A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. 

BY

ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & P. A. S. EDIN. 

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. 

VOL. VI. 

CONTENTS OF VOL. VI. 

PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED. 

CHAP. XI. Early English voyages of discovery to America. Introduction. 

SECT. I. Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, in the service of Henry VII. Of England. 

II. Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain, respecting the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot. 

III. Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface to thethird Volume of his Navigations. 

IV. Notice respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the north-west, from Peter Martyr ab Angleria. 

V. Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the discoveries ofSebastian Cabota. 

VI. Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot; from the latterpart of Fabians Chronicle. 

VII. Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland, by Mr RobertThorne. 

CHAP. XI SECT. VIII. Grant by Edward VI. Of a Pension and the Office ofGrand Pilot of England to Sebastian Cabot. 

IX. Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the year 1516, to Brazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico. 

X. Brief note of a voyage by Thomas Tison to the West Indies, before theyear 1526. 

CHAP XII. The Voyages of Jacques Cartier from St Maloes to Newfoundlandand Canada, in the years 1534 and 1535. 

Introduction. 

SECT. I. The first voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and Canada, in 1534. 

II. The second voyage of Jacques Cartier, to Canada, Hochelega, Saguenay, and other lands now called New France; with the Manners andCustoms of the Natives. 

III. Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return toFrance in 1537. 

BOOK III. Continuation of the Discoveries and Conquests of thePortuguese in the East; together with some account of the early voyagesof other European Nations to India. 

CHAP. I. Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the Portuguese inIndia, from 1505 to 1539, both inclusive, resumed from Book I. Of thisPart. 

SECT. I. Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route bythe Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabson the East Coast of Africa. 

CHAP. I. 

SECT. II. Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, inquality of Viceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on theEastern coast of Africa and Malabar. 

III. Some Account of the state of India at the beginning of thesixteenth Century, and commencement of the Portuguese Conquests. 

IV. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, during theViceroyalty of Almeyda. 

V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of DonAlfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515. 

VI. Portuguese Transactions in India, under several governors, from theclose of 1515, to the year 1526. 

VII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India; from 1526 to1538. 

CHAP. II. Particular Relation of the Expedition of Solyman Pacha fromSuez to India against the Portuguese at Diu, written by a VenetianOfficer who was pressed into the Turkish Service on that occasion. Introduction. 

SECT. I. The Venetian Merchants and Mariners at Alexandria are pressedinto the Turkish service, and sent to Suez. Description of that place. Two thousand men desert from the Gallies. Tor. Island of Soridan Port ofKor. 

II. Arrival at Jiddah, the Port of Mecca. The islands of Alfas, Kamaran, and Tuiche. The Straits of Bab-al-Mandub. 

III. Arrival at Aden, where the Sheikh and four others are hanged. Sequel of the Voyage to Diu. 

CHAP. II. SECT. IV. The Castle of Diu is besieged by the Moors. TheTurks plunder the City, and the Indian Generals withdraw in resentment. The Pacha lands. A man 300 years old. Women burn themselves. The Fleetremoves. 

V. A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks, who make Galley-slaves of thePortuguese Garrison; with several other incidents of the siege. 

VI. Farther particulars of the siege, to the retreat of the Turks, andthe commencement of their Voyage back to Suez. 

VII. Continuation of the Voyage back to Suez, from the Portuguesefactory at Aser, to Khamaran and Kubit Sharif. 

VIII. Transactions of the Pacha at Zabid, and continuation of the Voyagefrom Kubit Sarif. 

IX. Continuation of the Voyage to Suez, along the Arabian Shore of theRed Sea. 

X. Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez, and return of the Venetians toCairo. 

CHAP. III. The Voyage of Don Stefano de Gama from Goa to Suez, in 1540, with the intention of Burning the Turkish Gallies at that port. Writtenby Don Juan de Castro, then a Captain in the Fleet; afterwardsgovernor-general of Portuguese India. 

Introduction. 

SECT. I. Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege of Diu by theTurks, to the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez. 

II. Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub. 

III. Continuation of the Voyage, from the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub toMassua. 

CHAP. III. SECT. IV. Digression respecting the History, Customs, andState of Abyssinia. 

V. Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to Swakem. 

VI. Continuation of the Voyage from Swakem to Comol. 

VII. Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to Toro or AlTor. 

VIII. Continuation of the Voyage from Toro or Al Tor to Suez. 

IX. Return Voyage from Suez to Massua. 

X. Return of the Expedition from Massua to India. 

XI. Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf, or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda. 

POSTSCRIPT. --Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under DonChristopher de Gama. 

CHAP. IV. Continuation of the Portuguese transactions in India, afterthe return of Don Stefano de Gama from Suez in 1541, to the Reduction ofPortugal under the Dominion of Spain in 1581. 

SECT. I. Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano deGama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea. 

II. Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India. 

III. Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from1542 to 1543. 

IV. Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548. 

V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1545 to 1564, underseveral Governors. 

VI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1564 tothe year 1571. 

VII. Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576. 

CHAP. IV. SECT. VIII. Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to the end of that separate government. 

IX. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. Of Spain onthe Death of the Cardinal King Henry. 

X. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597. 

XI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to1612. 

XII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517. 

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED. 

CHAPTER XI. 

EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY TO AMERICA. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Although we have already, in the Introduction to the _Second_ Chapter ofthis Book, Vol. III. P. 346. Given some notices of the voyages of Johnand Sebastian Cabot to America in the service of Henry VII. And VIII. Itappears proper on the present occasion to insert a full report of everything that is now known of these early navigations: As, although noimmediate fruits were derived from these voyages, England by their meansbecame second only to Spain in the discovery of America, and afterwardsbecame second likewise in point of colonization in the New World. Theestablishments of the several English colonies will be resumed in asubsequent division of our arrangement. 

It has been already mentioned that Columbus, on leaving Portugal tooffer his services to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain for the discoveryof the Indies by a western course through the Atlantic, sent his brotherBartholomew to make a similar offer to Henry VII. King of England, lesthis proposals might not have been listened to by the court of Spain. Bartholomew, as has been formerly related, was taken by pirates; and onhis arrival in England was forced to procure the means of living, and ofenabling himself to appear before the king, by the construction and saleof sea-charts and maps, in which he had been instructed by his brother. Owing to this long delay, when he at length presented himself to KingHenry, and had even procured the acceptance of his brothers proposals, so much time had been lost that Isabella queen of Castille had alreadyentered into the views of his illustrious brother, who had sailed on hissecond voyage to the West Indies, while Bartholomew was on his journeythrough France to announce to him that Henry King of England had agreedto his proposals. 

The fame of the astonishing discovery made by Columbus in 1591, soonspread throughout Europe; and only four years afterwards, or in 1595, apatent was granted by Henry VII. To John Cabot, or Giovani Cabota, aVenetian citizen, then resident in England, and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, and their heirs and deputies, to sail to allparts countries and seas of the east west and north, at their own costand charges, with five ships; to seek out discover and find whatsoeverislands, countries, regions, or provinces belonging to the heathen andinfidels, were hitherto unknown to Christians, and to subdue, occupy, and possess all such towns, cities, castles, and islands as they mightbe able; setting up the royal banners and ensigns in the same, and tocommand over them as vassals and lieutenants of the crown of England, towhich was reserved the rule, title, and jurisdiction of the same. Inthis grant Cabot and his sons, with their heirs and deputies, were boundto bring all the fruits, profits, gains, and commodities acquired intheir voyages to the port of Bristol; and, having deducted from theproceeds all manner of necessary costs and charges by them expanded, topay to the king in wares or money the fifth part of the free gain somade, in lieu of all customs of other dues; of importation on the same. By these letters patent; dated at Westminster on the 5th of March in theeleventh year of Henry VII. All the other subjects of England areprohibited from visiting or frequenting any of the continents, islands, villages, towns, castles, or places which might be discovered by JohnCabot, his sons, heirs, or deputies, under forfeiture of their ships andgoods[1]. 

[Footnote 1: Hakluyt, III. 26. ]

No journal or relation remains of the voyages of Cabot and his sons inconsequence of this grant, and we are reduced to a few scanty memorialsconcerning them; contained in the third volume of _Hakluyt's Collectionof the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation_. We quote from the new edition, _with additions_, published at London in1810. 

Two years after the before-mentioned letters patent, or on the 18th ofFebruary 1497, a licence was granted by the same king of England, HenryVII. To John Cabot, to take six English ships in any haven or havens ofEngland, being of 200 tons burden or under, with all necessaryfurniture; and to take also into the said ships all such masters, mariners, or other subjects of the king as might be willing to engagewith him. 

It would appear that the patent of 1495 had never been acted upon; butin consequence of this new licence, John Cabot and his son Sebastianproceeded from the port of Bristol and discovered an island somewhere onthe coast of America to which they gave the name of _Prima Vista_, probably the island of Newfoundland. The short account of this voyage ofdiscovery left to us by Hakluyt, is said to have been inserted in Latinon a map constructed by Sebastian Cabot, concerning his discovery inAmerica, then called the West Indies; which map, engraved by ClementAdams, was to be seen in the time of Hakluyt in the private gallery ofQueen Elizabeth at Westminster, and in the possession of many of theprincipal merchants in London. This memorandum, translated into English, is as follows[2]. 

[Footnote 2: Id. III. 27. ]

SECTION I. 

_Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, in theservice of Henry VII. Of England. _

"In the year 1497, John Cabot a Venetian and his son Sebastian, discovered on the 24th of June, about five in the morning, that land towhich no person had before ventured to sail, which they named _PrimaVista_[3], or, _first-seen_, because as I believe it was the first partseen by them from the sea. The island which is opposite[4] he named StJohns Island, because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. Theinhabitants of this island use the skins and furs of wild beasts forgarments, which they hold in as high estimation as we do our finestclothes. In war they use bows and arrows, spears, darts, clubs, andslings. The soil is sterile and yields no useful production; but itabounds in white bears and deer much larger than ours. Its coastsproduce vast quantities of large fish, among which are _great seals_, salmons, soles above a yard in length, and prodigious quantitiesespecially of cod, which are commonly called _bacallaos_[5]. The hawks, partridges, and eagles of this island are all black. "

[Footnote 3: Presuming that this discovery was Newfoundland, a namenearly of the same import, perhaps the land first seen was what is nowcalled Cape Bonavista, in lat. 48° 50' N. Long. 62° 32' W. From London. In the text, there is every reason to believe that it is meant toindicate, that Cabot named the island he discovered St Johns, and onlythe first seen point of land Prima-Vista. --E. ]

[Footnote 4: By this phrase is probably to be understood, the islandbehind this first-seen cape named _Prima-Vista_. --E. ]

[Footnote 5: _Vulgari Sermoni_, is translated by Hakluyt, _in thelanguage of the savages_; but we have given it a different sense in thetext, that used by Hakluyt having no sufficient warrant in theoriginal. --E. ]

Besides the foregoing memorandum on the ancient map, Hakluyt gives thefollowing testimonies respecting the discovery of the northern part ofAmerica, by Cabot. 

SECTION II. 

_Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain, respectingthe Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot_[6]. 

Do you know how to sail for the Indies towards the northwest, as hasbeen lately done by a Venetian citizen, a valiant man and so learned inall things pertaining to navigation and cosmography, that no one ispermitted to sail as pilot to the West Indies who has not received hislicence, he being pilot-major of Spain? This person, who resides in thecity of Seville, is Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, who is mostexpert in these sciences, and makes excellent sea-charts with hisown-hands. Having sought his acquaintance, he entertained us in afriendly manner, showing us many things, and among these a large map ofthe world containing sundry navigations, both those of the Spaniards andPortuguese. On this occasion he gave us the following information. 

[Footnote 6: Hakluyt, III. 27. From the second volume of Ramusio. ]

His father went many years since from Venice to England, where hefollowed the profession of a merchant, taking this person his son alongwith him to London, then very young, yet having received some tinctureof learning, and some knowledge of the sphere. His father died about thetime when news was spread abroad that Don Christopher Columbus, theGenoese, had discovered the coasts of the Indies by sailing towards thewest, which was much admired and talked of at the court of King HenryVII. Then reigning in England, so that every one affirmed that it wasmore attributable to divine inspiration than human wisdom, to have thussailed by the west unto the east, where spices grow, by a way neverknown before. By these discourses the young man, Sebastian Cabot, wasstrongly incited to perform some notable and similar action; andconceiving by the study of the sphere that it would be a shorter routefor going to India, than that attempted by Columbus, to sail by thenorth-west, he caused the king to be informed thereof, who accordinglygave orders that he should be furnished with two ships, properlyprovided in all things for the voyage. He sailed with these from Englandin the beginning of summer 1496, if I rightly remember, shaping hiscourse to the north-west, not expecting to find any other landintervening between and Cathay or Northern China. He was muchdisappointed by falling in with land running toward the north, the coastof which he sailed along to the lat. Of 56° N. And found it still acontinent. Finding the coast now, to turn towards the east, anddespairing to find the passage to India and Cathay of which he was insearch, he turned again and sailed down the coast towards theequinoctial line, always endeavouring to find a passage westwards forIndia, and came at length to that part of the continent which is nowcalled Florida[7]. And his victuals running short, he bore away forEngland; where he found the country in confusion preparing for war withScotland, so that no farther attention was paid to his proposeddiscoveries. 

[Footnote 7: Florida is here to be taken in the extended sense as atfirst applied to the whole eastern coast of North America, to the northof the Gulf of Mexico. The commencement of this voyage appears to havebeen in search of a north-west passage; but Sebastian must have gone farabove 56° N. To find the land trending eastwards: He was probablyrepelled by ice and cold weather. --E. ]

He went afterwards into Spain, where he was taken into the service ofFerdinand and Isabella, who furnished him with ships at their expence, in which he went to discover the coast of Brazil, where he found aprodigiously large river, now called the _Rio de la Plata_, or SilverRiver, up which he sailed above 120 leagues, finding every where a goodcountry, inhabited by prodigious numbers of people, who flocked fromevery quarter to view the ships with wonder and admiration. Into thisgreat river a prodigious number of other rivers discharged their waters. After this he made many other voyages; and waxing old, rested at homedischarging the office of chief pilot, and leaving the prosecution ofdiscovery to many young and active pilots of good experience. 

SECTION III. 

_Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface to thethird Volume of his Navigations. _[8]

In the latter part of this volume are contained certain relations ofGiovani de Varanzana of Florence, of a certain celebrated Frenchnavigator, and of two voyages by Jacques Cartier a Breton, who sailed tothe land in 50° north latitude, called New France; it not being yetknown whether that land join with the continent of Florida and NewSpain, or whether they are separated by the sea into distinct islands, so as to allow of a passage by sea to Cathay and India. This latter wasthe opinion of Sebastian Cabota, our countryman, a man of rare knowledgeand experience in navigation, who wrote to me many years ago, that hehad sailed along and beyond this land of New France in the employment ofHenry VII. Of England. He informed me that, having sailed a long way tothe north-west, beyond these lands, to the lat. Of 67-1/2° N. Andfinding the sea on the 11th of June entirely open and withoutimpediment, he fully expected to have passed on that way to Cathay inthe east; and would certainly have succeeded, but was constrained by amutiny of the master and mariners to return homewards. But it wouldappear that the Almighty still reserves this great enterprise ofdiscovering the route to Cathay by the north-west to some great prince, which were the easiest and shortest passage by which to bring thespiceries of India to Europe. Surely this enterprise would be me mostglorious and most important that can possibly he imagined, and wouldimmortalize him who succeeded in its accomplishment far beyond any ofthose warlike exploits by which the Christian nations of Europe areperpetually harassed. 

[Footnote 8: Hakluyt, III. 28. ]

SECTION IV. _Notices respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to thenorthwest, from Peter Martyr ab Algeria_[9]. 

