, one of which is said to have been sent homesoon after, as unfit for sea. In this passage the Margaret and Megge areevidently different names for the same ship. --E. ]

We now shaped our course for the coast of Spain, having the wind fairand large, which had seldom been the case hitherto. On the 4th Novemberwe saw a sail right before us, to which we gave chase, and coming upwith her about 3 P. M. We took possession of her, being a ship of about110 tons burden, from _Pernambucke_ or Fernambucco, in Brazil, boundfor Portugal, having on board 410 chests of sugar, and 50 quintals ofBrazil wood, each quintal being 100 pounds weight. We took her in lat. 29° N. About 200 leagues west from Lisbon. Captain Preston was sent onboard the prize, who brought her principal people into the Victory, certain of our seamen and soldiers being appointed to take charge ofher. The Portuguese reported, that they had seen another ship that daybefore them about noon; wherefore, when all things were properlydisposed respecting our prize, we left her under the charge of captainDavis, with whom likewise we left our long-boat, taking his smaller boatwith us, and made all sail due east after this other ship, leavingorders for captain Davis and the prize to follow us due east, and if hehad not sight of us next morning, to bear away direct for England. Nextmorning we could not see the vessel of which we were in chase, neitherwas the prize or the ship of captain Davis to be seen. 

On the 6th November, being then in lat. 38° 30' N. And about 60 leagueswest from Lisbon, captain Preston descried a sail early in the morningtwo or three leagues a-head of us, which we came up with about 8 or 9o'clock A. M. She was lastly from St Michaels, but originally from Brazilladen with sugar. While employed shifting the prisoners into theVictory, one of our men in the main-top espied another sail some threeor four leagues a-head, on which we immediately sent back our boat withmen to take charge of the prize, and made all sail in chase, so that weovertook the other ship about 2 P. M. She made some preparation to resistus, hanging many hides all round her sides, so that musquetry could nothave injured her; but by the time we had fired two cannon shot at her, she lowered her sails and surrendered. She was of between 300 and 400tons, bound from Mexico and St John de Lowe, (San Juan de Ulloa) hercargo consisting of 700 dry hides; worth 10s. Apiece, six chests ofcochineal, every chest holding 100 pounds weight, and every pound worthL. 1, 6s. 8d. , besides which she had several chests of sugar, somepackages of China ware, with some wrought plate and silver in coin. Thecaptain was an Italian, a grave, wise, and civil person, who had to thevalue of 25, 000 ducats adventure in this ship. He and some of theprincipal Spanish prisoners were taken on board the Victory; and captainLister was sent into the prize, with some 20 of our best mariners, soldiers, and sailors. In the meantime our other prize came up with us, and having now our hands full, we joyfully shaped our course forEngland, as we had so many Portuguese, Spanish, and French prisoners, that we could not well have manned any more prizes with safety toourselves. Wherefore, about 6 P. M. When our other prize came up, we madesail for England. But as our two prizes were unable to keep up with uswithout sparing them many of our own sails, our ship rolled and wallowedso that it was both exceedingly troublesome, and put our main-mast ingreat danger of being carried away. Having accordingly acquainted themwith these circumstances, and taken back our sails, we directed them tokeep their course following us, so as to make for Portsmouth. 

We took this last prize in lat. 39° N. About 46 leagues west from theRock of Lisbon. She was one of the 16 ships we saw going into theharbour of Angra in the island of Tercera on the 8th October. Some ofthe prisoners taken from this ship told us, that while we were plyingoff and on before that harbour in waiting for their coming out, three ofthe largest of these ships were unloaded of all their treasure andmerchandize, by order of the governor of Tercera, and were each mannedwith 300 soldiers, on purpose to have come out and boarded the Victory;but by the time these preparations were made, the Victory was gone outof sight. 

We now went merrily before the wind with all the sails we could carry, insomuch that between the noons of Friday and Saturday, or in 24 hours, we sailed near 47 leagues, or 141 English miles, although our ship wasvery foul, and much grown with sea grass, owing to our having been longat sea. This quick sailing made some of our company expect to be presentat the tilting on the queens birth-day at Whitehall, while others wereflattering themselves with keeping a jolly Christmas in England fromtheir shares in the prizes. But it was our lot to keep a cold Christmaswith the Bishop and his Clerks, rocks to the westwards of Scilly; forsoon after the wind came about to the east, the very worst wind for uswhich could blow from the heavens, so that we could not fetch any partof England. Upon this our allowance of drink, before sufficientlyscanty, was now still farther curtailed, owing to the scarcity in ourship, each man being confined to half a pint of cold water at a meal, and that not sweet. Yet this was an ample allowance in comparison, asour half pint was soon reduced to a quarter, and even at this reducedrate our store was rapidly disappearing, insomuch that it was deemednecessary for our preservation to put into some port in Ireland toprocure water. We accordingly endeavoured to do this, being obliged, when near that coast, to lie to all night, waiting for day light; butwhen it appeared we had drifted so far to leeward in the night that wecould fetch no part of Ireland, we were therefore constrained to returnagain, with heavy hearts, and to wait in anxious expectation till itshould please God to send us a fair wind either for England or Ireland. 

In the mean time we were allowed for each man two or three spoonfuls ofvinegar at each meal, having now no other drink, except that for two orthree meals we had about as much wine, which was wrung out of theremaining lees. Under this hard fare we continued near a fortnight, being only able to eat a very little in all that time, by reason of ourgreat want of drink. Saving that now and then we enjoyed as it were afeast, when rain or hail chanced to fall, on which occasions we gatheredup the hail-stones with the most anxious care, devouring them moreeagerly than if they had been the finest comfits. The rain-drops alsowere caught and saved with the utmost careful attention; for whichpurpose some hung up sheets tied by the four corners, having a weight inthe middle, to make the rain run down there as in a funnel into somevessel placed underneath. Those who had no sheets hung up napkins orother clouts, which when thoroughly wet they wrung or sucked to get thewater they had imbibed. Even the water which fell on the deck underfoot, and washed away the filth and soil of the ship, though as dirty asthe kennel is in towns during rain, was carefully watched and collectedat every scupper-hole, nay, often with strife and contention, and caughtin dishes, pots, cans, and jars, of which some drank hearty draughts, mud and all, without waiting for its settlement or cleansing. Otherscleaned it by filtrating, but it went through so slowly that they couldill endure to wait so long, and were loath to lose so much preciousliquid. Some licked the water like dogs with their tongues from thedecks, sides, rails, and masts of the ship. Others, that were moreingenious, fastened girdles or ropes about the masts, daubing tallowbetween these and the mast, that the rain might not run down between;and making one part of these girdles lower than the rest, fixed spoutsof leather at these lower parts, that the rain running down the mastsmight meet and be received at these spouts. He who was fortunate enoughto procure a can of water by these means, was sued to, and envied as arich man. 

 _Quem pulchrum digito monstrari, et dicere hic est_. 

Some of the poor Spaniards who were prisoners, though having the sameallowance with our own men, often begged us for the love of God to givethem as much water as they could hold in the hollow of their hands: And, notwithstanding our own great extremity, they were given it, to teachthem some humanity, instead of their accustomed barbarity both to us andother nations. Some put leaden bullets into their months, to slack theirthirst by chewing them. In every corner of the ship, the miserable criesof the sick and wounded were sounding lamentably in our ears, pitifullycrying out and lamenting for want of drink, being ready to die, yea manydying for lack thereof. Insomuch, that by this great extremity we lostmany more men than in all the voyage before; as before this, we were sowell and amply provided for, that we lived as well and were as healthyas if we had been in England, very few dying among us; whereas now, someof our men were thrown overboard every day. 

The 2d of December 1589 was with us a day of festival, as it then rainedheartily, and we saved some considerable store of water, though we werewell wet for it, and that at midnight, and had our skins filled with itbesides. This went down merrily, although it was bitter and dirty, withwashing the ship, but we sweetened it with sugar, and were happy to haveour fill. Besides our other extremities, we were so tossed and turmoiledwith stormy and tempestuous weather, that every man had to hold fast hiscan or dish, and to fasten himself by the ropes, rails, or sides of theship, to prevent falling on the deck. Our main-sail was torn from theyard, and blown away into the sea; and our other sails so rent and tornthat hardly any of them remained serviceable. The raging waves andfoaming surges of the sea came rolling upon us in successive mountains, breaking through the waste of the ship like a mighty river; although infine weather our deck was near twenty feet above water. So that we wereready to cry out, with the royal prophet, Psalm 107, verses 26 and 27. "They mount up to heaven, and go down again to the depths: Their soul ismelted because of trouble. They reel to and fro, and stagger like adrunken man, and are at their wits end. " In this extremity of foulweather, the ship was so tossed and shaken, that, by its creaking noise, and the leaking which was now more than ordinary, we were in great fearthat it would have shaken asunder, and had just cause to pray, a littleotherwise than the poet, though marring the verse, yet mending themeaning:

 Deus maris et caeli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt; Solvere quassatae parcito membra ratis. 

Yet it pleased God of his infinite goodness to deliver us out of thisdanger. We made a new main-sail, which we fastened to the yard, andrepaired our other damages as well as we could. This was hardly donewhen we were reduced to as great extremity as before, so that we hadalmost lost our new main-sail, had not William Antony, the master of ourship, when no one else would venture for fear of being washed overboard, by crawling along the main-yard, then lowered close down upon the rails, and with great danger of drowning, gathered it up out of the sea andfastened it to the yard; being in the mean time often ducked overheadand ears in the sea. So terrible were these storms, that some of ourcompany, who had used the sea for twenty years, had never seen the like, and vowed, if ever they got safe to land, that they would never go tosea again. 

At night on the last day of November, we met with an English ship, andbecause it was too late that night, it was agreed that they were to giveus two or three tons of wine next morning, being, as they said, all theprovision of drink they had, save only a butt or two which they mustreserve for their own use: But, after all, we heard no more of them tillthey were set on ground on the coast of Ireland, where it appeared theymight have spared us much more than they pretended, as they could verywell have relieved our necessities, and had sufficient for themselvesremaining to bring them to England. The first of December we spoke withanother English ship, and had some beer out of her for our urgentnecessities, but not sufficient to carry us to England, wherefore wewere constrained to put into Ireland, the wind so serving. Next day wecame to an anchor under the land, not far from the S. Kelmes, under theland and wind, where we were somewhat more quiet. But as that was not asafe place to ride in, we endeavoured next morning to weigh our anchor, when having some of our men hurt at the capstan, we were forced to leaveit behind, holding on our course for Ventrie Haven, [Bantry Bay?] wherewe safely arrived the same day, and found that place a safe andconvenient harbour for us, so that we had just cause to sing with thePsalmist, _They that go down to the sea in ships_, &c. 

As soon as we had anchored, my lord went forthwith on shore, andpresently after brought off fresh provisions and water; such as sheep, pigs, fowls, &c. To refresh his ships company, though he had lately beenvery weak himself, and had suffered the same extremity with the rest:For, in the time of our former want, having only a little waterremaining by him in a pot, it was broken in the night and all the waterlost. The sick and wounded were soon afterwards landed and carried tothe principal town, called _Dingenacush_[368], about three miles distantfrom the haven, and at which place our surgeons attended them daily. Here we well refreshed ourselves, while the Irish harp sounded sweetlyin our ears, and here we, who in our former extremity were in a mannerhalf dead, had our lives as it were restored. 

[Footnote 368: Called otherwise Dingle Icouch by the editor of Astleyscollection. --E. ]

This Dingenacush is the chief town in all that part of Ireland, consisting but of one street, whence some smaller ones proceed on eitherside. It had gates, as it seemed, in former times at either end, to shutand open as a town of war, and a castle also. The houses are verystrongly built, having thick stone walls and narrow windows, being used, as they told us, as so many castles in time of troubles, among the wildIrish or otherwise. The castle and all the houses in the town, exceptfour, were taken and destroyed by the Earl of Desmond; these four beingheld out against him and all his power, so that he could not win them. There still remains a thick stone wall, across the middle of the street, which was part of their fortification. Some of the older inhabitantsinformed us, that they were driven to great extremities during theirdefence, like the Jews of old when besieged by the Roman emperor Titus, insomuch that they were constrained by hunger to feed on the carcassesof the dead. Though somewhat repaired, it still remains only the ruinsof their former town. Except in the houses of the better sort, they haveno chimnies, so that we were very much incommoded by the smoke duringour stay at that place. Their fuel is turf, which they have very good, together with whins or furze. As there grows little wood hereabout, building is very expensive; as also they are in want of lime, which theyhave to bring from a far distance. But they have abundance of stone, thewhole country appearing entirely composed of rocks and stones, so thatthey commonly make their hedges of stone, by which each mans ground isparted from his neighbour. Yet their country is very fruitful, andabounds in grass and grain, as appears by the abundance of cattle andsheep; insomuch that we had very good sheep, though smaller than thoseof England, for two shillings, or five groats a-piece, and good pigs andhens for threepence each. 

The greatest want is of industrious and husbandly inhabitants, to tilland improve the ground; for the common sort, if they can only providesufficient to serve them from hand to mouth, take no farther care. Goodland was to be had here for fourpence an acre of yearly rent. They hadvery small store of money among them, for which reason, perhaps, theydoubled and trebled the prices of every thing we bought, in proportionto what they had been before our arrival. They have mines of alum, tin, brass, and iron; and we saw certain natural stones, as clear as crystal, and naturally squared like diamonds. That part of the country is full ofgreat mountains and hills, whence run many pleasant streams of finewater. The native hardiness of the Irish nation may be conceived fromthis, that their young children, even in the midst of winter, run aboutthe streets with bare legs and feet, and often having no other apparelthan a scanty mantle to cover their nakedness. The chief officer oftheir town is called the sovereign, who hath the same office andauthority among them with our mayors in England, having his Serjeants toattend upon him, and a mace carried before mm as they have. We werefirst entertained at the sovereigns house, which was one of the fourthat withstood the Earl of Desmond in his rebellion. 

They have the same form of common prayer, word for word, that we have, only that it is in Latin. On Sunday, the sovereign goeth to churchhaving his Serjeant before him, and accompanied by the sheriff andothers of the town. They there kneel down, every one making his prayersprivately by himself. They then rise up and go out of the church againto drink. After this, they return again to church, and the ministermakes prayers. Their manner of baptising differs somewhat from ours, part of the service belonging to it being in Latin and part in Irish. The minister takes the child on his hands, dipping it first backwardsand then forwards, over head and ears into the cold water even in themidst of winter. By this the natural hardiness of the people may appear, as before specified. They had neither bell, drums, nor trumpet, to callthe parishioners together, but wait for the coming of the sovereign, when those that have devotion follow him. Their bread is all baked incakes, and the bakers bake for all the town, receiving a tenth part fortheir trouble. We had of them some ten or eleven tons of beer for theVictory; but it acted as a severe purge upon all who drank it, so thatwe chose rather to drink water. 

Having provided ourselves with fresh water, we set sail from thence onthe 20th December, accompanied by Sir Edward Dennie and his lady, withtwo young sons. In the morning of that day, my lord went on shore tohasten the dispatch of some fresh water for the Victory, and brought usnews that sixty Spanish prizes were taken and brought to England. Fortwo or three days after we sailed, we had a fair wind; but it afterwardsscanted, so that we were fain to keep a cold Christmas with the bishopand his clerks, as I said before. After this, meeting with an Englishship, we received the joyful news that ninety-one Spanish prizes werecome to England; and along with that, the sorrowful intelligence thatour last and best prize was cast away on the coast of Cornwal, at aplace the Cornish men call _Als-efferne_, that is Hell-cliff, whereCaptain Lister and all the people were drowned, except five or six, halfEnglish and half Spaniards, who saved their lives by swimming. Yet muchof the goods were saved and preserved for us, by Sir Francis Godolphinand other worshipful gentlemen of the country. My lord was very sorryfor the death of Captain Lister, saying that he would willingly havelost all the fruits of the voyage to have saved his life. 

The 29th December we met another ship, from which we learned that SirMartin Frobisher and Captain Reymond had taken the admiral andvice-admiral of the fleet we had seen going into the haven of Tercera;but that the admiral had sunk, in consequence of much leaking, near theEddystone, a rock over against Plymouth sound, all the people howeverbeing saved. We were likewise informed by this ship, that CaptainPreston had captured a ship laden with silver. My lord took his passagein this last ship to land at Falmouth, while we held on our course forPlymouth. 

Towards night we came near the Ram-head, the next cape westwards fromPlymouth sound, but we feared to double it in the night, by reason ofthe scantness of the wind: so we stood out to seawards for half thenight, and towards morning had the wind more large. But we made toolittle to spare thereof; partly for which reasons and partly mistakingthe land, we fell so much to leeward that we could not double the cape. For this reason we turned back again and got into Falmouth haven, wherewe grounded in 17 feet water; but as it was low ebb, the sea ready againto flow, and the ground soft, we received no harm. Here we gladly setour feet again on the long desired English ground, and refreshedourselves by keeping part of Christmas on our native soil. 

SECTION VIII. 

_Valiant Sea Fight, by Ten Merchant Ships of London against TwelveSpanish Gallies in the Straits of Gibraltar, on the 24th April_1590[369]. 

In 1590, sundry ships belonging to the merchants of London, somefreighted for Venice, some for Constantinople, and some to divers otherparts, met on their homeward course within the Straits of Gibraltar, having escaped all danger hitherto. The first of these was the Salomon, belonging to Mr Alexander Barnam of London, and Messrs Bond and Tweed ofHarwich, which had sailed on the first of February last. The second wasthe Margaret and John, belonging to Mr Wats of London. The third was theMinion; the fourth the Ascension; the fifth the Centurion, belonging toMr Cordal; the sixth the Violet; the seventh the Samuel; the eighth theCrescent; the ninth the Elizabeth; the tenth the Richard belonging to MrDuffield. All these ships, being of notable and approved service, andcoming near the mouth of the Straits hard by the coast of Barbary, theydescried twelve tall gallies bravely furnished, and strongly providedwith men and ammunition of war, ready to intercept and seize them. Being perceived by our captains and masters, we made speedy preparationfor our defence, waiting the whole night for the approach of the enemy. 

[Footnote 369: Hakluyt, II. 660. ]

Next morning early, being Tuesday in Easter week, the 24th of April1590, we had service according to our usual custom, praying to AlmightyGod to save us from the hands of the tyrannous Spaniards, whom we justlyimagined and had always found to be our most mortal enemies on the sea. Having finished our prayers, and set ourselves in readiness, weperceived them coming towards us, and knew them indeed to be the Spanishgallies, commanded by Andrea Doria, viceroy for the king of Spain in theStraits of Gibraltar, and a notable enemy to all Englishmen. When theycame near us, they _waved us amain_ for the king of Spain, and in returnwe waved them amain for the Queen of England[370]; at which time itpleased the Almighty so to encourage our hearts, that the nearer theycame we the less feared their great strength and huge number of men;they having to the amount of two or three hundred in each galley. It wasconcluded among us, that our four largest and tallest ships should beplaced in the rear, the weaker and smaller ships going foremost; and soit was performed, every one of us being ready to take part in suchsuccesses as it should please God to send. 

[Footnote 370: This waving amain seems to have been some salutation ofdefiance, then usual at sea. --E. ]

The gallies came upon us very fiercely at the first encounter, yet Godso strengthened us that, even if they had been ten times more, we hadnot feared them at all. The Salomon, being a hot ship with sundry castpieces in her, gave the first shot in so effectual a manner on theirheadmost galley, that it shared away so many of the men that sat on oneside of her, and pierced her through and through, insomuch that she wasready to sink: Yet they assaulted us the more fiercely. Then the rest ofour ships, especially the four chiefest, the Salomon, Margaret and John, Minion, and the Ascension, gave a hot charge upon them, and they on us, commencing a hot and fierce battle with great valour on both sides, which continued for the space of six hours. About the commencement ofthis fight, our fleet was joined by two Flemish vessels. Seeing thegreat force of the gallies, one of these presently struck his sails andyielded to the enemy; whereas, had they exerted themselves on our sideand in their own defence, they needed not to have been taken in thiscowardly manner. The other was ready also to have yielded immediately, and began to lower his sails: But the trumpeter of that ship drew hisfaulcion, and stepping up to the pilot at the helm, vowed that he wouldput him instantly to death, if he did not join and take part with theEnglish fleet: This he did, for fear of death, and by that means theywere defended from the tyranny which they had otherwise assuredly foundamong the Spaniards. 

When we had continued the fight somewhat more than six hours, God gaveus the upper hand, so that we escaped the hands of so many enemies, whowere constrained to flee into harbour to shelter themselves from us. This was the manifest work of God, who defended us in such sort from alldanger, that not one man of us was slain in all this long and fierceassault, sustaining no other damage or hurt than this, that the shroudsand back-stays of the Salomon, which gave the first and last shot, andsore galled the enemy during the whole battle, were clean shot away. When the battle ceased, we were constrained for lack of wind to stay andwaft up and down, and then went back again to _Tition_ [Tetuan] inBarbary, six leagues from Gibraltar, where we found the peoplewondrously favourable to us; who, being but Moors and heathen people, shewed us where to find fresh water and all other necessaries. In short, we had there as good entertainment as if we had been in any place inEngland. The governor favoured us greatly, to whom we in returnpresented such gifts and commodities as we had, which he accepted ofvery graciously: And here we staid four days. 

After the cessation of the battle, which was on Easter Tuesday, weremained for want of wind before Gibraltar till the next morning, beingall that time becalmed, and therefore expected every hour that theywould have sent out a fresh force against us: But they were in nocondition to do so, all their gallies being so sore battered that theydurst not come out of harbour, though greatly urged thereunto by thegovernor of that town; but they had already met with so stoutresistance, that they could not be prevailed on to renew the fight. 

While we were at Tetuan, we received a report of the hurt we had donethe gallies; as we could not well discern any thing during the fight, on account of the great smoke. We there heard that we had almost spoiledthose twelve gallies, which we had shot clean through, so that two ofthem were on the point of sinking; and we had slain so many of theirmen, that they were not able to fit out their gallies any more all thatyear. After going to Tetuan, we attempted three several times to passthe straits, but could not: Yet, with the blessing of God, we camesafely through on the fourth attempt; and so continued on our voyagewith a pleasant breeze all the way to the coast of England, where wearrived on the beginning of July 1590. 

SECTION IX. 

_A valiant sea fight in the Straits of Gibraltar, in April_ 1591, _bythe Centurion of London, against five Spanish gallies_. 

In the month of November 1590, sundry ships belonging to differentmerchants of London sailed with merchandise for various ports within theStraits of Gibraltar; all of which, having fair wind and weather, arrived safe at their destined ports. Among these was the Centurion ofLondon, a very tall ship of large burden, yet but weakly manned, asappears by the following narrative. 

The Centurion arrived safe at Marseilles, on her outward bound voyage, where, after delivering her goods, she remained better than five weeks, taking in lading, and then intended to return to England. When she wasready to come away from Marseilles, there were sundry other ships ofsmaller burden at that place, the masters of which intreated RobertBradshaw of Limehouse, the master of the Centurion, to stay a day or twofor them till they could get in readiness to depart, saying that it werefar better for them all to go in company for mutual support and defence, than singly to run the hazard of falling into the hands of the Spanishgallies in the Straits. On which reasonable persuasion, although theCenturion was of such sufficiency as might have been reasonably hazardedalone, yet she staid for the smaller ships, and set out along with themfrom Marseilles, all engaging mutually to stand by each other, if theychanced to fall in with any of the Spanish gallies. 

Thus sailing altogether along the coast of Spain, they were suddenlybecalmed upon Easter-day in the Straits of Gibraltar, where theyimmediately saw several gallies making towards them in a very gallantand courageous manner. The chief leaders and soldiers in these gallies, were bravely apparelled in silken coats, with silver whistles dependingfrom their necks, and fine plumes of feathers in their hats. Coming oncourageously, they shot very fast from their calivers upon theCenturion, which they boarded somewhat before ten o'clock A. M. But theCenturion was prepared for their reception, and meant to give them assour a welcome as they could; and having prepared their close quarterswith all other things in readiness, called on God for aid, and cheeredone another to fight to the last. The Centurion discharged her greatordnance upon the gallies, but the little ships her consorts durst notcome forward to her aid, but lay aloof, while five of the gallies laidon board the Centurion, to whom they made themselves fast with theirgrappling irons, two on one side and two on the other, while the admiralgalley lay across her stern. In this guise the Centurion was sore galledand battered, her main-mast greatly wounded, all her sails filled withshot holes, and her mizen mast and stern rendered almost unserviceable. During this sore and deadly fight, the trumpeter of the Centurioncontinually sounded forth the animating points of war, encouraging themen to fight gallantly against their enemies; while in the Spanishgallies there was no warlike music, save the silver whistles, which wereblown ever and anon. In this sore fight, many a Spaniard was thrown intothe sea, while multitudes of them came crawling up the ships sides, hanging by every rope, and endeavouring to enter in: Yet as fast as theycame to enter, so courageously were they received by the English, thatmany of them were fain to tumble alive into the sea, remediless of evergetting out alive. There were in the Centurion 48 men and boys in all, who bestirred themselves so valiantly and so galled the enemy, that manya brave and lusty Spaniard lost his life. The Centurion was set on firefive several times, with wild-fire and other combustibles thrown in forthat purpose by the Spaniards; yet by the blessing of God, and the greatand diligent foresight of the master, the fire was always extinguishedwithout doing any harm. 

In every one of these five gallies there were about 200 soldiers; who, together with the great guns, spoiled, rent, and battered the Centurionvery sorely; shot her mainmast through, and slew four of her men, one ofwhom was the masters mate. Ten other persons were hurt by splinters. Butin the end, the Spaniards had almost spent their shot, so that they wereobliged to load with hammers and the chains of their galley-slaves, yet, God be praised, the English received no more harm. At length, soregalled and worn out, the Spaniards were constrained to unfasten theirgrapplings and sheer off; at which time, if there had been any freshship to aid and succour the Centurion, they had certainly sunk or takenall those gallies. The Dolphin lay aloof and durst not come near, whilethe other two small ships fled away. One of the gallies from theCenturion set upon the Dolphin; which ship went immediately on fire, occasioned by her own powder, so that the ship perished with all hermen: But whether this was done intentionally or not, was never known. Surely, if she had come bravely forward in aid of the Centurion, she hadnot perished. 

This fight continued five hours and a half, at the end of which timeboth parties were glad to draw off and breathe themselves; but theSpaniards, once gone, durst not renew the fight. Next day, indeed, sixother gallies came out and looked at the Centurion, but durst on noaccount meddle with her. Thus delivered by the Almighty from the handsof their enemies, they gave God thanks for the victory, and arrived notlong after safe at London. Mr John Hawes merchant, and sundry others ofgood note were present in this fight. 

SECTION X. 

_Sea-fight near the Azores, between the Revenge man of war, commanded bySir Richard Granville, and fifteen Spanish men of war_, 31_st August_1591. _Written by Sir Walter Raleigh_[371]. 

PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE[372]. 

Because the rumours are diversely spread, as well in England as in theLow Countries and elsewhere, of this late encounter between her majestysships and the armada of Spain; and that the Spaniards, according totheir usual manner, fill the world with their vain-glorious vaunts, making great shew of victories, when on the contrary themselves are mostcommonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured, thereby hoping topossess the ignorant multitude by anticipating and forerunning falsereports: It is agreeable with all good reason, for manifestation of thetruth, to overcome falsehood and untruth, that the beginning, continuance, and success of this late honourable encounter by SirRichard Grenville, and others her majestys captains, with thearmada[373] of Spain, should be truly set down and published, withoutpartiality or false imaginations. And it is no marvel that the Spaniardsshould seek, by false and slanderous pamphlets, _advisos_, and letters, to cover their own loss, and to derogate from others their due honours, especially in this fight being far off; seeing they were not ashamed, inthe year 1588, when they purposed the invasion of this land, to publishin sundry languages in print, great victories in words, which theypretended to have obtained against this realm, and spread the same in amost false sort over all parts of France, Italy, and other countries. When, shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to allnations, how their navy, which they termed _invincible_, consisting of140 sail of ships, not only of their own kingdom, but strengthened withthe greatest argosies, Portugal caraks, Florentines, and huge hulks ofother countries, were by 80 of her majestys own ships of war, and a fewbelonging to our own merchants, by the wise, valiant, and advantageousconduct of the lord Charles Howard, high admiral of England, beaten andshuffled together, even from the Lizard in Cornwall, first to Portlandwhere they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship:from Portland to Calais, where they lost Hugo de Moncado with thegallies of which he was captain: and from Calais driven by squibs fromtheir anchors, were chased out of sight of England, round about Scotlandand Ireland. Where for the sympathy of their barbarous religion, hopingto find succour and assistance, a great part of them were crushedagainst the rocks, and those others that landed, being very many innumber, were notwithstanding broken, slain, and taken, and so sent fromvillage to village, coupled in halters, to be shipped for England. Whereher majesty, of her princely and invincible disposition, disdaining toput them to death, and scorning either to retain or entertain them, theywere all sent back again into their countries, to witness and recountthe worthy achievements of their invincible and dreadful navy: of which, the number of soldiers, the fearful burden of their ships, thecommanders names of every squadron, with all their magazines ofprovisions were put in print, as an army and navy irresistible anddisdaining prevention. With all which so great and terrible ostentation, they did not, in all their sailing about England, so much as sink ortake one ship, bark, pinnace, or cock-boat of ours, or ever burnt somuch as one sheep-cot of this land. When, as on the contrary, SirFrancis Drake, with only 800 soldiers, not long before landed in theirIndies, and forced San Jago, Santo Domingo, Carthagena, and the forts ofFlorida. 

[Footnote 371: Hakluyt, II. 668. Astley, I. 216. ]

[Footnote 372: This preliminary discourse, by the famous Sir WalterRaleigh, is given from Hakluyt without alteration, except inorthography. --E. ]

[Footnote 373: Armada is a general word, signifying in Spanish a ship ofwar or a fleet or squadron. Generally in English it has been limited tothe invincible armada, or powerful fleet fitted out by Philip II. In thevain hope of conquering England. --E. ]

And after that, Sir John Norris marched from Peniche in Portugal with ahandful of soldiers to the gates of Lisbon, being above 40 Englishmiles: Where the earl of Essex himself, and other valiant gentlemen, braved the city of Lisbon, encamping at the very gates: from whence, after many days abode, finding neither promised parley nor provisionwherewith to batter, they made their retreat by land, in spite of alltheir garrisons both of horse and foot. In this sort I have a littledigressed from my first purpose, only by the necessary comparison oftheir and our actions: the one covetous of honour, without vaunt orostentation; the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their ownaffairs, and by false rumours to resist the blasts of their owndishonours, as they will not only not blush to spread all manner ofuntruths, but even for the least advantage, be it but for the taking ofone poor adventurer of the English, will celebrate the victory withbonefires in every town, always spending more in faggots than thepurchase they obtained was worth. Whereas, we never thought it worth theconsumption of two billets, when we have taken eight or ten of theirIndian ships at one time, and twenty of their Brazil fleet. Such is thedifference between true valour and vain ostentation, and betweenhonourable actions and frivolous vain-glorious boasting. But to returnto my purpose:

NARRATIVE. 

The Lord Thomas Howard, with six of her majestys ships, six victuallersof London, the bark Raleigh, and two or three pinnaces, riding at anchornear Flores, one of the western islands called the Azores, on the lastof August 1591, in the afternoon, had intelligence by one captainMiddleton, of the approach of the Spanish armada. This Middleton, beingin a very good sailing ship, had kept them company for three daysbefore, of good purpose, both to discover their force, and to give thelord admiral advice of their approach. He had no sooner communicated thenews, when the Spanish fleet hove in sight; at which time, manybelonging to our ships companies were on shore in the island of Flores, some providing ballast for the ships, others filling water, and othersrefreshing themselves from the land with such things as they couldprocure either for money or by force. Owing to this, our ships were allin confusion, pestered, rummaging, and every thing out of order, verylight for want of ballast; and what was most of all to theirdisadvantage, the half of the men in every ship was sick andunserviceable. For in the Revenge, there were ninety sick; in theBonaventure, not so many in health as could hand her mainsail, insomuch, that unless twenty men had been taken from a bark of Sir George Careyswhich was sunk, and appointed into her, she had hardly been able to getback to England. The rest of the ships for the most part were in littlebetter state. 

The names of her majestys ships were as follows: The Defiance, admiral, the Revenge, vice-admiral, the Bonaventure commanded by captain Crosse, the Lion by George Fenner, the Foresight by Thomas Vavasour, and theCrane by Duffild. The Foresight and Crane were small ships, the otherfour were of the middle size. All the others, except the bark Raleigh, commanded by captain Thin, were victuallers, and of small or no force. The approach of the Spanish fleet being concealed by means of theisland, they were soon at hand, so that our ships had scarce time toweigh their anchors, and some even were obliged to slip their cables andset sail. Sir Richard Grenville was the last to weigh, that he mightrecover the men who were a land on the island, who had otherwise beenlost. The lord Thomas Howard, with the rest of the fleet, very hardlyrecovered the wind, which Sir Richard was unable to do; on which hismaster and others endeavoured to persuade him to cut his main sail andcast about, trusting to the swift sailing of his ship, as the squadronof Seville was on his weather bow. But Sir Richard absolutely refused toturn from the enemy, declaring he would rather die than dishonourhimself, his country, and her majestys ship, and persuaded his companythat he would be able to pass through the two squadrons in spite ofthem, and force those of Seville to give him way. This he certainlyperformed upon divers of the foremost, who, as the sailors term it, sprang their luff, and fell under the lee of the Revenge. The othercourse had certainly been the better, and might very properly have beenadopted under so great impossibility of prevailing over such heavy odds;but, out of the greatness of his mind, he could not be prevailed on tohave the semblance of fleeing. 

In the meantime, while Sir Richard attended to those ships of the enemythat were nearest him and in his way, the great San Philip being towindward of him, and coming down towards him, becalmed his sails in suchsort that his ship could neither make way nor feel the helm, so huge andhigh was the Spanish ship, being of fifteen hundred tons, and whichpresently laid the Revenge on board. At this time, bereft of his sails, the ships that had fallen under his lee, luffed up and laid him on boardalso, the first of these that now came up being the vice-admiral of theBiscay squadron, a very mighty and puissant ship, commanded byBrittandona. The San Philip carried three tier of ordnance on a side, and eleven pieces in each tier, besides eight pieces in her forecastlechase, and others from her stern-ports. After the Revenge was thusentangled by the huge San Philip, four others laid her on board, two tolarboard and two to starboard. The fight thus began at three in theafternoon, and continued very terribly the whole of that evening. Butthe great San Philip, having received a discharge from the lower tierof the Revenge, loaded with cross-bar shot, shifted herself with alldiligence from her side, utterly disliking this her first entertainment. Some say the San Philip foundered, but we cannot report this for atruth, not having sufficient assurance. Besides the mariners, theSpanish ships were filled with companies of soldiers, some having to thenumber of two hundred, some five hundred, and others as far even aseight hundred. In ours, there were none besides the mariners, except theservants of the commanders, and some few gentlemen volunteers. 

After interchanging many vollies of great ordnance and small shot, theSpaniards deliberated to enter the Revenge by boarding, and made severalattempts, hoping to carry her by the multitudes of their armed soldiersand musketeers, but were still repulsed again and again, being on everyattempt beaten back into their own ships or into the sea. In thebeginning of the fight, the George Noble of London being only one of thevictuallers, and of small force, having received some shot through herfrom the Spanish _armadas_, fell under the lee of the Revenge, and themaster of her asked Sir Richard what he was pleased to command him; onwhich Sir Richard bad him save himself as he best might, leaving him tohis fortune. After the fight had thus continued without intermission, while the day lasted, and some hours of the night, many of our men wereslain and hurt; one of the great galeons of the armada and the admiralof the hulks both sunk, and a great slaughter had taken place in many ofthe other great Spanish ships. Some allege that Sir Richard was verydangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight, and layspeechless for a time ere he recovered: But two men belonging to theRevenge, who came home in a ship of Lyme from the islands, and wereexamined by some of the lords and others, affirmed, that he was never somuch wounded as to forsake the upper deck till an hour before midnight, and being then shot in the body by a musket ball, was shot again in thehead as the surgeon was dressing him, the surgeon himself being at thesame time wounded to death. This also agrees with an examination of fourother returned mariners of the same ship, taken before Sir FrancisGodolphin, and sent by him to master William Killegrue of her majestysprivy chamber. 

To return to the fight: As the Spanish ships which attempted to boardthe Revenge were wounded and beaten off, so always others came up intheir places, she never having less than two mighty galeons by her sidesand close on board her; so that ere morning, from three o'clock of theday before, she had been successively assailed by no less than fifteenseveral armadas or great ships of war; and all of them had so illapproved their entertainment, that, by break of day, they were far morewilling to hearken to a composition, than hastily to make any moreassaults or entries for boarding. But as the day advanced, so our mendecreased in number, and as the light grew more and more, by so muchmore increased the discomforts of our men. For now nothing appeared insight but enemies, save one small ship called the Pilgrim, commanded byJacob Whiddon, who hovered all night to see what might be the event;but, bearing up towards the Revenge in the morning, was hunted like ahare among so many ravenous hounds, yet escaped. 

All the powder of the Revenge was now spent to the very last barrel, allher pikes broken, forty of her best men slain, and most part of the restwounded. In the beginning of the fight, she had 90 of her men lying sickon the ballast in the hold, and only 100 capable of duty, a small crewfor such a ship, and a weak garrison to resist so mighty an army. Bythis brave hundred was the whole of this hot fight sustained, thevolleys, boardings, assaults, and entries, from fifteen great ships ofwar all full of men, besides those which had cannonaded her from adistance. On the contrary, the Spanish ships were always supplied withfresh soldiers from the several squadrons of this vast fleet, and hadall manner of arms and powder at will; while to our men there remainedno hope or comfort, no supply either of ships, men, weapons, or powder. The masts were all beaten overboard; all her tackle was cut asunder; herupper works all battered to pieces, and in effect evened with the water, nothing but the hull or bottom of the ship remaining, nothing being leftover-head for flight or for defence. 

Finding his ship in this distress, and altogether unable for any longerresistance, after fifteen hours constant fighting against fifteen greatships of war which assailed him in turns, having received by estimation800 shot of great ordnance, besides many assaults and entries; andconsidering that he and his ship must now soon be in possession of theenemy, who had arranged their ships in a ring round about the Revenge, which was now unable to move any way, except as acted on by the waves;Sir Richard called for his master gunner, whom he knew to be a mostresolute man, and commanded him to split and sink the ship, that nothingof glory or victory might remain to the enemy, who with so great a navy, and in so long a time, were unable to take her. They had fifty-threeships of war, and above 10, 000 men, and had been engaged against thissingle ship for fifteen hours. At the same time, Sir Richard endeavouredto prevail upon as many of the company as he could influence, to committhemselves to the mercy of God, and not of their enemies, since they hadlike valiant men repulsed so many enemies, urging them not now toobscure their honour and that of their nation, for the sake ofprolonging their lives a few days. The master gunner and various othersof the crew readily assented to this desperate resolution; but thecaptain and master were quite of an opposite opinion, and conjured SirRichard to desist from his desperate proposal; alleging that theSpaniards would be as ready to agree to a capitulation as they to offerit; and begged him to consider, that there still were many valiant menstill living in the ship, and others whose wounds might not be mortal, who might be able to do acceptable service to their queen and countryhereafter. And, although Sir Richard had alleged that the Spaniardsshould never have the glory of taking one ship of her majesty, which hadbeen so long and valiantly defended; they answered, that the ship hadsix feet water in her hold, and three shot holes under water, which wereso weakly stopped, that she must needs sink with the first labouring ofthe sea, and was besides so battered and bruised, that she could neverbe removed from the place. 

While the matter was thus in dispute, Sir Richard refusing to listen toany reasons, the captain won over the most part to his opinion, and themaster was conveyed on board the Spanish general, Don Alfonso Baçan. Finding none of his people very ready to attempt boarding the Revengeagain, and fearing lest Sir Richard might blow up both them and himself, as he learned from the master his dangerous disposition; Don Alfonsoagreed that all their lives should be saved, the ships company sent toEngland, and the better sort to pay such reasonable ransom as theirestate could bear, all in the meantime to be free from prison or thegallies. He so much the rather consented to these terms, lest anyfarther loss or mischief might accrue to themselves, and for thepreservation of Sir Richard, whose notable valour he greatly honouredand admired. On receiving this answer, in which the safety of life waspromised; the common sort, now at the end of their peril, mostly drewback from the proposal of Sir Richard and the master gunner, it being nohard matter to dissuade men from death to life. Finding himself and SirRichard thus prevented and mastered by the majority, the master gunnerwould have slain himself with his sword, but was prevented by mainforce, and locked up in his cabin. 

Then the Spanish general sent many boats on board the Revenge, andseveral of her men, fearing Sir Richards disposition, stole away onboard the general and other ships. Thus constrained to submit, SirRichard was desired by a message from Alfonso Baçan to remove from theRevenge, as it was filled with blood and the bodies of the slain, andwith wounded men, like a slaughter-house. Sir Richard gave for answer, that he might do now with his body what he pleased; and while removingfrom the ship, he fainted away, and on recovering he requested thecompany to pray for him. The Spanish general used Sir Richard with allhumanity, leaving no means untried that tended towards his recovery, highly commending his valour and worthiness, and greatly bewailing hisdangerous condition; seeing that it was a rare spectacle, and aninstance of resolution seldom met with, for one ship to withstand somany enemies, to endure the batteries and boardings of so many hugeships of war, and to resist and repel the assaults and entries of suchnumbers of soldiers. All this and more is confirmed, by the recital of aSpanish captain in that same fleet, who was himself engaged in thisaction, and, being severed from the rest in a storm, was taken by theLion, a small ship belonging to London, and is now prisoner in London. 

The general commanding this great armada, was Don Alphonso Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz. Britandona was admiral of thesquadron of Biscay. The Marquis of Arumburch [Aremberg] commanded thesquadron of Seville. Luis Coutinho commanded the hulks and flyboats. There were slain and drowned in this fight, as the before-mentionedSpanish captain confessed, near a thousand of the enemy, with twospecial commanders, Don Luis de San Juan, and Don George de Prunaria deMallaga, besides others of special account whose names have not yetbeen reported. The admiral of the hulks and the Ascension of Sevillewere both sunk at the side of the Revenge. One other ship, which gotinto the road of San Miguel, sank there also; and a fourth ship had torun on shore to save her men. Sir Richard, as it is said, died thesecond or third day on board the general, much bewailed by his enemies;but we have not heard what became of his body, whether it were committedto the sea or buried on land. The comfort remaining to his friends is, that he ended his life honourably, having won great reputation for hisnation and his posterity, and hath not outlived his honour. 

For the rest of her majestys ships, that entered not into the fight likethe Revenge, the reasons and causes were these: There were of them onlysix in all, two whereof were only small ships; and they could be of noservice, as the Revenge was engaged past recovery. The island of Floreswas on one side; 53 sail of Spanish ships were on the other, dividedinto several squadrons, all as full of soldiers as they could contain. Almost one half of our men were sick and unable to serve; the ships weregrown foul, _unroomaged_[374], and hardly able to bear any sail for wantof ballast, having been six months at sea. If all the rest of the shipshad entered into the action, they had been all lost; for the veryhugeness of the Spanish ships, even if no other violence had beenoffered, might have crushed them all into shivers between them; by whichthe loss and dishonour to the queen had been far greater, than anyinjury the enemy could have sustained. It is nevertheless true, that theLord Thomas Howard would have entered between the squadrons of theenemy, but the others would on no account consent; and even the masterof his own ship threatened to leap into the sea, rather than conduct theadmirals ship and the rest to be a certain prey to the enemy, wherethere was no hope or possibility of victory or even of defence. In myopinion, such rashness would have ill assorted with the discretion andtrust of a general, to have committed himself and his charge toassured destruction, without any hope or likelihood of prevailing, thereby to have diminished the strength of her majestys navy, and tohave increased the pride and glory of the enemy. 

[Footnote 374: This singular antiquated sea term may signify, not insailing _trim_. --E. ]

The Foresight, one of her majestys vessels, commanded by ThomasVavasour, performed a very great service, and staid two hours as nearthe Revenge as the weather would permit, not forsaking the fight tillwell nigh encompassed by the squadrons of the enemy, and then clearedhimself with great difficulty. The rest gave diverse vollies of shot, and engaged as far as the place and their own necessities permitted, soas to keep the weather-gage of the enemy, till night parted them. 

A few days after this fight, the prisoners being dispersed among theSpanish ships of war and ships from the Indies, there arose so great astorm from the W. And N. W. That all the fleet was dispersed, as well thefleet of the Indies then come to them as the rest of the armada that hadattended their arrival, of which 14 sail, together with the Revengehaving 200 Spaniards on board of her, were cast away upon the island ofSt Michael. Thus they honoured the obsequies of the renowned Revenge, for the great glory she had achieved, not permitting her to perishalone. Besides these, other 15 or 16 of the Spanish ships of war werecast away in this storm upon the other islands of the Azores: And, of an100 sail and more of the fleet of the Indies, which were expected thisyear in Spain, what with the loss sustained in this tempest, and whatbefore in the bay of Mexico and about the Bermuda islands, above 70 werelost, including those taken by our London ships; besides one very richship of the Indies, which set herself on fire being boarded by thePilgrim, and five others taken by the ship belonging to Mr Wats ofLondon between the Havannah and Cape St Antonio. On the 4th of Novemberthis year, we had letters from Tercera, affirming that 3000 dead bodieshad been thrown upon that island from the perished ships, and that theSpaniards confessed to have lost 10, 000 men in this storm, besides thosewho perished between the main and the islands. Thus it hath pleased Godto fight for us, and to defend the justice of our cause, against theambitious and bloody pretences of the Spaniards, who seeking to devourall nations are themselves devoured: A manifest testimony how unjust anddispleasing are their attempts in the sight of God, who hath beenpleased to witness, by the evil success of their affairs, his mislike oftheir bloody and injurious designs, purposed and practised against allChristian princes, over whom they seek unlawful and ungodly rule andsupreme command. 

A day or two before this terrible catastrophe, when some of ourprisoners desired to be set on shore on the Azores islands, hoping to bethence transported into England, and which liberty had been formerlypromised by the Spanish general; one Morice Fitz John, (son of old Johnof Desmond, a notable traitor, who was cousin-german to the late earl ofDesmond, ) was sent from ship to ship to endeavour to persuade theEnglish prisoners to serve the king of Spain. The arguments he used toinduce them were these. Increase of pay to treble their presentallowance; advancement to the better sort; and the free exercise of thetrue catholic religion, ensuring the safety of all their souls. For thefirst of these, the beggarly and unnatural behaviour of those Englishand Irish rebels that served the king of Spain in that action was asufficient answer; for so poor and ragged were they, that, for want ofapparel, they stripped the poor prisoners their countrymen of theirragged garments, worn out by six months service, not even sparing todespoil them of their bloody shirts from their wounded bodies, and thevery shoes from their feet; a noble testimony of their richentertainment and high pay. As to the second argument, of hope ofadvancement if they served well and continued faithful to the king ofSpain; what man could be so blockishly ignorant ever to expect promotionand honour from a foreign king, having no other merit or pretension thanhis own disloyalty, his unnatural desertion of his country and parents, and rebellion against his true prince, to whose obedience he is bound byoath, by nature, and by religion? No! such men are only assured to beemployed on all desperate enterprizes, and to be held in scorn anddisdain even among those they serve. That ever a traitor was eithertrusted or advanced I have never learnt, neither can I remember a singleexample. No man could have less becomed the office of orator for such apurpose, than this Morice of Desmond: For, the earl his cousin, beingone of the greatest subjects in the kingdom of Ireland, possessingalmost whole counties in his large property, many goodly manors, castles, and lordships, the county palatine of Kerry, 500 gentlemen ofhis own family and name ready to follow him, all which he and hisancestors had enjoyed in peace for three or four hundred years: Yet thisman, in less than three years after his rebellion and adherence to theSpaniards, was beaten from all his holds, not so many as ten gentlemenof his name left living, himself taken and beheaded by a gentleman ofhis own nation, and his lands given by parliament to her majesty andpossessed by the English. His other cousin, Sir John Desmond, taken byMr John Zouch; and his body hung up over the gates of his native city tobe devoured by ravens. The third brother, Sir James, hanged, drawn, andquartered in the same place. Had he been able to vaunt of the success ofhis own house, in thus serving the king of Spain, the argument mightdoubtless have moved much and wrought great effect: the which, becausehe happened to forget, I have thought good to remember in his behalf. 

As for the matter of religion, to which he adverted, it would require aseparate volume, were I to set down how irreligiously they cover theirgreedy and ambitious pretences with that veil of pretended piety. Butsure I am, there is no kingdom or commonwealth in all Europe that theydo not invade, under pretence of religion, if it be reformed. Nay if iteven be what they term catholic, they pretend a title, as if the kingsof Castile were the natural heirs of all the world. Thus between both, no kingdom is exempted from their ambition. Where they dare not invadewith their own forces, they basely entertain the traitors and vagabondsof all nations; seeking by their means, and by their runagate Jesuits, to win other parts to their dominion, by which they have ruined manynoble houses and others in this land, extinguishing their lives andfamilies. What good, honour, or fortune, any one hath ever yet achievedthrough them, is yet unheard of. If our English papists will only lookto Portugal, against which they have no pretence of religion; how theirnobility are imprisoned and put to death, their rich men made a prey, and all sorts of people reduced to servitude; they shall find that theobedience even of the Turk is ease and liberty, compared to the tyrannyof Spain. What have they done in Sicily, in Naples, in Milan, in the lowcountries? Who hath there been spared even for religion? It cometh to myremembrance of a certain burgher at Antwerp, whose house was entered bya company of Spanish soldiers when they sacked that city. He besoughtthem to spare him and his goods, being a good catholic, and thereforeone of their own party and faction. The Spaniards answered, they knewhim to be of a good conscience in himself; but his money, plate, jewels, and goods, were all heretical, and therefore good prize. So they abusedand tormented the foolish Fleming, who thought that an _Agnus Dei_ hadbeen a sufficient safeguard against all the force of that holy andcharitable nation. 

Neither have they at any time, as they protest, invaded the kingdoms ofMexico and Peru and elsewhere, being only led thereto to reduce thepeople to Christianity, not for gold or empire: Whereas, in the singleisland of Hispaniola, they have wasted and destroyed thirty hundredthousand of the natives, besides many millions else in other places ofthe Indies: a poor and harmless people, created of God, and might havebeen won to his service, as many of them were, even almost all whom theyendeavoured to persuade thereto. The story of these their enormities, has been written at large by Bartholomew de las Casas[375], a bishop oftheir own nation, and has been translated into English and many otherlanguages, under the title of _The Spanish Cruelties_. Who thereforewould repose trust in such a nation of ravenous strangers, and moreespecially in those Spaniards, who more greedily thirst after the bloodof the English, for the many overthrows and dishonours they havereceived at our hands; whose weakness we have discovered to the world, and whose forces, at home, abroad, in Europe, in the Indies, by sea andby land, even with mere handfuls of men and ships on our sides, we haveoverthrown and dishonoured? Let not therefore any Englishman, of whatreligion soever, have other opinion of these Spaniards or theirabettors, but that those whom they seek to win of our nation, theyesteem base and traiterous, unworthy persons, and inconstant fools; andthat they use this pretence of religion, for no other purpose but tobewitch us from the obedience due to our natural prince, hoping therebyto bring us in time under slavery and subjection, when none shall bethere so odious and despised, as those very traitors who have sold theircountry to strangers, forsaking their faith and obedience, contrary tothe laws of nature and religion, and contrary to that humane anduniversal honour, not only of Christians but of heathen and unbelievingnations, who have always sustained every degree of labour, embracingeven death itself, in defence of their country, their prince, and theircommonwealth. 

[Footnote 375: He was bishop of Chiapa in New Spain, and computes theIndians destroyed by the Spaniards in about fifty years, at no fewerthan twenty millions. --Astley, I. 221. A. ]

To conclude, it hath ever to this day pleased God to prosper and defendher majesty, to break the purposes of her malicious enemies, to confoundthe devices of forsworn traitors, and to overthrow all unjust practicesand invasions. She hath ever been held in honour by the worthiest kings, served by faithful subjects, and shall ever, by the favour of God, resist, repell, and confound all attempts against her person andkingdom. In the mean time, let the Spaniards and traitors vaunt of theirsuccess; while we, her true and obedient subjects, guided by the shininglight of her virtues, shall always love, serve, and obey her, to the endof our lives. 

SECTION XI

_Note of the Fleet of the Indies, expected in Spain this year 1591; withthe number that perished, according to the examination of certainSpaniards, lately taken and brought to England[376]. _

The fleet of New Spain, at their first gathering together, consisted of52 sail. The admiral and vice-admiral ships were each of 600 tonsburden. Four or five of the ships were of 900 and 1000 tons each; somewere of 400 tons, and the smallest of 200. Of this fleet 19 were castaway, containing by estimation 2600 men, which happened along the coastof New Spain, so that only 33 sail came to the Havannah. 

[Footnote 376: Hakluyt, II. 670. ]

The fleet of Terra Firma, at its first departure from Spain, consistedof 50 sail, bound for Nombre de Dios, where they discharged theirloading, and returned thence for their health sake to Carthagena, tillsuch time as the treasure they were to take in at Nombre de Dios wereready. But before this fleet departed, some were gone by one or two at atime, so that only 23 sail of this fleet arrived at the Havannah. 

There met at the Havannah, 33 sail from New Spain, 23 from the Terra Firma, 12 belonging to San Domingo, 9 from Honduras. 

Thus 77 ships joined and set sail from the Havannah, on the 17th of July1591, according to our account, and kept together till they arrived inthe lat. Of 35° N. Which was about the 10th of August. There the wind, which had been at S. W. Changed suddenly to N. So that the sea comingfrom the S. W. And the wind violent from the N. They were put in greatextremity, and then first lost the admiral of their fleet, in which were500 men; and within three or four days after, another storm rising, fiveor six others of their largest ships were cast away with all their men, together with their vice-admiral. 

In lat. 38° N. And about the end of August, another great storm arose, in which all their remaining ships, except 48, were lost. These 48 shipskept together till they came in sight of the islands of Corvo andFlores, about the 5th or 6th of September, at which time they wereseparated by a great storm; and of that number, 15 or 16 sail wereafterwards seen by three Spanish prisoners, riding at anchor underTercera, while 12 or 14 more were observed to bear away for San Miguel. What became of them after these Spaniards were taken, cannot yet becertified; but their opinion is, that very few of this fleet escapedbeing either taken or cast away. It has been ascertained of late byother means of intelligence, that of this whole fleet of 123 sail, whichshould have come to Spain this year, there have only 25 yet arrived. This note was extracted from the examinations of certain Spanishprisoners, brought to England by six of the London ships, which tookseven of these men from the before-mentioned fleet of the Indies nearthe islands of the Açores. 

SECTION XII. 

_Report of a Cruizing Voyage to the Azores in 1591, by a feet of Londonships sent with supplies to the Lord Thomas Howard. Written by CaptainRobert Flicke_[377]. 

PRELIMINARY REMARKS[378]. 

The following voyage is extracted from a letter, dated at Plymouth the24th of October 1591, and sent thence by Captain Flicke to Messrs ThomasBromley, Richard Staper, and ---- Cordall, three of the contractors, aswe apprehend, for the ships, and is titled, "Concerning the success of apart of the London supplies sent to the isles of the Azores to my LordThomas Howard. " In this letter no mention is made of the number of shipsemployed, nor of the names of more than two captains besides Flicke, namely, _Brothus_ and _Furtho_, the latter of whom was bearer of theletter. We also find the name of four of the ships; the Costly, Centurion, Cherubim, and the Margaret and John, but not the names oftheir commanders, neither the name of the ship in which Flicke sailed, and which, for distinctions sake, we call the admiral. These omissionsmay be excuseable in a private letter, written only to acquaint themerchants of particulars they had not before learnt, and not designed asa formal narrative of the voyage to be laid before the public. As these, however, are essential to narratives of this kind, it might have beenexpected of Mr Hakluyt to have supplied such defects. We may judge, however, that the number of ships was seven, as in the preceding accountof the fleet of the Indies, six London ships are mentioned as havingfallen in with it, which were probably those separated from the admiralor commodore, which ship will make the seventh. --_Astley. _

[Footnote 377: Hakluyt, II. 671. Astley, I. 221. ]

[Footnote 378: Astley, I. 221. ]

NARRATIVE[379]. 

Worshipful, my hearty commendations to you premised. --By my last letter, dated 12th August from this place, I advertised you particularly of theaccidents which had befallen our fleet till then. It now remains torelate our exertions for accomplishing our orders for endeavouring tojoin my Lord Thomas Howard, and the success we have had. We departedfrom hence on the 17th August, the wind not serving before. Next day Isummoned a council by signal, on which the captains and masters of allthe ships came on board, when I acquainted them with my commission, confirmed by the lords of her majestys council, and with theadvertisement of Sir Edward Denny, that my lord had determined to remain60 leagues west of Fayal, spreading his squadron north and south between37° 30' and 38° 30' north. But, if we did not there find him, we were torepair to the islands of Flores and Corvo, where a pinnace wouldpurposely wait our coming till the last day of August; with the intent, after that day, to repair to the coast of Spain, about the heighth ofthe rock [_of Lisbon?_], some twenty or thirty leagues off shore. Thisbeing advisedly considered, and having regard to the shortness of timeoccasioned by our long delay at this place, and the uncertainty offavourable weather for us, it was generally concluded, as the best andsurest way to meet my lord, to bear up for the heighth of _the rock_, without making any stay upon the coast, and thence to make directly forthe foresaid islands, which was accordingly fully agreed to andperformed. 

[Footnote 379: In pursuance of our uniform plan, of drawing from theoriginal sources, this article is an exact transcript from Hakluyt, onlymodernizing his antiquated language and orthography, and not copied fromthe abridgement of Astley. --. E]

The 28th of August we had sight of the Burlings, and being on the 29thathwart of Peniche, and having a favourable wind, we directed our coursewest for the Azores, without making any stay off the coast of Portugal. The 30th we met the Red Rose, Captain Royden, formerly called the GoldenDragon, which had separated from my lord in a storm. He informed us of50 sail of the king of Spains armada having sailed for the islands, butcould not give us any intelligence of my lord, otherwise than supposinghim to remain about the islands, wherefore we continued our course, thewind remaining favourable. The 4th of September we had sight of Tercera, and ranged along all the islands, both on their south, and north sides, for the space of four days, during which time we met with no shipswhatever, so that we could learn no intelligence, either of my lord orof the fleet of the Indies; wherefore we directed our course to the westof Fayal, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny. When plyingto the westwards on the 11th, we descried a sail from our main-top, andby two or three in the afternoon raised her hull, but the weather fellso calm that we could not fetch her. I therefore sent off my skiff wellmanned, and furnished with shot and swords, the Cherubim and theMargaret and John doing the like. Upon this the sail stood off again, and on the approach of night our boats lost sight of her and soreturned. During this pursuit the Centurion was left astern, so that wemissed her next morning, and spent all that day plying up and down insearch of her: And, as all our ships were directed, in case ofseparation by stress of weather or other mischance, to meet and join atFlores, we, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny, proceededfor the purpose of finding my Lord Thomas Howard, and being in theheighth appointed, and not able to remain there in consequence ofextreme tempests, which forced us to the isles of Flores and Corvo, which we made on the 14th in the morning, and there rejoined theCenturion. She informed us, that on the 12th day, being the same onwhich she lost us, she had met 45 sail of the fleet of the Indies. 

The same night, in consequence of this intelligence, we came to anchorbetween Flores and Corvo, and next morning at day-break, I convened acouncil of all the captains and masters on board my ship, by a signalflag. For satisfying our desire to learn some intelligence of my lord, as also for the purpose of procuring a supply of water, it was thoughtgood to send our boats on shore armed, under the command of CaptainBrothus; besides which, it was agreed, after our departure thence, torange along the south sides of the islands, that we might either procuresome intelligence of my lord, or fall in with the fleet of the Indies;and, in case of missing both objects, to direct our course for Cape StVincent. The boats being sent on shore, according to this determination, it chanced that the Costely, which rode outermost at our anchoringground, having weighed to bring herself nearer among us to assist inprotecting our boats, discovered two sail in opening the land, which wein the road-stead could not perceive. Upon this she fired a shot ofwarning, which caused us to _wave_ all our boats back; and before theycould recover their ships, the two ships seen by the Costely appeared tous, on which we made all sail towards them, and in a happy hour as itpleased God. We had no sooner cleared the land and spoken one of them, which was a bark belonging to Bristol, also seeking my lordineffectually at the place appointed, when so violent a storm arose thatwe had been in great danger of perishing if we had continued in theroad. This storm continued in its utmost violence for sixty hours, during which I was separated from all our fleet except the Cherubim, andCostely, which continued in company. After it subsided, sailing inamong the islands, I viewed the road of Fayal, and finding no roadersthere, I went thence for the isle of Tercera. 

On the 19th day of September in the morning, coming to Tercera, andintending to edge into the road, a tempest arose and so scanted the windthat we could not get in. Being accordingly driven to leeward, we fellin among some of the fleet of the Indies, which had been dispersed bythe storm, and driven from the road. Upon this our ship and the twoothers then with me gave several chases, by which we parted company. Following up my chase, we made her strike and yield about noon, when sheturned out to be a Portuguese, laden with hides, sarsa-parilla, and_anile_ [Indigo. ] At this instant we espied another, and taking ourprize with us, followed and captured her before night. She was calledthe Conception, commanded by Francisco Spinola, and was laden withcochineal, raw hides, and certain raw silk: And as the sea was sotempestuous that we could in no way board her, neither by boats nor fromthe ship, so we kept her under our lee till a fit opportunity. That samenight, a little before day, another ship joined company with us, supposing us and our two prizes to belong to their fleet, which wedissembled till morning. 

In the morning of the 20th, this new sail being somewhat shot a-head ofus, and being anxious for the safe keeping of the two former, wepurposed to cause our two prizes put out more sail, so as to keep nearus while chasing the third, as our master insisted that they wouldfollow us; owing to which, by the time we had caused this new one toyield, and had sent men on board to take possession, the Conceptionbeing far astern, and having got the wind of us, stood off with all hersails, so that we were forced to make a new chase after her, and had notthe wind enlarged upon us we had lost her. The whole of this day wasspent in this new pursuit, before we recovered her, and broughtourselves again in company with our other prizes; by which we lost theopportunity of that day, during which the weather served for boardingthe Portuguese prize, which was in great distress, making request of usto take them on board, as they were ready to sink, as we could wellperceive by their pumping incessantly, and in our judgment she went downthat night. 

On the 21st the Conception sprung a leak also, which gained upon hernotwithstanding every effort at the pumps, so that she could not be keptlong above water. So I took out of her 42 chests of cochineal and silk, leaving her to the sea with 11 feet water in her hold, and 4700 hides. The other prize, which we have brought into harbour, is the NuestraSennora de los Remedios, Francisco Alvares captain, laden with 16 chestsof cochineal, certain fardels [or bales] of raw silk, and about 4000hides. Upon the discharge of the goods, your honours shall beparticularly advertised of the same. In boarding our prizes, such wasthe disorder of our men, that, besides rifling the persons of theSpaniards, they broke open the chests and purloined what money was inthem; although I had given notice of my intention of going on board inperson, to have taken a just account thereof in presence of three orfour witnesses, putting the whole in safe custody, pursuant to thearticles made in this behalf. And whereas certain sums of money takenfrom our men, which they had thus purloined and embezzled, together withother parcels brought on board my ship, amounting to 2129 pesos and ahalf, all of which the company demanded to have shared among them as duepillage, I refused this demand, and read to them openly at the mast thearticles confirmed by my lord treasurer and my lord admiral, by whichthey ought to be directed in these things, declaring that it was not inmy power to dispose thereof until the same were finally determined athome. Thereupon they mutinied, and grew at length to such fury, thatthey declared they would have it or else would break down the cabin. Seeing them ready to execute this threat, I was forced to yield, lestthe great number of Spaniards we had on board might have taken theopportunity of rising against us; which, indeed, after the brawls of ourmen were appeased, they actually endeavoured to have done. 