These northern seas have been searched by Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian, who was carried when very young to England by his parents, who, afterthe manner of the Venetians, left no part of the world unsearched toobtain riches. Having fitted out two ships in England at his ownexpence, with three hundred men, he first directed his course so nearthe north pole, that on the 11th of July he found monstrous heaps of iceswimming in the sea, and a continual day, so that the land was free fromice, having been thawed by the perpetual influence of the sun. By reasonof this ice he was compelled to turn southwards along the western land, till he came unto the latitude of the Straits of Gibraltar[10]. In thecourse of this north-west voyage he got so far to the west as to havethe island of Cuba on his left hand, having reached to the samelongitude[11]. While sailing along the coast of this great land, whichhe called _Baccalaos_[12], he found a similar current of the sea towardsthe west[13] as had been observed by the Spaniards in their moresoutherly navigations, but more softly and gently than had beenexperienced by the Spaniards. Hence it may be certainly concluded thatin both places, though hitherto unknown, there must be certain greatopen spaces by which the waters thus continually pass from the east tothe west; which waters I suppose to be continually driven round theglobe by the constant motion and impulse of the heavens, and not to bealternately swallowed and cast up again by the breathing of Demogorgon, as some have imagined on purpose to explain the ebb and flow of the sea. Sebastian Cabot himself named these lands _Baccalaos_, because he foundin the seas thereabout such multitudes of certain large fishes liketunnies, called _baccalaos_ by the natives, that they sometimes stayedhis ships. He found also the people of these regions clothed in theskins of beasts, yet not without the use of reason. He says also thatthere are great numbers of bears in those countries, which feed on fish, and catch them by diving into the water; and being thus satisfied withabundance of fish, are not noisome to man. He says likewise that he sawlarge quantities of copper among the inhabitants of these regions. Cabotis my dear and familiar friend, whom I delight to have sometimes in myhouse. Being called out of England by the Catholic king of Castille, onthe death of Henry VII. Of England, he was made one of the assistants ofour council respecting the affairs of the new found Indies, and waits indaily expectation of being furnished with ships in which to discoverthese hidden secrets of nature. 

[Footnote 9: Hakluyt, III. 29. Quoting P. Martyr, Dec. III. Ch. Vi. ]

[Footnote 10: The Straits of Gibraltar are in lat. 36° N. Which wouldbring the discovery of the eastern coast of North America by Cabot, allthe way from 67-1/2° N. Beyond Hudsons Bay, to Albemarle Sound on thecoast of North Carolina--E. ]

[Footnote 11: The middle of the island of Cuba is in long. 80° W. FromGreenwich, which would have carried Cabot into the interior of HudsonsBay, to which there is no appearance of his having penetrated, in theslight notices remaining of his exploratory voyage. --E. ]

[Footnote 12: We have before seen that he named the country which hediscovered, the island of St John, and that he gave the name in thispart of the text, _baccalaos_, to the fish most abundant in those seas, which we name cod. --E. ]

[Footnote 13: It is probable this applies to the tide of flood settinginto the Gulf of St Lawrence or Hudsons Bay or both; which led Cabot toexpect a passage through the land to the west--E. ]

SECTION V. 

_Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the discoveries ofSebastian Cabota_[14]. 

Sebastian Cabota, who came out of England into Spain, brought mostcertain information of the country and people of Baccalaos. Having agreat desire to traffic for spices, like the Portuguese, he fitted outtwo ships with 300 men, at the cost of Henry VII. Of England, and tookthe way towards Iceland from beyond the Cape of Labradore, until hereached the lat. Of 58° N. And better. Even in the month of July, theweather was so cold and the ice in such quantities, that he durst notproceed any farther. The days were so long as to have hardly any night, and what little there was, was very clear. Being unable to proceedfarther on account of the cold, he turned south; and, having refreshedat Baccalaos, he sailed southwards along the coast to the 38° oflatitude[15], from whence he returned into England. 

[Footnote 14: Hakluyt, III. 30. Quoting Gomara, Gen. Hist. Of the W. Indies, Book II. Ch. Iv. ]

[Footnote 15: By this account the progress of Cabot to the south alongthe eastern coast of North America, reached no farther than coast ofMaryland. --E. ]

SECTION VI. 

_Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot; from the latterpart of Fabians Chronicle_[16]. 

IN the 13th year of Henry VII. By means of John Cabot, Venetian, who wasvery expert in cosmography and the construction of sea-charts, that kingcaused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search for an islandwhich Cabot said he well knew to be rich and replenished with valuablecommodities. In which ship, manned and victualled at the kings expence, divers merchants of London adventured small stocks of goods under thecharge of the said Venetian. Along with that ship there went three orfour small vessels from Bristol, laden with slight and coarse goods, such as coarse cloth, caps, laces, points, and other trifles. Thesevessels departed from Bristol in the beginning of May; but no tidings ofthem had been received at the time of writing this portion of thechronicle of Fabian. 

[Footnote 16: Hakluyt, III. 30. Quoting from a MS. In possession of MrJohn Stow, whom he characterizes as a diligent collector ofantiquities. ]

In the 14th year of the king however, three men were brought from theNew-found-Island, who were clothed in the skins of beasts, did eat rawflesh, and spoke a language which no man could understand, theirdemeanour being more like brute beasts than men. They were kept by theking for some considerable time; and I saw two of them about two yearsafterward in the palace of Westminster, habited like Englishmen, and notto be distinguished from natives of England, till I was told who theywere; but as for their speech, I did not hear either of them utter aword. 

SECTION VII. 

_Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland, by Mr RobertThorne. _[17]

As some diseases are hereditary, so have I inherited an inclination ofdiscovery from my father, who, with another merchant of Bristol namedHugh Eliot, were the discoveries of the Newfoundlands. And, if themariners had followed the directions of their pilot, there can be nodoubt that the lands of the West Indies, whence all the gold cometh, hadnow been ours; as it appears by the chart that all is one coast. 

[Footnote 17: Hakluyt, III. 31. Quoting a book by Mr Robert Thorne, addressed to Doctor Leigh. ]

SECTION VIII. _Grant by Edward VI. Of a Pension, and the Office of GrandPilot of England to Sebastian Cabot_[18]

Edward the Sixth, by the Grace of God king of England, France, andIreland, to all believers in Christ to whom these presents may come, wisheth health. Know ye, that in consideration of the good andacceptable service, done and to be done to us by our well-belovedservant Sebastian Cabot, we of our special grace, certain knowledge andgoodwill, and by the councel and advice of our most illustrious uncleEdward Duke, of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of ourkingdoms, dominions, and subjects, and by advice of the rest of ourcouncillors, have given and granted, and by these presents give andgrant to the said Sebastian Cabot a certain annuity or yearly revenue of_one hundred and sixty-six pounds, thirteen shilling and fourpencesterling_[19], to have, enjoy, and yearly to receive during his naturallife from our treasury at the receipt of our exchequer at Westminster, by the hands of our treasurers and chamberlains for the time being, byequal portions at the festivals of the annunciation of the blessedvirgin, the nativity of St John the Baptist, of St Michael theArchangel, and the nativity of our Lord. And farther, as aforesaid, wegrant by these presents so much as the said annuity would amount to fromthe feast of St Michael the Archangel last past unto this present time, to be received by said Sebastian from our foresaid treasurers andchamberlains in free gift, without account or any thing else to beyielded, paid or made to us our heirs or successors for the same. Inwitness whereof, &c. Done by the King at Westminster on the 6th ofJanuary 1548, in the second year of his reign. 

[Footnote 18: Hakluyt, id. Ib. Supposing Sebastian to have been sixteenyears of age in 1495, when he appears to have come to England with hisfather, he must have attained to seventy years of age at the period ofthis grant--E. ]

[Footnote 19: At the rate of six for one, as established by theHistorian of America for comparing sums of money between these twoperiods, this pension was equal to L. 1000 in our time. --E. ]

SECTION IX. 

_Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the year 1516, toBrazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico_. 

That learned and painefull writer Richard Eden, in a certain epistle ofhis to the Duke of Northumberland, before a work which he translated outof Munster in 1553, called _A Treatise of New India_, maketh mention ofa voyage of discoverie undertaken out of England by Sir Thomas Pert andSebastian Cabota, about the _eighth_ year of Henry VIII. Of famousmemorie, imputing the overthrow thereof unto the cowardice and want ofstomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert, in manner following:

If manly courage, saith he, (like unto that which hath bene seene andproved in your Grace, as well in forreine realmes, as also in this ourcountry) had not bene wanting in others in these our dayes, at such timeas our souereigne lord of famous memorie king Henry VIII. About the sameyeere of his raigne, furnished and sent out certaine shippes under thegovernance of Sebastian Cabot yet living, and one Sir Thomas Pert, whowas vice-admiral of England and dweleth in Poplar at Blackwall, whosefaint heart was the cause that the voyage took none effect. If, I say, such manly courage, whereof we have spoken, had not at that time beenewanting, it might happily have come to passe, that that rich treasuriecalled Perularia, (which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Seville, andso named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thitherfrom the newfoundland kingdom of Peru) might long since have beene inthe tower of London, to the kings great honour and the wealth of thisrealme. 

Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull Mr RobertThorne wrote to the saide king Henry VIII. In the yeere 1527, by DoctorLeigh his ambassador sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles V. Whoseworries bee these:

Now rest to be discovered the north parts, the which it seemeth unto meis onely your highnes charge and dutie; because the situation of thisyour realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and also, forthat already you have taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will notseeme well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it mayso easily and with so little cost, labour, and danger be followed andobteined. Though hitherto your grace have made thereof a proofe, andfound not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at this time it shal benone impediment: for there may be now provided remedies for things thenlacked, and the inconveniences and lets remooved, that then were causeyour graces desire tooke no full effect: which is the courses to bechanged, and to follow the aforesayd new courses. And concerning themariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken meeteand convenient, much better than hitherto: by reason whereof, and byGods grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect. 

And where as in the aforesayd wordes Mr Robert Thorne sayth, that hewould have the old courses to bee changed, and the new courses [to thenorth] to be followed: It may plainely be gathered that the formervoyage, whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention, wherein it is likethat Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king, was made towards Brazil and the south parts. Moreover it seemeth thatGonzalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, alludeth unto the saydevoyage in the beginning of the 13. Chapter of the 19. Booke of hisgenerall and natural historie of the West Indies, agreeing very wellwith the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresayd voyagewas begun. The authors wordes are these, as I finde them translated intoItalian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusio[21]. 

[Footnote 21: At this place Hakluyt gives the Italian of Ramusio; we aresatisfied on the present occasion with his translation. --E. ]

In the year 1517, an English rover under the colour of travelling todiscover, came with a great shippe unto the parts of Brazill on thecoast of the firme land, and from thence he crossed over unto thisisland of Hispaniola, and arrived near unto the mouth of the haven ofthis citie of San Domingo, and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare, and demaunded leave to enter into this haven, saying that hee came withmarchandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governour of thecastle, Francis de Tapia, caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from thecastle at the shippe, for she bare in directly with the haven. When theEnglishmen sawe this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that werein the shipboate got themselves with all speede on shipboard. And intrueth the warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if theshippe had entered into the haven, the men thereof could not have comeon lande without leave both of the citie and of the castle. Thereforethe people of the shippe seeing how they were received, sayled towardthe Island of St John de Puerto Rico, and entering into the port of StGermaine, the Englishmen parled with those of the towne, requiringvictuals and things needful to furnish their ship, and complained of theinhabitants of the city of St Domingo, saying that they came not to doeany harme, but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise. In this place they had certain victuals, and for recompence they gaveand paid them with certain vessels of wrought tinne and other things. And afterwards they departed toward Europe, where it is thought theyarrived not, for we never heard any more news of them. 

Thus farre proceedeth Gonzalvo de Oviedo, who though it please him tocall the captain of this great English ship a rover, yet it appeareth bythe Englishmens owne words, that they came to discover, and by theirtraffique for pewter vessels and other wares at the town of St Germainein the iland of San Juan de Puerto Rico, it cannot bee denied but theywere furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange. Butwhosoever is conversant in reading the Portugal and Spanish writers ofthe East and West Indies, shall commonly finde that they account allother nations for pirats, rovers and theeves, which visite any heathencoast that they have once sayled by or looked on. Howbeit theirpassionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee prejudiciall toother mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable travelsin discoverie. 

SECTION X. 

_Brief note of a voyage by Thomas Tison to the West Indies, before theyear 1526[22]. _

It appears from a certain note or memorandum in the custody of meRichard Hakluyt, taken out of an old ledger-book formerly belonging toMr Nicholas Thorne senior, a respectable merchant of Bristol, written tohis friend and factor Thomas Midnall and his servant William Ballard, atthat time residing at San Lucar in Andalusia; that before the year 1526, one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found his way to the West Indies, andresided there as a secret factor for some English merchants, who tradedthither in an underhand manner in those days. To this person Mr NicholasThorne appears to have sent armour and other articles which arespecified in the memorandum or letter above mentioned--This ThomasTison, so far as I can conjecture, appears to have been a secret factorfor Mr Thorne and other English merchants, to transact for them in theseremote parts; whence it is probable that some of our merchants carriedon a kind of trade to the West Indies even in those ancient times;neither do I see any reason why the Spaniards should debar us from itnow. 

[Footnote 22: Hakluyt, III. 595. ]

CHAPTER XII

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER FROM ST MALOES TO NEWFOUNDLAND ANDCANADA, IN THE YEARS 1534 AND 1535[23]. 

INTRODUCTION

These voyages are to be considered as among the early discoveries of theNew World, and are therefore inserted in this place. The only edition ofthem which we have been able to procure, is that which is inserted inthe ancient and curious collection of voyages by Hakluyt, which appearsto have been abridged from the original in French, published at Rouen in8vo 1598[24]of this voyage, the author of the Bibliotheque des Voyagesgives the following notice. "So early as the year 1518, the baron _DeLevi_ had discovered a portion of Canada, and Jacques Cartier not onlyadded to this first discovery, but visited the whole country with thejudgment of a person well instructed in geography and hydrography, as isapparent in the relation of his voyages; which contain an exact andextended description of the coasts, harbours, straits, bays, capes, rivers, and islands which he visited, both in his voyages on the riverSt Lawrence, and in his excursions by land into the interior of Canada. To this day navigators use most of the names which he affixed to thevarious parts which he explored with indefatigable industry. " In thepresent edition, the only freedom used is reducing the antiquatedlanguage of Hakluyt to the modern standard. ----Ed. 

[Footnote 23: Hakluyt, III. 250. ]

[Footnote 24: Bibl. Univ. Des Voy. VI. 15. ]

SECTION I. 

_The first Voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and Canada, in_1534. 

The Chevalier de Mouy lord of Meylleraye and vice-admiral of France, having administered the oaths of fidelity to the king, and of obedienceto M. Cartier, to the captains, masters, and mariners of the shipsemployed in this expedition, we left the port of St Maloes on the 20thof April 1534, with two ships of 60 tons, and having sixty-one chosenmen. Having prosperous weather, we reached Newfoundland on the 10th ofMay, making Cape _Bonavista_, in lat. 48° 30' N[25]. Owing to the greatquantities of ice on the coast, we were obliged to go into port StCatherine [26], which is about five leagues S. S. E. From the harbour ofCape Bonavista, in which we remained ten days waiting fair weather, andemployed ourselves in repairing and fitting out our boats. 

[Footnote 25: In our most recent maps Cape Bonavista is laid down inlat. 48° 58' N. --E. ]

[Footnote 26: Named in English charts Catalina Harbour, in lat. 48° 44'N. --E. ]

On the 21st of May we set sail with the wind at west, steering N. And byE. From Cape Bonavista till we came to the Isle of Birds, which we foundenvironed by ice, but broken and cracked in many places. Notwithstandingthe ice, our two boats went to the island to take in some birds, whichare there in such incredible numbers that no one would believe unless hehad seen them. The island is only a league in circuit, and so swarmswith birds as if they had been strewed on purpose; yet an hundred timesas many are to be seen hovering all around. Some of these are black andwhite, as large as jays, and having beaks like crows, which lie alwayson the sea, as they cannot fly to any height on account of the smallnessof their wings, which are not larger than the half of ones hand; yetthey fly with wonderful swiftness close to the water. We named thesebirds _Aporath_, and found them very fat. In less than half an hour wefilled two boats with them; so that, besides what we eat fresh, each ofour ships salted five or six barrels of them to aid our sea stock. Besides these, there is another and smaller kind, which hovers in theair, all of which gather themselves on the island, and put themselvesunder the wings of the larger birds. These smaller birds we named_Godetz_. There was also another kind, which we called _Margaulx_, considerably larger and entirely white, which bite like dogs. Althoughthis island is 14 leagues from the main[27], yet the bears swim off toit to eat the birds, and our men found one there as large as an ordinarycow, and as white as a swan. This monstrous animal leapt into the sea toavoid our men; and upon Whitson Monday, when sailing towards the land, we fell in with it swimming thither as fast almost as we could sail. Wepursued in our boats, and caught it by main strength. Its flesh was asgood eating as a steer of two years old. On the Wednesday following, the27th of May, we came to the _Bay of the Castles_; but, on account of badweather and the great quantities of ice, we were obliged to anchor in aharbour near the entrance of that bay, which we named Carpunt. We wereforced to remain there till the 9th of June, when we departed, intendingto proceed beyond Carpunt, which is in lat. 51° N[28]

[Footnote 27: This island of birds, judging by the course steered andits distance from the main of Newfoundland, appears to be that nowcalled _Funk_ Island, in lat. 50° N. 15 leagues N. E. From CapeFreels. --E. ]

[Footnote 28: From the latitude in the text, Carpunt appears to havebeen what is now called Carouge Harbour, and the Bay of the Castles maybe that now named Hare Bay, 6-1/2 leagues farther north. --E. ]

The land between Cape _Razo_ and Cape _Degrad_[29], which lie N. N. E. AndS. S. W. From each other, is all parted into islands so near each other, that there are only small channels like rivers between them, throughmost of which nothing but small boats can pass; yet there are some goodharbours among these islands, among which are those of Carpunt andDegrad. From the top of the highest of these islands, two low islandsnear Gape Razo may be seen distinctly; and from Cape Razo to PortCarpunt, the distance is reckoned 25 leagues. Carpunt harbour has twoentries, one of which is on the east side of the island, and the otheron the south. But the eastern entrance is very unsafe, as the water isvery shallow and full of shelves. The proper entry is to go about thewest side of the island, about a cables length and a half, and then tomake the south entrance of Carpunt. It is likewise necessary to remark, that there are three shelves under water in this channel, and towardsthe island on the east side in the channel, the water is three fathomsdeep with a clear bottom. The other channel trends E. N. E. And on thewest you may go on shore. 

[Footnote 29: Capes Rouge and De Grat. The former being the north headland of Carouge Bay, the latter the north-eastern extremity ofNewfoundland, in lat. 51° 40' N. --E. ]

Going from Point Degrad, and entering the before-mentioned Bay of theCastles, we were rather doubtful of two islands on the right hand, oneof which is 3 leagues from Cape Degrad and the other seven. This last islow and flat, and seemed part of the main land. I named it St CatherinesIsland. Its north-east extremity is of a dry soil, but the ground abouta quarter of a league off is very foul, so that it is necessary to go alittle round. This island and the Bay of the Castles trend N. N. E. AndS. S. W. 15 leagues distant from each other. The port of the Castles andPort Gutte, which is in the northern part of the bay, trend E. N. E andW. S. W. Distant 12-1/2 leagues. About two leagues from Port Balance, orabout a third part across the bay, the depth of water is 38 fathoms. From Port Balance to _Blanc Sablon_, or the White Sands, it is 15leagues W. S. W. But about 3 leagues from the White Sands to the S. W. There is a rock above water like a boat. The _White Sands_ is aroad-stead quite open to the S. And S. E. But is protected on the S. W. Bytwo islands, one of which we called the Isle of Brest, and the other theIsle of Birds, in which there are vast numbers of Godetz, and crows withred beaks and red legs, which make their nests in holes under groundlike rabbits. Passing a point of land about a league beyond the WhiteSands, we found a port and passage which we called the _Islets_, whichis a safer place than the White Sands, and where there is excellentfishing. The distance between the Islets and a port named Brest is about10 leagues. The port of Brest is in lat. 51° 55'[30]. Between it and theIslets there are many other islands, and the said port of Brest is amongthem, being surrounded by them for above three leagues farther. Allthese small islands are low, and the other lands may be seen beyondthem. On the 10th of June we went into the port of Brest, to provideourselves with wood and water; and on St Barnabas Day, after hearingdivine service, we went in our boats to the westwards, to examine whatharbours there might be in that direction. 

[Footnote 30: If right in the latitude in the text, Cartier seems now tohave got upon the coast of Labradore, to the north-west of Newfoundland;yet from the context he rather appears to have been on the north-end ofNewfoundland, about Quirpon Harbour, the Sacred Isles, or PistoletBay. --E. ]

We passed through among the small islands, which were so numerous thatthey could not be counted, as they extended about 10 leagues beyond thatport. We rested in one of them all night, where we found vastquantities of duck eggs, and the eggs of other birds which breed there. We named the whole of this group the _Islets_. Next day, having passedbeyond all these small isles, we found a good harbour which we namedPort St Anthony. One of two leagues beyond this we found a little rivertowards the S. W. Coast, between two other islands, forming a goodharbour. We set up a cross here, and named it St Servans Port. About aleague S. W. From this port and river there is a small round island likean oven, surrounded with many little islands, and forming a good markfor finding out Port St Servan. About two leagues farther on we came toa larger inlet, which we named James River, in which we caught manysalmon. While in this river we saw a ship belonging to Rochelle, whichintended to have gone a fishing in Port Brest, but had passed it as theyknew not whereabout they were. We went to her with our boats, anddirected them to a harbour about a league west from James River, which Ibelieve to be one of the best in the world, and which therefore we namedJames Cartiers Sound. If the soil of this country were as good as itsharbours, it would be a place of great consequence: But it does notdeserve the name of the New-found-_land_, but rather the new stones andwild crags, and is a place fit only for wild beasts. In all the northpart of the island I did not see a cart load of good earth, though Iwent on shore in many places. In the island of White Sand there isnothing growing but moss and stunted thorn bushes scattered here andthere, all dry and withered. In short, I believe this to have been theland which God appointed for Cain. There are however, inhabitants oftolerable stature, but wild and intractable, who wear their hair tiedupon the top of their heads, like a wreath of hay, stuck through with awooden pin, and ornamented with birds feathers. Both men and women areclothed in the skins of beasts; but the garments of the women arestraiter and closer than those of the men, and their waists are girded. They paint themselves with a roan or reddish-brown colour. Their boatsare made of birch bark, with which they go a fishing, and they catchgreat quantities of seals. So far as we could understand them, they donot dwell all the year in this country, but come from warmer countrieson the main land, on purpose to catch seals and fish for theirsustenance. 

On the 13th of June we returned to our ships, meaning to proceed on ourvoyage, the weather being favourable, and on Sunday we had divineservice performed. On Monday the 15th, we sailed from Brest to thesouthwards, to explore some lands we had seen in that direction, whichseemed to be two islands. On getting to the middle of the bay, however, we found it to be the firm land, being a high point having two eminencesone above the other, on which account we called it _Double_ Cape. Wesounded the entrance of the bay, and got ground with a line of 100fathoms. From Brest to the Double Cape is about 20 leagues, and five orsix leagues farther on we had ground at 40 fathoms. The directionbetween Port Brest and Double Cape is N. E. And S. W. Next day, being the16th, we sailed 35 leagues from Double Cape S. W. And by S. Where wefound very steep and wild hills, among which we noticed certain smallcabins, resembling what are called granges in our country, on whichaccount we named these the _Grange Hills_. The rest of the coast was allrocky, full of clefts and cuts, having low islands between and the opensea. On the former day we could not see the land, on account of thickmists and dark fogs, but this evening we espied an entrance into theland, by a river between the Grange Hills and a cape to the S. W. About 3leagues from the ships. The top of this cape is blunt, but it endstowards the sea in a sharp point, on which account we named it _Pointed_Cape. On its north side there is a flat island. Meaning to examine ifthere were any good harbours at this entrance, we lay to for the night;but on the next day we had stormy weather from the N. E. For which reasonwe stood to the S. W. Till Thursday morning, in which time we sailed 37leagues. We now opened a bay full of round islands like pigeon-houses, which we therefore named the _Dove-cots_. From the Bay of St. Julian toa cape which lies S. And by W. Called Cape _Royal_, the distance is 7leagues; and towards the W. S. W. Side of that cape there is another, thelower part of which is all craggy, and the top round. On the north sideof this cape, which we called Cape Milk, there is a low island. BetweenCape Royal and Cape Milk there are some low islands, within which thereare others, indicating that there are some rivers in this place. Abouttwo leagues from Cape Royal we had 20 fathom water, and found cod insuch abundance, that, while waiting for our consort we caught above ahundred in less than an hour. 

Next day, the 18th, the wind turned against us with such fury that wewere forced back to Cape Royal; and, sending the boats to look for aharbour, we found a great deep gulf above the low islands, havingcertain other islands within it. This gulf is shut up on the south, andthe low islands are on one side of the entrance, stretching out abovehalf a league to seawards; it is in lat. 48° 30' N. Having an island inthe middle of the entrance. The country about is all flat, but barren. Finding we could not get into any harbour that night, we stood out tosea, leaving Cape Royal towards the west. From that time to the 24th ofthe month, being St Johns Day, we had such stormy weather, with contrarywinds and such dark mists, that we could not see the land; but on thatday we got sight of a cape, about 35 leagues S. W. From Cape Royal, whichwe named Cape St John. On that day and the next the weather stillcontinued so foggy and dark, with wind, that we could not come near theland; yet we sailed part of the 25th to the W. N. W. And lay too in theevening, about 7-1/2 leagues N. W. And by W. Of Cape St John. When aboutto make sail, the wind changed to the N. W. And we accordingly sailedS. E. After proceeding about 15 leagues in that direction, we came tothree islands, two of which are as steep and upright as a wall, so thatit is impossible to climb them, and a small rock lies between them. These islands were closely covered over with birds, which breed uponthem; and in the largest there was a prodigious number of those whitebirds we named Margaulx, larger than geese. Another of the islands, which was cleft in the middle, was entirely covered with the birdscalled Godetz; but towards the shore, besides Godetz, there were many_Apponatz_[31], like those formerly mentioned. We went ashore on thelower part of the smallest island, where we killed above a thousandgodetz and apponatz, putting as many as we pleased into our boats;indeed we might have loaded thirty boats with them in less than an hour, they were so numerous and so tame. We named these the Islands of_Margaulx_. About five leagues west from these islands, we came to anisland two leagues long and as much in breadth, where we staid all nightto take in wood and water, which we named _Brions_ Island. It was fullof goodly trees, verdant fields, and fields overgrown with wild-cornand pease in bloom, as thick and luxuriant as any we had seen inBrittany, so that it seemed to have been ploughed and sown; havinglikewise great quantities of gooseberries, strawberries, roses, parsely, and many other sweet, and pleasant herbs; on the whole it had the bestsoil of any we had seen, and one field of it was more worth than thewhole of Newfoundland. The whole shore was composed of a sandy beach, with good anchorage all round in four fathom water; and the shore hadgreat numbers of great beasts, as large as oxen, each of which have twolarge tusks like elephants teeth[32]. These animals live much in thesea. We saw one of them asleep on the shore, and went towards it in ourboats in hopes of taking it, but as soon as he heard us, he threwhimself into the sea and escaped. We saw also wolves and bears on thisisland, and there were considerable lakes about it towards the S. E. AndN. W. As far as I could judge, there must be some passage between thisisland and Newfoundland, and if so it would save much time and distance, if any useful purpose is to be had in these parts. 

[Footnote 31: This word has not been used before, but is probably meantfor the same bird formerly called _Aparath. _ These names of birds inNewfoundland are inexplicable. --E. ]

[Footnote 32: Probably the Morse, vulgarly called the sea-horse. --E. ]

About four leagues W. S. W. From Brions Island we saw some other landsurrounded by small isles of sand, which we believed to be an island, and to a goodly cape on this land we gave the name of Cape Dauphin, asthe good grounds begin there. We sailed along these lands to the W. S. W. On the 27th of June, and at a distance they seemed to be composed of lowlands with little sand-hills; but we could not go near, as the wind wascontrary. This day we sailed 15 leagues. Next day we went about 10leagues along this land, which is all low, till we came to a capecomposed of red and craggy rocks, having an opening which fronts to thenorth, and we noticed a pool or small lake, having a field between itand the sea. About 14 leagues farther on we came to another cape, theshore between forming a kind of semicircular bay, and the beach wascomposed of sand thrown up like, a mound or dike, over which the wholecountry appeared nothing but marshes and pools of water as far as theeye could reach. Just before coming to the first of these capes, whichwe named St Peter, there are two small islands, very near the main land. About 5 leagues from the second cape toward the S. W. There is a highpointed island which we named _Alezai_. From Brions Island to Cape StPeter there is a good anchorage on a sandy bottom in 25 fathoms waterfive leagues from shore; a league off the land the depth is 12 fathom, and 6 fathom very near the shore, seldom less, and always good ground. Next day, the 29th of June, with the wind S. And by E. We sailedwestwards, till the following morning about sunrise without being ableto see any land, except that about sunset we saw some land about 9 or 10leagues W. S. W. Which we believed to be two islands. All next day wesailed westwards about 40 leagues, when we discovered that what we hadtaken for islands was the main land; and early next morning we came to agood point of land, which we named Cape _Orleans_; the whole of the landbeing low and plain, full of fine trees and meadows, and very pleasantto behold. This coast trends S. S. E. And N. N. W. But on this great extentof coast we could find no harbour, it being everywhere full of shelvesand sand-banks. We went on shore in many places with our boats, and inone place we entered a fine river, very shallow, which we named BoatRiver, because we saw some boats full of savages crossing the river. Wehad no intercourse with these people; for the wind came from the sea, and beat our boats in such a manner against the shore, that we wereforced to put off again to the ships. Till next morning, the 1st July, at sunrise, we sailed N. E. When we struck our sails in consequence ofthick mists and squalls. The weather cleared up about two in theafternoon, when we got sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about 7leagues N. And by E. From where we were, which we named Cape _Savage_. On the north side of this cape, there is a very dangerous shelf and abank of stones about half a league from shore. While off this cape andour boats going along shore, we saw a man running after the boats andmaking signs for us to return to the cape; but on pulling towards him heran away. We landed and left a knife and a woollen girdle for him on alittle staff, and returned to our ships. On that day we examined nine orten leagues of this coast for a harbour, but found the whole shore lowand environed with great shelves. We landed, however, in four places, where we found many sweet-smelling trees, as cedars, yews, pines, white-elms, ash, willow, and many others unknown, but without fruit. Where the ground was bare of trees, it seemed very fertile, and was fallof wild-corn, pease, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, andblackberries, as if it had been cultivated on purpose. The wild-cornresembled rye. This part of the country enjoyed a better temperaturethan any we had seen, and was even hot. It had many thrushes, stock-doves, and other birds, and wanted nothing but good harbours. 

Next day, 2d July, we had sight of land to the north, which joined thecoast already mentioned, having a bay which we named _St Lunario_, across which our boats went to the north cape and found the bay soshallow that there was only one fathom water a league off shore. N. E. From this cape, and 7 or 8 leagues distant, there is another cape, having a triangular bay between, compassed about with shelves and rocksabout ten leagues from land. This bay has only 2 fathoms water, butappeared to penetrate far into the land towards the N. E. Passing thiscape, we observed another head-land N. And by E. All that night we hadvery bad weather and heavy squalls, so that we could carry very littlesail. Next morning, 3d July, the wind was from the west, and we sailednorth that we might examine the coast, where we found a gulf or bayabout 15 leagues across, and in some places 55 fathoms deep. From thegreat depth and breadth of this gulf, we were in hopes of finding apassage through, like that of the _Castles_ before mentioned. This gulflies E. N. E. And W. S. W. The land on the south side of this gulf is ofgood quality and might be easily cultivated, full of goodly fields andmeadows, quite plain, and as pleasant as any we had ever seen. The northside is altogether hilly, and full of woods containing large trees ofdifferent kinds, among which are as fine cedars and firs as are to beseen anywhere, capable of being masts for ships of three hundred tons. In two places only of this side we saw open meadows, with two finelakes. The middle of this bay is in lat. 47° 30' N. We named the southerncape of this bay Cape Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, as we expected tohave found a passage this way. 