By the last advice from Castile, the general of the king of Spainsarmada, lately put to sea, is ordered to join his fleet with that of theIndies, and to remain at Tercera till the 15th of October, waiting forsix _pataches_ with seven or eight millions of the royal treasureexpected by that time: otherwise they are to wait their coming from theHavannah till January next, or until the kings farther pleasure shall bemade known. These pataches are said to be of 300 tons burden each, carrying 30 pieces of brass cannon, and are also reported to sail in asuperior manner to any other ships. Before their coming to Flores, there perished of the fleet of the Indies eleven sail, among which wasthe admiral, and not one roan saved. It is likewise supposed by theSpaniards, that the storms we encountered at Flores and Tercera musthave destroyed many more of them, of which indeed we were partlyeye-witnesses. On the whole, therefore, what by the seas and our men ofwar, of the 75 sail that came from the Havannah, I presume one half willnot arrive in Spain. 

On the night of the 11th October, we came to anchor in Plymouth sound, and got up next morning with our prize into Catwater, for which God bepraised: For so vehement a storm arose, that our prize was forced to cutaway her main-mast, otherwise, her ground tackle being bad, she had beendriven on shore by the violence of the storm. This was the main causewhich induced me to put in here, where I now propose to discharge thegoods without farther risk, and have certified thus much to my lordadmiral, and therewith desire to receive the directions of my lords ofthe council together with yours, as my lord Thomas Howard is not yetreturned. How the rest of our consorts, which separated from us, mayhave sped, or what prizes they may have taken, of which there is muchhope by reason of the scattering of the West India fleet, I am as yetunable to say any thing. And thus, waiting your answer, and referringfor all other matters to captain Furtho, the bearer hereof, I make anend, at Plymouth this 24th of October 1591. 

 Your Worships loving Friend, ROBERT FLICKE. 

SECTION XIII. 

_Exploits of the English in several Expeditions and cruizing Voyagesfrom 1589 to 1592; extracted from John Huighen van Linschoten_[380]. 

PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 

The entire title of this article in Hakluyts Collection is, "A largetestimony of John Huighen van Linschoten, Hollander, concerning theworthy exploits achieved by the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, by Sir Martine Frobisher, Sir Richard Grenville, and diverse otherEnglish captains, about the isles of the Azores, and upon the coasts ofSpain and Portugal, in the years 1589, 1590, 1591, &c. Recorded in hisexcellent discourse of voyages to the East and West Indies, cap. 96, 97, and 99. " Of this article, the Editor of Astley gives the followingaccount. 

[Footnote 380: Hakluyt, II. 674. Astley, I. 225. ]

"The author, John Huighen van Linschoten, left Goa with a fleet ofships, viz. The Santa Maria, Nuestra Sennora de la Concepçao, the SanChristopher admiral, the San Thome which was the largest and most richlyladen, and the Santa Cruz in which Linschoten sailed. It was extractedby Hakluyt from the 96th, 97th, and 99th chapters of the first book ofLinschotens Voyages in English, beginning at p. 171. This section isintended as a supplement to the English cruizing voyages alreadyinserted, which fall within the period mentioned in the title; and isthe more material, as the memoirs it contains not only confirm the mostmaterial facts related in these preceding voyages, but give asatisfactory account of many things which are there but imperfectlyrelated, often continuing the history which in these breaks offabruptly, and bringing to light some remarkable achievements of ourcountrymen, of which otherwise no mention could be found in ourvoluminous naval transactions. 

"We are persuaded the reader will feel a secret joy in contemplating thegreat figure this nation made in these heroic times; owing to thatuniversal zeal to promote the commerce and glory of England, which thenprevailed among the ministers of the crown, as well as the people atlarge. We presume likewise, that this pleasure will be not a littleenhanced by the consideration that these particulars were written by aforeigner, who is held in great reputation for his judgment andfidelity, and who has sounded the praise of our countrymen even beyondwhat has been done by our own historians. On the other hand, the readerwill be no less concerned to find what immense treasures some of ouradventurers lost, by unaccountably missing the fleets of which they wentin search, when at the same time they were so near them, that it seemedalmost impossible they should escape. This shews, after all, howuncertain is the meeting of ships at sea, and that two great fleets maysail almost close to one another, without having the leastsuspicion. "--_Astley. _

 * * * * *

The 22d of July 1589, about evening, being near the islands of Floresand Corvo, we perceived three ships making towards us, which came fromunder the land and put us in great fear, for they came close to ouradmiral and shot diverse times at him and at another ship of ourcompany, whereby we perceived them to be English, for they bore theEnglish flag at their main-tops, but none of them seemed above 60 tonsburden. About evening they followed after us, and all night borelanterns with candles burning at their sterns, although the moon shined. That night we passed hard by the island of Fayal; and next morning, being between the isle of St George on our right and the small isle ofGraciosa on our left, we espied the three English ships still followingus. They consulted together, upon which one of them sailed backwards, asif one ship had followed after us without company, and for a time thatship was out of sight; but in no long time afterwards, it returned tothe other two, when they consulted again, and came all three togetheragainst our ship, because we were to leeward of all our ships, havingthe island of St George on one side instead of a sconce, [fort] thinkingso to deal with us as to force us to run on shore, to which we were verynear. In that manner they came bravely towards us, with their flagsdisplayed, sounding their trumpets, and sailed at least three timesabout us, discharging at us their muskets and calivers and some piecesof great ordnance, doing us no harm in the hull of our ship, but spoiledall our sails and ropes, and so plagued us that no man durst put forthhis head. When we shot off a piece of ordnance, we had at the least anhours work to load it again, there being a great noise and cry in ourship, as if we had been all cast away, whereupon the English began tomock us, calling out to us with many taunting words. 

In the mean time, the other ships that were in company with us hoistedall their sails, doing their best to bear away for Tercera, and notlooking once behind them to help us, as not caring for us, but doubtingthey would be too late thither, and thinking they did enough if theycould save themselves, whereby it may be easily seen what kind ofcompany they keep with each other, and what kind of order is among them. In the end, finding small advantage against us, and little knowing inwhat fear we were, and also because we were not far from Tercera, theEnglish left us; on which we were not a little rejoiced, as thinkingourselves risen from death to life, though we were not yet well assurednor void of fear, till we got to anchor in the road of Tercera, underthe protection of the Portuguese fort, towards which we made allpossible sail. On the other hand, we were still in great doubt, notknowing the situation of the island, or whether they were our friends orenemies; and we were so much the more doubtful, because we found no manof war there, nor any caravels of advice from Portugal as we expected, to have convoyed us home, or given us intelligence, as they usually doin that country. And, because the English had been so victorious inthose parts, we suspected that it went not well with Spain. Theinhabitants of Tercera were no less fearful than we, for on seeing ourfleet they thought us to have been English, and that we came to over-runthe island, because the three English ships came in along with us andhad wound up their flags; upon which the islanders sent out two caravelsto us that lay there, with advice from the king for such India ships asshould come there. 

Those caravels came to view us, and perceiving what we were made afterus; upon which the English ships left us and made towards the caravels, because the caravels thought them friends and shunned them not, assupposing them of our company: But we shot three or four times, and madesigns to them that they should make towards the island, which theypresently did. On perceiving that, the Englishmen made out to sea: andthen the caravels sent on board us, saying that the people of the islandwere all in arms, having received advice from Portugal, that Sir FrancisDrake was in readiness, and meant to come to the islands. They likewisebrought us news of the overthrow of the Spanish armada which had goneagainst England, and that the English had been at the gates of Lisbon;for which reason it win the king's commands that we should put into theisland of Tercera, and remain there under the protection of its castle, till we received further orders, as it was then thought too dangerousfor us to continue our voyage to Lisbon. These news put all our fleet ingreat fear, making us look upon each other as not knowing what to do orsay; as it was dangerous for us to put into the road, which lies open tothe sea, so that although they had the kings commands for so doing, theIndia ships durst not anchor there, but only used to come thither, standing off and on, and sending their boats a-land for such necessariesas they wanted, without coming to anchor. But now necessity compelled usto this measure, owing to our fears for the three small English ships, also because of the kings orders, and because we understood that theEarl of Cumberland was not far from these islands with sundry ships ofwar. We made therefore a virtue of necessity, and entering the road ofTercera, anchored close under the castle, in waiting for orders from theking to pursue our voyage, it being then the 24th of July or St Jamesesday. 

The 12th of August, the Earl of Cumberland, with six or seven ships ofwar, sailed past the island of Tercera; and to our great good fortunepassed out of sight. We then set out in all haste, and, for our greatersecurity, took along with us 400 Spaniards of those who were in garrisonin the island, and made sail for Lisbon with a favourable wind, so thatin eleven days we arrived in the river Tagus with great joy and triumph. For, had we been one day longer of getting into the river, we had allbeen taken by Captain Drake, [Sir Francis Drake] who came before Cascaiswith 40 ships, at the very time when we cast anchor in the Tagus underthe guard of several gallies. 

While I remained in Tercera, the Earl of Cumberland came to St Marys totake in fresh water and other victuals; but the inhabitants would notsuffer him to have it, and wounded both the earl himself and several ofhis men, so that they were forced to depart without having any thing. Likewise, while I was at Tercera, the same earl came to the island ofGraciosa, where he went to land in person with seven or eight others, demanding certain beasts, poultry, and other victuals, with wine andfresh water, which they willingly gave him, after which he departedwithout doing any injury, for which the inhabitants were very thankful, praising his courtesy and faithfulness to his promise. The earl camelikewise at that time to Fayal, where at the first they begun to resisthim; but by reason of some controversy among themselves, they let himland, when he razed the castle, throwing all the cannon into the sea, and took with him certain caravels and ships that lay in the road, withall such provisions as he wanted, and then departed. Thereupon, the kingcaused the principal actors in that transaction to be punished, and wentthither a company of soldiers, which went from Tereera, with all kind ofwarlike ammunition and great shot, rebuilding the cattle the better todefend the island, and no more trusting to the Portuguese inhabitants. 

The 9th of October 1589[381], there arrived in Tereera fourteen shipsfrom the Spanish West Indies, laden with cochineal, hides, gold, silver, pearls, and other rich wares. When they departed from the harbour of theHavannah, they were fifty in company; of which eleven sunk in thechannel [of Florida] by reason of foul weather, and all the rest werescattered and separated from each other in a storm. Next day there cameanother ship of the same fleet, which sailed close under the islandendeavouring to get into the road; when she was met by an English whipthat had not above three cast pieces [of ordnance], while the Spaniardshad twelve. They fought a long while together, which we in the islandcould distinctly see. The governor of the island sent out two boatsfilled with musketeers to aid the Spanish ship; but before they couldget up to her assistance; the English had shot her below water, so thatwe saw her sink into the sea with all her sails up, and she entirelydisappeared. The Englishmens boat saved the Captain and about thirtyothers, but not one pennyworth of the goods, which were to the value of200, 000 ducats, in gold, silver, and pearls. All the rest of the crewwere drowned, to the number of about fifty persons, among whom were somefriars and women, whom the English could not save. The English set allthe people they had saved on shore, and then sailed away. The 27th ofthe same month of October 1589, these fourteen ships sailed fromTercera, for Seville; and on coming to the coast of Spain, they were alltaken by some English ships that watched for them, two only exceptedwhich made their escape, all the rest being carried to England. 

[Footnote 381: In Hakluyt, all that now follows is marked as extractedfrom the 99th chapter of Linschoten. ]

About this time, the earl of Cumberland, with one of the queens shipsand five or six others, kept hovering about the islands, and cameoft-times close to the island of Tercera, and to the road of Angra, sonear that the people on land could easily count all the men on hisdecks, and could even distinguish one from another; they of the islandnot once shooting at them, which they might easily have done, as theywere often within musket-shot of the town and fort. He continued inthese parts for the space of two months, sailing round about theislands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal, as I have already mentioned. He took several ships and caravels, which he sent off to England, sothat the people of the islands durst not put forth their heads. At onetime, about three or four days after the earl had been at the island ofFayal, and was departed from thence, there arrived there six ships ofthe Indies, the general of which was one _Juan Dorives_, which landed inthat island four millions of gold and silver[382]. Then, being much infear of the English, and having refreshed themselves with all speed, they set sail and arrived safe at San Lucar, without meeting an enemy, to the great good luck of the Spaniards and bad fortune of the English;for, within less than two days after the gold and silver was again ladeninto the Spanish ships, the earl of Cumberland sailed past the islandagain; so that if he had once got sight of these valuable ships, withoutdoubt he had got them all, as the Spaniards themselves confessed. 

[Footnote 382: The denomination is not mentioned, perhaps _pezos_, orwhat we call dollars. --E. ]

In the month of November, two great ships arrived in Tercera, being theadmiral and vice-admiral of the fleet laden with silver, which had beenseparated from the fleet in a great storm, and were in great jeopardyand distress, ready to sink, being forced to use all their pumps, and soterrified, that they wished a thousand times to have met the English, towhom they would willingly have given all the silver, and every thingthey had on board, only to preserve their lives. Although the earl stillhovered about the islands, yet did he not meet with these ships, whichgot with much labour and difficulty into the road of Angra, where withall speed they unladed and landed about five millions in silver, all ingreat pieces or ingots of 8 or 12 great pounds, so that the whole quaylay covered with plates and chests of silver, full of pieces of eightrials, most wonderful to behold: Each million being worth ten hundredthousand ducats, besides gold, pearls, and other precious stones, whichwere not registered. The admiral and chief commander of these ships, andof the whole fleet to which they belonged, was _Alvaro Flores de QuinQuiniones_, who was sick of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought toland; and of which malady he died soon afterwards at Seville. He hadwith him the kings commission under the great seal, giving him fullauthority as general and commander in chief upon the seas, over allfleets and ships, and in all places, lands, and islands, on shorewherever he came; wherefore the governor of Tercera shewed him muchhonour, and between them it was concerted, seeing the weakness of theships and the danger from the English, that they should send the shipsfirst empty of treasure to Seville or Lisbon, under a guard of soldiers, when the king might give orders afterwards to fetch the silver homeunder safe convoy. The said admiral Alvaro Flores staid there, undercolour of taking care of the silver, but chiefly because of his diseaseand fear of the English. He had for his part alone, above the value of50, 000 ducats in pearls, which he shewed us, and sought to sell orbarter them with us for spices or bills of exchange. These two shipssailed from Tercera with three or four hundred men, including those whocame with them from the Indies and soldiers; but while at sea in astorm, the admiral split and sunk outright, not one man being saved; andthe vice-admiral, after cutting away her masts, ran aground hard bySetubal, where she broke in pieces, some of the men saving themselves byswimming, who brought the news of all the rest being drowned. 

In the same month of November 1589, there came two great ships out ofthe Spanish Indies, and when within half a mile of the road of Tercera, they were met with by an English ship which fought them both togetherfor a long while, and took them both. About seven or eight monthsbefore, there came an English ship to Tercera, pretending to be aFrenchman come for traffic, and began to load woad, but being discoveredwas confiscated to the king, both ship and cargo, and the men all madeprisoners, yet were allowed to roam up and down to get their livings, bylabouring like slaves, being considered in as safe custody in the islandat large as if in a prison. But at length, upon a Sunday, they all wentbehind the hills called _Bresil_, where they found a fishing boat, inwhich they rowed out to sea to the ships of the Earl of Cumberland, whochanced for their good fortune to come to the island, and anchored withhis ships about half a mile from the road of Angra, close to two smallislands about a bare shot from the shore of Tercera, which are full ofgoats, deer, and sheep, belonging to the inhabitants of Tercera. Thesesailors knew this well, wherefore they rowed to these islands in theirboats, whence they took as many goats and sheep as they needed, whichwas well seen by those of the town and main island, but they durst notgo forth to hinder them. By this exploit, there only remained behind themaster and merchant of the detained English ship. This master had abrother-in-law in England, who, on hearing of his brothers imprisonment, got a licence from the queen to fit out a ship, with which to endeavourto recover his losses by cruizing against the Spaniards, by which toredeem his brother from imprisonment in Tercera, and it was he who tookthe two Spanish ships before the town: The before-mentioned merchant, who was my intimate acquaintance, was standing on the shore along withme, looking at them at the time. When these ships were taken, which wereworth 300, 000 ducats, the brother sent all the men on shore, except onlytwo of the principal gentlemen, whom he kept to give in exchange for hisbrother; and by the pilot of one of the captured ships he sent a letterto the governor of Tercera, offering to send the two gentlemen on shoreif his brother were delivered up, otherwise he would carry themprisoners into England, which indeed he did, as the governor would notdeliver up his brother, saying the gentlemen might make that suit to theking of Spain. We invited that Spanish pilot to supper with us, and theEnglishmen likewise, when he related to us the particulars of the fight, much commending the order and manner in which the English fought, asalso their courteous behaviour to him: But, in the end, the Englishmerchant stole away in a French ship, without paying any ransom. 

In January 1590, there arrived one ship alone at Tercera from theSpanish West Indies, bringing news that a fleet of an hundred sail, which had set out from the Indies, were driven by a storm on the coastof Florida, where they were all cast away, vast riches and many menbeing lost, and she alone had escaped with the news. Thus by account, of200 ships which were certainly known to have sailed out of New Spain, San Domingo, Havannah, Cabo Verde, Brazil, Guinea, &c. In the year1589, for Spain and Portugal, not above 14 or 15 of them arrived safe, all the rest having either been foundered, cast away, or taken. In thesame month of January, there came to Tercera from Seville, 15 or 16ships, mostly fliboats of the Low Countries, and some ships of Britanny, that were arrested in Spain. These came out full of soldiers and wellprovided with guns and ammunition, to lade home the silver that lay inTercera, and to bring home Alvaro Flores into Spain, by order of theking. As at this time of the year there are always great storms aboutthese islands, the above-mentioned ships durst not enter the road ofTercera, for it then blew so great a storm that some of the ships, whichhad entered the road, had been forced to cut away their masts, and werein much danger of being lost, and among these a ship of Biscay wasactually driven upon the coast and dashed to pieces, but all the menwere saved. The other ships were obliged to keep to sea and to separatefrom each other, allowing themselves to drive at the mercy of the windsand waves till the 15th of March, as in all that time they had not oneday of good weather in which to anchor, so that they endured muchdistress, heartily cursing both the silver and the island. 

When this storm was passed, they fell in with an English ship of about40 tons, which by reason of the heavy wind could not hoist all hersails, so that they took her. Hoisting her English ensign on the sternof their admiral, the ships came now as proudly into the road-stead ofTercera as if they had defeated the whole navy of England: But, just astheir admiral was entering the road, trickt out with the English flag onhis stern, there came by chance two English ships past the island, whichpaid her so well for her bravity, that she had to cry out_misericordia_. Had she been a mile farther out, the English shipsdoubtless would have taken her; but getting under the guns of thefortress, which began to play upon the English ships, they were forcedto leave her and put farther out to sea, after having slain five or sixof the Spaniards. 

The Englishmen taken in the small ship were put under hatches, coupledtogether in irons; and, after they had been three or four daysprisoners, a Spanish ensign in the ship, who had a brother slain in thearmada that went against England, took a fancy to revenge his brothersdeath, and to shew his own manhood on these captives; whereupon, takinga poinard, he stabbed six of them to the heart as they sat below inirons. Two others of them perceiving this atrocious action, clasped eachother about the body, and leapt into the sea, where they were drowned. This infamous act was much disliked by all the Spaniards, so that theassassin was carried prisoner to Lisbon; upon which the king of Spaincommanded him to be sent to England, that the queen might use himaccording to her pleasure; which sentence, at the earnest request of thefriends of the murderer, was commuted to an order for his beingbeheaded; but on Good Friday, when the cardinal was going to mass, thecaptains and commanders made such intercession for him, that he wasfinally pardoned. I thought good to note this incident, that the bloodyand dishonourable minds of the Spaniards to those who were undersubjection to them, might be made manifest. 

The same two English ships, which followed the Spanish admiral till hetook shelter under the guns of the fort, put out to sea, where they metwith the only remaining vessel of that fleet which had been scattered inthe storm, all the rest being now in the road. This small ship theytook, sending all me men on shore unhurt; but it they had known what hadbeen done to the English captives, I believe they would have takenvengeance, as many an innocent soul afterwards paid for the atrocity ofthe Spanish ensign. The ship now taken by the English, was the samewhich had been formerly confiscated at Tercera, and was sold to theSpaniards that then came from the Indies, who sailed in her to SanLucar; where it also was arrested by the duke, and appointed to go alongwith the others, to fetch the silver from Tercera, as it was a goodsailer; but it was the meanest of all that fleet. By this means, it wastaken from the Spaniards and carried to England, where the owners got itagain when they least expected. 

On the 19th March 1590, having laden the kings silver and receivedAlvaro Flores with his company, and good provision of necessaries, warlike ammunitions and soldiers, the before-mentioned 19 ships sailedfrom Tercera, firmly resolved, as they set forth, to fight valiantly tothe last man, before they would yield or lose their riches. Though theyintended to make for San Lucar, the wind forced them to Lisbon, as ifwilling to keep them there in safety, although Alvaro Flores would havepersisted in forcing his way to San Lucar against the wind and weather. But, constrained by adverse wind, and importunately urged by themariners, who protested they would require their losses and damages fromhim, he consented to put in at Lisbon, whence the silver was conveyed byland to Seville. At this time, there lay 20 English ships off Cape StVincent, to watch for this fleet; so that if they had gone forwards forSun Lucar, which they certainly had done if the wind had been fair, theymust have fallen into the hands of the English: They may say, therefore, that the wind lent them a fortunate voyage on this occasion. If theEnglish had met them, they had surely been in great danger, and possiblyfew of them had escaped, on account of the fear which they were then inof the English; as fortune, or God rather, was then wholly against them, which was enough to make the Spaniards out of heart, and to inspire theEnglish with the greater boldness; for being victorious, they were stoutand valiant, and seeing all their enterprizes successful, they werebecome lords and masters of the sea, and needed to care for no man, aswell appears from this short narrative. 

On the 7th of August 1590, a fleet of 20 English ships appeared offTercera, five of them being ships belonging to the queen, of which oneMartin Frobisher was general, as we afterwards learnt. They camepurposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish West Indies, and for theIndia ships, and the ships of the other countries in the West. This putthe islanders in great fear, especially those of Fayal, where theEnglish sent a trumpeter to the governor, to ask certain supplies ofwine, flesh, and other provisions for their money. This request was notonly refused, but they shot the messenger and slew him, which gave theEnglish much displeasure, so that they sent another message desiringthem to look to themselves and keep sure guard, as they meant to comeand visit them per force. The governor sent back for answer, that he wasthere in behalf of the king of Spain, and would do his best to keep themout, as in duty bound; but nothing was done after all, though the peopleof Fayal were in great fear, sending to Tercera for aid, whence they hadsome barks with powder and other ammunition of war, with some Biscuitand other necessary provisions. 

The 30th of August, certain news came from Portugal, that 80 ships hadsailed from _the Groin_, (Corunna) laden with victuals, ammunition ofwar, money, and soldiers, bound for Britanny in aid of the catholicleaguers of France against the king of Navarre. At this time likewise, two Netherland hulks, when half seas over on their way from Portugal toTercera, were met by four English ships belonging to the queen, commanded by Sir John Hawkins, by whom they were stopped; but he letthem go again uninjured. According to the report of these Netherlanders, each of these ships carried 80 pieces of ordnance. They reportedlikewise, that Captain Drake (Sir Francis) lay with 40 English ships inthe channel, watching for the fleet from Corunna; and that ten otherEnglish ships lay off Cape St Vincent, that if any ships escapedFrobisher at the islands, they might intercept them. These tidingsgreatly alarmed the islanders, lest if the English failed of catchingthe Spanish fleet, and got nothing by them, they might fall upon theislands, that they might not go home empty handed; whereupon they heldstrict watch, sending home advice to the king of what intelligence theyhad. 

The 1st September, there came a Portuguese ship from Pernambuco inBrazil to the island of St Michael, with news, that the admiral of thePortuguese fleet from the East Indies, having missed St Helena, wasforced to put into Pernambuco, though expressly forbidden by the kingunder a heavy penalty, because of the worms in that haven which greatlyspoil the ships. The same ship, in which was the Admiral BernardinRibero, sailed the former year 1589 from Lisbon for India with fiveships in her company, four only of which got to India, the fifth beingnever heard of, so that she was believed lost. The other four returnedsafe into Portugal, though the admiral was much spoiled, as he met twoEnglish ships, which fought him a long while and slew many of his men, yet he escaped from them at last. The 5th of the same month, therearrived at Tercera a caravel belonging to Corvo, bringing 50 men who hadbeen spoiled by the English, who set them ashore on the island of Corvo. They had been taken in a ship coming from the Spanish West Indies, andreported that the English had taken four other West India ships, and acaravel having the king of Spains letters of advice for the Portugueseships coming from the East Indies; and that, including those they hadtaken, the English had at least 40 ships together, so that nothing couldescape them; therefore, that the Portuguese ships coming from Indiadurst not put into the islands, but took their course between 40° and42° of N. Latitude, whence they shaped their course for Lisbon, shunninglikewise Cape St Vincent, as otherwise they could not look for safety, the sea being quite full of English ships. Wherefore, the king advisedthat the fleet now at Havannah in the Spanish West Indies, and ready tosail for Spain, should remain till the next year, because of the greatdanger of falling into the hands of the English. This was no smallcharge and hindrance to the fleet, as the ships that remain long at theHavannah consume themselves and in a manner eat up one another, from thegreat number of their people, and the great scarcity and dearness ofevery thing at that place; wherefore many of the ships adventured ratherto hazard themselves singly for the voyage than to stay there; all ofwhich fell into the hands of the English, and many of their men werebrought to Tercera: So that we could see nothing else for a whole daybut spoiled men set on shore, some from one ship and some from another, it being pitiful to see and hear them all, cursing the English and theirown bad fortunes, with those who had been the cause of provoking theEnglish to war, and complaining of the small remedy and order takentherein by the officers of the king of Spain. 

The 19th of the same month of September, a caravel arrived at Tercerafrom Lisbon, bringing one of the kings officers to cause lade the goodsthat were saved from the Malacca ship, and for which we had so longtarried there, and to send them to Lisbon. At the same time Don Alonsode Baçan sailed from Corunna for the Azores with 40 great ships of war, to wait for the fleets from the Spanish and Portuguese Indies, which, along with our Malacca goods when laden, he was to convoy to the Tagus. But, when he had been some days at sea, always with a contrary wind, only two of his ships could get to the islands, all the rest beingscattered. When these two ships arrived at Tercera and did not find thefleet, they immediately returned in search of it. In the mean time theking changing his mind, sent orders for the commercial ships to remainin the Indies, and for Don Alonso Baçan to return to Corunna, which hedid accordingly, never once coming near the Azores except the two shipsalready mentioned; for he well knew that the English lay near Corvo, butwould not visit them, and so returned to Corunna. Thus our goods fromMalacca remained unshipped, and were trussed up again, having to waitsome other opportunity. 

The 23d October in this same year 1590, a caravel came from Portugal toTercera, bringing advice that of the five ships which sailed in thatyear from Lisbon for the East Indies, four of them had returned toPortugal after being four months at sea: the admiral ship, in which wasthe viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, having only got to India after beingeleven months at sea without ever seeing land, as was afterwards learntby news over-land, having arrived in great misery at Malacca. In thisship there died 280 men during the voyage out, according to a note sentby the viceroy to the cardinal at Lisbon, with the names and sirnames ofevery man, likewise giving a narrative of the voyage, and the miserythey had endured. This obstinate perseverance was entirely occasioned bythe anxiety of Albuquerque not to lose the government of PortugueseIndia, as he had sworn to lose his life or arrive in India, which indeedhe did to the great danger and loss of his company, many of whom paidwith their lives, and that chiefly owing to want of provisions. Albuquerque knew well, however, if he had returned to Portugal with theother ships, that he would have been deprived of his government, as thepeople began already to murmur at his proud and lofty demeanour. Amongother instances of his pride, he caused to be painted over his gallery, the figure of Fortune and his own picture, with a staff standing by, asif threatening Fortune, with this motto, _Quero que vencas_; that is, _Iwill have thee to overcome_[383]. When this was read by the cardinal andother gentlemen, who accompanied him on board out of respect, theythought it an instance of foolish arrogance: But this is no strangematter among the Portuguese, as they above all others _must let the foolpeep out of their sleeves_, especially when in authority. I knew Mathiasde Albuquerque in India, when a military officer, then beloved of allmen and behaving himself courteously to all, so that he was unanimouslydesired to be their viceroy. But, having received his patent with fullpower and authority, he so much changed from his former behaviour, that, by reason of his pride, all began to fear and curse him, even before hisdeparture from Lisbon, such charges being often seen in many men, whenadvanced to high state and dignity[384]. 

[Footnote 383: De Faria says, "The season was so far advanced when heset out, that it was generally believed he would not accomplish thevoyage. But he caused himself to be painted on his colours standing onFortune; and, setting these up in his ship, declared he would performthe voyage in spite of her, and did so" As De Faria does not reflectupon him for this, it may be presumed, he thought it merely anindication of an heroic disposition. --Astley, I. 231. A. ]

[Footnote 384: De Faria gives a very advantageous character of thisviceroy, saying that he was one of the most deserving of those whoenjoyed that high station. He left 80, 000 ducats in the treasury, besides jewels of Ceylon of great value. He thought no one could cheathim; yet, on purpose to undeceive him, a soldier drew his pay threeseveral times by as many names. He was of middle stature, and lame ofone foot, but not so in disposition and manners, being a good Christianand well-bred gentleman. --Astley, I. 231, b. ]

The 20th January 1591, news was brought from Portugal to Tercera, thatthe English had taken a ship sent by the king to the Portuguese Indies, carrying advice to the viceroy of the return of the four ships toPortugal; which captured ship was stuffed full of goods, in consequenceof their return, besides having 500, 000 ducats in ryals of eight. Itsailed from Lisbon in November 1590, and fought the English a long time, but had at length to yield, and was carried to England, where all themen were set free and returned to Lisbon, at which place the captain wasthrown into prison, but afterwards justified himself and was released, as he told me personally. The English took, at the same time, a shipcoming from the Mina, laden with gold, and two ships laden with pepperand other spices, bound for Italy, their pepper only being worth 170, 000ducats. All these rich prizes were carried clear off into England. 

In July 1591, an earthquake commenced in the island of Tercera, whichcontinued from the 26th of that month to the 12th of August, or 18 days, during all which time no person durst remain within a house, but allfled into the fields in terrible consternation, fasting and prayingalmost incessantly. Many houses fell down, and in particular a towncalled Villa Franca was almost utterly destroyed, all its houses andcloisters thrown down, and several people slain. In some places theground rose up, the cliffs were removed from their places, and even somehills were thrown down and levelled with the adjoining plains. Theearthquake was so violent, that the ships in the road and in theadjoining sea, were shaken as if the whole earth had been agitated toits centre. In one place a fountain sprung from the ground, whence clearwater flowed in abundance for four days, and then ceased. All this timea noise was heard under ground as of thunder, or as if all the devils inhell had been assembled there, by which many died of fear. Four severaltimes the island of Tercera shook with such violence as if it had turnedupon its foundations, yet was it not overwhelmed. Earthquakes are commonin these islands, as about 20 years before there happened just such anearthquake, when a hill, close to the town of Villa Franca, fell downand buried all the town with earth, by which many people wereoverwhelmed and slain. 

The 25th of August, the kings armada from Ferrol arrived in Tercera, consisting of 30 ships of war belonging to Biscay, Portugal, and Spain, together with 10 Dutch fliboats that were pressed at Lisbon into theservice, besides other small vessels and _pataxos_ to serve asadvice-boats, and to scour the seas for intelligence. This fleet came towait for and convoy the ships from the Spanish Indies; and the fliboatswere for the purpose of bringing home to Lisbon our goods that weresaved in the lost ship from Malacca. This fleet arrived at the island ofCorvo on the 13th of September[385], where the English then lay waitingfor the fleet from the Spanish Indies, with a squadron of about 16ships. Some or most of the Spanish ships were already come to theAzores, and the English were in great hopes to have taken them: But, onperceiving the Spanish fleet of war to be so strong, the lord ThomasHoward, who was admiral of the English, gave orders to his fleet not toassail the Spaniards, and on no account to separate from him withoutspecial orders[386]. Yet the vice-admiral, Sir Richard Grenville, in hisship the Revenge, bore into the Spanish fleet, and shot among them doingmuch harm, thinking that the rest of the English ships would havefollowed him, which they did not, but left him there and sailed away, the reason of which could not be known. Perceiving this, the Spaniardsboarded the Revenge with 7 or 8 ships, but she bravely withstood themall, fighting with them at the least 12 hours without ceasing, and sunktwo of them, one a double fliboat of 600 tons, and admiral of thefliboats, the other a ship of Biscay. In the end, however, inconsequence of the overwhelming number that came against her, theRevenge was taken, but to the heavy loss of the Spaniards, who lost inthe fight, either slain or drowned, above 400 men, while 100 of theEnglish were slain. Sir Richard was himself wounded in the brain, ofwhich he afterwards died. 