On the 4th of July we went along the northern coast of this bay to lookfor a harbour, where we entered a creek which is entirely open to thesouth, having no shelter from the wind when in that quarter. We namedthis _St Martins_ Creek, in which we remained from the 4th to the 12thof July; and on the 6th, going in one of our boats to examine a cape orhead-land on the west side, about 7 or 8 leagues from the ships, andhaving got within half a league of the point, we saw two fleets ofcanoes of the savages, 40 or 50 in all, crossing over from one land toanother, besides which there were a great number of savages on shore, who made a great noise, beckoning to us to come to land, and holding upcertain skins on pikes or poles of wood, as if offering them for barter. But as we had only one boat and they were very numerous, we did notthink it prudent to venture among them, and stood back towards theships. On seeing us go from them, some savages put off in two canoesfrom the shore, being joined by five other canoes of those which werecrossing, and made towards us, dancing and making many signs of joy, asif inviting us to their friendship. Among other expressions we coulddistinctly make out the following words, _Napeu tondamen assurtah_, butknew not what they meant. We did not incline to wait their civilities, as we were too few in case they chose to assail us, and made signstherefore for them to keep at a distance. They came forwardsnotwithstanding, and surrounded our boat with their canoes; on which weshot off two pieces[33] among them, by which they were so much alarmedthat they immediately took to flight towards the point, making a greatnoise. After remaining there some time, they came again towards us andsurrounded our boat as before. We now struck at them with two lances, which again put them in fear and put them to flight, after which theyfollowed us no more. Next day, a party of the savages came in ninecanoes to the point at the mouth of the creek, where our ships were atanchor; on which we went ashore to them in our boats. They appeared muchalarmed at our approach, and fled to some distance, making signs as ifthey wished to traffic with us, holding up to our view the skins ofwhich they make their apparel, which are of small value. We likewiseendeavoured to explain by signs that we had no intention to injure them;and two of our men ventured to land among them, carrying some knives andother iron ware, and a red hat for their chief. Encouraged by thisconfidence, the savages likewise landed with their peltry, and began tobarter with them for our iron wares, which they seemed to prize much, and shewed their satisfaction by dancing and many other ceremonies, throwing at times sea-water from their hands on their heads. They gaveus every thing they had, so that they went away almost naked, makingsigns that they would return next day with more skins. 

[Footnote 33: The nature of these is not explained, but they must havebeen fire-arms of some kind. --E. ]

On Thursday the 8th of July, as the wind was contrary for using ourships, we proceeded in our boats to explore the bay, and went that day25 leagues within it. As the next day was fine, with a fair wind, wesailed till noon, in which time we had explored most part of this bay, the shore of which consisted of low land, beyond which were highmountains. Finding no passage through the bottom of the bay, we turned, back along the coast, and at one place saw a good many of the savages onthe shore of a lake among the low grounds, where they had kindled somefires. As we proceeded, we noticed that a narrow creek or channelcommunicated between the bay and the lake, into which creek our boatswent. The savages came towards us in one of their canoes, bringing somepieces of boiled seals flesh, which they laid down on pieces of wood, and then retired, making signs that they gave them to us. We sent twomen to them with hatchets, knives, beads, and such wares, with whichthey were much pleased; and soon afterwards great numbers of them cameto where we were in canoes, bringing skins and other things, to barterfor our commodities. There were at least 300 of them collected at thisplace, including women and children; some of the women who remained onthe other side of the inlet, were seen up to their knees in the water, singing and dancing; while other women, who were on the same side withus, came up to us in a friendly manner, rubbing our arms with theirhands, and then holding up their hands towards heaven, as if in token ofadmiration and joy. So much confidence was established on both sides, that the savages bartered away every thing they possessed, which wasindeed of small value, and left themselves entirely naked. These peoplemight easily be converted to our religion. They wander about from placeto place, subsisting entirely by fishing, for which they have statedseasons. The country is warmer even than Spain, and exceedinglypleasant, being entirely level, and though sandy, it is everywherecovered with trees. In some places where there are no trees, it isluxuriantly covered with wild corn or pease. The corn resembles oats, but with an ear like that of rye; and the pease are small, but as thickas if the ground had been ploughed and sown. It produces, likewise, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, blackberries, white and redroses, and many other sweet-smelling flowers. The whole country isinterspersed with fine grass meadows, and lakes abounding in salmon. Intheir language, a hatchet is named _cochi_ and a knife _bacon_. We namedthis fine bay, _Baye de Chaleur_, or the Warm Bay[34]. 

[Footnote 34: Chaleur Bay on the north-eastern coast of Nova Scotia isprobably meant; though, from the changes of names, we have not been ableto trace the course of Cartier from the northern extremity ofNewfoundland to this part of the Gulf of St Lawrence. He probablyreturned to the south, along the eastern coast of Newfoundland, and thensailed west, along the south coast of that island into the Gulf of StLawrence, probably in search of a passage to the Pacific. --E. ]

Having ascertained that there was no passage through this bay, weset sail from St Martins Creek on Sunday the 12th July, to proceed onfarther discoveries beyond, going eastwards about 18 leagues along thecoast, till we came to Cape _Prato_, where we found shallow water, witha great tide and stormy sea, so that we had to draw close in shore, between that cape and an island about a league to the eastwards, wherewe cast anchor for the night. Next morning we made sail to explore thecoast to the N. N. E. But the wind, which was contrary, rose almost to astorm, and we were forced to return to our former anchorage. We sailedagain next day, and came to a river five or six leagues to the northwardof Cape Prato, where the wind became again contrary, with thick fogs, bywhich we were obliged on the 14th to take shelter in the river, where weremained till the 16th. On that day, the wind became so boisterous thatone of our ships lost an anchor, and we had to run 7 or 8 leagues up theriver for shelter, where we found a good harbour, in which we remainedtill the 25th July. While there, we saw many of the savages fishing formackerel, of which they caught great numbers. They had about 40 boats orcanoes, and after some time they became so familiar with us as to comewith their canoes to our ships in perfect confidence receiving knives, combs, glass-beads, and other trifles from us, for which they wereexceedingly thankful, lifting up their hands to heaven, and dancing andsinging in their boats. These people may truly be called savages, asthey are the poorest wretches that can be imagined; as the value ofevery thing they had among them all, besides their canoes and nets, wasnot worth five farthings. They go entirely naked, except their parts ofshame, over which they had small pieces of skin; besides which they onlyhad a few old pieces of skin to shelter their bodies from the weather. They differ entirely both in language and appearance from those we hadseen before. Their heads are close shaven, except one lock on the crown, as long as a horse tail, which they bind up into a knot with leatherthongs. Their only dwelling-places are their boats or canoes turned keelupwards, under which they sleep on the bare ground. They eat their fishand flesh almost raw, only heating it a little on the embers. We wentfreely on shore among these people, who seemed much pleased with ourcompany, all the men singing and dancing around, in token of joy; butthey made all their women retire into a wood at some distance, two orthree excepted, to each of whom we gave a comb and a small tin bell, with which they were much delighted, shewing their gratitude to ourcaptain by rubbing his breast and arms with their hands. The receptionof these presents occasioned all the other women to return from thewood, that they likewise might participate; for which purpose theysurrounded the captain, to the number of about twenty, touching andrubbing him with their hands, as soliciting him for such trinkets as hehad given the others. He accordingly gave each of them a small bell, onwhich they all fell a singing and dancing. We here found greatquantities of mackerel, which they take on the shore by means of netswhich they construct of a species of hemp. This grows in the part of thecountry where they principally reside, as they come only to the sea sideduring the fishing season. So far as I could understand, they havelikewise a kind of millet, or grain, as large as pease, like the maizewhich grows in Brasil, which serves them instead of bread. Of this theyhave great abundance, and it is called _kapaige_ in their language. Theyhave also a kind of damsin plumbs, which they call _famesta_. Theypossess likewise, figs, nuts, apples, and other fruits, and beans whichthey call _sahu_; their name for nuts is _cahehya_. When we shewed themany thing which they had not or were unacquainted with, they used toshake their heads, saying _nohda! nohda_! implying their ignorance orwant of that article. Of those things which they had, they explained tous by signs how they grew, and in what manner they used to dress themfor food. They use no salt, and are very great thieves, stealing everything they could lay their hands on. 

On the 24th of July, we made a great cross thirty feet high, which weerected on a point at the entrance of our harbour, on which we hung up ashield with three flowers de luce; and inscribed the cross with thismotto, _Vive le roy de France_. When this was finished in presence ofall the natives, we all knelt down before the cross, holding up ourhands to heaven, and praising God. We then endeavoured to explain tothese savages by means of signs, that all our salvation depended only onhim who dwelleth in the heavens; at which they shewed much admiration, looking at one another, and then at the cross. After our return to theships, their chief came off in a canoe accompanied by his brother andtwo sons. Keeping at an unusual distance, he stood up in the canoe, where he made a long oration, pointing frequently to our cross, andmaking a cross with his two fingers; he then pointed out to all thecountry round about, as if shewing that all was his, and that we mustnot erect any more crosses without his leave. When he concluded hisspeech, we shewed him an axe, making him believe that we would give itto him for an old bears skin which he wore; on which he gradually camenear our ship, and one of our men who was in the boat along side, tookhold of their canoe; into which he, and three or four more of our menleapt, and obliged them all to come on board our ship, to their greatastonishment and dismay. Our captain immediately used every means toassure them of being in perfect safety, and entertained them in afriendly manner, giving them to eat and drink. After this, weendeavoured to explain to them by signs, that the sole use of the crosswe had erected was to serve as a land mark for finding out the harbour, and that we should soon return to them with great plenty of iron waresand other commodities; but that in the mean time we would take two ofhis sons along with us, whom we would bring back again to the sameplace. We accordingly clothed two of the lads in shirts and colouredcoats, with red caps, putting a copper chain round each of their necks, with which they seemed much pleased, and remained willingly along withus, giving their old garments to the rest who went back to the land. Wegave to each of the three who returned, a hatchet and some knives, withwhich they seemed well content. When these had told their companions onshore what had happened in the ship, six canoes came off to us in theafternoon, having five or six men in each, who came to take farewell ofthe two lads we had detained, and brought them some fish. They spoke agreat deal that we did not understand, making signs that they would notremove our cross. 

The weather becoming fair next day, the 25th July, we left thatport[35], and after getting out of the river, we sailed to the E. N. E. The land forming a semicircular bay, the extremities lying S. E. And N. W. From Monday the 27th of the month, we went along this land, till onWednesday the 29th we came to another cape, after which the land turnedto the east for about 15 leagues, and then turned to the north. Wesounded about three leagues from this cape, and had ground at 24fathoms. The land on this part of the coast seems better and freer ofwoods, than any we had seen, having fine green fields and fair meadows. We named this land Cape St Alvise, because first seen on the day of thatsaint. It is in lat. 49° 30' N. On Wednesday morning, being to the eastof that cape, whence we sailed N. W. Till night, keeping near the land, which trends from south to north for about 15 leagues to another cape, which we named _Memorancie_, after which the coast trends to the N. W. About 3 leagues from this cape we tried soundings, but had no bottomwith a line of 150 fathoms. We went along this coast to the lat. Of 50°N. At sunrise of Saturday 1st August, we had sight of other land lyingnorth and north-east, which was high, craggy, and mountainous, havinglow land interposed, with woods and rivers. We continued along thiscoast, still trending N. W. To look for a gulf or passage, till the 5thof the month; but we had great difficulty to advance five miles in allthat time, the wind and tide being both adverse. At the end of thesefive miles, we could plainly see land on both sides, which appeared tospread out; but as we were unable to work up to windward, we proceededto another cape to the southward, being the farthest out to sea withinsight, and about five leagues from us. On coming up to this head-land, we found it nothing but rocks, stones, and craggy cliffs, such as we hadnot seen the like of since leaving Cape St Johns. The tide being now inour favour carried our ships to the westwards against the wind, whensuddenly one of our boats struck on a rock and overset, so that ourpeople had to leap out and set it to right again. After going along thiscoast for two hours, the tide turned against us, so that it wasimpossible to advance any farther with all our oars. We went thereforeto land, leaving 10 or 12 of our people to keep the boats, and going byland to the cape, we observed the land beyond to trend S. W. After thiswe returned to our boats, and then to the ships, which had drifted fourleagues to leeward of the place where we left them. 

[Footnote 35: In a side-note, Hakluyt expresses an opinion that thisharbour is what is now called Gaspay, or Gaspe Bay in lat. 48° 44' N. , near Cape Rosiers, the south cape of the river St Lawrence. --E. ]

On our return to the ships, we convened a council of all the officersand experienced mariners, to have their opinion of what was best for usto do in the farther execution of our instructions. The general opinionwas, considering that the east winds seemed now set in, and that thecurrents were so much against us, we could not expect to advance to anypurpose in exploring the coast; and as storms and tempests began toprevail in Newfoundland, where we were so far from home, we must resolveeither to return to France immediately, or to remain where we wereduring the winter. Having duly weighed the various opinions, we resolvedto return home. The place where we now were, we named St PetersStraits[36], in which we found very deep water; being in some places 150fathoms, in others 100, and near the shore 60, with clear ground. Fromthence for some days we had a prosperous gale of wind, _so that wetrended the said north shore east, south-east, west-north-west_[37], forsuch is the situation of it, except one cape of low land, about 25leagues from St Peters Strait, which bends more towards the south-east. We noticed smoke on that cape, made by the natives; but as the wind blewfresh toward the coast, we did not venture to approach them, and twelveof the savages came off to us in two canoes. They came freely on board, and gave us to understand that they came from the great gulf under achief named _Tiennot_, who was then on the low cape, and were then aboutto return loaded with fish to their own country, whence we had come withour ships. We named the low head land Cape Tiennot, after the name oftheir chief. The land in this place was all low and pleasant, with asandy beach for about 20 leagues, intermixed with marshes and shallowlakes. After this it turned from west to E. N. E. Everywhere environedwith islands two or three leagues from shore; and as far as we couldsee, many dangerous shelves extended above four or five leagues out tosea. 

[Footnote 36: Cartier seems now to have returned to the south coast ofNewfoundland, but the relation of his voyage is too vague to be followedwith any tolerable certainty. --E. ]

[Footnote 37: The sentence in italics is given in the precise words ofHakluyt, probably signifying that the coast extended from E. S. E. ToW. N. W. --E. ]

During the three following days we had a strong gale from the S. W. Whichobliged us to steer E. N. E. And on the Saturday we came to the easternpart of Newfoundland, between the _Granges_ and _Double_ Cape[38]. Thewind now blew a storm from the east, on which account we doubled thatcape to the N. N. W. To explore the northern part, which is all environedwith islands, as already stated. While near these islands and the land, the wind turned to the south, which brought us within the gulf, so thatnext day, being the 9th of August, we entered by the blessing of Godwithin the _White Sands_. Thus ended our discoveries in this voyage. Onthe feast of the Assumption of our Lady, being the 15th of August, afterhearing divine service, we departed from the White Sands with aprosperous gale, directing our course across the sea which lies betweenNewfoundland and Brittany. In this passage we were much tossed duringthree days by a heavy tempest from the east, which we weathered by theblessing of God. After this we had fair weather, and arrived on the 5thof September in the port of St Maloes. 

[Footnote 38: Probably that now called _Mistaken Points_, near CapeRace, which latter is the south-eastern point of Newfoundland--E. ]

_Specimen of the language of Newfoundland. _

 The sun, _isnez_ Heaven, _camet_ Night, _aiagla_ Water, _ame_ Sand, _estogaz_ A sail, _aganie_ The head, _agonaze_ The throat, _conguedo_ The nose, _hehonguesto_ The teeth, _hesangue_ The nails, _agetascu_ The feet, _ochedasco_ The legs, _anoudasco_ A dead man, _amocdaza_ A skin, _aionasca_ That man, _yca_ A hatchet, _asogne_ A cod fish, _gadagoursere_ Good to be eaten, _guesande_ Almonds, _anougaza_ Figs, _asconda_ Gold, _henyosco_ An arrow, _cacta_ A green tree, _haveda_ An earthen dish, _undaco_ Brass, _aignetaze_ The brow, _ausce_ A feather, _yco_ The moon, _casmogan_ The earth, _conda_ Wind, _canut_ Rain, _ocnoscon_ Bread, _cacacomy_ The sea, _amet_ A ship, _casaomy_ A man, _undo_ The hairs, _hoc hosco_ Red cloth, _caponeta_ The eyes, _ygata_ A knife, _agoheda_ The mouth, _heche_ A mackarel, _agedoneta_ The ears, _hontasco_ Nuts, _caheya_ The arms, _agescu_ Apples, _honesta_ A woman, _enrasesco_ Beans, _sahe_ A sick man, _alouedeche_ A sword, _achesco_ Shoes, _atta_

SECTION II. 

_The second voyage of Jacques Cartier, to Canada, Hochelega, Saguenay, and other lands now called New France; with the Manners and Customs ofthe Natives_. 