[Footnote 385: It is probable, from this date, that the arrival of thefleet at Tercera on the 25th August, as above, is an error; and that itonly then left Ferrol; on its voyage for Tercera. --E. ]

[Footnote 386: See the English account of these events in theimmediately preceding section. --E. ]

Sir Richard, after the Revenge yielded, was carried on board the SanPaulo, the ship in which was Don Alonso de Baçan, the admiral of theSpanish fleet, where his wounds were dressed by the Spanish surgeons, but Don Alonso would neither see nor speak to him. All the othercaptains went to visit and comfort him in his hard fortune, wondering athis courage and constancy, as he shewed no signs of faintness, not evenchanging colour: But, feeling his death approaching, he spoke in Spanishto the following purport: "Here die I Richard Grenville, with a joyousand quiet mind, having ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for my country, my queen, my religion, and my honour: so thatmy soul most joyfully departeth from this body, and shall always leavebehind the everlasting fame of a true and valiant soldier, having donemy duty as became me. " When he had finished these, or such like words, he gave up the ghost with great and unshaken courage, no man being ableto perceive the least sign of concern. This sir Richard Grenville was agreat and rich gentleman of England, having large yearly revenues, butof a daring and intrepid disposition, and much affected to warlikeenterprize; insomuch that he voluntarily offered his services to thequeen. He had performed many valiant deeds, and was greatly feared amongthe islands, his intrepidity being well known to all. He was, however, of a severe and rigid character, so that his own people feared and hatedhim for his fierceness, and spoke very hardly of him. For, when they inthe Revenge first fell in among the Spanish fleet, they had theirmainsail in readiness, and might possibly have got away, as it was oneof the best sailing ships of the English; and, as the master perceivedthat the rest of the squadron had left them, and did not follow up totheir support, he gave orders to _cut the mainsail_, that they likewiseshould make off: But sir Richard threatened him and all the rest of thecrew, that if any man laid hold of the mainsail with that intent, hewould cause him to be hung up immediately; so that in fact they werecompelled to fight, and in the end were taken. He was of so hardy acomplexion, that, while among the Spanish officers, while at dinner orsupper with them, he would swallow three or four bumpers of wine, andthen by way of bravado, crush the glasses between his teeth and swallowthem, so that the blood ran out of his mouth, yet without any apparentharm to him. This was told me by several credible persons, who had oftenstood by and beheld him. 

The Englishmen who remained alive in the Revenge, as the captain of thesoldiers, the master, and others, were distributed among the differentships by which she was taken. On taking possession of her, a fight hadalmost taken place between the Biscaineers and Portuguese who boardedher, both claiming the honour of having boarded first, so that theregrew a great noise and quarrel among them, one seizing the chief ensign, and the other the flag, the captains and every one holding their own. The ships which had laid her on board were altogether out of order, andsore shattered, having many of their men hurt, so that they had to cometo Tercera to be repaired. On their arrival, I and my chamber companion, desirous to hear the news, went on board one of the twelve apostles, orgreat ships of Biscay, whose captain was _Bartandono_[387], who had beengeneral of the Biscaineers in the great armada that went againstEngland. On seeing us, he called us into his gallery, where he receivedus courteously, being then at dinner along with the English captain, whowas dressed in a suit of black velvet, but could not tell us any thing, as he could speak no other language but English and Latin, which lastBartandono could speak a little. The English captain was permitted bythe governor of Tercera to land with his sword by his side, and was inour lodging visiting the Englishman who belonged to the ship of whichthe sailors escaped, as I related before. This captain wrote a letter, in which he related all the particulars of the fight, and left it withthat English merchant who resided in the lodging with us, to forward itto the lord admiral of England. The captain went afterwards to Lisbon, where he was honourably received, and sent, to Setubal, whence he sailedfor England with the other prisoners. The master likewise of the Revengecame on shore, with licence from Bartandono, and lived in the samelodgings with us. He had at the least 10 or 12 wounds, in his head andbody, of which he afterwards died on his voyage from the islands toLisbon. 

[Footnote 387: Named Britandona in the foregoing section. --E. ]

The Spanish navy remained at the Azores till the end of September, toassemble all the fleet together, which in the end amounted to the numberof 140 sail in all, including the ships of war and those of the Indies. When all ready to sail, there arose suddenly so violent a storm, thatthe islanders declared nothing like it had been seen in the memory ofman. The sea raged with such fury as if it would have swallowed up theislands, the waves rising higher than the cliffs, so that it was amazingto behold them, and living fish were thrown upon the land. The stormlasted for seven or eight successive days, veering about to every pointof the compass at least twice or three times during its continuance, with a continual tempestuous force most terrible to behold, even by uswho were on shore, much more to those who were on the sea, and exposedto its fury. During this dreadful storm, above 12 ships were dashed topieces on the coasts and rocks of the island of Tercera all round about, so that nothing was to be heard but weeping, lamenting, and wailing, nowa ship being broken in pieces in one place, then another at a differentplace, and all the men drowned. For 20 days after the storm, nothingelse was done but fishing for dead men that were continually driving onshore. Among the rest, the Revenge was cast away on a ledge of rocksnear the isle of Tercera, where she split to pieces and sunk, having inher 70 men, Gallegos and Biscaineers and others, with some of thecaptive English, one only of whom got upon the rock alive, having hishead and body all wounded. Being brought on shore, he told us the sadtidings, and desired to be shriven, after which he presently died. TheRevenge had in her several fine brass pieces of artillery, which wereall sunk in the sea; but the islanders had great hopes of weighing themup next summer. 

Among those ships that were cast away about Tercera, was one of thosefliboats which had been arrested in Portugal for the kings service, named the White Dove, the master of which was one Cornelius Martenson ofSchiedam in Holland, having in her 100 soldiers, as was the case in allthe rest. Being overruled by the Spanish captain, so that he could notbe master of his own ship, he was sailing about at the mercy of thewinds and waves, and came at length in sight of Tercera, whereupon theSpaniards, thinking all their safety consisted in putting into theroads, compelled the master and pilot to make towards the island; andwhen they remonstrated, saying they would certainly be cast away and alldestroyed, the Spanish captain called him a drunkard and heretic, andstriking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he was ordered. Seeingthis, the master said, "Well then, since it is your desire to be castaway, I can lose but one life. " He then made sail for the land, whichwas on that side of the island where there is nothing but rocks andstones as high as mountains, most terrible to behold. Several of theinhabitants stood on the cliffs with long ropes, having bundles of corkfastened to one end, to throw down to the men, that they might lay holdof them and save their lives. Few of them, however, got near enough forthis, as most of them were dashed to pieces before they could reach therocks forming the wall-like shore. At this time, when approaching therocks, the master, who was an old man, called his son who sailed withhim, and having embraced and taken a last farewell, the good old fatherdesired his son to take no note of him, but to seek and save himself. "Son, said he, thou art young, and mayst have some hope of saving thylife; but I am old and it is no great matter what becomes of me. " Thus, shedding many tears, as may well be conceived in such a situation, theship struck the rocks and went in pieces, the father and son fallinginto the sea on different sides of the vessel, each laying hold on whatcame first to hand, but to no purpose. The sea was so high and furious, that all were drowned, except fourteen or fifteen who saved themselvesby swimming, with their legs and arms half broken and sore hurt. Amongthese was the Dutch masters son and four other Dutch boys; all the restof the Spaniards and sailors, with captain and master, being drowned. What heart so hard as not to melt at so grievous a sight, especiallyconsidering the beastly and ignorant insolence of the Spaniards? Fromthis instance, it may be conceived how the other ships sped, as weindeed partly beheld, and were informed by those few who were saved, some of whom were our countrymen. 

On the other islands the loss was no less than at Tercera, two shipswere cast away on the island of St George; two on Pico; three onGraciosa. Besides those, there were seen everywhere round about, manypieces of broken ships and other things, floating towards the islands, with which the sea was everywhere covered, most pitiful to behold. Fourships were cast away on the island of St Michael, and three more weresunk between Tercera and St Michael, from which not one man was saved, though they were seen and heard to cry out for aid. All the rest weredismasted and driven out to sea, all torn and rent; so that of the wholearmada and merchant ships, 140 in all, only 32 or 33 arrived in Spainand Portugal, and these with great pain, misery and labour, not any twotogether, but this day one, to-morrow another, and next day a third. Allthe rest were cast away about the Azores islands, or foundered at sea, whereby may be judged what loss was incurred; as the loss was esteemedgreater by many, than had been sustained in the great armada that wentagainst England. It may very well be considered that this terribledisaster was a just judgment of God against the Spaniards; and it maytruly be said that the taking of the Revenge was justly revenged againstthem, not by the force of men, but by the power of God. Some of thepeople in Tercera said openly, that they verily believed God wouldconsume them, and that he had taken part with the Lutherans andheretics. They alleged farther, that so soon as they had thrown the bodyof Sir Richard Grenville overboard, they verily believed, as he had adevilish faith and religion, therefore all the devils loved him: For heinstantly sunk to the bottom of the sea, and down into hell, where heraised up all the devils to revenge his death; and that they broughtthese great storms and tempests upon the Spaniards, because they onlymaintained the Catholic and true Romish religion. Such and the likeblasphemies did they utter openly and continually, without beingreproved of any one for their false opinions. 

Of their fleet which sailed from New Spain, 50 in all, 35 were cast awayor foundered at sea, so that 15 only escaped. Of the San Domingo fleet, 14 were cast away coming through the channel from Havannah, the admiraland vice-admiral being of the number. Two ships, coming from the TerraFirma, laden with gold and silver, were taken by the English; and beforethe fleet under Don Alonso de Baçan came to Corvo, at the least 20ships, coming from San Domingo, India, Brazil, &c. Had been taken atdifferent times by the English, all of which were sent to England. 

Section XIV. 

_Cruizing voyage to the Azores, in 1592, by Sir John Burrough, Knight_[388]

INTRODUCTION. 

THE title of this section as here given from Astleys Collection, is byno means accurate, as the service performed by Burrough forms only oneprominent portion of the present narrative. The expedition which itrelates was fitted out and commanded by the memorable Sir WalterRaleigh, and the entire title of this relation, as given by Hakluyt, isas follows: "A true report of the honourable service at sea, performedby Sir John Burrough, knight, lieutenant-general of the fleet preparedby the honourable Sir Walter Raleigh, knight, lord warden of thestanneries of Cornwal and Devon. Wherein chiefly the Santa Clara ofBiscay, a ship of 600 tons, was taken, and two East India Caraks, theSanta Cruz and the Madre de Dios were forced; the one burnt, and theother taken and brought into Dartmouth, the 7th September 1592. "

[Footnote 388: Hakluyt, III. 9. Astley, I. 245. ]

Even this long title does not clearly describe the narrative, as SirWalter Raleigh actually sailed on the expedition. But it is notnecessary to extend this observation, as the story will sufficientlyexplain itself. The editor of Astleys collection, alleges that SirWalter Raleigh seems to have been the author of this article. --E. 

 * * * * *

Having received a commission from the queen for an expedition to theWest Indies, Sir Walter Raleigh used the utmost diligence in making allnecessary preparations, both in the choice of good ships and sufficientmen and officers, as the performance sufficiently evinced. His shipswere 14 or 15 in number; of which the two principal belonged to thequeen, called the Garland and Foresight The rest either belonged tohimself or his friends, or to the adventurers of London. As for thegentlemen who went with him as officers, they were so well qualified incourage, experience and discretion, that the greatest prince might thinkhimself happy in being served by the like. The honour oflieutenant-general [vice-admiral] was conferred upon Sir John Burrough, a gentleman every way worthy of that command, by his many good andheroic qualities; with whom, after Sir Walter returned, was joined incommission Sir Martin Frobisher; who, for his great skill and knowledgein maritime affairs, had formerly held employments of similar or greaterimportance. The rest of the captains, sailors and soldiers were men ofnotable resolution, and who for the most part had before givensufficient proof of their valour, in sundry services of the like nature. 

With these ships thus manned, Sir Walter Raleigh departed towards thewest country, there to provide such farther necessaries as were needfulfor the expedition. The wind blew long from the west, quite contrary tohis intended course, by which he was wind-bound many weeks, the fittestseason for his purpose being thereby lost, his victuals much consumed, and the minds of his people greatly changed. When her majesty came tounderstand how crossly all this went, she began to call the propriety ofthis expedition in question, as the 6th of May was come before SirWalter could put to sea. Sir Martin Frobisher came to him the next day, in a pinnace of the lord admiral called the Disdain, and brought hermajestys letters of recal, with orders to leave the fleet under thecommand of Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher. But, finding hishonour so far engaged, that he saw no means to save his reputation orcontent his friends who had adventured great sums on fitting out theexpedition, Sir Walter pretended to understand the queens letters as ifthey had left it to his choice either to return or proceed; wherefore hewould in no case leave his fleet, now under sail. 

Continuing therefore his course to sea, he met within a day or two someships newly come from Spain, among which was a ship belonging toMonsieur Gourdon, governor of Calais, on board of which was one Mr NevilDavies an Englishman, who had endured a long and miserable captivity oftwelve years, partly in the inquisition, and had now by good fortunemade his escape, and was on his way home. Among other things, this manreported that there was little good to be done or expected this year inthe West Indies, as the king of Spain had sent express orders to all theports both of the islands and the main, that no ships were to sail thatyear, nor any treasure to be shipt for Spain. Yet did not thisunpleasant intelligence induce Sir Walter to desist from hisproceedings; till, on Thursday the 11th of May, a tempest of greatviolence, when he was athwart Cape Finister, so scattered the greaterpart of his fleet, and sunk his boats and pinnaces, that Sir Walter, whowas in the Garland belonging to her majesty, was in danger offoundering. 

Upon this, considering that the season of the year was too far gone forthe enterprize he meditated against Panama, having been detained bycontrary winds on the coast of England from February till May, in whichtime he had expended three months victuals, and considering that tocruize upon the Spanish coast or at the islands for the homeward boundEast or West India ships, was a mere work of patience, he gavedirections to Sir John Burrough and Sir Martin Frobisher, to divide thefleet in two parts. Sir Martin, with the Garland, Captain GeorgeClifford, Captain Henry Thin, Captain Grenville and others, to lie offthe south cape, on purpose to oblige the Spanish fleet to remain ontheir own coast; while Sir John Burrough, with Captain Robert Crosse, Captain Thomson and others, should go to cruize off the Azores for thecaraks or any other Spanish ships coming from Mexico or other parts ofthe West Indies. These intentions took effect accordingly: For theSpanish admiral, having intelligence of the English fleet being on thecoast, attended to the defence of the southern parts of Spain, keepingas near Sir Martin Frobisher as he could, to hinder the success of anything he might undertake, and thereby neglected the safe conduct of thecaraks. 

Before the fleet separated, they met with a great ship of Biscay on thecoast of Spain, called the Santa Clara of 600 tons, which was takenafter a stout resistance. She was freighted with all sorts of small ironware, as horse shoes, nails, ploughshares, iron bars, spikes, bolts, locks, gimbols, &c. And valued by us at 6000 or 7000 pounds, thoughworth treble that value to them. This ship was on her way to San Lucar, to take in there some farther articles of freight for the West Indies;and being first rummaged, was sent off for England. Our fleet thensailed towards the south cape of St Vincent; and while near the rock ofLisbon, Sir John Burrough in the Roebuck espied a sail far off to whichhe gave chace. Being a fliboat and a quick sailer, she drew him far tothe south before he could fetch her, but at last, she came under his leeand struck sail. The master gave information, that a great fleet wasprepared at Cadiz and San Lucar, destined according to report for theWest Indies; but the real object of this armament was this: Havingreceived notice that Sir Walter Raleigh was fitted out with a strongforce for the West Indies, the king of Spain had provided this greatfleet to oppose him; but, in the first place, as the East India carakswere expected, this fleet was to convoy them home. But, as he persuadedhimself, if Sir Walter went to the West Indies, the Azores would onlyhave a few small ships of war to infest them, his orders to Don Alonzode Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and general of hisarmada, were to pursue the fleet of Sir Walter Raleigh whatever coursehe went, and to attack him wherever he could find him. 

Our men soon found this to be true, for, not long after the capture ofthe fliboat, as Sir John Burrough sailed back again to rejoin his fleet, he discovered the Spanish fleet to seaward; which, espying him betweenthem and the shore, made themselves sure of carrying him into a Spanishharbour. For this purpose, they spread themselves in such sort beforehim, that his danger was very great, as his course to seawards wasutterly impeded, and the land being hostile could yield him no relief. In this extremity, putting his trust in God and his good ship, he thrustout from among them with all sail, and in spite of their force andnotable cunning to intercept him, got clear off. Having thus got clear, and finding the coast so well guarded by this fleet, and knowing it wereonly folly to expect meeting with Sir Martin Frobisher, who knew of thearmada as well as himself, and would be sure to avoid them, he began toshape his course directly for the Azores, according to the orders of SirWalter Raleigh, and soon came in sight of St Michael, running so nearthe town of Villa Franca, that he could easily discern the ships thatlay there at anchor. He intercepted several small vessels, both here andbetween St Georges and Pico in his course to Flores, but could get nointelligence from them for his purpose. 

Arriving before Flores on Thursday the 21st June towards evening, thenonly accompanied by captain Caufield and the master of his ship, therest not being yet arrived, be made towards the shore in his boat, wherehe found all the inhabitants of Santa Cruz, a village or small town ofthat island, under arms, and drawn up to oppose his landing. Having nointention of committing hostilities, Sir John shewed a white flag intoken of amity, which was answered by the islanders, upon which afriendly conference ensued, and hostages were taken on both sides, thecaptain of the town for them, and captain Caufield for us; so thatwhatever our people wanted and that place could supply, as fresh water, victuals, or the like, was freely granted by the inhabitants, and ourpeople had leave to refresh themselves on shore without restraint, aslong and as often as they pleased. At this place Sir John Burrough wasinformed, that they had no expectation of any fleet coming from the WestIndies; but that only three days before his arrival, a carak had passedby from the East Indies for Lisbon, and that there were four more behindall of one convoy. Being very glad of this news, Sir John embarkedimmediately, having at this time in his company only a small bark ofBristol, belonging to one Mr Hopkins. 

In the meanwhile, part of the English ships that Sir John had left onthe coast of Spain drew towards the Azores; and Sir John very soon gotsight of one of the caraks. The same evening he descried two or three ofthe earl of Cumberlands ships, whereof one Mr Norton was captain, whichhad descried the carak and pursued in the track she was following forthe islands, but no way could be made by either party, as it was almosta dead calm. In this dilemma, on purpose to discover her force, burden, and countenance, Sir John took his boat and rowed three miles towardsher, to make her out exactly; and on his return, having consulted withhis officers, it was resolved to board her in the morning. A heavy stormarose in the night, which forced them to weigh anchor, yet did they bearup amain against the weather, not to lose the carak. In the morning, being very near the shore, our men could perceive the carak close to theland, and the Portuguese using their utmost endeavour to convey whateverthey could from her on shore. Seeing our men making all haste to comeupon her, the Portuguese forsook her, but first, that nothing might beleft for our men, they set her on fire, that neither the glory ofvictory nor the benefit of the ship and cargo might remain to theEnglish. And, lest the English might find means to extinguish the fire, and thereby to preserve a part of the cargo, being in number 400 wellarmed men, they entrenched themselves on shore as near as possible tothe carak, to keep our men aloof till the fire might consume the carakand all her contents. 

Seeing this, Sir John landed with an hundred of his men, many of whomhad to swim on shore or wade more than breast high; and having easilydispersed those who guarded the shore, he no sooner approached theentrenchment but the Portuguese fled, leaving as much as the fire hadspared to reward the pains of our men. Among others taken at theentrenchment, were a Portuguese called Vincent Fonseca, purser of thecarak, with two of her cannoneers, one a German, and the other aHollander; who, refusing to give any account voluntarily of what wasasked, were threatened with torture, and then confessed that withinfifteen days three other caraks would certainly arrive at the sameisland, there being five caraks in the fleet at their departure fromGoa, the Buen Jesus admiral, Madre de Dios, San Bernardo, SanChristophoro, and Santa Cruz, that now on fire. They had especial ordersfrom the king of Spain, not in any case to touch at St. Helena, wherethe Portuguese caraks used always till now to refresh on their way fromthe East Indies, procuring water and fresh, provisions. The reason ofthis order was, that the king was informed the English men of war meantto lie there in wait for them. If therefore, their necessities shoulddrive them to seek supply any where, they were commanded to put in atAngola on the coast of Africa, and only to remain there so long as wasnecessary to take in water, that they might avoid the inconvenience ofinfections, to which that hot country is dangerously liable. The lastrendezvous appointed for them was the island of Flores, where they wereassured of a naval force meeting them and convoying them to Lisbon. 

On receiving this intelligence, Sir John held a council with CaptainsNorton, Downton, and Abraham Cocke, commanding three ships of the Earlof Cumberland, Mr Thomson of Harwich, captain of the Dainty, belongingto Sir John Hawkins, one of Sir Walter Raleighs fleet, CaptainChristopher Newton of the Golden Dragon, newly come from the WestIndies, and others. To these he communicated the intelligence he hadjust got from the foresaid examination, and what great presumptions oftruth appeared in their story; and wishing, since God and their goodfortune had so opportunely brought them together, that they might unitetheir utmost endeavours to bring these Orientals under the lee ofEnglish obedience. Upon this it was mutually agreed not to part companyor leave these seas, till time and opportunity should enable them to puttheir consultations into execution. Next day her majestys shipForesight, Sir Robert Cross, joined them, and he, being informed of thematter, entered heartily on this service. Then Sir John, with all theseships, went 6 or 7 leagues to the west of Flores, spreading them out ina line from north to south, each ship at least two leagues distant fromeach other, by which order they were able to discover two whole degreesof the sea. 

They lay in this manner from the 29th of June to the 3d of August, whenCaptain Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak calledthe Madre de Dios, one of the greatest belonging to the crown ofPortugal. Having the start of the rest, and being an excellent sailor, the Dainty began the combat something to her cost, by the slaughter andhurt of several of her men. Within a little Sir John Burrough came up tosecond her in the Roebuck, belonging to Sir Walter Raleigh, and salutedthe Madre de Dios with great shot, continuing the fight withinmusket-shot, assisted by Captains Thomson and Newport, till Sir RobertCross came up, who was vice-admiral and was to leeward, on which SirJohn asked his opinion what was best to be done. Sir Robert said, if shewere not boarded she would reach the shore and be set on fire, as hadbeen done with the other. Wherefore Sir John Burrough concluded tograpple her, and Sir Robert Cross engaged to do so likewise at the samemoment, which was done accordingly. After some time in this situation, Sir John Burroughs ship received a shot of a _cannon perier_[389] underwater; and, being ready to sink, desired Sir Robert to fall off, that healso might clear himself and save his ship from sinking. This was donewith much difficulty, as both the Roebuck and Foresight were soentangled that they could not clear themselves. 

[Footnote 389: Probably a large stone ball. --E. ]

That same evening, finding the carak drawing near the land, Sir RobertCrosse persuaded his consorts to board her again, as otherwise therewere no hopes of taking her. After many fears and excuses, he at lastencouraged them, and then went athwart her bows all alone, and sohindered her sailing, that the rest had time to get up to the attackbefore she could make the land. So, towards evening, after Sir Roberthad fought her three hours singly, two of the Earl of Cumberlands shipscame up, and then they and Sir Robert Crosse carried her by boardingwith very little loss, as Sir Robert by this time had broken theircourage, and made the assault easy for the rest. Having disarmed thePortuguese, and bestowed them for better security as prisoners into theother ships, Sir Robert had now time to contemplate the proportions ofthis vast carak, which did then, and may still provoke the admiration ofall men not accustomed to such a sight. But though this first viewafforded our men sufficient admiration, yet the pitiful sight of somany bodies slain and mangled drew tears from their eyes, and inducedthem to lend aid to those miserable people, whose limbs were sore tornby the shot, and their bodies agonized by a multitude of wounds. No mancould almost step but upon a dead carcass or a bloody floor, butespecially about the helm, where many of them had been slain whileendeavouring to steer, as it required the united strength of twelve orfourteen men at once to move the rudder, and some of our ships beatingin at her stern with their ordnance, often slew four or five labouringon each side of the helm at one shot, whose places were immediatelysupplied by fresh hands, and as our artillery incessantly plied themwith continual vollies, much blood was necessarily spilt in that place. 

Moved with compassion for their misery, our general immediately sentthem his own surgeons, withholding no possible aid or relief that he orhis company could supply. Among those whom this chance of war hadrendered most deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoça, grand captain andcommander of this mighty carak, descended of the house of Mendoça inSpain, but having married in Portugal, lived there as one of thatnation. He was a gentleman well striken in years, of comely personageand good stature, but of hard fortune. In the course of his servicesagainst the Moors he had been twice taken prisoner, and both timesransomed by the king. In a former return voyage from the East Indies, hewas driven upon the _Baxos_ or sands of _India_, near the coast ofSofala, being then captain of a carak which was lost, and himself fellinto the hands of the infidels on shore, who kept him in a long andrigorous captivity. Once more, having great respect for him, and willingto mend his fortune, the king had given him the conduct of this hugecarak, in which he went from Lisbon as admiral of the India fleet, andhad returned in that capacity, but that the viceroy embarked in the BonJesus, and assumed that rank in virtue of his late office. Not willingto add too severely to the affliction of this man, Sir John Burroughfreely dismissed Don Fernando and most of his followers, giving themsome vessels for that purpose, with all necessary provisions. 

Having dispatched this business, Sir John Burrough had leisure to takesuch a survey of the goods in his prize, as the convenience of the seaswould admit; and seeing many inclined to commit spoil and pillage, hevery prudently seized upon the whole in the name of her majesty. He thenmade a cursory inspection of the cargo, and perceived that the wealthwould be fully answerable to expectation, and would be more thansufficient to content both the desires of the adventurers, and thefatigues and dangers of the captors. I cannot here refrain fromacknowledging the great favour of God to our nation, by putting thisrich prize into our hands, thereby manifestly discovering the secretsand riches of the trade of India, which had hitherto lain strangelybidden and cunningly concealed from our knowledge, only a very imperfectglimpse of it being seen by a few, while it is now turned into the broadlight of full and perfect knowledge. Whence it would appear to be thewill of God for our good, if only our weakness would so apprehend it, that we should participate in those East Indian treasures, by theestablishment of a lawful traffic, to better our means of advancing thetrue religion and the holy service of God. 

This carak, in the judgment of those most experienced, was of not lessthan 1600 tons burden, 900 of which were stowed full of richmerchandize; the remainder being allowed partly for the ordnance, whichwere 32 pieces of brass cannon of all sorts, and partly to the shipscompany, passengers, and victuals, which last could not be a smallquantity, considering the length of the voyage, and that there werebetween six and seven hundred persons on board. To give a taste as itwere of the commodities, it may suffice to give a general enumeration ofthem, according to the catalogue made out at Leadenhall, London, on the15th September 1592. After the jewels, which were certainly of greatvalue, though they never came to light, the principal wares consisted ofspices, drugs, silks, calicoes, quilts, carpets, and colours, &c. Thespices were pepper, cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, green ginger. Thedrugs, benzoin, frankincense, gallinga, mirabolans, socotorine aloes, camphor. The silks, damasks, taffetas, sarcenets, _altobassos_ orcounterfeit cloth of gold, unwrought China silk, sleaved silk, whitetwisted silk, and curled cypress. The calicoes were book-calicoe, calicoe-lawns, broad white calicoes, fine starched calicoes, coarsewhite calicoes, brown broad calicoes, brown coarse calicoes. There werealso canopies, and coarse diaper towels, quilts of coarse sarsenet, andof calico, and carpets like those of Turkey. Likewise pearls, musk, civet, and ambergris. The rest of the wares were many in number, butless in value; as elephants teeth, porcelain vessels of China, coconuts, hides, ebony as black as jet, bedsteads of the same, curious clothmade of the rind of trees, &c. All which piles of merchandize, beingvalued at a reasonable rate by men of approved judgment, amounted to noless than 150, 000 pounds Sterling, which being divided among theadventurers, of whom her majesty was the chief, was sufficient tocontent all parties. 

The cargo being taken out, and the goods reloaded on board ten of ourships to be sent to London, one Mr Robert Adams, a man of excellentskill, took the exact bigness, height, length, breadth, and otherdimensions of this huge vessel, that these might be preserved accordingto the exact rules of geometrical proportions, both for presentknowledge and transmission to posterity, omitting nothing which eitherhis art could demonstrate, or any mans judgment think worthy of beingknown. After an exact survey of the whole frame, he found the extremelength, from the beak head to the stern, where a lantern was erected, 165 feet. The breadth, in the second close deck, of which she had three, but this the broadest, was 46 feet 10 inches. At her departure fromCochin in India, her draught of water was 31 feet; but at her arrival inDartmouth, not above 26, being lightened 5 feet during her voyage byvarious causes. She contained 7 several stories; viz. One main orlop, three close decks, one forecastle, and a spar deck of two floors each. The length of the keel was 100 feet, of the main-mast 121 feet, and itscircumference at the partners was 10 feet 7 inches. The main-yard was106 feet long. By this accurate mensuration, the hugeness of the wholeis apparent, and far beyond the mould of the largest ships used amongus, either for war or cargo. 

Don Alonso de Baçan, having a greater fleet, and yet suffering these twogreat caraks to be lost, the Santa Cruz burnt, and the Madre de Diostaken, was disgraced by the king of Spain for his negligence. 

SECTION XV. 

_The taking of two Spanish Ships, laden with quicksilver and the Popesbulls, in 1592, by Captain Thomas White_. [390]

While returning from Barbary in the Amity of London, and in the latitudeof 36° N. At 4 in the morning of the 26th of July 1592, Captain Whitegot sight of two ships at the distance of three or four leagues. Givingimmediate chace, he came within gun-shot of them by 7 o'clock; and bytheir boldness in shewing Spanish colours, he judged them rather to beships of war than laden with merchandize; indeed, by their ownconfession afterwards, they made themselves so sure of taking him, thatthey debated among themselves whether it were better for them to carryhis ship to San Lucar or Lisbon. After waving each other amain, theSpaniards placed themselves in order of battle, a cables length beforethe other, when the fight began, both sides charging and firing as fastas they were able, at the distance of a cables length, for the space offive hours. In this time, the Amity received 32 great shots in her hull, masts, and sails, besides at least 500 iron muskets and arquebuses, which were counted after the fight. 

[Footnote 390: Astley, I. 249. The editor of Astleys collection gives nonotice of the source whence he procured this narrative. The Spanishships with quicksilver are usually called _azogue_ or _assogue_ ships;the word assogue signifying quicksilver. --E. ]

Finding them to make so stout a resistance, Captain White attempted toboard the Biscaian, which was foremost; and after lying on board aboutan hour, plying his ordnance and small shot, he _stowed all hermen_[391]. At this time, the other vessel, which was a fliboat, thinkingCaptain White had boarded her consort with all his men, _bore room withhim_[392], intending to have laid him close on board, so as to entraphim between both ships, and place him between two fires. Perceiving thisintention, he fitted his ordnance in such sort as to get quit of her, sothat she boarded her consort, and both fell from him. Mr White now kepthis loof, hoisted his main-sails, and weathering both ships, came closeaboard the fliboat, to which he gave his whole broadside, by whichseveral of her men were slain, as appeared by the blood running from herscuppers. After this he tacked about, new charged all his ordnance, andcoming round again upon both ships, ordered them to yield or he wouldsink them outright. One of them being shot between wind and water, wouldhave complied, but the other called him a traitor; on which CaptainWhite called out, that if he also did not presently yield, he would sinkhim first. Intimidated by this threat, they both hung out white flagsand yielded; yet refused to strike their own sails, as they had swornnot to strike to any Englishman. 