On Whitsunday, the 16th of May 1535, by command of our captain, JacquesCartier, and by common consent, we confessed our sins and received theholy sacrament in the cathedral of St Maloes; after which, having allpresented ourselves in the Quire, we received the blessing of the lordbishop, being in his robes. On Wednesday following, the 19th of thatmonth, we set sail with a favourable gale. Our squadron consisted ofthree ships. The great _Hermina_ of an hundred to an hundred and twentytons, of which Jacques Cartier was captain and general of theexpedition, Thomas Frosmont chief master, accompanied by Claudius dePont Briand, son to the lord of Montceuell cupbearer to the Dauphin, Charles de Pomeraies, John Powlet, and other gentlemen. In the secondship of sixty tons, called the Little Hermina, Mace Salobert and WilliamMarie were captains under the orders of our general. The third ship offorty tons, called the Hermerillon, was commanded by William Britton andJames Maingare. The day after we set sail, the prosperous gale waschanged into storms and contrary winds, with darksome fogs, in which wesuffered exceedingly till the 25th of June, when our three ships lostsight of each other, and never rejoined again till after our arrival atNewfoundland. We in the generals ship continued to be tossed about bycontrary winds till the 7th of July, when we made the island ofBirds[39], 14 leagues from the main of Newfoundland. This island is sofull of birds that our ships might have been loaded with them, and thequantity taken away not missed. We took away two boat loads, to increaseour sea stores. The Isle of Birds is in lat. 49° 40' N. 

[Footnote 39: Already supposed to be that now called Funk Island, inlat. 50° N. --E. ]

We left this island with a fair wind on the eighth of July, and came tothe harbour of White Sands, or Blanc Sablon, in the Grand Bay or Bayedes Chateaux, where the rendezvous of the squadron had been appointed. We remained here till the 26th of July, when both of the other shipsjoined us, and we then laid in a stock of wood and water for enabling usto proceed on our voyage. Every thing being in readiness, we set sailfrom the White Sands early in the morning of the 29th, and sailing alongthe northern coast, which runs from S. W. To N. E. We passed by twoislands, lying farther out than the others, which we named St WilliamsIslands, being twenty leagues or more from the port called Brest. Allthe coast from the Bay of Castles to that place, _lies E. And W. --N. E. And S. W. _ off which there are sundry small islands, the whole beingstony and barren, without soil or trees, except in a few narrow vallies. Next day, we sailed twelve leagues and a half westwards, in search ofother islands, among which there is a great bay towards the north, allfull of islands and great creeks, among which there seemed to be manygood harbours. We named these the Islands of St Martha, off which, abouta league and a half farther out to sea, there is a dangerous shallow, and about seven leagues from the islands of St Martha, _on the east andon the west_, as you pass to these islands, there are five rocks. Wepassed these about one in the afternoon; and from that time tillmidnight, we sailed about 15 leagues, passing to the south-eastwards ofa cape of the lower islands, which we named St Germans Islands; aboutthree leagues from which cape there is a very dangerous shallow. Likewise between Cape St Germans and Cape St Martha, about two leaguesfrom the before-mentioned islands, there is a bank of sand on which thewater is only four fathoms deep. On account of the dangerous nature ofthis coast, we struck sail and came to anchor for the rest of the night. 

Next day, being the last of July, we went along all that part of thecoast which runs east and west, or somewhat south-easterly, all of whichis beset with islands and dry sands, and is consequently of verydangerous navigation. The distance from Cape St Germans to these islandsis about 17-1/2 leagues, beyond which is a _goodly plot of ground_[40], surrounded by large tall trees; but all the rest of the coast isencompassed with sand-banks, without any appearance of harbours till wecome to Cape _Thiennot_, about 7 leagues north-west from these islands. Having noted this cape in our former voyage, we sailed on all this nightto the west and west-north-west till day; and as the wind then becamecontrary, we looked out for a harbour in which to shelter our ships, andfound one for our purpose which we named Port St Nicholas. This portlies amid four islands off the main-land, and we set up a cross on thenearest of these islands as a land-mark or beacon. In entering Port StNicholas, this cross must be brought to bear N. E. And passed on the lefthand of the steersman, by which means you find six fathom water in thepassage, and four within the port. Care must be taken however to avoidtwo shelves which stretch out about half a league to seawards. 

[Footnote 40: From the context, I suspect the author here means thatthere was good anchorage at this place. --E. ]

The whole of this coast is full of dangerous shoals, yet having thedeceitful appearance of many good havens. We remained at Port StNicholas till Sunday the 7th of August, when we made sail and approachedthe land southwards by Cape Rabart, which is twenty leagues from Port StNicholas S. S. W. Next day the wind became boisterous and contrary, and aswe could not find any haven to the southward, we coasted along northwardabout ten leagues beyond Port St Nicholas, where we found a goodly greatgulf, full of islands, passages and entrances, answerable for any windwhatever. This gulf may easily be known by a great island resembling acape, stretching somewhat farther out than the other islands, and abouttwo leagues inland there is a hill which resembles a corn rick. We namedthis the Gulf of St Lawrence. On the 12th of the month, we sailedwestwards from this gulf, and discovered a cape of land toward thesouth, about 25 leagues W. And by S. From the Gulf of St Lawrence. Thetwo savages whom we took with us on our former voyage, informed us thatthis cape formed part of the great southern coast; and that, by thesouthern part of an island which they pointed out, was the way to Canadafrom Honguedo, whence we took them last year. They said farther, that attwo days journey from this cape and island the Kingdom of _Saguenay_began. On the north shore of this island, extending towards Canada, andabout three leagues off this cape, there are above 100 fathoms water;and I believe there never were as many whales seen at once as we sawthat day around this cape. Next day, the 15th of August, having passedthe strait, we had notice of certain lands which we had left towards thesouth, which are full of extensive high hills. We named thebefore-mentioned cape the Island of Assumption; from which one cape ofthe before-mentioned high country trends E. N. E. And W. S. W. Distant 25leagues. The northern country, for more than thirty leagues in length, is obviously higher than that which is to the southwards. We coastedalong the southern lands till noon of the 17th, when the wind came roundto the west; after which we steered for the northern coast which we hadbefore seen, and found it low toward the sea, and the northern range ofmountains within this low land stretch from east to west one quartersouth. Our two savages informed us that Saguenay began here, which is aninhabited land producing copper, which they call _caignetdaze_. Thedistance between the southern and northern lands is about 30 leagues, and the gulf between is above 200 fathoms deep. The savages informed uslikewise that the great river _Hochelega_[41] began here, by which wasthe direct way to Canada; and which river becomes always narrower as weapproach towards Canada, where the water is fresh. They said fartherthat it penetrates so far inland that they had never heard of any onewho had reached its head. On considering their account, our captainresolved to proceed no farther at this time, more especially as theysaid there was no other passage, meaning to examine in the first placethe northern coast between the Gulf of St Lawrence and this great river, to see if any other passage could be discovered. 

[Footnote 41: The river now called the St Lawrence. --E. ]

We accordingly turned back on Wednesday the 18th of August along thenorthern coast, which trends from N. E. To S. W. Like half of a bow, andis very high land, yet not so high as the southern coast. Next day wecame to seven high round islands, which we named the _Seven Isles_, which stretch 3 or 4 leagues out to sea, and are 40 leagues from thesouthern shore of the gulf. Over against these, the northern shoreconsists of good low grounds full of fine trees, having varioussand-banks almost dry at low water, and reaching two leagues from shore. At the farther extremity of these low lands, which, continue for tenleagues, there is a river of fresh water which runs with such rapidityinto the sea that the water is quite fresh a league from its mouth. Entering this river with our boats, we had about a fathom and half waterat its mouth. In this river we found many _fishes_ resembling horses, which our savages told us lay all day in the water and went on shore atnight. We set sail at day-break of the 21st, continuing our progressalong the northern coast of the gulf which we traced the whole of thatday to the north-east, and then stood over to the Island ofAssumption[42], being assured that no passage was to be found in thatdirection. Returning to the harbour at the Seven Islands, which has 9 or10 fathoms water, we were detained there by mists and contrary windstill the 24th, when we stood over to the southern coast, and came to aharbour about 80 leagues from these islands. This harbour is overagainst three flat islands in the middle of the river, between whichislands and the harbour there is a very great river which runs betweenhigh and low lands. For more than three leagues out to sea there aremany dangerous shelves, leaving not quite two fathoms water, so that theentrance is very dangerous; yet near these shelves the water is from 15to 20 fathoms deep from shore to shore. All the _northern_[43] coastruns from N. E. And by N. To S. W. And by S. This haven is but of smallvalue, as it is only formed by the tide of flood, and is inaccessible atlow water. We named the three small flat islets _St Johns Isles_, because we discovered them on the day of St John the Baptistsdecapitation. Before coming to this haven, there is an island about 5leagues to the eastward, between which and the land there is no passageexcept for small boats. The best station for ships in this harbour is tothe south of a little island and almost close to its shore. The tidehere flows at least two fathoms, but ships have to lie aground at lowwater. 

[Footnote 42: The island here called Assumption, certainly is that nowcalled Anticosti, a term formed or corrupted from the native nameNatiscotec. --E. ]

[Footnote 43: It is probable that we should here read the _southern_coast. --E. ]

Leaving this harbour on the 1st of September, we proposed sailing forCanada; and at about 15 leagues W. S. W. We came to three islands, overagainst which is a deep and rapid river, which our two savages told asleads to the country and kingdom of Saguenay[44]. This river runsbetween very high and steep hills of bare rock, with very little soil;yet great numbers of trees grow among these rocks, as luxuriantly as ifupon level and fertile land, insomuch that some of them would make mastsfor vessels of 30 tons. At the mouth of this river we met four canoesfull of savages, who seemed very fearful of us, and some of them evenwent away. One of the canoes however, ventured to approach within hail, when one of our savages spoke to the people, telling his name, on whichthey came to us. Next day, leaving that river we proceeded on forCanada; and in consequence of the rapidity of the tide, we found thenavigation very dangerous; more especially as to the southward of thatriver there are two islands, around which for above three leagues thereare many rocks and great stones, and only two fathoms water. Besides thedirection of the tide among these islands and rocks is very uncertainand changeable; so that if it had not been for our boats, we had been ingreat danger of losing our pinnace. In coasting along, we found above 30fathoms water just off shore, except among these rocks and islands. About 5 leagues beyond the river Saguenay, to the S. W. There is anotherisland on the north side containing high land, where we proposed to havecome to anchor in waiting for the next tide of flood, but we had noground with a line of 120 fathom only an arrow-shot from shore; so thatwe were obliged to return to that island, where we had 35 fathoms. Weset sail again next morning to proceed onwards; and this day we gotnotice of a strange kind of _fish_ which had never been seen before, which are called _Adhothuys_ by the natives. They are about the bignessof a porpoise, but no way like them, having well proportioned bodies andheads like a greyhound, their whole bodies being entirely white withoutspot. There are great numbers of them in this river, and they alwayskeep in the water, the natives saying that they are very savoury andgood eating, and are nowhere else to be found but in the mouth of thisriver. On the 6th of September we proceeded about 15 leagues farther upthe river, where we found an island having a small haven towards thenorth, around which there were innumerable large tortoises. There arehere likewise vast numbers of the _fish_ called _Adhothuys_, alreadymentioned; and the rapidity of the tide at this place is as great as itis at Bourdeaux in France. This island is about three leagues long andtwo broad, all of rich fertile soil, having many fine trees of variouskinds; among which were many filbert trees, full of nuts, which we foundto be larger and better than ours but somewhat harder, on which accountwe named it _Isle aux Condres_, or Filbert Island. 

[Footnote 44: The Saguenay river runs into the north-west side of the StLawrence, in lat. 48° 7' N. Long. 69° 9' W. --E. ]

On the 7th of the month we went seven or eight leagues up the river fromFilbert Island to 14 other islands, where the country of Canada begins. One of these islands is ten leagues long and five broad, thicklyinhabited by natives who live entirely by fishing in the river[45]. Having cast anchor between this island and the northern coast, we wenton shore accompanied by our two savages, whose names were Taignoagny andDomagaia. At first the inhabitants of the island avoided us, till atlength our two savages got speech of some of them, telling who theywere, on which the natives seemed much rejoiced, dancing and singing andshewing many other ceremonies; many of their chief men came now to ourboats, bringing great numbers of eels and other fishes, likewise two orthree burdens of _great millet_ or maize, and many very largemusk-melons. On the same day many canoes filled with natives, both menand women, came to visit our two savages, all of whom were received in akindly manner by our captain, who gave them many things of small valuewith which they were much gratified. Next day the lord of Canada came toour ships with twelve canoes and many people; but causing ten of hiscanoes to go back again, he came up to our ships with only two canoesand sixteen men. The proper name of this person was Donnacona, but hisdignified name, as a lord or chief, was Agouhanna. On coming near thesmallest of our ships, he stood up in his canoe and made a long oration, moving his body and limbs in an extraordinary manner, which among thempass for signs of friendship and security. He then came up towards thegenerals ship, in which were Taignoagny and Domagaia, with whom heentered into conversation. These men related to him all that they hadseen in France, and what good treatment they had received in thatcountry, at all which Agouhanna seemed much pleased, and desired ourcaptain to hold out his arm for him to kiss. Our captain now went intoAgouhannas canoe, and made bread and wine be handed down to him, whichhe offered to the chief and his followers, with which they were muchgratified. When all this was over, our captain came again on board, andthe chief went with his canoes to his own abode. 

[Footnote 45: Obviously the Isle of Orleans. --E. ]

The captain ordered all the boats to be made ready, in which we went upthe river against the stream for ten leagues, keeping close to the shoreof the island, at which distance we found an excellent sound with asmall river and haven, in which there is about three fathoms water atflood tide. As this place seemed very pleasant and safe for our ships, we brought them thither, calling it the harbour of St Croix, becausediscovered on Holy Cross Day. Near this is a village named Stadacona, ofwhich Donnacona is lord, and where he resides. It stands on a piece ofas fine fertile ground as one would wish to see, full of as goodly treesas are to be seen in France, such as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut-trees, maples, cydrons, vines, and white thorns which bear fruit as large asdamson plumbs, and many other sorts of trees. Under these there growsgreat abundance of fine tall hemp, which springs up spontaneouslywithout cultivation. Having examined this place and found it fit for thepurpose, the captain proposed returning to the ships to bring them tothis port; but we were met, when coming out of the river, by one of thechiefs of Stadacona, accompanied by many men, women, and children. Thischief made a long oration to us, all the women dancing and singing forjoy up to the knees in water. The captain caused the canoe to come alongside of his boat, and presented them all with some trifles, such asknives, glass beads, and the like, with which they were so muchdelighted that we could hear them singing and dancing when we were threeleagues off. 

After returning to the ships, the captain landed again on the island toexamine and admire the beauty, variety, and luxuriance of its trees andvegetables. On account of the great number of vines which it producedeverywhere in profusion, he named it the Island of Bacchus, but it isnow called the Isle of Orleans. It is in length twelve leagues, exceedingly pleasant and fruitful, and everywhere covered with trees, except in some places where there are a few huts of fishers, aroundwhich some small patches are cleared and cultivated. We departed withour ships next day, and on the 14th of September we brought them up toPort St Croix, and were met on the way by the lord Donnacona, accompanied by our two savages, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with 25 canoesfull of natives; all of whom came to our ships with every sign of mirthand confidence, except our own two savages, who would on no account comeon board though repeatedly invited, on which we began to suspect somesinister intentions. On the next day, the captain went on shore to givedirections for fixing certain piles or stakes in the water for thegreater security of our ships, and Donnacona with a considerable numberof the natives came to meet him; but our two savages kept aloof under apoint or nook of land at some distance, and would on no account join ourcompany. Understanding where they were, our captain went towards them, accompanied by some of our men; and, after the customary salutations, Taignoagny represented that Donnacona was much dissatisfied because thecaptain and his men were always armed, while the natives were not. Tothis the captain answered, that he was sorry this should give offence;but as they two who had been in France knew that this was the custom oftheir country, he could not possibly do otherwise. Yet Donnaconacontinued to converse with our captain in the most friendly manner, andwe concluded that Taignoagny and Domagaia had invented this pretence oftheir own accord; more especially as Donnacona and our captain enteredinto the strictest bonds of friendship, on which all the natives set upthree horrible yells, after which the companies separated, and we wenton board. On the following day, we brought the two largest of our shipsinto the harbour within the mouth of the small river, in which there arethree fathoms water at flood tide, and only half a fathom at the ebb. The pinnace, or smallest vessel, was left at anchor without the harbour, as we intended to use her for exploring the Hochelega. [46] As soon asour ships were placed in safety, we saw Donnacona coming towards us, accompanied by Taignoagny, Domagaia, and above 500 natives, men, women, and children. Donnacona and ten or twelve of the principal persons cameon board the captains ship, where they were courteously received by thecaptain and all of us, and many gifts of small value were given them. Then Taignoagny informed our captain, that Donnacona was dissatisfiedwith our intention of exploring the Hochelega, and would not allow anyone to go with us. The captain said in reply, that he was resolved to gothere if possible, as he had been ordered by his sovereign to penetratethe country in that direction as far as was practicable: That ifTaignoagny would go along with him, as he had promised, he should bewell used, and should be rewarded to his satisfaction on their return. This was refused by Taignoagny, and the whole of the savages immediatelyretired. 