[Footnote 391: This expression seems to mean, that he forced them to runbelow. --E. ]

[Footnote 392: That is, bore down upon him. --E. ]

He then commanded the captains and masters to come on board the Amity, where they were examined and placed in safe custody; after which he sentsome of his own men on board both ships to strike the sails and manthem. There were found in both, 126 persons alive, with eight deadbodies, besides those that had been cast overboard. This victory wasobtained by 42 men and a boy, of whom two were slain and three wounded. The two prizes were laden with 1400 chests of quicksilver, marked withthe arms of Castile and Leon, besides a vast quantity of bulls orindulgences, and ten packs of gilded missals and breviaries, all on thekings account. Also an hundred tons of excellent wine, intended for thesupply of the royal fleet; all of which Captain White brought shortlyafterwards to Blackwall in the river Thames. 

By this capture of quicksilver, the king of Spain lost for every quintala quintal of silver, that should have been delivered to him by themine-masters in Peru, amounting in value to L. 600, 000. There werelikewise 2, 072, 000 bulls for living and dead persons, intended for theuse of New Spain, Yucatan, Guatimala, Honduras, and the Philippineislands, taxed at two ryals each; besides 18, 000 bulls at four ryals;amounting in all to L. 107, 700: So that the total loss to the king ofSpain was L. 707, 700, not reckoning the loss and disappointment by themass-books and wine. 

SECTION XVI. 

_Narrative of the Destruction of a great East India Carak, in 1594, written by Captain Nicholas. Downton_[393]. 

In the latter end of the year 1593, the right honourable the earl ofCumberland, at his own charges and those of his friends, fitted outthree ships of equal size and rates, having each the same quantity ofprovisions and the same number of men. These were, the Royal Exchange, which went as admiral, commanded by Captain George Cave; the May-flower, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Anthony; and the Sampson, which my lord was pleased to commit to me, Nicholas Downton. In all thethree ships there were embarked 420 men of all sorts, or 140 in each. Besides these, there, was a pinnace: called the Violet, or _Why-not-I. _

[Footnote 393: Hakluyt, III. 14. Astley, I 250. ]

Our instructions were sent to us at Plymouth, and we were directed toopen them at sea. The 6th of April 1594, we set sail from Plymouthsound, directing our course for the coast of Spain. The 24th, being thenin lat. 43° N; we divided ourselves east and west from each other, onpurpose to keep a good look out, with orders from our admiral to closeup again at night. In the morning of the 27th, we descried theMay-flower and the little pinnace, in company with a prize they hadtaken belonging to Viana in Portugal, and bound for Angola. This vesselwas about 28 tons burden, having 17 persons on board, with some 12 tonsof wine, which we divided among our ships, together with some rusk inchests and barrels, 5 bales of coarse blue cloth, and some coarse linenfor negroes shirts; all of which goods were divided among our fleet. The4th of May, we had sight again of our pinnace and the admirals shallop, which had taken three Portuguese caravels, two of which we sent away andkept the third. The 2d June we came in sight of St Michaels. The 3d wesent off our pinnace, which was about 24 tons burden, together with thesmall caravel we had taken off the Burlings, to range about theanchorages of the Azores, trying to make captures of any thing theycould find, appointing them to meet with us at a rendezvous 12 leaguesW. S. W. From Fayal. Their going from us served no purpose, and was amisfortune, as they omitted joining us when appointed, and we alsomissed them when they might have been of much service. 

The 13th of June we fell in with a mighty carak from the East Indies, called _Las cinquellagues_, or the five wounds. The May-Flower was insight of her before night, and I got up with her in the evening. While Ihad ordered our men to give her a broadside, and stood carefullyexamining her strength, and where I might give council to board her inthe night when the admiral came up, I received a shot a little above thebelly, by which I was rendered unserviceable for a good while after, yetno other person in my ship was touched that night. Fortunately, by meansof one captain Grant, an honest true-hearted man, nothing was neglectedthough I was thus disabled. Until midnight, when the admiral came up, the May-Flower and the Sampson never desisted from plying her with ourcannon, taking it in turns: But then captain Cave wished us to stay tillmorning, when each of us was to give her three broadsides, and then layher on board; but we long lingered in the morning till 10 o'clock, before we attempted to board her. 

The admiral then laid her on board amid ships, and the May-Flower cameup on her quarter, as if to take her station astern of our admiral onthe larboard side of the carak; but the captain of the May-Flower wasslain at the first coming up, on which his ship fell astern on the_outlicar_[394] of the carak, a piece of timber, which so tore herforesail that they said they could not get up any more to fight, asindeed they did not, but kept aloof from us all the rest of the action. The Sampson went aboard on the bow of the carak, but had not roomenough, as our quarter lay on the bow of the Exchange, and our bow onthat of the carak. At the first coming up of the Exchange, her captainMr Cave was wounded in both legs, one of which he never recovered, sothat he was disabled from doing his duty, and had no one in his absencethat would undertake to lead his company to board the enemy. My friend, captain Grant, led my men up the side of the carak; but his force beingsmall, and not being manfully seconded by the crew of the Exchange, theenemy were bolder than they would have been, so that six of my men werepresently slain, and many more wounded; which made those that remainedreturn on board, and they would never more give the assault. Some of theExchanges men did very well, and I have no doubt that many more wouldhave done the like, if there had been any principal men to have led themon, and not to have run into corners themselves. But I must allow thatthe carak was as well provided for defence as any ship I have seen; andperhaps the Portuguese were encouraged by our slackness, as they pliedour men from behind barricades, where they were out of danger from ourshot. They plied us also with wildfire, by which most of our men wereburnt in some parts of their body; and while our men were busied inputting out the fire, the enemy galled them sore with small arms anddarts. This unusual casting of wildfire did much dismay many of our men, and caused them greatly to hang back. 

[Footnote 394: Probably a boom or outrigger for the management of theafter-sails. --E. ]

Finding that our men would not again board, we plied our great ordnanceat them, elevated as much as possible, as otherwise we could do themlittle harm. By shooting a piece from our forecastle, we set fire to amat at the beak head of the enemy, which kindled more and more, communicating from the mat to the boltsprit, and thence to thetop-sail-yard; by which fire the Portuguese abaft were much alarmed, andbegan to make show of a parley: But their officers encouraged them, alleging that the fire could be easily extinguished, on which they againstood stiffly to their defence; yet at length the fire grew so strong, that I plainly saw it was beyond all help, even if she had yielded tous. We then wished to have disentangled ourselves from the burningcarak, but had little hope of success; yet we plied water with greatdiligence to keep our ship safe. At this time I had little hope but ourship, myself, and several of our wounded men must have been alldestroyed along with the carak. Most of our people indeed might havesaved themselves in boats on board our consorts. When we were at theworst, by Gods providence our spritsail-yard with the sail and ropes, which were fast entangled with the spritsail-yard of the carak, were soburned that we fell away, with the loss of some of our sails. TheExchange also, being farther aft and more distant from the fire, wasmore easily cleared, and fell off abaft. 

As soon as God had put us out of danger, the fire caught hold of theforecastle of the carak, where I think there was great store of benzoin, or some such combustible matter, for it flamed and flowed over thecarak, which was almost in an instant all over in flames. The Portuguesenow leapt over-board in great numbers, and I sent captain Grant withthe boat, bidding him use his discretion in saving them. He brought meon board two gentlemen. One of them was an old man named Nuno VelioPereira, who had been governor of Mozambique and Sofala in the year1582, and had since been governor of a place of importance in the EastIndies. The ship in which he was coming home was cast away a little tothe east of the Cape of Good Hope, whence he travelled by land toMozambique, and got a passage in this carak. The other was named BrasCarrero, who was captain of a carak that was cast away at Mozambique, and came likewise as a passenger in this ship. Also three men of theinferior sort; but only these two gentlemen we clothed and brought hometo England. The rest, and others which were saved by our other boats, were all set on shore on the island of Flores, except two or threenegroes, one of whom was a native of Mozambique, and the other of theEast Indies. 

This fight took place in the open sea, 6 leagues to the southward of thesound or channel between Fayal and Pico. The people whom we savedinformed us, that the cause of the carak refusing to yield was, that sheand all her goods belonged to the king, being all that had beencollected for him that year in India, and that the captain of her wasgreatly in favour with the king, and expected to have been made viceroyof India at his return. This great carak was by no means lumbered, either within board or on deck, being more like a ship of war than amerchant vessel; and, besides her own men and guns, she had the crew andordnance that belonged to another carak that was cast away atMozambique, and the crew of another that was lost a little way to theeast of the Cape of Good Hope. Yet, through sickness caught at Angola, where they watered, it was said she had not now above 150 white men onboard, but a great many negroes. They likewise told us there were threenoblemen and three ladies on board; but we found them to disagree muchin their stories. The carak continued to burn all the rest of that dayand the succeeding night; but next morning, on the fire reaching herpowder, being 60 barrels, which was in the lowest part of her hold, sheblew up with a dreadful explosion, most of her materials floating abouton the sea. Some of the people said she was larger than the Madre deDios, and some that she was less. She was much undermasted andundersailed, yet she went well through the water, considering that shewas very foul. The shot we made at her from the cannon of our ship, before we laid her on board, might be seven broadsides of six or sevenshots each, one with another, or about 49 shots in all. We lay on boardher about two hours, during which we discharged at her about 20 sacreshots. Thus much may suffice for our dangerous conflict with thatunfortunate carak. 

On the 30th of June, after traversing the seas, we got sight of anotherhuge carak, which some of our company took at first for the great SanPhilippo, the admiral of Spain; but on coming up with her next day, wecertainly perceived her to be a carak. After bestowing some shots uponher, we summoned her to yield, but they stood stoutly on their defence, and utterly refused to strike. Wherefore, as no good could be donewithout boarding, I consulted as to what course we should follow forthat purpose; but as we, who were the chief captains, were partly slainand the rest wounded in the former conflict, and because of themurmuring of some disorderly and cowardly fellows, all our resolutedeterminations were crossed: To conclude in a few words, the carakescaped our hands. After this, we continued to cruize for some timeabout Corvo and Flores, in hopes of falling in with some ships from theWest Indies; but, being disappointed in this expectation, and provisionsfalling short, we returned for England, where I arrived at Portsmouth onthe 28th of August 1594. 

SECTION XVII. 

_List of the Royal Navy of England of the demise of QueenElizabeth_[395]. 

The following list of the royal navy of England, as left in goodcondition by Queen Elizabeth at her death in 1603, was written by SirWilliam Monson, a naval officer of that and the two following reigns, "By which, he observes, she and her realm gained honour, by the exploitsand victories they and her subjects obtained. " It would occupy too muchspace to give a contrasted list of the royal navy in the present year, 1813; but which our readers can easily obtain from the monthly listspublished at London. 

[Footnote 395: Church. Collect. III. 196. ]

 Men in Men at Of which Names of Ships. Tonnage. Harbour. Sea. Mariners. Sailors. Guns. Elizabeth-Jonas, 900 30 500 340[A] 120[A] 40 Triumph, 1000 30 500 340 120 40 White Bear, 900 30 500 340 120 40 Victory, 800 17 400 268 100 32 Ark Royal, 800 17 400 268 100 32 Mere Honour, 800 17 400 268 100 32 St Matthew, 1000 30 500 340 120 40 St Andrew, 900 17 400 268 100 32 Due Repulse, 700 16 350 230 90 30 Garland, 700 16 300 190 80 30 Warspite, 600 12 300 190 80 30 Mary-Rose, 600 12 250 150 70 30 Hope, 600 12 250 150 70 30 Bonaventure, 600 12 250 150 70 30 Lion, 500 12 250 150 70 30 Nonpareille, 500 12 250 150 70 30 Defiance, 500 12 250 150 70 30 Rainbow, 500 12 250 150 70 30 Dreadnought, 400 10 200 130 50 20 Antilope, 350 10 160 114 30 16 Swiftsure, 400 10 200 130 50 20 Swallow, 380 10 160 114 30 16 Foresight, 300 10 160 114 30 16 Tide, 250 7 120 88 20 12 Crane, 200 7 100 76 20 12 Adventure, 250 7 120 88 20 12 Quittance, 200 7 100 76 20 12 Answer, 200 7 100 76 20 12 Advantage, 200 7 100 70 20 12 Tiger, 200 7 100 70 20 12 Tremontain, 6 70 52 10 8 Scout, 120 6 66 48 10 8 Catis, 100 5 60 42 10 8 Charles, 70 5 45 32 7 6 Moon, 60 5 40 30 5 5 Advice, 50 5 40 30 5 5 Spy, 50 5 40 30 5 5 Merlin, 45 5 35 26 4 5 Sun, 40 5 30 24 2 4 Synnet[B] 20 2 George Hoy, 100 10 Penny-rose Hoy, 80 8

[Footnote A: The difference between mariners and sailors is not obvious:Perhaps the former were what are now called ordinary, and the latterable seamen. Besides, the numbers of both these united, do not make upthe whole compliment of men at sea: Perhaps the deficiency, being 40 inthe largest ships of this list, was made up by what were then called_grummets:_ servants, ship-boys, or landsmen. --E. ]

[Footnote B: This name ought probably to have been the Cygnet. ]

CHAPTER IX. 

EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO THE EAST INDIES, BEFORE THEESTABLISHMENT OF AN EXCLUSIVE COMPANY. 

SECTION I. 

_Voyage to Goa in 1579, in the Portuguese fleet, by ThomasStevens_[396]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

We now begin to draw towards India, the following being the firstvoyage we know of, that was performed to that country by any Englishman. Though Stevens was only a passenger in the ship of another nation, yetthe account he gave of the navigation was doubtless one of the motivesthat induced his countrymen to visit India a few years afterwards intheir own bottoms. Indeed the chief and more immediate causes seem tohave been the rich caraks, taken in the cruizing voyages against theSpaniards and Portuguese about this time, which both gave the Englishsome insight into the India trade, and inflamed their desire ofparticipating in so rich a commerce. 

[Footnote 396: Hakluyt, II, 581. Astley, I. 191. ]

The account of this voyage is contained in the following letter fromThomas Stevens, to his father Thomas Stevens in London: In this letter, preserved by Hakluyt, several very good remarks will be found respectingthe navigation to India, as practised in those days; yet no mention ismade in the letter, as to the profession of Stevens, or on what occasionhe went to India. By the letters of Newberry and Fitch[397], which willbe found in their proper place, written from Goa in 1584, it appearsthat he was a priest or Jesuit, belonging to the college of St Paul atthat place; whence it may be concluded that the design of his voyage wasto propagate the Romish religion in India. In a marginal note to one ofthese letters, Hakluyt intimates that _Padre_ Thomas Stevens was born inWiltshire, and was sometime of New College Oxford. He was veryserviceable to Newberry and Fitch, who acknowledge that they owed therecovery of their liberty and goods, if not their lives, to him andanother _Padre_. This is also mentioned by Pyrard de la Val, who wasprisoner at Goa in 1608, at which time Stevens was rector of MorganCollege in the island of Salcet[398]. "--_Astley. _

[Footnote 397: In Hakluyts Collection, new edition, II. 376. Et seq. ]

[Footnote 398: Purchas his Pilgrims, II. 1670. ]

 * * * * *

After most humble commendations to you and my mother, and craving yourdaily blessing, these are to certify you of my being alive, according toyour will and my duty. I wrote you that I had taken my journey fromItaly to Portugal, which letter I think came to your hands, in whichhope I have the less need to tell you the cause of my departing, whichin one word I may express, by naming _obedience_. I came to Lisbontowards the end of March, eight days before the departure of the ships, so late that, if they had not been detained about some importantaffairs, they had been gone before our arrival; insomuch that otherswere appointed to go in our stead, that the kings intention and oursmight not be frustrated. But on our sudden arrival, these others did notgo, and we went as originally intended. 

The 4th of April, five ships departed for Goa, in which, besidesmariners and soldiers, there were a great number of children, who bearthe sea much better than men, as also do many women. I need not tellyou, as you may easily imagine the solemnity of setting out, with soundof trumpets and discharges of cannon, as they go forth in a warlikemanner. The 10th of the same month we came in sight of Porto Sancto nearMadeira, where an English ship set upon ours, now entirely alone, andfired several shots which did us no harm: But when our ship had run outher largest ordnance, the English ship made away from us. This Englishship was large and handsome, and I was sorry to see her so illoccupied, as she went roving about the seas, and we met her again at theCanaries, where we arrived on the 13th of the same month of April, andhad good opportunity to wonder at the high peaked mountain in the islandof Teneriffe, as we beat about between that island and Grand Canary forfour days with contrary winds, and indeed had such evil weather till the14th of May, that we despaired of being able to double the Cape of GoodHope that year. Yet, taking our course between Guinea and the Cape deVerd islands, without seeing any land at all, we arrived at the coast ofGuinea, as the Portuguese call that part of the western coast of Africain the torrid zone, from the lat. Of 6° N. To the equinoctial; in whichparts they suffer so much by extreme heats and want of wind, that theythink themselves happy when past it. Sometimes the ships stand quitestill and becalmed for many days, and sometimes they go on, but in sucha manner that they had almost as good stand still. The atmosphere on thegreatest part of this coast is never clear, but thick and cloudy, fullof thunder and lightening, and such unwholesome rain, that the water onstanding only a little while is full of animalculae, and by falling onany meat that is hung out, fills it immediately with worms. 

All along that coast, we oftentimes saw a thing swimming in the waterlike a cocks comb but much fairer, which they call a _Guinea ship_[399]. It is borne up in the water by a substance almost like the swimmingbladder of a fish in size and colour, having many strings from it underwater, which prevent it from being overturned. It is so poisonous, thatone cannot touch it without much danger. On this coast, between thesixth degree of north latitude and the equator, we spent no less thanthirty days either in calms or contrary winds. The 30th of May wecrossed the line with great difficulty, directing our course as well aswe could to pass the promontory[400], but in all that gulf of Guinea, and all the rest of the way to the Cape, we found such frequent calmsthat the most experienced mariners were much astonished. In places wherethere always used to be horrible tempests, we found most invinciblecalms, which were very troublesome to our ships, which being of thegreatest size cannot go without good winds; insomuch that when it isalmost an intolerable tempest for other ships, making them furl alltheir sails, those large ships display their sails to the wind and sailexcellent well, unless the waves be too furious, which seldom happenedin our voyage. You must understand that, when once past the line, theycannot go direct for the Cape the nearest way, but, according to thewind, must hold on as near south as they can till in the latitude of theCape, which is 35° 30' S. They then shape their course to the east, andso get round the Cape. But the wind so served us at 33 degrees, that wedirected our course thence for the Cape. 

[Footnote 399: Otherwise called, by the English sailors, a Portugueseman-of-war. --E. ]

[Footnote 400: The Cape of Good Hope must be here meant. --E. ]

You know that it is hard to sail from east to west, or the contrary, because there is no fixed point in all the sky by which they can directtheir course, wherefore I shall tell you what help God hath provided todirect them. There is not a fowl that appeareth, neither any sign in theair or in the sea, that have not been written down by those who haveformerly made these voyages; so that partly by their own experience, judging what space the ship was able to make with such and such a wind, and partly by the experience of others recorded in the books ofnavigations which they have, they guess whereabouts they may be inregard to longitude, for they are always sure as to latitude. But thegreatest and best direction of all is, to mark the variation of theneedle or mariners compass; which, in the meridian of the island of StMichael, one of the Azores in the same latitude with Lisbon, points duenorth, and thence swerveth so much towards the east, that, between theforesaid meridian and the extreme south point of Africa, it varieththree or four of the thirty-two points. Again, having passed a littlebeyond the cape called _das Agulias_, or of the Needles, it returnethagain towards the north; and when it hath attained that, it swervethagain toward the west proportionally, as it did before eastwards. 

In regard to the first mentioned signs from fowls: The nearer we came tothe coast of Africa, the more kinds and greater number of strange fowlsappeared; insomuch that, when we came within not less than thirtyleagues, almost 100 miles, and 600 miles as we thought from any otherland, as good as 3000 fowls of sundry kinds followed our ship; some ofthem so great, that, when their wings were opened, they measured sevenspans from point to point of their wings, as the sailors said. It is amarvellous thing to think how God hath so provided for these fowls inso vast an expanse of sea, that they are all fat. The Portuguese havenamed them all, according to some obvious property. Thus they call some_rushtails_, because their tails are small and long like a rush, and notproportionate to their bodies; some _fork-tails_, because their tailsare very broad and forked; others again _velvet-sleeves_, because theirwings are like velvet, and are always bent like a mans elbow. This birdis always welcome, as it appears nearest the Cape. I should never havean end, were I to tell you all particulars, but shall touch on a fewthat may suffice, if you mark them well, to give cause for glorifyingGod in his wonderful works, and in the variety of his creatures. 

To say something of fishes: In all the places of calms, and especiallyin the burning zone near the line, there continually waited on our shipcertain fishes, called _tuberones_[401] by the Portuguese, as long as aman, which came to eat such things as might fall from the ship into thesea, not even refusing men themselves if they could light upon any, andif they find any meat hung over into the sea, they seize it. These havewaiting upon them continually six or seven, small fishes, having blueand green bands round their bodies, like finely dressed serving men. Ofthese two or three always swim before the shark, and some on every side, [whence they are called _pilot fish_, by the English mariners. ] Theyhave likewise other fishes [called _sucking fish_] which always cleaveto their bodies; and seem to feed on such superfluities as grow aboutthem, and they are said to enter into their bodies to purge them, whenneedful. Formerly the mariners used to eat the sharks, but since theyhave seen them devour men, their stomachs now abhor them; yet they drawthem up with great hooks, and kill as many of them as they can, thinkingthereby to take a great revenge. There is another kind of fish almost aslarge as a herring, which hath wings and flieth, and are very numerous. These have two enemies, one in the sea and the other in the air. 

[Footnote 401: Evidently sharks, from the account of them. --E. ]

That in the sea is the fish called _albicore_, as large as a salmon, which follows with great swiftness to take them; on which this poorfish, which cannot swim fast as it hath no fins, and only swims by themotion of its tail, having its wings then shut along the sides of itsbody, springeth out of the water and flieth, but not very high; on thisthe albicore, though he have no wings, giveth a great leap out of thewater, and sometimes catcheth the flying fish, or else keepeth in thewater, going that way as fast as the other flieth. When the flying fishis weary of the air, or thinketh himself out of danger, he returneth tothe water, where the albicore meeteth him; but sometimes his otherenemy, the sea-crow, catcheth him in the air before he falleth. 

With these and the like sights, but always making our supplications toGod for good weather and the preservation of our ship, we came at lengthto the south cape of Africa, the ever famous Cape of Good Hope, so muchdesired yet feared of all men: But we there found no tempest, onlyimmense waves, where our pilot was guilty of an oversight; for, whereascommonly all navigators do never come within sight of land, but, contenting themselves with signs and finding the bottom, go their coursesafe and sure, he, thinking to have the winds at will, shot nigh theland; when the wind, changing into the south, with the assistance of themountainous waves, rolled us so near the land that we were in less than14 fathoms, only six miles from _Capo das Agulias_, and there we lookedto be utterly lost. Under us were huge rocks, so sharp and cutting thatno anchor could possibly hold the ship, and the shore was so excessivelybad that nothing could take the land, which besides is full of _tigers_and savage people, who put all strangers to death, so that we had nohope or comfort, but only in God and a good conscience. Yet, after wehad lost our anchors, hoisting up our sails to try to get the ship uponsome safer part of the coast, it pleased God, when no man looked forhelp, suddenly to fill our sails with a wind off the land, and so bygood providence we escaped, thanks be to God. The day following, beingin a place where they are always wont to fish, we also fell a fishing, and caught so many, that they served the whole ships company all thatday and part of the next. One of our lines pulled up a coral of greatsize and value; for it is said that in this place, which indeed we sawby experience, that the corals grow on the rocks at the bottom of thesea in the manner of stalks, becoming hard and red. 

Our day of peril was the 29th of July. You must understand that, afterpassing the Cape of Good Hope, there are two ways to India, one withinthe island of Madagascar, or between that and Africa, called the Canalof Mozambique, which the Portuguese prefer, as they refresh themselvesfor a fortnight or a month at Mozambique, not without great need afterbeing so long at sea, and thence in another month get to Goa. The othercourse is on the outside of the island of St Lawrence or Madagascar, which they take when they set out too late, or come so late to the Capeas not to have time to stop at Mozambique, and then they go on theirvoyage in great heaviness, because in this way they have no port; and, by reason of the long navigation, and the want of fresh provisions andwater, they fall into sundry diseases. Their gums become sore, and swellin such a manner that they are fain to cut them away; their legs swell, and all their bodies become sore, and so benumbed that they cannot movehand nor foot, and so they die of weakness; while others fall intofluxes and agues, of which they die. This was the way we were forced totake; and, although we had above an hundred and fifty sick, there didnot die above seven or eight and twenty, which was esteemed a small lossin comparison with other times. Though some of our fraternity werediseased in this sort, thanks be to God I had good health the whole way, contrary to the expectation of many: May God send me as good health onthe land, if it may be to his glory and service. This way is full ofhidden rocks and quicksands, so that sometimes we dared not sail bynight; but by the goodness of God we saw nothing all the way to hurt us, neither did we ever find bottom till we came to the coast of India. 

When we had again passed the line to the northward, and were come to thethird degree or somewhat more, we saw crabs swimming that were as red asif they had been boiled; but this was no sign of land. About theeleventh degree, and for many days, more than ten thousand fishescontinually followed, or were round about our ship, of which we caughtso many that we eat nothing else for fifteen days, and they served ourturn well; for at this time we had no meat remaining, and hardly anything else to eat, our voyage drawing nigh to seven months, whichcommonly is performed in five, when they take the inner passage. Thesefishes were no sign of land, but rather of deep sea. At length two birdswere caught of the hawk tribe, which gave our people great joy, thinkingthey had been birds of India, but we found afterwards that they werefrom Arabia; and when we thought we had been near India, we were in thelatitude of Socotoro, an island near the mouth of the Red Sea. Here Godsent us a strong wind from the N. E. Or N. N. E. On which they bore awayunwillingly toward the east, and we ran thus for ten days without anysign of land, by which they perceived their error. Hitherto they haddirected their course always N. E. Desiring to increase their latitude;but partly from the difference of the needle, and most of all becausethe currents at that time carried us N. W. We had been drawn into thisother danger, had not God sent us this wind, which at length became morefavourable and restored us to our right course. 

These currents are very dangerous, as they deceive most pilots, and someare so little curious, contenting themselves with ordinary experience, that they do not take the trouble of seeking for new expedients whenthey swerve, neither by means of the compass nor by any other trial. Thefirst sign of approaching land was by seeing certain birds, which theyknew to be of India; the second was some sedges and boughs ofpalm-trees; the third was snakes swimming at the surface of the water, and a certain substance which they called _money_, as round and broad asa groat-piece, and wonderfully printed or stamped by nature, as if ithad been coined money. These two last signs are so certain, that theyalways see land next day, if the wind serve; which we did next day, whenall our water, for you know they have no beer in these parts, andvictuals began to fail us. 

We came to Goa the 24th day of October, and were there received in amost charitable manner. The natives are tawny, but not disfigured intheir lips and noses, like the Moors and Kafrs of Ethiopia. The lowerranks go for the most part naked, having only a clout or apron beforethem of a span long and as much in breadth, with a lace two fingersbreadth, girded about with a string, and nothing more; and thus theythink themselves as well dressed as we, with all our finery. I cannotnow speak of their trees and fruits, or should write another letter aslong as this; neither have I yet seen any tree resembling any of those Ihave seen in Europe, except the vine, which here grows to littlepurpose, as all their wines are brought from Portugal. The drink used inthis country is water, or wine made from the coco palm-tree. Thus muchmust suffice for the present; but if God send me health, I shall haveopportunity to write you once again; but the length of this lettercompelleth me now to take my leave, with my best prayers for your mostprosperous health. From Goa, the 10th November 1579. --Your loving Son, THOMAS STEVENS. 

SECTION II. 

_Journey to India over-land, by Ralph Fitch, Merchant of London, andothers, in 1583_[402]. 

INTRODUCTION

We learn from the following journal, that the present expedition wasundertaken at the instigation, and chiefly at the expence of Sir EdwardOsborne, Knight, and Mr Richard Staper, citizens and merchants ofLondon. Besides Fitch, the author of the narrative, Mr John Newbery, merchant, William Leedes jeweller, and James Story painter, were engagedin the expedition. The chief conduct of this commercial enterprizeappears to have been confided to John Newbery; and its object appears tohave been, to extend the trade, which the English merchants seem to haveonly recently established through Syria, by Aleppo, Bagdat and Basora, to Ormus and perhaps to Goa, in imitation of the Italians, so as toprocure the commodities of India as nearly as possible at first hand. Inthe prospect of being able to penetrate into India, and even into China, Newbery was furnished with letters of credence or recommendation, fromQueen Elizabeth to Zelabdim Echebar, stiled king of Cambaia, whocertainly appears to have been Akbar Shah, emperor of the Mogulconquerors of Hindostan, who reigned from 1556 to 1605; and to theemperor of China. The promoters of this enterprise, seem to have beenactuated by a more than ordinary spirit of research for those times, byemploying a painter to accompany their commercial agents. It is fartherpresumable that the promoters of the expedition, and their agents, Newbery and Fitch, were members of the Turkey company; and though thespeculation turned out unsuccessful, owing to causes sufficientlyexplained in the narrative and its accompanying documents, it isobviously a prelude to the establishment of the English East IndiaCompany; which, from small beginnings, has risen to a colossal height ofcommercial and sovereign grandeur, altogether unexampled in all history. 

[Footnote 402: Hakluyt, II. 382. ]

Hakluyt gives the following descriptive title of this uncommonly curiousand interesting narrative: "The voyage of Mr Ralph Fitch, merchant ofLondon, by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormus, and so to Goa in theEast India, to Cambaia, and all the kingdom, of Zelabdim Echebar thegreat Mogor, to the mighty river Ganges, and down to Bengala, to Bacolaand Chonderi, to Pegu, to Imahay in the kingdom of Siam, and back toPegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the coast ofthe East India; begun in the year of our Lord 1583, and ended in 1591:wherein the strange rites, manners, and customs of those people, and theexceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries, are faithfullyset down and diligently described, by the foresaid Mr Ralph Fitch. "

Hakluyt has prefaced this journal, by several letters respecting thejourney, from Mr Newbery, and one from Mr Fitch, and gives by way ofappendix an extract from Linschoten, detailing the imprisonment of theadventurers at Ormus and Goa, and their escape, which happened while hewas at Goa, where he seems to have materially contributed to theirenlargement from prison. These documents will be found in the sequel tothe narrative of Mr Fitch. 

It must not however be concealed, that the present journal has a veryquestionable appearance in regard to its entire authenticity, as it hasobviously borrowed liberally from that of Cesar Frederick, alreadyinserted in this work, Vol. VII. P. 142-244. It seems therefore highlyprobable, that the journal or narrative of Fitch may have fallen intothe hand of some ingenious _book-maker_, who wished to increase itsinterest by this unjustifiable art. Under these circumstances, we wouldhave been led to reject this article from our collection, were not itsgeneral authenticity corroborated by these other documents, and by thejournal of John Eldred, who accompanied Newbery and Fitch to Basora. Apart of the striking coincidence between the journals of Cesar Frederickand Ralph Fitch might have arisen from their having visited the sameplaces, and nearly by the same route, only at the distance of 20 years;Frederick having commenced his journey in 1563, and Newbery and Fitchtheirs in 1588. Some of the resemblances however could only have beenoccasioned by plagiarism. 

It is very difficult to conceive how Fitch, after his imprisonment atGoa, and escape from thence under surety to the Portuguese viceroy, should have ventured in the sequel to visit the Portuguese settlementsin Ceylon, Cochin, Calicut, Goa even, Chaul, and Ormuz, on his way homeagain by Basora, Bagdat, Mosul, &c. To Aleppo and Tripoli. These partsof his journal, and his excursions to the north of Pegu, certainly havea suspicious appearance. It is possible that he may have described theseseveral routes, historically, in his own journal; and that somebook-maker, into whose hands his papers may have fallen, chose to givethese a more interesting appearance, by making Fitch the actor in whathe only described on the authority of others. It is strange that thesecircumstances should not have occurred to Hakluyt, as the narrative ofFitch is inserted in his collection immediately following that of CesarFrederick. Yet with these obvious faults, the relation of Fitch isinteresting, as the first direct attempt of the English to open a tradewith India; and so far at least, its authenticity is unquestionable, being corroborated by other documents that are not liable to thesmallest suspicion. --E. 

 * * * * *

In the year 1583, I Ralph Fitch of London, merchant, being desirous tosee the countries of the Eastern India, went in company with Mr JohnNewbery, merchant, who had been once before at Ormus, together withWilliam Leedes, jeweller, and James Story, painter; being chiefly setforth by the right worshipful Sir Edward Osburn, knight, and Mr RichardStaper, citizens and merchants of London. We shipped ourselves in a shipcalled the Tiger of London, in which we went to Tripoly in Syria, whencewe went with the caravan to Aleppo in seven days. Finding good companyat Aleppo, we went from thence to Birra [Bir, ] which is two days and ahalf journey with camels. 

Bir is a small town, but abounding in provisions, near which runs theriver Euphrates. We here purchased a boat, and agreed with a master andboatmen to carry us to Babylon [Bagdat]. These boats serve only for onevoyage, as the stream is so rapid that they cannot return. They carrypassengers to a town called Felugia [Feluchia], where the boat has to besold for very little money, what cost fifty pieces at Bir bringing onlyseven or eight at that place. From Bir to Feluchia is a journey ofsixteen days; but it is not good for one boat to go alone, as if itshould chance to break, it would be difficult to save the goods from theArabs, who are always robbing thereabouts, and it is necessary to keepgood watch in the night, when the boat is made fast, as the Arabs aregreat thieves, and will swim on board to steal your goods, and then fleeaway. Against them a musket is a good weapon, as they are much afraid offire-arms. Between Bir and Feluchia, there are certain places on theEuphrates where you have to pay custom, being so many _medins_ for a_some_ or camels load, together with certain quantities of raisins andsoap, which are for the sons of _Aborise_, who is lord of the Arabs andof that great desert, and hath some villages on the river. Feluchia, where the goods coming from Bir are unladed, is a small village, fromwhence you go to Bagdat in one day. 

Babylon, or Bagdat, is not a very large town, but is very populous, andmuch frequented by strangers, being the centre of intercourse betweenPersia, Turkey, and Arabia, caravans going frequently from it to theseand other countries. It is well supplied with provisions, which arebrought from Armenia down the river Tigris, upon rafts made of goat skinbags blown full of wind, over which boards are laid, on which the goodsare loaded. When these are discharged, the skin bags are opened andemptied of air, and are then carried back to Armenia on camels to serveagain. Bagdat belonged formerly to Persia, but is now subject to theTurks. Over against Bagdat, on the other side of the Tigris, is a veryfair village, to which there is a passage across from Bagdat by a longbridge of boats, connected by a vast iron chain made fast at each sideof the river. When any boats have to pass up or down the river, apassage is made for them by removing some of the boats of this bridge. 

The Tower of Babel is on this side of the Tigris towards Arabia, aboutseven or eight miles from Bagdat, being now ruined on all sides, andwith the ruins thereof hath made a little mountain, so that no shape orform of a tower remains. It was built of bricks dried in the sun, havingcanes and leaves of the palm-tree laid between the courses of bricks. Itstands in a great plain between the Tigris and Euphrates, and noentrance can be any where seen for going into it. 

Near the river Euphrates, two days journey from Bagdat, in a field neara place called _Ait_, there is a hole in the ground which continuallythrows out boiling pitch accompanied by a filthy smoke, the pitchflowing into a great field which is always full of it. The _Moors_ callthis opening the mouth of hell; and on account of the great abundanceof the pitch, the people of the country daub all their boats two orthree inches thick with it on the outside, so that no water can enterthem. These boats are called _danec_. When there is plenty of water inthe Tigris, the boats may go down from Bagdat to Basora in eight or ninedays; but when the water is low it requires a longer time. 

In times past, Basora belonged to the Arabs, but is now subject to theTurks. Yet there are some Arabs that the Turks cannot subdue, as theyoccupy certain islands in the great river Euphrates, which the Turkshave never been able to conquer. These Arabs are all thieves, and haveno settled dwelling, but remove from place to place with their camels, horses, goats, wives, children, and household goods. They wear largeblue gowns; their wives having their ears and noses full of copper andsilver rings, and wear copper rings on their legs. Basora is near thehead of the gulf of Persia, and drives a great trade in spiceries anddrugs, which come from Ormus. The country round produces abundance ofwhite rice and dates, with which they supply Bagdat and all the country, sending likewise to Ormus and India. I went from Basora to Ormus, downthe gulf of Persia, in a ship made of boards sewed together with_cayro_, which is a thread made of the husks of coco-nuts, and havingcertain canes, or leaves, or straw, sewed upon the seams between theboards, so that these vessels leak very much. Having Persia on our lefthand, and Arabia on our right, we passed many islands, and among othersthe famous isle of Baharin, or Bahrain, from which come the best androundest orient pearls. 

Ormus is an island about 25 or 30 miles in circuit, which is perhaps themost arid and barren island in the world, as it produces nothing butsalt, all its water, wood, provisions, and every other necessary, comingfrom Persia, which is about 12 miles distant; but all the other islandsthereabout are very fertile, and from them provisions are sent to Ormus. The Portuguese have here a castle near the sea, with a captain and acompetent garrison, part of which dwell in the castle and part In thetown; in which likewise dwell merchants from all nations, together withmany Moors and Gentiles. This place has a great trade in spices, drugs, silk, cloth of silk, fine tapestry of Persia, great store of pearls fromBahrain, which are the best of all pearls, and many horses from Persiawhich supply all India. Their king is a Moor, or Mahomedan, who ischosen by the Portuguese, and is entirely under subjection to them. Their women are very strangely attired, wearing many rings set withjewels on their ears, noses, necks, arms, and legs, and locks of goldand silver in their ears, and a long bar of gold upon the sides of theirnoses. The holes in their ears are worn so wide with the weight of theirjewels, that one may thrust three fingers into them. 

Very shortly after our arrival at Ormus we were put into prison, byorder of Don Mathias de Albuquerque, the governor of the castle, and hadpart of our goods taken from us; and on the 11th October, he shipped usfrom thence, sending us to the viceroy at Goa, who at that time was DonFrancisco de Mascarenhas. The ship in which we were embarked belonged tothe captain, who carried in it 124 horses for sale. All goods carried toGoa in a ship wherein there are horses pay no duties; but if there areno horses, you then pay eight in the hundred for your goods. The firstcity of India at which we arrived on the 5th November, after passing thecoast of _Zindi_, [Sindi] was named Diu, which stands in an island onthe coast of the kingdom of Cambaia, or Gujrat, and is the strongesttown belonging to the Portuguese in those parts. It is but small, yetabounds in merchandise, as they here load many ships with differentkinds of goods for the straits of Mecca or the Red Sea, Ormus, and otherplaces; these ships belong both to Christians and Moors, but the latterare not permitted to pass unless they have a Portuguese licence. Cambaietta, or Cambay, is the chief city of that province, being greatand populous and well built for a city of the gentiles. When therehappens a famine the natives sell their children for a low price. Thelast king of Cambaia was sultan Badur, who was slain at the siege ofDiu, and shortly after the capital city was reduced by the great_Mogor_, [Mogul] who is king of Agra and Delhi, forty days journey fromthence. Here the women wear upon their arms, a vast number of ivoryrings, in which they take so much pride that they would rather gowithout their meat than want their bracelets. 

Going from Diu, we came to _Damaun_, the second town of the Portuguesein the country of Cambaia, forty leagues from Diu. This place, which hasno trade but in corn and rice, has many villages under its jurisdiction, which the Portuguese possess quietly during peace, but in time of warthey are all occupied by the enemy. From Damaun we passed to _Basaim_, [Baseen] and from thence to _Tanna_ in the island of Salsette, at bothwhich places the only trade is in rice and corn. The 10th November wearrived at _Chaul_ on the firm land, at which place there are two towns, one belonging to the Portuguese and the other to the Moors. That of thePortuguese is nearest the sea, commanding the bay, and is walled round;and a little above it is the Moors town, subject to a king called_Xa-Maluco_. At this place is a great trade for all Kinds of spices, drugs, silk, raw and manufactured, sandal-wood, elephants teeth, muchChina work, and a great deal of sugar made from the nut called _gagara_, [coco]. The tree on which it grows is called the _palmer_, and is themost profitable tree in the world. It always bears fruit, and yieldswine, oil, sugar, vinegar, cordage, coals, or fuel; of the leaves aremade thatch for houses, sails for ships, and mats to sit or lie on; ofthe branches are made houses, and brooms wherewith they sweep them; ofthe wood ships. The wine issues from the top of the tree, and isprocured thus: They cut a branch, binding it hard, and hang an earthenpot under the cut end, which they empty every evening and morning; andstill[403] the juice, putting raisins into it, by which it becomethstrong wine in a short time. Many ships come here from all parts ofIndia, and from Ormus and Mecca, so that there are many Moors andGentiles at this place. The natives have a strange superstition, worshipping a cow, and having cows dung in great veneration, insomuchthat they paint or daub the walls of their houses with it. They kill noanimal whatever, not so much as a louse, holding it a crime to take awaylife. They eat no flesh, living entirely on roots, rice, and milk. Whena man dies, his living wife is burnt along with his body, if she bealive; and if she will not, her head is shaven, and she is ever afterheld in low esteem. They consider it a great sin to bury dead bodies, asthey would engender many worms and other vermin, and when the bodieswere consumed these worms would lack sustenance; wherefore they burntheir dead. In all Guzerat they kill nothing; and in the town of Cambaythey have hospitals for lame dogs and cats, and for birds, and they evenprovide food for the ants. 

[Footnote 403: I am apt to suspect the word _still_ here used, is onlymeant to imply fermentation, not distillation--E. ]

Goa is the chief city of the Portuguese in India, in which their viceroyresides and holds his court. It stands in an island about 25 or 30 milesin circumference, being a fine city and very handsome for an Indiantown. The island is fertile and full of gardens and orchards, with manypalmer trees, and several villages. Here are many merchants of allnations. The fleet which sails every year from Portugal, consisting offour, five, or six great ships, comes first here, arriving mostly inSeptember, and remaining there forty or fifty days. It then goes toCochin, where the ships take in pepper for Portugal. Often one shiploads entirely at Goa, and the rest go to Cochin, which is 100 leaguesto the south. Goa stands in the country of Adel Khan, which is six orseven days journey inland, the chief city being Bisapor. [Bejapoor. ]

On our arrival in Goa we were thrown into prison, and examined beforethe justice, who demanded us to produce letters, [of licence?] andcharged us with being spies; but they could prove nothing against us. Wecontinued in prison till the 22d December, when we were set at liberty, putting in surety for 2000 ducats not to depart from the town. Oursurety was one Andreas Taborer, who was procured for us by fatherStevens, an English Jesuit whom we found there, and another religiousman, a friend of his. We paid 2150 ducats into the hands of AndreasTaborer, our surety, who still demanded more; on which we petitioned theviceroy and justice to order us our money again, seeing they had it nearfive months, and could prove nothing against us. But the viceroy gave usa sharp answer, saying, we should be better sifted ere long, and thatthey had other matter against us. Upon this we determined to attemptrecovering our liberty, rather than run the risk of remaining as slavesfor ever in the country, and besides it was said we were to have the_strapado_. Wherefore, on the 5th of April 1585 in the morning, weremoved secretly from Goa; and getting across the river, we travelledtwo days on foot in great fear, not knowing the way, as having no guide, and not daring to trust any one. 

One of the first towns we came to is called _Bellergan?_ where there isa great market of diamonds, rubies, sapphires, and many other preciousstones. From thence we went to _Bejapoor_, a very large city, where theking keeps his court, in which there are many Gentiles, who are grossidolaters, having their idols standing in the woods, which they callpagodas. Some of these are like a cow, some like a monkey, some like abuffalo, others resemble a peacock, and others like the devil. In thiscountry are many elephants, which they employ in their wars. They havegreat abundance of gold and silver, and their houses are lofty and wellbuilt. From thence we went to _Galconda_, the king of which is called_Cutub de lashach_. In this country, in the kingdom of Adel Khan, and inthe Decan, those diamonds are found which are called of the _old water_. Golconda is a pleasant fair town, having good and handsome houses ofbrick and timber, and it abounds with excellent fruits and good water. It is here very hot, and both men and women go about with only a clothbound about their middles, without any other clothing. The winter beginshere about the last of May. 

About eight days journey from thence is a sea port called Masulipatan, toward the gulf of Bengal, to which many ships come out of India, Pegu, and Sumatra, richly laden with spiceries, pepper, and other commodities. The country is very fruitful. From thence I went to _Servidone?_ whichis a fine country, its king being called the _king of bread_. The houseshere are all built of loam and thatched. The country contains many Moorsand Gentiles, but there is not much religion among them. From thence Iwent to _Bellapore_, and so to _Barrampore_, which is in the country of_Zelabdim Echebar_ the great _Mogor_. In this place their money is ofsilver, round and thick, to the value of twenty-pence. It is a great andpopulous country; and in their winter, which is in June, July, andAugust, there is no passing the streets except on horseback, the watersare so high. In this country they make great quantities of cotton cloth, both white and painted, and the land produces great abundance of cornand rice. In the towns and villages through which we passed, we foundmany marriages celebrated between boys of eight or ten years old, andgirls of five or six. These youthful couples did ride both on one horse, very bravely dressed, and were carried about the streets with greatpiping and playing, after which they returned home and banqueted on riceand fruits, dancing most of the night, and so ended the marriage, whichis not consumated till the bride be ten years old. We were told theymarried their children thus young, because when a man dies his wife isburnt along with him; and by this device they secure a father-in-law, incase of the fathers death, to assist in bringing up the children thatare thus early married, thus taking care not to leave their sons withoutwives, or their daughters without husbands. 

From thence we went to _Mandoway?_ a very strong town, which wasbesieged for twelve years by Echebar before he could reduce it. Itstands on a very great high rock, as do most of their castles, and is ofvery great circuit. From thence we went to _Vgini?_ and _Serringe?_where we overtook the ambassador of Zelabdim Echebar, attended by aprodigious retinue of men, elephants, and camels. In this district thereis a great trade carried on in cotton, and cloths made of cotton, andgreat store of drugs. From thence we went to Agra, passing many riverswhich were much swollen by the rains, so that in crossing them we hadoften to swim for our lives[404]. 

[Footnote 404: In this route from Masulipatan to Agra, there are severalplaces of which the names are so disfigured as to be unintelligible. Barrampore and Mandoway, are probably Burhampore and Candwah in thenorthern part of Candeish; Vgini and Serringe, may he Ougein and Serongein Malwa. --E. ]

Agra is a very great and populous city built of stone, having large andhandsome streets, upon a fine river which falls into the gulf of Bengal, and has a strong and handsome castle with a broad and deep ditch. It isinhabited by many Moors and Gentiles, the king being Zelabdim Echebar, called for the most part the great _Mogor_. From thence we went to_Fatepore_, where the king ordinarily resides and holds his court, whichis called _Derican_. This town is larger than Agra, but the streets andhouses are by no means so good, but it is inhabited by a vast multitudeof people, both Moors and Gentiles. In Agra and Fatepoor, the king issaid to have 1000 elephants, 30, 000 horses, 1400 tame deer, 800concubines, and such numbers of ounces, tigers, buffaloes, game-cocks, and hawks as is quite incredible. Agra and Fatepoor are two greatcities, either of them larger than London, and very populous, at thedistance of 12 miles from each other[405]. The whole road between theseplaces is one continued market of provisions and other articles, and isconstantly as full of people as a street or market in a great andpopulous town. These people have many fine carts, many of which arerichly carved and gilt, having two wheels, and are drawn by two littlebulls, not much larger than our biggest English dogs, which run withthese carts as fast as any horse, carrying two or three men in eachcart: They are covered with silk or fine cloth, and are used like ourcoaches in England. There is a great resort of merchants to this placefrom Persia and all parts of India, and vast quantities of merchandise, such as silks, cloths, and precious stones, diamonds, rubies, andpearls. The king is dressed in a white _cabie_ made like a shirt, andtied with strings on one side, having a small cloth on his head, oftencoloured red and yellow. None enter into his apartments, except theeunuchs who have charge of his women. 

[Footnote 405: Futtipoor, certainly here meant, is now a place of smallimportance about 20 miles west from Agra. --E. ]

We remained in Fatepore till the 28th of September 1585, when Mr JohnNewbery took his journey towards Lahore, intending to go from thencethrough Persia to Aleppo or Constantinople, whichever he could get thereadiest passage to; and he directed me to proceed to Bengal and Pegu, promising me, if it pleased God, to meet me at Bengal within two yearswith a ship from England[406]. I left William Leades the jeweller atFatepore, in the service of the king Zelabdim Achebar, who gave him goodentertainment, giving a house and five slaves, with a horse, and sixS. S. In money daily. I went from Agra to _Satagam_ in Bengal, in companywith 180 boats loaded with _salt_, opium, _hinge_, lead, carpets, andvarious other commodities, down the river _Jemena_, [Jumna]; the chiefmerchants being Moors. 

[Footnote 406: In Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 110, is the following noticerespecting Mr Newberry: "Before that, " meaning his journey along withFitch, "he had travelled to Ormus in 1580, and thence into theContinent, as may appear in fitter place by his journal, which I have, passing through the countries of Persia, Media, Armenia, Georgia, andNatolia, to Constantinople; and thence to the Danube, through Walachia, Poland, Prussia, and Denmark, and thence to England. "]

In this country they have many strange ceremonies. The bramins, who aretheir priests, come to the water having a string about their necks, andwith many ceremonies lave the water with both their hands, turning thestring with both their hands in several manners; and though it be neverso cold, they wash themselves regularly at all times. These gentiles eatno flesh, neither do they kill any thing, but live on rice, butter, milk, and fruits. They pray in the water naked; and both dress and eattheir food naked. For penance, they lie flat on the earth, then rise upand turn themselves round 30 or 40 times, lifting their hands to thesun, and kiss the earth with their arms and legs stretched out; everytime they lie down making a score on the ground with their fingers, thatthey may know when the prescribed number of prostrations is finished. Every morning the Bramins mark their foreheads, ears, and throats, witha kind of yellow paint or earth; having some old men among them, who goabout with a box of yellow powder, marking them on the head and neck asthey meet them. Their women come in troops of 10, 20, and 30 together tothe water side singing, where they wash themselves and go through theirceremonies, and then mark themselves, and so depart singing. Theirdaughters are married at ten years of age, and the men may have sevenwives each. They are a crafty people, worse than the Jews. When theysalute one another, they say, _Rame_, _rame_. 

From Agra I came to _Prage_[407], where the river Jumna enters into themighty Ganges, and there loses its name. The Ganges comes out of thenorth-west, and runs east to discharge its waters into the gulf ofBengal. In these parts there are many tigers, and vast quantities ofpartridges and turtle-doves, besides many other kinds of birds. Thereare multitudes of beggars in these countries, called _Schesche_, whichgo entirely naked. I here saw one who was a monster among the rest. Hehad no clothes whatever, his beard being very long, and the hair of hishead was so long and plentiful, that it covered his nakedness. The nailson some of his fingers were two inches long, as he would cut nothingfrom him; and besides he never spake, being constantly accompanied byeight or ten others, who spoke for him. If any one spoke to him, he laidhis hand on his breast and bowed, but without speaking, for he would nothave spoken to the king. 

[Footnote 407: At the angle of junction between the rivers Jumna andGanges, the city of Allahabad is now situated. --E. ]

We went from _Prage_ down the Ganges, which is here very broad, andabounds in various wild-fowl, as swans, geese, cranes, and many others, the country on both sides being very fertile and populous. For the mostpart the men have their faces shaven, but wear the hair of their headsvery long; though some have their crowns shaved, and others have alltheir heads shaven except the crown. The water of the river Ganges isvery sweet and pleasant, having many islands, and the adjoining countryis very fertile. We stopt at _Bannaras_, [Benares], a large town inwhich great quantities of cotton-cloths are made, and sashes for themoors. In this place all the inhabitants are gentiles, and the grossestidolaters I ever saw. To this town the gentiles come on pilgrimages outof far distant countries. Along the side of the river there are manyfair houses, in all or most of which they have ill favoured images madeof stone or wood; some like lions, leopards, or monkeys; some like menand women; others like peacocks; and others like the devil, having fourarms and four hands. These all sit cross-legged, some with one thing intheir hands, and others with other things; and by break of day orbefore, numbers of men and women come out of the town to these places, and wash in the Ganges. On mounds of earth made for the purpose, thereare divers old men who sit praying, and who give the people three orfour straws, which they hold between their fingers when they bathe inthe Ganges; and some sit to mark them in the forehead: And the devoteeshave each a cloth with a small quantity of rice, barley, or money, whichthey give to these old men when they have washed. They then go to one orother of the idols, where they present their sacrifices. When they havefinished their washings oblations and charities, the old men say certainprayers by which they are all sanctified. 

In divers places there stand a kind of images, called _Ada_ in theirlanguage, having four hands with claws; and they have sundry carvedstones on which they pour water, and lay thereon some rice, wheat, barley and other things. Likewise they have a great place built ofstone, like a well, with steps to go down, in which the water is veryfoul and stinking, through the great quantity of flowers which arecontinually thrown into the water: Yet there are always many people inthat water, for they say that it purifies them from their sins, because, as they allege, God washed himself in that place. They even gather upthe sand or mud from the bottom, which they esteem holy. They never praybut in the water, in which they wash themselves over head, laving up thewater in both hands, and turning themselves about, they drink a littleof the water three times, and then go to the idols which stand in thehouses already mentioned. Some take of the water, with which they wash aplace of their own length, and then lie down stretched out, rising andlying down, and kissing the ground twenty or thirty times, yet keepingtheir right foot all the time in the same place. Some make theirceremonies with fifteen or sixteen pots, little and great, ringing alittle bell when they make their mixtures, ten or twelve times. Theymake a circle of water round about their pots and pray, divers sittingby them, and one in particular who reaches the pots to them; and theysay certain words many times over the pots, and when they have done, they go to their idols, before which they strew their sacrifices, whichthey think very holy, and mark many of those who sit by in theforeheads, which they esteem highly. There sometimes come fifty or evenan hundred together, to wash at this well, and to sacrifice to theseidols. 

In some of these idol houses, there are people who stand by them in warmweather, fanning them as if to cool them; and when they see any companycoming, they ring a little bell which hangs beside them, when many givethem alms, particularly those who come out of the country. Many of theseidols are black and have brazen claws very long, and some ride uponpeacocks, or on very ill-favoured fowls, having long hawks bills, somelike one thing and some like another, but none have good faces. Amongthe rest, there is one held in great veneration, as they allege be givesthem all things, both food and raiment, and one always sits beside thisidol with a fan, as if to cool him. Here some are burned to ashes, andsome only scorched in the fire and thrown into the river, where the dogsand foxes come presently and eat them. Here the wives are burned alongwith the bodies of their deceased husbands, and if they will not, theirheads are shaven and they are not afterwards esteemed. 

The people go all naked, except a small cloth about their middles. Thewomen have their necks, arms, and ears decorated with rings of silver, copper, and tin, and with round hoops of ivory, adorned with amberstones and many agates, and have their foreheads marked with a great redspot, whence a stroke of red goes up the crown, and one to each side. Intheir winter, which is in May, the men wear quilted gowns of cotton, like to our counterpanes, and quilted caps like our grocers largemortars, with a slit to look out at, tied beneath their ears. When a manor woman is sick and like to die, they are laid all night before theidols, either to help their sickness or make an end of them. If they donot mend that night, the friends come and sit up with them, and cry forsome time, after which they take them to the side of the river, layingthem on a raft of reeds, and so let them float down the river. 

When they are married the man and woman come to the water side, wherethere is an old bramin or priest, a cow and calf, or a cow with calf. Then the man and woman, together with the cow and calf, go into theriver, giving the old bramin a piece of cloth four yards long, and abasket cross bound, in which are sundry things. The bramin lays thecloth on the back of the cow, after which he takes hold of the end ofthe cows tail, and says certain words. The woman has a brass or copperpot full of water; the man takes hold of the bramin with one hand, andthe woman with the other, all having hold of the cow by the tail, onwhich they pour water from the pot, so that it runs on all their hands. They then lave up water with their hands, and the bramin ties the manand woman together by their clothes[408]. When this is done, they goround about the cow and calf, and then give some alms to the poor, whoare always present, and to the bramin or priest they give the cow andcalf, after which they go to several of the idols, where they offermoney, lying down flat on the ground before the idol, and kissing theearth several times, after which they go away. Their chief idols areblack and very ugly, with monstrous mouths, having their ears gilded andfull of jewels, their teeth and eyes of gold, silver, or glass, andcarrying sundry things in their hands. You may not enter into the houseswhere they stand with your shoes on. In these houses there are lampscontinually burning before the idols. 

[Footnote 408: This tying of new married folks together by the clothes, was used by the Mexicans in old times. --_Hakluyt_. ]

From Benares I went down the Ganges to _Patenaw_, [Patna] passing manyfair towns and a very fertile country, in which way many great riversenter the Ganges, some as large as itself, by which it becomes so broadthat in time of the rains you cannot see across. The scorched bodieswhich are thrown into the water swim on the surface, the men with theirfaces down, and the women with theirs up. I thought they had tied someweight to their bodies for this purpose, but was told no such thing wasdone. There are many thieves in this country, who roam up and down likethe Arabs, having no fixed abode. Here the women are so decked withsilver and copper that it is strange to see them, and they wear so manyrings on their toes that they cannot use shoes. Here at Patna they findgold in this manner: They dig deep pits in the earth, and wash the earthin large holes, and in these they find gold, building the pits roundabout with bricks, to prevent the earth from falling in. 

Patna is a long and large town, being formerly a separate kingdom, butis now under subjection to the great Mogor. The men are tall andslender, and have many old people among them. The houses are verysimple, being made of earth and covered with straw, and the streets arevery large. There is here a great trade in cotton and cotton cloth, likewise great quantities of sugar, which is carried to Bengal andIndia, much opium, and other commodities. He that is chief here underthe king is called _Tipperdas_, and is held in much estimation by thepeople. Here in Patna I saw a dissembling prophet, who sat on a horse inthe market-place, making as if he were asleep, and many of the peoplecame and touched his feet with their hands, which they then kissed. Theytook him for a great man, but in my opinion he was only a lazy lubber, whom I left sleeping there. The people of these countries are much givento these dissembling hypocrites. 

From Patna I went to _Tanda_ in the land of _Gouren_[409], which is inthe country of Bengal. This is a place of great trade in cotton andcotton cloth, formerly a kingdom, but now subject to the great Mogor. The people are great idolaters, going naked with only a cloth abouttheir middles, and the country hath many tigers, wild buffaloes, andwild fowl. _Tanda_ is about a league from the river Ganges, as in timespast the river flowed over its banks in the rainy season, and drowned aconsiderable extent of country with many villages, and so it yetremains, and the old bed of the river still remains dry, by which meansthe city now stands at a distance from the water. From Agra I was fivemonths coming down the Jumna and the Ganges to Bengal, but it may besailed in much shorter time. 

[Footnote 409: In our modern maps Tanda and the country or district ofGouren are not to be found; but the ruins of _Gour_, which may have somereference to Gouren, are laid down in lat. 24° 52' N. Long. 88° 5' E. About seven miles from the main stream of the great Ganges, and tenmiles south from the town of Maida. --E. ]

I went from Bengal into the country of _Couche_[410], which is 25 daysjourney north from Tanda. The king is a Gentile, named _Suckel Counse_. His country is very extensive, and reaches to within no great distanceof Cauchin China, whence they are said to procure pepper. The port iscalled _Cacchegate_. All the country is set with bamboos or canes madesharp at both ends, and driven into the earth, and they can let in thewater and drown the country above knee-deep, so that neither men norhorses can pass; and in case of any wars, they poison all the waters. The people are all Gentiles, who kill nothing, having their earsmarvellously great and a span long, which they draw out by variousdevices when young. They have much silk and musk, and cloth made ofcotton. They have hospitals for sheep, goats, dogs, cats, birds, and allkinds of living creatures, which they keep when old and lame until theydie. If a man bring any living creature into this country, they willgive money for it or other victuals, and either let it go at large orkeep it in their hospitals. They even give food to the ants. Their smallmoney is almonds[411], which they often eat. 

[Footnote 410: This seemeth to be Quicheu, accounted by some among theprovinces of China. --_Hakluyt_. 

The name of this country is so excessively corrupt, and the descriptionof the route so vague, that nothing can be made out of the text at thisplace with any certainty. It is merely possible that he may have goneinto Bootan, which is to the north of Bengal. --E. ]

[Footnote 411: In Mexico they likewise use the cacao fruit, or chocolatenut, for small money, which are not unlike almonds. --_Hakluyt_. ]

From thence I returned to _Hugeli_, [Hoogly in Bengal] which is theplace where the Portuguese have their residence in Bengal, being in lat. 23° N[412]. About a league from it is _Satagan_[413], called by thePortuguese _Porto Piqueno_, or the little port. We went through thewilderness, because the right way was infested by robbers. In passingthrough the country of Gouren we found few villages, being almost allwilderness, in which were many buffaloes, wild swine, and deer, withmany tigers, the grass being everywhere as tall as a man. Not far fromPorto Piqueno, to the south-westwards, and in the country of _Orixa_, isa sea-port called _Angeli_[414]. It was formerly a separate kingdom, theking being a great friend to strangers; but was afterwards taken by theking of Patna, who did not enjoy it long, being himself conquered by theking of Delhi, Agra, and Cambaia, Zelabdim Echebar. Orissa is six daysjourney south-westwards from _Satagan_. In this place there is much, rice, and cloth made of cotton; likewise great store of cloth made ofgrass, which they call _Yerva_, resembling silk, of which they makeexcellent cloth, which is sent to India and other places[415]. To thishaven of _Ingelly_ there come many ships every year out of India, Negapatnam, Sumatra, Malacca, and many other places, and load from hencegreat quantities of rice, much cotton cloths, sugar and long pepper, andgreat store of butter and other provisions for India[416]. Satagan is avery fair city for one belonging to the Moors, and is very plentiful inall things. In Bengal they have every day a great market or fair, called_chandeau_, in one place or other, and they have many boats called_pericose_, with which they go from place to place to buy rice and manyother things. These boats are rowed by 24 or 26 oars, and are of greatburden, but are quite open. The gentiles hold the water of the Ganges ingreat reverence; for even if they have good water close at hand, theywill send for water from the Ganges at a great distance. If they havenot enough of it to drink, they will sprinkle a little of it uponthemselves, thinking it very salutary. 

[Footnote 412: More accurately 22° 55' 20" N. And long. 88° 28' E. Hooglystands on the western branch of the Ganges, called the Hoogly river, about twenty miles direct north from Calcutta. --E. ]

[Footnote 413: We thus are enabled to discover nearly the situation ofSatagan or Satigan, to have been on the Hoogly river, probably whereChinsura now stands, or it may have been Chandernagor. --E. ]

[Footnote 414: Injelly, at the mouth of a small river which falls intothe Hoogly, very near its discharge into the bay of Bengal. Injelly isnot now considered as in Orissa, but in the district of Hoogly belongingto Bengal, above forty miles from the frontiers--E. ]

[Footnote 415: A similar cloth may be made of the long grass which growsin Virginia. --_Hakluyt_. ]

[Footnote 416: India seems always here limited to the Malabarcoast. --E. ]

From Satagan I travelled by the country of the King of Tippara, or_Porto Grande_[417]. The _Mogores_ or _Mogen_ [Moguls] have almostcontinual wars with Tiperah; the Mogen of the kingdom of _Recon_ and_Rame_, are stronger than the King of Tiperah, so that Cittigong orPorto Grande is often under the dominion of the king of _Recon_[418]. There is a country four days journey from _Couche_ called_Bottanter_[419], the principal city of which is _Bottia_, and the kingis called _Dermain_. The people are tall, strong, and very swift. Manymerchants come here out of China, and it is said even from Muscovy andTartary, to purchase musk, _cambals_, agates, silk, pepper, and saffron, like the saffron of Persia[420]. This country is very great, being notless than three months journey in extent, and contains many highmountains, one of them so steep and high that it may be perfectly seenat the distance of six days journey[421]. There are people on thesemountains having ears a span long, and they call such as have not longears asses. They say that from these mountains _they see ships sailingon the sea_, but know not whence they come nor whither they go. Thereare merchants who come out of the east from under the sun, which is fromChina, having no beards, who say their country is warm; but others comefrom the north, on the other side of the mountains, where it is verycold. These merchants from the north are apparelled in woollen cloth andhats, with close white hose or breeches and boots, who come from Muscovyor Tartary. These report that they have excellent horses in theircountry, but very small; some individuals possessing four, five, or sixhundred horses and cattle. These people live mostly on milk and flesh. They cut off the tails of their cows, and sell them very dear, as theyare in high request in those parts. The rump is only a span long, butthe hair is a yard in length. These tails are used for show, to hangupon the heads of elephants, and are much sought after in Pegu andChina. 