[Footnote 46: The native name of the river St Lawrence is Hoshelega orHochelega, sometimes called the river of Canada. --E. ]

Next day, the 17th September, Donnacona and his company came back to us, bringing many eels and other fishes, which they procure in greatabundance in the river. On their arrival at the ships, all the savagesfell a dancing and singing as usual, after which Donnacona caused allhis people to stand off on one side; then, making our captain and allour people stand within a circle which he drew on the sand, he made along oration, holding a female child of ten or twelve years old by thehand, whom he presented to our captain at the end of his speech; uponwhich all his people set up three loud howls, in token of joy andfriendship, at least so we understood them. Donnacona afterwardspresented two boys successively, who were younger than the girls, accompanied by other ceremonies, among which were very loud shrieks oryells as before. For these presents our captain gave many hearty thanks. Then Taignoagny told the captain that one of the boys was his ownbrother, and that the girl was daughter to a sister of Donnacona; andthat the presents had been given on purpose to induce him not to go toHochelega. To this the captain answered, that he would certainly returnthe children, if that were the purpose of the gift; as he could on noaccount desist from going where he had been commanded by his king. ButDomagaia, the other savage who had been in France, told the captain thatthe children had been presented as a token of friendship and security, and that he Domagaia was willing to accompany us to Hochelega. On thishigh words arose between Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we inferredthat the former was a crafty knave, and intended to do us sometreacherous act of mischief as indeed sufficiently appeared from hisformer conduct. The captain sent the children to our ships, whence hecaused two swords and two brass basons to be brought, which he presentedto Donnacona, who was much gratified and expressed great thankfulness, commanding all his people to sing and dance. The chief then expressed adesire to have one of our cannons fired off, as our two savages had toldhim many wonderful things respecting them. He accordingly ordered twelvecannons, loaded with ball, to be fired off into the woods close by, atwhich all the savages were greatly astonished, as if heaven had fallenupon them, and ran away howling, shrieking and yelling, as if all hellhad broke loose. Before we went on board, Taignoagny informed us thatour people in the pinnace, which we had left at anchor without theharbour, had slain two men by a shot from one of their cannons, on whichall the natives had fled away. This we afterwards found to be false, asour men had not fired any that day. 

The savages still endeavoured to hinder us from going to Hochelega, anddevised the following stratagem to induce us not to go. They dressed upthree men like devils, in black and white dogs skins, having their facesblackened, and with horns on their heads a yard long. These men were putsecretly into a canoe, while all the savages lay hid in the wood waitingthe tide to bring the canoe with the mock devils. On the approach ofthat canoe, all the savages came out of the wood, but did not come sonear us as usual. Taignoagny came forwards to salute our captain, whoasked if he would have a boat sent to bring him on board; but hedeclined to do so then, saying he would come on board afterwards. Atthis time the canoe with the three devils made its appearance, and onpassing close by the ships, one of these men stood up and made a longoration, without ever turning round to look at us. The boat floated pastus towards the land, on which Donnacona and all his people pursued themand laid hold of the canoe, on which the three devils fell down as ifdead, when they were carried out into the wood, followed by all thesavages. We could hear them from our ships in a long and loud conferenceabove half an hour; after which Taignoagny and Domagaia came towards us, holding their hands joined above their heads, and carrying their hatsunder their upper garments, as if in great astonishment. Taignoagny, looking up to heaven, exclaiming three times Jesus! Jesus! Jesus!Domagaia in the same manner cried out, Jesus Maria! Jacques Cartier! Onseeing these gestures and ceremonies, our captain asked what was thematter, and what had happened. They answered that they had very ill newsto tell, saying in French _Nenni est il bon_, or it is not good. Onbeing again asked what all this meant; they said, that their godCudruaigny had spoken in Hochelega, and had sent these three men to saythere was so much ice and snow in that country, that who ever venturedthere would surely die. On this we laughed mocking them, saying thattheir god Cudruaigny was a fool, and knew not what he said; and desiredthem to shew us his messengers, saying that Christ would defend themfrom all cold if they believed in him. They then asked the captain if hehad spoken with Jesus; who answered no, but the priests had, who hadassured him of fair weather. They then thanked the captain for thisintelligence, and went into the wood to communicate it to the rest, whoall now rushed from the wood as if glad of the news, giving three greatshouts, and then fell to dancing and singing as usual. Yet our twosavages declared that Donnacona would not allow any one to accompany usto Hochelega, unless some hostage was left for his safe return. Thecaptain then said, if they would not go willingly they might stay, andhe would go without them. 

On the 19th of September, we hoisted sail in the pinnace accompanied bytwo of our boats, the captain taking most of his officers and fiftymariners along with him, intending to go up the river towards Hochelegawith the tide of flood. Both shores of the river, as far as the eyecould see, appeared as goodly a country as could be desired, allreplenished with fine trees, among which all along the river grewnumerous vines as full of grapes as they could hang, which, though quitenatural, seemed as if they had been planted. Yet, as they were notdressed and managed according to art, their bunches were not so large, nor their grapes so sweet as ours. We also saw many huts along theriver, inhabited by fishers, who came to us with as much familiarity andkindness as if we had been their countrymen, bringing us greatquantities of fish and such other things as they had, for which we paidthem in trifles to their great contentment. We stopped at the placenamed Hochelay, 25 leagues above Canada, [47] where the river becomesvery narrow with a rapid current, and very dangerous on account ofcertain stones or rocks. Many canoes came off to us, in one of whichcame the chief man of the place, who made us a long oration, explainingby signs and gestures that the river became more dangerous the higher wewent, and advising us to take good care of ourselves. This chiefpresented two of his own children to our captain, one of which only hereceived, being a girl of 7 or 8 years old, returning the boy who wastoo young, being only 2 or 3 years of age. The captain entertained thischief and his company as well as he could, presenting them all with sometrifles, with which they returned to the shore well pleased. This chiefand his wife came down afterwards to Canada to visit their child, andbrought with them some small presents for our captain. 

[Footnote 47: By Canada in the text, the lordship belonging to Donnaconaseems meant, which appears to have been what is now called the Isle ofOrleans. --E. ]

From the 19th to the 28th of September, we sailed up this great river, never losing an hour of time, finding the whole land on both sides aspleasant a country as could be desired, full of fine tall trees, as oak, elm, walnut, cedar, fir, ash, box, willow, and great store of vinesloaded with grapes, so that when any of our people went on shore, theybrought back as many as they could carry. There were likewise, cranes, swans, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, thrushes, blackbirds, finches, redbreasts, nightingales, sparrows, and many other birds likethose of France in vast abundance. On the 28th of September we came to awide lake, or enlargement of the river, 5 or 6 leagues broad and 12long, which we called the Lake of _Angoulesme_[48], all through which wewent against the tide, having only two fathoms water. On our arrival atthe upper extremity of the lake, we could find no passage, as it seemedentirely shut up, and had only a fathom and a half water, a little moreor less. We were therefore obliged to cast anchor here with our pinnace, and went with our two boats to seek out some passage; and in one placewe found four or five branches which seemed to come from the river ofHochelega into the lake; but at the mouths of these branches, owing tothe great rapidity of the currents, there were bars or shallows havingonly six feet water. After passing these shallows, we had 4 or 5 fathomsat flood tide, this being the season of the year when the water islowest; for at other times the tide flows higher by three fathoms. Allthese four or five branches of the river surround five or six verypleasant islands, which are at the head of the lake; and about 15leagues higher up, all these unite into one. We landed on one of theseislands, where we met five natives who were hunting wild beasts, and whocame as familiarly to our boats as if they had always lived amongst us. When our boats were near the shore, one of these men took our captain inhis arms, and carried him to the land with as much ease as if he hadbeen a child of five years old. We found that these people had taken agreat number of wild rats which live in the water, which are as large asrabbits and very good to eat. They gave these to our captain, who gavethem knives and glass-beads in return. We asked them by signs if thiswere the way to Hochelega, to which they answered that it was, and thatwe had still three days sail to go thither. 

[Footnote 48: Now called St Peters Lake, between which and _TroisRivieres_, the St Lawrence river is narrow with a rapid current. --E. ]

Finding it impossible to take the pinnace any higher, the captainordered the boats to be made ready for the rest of the expedition, taking on board as much ammunition and provisions as they could carry. He departed with these on the 29th September, accompanied by Claudius dePont Briand, Charles de Pommeraye, John Govion, and John Powlet, with 28mariners, intending to go up the river as far as possible. We sailedwith prosperous weather till the 2d of October, when we arrived atHochelega, which is 45 leagues above the head of the lake of Augoulesme, where we left the pinnace. At this place, and indeed all the way up, wemet with many of the natives, who brought us fish and other provisions, always dancing and singing on our arrival. To gratify them and keep themour friends, the captain always rewarded them on these occasions withknives, beads, and such trifles to their full satisfaction. Onapproaching Hochelega above 1000 natives, men, women and children cameto meet us, giving us as friendly and hearty welcome as if we had beenof their own nation come home after a long and perilous absence, all themen dancing in one place, the women in another, and the children in athird; after which they brought us great abundance of fish and of theirbread made of maize, both of which they threw into our boats inprofusion. Observing their gentle and friendly dispositions, our captainwent on shore well accompanied, on which the natives came clusteringabout us in the most affectionate manner, bringing their young childrenin their arms, eager to have them touched and noticed by the captain andothers, and shewing every sign of mirth and gladness at our arrival. This scene lasted above half an hour, when the captain got all the womento draw up in regular order, to whom he distributed many beads andbaubles of tin, and gave some knives among the men. He then returned tothe boats to supper and passed the night on board, all the peopleremaining on the shore as near as possible to the boats, dancing merrilyand shouting out _aguiaze_, which in their language is an expression ofjoy and satisfaction. 

Very early next morning, 3d October, having dressed himself splendidly, our captain went on shore to see the town in which these people dwelt, taking with him five of the principal officers and twenty men, all wellarmed, leaving the remainder of the people to take care of the boats. The city of Hochelega is six miles from the river side, and the roadthither is as well beaten and frequented as can be, leading through asfine a country as can be seen, full of as fine oaks as any in France, the whole ground below being strewed over with fine acorns. When we hadgone four or five miles we were met by one of the chief lords of thecity accompanied by a great many natives, who made us understand bysigns that we must stop at a place where they had made a large fire, which we did accordingly. When we had rested there some time, the chiefmade a long discourse in token of welcome and friendship, shewing ajoyful countenance and every mark of good will. On this our captainpresented him with two hatchets and two knives, and hung a cross fromhis neck, which he made him kiss, with all which the chief seemed muchpleased. After this we resumed our march, and about a mile and a halffarther we found fine large fields covered with the corn of the country, resembling the millet of Brasil, rather larger than small pease. In themidst of these cultivated fields the city of Hochelega is situated, nearand almost joined to a great mountain, which is very fertile andcultivated all round, to which we gave the name of _Mount Royal_[49]. 

[Footnote 49: Montreal, whence the island and city of the samename. --E. ]

The city of Hochelega is circular, and encompassed all round with threerows of ramparts made of timber, one within the other, "framed like asharp spire but laid across above, the middlemost is made and built as adirect line but perpendicular, the ramparts are framed and fashionedwith pieces of timber laid along the ground, well and cunningly joinedtogether[50]. " This inclosure is about two roods high, and has but onegate of entrance, which is shut when necessary with piles, stakes, andbars. Over the gate, and in many other parts of the wall, there arescaffolds having ladders up to them, and on these scaffolds there arelarge heaps of stones, ready for defending the place against an enemy. The town consisted of about fifty large houses, each of them about fiftypaces long and twelve broad, all built of wood and covered with broadstrips of bark, like boards, nicely joined. These houses are dividedwithin into many rooms, and in the middle of each there is a court orhall, in which they make their fire. Thus they live in communities, eachseparate family having a chamber to which the husband, wife, andchildren retire to sleep. On the tops of their houses they have garretsor granaries, in which they store up the maize of which their bread ismade, which they call _caracouny_, and which is made in this manner. They have blocks of wood hollowed out, like those on which we beat hemp, and in these they beat their corn to powder with wooden beetles. Themeal is kneaded into cakes, which they lay on a broad hot stone, covering it up with other heated stones, which thus serve instead ofovens. Besides these cakes, they make several kinds of pottage fromtheir maize, and also of beans and pease, both of which they have inabundance. They have also a variety of fruits, such as musk-melons andvery large cucumbers. They have likewise large vessels in all theirhouses, as big as butts or large hogsheads, in which they store up theirfish for winter provision, having dried them in the sun during summerfor that purpose, and of these they lay up large stores for theirprovision during winter. All their victuals, however, are without thesmallest taste of salt. They sleep on beds made of the bark of treesspread on the ground, and covered over with the skins of wild beasts;with which likewise their garments are made. 

[Footnote 50: This description of the manner in which the ramparts ofHochelega were constructed, taken literally from Hakluyt, is by no meansobvious or intelligible. Besides it seems rather ridiculous to dignifythe village of a horde of savages with the name of city. --E. ]

That which they hold in highest estimation among all their possessions, is a substance which they call _esurgny_ or _cornibotz_, which is aswhite as snow, and which is procured in the following manner. When anyone is adjudged to death for a crime, or when they have taken any oftheir enemies during war, having first slain the person, they make manydeep gashes on the buttocks, flanks, thighs, and shoulders of the deadbody, which is then sunk to the bottom of the river, in a certain placewhere the _esurgny_ abounds. After remaining 10 or 12 hours, the body isdrawn up, and the _esurgny_ or _cornibotz_ is found in the gashes. Ofthis they make beads, which they wear about their necks as we do chainsof gold and silver, accounting it their most precious riches. Theseornaments, as we have proved by experience, have the power to staunchbleeding at the nose[51]. This nation devotes itself entirely tohusbandry and fishing for subsistence, having no care for any otherwealth or commodity, of which they have indeed no knowledge, as theynever travel from their own country, as is done by the natives of Canadaand Saguenay; yet the Canadians and the inhabitants of eight or tenother villages on the river, are subject to the people of Hochelega. 

[Footnote 51: It is impossible to give any explanation of thisridiculous account of the _esurgny_, any farther than that the Frenchmenwere either imposed upon by the natives, or misunderstood them from notknowing their language. In a subsequent part of the voyages of Cartier, this substance is called _Esnoguy_. --E. ]

When we came near the town, a vast number of the inhabitants came out tomeet us, and received us in the most cordial manner, while the guidesled us to the middle of the town, in which there is a large open square, a good stones throw from side to side, in which they desired us by signsto remain. Then all the women and girls of the place gathered togetherin the square, many of whom carried young children in their arms; asmany of them as could get forwards came up and rubbed our faces, arms, and bodies, giving every token of joy and gladness for having seen us, and requiring us by signs to touch their children. After this, the mencaused the women to withdraw, and all sat down on the ground round aboutus, as if they meant to represent some comedy or shew. The women cameback, each of them carrying a square matt like a carpet, which theyspread out on the ground and caused us to sit down on them. When thiswas done, _Agouhanna_, the king or lord of the town, was brought intothe square on the shoulders of nine or ten men. He sat upon a large deerskin, and was set down on one of the matts near our captain, all thepeople signifying to us by signs that this was their king. Agouhanna wasapparently about fifty years old, and no way better clothed than any ofthe rest, except that he had a kind of red wreath round his head insteadof a crown, which was made of the skins of hedgehogs. He was full ofpalsy, and all his limbs were shrunk and withered. After he had salutedour captain and all the company, welcoming us all to his town by signsand gestures, he shewed his shrunk legs and arms to the captain, desiring him to touch them, which he did accordingly, rubbing them withhis hands. Then Agouhanna took the crown or fillet from his own head, and gave it to our captain; after which several diseased men werebrought before the captain, some blind and others cripple, lame orimpotent of their limbs, that he might touch them, as they seemed tothink that God had come down from heaven to heal them. Some of these menwere so old that the hair of their eyebrows grew down over their cheeks. Seeing the misery and devotion of these ignorant people, our captainrecited the commencement of the gospel of St John, "_In the beginningwas the word_, " &c. Touching all the diseased persons, and prayed to Godthat he would open the hearts of these deluded people, making them toknow his holy word, and to receive baptism and the Christian faith. Hethen opened a service-book, and read over the passion of Christ with anaudible voice; during which all the natives kept a profound silence, looking up to heaven and imitating all our gestures. He then caused allthe men to stand orderly on one side, the women on the other, and theyoung people on a third, giving hatchets to the chiefs, knives to theothers, beads and other trifles to the women, and rings, counters, andbroaches of tin to the children. He then caused our trumpets and othermusical instruments to be sounded, which made the natives very merry. Wethen took leave of them to return to our boats, on which the womenplaced themselves in our way, offering us of their provisions which theyhad made ready for us, such as fish, pottage, beans, and other things;but, as all their victuals were dressed without salt, we did not likethem, and gave them to understand by signs that we were not hungry. 