[Footnote 417: Perhaps this ought to have been, by the country of Tipera_to_ Porto Grande. Porto Grande, formerly called Chittigong, is nowcalled Islamabad, and is in the district of Chittigong, the mosteasterly belonging to Bengal. --E. ]

[Footnote 418: Aracan is certainly here meant by _Recon_; of _Rame_nothing can be made, unless Brama, or Birmah be meant. --E. ]

[Footnote 419: _Bottanter_ almost certainly means Bootan. Of _Bottia_ weknow nothing, but it is probably meant to indicate the capital. _Dermain_ may possibly be some corruption of _Deb raja_, the title ofthe sovereign. It is obvious from this passage, that _Couche_ must havebeen to the south of Bootan, and was perhaps Coch-beyhar, a town anddistrict in the north-east of Bengal, near the Bootan frontier. --E. ]

[Footnote 420: The saffon of Persia of the text may perhaps mean_turmeric_. The cambals may possibly mean camblets. --E. ]

[Footnote 421: These seem to be the mountains of Imaus, called Cumao bythe natives. --_Hakluyt_. 

The Himmaleh mountains, dividing Bootan from Thibet, said to be visiblefrom the plains of Bengal at the distance of 150 miles. --E. ]

From Chittigong in Bengal, I went to _Bacola_[422], the king of whichcountry is a Gentile of an excellent disposition, who is particularlyfond of shooting with a gun. His country is large and fertile, havinggreat abundance of rice, and manufactures much silk, and cloths ofcotton. The houses of this city are good and well built, with largestreets. The people go naked, except a cloth round their waists, and thewomen wear many silver hoops about their necks and arms, and rings ofsilver, copper, and ivory about their legs. From thence I went to_Serrepore_ upon the Ganges, the king or rajah of which is calledChondery. They are all hereabouts in rebellion against the great Mogul, for there are so many rivers and islands that they escape from one toanother, so that his horsemen cannot prevail against them. Great storeof cotton cloth is made here. _Sinnergan_ is a town six leagues from_Serrepore_, where the best and finest cotton cloth of all the east ismade[423]. The chief king of all those countries is called Isa-khan, being supreme over all the other kings or rajahs, and is a great friendto the Christians. Here, as in most parts of India, the houses are verysmall and covered with straw, having a few mats hung round the walls andover the door-way, to keep out tigers and foxes. They live on rice, milk, and fruits, eating no flesh and killing no animals; and thoughmany of them are very rich, their sole article of dress is a small clothbefore them. From hence they send great quantities of cotton cloths andmuch rice, all over India, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and other places. 

[Footnote 422: Perhaps Pucouloe, a place of some size near Davas betweenthe Ganges and Burhampooter rivers. --E. ]

[Footnote 423: Serampoor on the Hoogly river agrees at least in soundwith the Serrepore of the text; but, from the context, I rather suspectSerrepore to have stood among the numerous islands of the great easternGanges, in the province of Dava, and near the junction of the Ganges andBurhampooter or Megna rivers. Of Sinnergan I can make nothing, only thatit must have stood in the same district. --E. ]

I went from Serrepore the 28th of November 1586 for Pegu, in a smallship or foist, commanded by one Albert Caravallos, and sailing down theGanges, we passed by the island of Sundiva, Porto grande, or Chittigong, in the country of Tiperah, and the kingdom of Recon and Mogen[424], leaving all on our left hand, our course being south by east, with thewind at north-west, which brought us to the bar of Negrais in Pegu. Hadwe met with a foul wind, we must have thrown many things overboard, forwe were so lumbered with people and goods, even on the deck, that therewas scarce a place to sit down upon. From Bengal to Pegu is 90 leagues. We entered the bar of Negrais, [at the mouth of the western branch ofthe river of Ava], which is an excellent bar, having four fathoms waterwhere shallowest. Three days afterwards we came to Cosmin, a very prettytown, pleasantly situated and abounding in all things. The people aretall and well disposed; the women white, round faced, and having smalleyes. The houses are high built, set upon great high posts, and they goup to them by means of ladders for fear of the tigers, which are verynumerous. The country is very fertile, abounding in great figs, oranges, coconuts, and other fruits. The land is very high on the sea coast, butafter getting within the bar, it is very low and much intersected withrivers, so that they go everywhere in boats, which they call _paraos_, in which many of them dwell with their wives and children. 

[Footnote 424: Recon has already been supposed to be Aracan, which isnow quite obvious; but in what manner Mogen may refer to Ava, the nextcountry to the south, does not appear. --E. ]

From the bar of Negrais to the city of Pegu, is ten days journey by therivers. We went from _Cosmin_ to Pegu in paraos or boats, and passing upthe river we came to _Medon_, a very pretty town, having a wonderfulnumber of paraos, for they dwell in them, and hold markets on the water. In rowing up and down with their commodities in these boats, they have agreat _sombrero_ or umbrella over their heads, to defend them from thesun, as broad and round as a great cart wheel, made of the leaves of thecoco or the fig tree, which are very light. From Medon we went to Dela, where there are 18 or 20 great long houses, where they tame and keepmany elephants belonging to the king, as elephants are caught in thewilderness near this place. From Dela we went to _Cirian_, [Siriam] agood town having an excellent sea-port, to which come many ships fromMecca, Malacca, Sumatra, and other places; and there the ships dischargetheir cargoes, and send up their goods in paraos to Pegu. From Siriam wewent to _Macao_, a pretty town, where we left the boats, and in themorning taking _delingeges_, which are a kind of couches made of cordsand quilted cloth, carried on a _stang_, or long pole, by three or fourmen, we came to Pegu the same day. 

Pegu is a great strong and fair city, having walls of stone and greatditches all round about. It consists of two towns, the old and the new. In the old town dwell all the stranger merchants, and very many nativemerchants, and all the goods are sold in the old town, which is verylarge, and hath many extensive suburbs all round about it, all thehouses being of bamboo canes and covered with straw. In your house, however, you have a warehouse, which they call a _godown_, built ofbricks, in which to keep your goods, as often the city takes fire, andfour or five hundred houses are burnt down, so that these _godowns_ arevery useful to save your goods. The king with all his nobility andgentry dwell in the new town, which is a great and populous city, entirely square with fair walls, and a great ditch all round about fullof water, in which are many crocodiles. It has twenty gates, five oneach side of the square, all built of stone. There are also many turretsfor centinels, made of wood and splendidly gilded. The streets are thehandsomest I ever saw, all as straight as a line from one gate to theother, and so broad that ten or twelve men may ride abreast throughthem. On both sides, at every door, there are palmer trees planted, which bear coco-nuts, and which make a fine shew as well as a commodiousshade, so that the people may walk all day in the shade. The houses areof wood, covered with tiles. 

The palace of the king stands in the middle of this city, and is walledand ditched all round, all the houses within being of wood verysumptuously gilded, and the fore-front is of very rich workmanship, allgilded in a very costly manner. The pagoda, or house in which his idolsstand, is covered with tiles of silver, and all the walls are gilt overwith gold. Within the first gate of the palace is a very large court, onboth sides of which are the houses for the king's elephants, which arewonderfully large and handsome, and are trained for war and for theking's service. Among the rest, he has four white elephants, which are agreat rarity, no other king having any but he; and were any other kingto have any, he would send for it, and if refused would go to war forit, and would rather lose a great part of his kingdom than not have theelephant. When any white elephant is brought to the king, all themerchants in the city are commanded to go and visit him, on whichoccasion each individual makes a present of half a ducat, which amountsto a good round sum, as there are a vast many merchants, after whichpresent you may go and see them at your pleasure, although they stand inthe king's house. Among his titles, the king takes that of king of thewhite elephants. They do great honour and service to these whiteelephants, every one of them having a house gilded with gold, andgetting their food in vessels of gilt silver. Every day when they go tothe river to wash, each goes under a canopy of cloth of gold or silk, carried by six or eight men, and eight or ten men go before each, playing on drums, _shawms_, and other instruments. When each has washedand is come out of the river, he has a gentleman to wash his feet in asilver basin, which office is appointed by the king. There is no suchaccount made of the black elephants, be they never so great, and some ofthem are wonderfully large and handsome, some being nine cubits high. 

The king has a very large place, about a mile from Pegu, for catchingwild elephants, in a great grove or wood, having a fair court in themiddle. There are many huntsmen, who go into the wilderness withshe-elephants, trained for the purpose, each huntsman having five or sixwhich are anointed with a certain ointment to entice the wild males tofollow them. When they have brought a wild elephant within their snares, the hunters send word to the town, on which many horsemen and footmen goout, and force the wild elephant to enter into a narrow way leading tothe inner inclosure, and when the he and she are in, then is the gateshut upon them. They then get the female out, and when the male findshimself alone and entrapped, he cries out and sheds tears, runningagainst the enclosure, which is made of strong trees, and some of thembreak their tusks in endeavouring to force their way out. The peoplethen goad him with pointed canes, till they force him into a narrowstall, in which he is securely fastened with strong ropes about his bodyand legs, and is left there for three or four days without food ordrink. Then they bring a female to him, with food and drink, and unbindthe ropes, and he becomes tame in three or four days. When they take theelephants to war, they fix a frame of wood on their backs with greatropes, upon which sit four or six men, who fight with guns, bows andarrows, darts, and other weapons; and it is said that the elephant'shide is so thick that a musket ball will not pierce them, except in sometender place. 

The weapons of these people are very bad, their swords being short andblunt at the points. They have arquebusses also, but they shoot verybadly with them. The king keeps great state, sitting in public twiceevery day, having all his nobles, which they call _shemines_, sitting oneach side at a good distance, and a numerous guard on the outside ofall, so that the hall, or court is very large. If any one wish to speakto the king, he maketh three profound reverences, when he enters, inthe mid way, and when he comes near the king; at each of these he kneelsdown, holds his hands above his head, and bows with his head to theground three times. He then sits down to speak to the king, and iffavoured is allowed to come near, within three or four paces, butotherwise is made to sit at a greater distance. When the king goes towar he is accompanied by a great military force. While I was in Pegu, hewent to Odia, in the kingdom of Siam, with 300, 000 men and 5000elephants. His particular guard was 30, 000. When the king rides abroad, he is accompanied by a strong guard and many nobles, and often rides onan elephant having a great castle on its back superbly gilded; sometimeshe travels on a great frame of wood like a horse-litter, having a smallhouse or canopy upon it, covered over head, and open at the sides, whichis all splendidly gilded with gold, and adorned with many rubies andsapphires, of which he hath an infinite store, as a vast many of themare found in this country. This couch or litter is called _serrion_ intheir language, and is carried on the shoulders of 16 or 18 men. Onthese occasions, there is much triumphing and shouting made before theking, by great numbers of men and women. 

This king has little force by sea, having very few ships. He has housesquite full of gold and silver, both of which are often coming in to him, but very little goes out again, so that he makes little account of it, and this vast treasury is always open to inspection, in a great walledcourt with two gates, which are always open to all men. In this courtthere are four houses very richly gilded and covered with leaden roofs, in each of which is a pagod or idol, of huge stature and vast value. Inthe first of these houses is the image of a king, all in gold, having agolden crown on his head richly set with large rubies and sapphires, andround about are the images of four children all in gold. In the secondhouse is the image of a man in silver, of prodigious size, as high as ahouse, insomuch that the foot is as long as the stature of a man. Thisfigure is in a sitting posture, having a crown on its head, richlyadorned with precious stones. In the third house is the statue of a manin brass, still larger than the former, with a rich crown on its head. In the fourth house is another brazen statue, still larger than theformer, having also a crown on its head richly adorned with jewels. Inanother court not far from this, there are four other pagodas or idolsof wonderful size, made of copper, which were formed in the places inwhich they now stand, being of such enormous size that they could not beremoved. These stand in four separate houses, and are gilded all overexcept their heads, which resemble black-a-moors. The expences of thesepeople in gilding their images are quite enormous. The king has only onewife, but above 300 concubines, by whom he is said to have 80 or 90children. He sits in judgment every day, on which occasion theapplicants use no speech, but give up their supplications in writing, being upon long slips of the leaves of a tree, a yard long and about twoinches broad, written with a pointed iron or stile like a bodkin. He whogives in his application, stands at some distance carrying a present. Ifhis application is to be complied with, his present is accepted and hisrequest granted; but if his suit be denied he returns home with hispresent. 

There are few commodities in India which serve for trade at Pegu, exceptopium of Cambaia, painted cottons from San Thome or Masulipatam, andwhite cloth of Bengal, vast quantities of which are sold here. Theybring likewise much cotton yarn, dyed red with a root called _saia_, which never loses its colour, a great quantity of which is sold yearlyin Pegu at a good profit. The ships from Bengal, San Thome, andMasulipatam, come to the bar of Negrais and to Cosmin. To Martaban, another sea-port in the kingdom of Pegu, many ships come from Malacca, with sandal-wood, porcelains, and other wares of China, camphor ofBorneo, and pepper from Acheen in the island of Sumatra. To Siriam, likewise a port of Pegu, ships come from Mecca with woollen cloth, scarlet, velvets, opium, and other goods. 

In Pegu there are eight brokers called _tareghe_, which are bound tosell your goods at the prices they are worth, receiving as their fee twoin the hundred, for which they are bound to make good the price, becauseyou sell your goods on their word. If the broker do not pay you on theday appointed, you may take him home to your house and keep him there, which is a great shame for him. And, if he do not now pay youimmediately, you may take his wife, children, and slaves, and bind themat your door in the sun; for such is the law of the country. Theircurrent money is of brass, which they call _ganza_, with which you maybuy gold, silver, rubies, musk, and all other things. Gold and silver isreckoned merchandise, and is worth sometimes more and sometimes less, like all other wares, according to the supply and demand. The ganza orbrass money goes by weight, which they call a _biza_; and commonly thisbiza is worth, in our way of reckoning, about half a crown or somewhatless. The merchandises in Pegu are, gold, silver, rubies, sapphires, spinels, musk, benzoin, frankincense, long pepper, tin, lead, copper, _lacca_, of which hard sealing-wax is made, rice, wine made of rice, [_aruck_, ] and some sugar. The elephants eat sugar canes in greatquantities, or otherwise they might make abundance of sugar. 

They consume many canes likewise[425], in making their _varellas_ oridol temples, of which there are a prodigious multitude, both large andsmall. These are made round like a sugar loaf, some being as high as achurch, and very broad beneath, some being a quarter of a mile incompass. Within these are all of earth, faced round with stone. In these_varellas_ they consume a vast quantity of gold, as they are all gildedaloft, and some from top to bottom; and they must be newly gilded everyten or twelve years, because the rain washes off the gold, as they allstand exposed to the weather. Were it not for the prodigious quantitiesof gold consumed in this manner, it would be very plentiful and cheap inPegu. About two days journey from Pegu there is a _varella_ or pagodacalled _dogonne_, of wonderful bigness, gilded all over from top tobottom, to which the inhabitants of Pegu go in pilgrimage; and near itis a house where their talapoins or priests preach to the people. Thishouse is fifty five paces long, and hath three _pawnes_ or covered walksin it, the roof being supported by forty great gilded pillars, whichstand between the walks. It is open on all sides, having a vast numberof small gilded pillars, and the whole is gilded both within andwithout. Round about this there are many fair houses for the pilgrims todwell in, and many goodly houses in which the talapoins preach, whichare all full of idols or images, both male and female, all gilded withgold. This, in my opinion, is the fairest place in the world. It standsvery high, having four roads leading to it, all planted on each sidewith fruit-trees, so that the people walk in the shade in all theseavenues, which are each above two miles long. When the grand festivalof this varella approaches, one can hardly pass any way, on account ofthe great throngs of people, both by land and water, as they flock fromall parts of the kingdom of Pegu to be present at the festival. 

[Footnote 425: Surely the bamboo, not the sugar cane. It may be noticed, that almost the whole of this account of Pegu seems to have beenborrowed from the relation of Cesar Frederick. --E. ]

In Pegu, there are many priests or talapoins, as they are called, whopreach against all abuses, and many people resort to hear them. Whenthey enter into the _kiack_, that is to say the holy place or temple, there is a great jar of water at the door, having a cock or ladle, andthere they wash their feet. They then walk in, and lift their hands totheir heads, first to the preacher, and then to the sun, after whichthey sit down. The talapoins are strangely apparelled, having a brown_cambaline_ or thin cloth next their body, above which is another ofyellow many times doubled or folded over their shoulders, and these twoare girded round them by a broad girdle. They have a skin of leatherhung by a string round their necks, on which they sit, bare headed andbare footed, as they wear no shoes. Their right arms are all bare, andthey carry a large _sombrero_ or umbrella over their heads, whichprotects them from the sun in summer, and from the rain in winter. 

Before taking their orders, the talapoins go to school till, twentyyears old or more, and then go before a head talapoin appointed for thepurpose, called a _rowli_, who is the most learned of the order, whoexamines them many times, whether they will leave their friends, foregoing the company of women, and assume the habit of a talapoin. Ifany one be content, he is made to ride through the streets on a horse, very richly apparelled, accompanied by many drums and trumpets, to shewthat he is about to quit the riches and vanity of the world. A few daysafterwards, he is again carried through the streets, on a thing like ahorse litter, called _serion_, mounted on the shoulders of ten or twelvemen, and dressed in the habit of a talapoin, preceded by drums andinstruments of music, and accompanied by many talapoins and all hisfriends. He is thus carried to his house without side of the town, andis there left. 

Every individual talapoin has his own house, which is very small, setupon six or eight posts, and to which they have to go up by a ladder oftwelve or fourteen staves. Their houses are mostly by the road sides, and among the trees in the woods. They go about, having a great pot ofwood or fine earthen ware covered, and hung by a broad belt from theirshoulder, with which they beg their victuals, being rice, fish, andherbs. They never ask any thing, but come to the doors, when the peoplepresently give them, some one thing and some another, all of which theyput into their pot, saying they must feed on their alms and becontented. Their festivals are regulated by the moon, their chiefestbeing at the new moon, when the people send rice and other things to the_kiack_ or church which they frequent, where all the talapoins belongingto it meet and eat the victuals that are sent. When the talapoinspreach, many of their hearers carry gifts to them in the pulpit, whilepreaching, a person sitting beside the preacher to receive these gifts, which are divided between them. So far as I could see, they have noother ceremonials or religious service, except preaching. 

From Pegu I went to _Jamahey_, in the country of the _Langeiannes_, whomwe call _Jangomes_, which is twenty-five days journey north fromPegu[426], in which journey I passed through many fertile and pleasantcountries, the whole being low land, with many fine rivers; but thehouses are mean and bad, being built of canes and covered with straw. This country has great numbers of wild elephants and buffaloes. _Jamahey_ is a large handsome town, well peopled, and the houses arewell built of stone, with broad streets. The men are strong and wellmade, having a cloth about their middles, bareheaded and with bare feet, as in all these countries they wear no shoes. The women are much fairerthan those of Pegu. In all these countries they have no wheat, livingentirely on rice, which they make into cakes. To Jamahey there come manymerchants out of China, bringing great store of musk, gold, silver, andmany Chinese manufactures. They have here such great abundance ofprovisions, that they do not take the trouble to milk the buffaloes asthey do in other places. Here there is great abundance of copper andbenzoin. 

[Footnote 426: The names here used are so corrupted as to be utterlyunintelligible. Twenty-five days journey north from the city of Pegu, orperhaps 500 miles, would lead the author into the northern provinces ofthe Birman empire, of which the geography is very little known, perhapsinto Assan: Yet the _Langeiannes_ may possibly refer to _Lang-shang_ inLaos, nearly west from Pegu. _Jamahey_ may be _Shamai_, in the north ofLaos; near the N. W. Frontier of China. --E. ]

In these countries, when people are sick, they make a vow to offer meatto the devil in case of recovery; and when they recover, they make abanquet, with many pipes and drums and other musical instruments, dancing all night, and their friends bring gifts of coco-nuts, figs, arecas, and other fruits, and with much dancing and rejoicing theyoffer these to the devil, giving him to eat, and then drive him out. While dancing and playing, they often cry and hallow aloud, to drive thedevil away. While sick, a talapoin or two sit every night by the sickperson, continually singing, to please the devil, that he may not hurtthem. When any one dies, he is carried on a great frame of wood like atower, having a covering or canopy made of canes all gilded, which iscarried by fourteen or sixteen men, preceded by drums, pipes, and otherinstruments, and being taken to a place out of the town, the body isthere burned. On this occasion, the body is accompanied by all the malefriends, relations, and neighbours of the deceased; and they give thetalapoins or priests many mats and much cloth. They then return to thehouse, where they feast for two days. After this, the widow, with allher neighbours wives, and female friends, goes to the place where herhusband was burnt, where they sit a certain time lamenting, and thengather up all the pieces of bones which have not been burnt to ashes, which they bury; they then return home, and thus make an end ofmourning. On these occasions, the male and female relations shave theirheads, which is only done for the death of a friend, as they greatlyesteem their hair. 

_Caplan_, the place where the rubies, sapphires and spinels are found, is six days journey from Ava in the kingdom of Pegu. There are here manygreat hills out of which they are dug, but no person is allowed to go tothe pits, except those employed in digging. In Pegu, and in all thecountries of Ava, Langeiannes, Siam, and of the Birmans, the men wearlittle round balls in their privities, some having two and some three, being put in below the skin, which is cut for that purpose, one on oneside and another on the other, which they do when 25 or 30 years of age. These were devised that they might not abuse the male sex, to whichshocking vice they were formerly much addicted. It was also ordained, that the women should not have more than three cubits of cloth in theirunder garments, which likewise are open before, and so tight, that whenthey walk they shew the leg bare above the knee. 

The _bramas_, or birmans of the kings country, for the king is a birman, have their legs or bellies, or some other part of their body accordingto their fancy made black by pricking the skin, and rubbing in _anile_or indigo, or some other black powder, which continues ever after; andthis is considered as a great honour, none being allowed to do this butthe birmans who are of kin to the king. Those people wear no beards, butpull out the hair from their faces with small pincers made for thepurpose. Some leave 16 or 20 hairs growing together, some on one part ofthe face and some on another, and pull out all the rest; every mancarrying his pincers with him, and pulling out the hairs as fast as theyappear. If they see a man with a beard they wonder at him. Both men andwomen have their teeth black; for they say a dog has white teeth, andtherefore they have theirs black. When the Peguers have a law-suit thatis difficult to determine, they place two long canes upright in thewater where it is very deep, and both parties go into the water besidethe poles, having men present to judge them; they both dive, and he whoremains longest under water gains his suit. 

The 10th of January, I went from Pegu to Malacca, passing many of thesea-ports of Pegu, as Martaban, the island of _Tavi_ whence all India issupplied with tin, Tanaserim, the island of Junkselon, and many others. I came on the 8th of February to Malacca, where the Portuguese have acastle near the sea. The country without the town belongs to the Malays, who are a proud kind of people, going naked with a cloth about theirwaists, and a small roll of cloth round their heads. To this place comemany ships from China, the Moluccas, Banda, Timor, and many otherislands of the Javas, bringing great store of spices, drugs, diamonds, and other precious stones. The voyages to many of these islands belongto the captain of Malacca, so that no one can go there without hislicence, by which he draws large sums of money every year. ThePortuguese at Malacca are often at war with the king of Acheen in theisland of Sumatra; from whence comes great store of pepper and otherspices yearly to Pegu, Mecca, and other places. 

When the Portuguese go from Macao in China to Japan, they carry muchwhite silk, gold, musk, and porcelain, and bring from thence nothing butsilver. A great carak goes on this voyage every year, and brings fromthence about 600, 000 crusadoes: and all this silver of Japan, and200, 000 more which they bring yearly from India, they employ to greatadvantage in China, whence they bring gold, musk, silk, copper, porcelains, and many very costly articles richly gilded. When thePortuguese go to Canton in China to trade, they are only permitted toremain there a certain number of days. When they enter the gates of thecity, they have to set down their names in a book, and when they go outat night must put out their names, as they are not allowed to remain inthe town all night, but must sleep in their boats. When their time ofstay is expired, if any one remain, he is liable to be imprisoned andvery ill used, as the Chinese are very suspicious and do not truststrangers; and it is even thought that the king of China does not knowof any strangers being admitted into his dominions. It is likewisecredibly reported, that the people of China see their king very seldom, or not at all, and may not even look up to the place where he sits. Whenhe goes abroad, he is carried in a great chair or _serion_, splendidlygilded, on which is made a small house with a lattice to look through, so that he cannot be seen but may see about him. While he is passing, all the people kneel with their faces to the ground, holding their handsover their heads, and must not look up till he is past. 

In China, when in mourning, the people wear white thread shoes and strawhats. A man mourns two years for his wife, the wife three years for herhusband, the son a year for his father, and two years for his mother. During the whole time of mourning the dead body is kept in the house, the bowels being taken out, filled with _chaunam_ or lime, and put intoa coffin. When the time expires, it is carried out with much playing andpiping, and burned. After this they pull off their mourning weeds, andmay marry again when they please. All the people of China, Japan, andCochin-china, write downwards, from the top of the page to the bottomusing a fine pencil made of dogs or cats hair. 

_Laban_ is an island among the Javas, whence come the diamonds of _thenew water_. They are there found in the rivers, as the king will notallow them to be dug for in the rock. _Jamba_ is another island amongthe Javas, from whence also diamonds are brought. In this island theking has a mass of earth growing in the middle of the river, which isgold; and when he is in want of gold, they cut part of this earth andmelt it, whereof cometh gold. This mass of earth is only to be seen oncea year, in the month of April, when the water is low. _Bima_ is anotherisland among the Javas, where the women labour as our men do in England, and the men keep the house or go where they will[427]. 

[Footnote 427: All the names of these islands among the Javas, or islesof Sunda are unintelligibly corrupt. --E. ]

The 28th of March 1588, I returned from Malacca to Martaban, and thenceto Pegu, where I remained the second time till the 17th of September, and then went to Cosmin where I took shipping; and escaping many dangersfrom contrary winds, it pleased God that we arrived in Bengal inNovember. I had to remain there, for want of a passage, till the 3dFebruary 1589, when I embarked for Cochin. In this voyage we sufferedgreat hardships for want of water; for the weather was very hot, and wewere many on board, merchants and passengers, and we had many calms. Itpleased God that we arrived in Ceylon on the 6th of March, where westaid five days, to furnish ourselves with water and necessaryprovisions. 

Ceylon is a beautiful and fertile island, yet by reason of continualwars with the king, every thing is very dear, as he will not suffer anything to be brought to the castle belonging to the Portuguese, so thatthey are often in great want of victuals, and they are forced to bringtheir provisions every year from Bengal. The king is called rajah and isvery powerful, for he comes sometimes against Columbo, where thePortuguese have their fort, with 100, 000 men and many elephants. Butthey are all naked people, though many of them are excellent marksmenwith their muskets. When the king talks with any man, he stands on oneleg, setting the other foot on his knee, with his sword in his hand; as, according to their customs the king never sits. He is dressed in a finepainted cotton cloth wrapped about his middle; his hair long and boundabout his head with a small fine cloth, and all the rest of his bodynaked. His guard is a thousand men, which stand round about him. Theyare all Chingalese, who are said to be the best kind of the Malabars. They have very large ears, as the larger they are the more honourablethey are esteemed, some being a span long. They burn the wood of thecinnamon tree, which gives a pleasant scent. In this island there isgreat store of rubies, sapphires, and spinels of the best kind, but theking will not allow the inhabitants to dig for them, lest they shouldtempt his enemies to make war upon him and deprive him of his dominions. There are no horses in this country, but many elephants, which are notso large as those of Pegu, which are of prodigious size; yet it is saidall other elephants are afraid of those of Ceylon, and refuse to fightthem, though small. The women of this island wear a cloth round theirmiddles, reaching only to the knees, all the rest of their bodies beingbare. Both men and women are black and very little. Their houses aresmall, being constructed of the branches of the palmer or coco tree, andcovered with the leaves of the same tree. 

The 11th of March we departed from Ceylon and doubled Cape Comorin. Notfar from thence, between Ceylon and the main-land of India atNegapatnam, they fish for pearls every year, whence all India, Cambaya, and Bengal are supplied. But these pearls are _not so orient_ [are notso round or of so fine a water] as those of Bahrain in the gulph ofPersia. From Cape Comorin we went to Coulan, a fort of the Portuguese, whence comes great store of pepper for Portugal, as frequently one ofthe caraks is laden here. We arrived at Cochin on the 22d of March, where we found the weather very warm, and a great scarcity ofprovisions, as neither corn nor rice grows here, having mostly to besupplied from Bengal. They have here very bad water, as the river is faroff; and by this bad water many of the people are like lepers, and manyhave their legs swollen as big as a mans waist, so that they can hardlywalk. The people here are Malabars, of the race of the Nairs of Calicut, who differ much from the other Malabars. These have their heads veryfull of hair, bound up with a string, above which is a great bush ofhair. The men are tall and strong, and excellent archers, using a longbow and long arrows, which are their best weapons; yet they have somefire-arms among them, which they handle very badly. 

In this country pepper grows, being trained up a tree or pole. It islike our ivy berry, but something longer, like an ear of wheat. At firstthe bunches are green, but as they become ripe they are cut off anddried. The leaf is much smaller and thinner than that of ivy. The housesof the inhabitants are very small, and are covered with the leaves ofthe coco-tree. The men are of moderate stature, but the women verylittle; all black, with a cloth about their middles, hanging down totheir hams, all the rest of their bodies being naked. They have horriblygreat ears, with many rings set with pearls and other stones. All thepepper sold in Calicut, and the coarse cinnamon [cassia] grow in thiscountry. The best cinnamon comes from Ceylon, and is peeled from fineyoung trees. They have here many palmers, or coco-nut trees, which istheir chief food, as it yields both meat and drink, together with manyother useful things, as I said formerly. 

The nairs belonging to the Samorin or king of Calicut, which areMalabars, are always at war with the Portuguese, though their sovereignbe at peace with them; but his people go to sea to rob and plunder. Their chief captain is called _Cogi Alli_, who hath three castles underhis authority. When the Portuguese complain to the Samorin, he pretendsthat he does not send them out, but he certainly consents to theirgoing. They range all along the coast from Ceylon to Goa, and go inparties of four or five paraos or boats together, in each of which arefifty or sixty men, who immediately board every vessel they come upwith, doing much harm on that coast, and every year take many foists andbarks belonging to the Portuguese. Besides the nairs, many of the peoplein these paraos are Moors. The dominions of the Samorin begin twelveleagues from Cochin and reach to near Goa. 

I remained in Cochin eight months, till the 2d of November, not beingable to procure a passage in all that time; whereas if I had arrived twodays sooner I should have got a passage immediately. From Cochin I wentto Goa, which is an hundred leagues; and after remaining three days Iwent to Chaul, sixty leagues from Goa. I remained twenty-three days atChaul, making all necessary preparations for the prosecution of myvoyage. I then sailed for Ormus, four hundred leagues from Goa, where Ihad to wait fifty days for a passage to Basora. 

From Basora I went up the Euphrates and Tigris to Babylon or Bagdat, being drawn up most of the way by the strength of men, hauling by a longrope. From Bagdat I went by land to Mosul, which stands near the sciteof the ancient Nineveh, which is all ruinated and destroyed. From MosulI travelled to Merdin in Armenia, where a people called _Cordies_ orCurds now dwell. I went thence to Orfa, a fair town having a fairfountain full of fish, where the Mahometans hold many opinions, andpractice many ceremonies in reference to Abraham, who they allege oncedwelt there. From thence I went to Bir, where I crossed the Euphrates, and continued my journey to Aleppo; whence, after staying some monthsfor a caravan, I went to Tripolis in Syria. Finding an English shipthere, I had a prosperous voyage to London, where by the blessing of GodI arrived safe on the 29th of April 1591, having been eight years absentfrom my native country. 

 * * * * *

Before ending this my book, I have thought right to declare some thingswhich are produced in India and the countries farther east[428]. 

[Footnote 428: This account of the commodities of India so very muchresembles that already given in the perigrinations of Cesar Frederick, Vol. VII. P. 204, as to seem in a great measure borrowed from it, thoughwith some variations. --E. ]

Pepper grows in many parts of India, especially about Cochin; much of itgrowing wild in the fields among the bushes without cultivation, and isgathered when ripe. When first gathered it is green, but becomes blackby drying in the sun. Ginger is found in many parts of India, growinglike our garlic, the root being the ginger. Cloves come from the Moluccaislands, the tree resembling our bay. Nutmegs and mace grow together onthe same tree, and come from the island of Banda, the tree being likeour walnut-tree, but smaller. White sandal wood comes from the island ofTimor. It is very sweet scented, and is in great request among thenatives of India, who grind it up with a little water, and then anointtheir bodies with it, as a grateful perfume. Camphor is esteemed veryprecious among the Indians, and is sold dearer than gold, so that Ithink none of it comes to Christendom. That which is compounded comesfrom China: But the best, which grows in canes, comes from the greatisland of Borneo. 

Lignuo aloes are from Cochin China. Benjamin, or Benzoin, comes fromSiam and Jangomes[429]. Long pepper grows in Bengal, Pegu, and theJavas. Musk comes from Tartary[430], Amber[431] is supposed by most tocome out of the sea, as it is all found on the shore. 

[Footnote 429: In Cesar Fredericks peregrinations, Benzoin is said tocome from Siam and _Assi_, or Assam, which confirms the conjecturealready made, of Langeiannes and the Jangomes referring to Assam. --E. ]

[Footnote 430: Fitch here repeats the ridiculous, story respecting thefabrication of musk, already given by Cesar Frederick. --E. ]

[Footnote 431: Certainly Ambergris, the origin of which from theSpermaceti whale has been formerly noticed in this work. --E. ]

Rubies, sapphires and spinels are found in Pegu. Diamonds are found inseveral places, as in Bisnagur, Agra, Delhi, and the Javan islands. Thebest pearls come from the isle of Bahrein in the gulf of Persia; and aninferior sort from the fisheries near Ceylon, and from Ainan, a largeisland off the southern coast of China. Spodium and many other drugscome from Cambaia or Gujrat, commonly called Guzerat. 

SECTION III. 

_Supplement to the Journey of Fitch_[432]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

In Hakluyt's collection, p. 235--376, are given letters from queenElizabeth to Akbar Shah, Mogul emperor of Hindostan, called thereZelabdim Echebar, king of Cambaia, and to the king or emperor of China, dated 1583. These are merely complimentary, and for the purpose ofrecommending John Newbery and his company to the protection and favourof these eastern sovereigns, in case of visiting their dominions; andneed not therefore be inserted in this place. The following articleshowever, are of a different description, consisting of several lettersfrom John Newbery and Ralph Fitch to different friends in England; andof an extract from the work of John Huighen Van Linschoten, who was inGoa in December 1583, upon their arrival at that emporium of thePortuguese trade in India, affording a full confirmation of theauthenticity of the expedition thus far. --E. 

[Footnote 432: Hakluyt, II. 375--381. And 399--402. ]

No. 1. --_Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, author of the Voyages, &c. _

Right well beloved, and my assured good friend, I heartily commend meunto you, hoping that you are in good health, &c. After we set sail fromGravesend on the 13th of February, we remained on our coast till the11th of March, when we sailed from Falmouth, and never anchored till ourarrival in the road of Tripoli in Syria, on the 30th of April. Afterstaying fourteen days there, we came to this place, Aleppo, on the 20thof this present month of May, where we have now been eight days, and infive or six days, with Gods help, we go from hence towards the Indies. Since my arrival at Tripoli, I have made diligent inquiry, both thereand here, for the book of Cosmography of Abulfeda Ismael, but cannothear of it. Some say that it may possibly be had in Persia; but I shallnot fail to make inquiry for it both in Babylon and Balsara, [Bagdat andBasora] and if I can find it in either of these places, shall send ityou from thence. The letter which you gave me to copy out, which camefrom Mr Thomas Stevens in Goa, as also the note you gave me of FrancisFernandez the Portuguese, I brought away with me inadvertantly amongother writings; both of which I now return you inclosed. 

Great preparations are making here for the wars in Persia; and alreadyis gone from hence the pacha of a town called _Rahemet_, and shortlyafter the pachas of Tripoli and Damascus are to follow; but they havenot in all above 6000 men. They go to a town called _Asmerome_, [Erzerum] three days journey from Trebesond, where they are to meet withsundry captains and soldiers from Constantinople and other places, to goaltogether into Persia. This year many men go for these wars, as hasbeen the case every year since they began, now about eight years, butvery few return again; although they have had the advantage over thePersians, and have won several castles and strong holds in that country. 

Make my hearty commendations to Mr Peter Guillame, Mr Philip Jones, MrWalter Warner, and all the rest of our friends. Mr Fitch sends hishearty commendations; and so I commit you to the tuition of AlmightyGod, whom I pray to bless and keep you, and send us a joyful meeting. From Aleppo, the 28th of May 1583. 

Your loving friend to command in all that I may, JOHN NEWBERY. 

No. 2. --_Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore of London_. 

My last was sent you on the 25th of February last from Deal out of theDowns, after which, in consequence, of contrary winds, we remained onthe coast of England till the 11th March, when we sailed from Falmouth. The 13th the wind came contrary with a great storm, by which some of ourgoods were wet; but, God be thanked, no great hurt was done. After this, we sailed with a fair wind within the Straits, continuing our voyage andanchoring no where till the 30th of April, when we arrived in the roadof Tripoli in Syria, which was a good passage, God make us thankful forit. We left Tripoli on the 14th of this month of May, and arrived hereat Aleppo on the 20th; and with Gods help we begin our voyage to-morrowfor Bagdat and Basora, and so to India. 

Our friend Mr Barret, commendeth him to you, and sent you a _ball_[bale?] of nutmegs in the Emanuel, for the small trifles you sent him, which I hope you have long since received. He has also by his letterinformed you how he sold these things, whereof I say nothing, neitherhaving seen the account nor demanded it; for, ever since our cominghither, he has been constantly occupied about the dispatch of the shipand about our voyage, and I likewise in purchasing things here to carryto Basora and India. We have bought coral to the value of 1200 ducats, amber for 400, and some soap and broken glass and other small matters, which I hope will serve well for the places we are going to. All therest of the account of the bark Reinolds was sent home in the Emanuel, which amounted to 3600 ducats, being L. 200 more than they were rated; asMr Staper rated them at L. 1100, and it is L. 1300; so that our part isL. 200, besides such profit as it shall please God to send thereof;wherefore you would do well to speak to Mr Staper for the account. 

If you could resolve to travel for three or four years, I would adviseyou to come here, or to go to Cairo, if any go there. For we doubt not, if you were to remain here three or four months, you would like theplace so well, that I think you would not desire to return in less thanthree or four years; as, were it my chance to remain in any place out ofEngland, I would choose this before all other that I know. My reason is, that the place is healthful and pleasant, and the profits good; anddoubtless the profits will be better hereafter, things being carried onin an orderly manner. In every ship, the fourth part of her cargo shouldcome in money, which would help to put off the rest of our commoditiesat a good price. It were also proper that two good ships should cometogether, for mutual assistance, in which case the danger of the voyagewould be as little as from London to Antwerp. 

Mr Giles Porter and Mr Edmund Porter went from Tripoli in a small barkto Jaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14th ofthis month of May, so that I have no doubt they are long since inJerusalem. God send them and us a safe return. At this instant, I havereceived the account from Mr Barret, and the rest of the rings, with 22ducats and 2 medins in ready money; so there remaineth nothing in hishands but a few books, and I left certain small trifles with ThomasBostocke, which I pray you to demand. From Aleppo, the 29th May 1583. 

No. 3. --_Letter from Mr John Newbery to the same_. 

My last was of the 29th May from Aleppo, sent by George Gill, purser ofthe Tiger. We left that place on the 31st, and came to Feluchia, whichis one days journey from Babylon [Bagdat, ] on the 19th of June. Yet someof our company came not hither till the 30th of June, for want of camelsto carry our goods; for by reason of the great heats at this time of theyear, camels are very hard to be got. Since our coming here we havefound very scanty sales, but are told our commodities will sell well inwinter, which I pray God may be the case. I think cloth, kersies, andtin have never been here so low as now. Yet, if I had here as much readymoney as our goods are worth, I would not doubt to make a very goodprofit of the voyage here and at Basora, and as it is, with Gods help, there will be reasonable profit made of the adventure. But, with halfmoney and half commodities, the best sort of spices and othermerchandise from India, may be bought at reasonable rates, while withoutmoney there is very little to be done here at this time to purpose. Twodays hence, God willing, I purpose going from hence to Basora, and fromthence I must necessarily go to Ormus, for want of a man who speaks theIndian tongue. While at Aleppo, I hired two Nazarenes, one of whom hasbeen twice in India, and speaks the language well; but he is a very lewdfellow, wherefore I will not take him with me. 

The following are the prices of wares, as they are worth here atpresent: Cloves and mace the _bateman_, 5 ducats; cinnamon, 6 ducats, and very little to be had; ginger, 40 medins; pepper, 75 medins;turbetta[433], 50 medins; neel [or indigo, ] the _churle_ 70 ducats: thechurle is 27-1/2 rotils of Aleppo; silk, much better than that whichcomes from Persia, 11-1/2 ducats the bateman, each bateman being 7pounds 5 ounces English. From Bagdat this 20th July 1583. 

[Footnote 433: Most likely turmeric, anciently called turbith vegetable, in contradistinction to turbith mineral, so named from its yellow colourresembling turbith or turmeric. --E. ]

No. 4. --_Letter from, John Newbery to Messrs John Eldred and WilliamScales at Basora_. 

Time will not permit to give you an account of my voyage after mydeparture from you. But on the 4th day of this present September, wearrived here at Ormus; and the 10th day I and the rest were committed toprison. The middle of next month, or thereabout, the captain proposessending us all in his ship to Goa. The cause for which we have beenimprisoned is said to be, because we brought letters from Don Antonio:But the truth is, Michael Stropene is the only cause, through letterswritten to him by his brother from Aleppo. God knows how we may be dealtwith at Goa; and therefore, if you our masters can procure that the kingof Spain may send his letters for our release, you would do us greatgood, for they cannot with any justice put us to death, though it may bethat they will cut our throats, or keep us long in prison. Gods will bedone. 

All the commodities I brought to this place had been well sold, if thistrouble had not come upon us. You shall do well to send a messenger inall speed by land from Basora to Aleppo, to give notice of thismischance, even though it may cost 30 or 40 crowns, that we may be thesooner released, and I shall thereby be the better able to recover againwhat is now like to be lost. From prison in Ormus, this 21st September1583. 

No. 5. --_Letter Mr J. Newbery to Messrs Eldred and Scales_. 

The bark of the Jews is arrived here two days ago, by which I am sureyou wrote; but your letters are not likely to come to my hands. Thebringer of this hath shewed me very great courtesy, for which I prayyou to shew him what favour you can. About the middle of next month, Ithink we shall depart from hence: God be our guide. I think Andrew willgo by land to Aleppo; and I pray you to further him what you may: But, if he should not go, then I pray you to dispatch a messenger in allspeed. I can say no more, but beg you to do for me what I should do foryou in the like case. From prison in Ormus, the 24th September 1583. 

No. 6. --_Letter from Mr Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore_. 

My last from Ormus certified you what had happened to me there, with therest of my company; as in four days after our arrival we were allcommitted to prison, except one Italian, who came with me from Aleppo, whom the captain never examined, except asking what countryman he was;but I believe Michael Stropene, who accused us, had informed the captainof him. The first day of our arrival at Ormus, this Stropene accused usof being spies for Don Antonio, besides diverse other lies; yet if wehad been of any other country than England, we might freely have tradedwith them. Although we be Englishmen, I know no reason why we may not aswell trade from place to place as the natives of other countries; forall nations may and do come freely to Ormus, as Frenchmen, Flemings, Germans, Hungarians, Italians, Greeks, Armenians, Nazarenes, Turks, Moors, Jews, and Gentiles, Persians, and Muscovites. In short, there isno nation they seek to trouble, but only ours; wherefore it werecontrary to all justice and reason that they should suffer all nationsto trade with them, and forbid us. Now indeed I have as great liberty asthose of any other nation, except it be to leave the country, which asyet I desire not. But hereafter, and I think ere long, if I shall bedesirous to go from hence, that they will not refuse me licence. Beforewe were suffered to come out of prison, I was forced to put in suretiesfor 2000 pardaos, not to depart from hence without licence of theviceroy; and except this, we have now as much liberty as any one, for Ihave got back our goods, and have taken a house in the chiefest streetcalled the _Rue drette_, where we sell our goods. 

There were two causes which moved the captain of Ormus to imprison us, and afterwards to send us to Goa. The first was because Michael Stropenehad most falsely accused us of many matters. The other was, because whenMr Drake was at the Molucca islands, he caused two pieces of cannon tobe fired at a Portuguese galeon belonging to the king, at least so theyallege. But of these things I did not know when at Ormus. In the sameship which brought us to Goa, came the chief justice of Ormus, calledthe veedor general of that place, who had been there three years, sothat his time was expired. This veedor is a great friend to the captainof Ormus, and sent for me into his chamber, one day after coming here toGoa, and began to demand many things at me, to which I made answers. Among other things, he said that Mr Drake had been sent out of Englandwith many ships, and had gone to Molucca where he loaded cloves, andfinding a Portuguese galeon there belonging to the king, had shot twopieces of his great ordnance against her. Perceiving this grieved themmuch, I asked if they meant to be revenged on me for what had been doneby Mr Drake: To which he answered no; though his meaning was yes. 

He said moreover, that the captain of Ormus had sent me to Goa, that theviceroy might learn the news from me respecting Don Antonio, and whetherhe were in England or not; and that it might possibly be all for thebest my being sent hither; which I trust in God may so fall out, thoughcontrary to his expectation and intention: For, if it had not pleasedGod to influence the minds of the archbishop, and two padres or Jesuitsof the college of St Paul, to stand our friends, we might have rotted inprison. The archbishop is a very good man, who has two young men in hisservice, one called Bernard Borgers born in Hamburgh, and the othernamed John Linscot[434], a native of Enkhuysen, who did us especialservice; for by them the archbishop was often reminded of our case. Thetwo good fathers who laboured so much for us were padre Mark, a nativeof Bruges in Flanders, and padre Thomas Stevens[435], born in Wiltshirein England. I chanced likewise to fall in with here a young man, Francisde Rea, who was born in Antwerp, but was mostly brought up in London, with whom I became acquainted in Aleppo, who also has done me muchservice. 

[Footnote 434: John Huighen van Linschoten, the author of the bookrespecting the East Indies, formerly quoted, and from which a secondquotation will be given in this supplement. --E. ]

[Footnote 435: This is he whose letter to his father from Goa has beenalready inserted, and who was sometime of New College inOxford. --Hakluyt. ]

We remained many days in prison at Ormus, and were a long while at seacoming hither. Immediately on our arrival at this place we were sent toprison, whence next day we were brought before the chief justice orveedor, to be examined, after which we were remanded to prison. When wehad been thirteen days in prison, James Storie, the painter whoaccompanied us, went into the monastery of St Paul, where he remains, being made one of the company, which life he seems to like[436]. Upon StThomas day, 12th December, 22 days after our arrival here, I wasliberated from prison, and the next day Ralph Fitch and WilliamBets[437] came out. 

[Footnote 436: It will appear afterwards that he did not continue. --E. ]

[Footnote 437: In the narrative of Fitch no such name occurs, butWilliam Leedes jeweller, is named as one of the party. Perhaps he oughtto have been named by Fitch, William Bets of Leeds. --E. ]

If these troubles had not occurred, I think I was in a fair way ofmaking as good a voyage as was ever made with such a sum of money. Manyof our things I sold very well, both here and at Ormus while in prison, although the captain of Ormus wished me to have sold all I had before Iembarked; so, by his permission, I went sundry times from the castle inthe mornings, accompanied by officers, and sold things, and returnedagain at night to prison. They wrote down every thing that I sold; andat my embarking, the captain directed me to deliver all my money andgoods into the hands of the _scrivano_ or purser of the ship, which Idid, and the scrivano left an acknowledgement with the captain, thatmyself with the money and goods should be delivered up to the veedorgeneral in India. But on our arrival here, the veedor would not meddlewith either money or goods, seeing that no crime was substantiatedagainst us: Wherefore the goods remained in the ship nine or ten daysafter our arrival; and then, as the ship was to sail from thence, thescrivano sent the goods on shore, where they remained a day and a nightwithout any one to receive them. In the end, they permitted the bearerof this letter to receive them, who put them into a house which he hiredfor me, in which they remained four or five days. When afterwards theyought to have delivered the money, it was ordered by the _veedor_, thatboth the money and goods should be given into the custody of the_positor_, where they remained for fourteen days after I was liberatedfrom prison. 

When in Aleppo, I bought a fountain of silver gilt, six knives, sixspoons, and one fork, all trimmed with coral, for 25 chekins, which thecaptain of Ormus took to himself and only paid 20 pardaos, or 100larines, though they were worth there or here at Goa 100 chekins. Alsohe had five emeralds set in gold, worth five or six hundred crowns, forwhich he only paid 100 pardaos. He likewise took 19-1/2 pikes of cloth, which cost 20 shillings the pike at London, and was worth 9 or 10 crownsthe pike at Ormus, for which he only paid 12 larines. He also had twopieces of green kersie, worth 24 pardaos each; besides divers other moretrifling articles which he and the officers took at similar inferiorprices, and some for nothing at all. But the real cause of all wasMichal Stropene, who came to Ormus without a penny, and is now worththirty or forty thousand crowns, and is grieved that any stranger shouldtrade there but himself. But that shall not avail him; for I trust yetto go both hither and thither, and to buy and sell as freely as he orany other. 

There is a great deal of good to be done here in divers of ourcommodities; and likewise there is much profit to be made with thecommodities of this country, when carried to Aleppo. It were long for meto write, and tedious for you to read, all the incidents which haveoccurred to me since we parted; but the bearer is able to inform you ofevery thing that has befallen me since my arrival in Ormus. It is myintention to remain here in Goa; wherefore, if you write me, you maysend your letters to some friend in Lisbon, to be forwarded from thenceby the India ships. Let your direction, therefore be in Portuguese orSpanish, by which they will the more readily reach me. --From Goa, this20th of January 1584. 

No, 7. --_Letter from Mr Ralph Fitch to Mr Leonard Poore_. 

Loving friend, &c. Since my departure from Aleppo, I have not writtenyou, because at Bagdat I was ill of flux, and continued in all the waythence to Basora, which was twelve days journey down the Tigris, when wehad extremely hot weather, bad fare, and worse lodging, all of whichincreased my disease; besides which our boat was pestered with people. During eight entire days I hardly eat any thing, so that if we had beentwo days longer on the water, I verily believe I had died. But, thanksbe to God, I presently mended after coming to Basora. We remained therefourteen days, when we embarked for Ormus, where we arrived on the 5thof September, and were put in prison on the 9th of the same month, wherewe continued till the 11th of October, and were then shipt for this cityof Goa, in the ship belonging to the captain of Ormus, with 114horses[438], and about 200 men. Passing by Diu and Chaul, at which placewe landed on the 20th November, we arrived at Goa on the 29th of thatmonth, where, for our better entertainment, we were committed to a fairstrong prison, in which we continued till the 22d of December. Itpleased God, that there were two padres there who befriended us, the onean Englishman named Thomas Stevens, the other a Fleming named Marco, both Jesuits of the college of St Paul. These good men sued for us tothe viceroy and other officers, and stood us in such good stead as ourlives and goods were worth: But for them, even if we had escaped withour lives, we must have suffered a long imprisonment. 

[Footnote 438: In the narrative of Fitch, called 124, which might easilybe mistaken either way in transcription. --E. ]

When we had been fourteen days in prison, they offered us leave to go atlarge in the town, if we would give sureties, for 2000 ducats, not todepart the country without the licence of the viceroy. Being unable toprocure any such, the before mentioned friendly fathers of St Paulprocured sureties for us. The Italians are much offended and displeasedat our enlargement, and many wonder at our delivery. James Storie thepainter has gone into the cloister of St Paul, as one of their order, and seems to like the situation. While we were in prison, both at Ormusand here, a great deal of our goods were pilfered and lost, and we havebeen at great charges in gifts and otherwise, so that much of ourproperty is consumed. Of what remains, much will sell very well, and forsome we will get next to nothing. The viceroy is gone to Chaul and Diuas it is said to win a castle of the Moors, and it is thought he willreturn about Easter; when I trust in God we shall procure our liberty, and have our sureties discharged. It will then, I think, be our best wayfor one or both of us to return, as our troubles have been very great, and because so much of our goods have been spoiled and lost: But if itshould please God that I come to England, I will certainly return hereagain. It is a charming country, and extremely fruitful, having summeralmost the whole year, but the most delightful season is aboutChristmas. The days and nights are of equal length throughout the wholeyear, or with very little difference; and the country produces a mostwonderful abundance of fruit. After all our troubles we are fat and ingood health, for victuals are plentiful and cheap. I omit to inform youof many strange things till we meet, as it would be too long to write ofthem. And thus I commit you to God, &c. From Goa in the East Indies, 25th January 1584. 

No. 8. --_The Report of John Huighen van Linschoten, concerning theimprisonment of Newbery and Fitch; which happened while he was at Goa_. 

In the month of December 1583, four Englishmen arrived at Ormus, whocame by way of Aleppo in Syria, having sailed from England by theMediterranean to Tripoli, a town and haven in Syria, where all shipsdischarge their wares and merchandise for Aleppo, to which they arecarried by land, which is a journey of nine days. In Aleppo there residemany merchants and factors of all nations, as Italians, French, English, Armenians, Turks, and Moors, every one following his own religion, andpaying tribute to the grand Turk. It. Is a place of great trade, whencetwice every year there go two _cafilas_ or caravans, containing greatcompanies of people and camels, which travel to India, Persia, Arabia, and all the adjoining countries, dealing in all kinds of merchandiseboth to and from these countries, as I have already declared in anotherpart of this book. 

Three of these Englishmen were sent by the company of English who residein Aleppo, to see if they might keep any factors at Ormus, and sotraffic in that place, as the Italians do, that is the Venetians, whohave their factors in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, and trade there, both forpearls and precious stones, and for other wares and spices of thesecountries, which are carried thence over-land to Venice. One of theseEnglishmen, Mr John Newbery, had been once before in the said town ofOrmus, and had there taken good information of the trade; and on hisadvice the others were then come hither along with him, bringing greatstore of merchandise; such as cloths, saffron, all kinds of drinkingglasses and haberdashery wares, as looking-glasses, knives, and suchlike stuff; and to conclude, they brought with them every kind of smallwares that can be thought of. 

Although these wares amounted to great sums of money, they were yet onlyas a shadow or colour, to give no occasion of mistrust or suspicion, astheir principal intention was to purchase great quantities of preciousstones, as diamonds, pearls, rubies, &c. To which end they brought withthem a great sum of money in silver and gold, and that very secretly, that they might not be robbed of it, or run into danger on itsaccount[439]. On their arrival at Ormus, they hired a shop and began tosell their wares; which being noticed by the Italians, whose factorsreside there as I said before, and fearing if these Englishmen got goodvent for their commodities, that they would become residents and sodaily increase, which would be no small loss and hindrance to them, theypresently set about to invent subtle devices to hinder them. To whichend, they went immediately to the captain of Ormus, who was then DonGonzalo de Menezes[440], saying that these Englishmen were heretics cometo spy the country, and that they ought to be examined and punished asenemies, for a warning to others. Being friendly to these Englishmen, asone of them had been there before and had given him presents, thecaptain could not be prevailed upon to injure them, but shipped themwith all their wares for Goa, sending them to the viceroy, that he mightexamine and deal with them as he thought good. 

[Footnote 439: This seems a mere adoption of the rumours of theItalians; as Newbery distinctly complains of the want of cash, by whichhe might have made very profitable purchases in Aleppo, Bagdat, andBasora. --E. ]

[Footnote 440: The captain of the castle of Ormus is named Don Mathiasde Albuquerque by Fitch. --E. ]

Upon their arrival at Goa, they were cast into prison, and were in thefirst place examined whether or not they were good Christians. As theycould only speak very bad Portuguese, while two of them spoke goodDutch, having resided several years in the low countries, a Dutch Jesuitwho was born at Bruges in Flanders, and had resided thirty years inIndia, was sent to them, to undermine and examine them; in which theybehaved so well, that they were holden and esteemed for good andCatholic Christians; yet were they still suspected, as being strangersand Englishmen. The Jesuits told them that they would be sent prisonersinto Portugal, and advised them to leave off their trade in merchandise, and to become Jesuits; promising in return to defend them from all theirtroubles. The cause of thus earnestly persuading them was this: TheDutch Jesuit had been secretly informed that they had great sums ofmoney, and sought to get that for the order; as the first vow andpromise made on becoming a Jesuit is, to procure and advance the welfareof the order by every possible means. Although the Englishmen refusedthis, saying that they were quite unfit for such matters, yet one ofthem, a painter, who came with the other three to see the country andseek his fortune, and was not sent by the English merchants, partlythrough fear, and partly from want of means to relieve himself fromprison, promised to become a Jesuit. And although the fathers knew thathe was not one of those who had the treasure, yet, because he was apainter, of whom there are few in India, and that they had great need ofone to paint their church, which would cost them great charges to bringfrom Portugal, they were very glad of him, and hoped in time to get allthe rest, with all their money, into their fellowship. 

To conclude, they made this painter a Jesuit, and he continued some timein their college, where they gave him plenty of work to perform, andentertained him with all the favour and friendship they could devise, all to win the rest to become their prey. But the other three remainedin prison in great fear, because they did not understand any who came tothem, neither did any one understand what they said. They were at lastinformed of certain Dutchmen who dwelt with the archbishop, and wereadvised to send for them, at which they greatly rejoiced, and sent forme and another Dutchman, desiring us to come and speak with them, whichwe presently did. With tears in their eyes, they complained to us oftheir hard usage, explaining to us distinctly, as is said before, thetrue cause of their coming to Ormus, and praying us for God's sake tohelp them to their liberty upon sureties, declaring themselves ready toendure whatever could be justly ordained for them, if they were found tobe otherwise than they represented, or different from other travellingmerchants who sought to profit by their wares. 

Promising to do our best for them, we at length prevailed on thearchbishop to deliver a petition for them to the viceroy, and persuadedhim to set them at liberty and restore their goods, on condition ofgiving security to the amount of 2000 pardaos, not to depart the countrywithout licence. Thereupon they presently found a citizen who becametheir surety in 2000 pardaos, to whom they paid in hand 1300, as theysaid they had no more money; wherefore he gave them credit for the rest, seeing that they had great store of merchandise, through which he mightat any time be satisfied, if needful. By these means they were deliveredout of prison, on which they hired a house, and began to open shop; sothat they sold many of their goods, and were presently well known amongthe merchants, as they always respected gentlemen, especially such asbought their wares, shewing them much honour and courtesy, by which theywon much credit, and were beloved of all men, so that all favoured them, and were ready to shew them favour. To us they shewed great friendship, and for our sakes the archbishop favoured them much, and gave them goodcountenance, which they well knew how to increase by offering him manypresents, although he would not receive them, as he never accepted giftor present from any person. They behaved themselves in all things sodiscreetly, that no one carried an evil eye or evil thought towardsthem. This did not please the Jesuits, as it hindered what they stillwished and hoped for; so that they still ceased not to intimidate themby means of the Dutch Jesuit, intimating that they would be sentprisoners to Portugal, and counselling them to become Jesuits in thecloister of St Paul, when they would be securely defended from alltroubles. The Dutchman pretended to give them this advice as a friend, and one who knew certainly that it was so determined in the viceroy'scouncil, and that he only waited till the ship sailed for Portugal;using this and other devices to put them in fear, and so to effect theirpurpose. 

The Englishmen durst not say any thing to the contrary, but answeredthat they would remain as they were yet a little while and considertheir proposal, thus putting the Jesuits in hopes of their compliance. The principal of these Englishmen, John Newbery, often complained to me, saying that he knew not what to think or say of these things, or howthey might get rid of these troubles. In the end, they determined withthemselves to depart from Goa; and secretly, by means of other friends, they employed their money in the purchase of precious stones, which theywere the better able to effect as one of them was a jeweller, who camewith them for that purpose. Having concluded on this step, they durstnot make it known to any one, not even to us, although they used toconsult us on all occasions and tell us every thing they knew. 

On one of the Whitson holidays, they went out to recreate themselvesabout three miles from Goa, in the mouth of the river, in a countrycalled _Bardez_[441], taking with them a supply of victuals and drink. That they might not be suspected, they left their house and shop, withsame of their wares unsold, in the charge of a Dutch boy whom we hadprocured for them, and who remained in their house, quite ignorant oftheir intentions. When in Bardez, they procured a _patamer_, one of theIndian post-boys or messengers who carry letters from place to place, whom they hired as a guide. Between Bardez and the main-land there isonly a small river, in a manner half dry, which they passed over onfoot, and so travelled away by land, and were never heard of again; butit is thought they arrived in Aleppo, though no one knows: withcertainty. Their great dependence is upon John Newbery, who can speakthe Arabian language, which is used in all these countries, or at leastunderstood, being as commonly known in all the east as French is withus. 

[Footnote 441: Bardes is an island a short way north from the island ofGoa, and only divided from the main-land by a small river or creek. --E. ]

On the news of their departure being brought to Goa, there was a greatstir and murmuring among the people, as all much wondered. Many were ofopinion that we had counselled them to withdraw, and presently theirsurety seized on the remaining goods, which might amount to the value of200 pardaos; and with that and the money he had received of theEnglishmen, he went to the viceroy, and delivered it to him, the viceroyforgiving him the rest. This flight of the Englishmen grieved theJesuits worst, as they had lost so rich a prey, which they madethemselves secure of. The Dutch Jesuit came to ask us if we knew oftheir intentions, saying, if he had suspected as much he would havedealt differently by them, for he had once in his hands a bag of theirs, in which were 40, 000 _veneseanders_, [442], each worth two pardaos, atthe time when they were in prison. But as they had always given him tobelieve he might accomplish his desire of getting them to profess in theJesuit college, he had given them their money again, which otherwisethey would not have come by so easily, or peradventure never. This hesaid openly, and in the end he called them heretics, spies, and athousand other opprobrious names. 

[Footnote 442: This word _veneseander_, or venetiander, probably means, a Venetian chekin. --E. ]

When the English painter, who had become a Jesuit, heard that hiscountrymen were gone, and found that the Jesuits did not use him with sogreat favour as at first, he repented himself; and not having made anysolemn vow, and being counselled to leave their house, he told them thathe made no doubt of gaining a living in the city, and that they had noright to keep him against his inclination, and as they could not accusehim of any crime, he was determined not to remain with them. They usedall the means they could devise to keep him in the college, but he wouldnot stay, and, hiring a house in the city, he opened shop as a painter, where he got plenty of employment, and in the end married the daughterof a mestee, so that he laid his account to remain there as long as helived. By this Englishman I was instructed in all the ways, trades, andvoyages of the country between Aleppo, and Ormus, and of all the rulesand customs observed in the overland passage, as also of all the townsand places on the route. Since the departure of these Englishmen fromGoa, there have never arrived any strangers, either English or others, by land, except Italians, who are constantly engaged in the overlandtrade, going and coming continually. 

END OF VOLUME SEVENTH.