When we left the town, many of the men and women followed us, andconducted us to the top of Mount Royal, which is about a league from thetown, and whence we had a commanding view of the country for thirtyleagues round. To the north we saw many hills stretching east and west, and a similar range to the south, between which the whole country wasexceedingly pleasant, being level and fit for husbandry. In the midst ofthese pleasant plains, we could see the river a great way farther upthan where we had left our boats; and at about fifteen leagues from us, as far as we could judge, it came through the fair round mountains tothe south in a great rapid fall, the largest, widest, and swiftest thatever was seen. The natives informed us that there were three such fallsbesides; but as we did not understand their language, we could not learnthe distance between these. They likewise informed us by signs, thatafter passing above these three falls, a man might sail three monthscontinually up the river, and that along the hills to the north, thereis another great river coming from the west, which we believed to bethat which runs through the country of Saguenay. One of the natives, without any sign or question made to him, took hold of the silver chainof our captains whistle, and the dagger haft of one of the mariners, which was of gilt brass, giving us to understand that such metals camefrom that river, where there were evil people named _Agouionda_, armedeven to their finger ends, shewing us the way in which their armour wasmade, being wrought of cords and wood very ingeniously. They gave usalso to understand that these _Agouionda_ were continually at war amongthemselves, but we could not learn how far their country lay, for wantof understanding their language. Our captain shewed them some copper, which they call _caignetadize_, and asked them by signs if any came fromthence. They answered _no_, shaking their heads, but intimated that itcame from Saguenay, which is in quite a different direction. We nowproceeded towards our boats, accompanied by great numbers of the people, some of whom, when they noticed any of our men weary, took them up ontheir shoulders and carried them along. As soon as we got to the boats, we set sail to return to our pinnace, being afraid lest any accidentmight have happened in our absence. Our departure seemed to grieve thesefriendly natives, who followed us along the shore as far as they wereable. We went so fast down the river, that we came to our pinnace onMonday the 4th October; and set off next day with the pinnace and boatsto return to the port of the Holy Cross in the province of Canada, whereour ships lay. On the 7th of the month we came to a river running fromthe north, having four small islands at its mouth, overgrown with finelarge trees, which we named the Fouetz River. Entering this river, wefound one of the islands stretched a great way up. Our captain caused alarge cross to be set up at the point of this river, and went up theriver with the tide as far as possible; but finding it very shallow andof no importance, we soon returned and resumed our voyage down the GreatRiver. 

On Monday the 11th October, we came to the port of the Holy Cross, wherewe found that the masters and mariners who were left there hadconstructed a stockade before the ships, of large timber set upright andwell fastened together, having likewise planted several cannon, and madeall other needful preparations for defence against the natives, in caseof any attack. As soon as Donnacona heard of our return, he came tovisit us, accompanied by Taignoagny and Domagaia and many others, pretending to be very glad of our arrival, and making many complimentsto our captain, who entertained them in a friendly manner, although theyhad not so deserved by their former conduct. Donnacona invited ourcaptain to come and see Canada, which he promised to do next day, beingthe 13th of the month. He accordingly went, accompanied by all thegentlemen and fifty mariners well armed. Their place of abode, namedStadacona, was about a league from the ships; and when we were arrivedwithin a stones throw of the place, many of the inhabitants came to meetus, drawing up in two ranks, the men on one side and the women on theother, all dancing and singing. After mutual salutation, the captaindistributed knives and other trifles among them, giving a tin ring toeach of the women and children, with which they were much pleased. Afterthis, Donnacona and Taignoagny conducted the captain to see the houses, which were very well provided with victuals for winter use. Among otherthings, they shewed us the _scalps_ of five men spread on boards as wedo parchment, which Donnacona told us were taken from a people called_Toudamani_, dwelling to the south, who are continually engaged in waragainst his nation. They told us that, about two years ago, as they weregoing to war in _Hognedo_, having 200 persons, men, women, and children, and were all asleep in a fort which they had made in an island overagainst the mouth of the Saguenay River, they were assaulted during thenight by the _Toudamans_, who set their fort on fire, and as theyendeavoured to come out, their enemies slew the whole party, five onlymaking their escape. They were greatly grieved at this loss, butsignified by signs that they hoped to be amply revenged at some futureopportunity. 

This nation has no knowledge of the true God, but believe in one whomthey call _Cudruaigni_, who they say often informs them of futureevents, and who throws dust into their eyes when angry with them[52]. They believe that they go to the stars after death, and thence descendgradually towards the earth, as the stars do to the horizon; after whichthey inhabit certain pleasant fields, abounding in precious trees, sweetflowers, and fine fruits. We endeavoured to convince them, of theirerroneous belief, telling them that Cudruaigni was only a devil or evilspirit, who deceived them; and affirmed that there is only one God ofheaven, the creator of all, from whom we have all good things, and thatit is necessary to be baptised, otherwise they would all be damned. Theyreadily acquiesced in these and other things concerning our faith, calling their Cudruaigni _agouiada_, or the evil one, and requested ourcaptain that they might be baptised; and Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all the people of the town came to us hoping to receivebaptism. But as we could not thoroughly understand their meaning, andthere was no one with us who was able to teach them the doctrines of ourholy religion, we desired Taignoagny and Domagaia to tell them that weshould return to them at another time, bringing priests and the chrysmalong with us, without which they could not be baptised. All of this wasthoroughly understood by our two savages, as they had seen many childrenbaptised when in Brittany, and the people were satisfied with thesereasons, expressing their great satisfaction at our promise. 

[Footnote 52: This seems a figurative expression, implying that he keepsthem in ignorance of what is to happen when displeased. --E. ]

These savages live together in common, as has been already mentionedrespecting the inhabitants of Hochelega, and are tolerably well providedwith those things which their country produces. They are clothed in theskins of wild beasts, but in a very imperfect and wretched manner. Inwinter they wear hose and shoes made of wild beasts skins, but gobarefooted in summer. They observe the rules of matrimony, only thatevery man has two or three wives, who never marry again if theirhusbands happen to die, wearing all their lives after a kind of mourningdress, and smearing their faces with charcoal dust and grease, as thickas the back of a knife, by which they are known to be widows. They havea detestable custom with regard to their young women, who are all placedtogether in one house as soon as they are marriageable, where theyremain as harlots for all who please to visit them, till such time asthey may find a match. I assert this from experience, having seen manyhouses occupied in this manner, just as those houses in France whereyoung persons are boarded for their education; and the conduct of theinhabitants of these houses is indecent and scandalous in the extreme. The men are not much given to labour, digging the ground in asuperficial manner with a wooden implement, by which they cultivatetheir corn resembling that which grows in Brazil, and which they call_effici_. They have also plenty of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, and pease and beans of various colours, all different from ours. Theyhave likewise a certain kind of herb of which they lay up a store everysummer, having first dried it in the sun. This is only used by the men, who always carry some of this dried herb in a small skin bag hangingfrom their necks, in which they also carry a hollow piece of stone orwood like a pipe. When they use this herb, they bruise it to powder, which they put into one end of the before-mentioned pipe, and lay asmall piece of live coal upon it, after which they suck so long at theother end that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till it comes outof their mouth and nostrils, as if from the chimney of a fire-place. They allege that this practice keeps them warm and is conducive tohealth, and they constantly carry some of this herb about with them forthis purpose. We have tried to use this smoke, but on putting it to ourmouths it seemed as hot as pepper. The women among these savages labourmuch more than the men, in tilling the ground, fishing, and othermatters; and all of them, men, women, and children, are able to resistthe extremity of cold better even than the wild beasts; for we have seenthem in the extremest cold, which is most amazingly severe, come starknaked to our ships over the ice and snow, which must appear incredibleto those who have not witnessed such hardiness. During winter, when thewhole country is covered with ice and snow, they take great numbers ofwild beasts; such as stags, fauns, bears, martins, hares, foxes, andmany other kinds, the flesh of which they eat almost raw, being onlydried in the sun or in smoke, as they do their fish. So far as we wereacquainted with these people, it were an easy matter to civilize themand to teach them any thing whatever: May God of his great mercy give ablessing to this, in his good time. Amen!

SECTION III. 

_Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return to Francein 1537_. 

The great river of Canada or Hochelega, begins at the sea or gulf of StLawrence below the Island of Assumption, or Anticosti. Over against thehigh mountains of Hognedo and the Seven Islands, the breadth of thisriver is from 35 to 40 leagues, being 200 fathoms deep in the midchannel. The surest way to sail up this river is on the south side[53]. On the north side, at about seven leagues distance from the SevenIslands, there are two considerable rivers which come from the hills ofSaguenay, and occasion several very dangerous shoals. At the entrance ofthese rivers we saw vast numbers of whales and sea-horses; and nearthese islands a small river runs in through marshy grounds, which isfrequented by immense numbers of water-fowl. From these Seven Islands toHochelega or Montreal, the distance is about 300 leagues[54]. Theoriginal beginning of this great river may be considered as at the mouthof the Saguenay river, which comes from high and steep hills, fromwhence upwards is the province of Canada on the north side. That riveris high, deep, and straight, wherefore it is dangerous for any vessel tonavigate it. Beyond that river upwards is the province of Canada, inwhich are abundance of people who inhabit villages or open towns. Inthis river there are many islands great and small, among which is oneten leagues long[55], full of large tall trees and many vines. Thisisland maybe passed on both sides, but the safest way is on its southside. To the westwards, on the shore or bank of the river there is anexcellent and pleasant bay or creek, in which ships may safely ride. Near this, one part of the river for about the third part of a league isvery narrow and deep with a swift current, opposite to which is a goodlypiece of high land on which a town stands. The country around is ofexcellent soil and well cultivated. This place is called Stadacona, andis the abode of Donnacona and of the two men we took in our firstvoyage, Domagaia and Taignoagny. Before coming up to it there are fourother towns, named Ayraste, Starnatay, Tailla on a hill, and Scitadin. And near Stadacona to the north is the harbour of St Croix, in which wewintered from the 15th September 1535 to the 16th May 1536, during allwhich time our ships remained dry. Beyond Stadacona, going up the river, is the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, on a high mountain, and the valley or champain country of Hochelay, all of which for a greatextent on both sides of the river is as fine a plain as ever was seen. There are mountains to be seen at a distance from the great river, whence several rivers descend to join the Hochelay. All the country isover-grown with many different kinds of trees and many vines, exceptaround the towns, where the inhabitants have grubbed up the trees toadmit of cultivating the ground, and for the purpose of building theirhouses. This country abounds in stags, deer, bears, rabbits, hares, martins, foxes, otters, beavers, weasels, badgers, and rats of vastsize, besides many other kinds of wild beasts, in the skins of which theinhabitants clothe themselves, having no other materials. It aboundsalso in a variety of birds, as cranes, swans, bustards, geese both whiteand grey, ducks, thrushes, black-birds, turtles, wild-pigeons, linnets, finches, redbreasts, stares, nightingales, and many others. No part ofthe world was ever seen producing greater numbers and varieties of fish, both these belonging to the sea and to fresh water, according to theirseasons. Among these many whales, porpoises, sea-horses, and a kindnamed Adhothuis which we had never seen or heard of before. These are aslarge as porpoises, as white as snow, having bodies and heads resemblinggrey-hounds, and are accustomed to reside between the fresh and saltwater about the mouth of the Saguenay river. 

[Footnote 53: Modern navigators prefer the north side, all the way fromthe Seven Islands to the Isle of Orleans, where they take the southernchannel to Point Levi, at which place they enter the bason ofQuebec. --E. ]

[Footnote 54: The distance does not exceed 135 marine leagues. --E. ]

[Footnote 55: The Isle of Orleans, the only one which can be herealluded to, is only 6 1/2 marine leagues in length; Cartier seems to usethe small French league of about 12 furlongs, and even not to have beenvery accurate in its application. --E. ]

After our return from Hochelega or the Isle of Montreal, we dwelt andtrafficked in great cordiality with the natives near our ships, exceptthat we sometimes had strife with certain ill-disposed people, much tothe displeasure of the rest. From Donnacona and others, we learnt thatthe river of Saguenay is capable of being navigated by small boats for adistance of eight or nine days journey; but that the most convenient andbest way to the country of Saguenay is to ascend the great river in thefirst place to Hochelega, and thence by another river which comes fromSaguenay, to which it is a navigation of a month[56]. The nativeslikewise gave us to understand that the people in that country ofSaguenay were very honest, were clothed in a similar manner to usFrenchmen, had many populous towns, and had great store of gold and redcopper. They added, that beyond the river of Hochelega and Saguenay, there is an island environed by that and other rivers, beyond which andSaguenay the river leads into three or four great lakes, and a greatinland sea of fresh water, the end whereof had never been found, as theyhad heard from the natives of Saguenay, having never been therethemselves. They told us likewise that, at the place where we left ourpinnace when we went to Hochelega or Montreal, there is a river whichflows from the south-west, by which in a months sailing they reach acertain other land having neither ice nor snow, where the inhabitantsare continually at war against each other, and which country producesabundance of oranges, almonds, nuts, apples, and many other kinds offruit, the natives being clad in the skins of beasts. On being asked ifthere were any gold or red copper in that country, they answered no. Sofar as I could understand their signs and tokens, I take this country tobe towards Florida[57]. 

[Footnote 56: The meaning of these routes are not explicable, as we areunacquainted with what is meant by Saguenay. The river of that nameflows into the north-west side of the St Lawrence 150 miles belowQuebec, in a nearly east course of about 150 miles from the lake of StJohn. The _other_ river, said in the text to come from Saguenay, isprobably that of the Utawas; but there does not appear to be any commondirection or object attainable by the navigation of these two rivers. The subsequent account of the inhabitants of Saguenay is obviouslyfabulous, or had been misunderstood by the French adventurers. --E. ]

[Footnote 57: The river from the south-west must have been the Chambly, and its series of lakes towards Hudson river. The rest of these vagueindications refer to the great Canadian lakes. --E. ]

In the month of December, we learnt that the inhabitants of theneighbouring town of Stadacona were infected by a pestilential diseaseby which above fifty of them had been cut off before we got theintelligence. On this account we strictly enjoined them not to come toour fort or ships, or to have any intercourse with us; notwithstandingwhich precaution this unknown sickness began to spread among us in thestrangest manner that ever was seen or heard of. Some of our men losttheir strength so completely that they could not stand, their legsbeing excessively swelled and quite black, and their sinews shrunk up. Others also had their skins spotted all over with spots of a dark purpleor blood colour; which beginning at the ankles, spread up their knees, thighs, shoulders, arms and neck: Their breath did stink mostintolerably; their gums became so rotten that the flesh fell off even tothe roots of their teeth, most of which fell out[58]. So severely didthis infection spread among us, that by the middle of February, out of110 persons composing the companies of our three ships, there were not_ten_ in perfect health to assist the rest, so that we were in a mostpitiable case, considering the place we were in, as the natives cameevery day to the outside of our fort and saw but few of us. Eight werealready dead, and fifty more so extremely ill that we considered thempast all hopes of recovery. In consideration of our misery, our captaincommanded all the company to prepare by devout prayer in remembrance ofChrist our Saviour, and caused his holy image to be set upon a treeabout a musquet-shot from the fort, giving us to understand that divineservice was to be performed there on the Sunday following, every one whocould possibly do so attending in solemn procession, singing the _seven_psalms of David and other litanies, and praying most heartily to ourLord Christ Jesus to have compassion upon our wretched state. Servicebeing accordingly performed as well as we could, our captain made a vow, if it should please God to permit his return into France, that he wouldgo on pilgrimage to the shrine of our Lady of Rocquemado. 

[Footnote 58: The author clearly describes the scurvy, long so fatal tomariners on long voyages, now almost unknown in consequence of superiorattention to articles of diet and cleanness. --E. ]

On that day Philip Rougement died, being 22 years old; and because thenature of the sickness was utterly unknown, the captain caused his bodyto be opened, to see if by any means the cause of the disease could bediscovered, or any thing found out by which to preserve the rest of thepeople. His heart was found to be white, but rotten, with more than aquart, of red water about it. The liver was tolerably sound; but thelungs were black and mortified. The blood was all collected about theheart; so that a vast quantity of rotten blood issued from thence whenopened. The milt or spleen was rough and somewhat perished, as if it hadbeen rubbed against a stone. One of his thighs being very black wasopened, but it was quite sound within. The sickness increased, to such apitch that there were not above three sound men in the whole company;all the rest being unable to go below hatches to bring up victuals ordrink for themselves or others. We were sometimes obliged to bury suchas died under the snow, being unable to dig graves for them, as theground was frozen quite hard, and we were all reduced to extremeweakness. To add to our distress, we were sore afraid that the nativesmight discover our weakness and misery. To hide this, our captain, whomit pleased God always to keep in health, used to make his appearancewith two or three of the company, some sick and some well, whenever anyof the natives made their appearance, at whom he threw stones, commanding them to go away or he would beat them: And to induce thenatives to believe that all the company were employed in work about theships, he caused us all to make a great noise of knocking, with sticks, stones, hammers, and such like, as if caulking and repairing the ships. At this time we were so oppressed with this horrible sickness that welost all hope of ever returning to France, and we had all diedmiserably, if God of his infinite goodness and mercy had not looked uponus in compassion, and revealed a singular and most excellent remedyagainst our dreadful sickness, the best that was ever found on earth, asshall be related hereafter. 

From the middle of November till the middle of March, we were dwellingamong ice above two fathoms in thickness, and the snow lay above fourfeet thick on our decks; and so great was the frost that all our liquorswere frozen. Even the inside of our ships below hatches was covered withice above the thickness of a hand-breadth. In that period twenty-five ofour best men died, and all the rest were so exceedingly ill, three orfour only excepted, that we had not the smallest hopes of theirrecovery. At this time it pleased God to cast an eye of pity upon ourforlorn state, and to send us knowledge of a remedy which restored us tohealth in a most wonderful manner. Our captain happened one day to walkout upon the ice beyond the fort, when he met a company of Indianscoming from Stadacona, among whom was Domagaia, who only ten or twelvedays before had his knees swollen like the head of a child two yearsold, his sinews all shrunk, his teeth spoiled, his gums all rotten andstinking, and in short in a very advanced stage of this cruel disease. Seeing him now well and sound, our captain was much rejoiced, being inhopes to learn by what means he had healed himself, so that he might inthe same manner cure our sick men. Domagaia informed him, that he hadtaken the juice of the leaves of a certain tree, which was a sovereignremedy against that disease. Our captain then asked him if that tree wasto be found thereabout, and desired him to point it out, that he mightcure one of his servants who had got the disease when up at Canada withDonnacona. He said this that it might not be known how many of us weresick. Domagaia sent immediately two women, who brought ten or twelvebranches of that tree, and shewed the manner of using it; which was toboil the bark and leaves of the tree in water, to drink of thisdecoction every other day, and to put the dregs upon the legs of thesick. He said likewise that this tree was of great efficacy in curingmany other diseases. This tree is called _Ameda_ or _Hanneda_ in theirlanguage, and is thought to be that which we call Sassafras. Our captainimmediately caused some of that drink to be prepared for his men; but atfirst only one or two would venture to use it, who were followed by therest, and in a short time they were all completely cured, not only ofthis dreadful sickness, but even of every other with which any of themwere at that time afflicted. Some even who had been four or five yearsdiseased with the _Lues_ became quite cured. After this medicine wasfound to be effectual, there was so much eagerness to get it that thepeople were ready to kill each other as to who should be first served. Such quantities were used, that a tree as large as a well grown oak wascompletely lopped bare in five or six days, and the medicine wrought sowell that if all the physicians of Montpelier or Louvain had been toattend us, with all the drugs of Alexandria, they could not have done somuch for us in a whole year as that tree did in six days, all who usedit recovering their health by the blessing of God. 

While the disease lasted among us, Donnacona, Taignoagny, and manyothers of the natives went from home, pretending that they went to catchstags and deer, called by them _Aiounesta_ and _Asquenoudo_. They saidthat they were only to be away a fortnight, but they staid away abovetwo months, on which account we suspected they had gone to raise thecountry against us while we were so weak. But we had used so muchdiligence in fortifying ourselves, that the whole power of the countrycould only have looked at us, without being able to have done us anyharm. While they were away, many of the natives used to come daily toour ships with fresh meat, such as stags, deer, fishes and other things;but held them at a high price, and would often take them away again, rather as sell them moderately. It must be allowed however that thewinter that year was uncommonly long, and there was even some scarcityof provisions among the natives. 

On the 21st of April 1536, Domagaia came to the shore accompanied byseveral strong men whom we had not seen before, and told us that thelord Donnacona would come next day to visit us, and was to bringabundance of venison and other things along with him. Next day Donnaconacame to Stadacona with a great number of men, for what purpose we knownot; but as the proverb says, "He who takes heed of all men may hap toescape from some. " Indeed we had great cause to look about us, beingmuch diminished in numbers, and those who remained being still veryweak; insomuch that we were under the necessity to leave one of ourships at the port of St Croix. Our captain was informed of the arrivalof that great number of men along with Donnacona, as Domagaia came totell him, yet dared not to cross the river between us and Stadacona ashe used to do, which circumstance made us suspect some intendedtreachery. Upon this our captain sent one of his servants along withJohn Poulet, who was much in favour among the natives, to endeavour todiscover their intentions towards us. Poulet and his companion pretendedonly to come on a visit to Donnacona, to whom they carried somepresents; but as soon as Donnacona heard of their approach he went tobed, feigning himself very sick. After visiting the chief, they went tothe house of Taignoagny, and wherever they went they saw a prodigiousnumber of people, so that they could hardly stir for each other, most ofwhom they had not been used to see before. Taignoagny would not allowour men to go into any other house in the town, always keeping companywith them wherever they went; and while accompanying them back to theships, desired them to ask our captain to carry off with him to France, a native chief named Agouna, from whom he had received some injury, andthat if our captain was pleased to do him this service he would esteemit a great favour and would do in return whatever he was desired;requesting that the servant might be sent back next day with the answer. 

When our captain learnt that so great a number of natives were collectedapparently with some evil intentions towards us, he proposed to makeprisoners of Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia and some others of theprincipal men, that he might carry them into France, to shew them to ourking along with other rarities from this western part of the world. Donnacona had formerly told us that he had been in the country ofSaguenay, in which were infinite riches in rubies, gold, and otherprecious things. He said also that there were white men in that country, whose dresses were of woollen cloth like that we wore. He likewise saidthat he had been in another country inhabited by a people called_Picquemians_[59], and other tribes. Donnacona was an old man, whoeven from his childhood had been accustomed to travel into distantregions, both by means of the rivers and by land. When Poulet and theother told their message to our captain from Taignoagny, he sent backthe servant desiring Taignoagny to come and visit him, promising himgood entertainment, and a compliance with his request. Taignoagny sentback word that he would wait upon our captain next day, bringingDonnacona and Agouna along with him; yet he staid away two days, duringwhich time none of the natives came from Stadacona to our ships as theywere wont, but seemed anxiously to avoid us, as if we had meant to slaythem, which added much to our suspicions. 

[Footnote 59: A tribe named Picquagamies still inhabits around Lake StJohn at the head of the Saguenay river. The people in woollen dresses, with the rubies and gold, must be fabulous, or misunderstood by theFrench. --E. ]

At this time the natives of Stadacona, understanding that we werevisited by the inhabitants of Sidatin, and that we were pulling one ofour ships to pieces to get out the old nails and other iron work, meaning to leave it behind, came to visit us on the third day, crossingthe river in their skiffs and seeming to have laid aside their formershyness. Taignoagny and Domagaia remained however above an hour on theother side of the river, conversing across the stream, before they wouldcome over. At length they came to our captain, whom they requested toorder the before mentioned chief, Agouna, to be apprehended and carriedover to France. The captain refused to do this, saying that he had beenexpressly forbidden by the king to bring over any men or women; beingonly permitted to take over two or three young boys to learn Frenchthat they might serve as interpreters, but that he was willing to carryAgouna to Newfoundland and leave him there. Taignoagny was much rejoicedat this, being satisfied that he was not to be carried back to France, and promised to bring Donnacona and all the other chiefs with him to theships next day. Next day being the 3d of May or Holyrood Day, ourcaptain caused a goodly fair cross to be erected in honour of the day, thirty-five feet in height, under the cross tree of which he hung up ashield of the arms of France, with this inscription in antique letters, _Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex_. 

About noon, according to the promise of Taignoagny, a great number ofmen, women, and children came from the town of Stadacona, saying thattheir lord Donnacona was coming to visit our captain attended byTaignoagny and Domagaia. They came accordingly about two o'clock in theafternoon, and when near our ships, our captain went to saluteDonnacona, who endeavoured to assume a cheerful countenance, yet hiseyes were ever and anon bent towards the wood as if in fear. AsTaignoagny endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going on board, ourcaptain ordered a fire to be kindled in the open air; but at lengthDonnacona and the others were prevailed upon to go on board, whenDomagaia told the captain that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him and hadendeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going to the ships. Seeinglikewise that Taignoagny was sending away the women and children, andthat the men only remained, which indicated some hostile intentions, ourcaptain gave a signal to his men who immediately ran to his assistance, and laid hold on Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and two more of theprincipal natives. On seeing their lord taken, the Canadians immediatelyran away, some crossing the river towards Stadacona and others taking tothe woods; whereupon we retired within our bulwarks, and placed theprisoners under a secure guard. During the ensuing night great numbersof the natives came to the river side near our ships, crying and howlinglike so many wolves, and continually calling upon _Agouhanna_, being thename of office or dignity of Donnacona, whom they wished to speak with, but our captain would not allow of this. Next day about noon the nativesindicated by signs that they supposed we had killed their chief. Aboutthis time, the natives in the neighbourhood of the ships were inprodigious numbers, most of them skulking about the edge of the forest, except some who continually called with a loud voice on Donnacona tocome and speak to them. Our captain then commanded Donnacona to bebrought up on high to speak to his people, and desired him to be merry, assuring him that when he had spoken to the king of France, and told himall that he had seen in Saguenay and other countries through which hehad travelled, that he should be sent back to his own country in ten ortwelve months with great rewards. Donnacona rejoiced at this assurance, and communicated the intelligence to his people, who made three loudcheers in token of joy. After this Donnacona and his people conversedtogether for a long time; but for want of interpreters we could not knowthe subjects of their discourse. Our captain then desired Donnacona tomake his people come over to our side of the river, that they might talktogether with more ease, and desired him to assure them of being inperfect safety; which Donnacona did accordingly, and a whole boatful ofthe principal people came, over close to the ships, where they renewedtheir conversation, giving great praise to our captain, to whom theypresented twenty-four chains _esurgney_[60], as the most preciousthing they possess, and which they hold in higher estimation than goldor silver. After a long talk, as Donnacona saw that there were no meansof avoiding the voyage to France, he commanded his people to bring himsome victuals to serve him during the passage. At this time our captaingave Donnacona two frying pans of copper, eight hatchets, with severalknives, strings of beads, and other trifles, with which he seemed highlypleased, and sent them to his wives and children. Our captain also madesimilar presents to the chiefs who had come to speak with Donnacona, whothanked him for the gifts and retired to their town. 

[Footnote 60: A very unintelligible account of the manner in which thisarticle, so precious in the eyes of the Canadians, is procured, has beenalready given in this chapter; but there are no data on which even toconjecture what it is. Belts of _wampum_, a kind of rudely ornamentedribbons or girdles, are universally prized among the North AmericanIndians, of which frequent mention will occur in the sequel of thiswork. --E. ] Very early on the 5th of May, a great number of the peoplecame back to speak with their lord, on which occasion they sent a boat, called _casnoni_ in their language, loaded with maize, venison, fish, and other articles of provision after their fashion, and lest any oftheir men might be detained, this boat was navigated by four women, whowere well treated at our ships. By the desire of Donnacona, our captainsent a message on shore by these women, to assure the natives that theirchief would be brought back by him to Canada at the end of ten or twelvemonths: They seemed much pleased at this intelligence, and promised whenhe brought back Donnacona that they would give him many valuablepresents, in earnest of which each of the women gave him a chain of_esurgney_. Next day, being Saturday the 6th of May 1536, we set sailfrom the harbour of St Croix, and came to anchor at night in anotherharbour about twelve leagues down the river, a little below the Isle ofOrleans. On Sunday the 7th we came to the Island of Filberts, or_Coudres_, where we remained till the 16th of the month, waiting tillthe great flood in the river had spent its force, as the current was tooviolent to be safely navigated. At this time many of the subjects ofDonnacona came to visit him from the river Saguenay, who were muchastonished upon being told by Domagaia that Donnacona was to be carriedto France, but were reassured by Donnacona who informed them he was tocome back next year. They gave their chief on this occasion three packsof beaver skins and the skins of sea wolves or seals, with a great knifemade of red copper which is brought from Saguenay, and many otherthings. They also gave our captain a chain of _esurgney_, in return forwhich he presented them with ten or twelve hatchets, and they departedwell pleased. 

On the 16th of May we departed from the Isle of Filberts, and came toanother island about fifteen leagues farther down the river, which isabout five leagues in length, where we remained the rest of that day andthe following night, meaning to take advantage of the next day to passby the river Saguenay, where the navigation is very dangerous. Thatevening we went ashore on the island, where we took such numbers ofhares that we called it Hare Island. But during the night the windbecame quite contrary and blew so hard that we were forced back to theIsle of Filberts, where we remained till the 21st of the month, whenfine weather and a fair wind brought us down the river. On this occasionwe passed to _Honguedo_, which passage had not been seen before. PassingCape _Prat_, which is at the entrance into the bay of _Chaleur_; andhaving a fair wind we sailed all day and night without stopping, andcame next day to the middle of _Brions_ Islands. These islands lienorth-west and south-east, and are about fifty leagues asunder, beingin lat. 47-1/2° N[61]. On Thursday the 26th of May, being the feast ofthe Ascension, we coasted over to a _land and shallow of low sands_, about eight leagues south-west from Brions Island, above which are largeplains covered with trees, and likewise an enclosed lake or sea intowhich we could find no entrance. On Friday following, being the 27th ofthe month, in consequence of the wind becoming foul, we returned toBrions Island, where we remained till the beginning of June. To thesouth-east of this island we saw land which we supposed another island, which we coasted for two or three leagues, and had sight of three otherhigh islands towards the sands, after which we returned to the cape ofthe said land, which is divided into two or three very high capes[62]. At this place the water is very deep and runs with a prodigiously swiftcurrent. That day we came to Cape Lorain _which is in 47 1/2 degreestoward the south_. This cape is low land, and has an appearance as ofthe mouth of a river, but there is no harbour of any worth. At a shortdistance we saw another head-land toward the south, which we named CapeSt Paul. 

[Footnote 61: These geographical indications are so obscure as not to beintelligible, unless perhaps the passage between Cape Breton Island andNewfoundland is here meant under the name of Honguedo. --E. ]

[Footnote 62: The text here is either corrupt, or so vaguely expressedas not to admit of any reasonable explanation or conjecture. --E. ]

Sunday following, being the 4th of June, we saw other lands at abouttwenty-two leagues east-south-east from Newfoundland, and as the windwas contrary we went into a harbour which we named the Bay of the HolyGhost. We remained there till the Tuesday following, when we sailedalong the coast to St Peters Islands, passing many very dangerous rocksand shoals, which lie east-south-east and west-north-west, stretchingabout twenty-three leagues out to sea. While at St Peters Islands, wesaw many French and British ships, and remained there from the 11th to16th of June, after, which we sailed to Cape _Race_, where we went intoa harbour named _Rognoso_, where we took in a supply of wood and waterto serve us on the voyage home, and at this place we left one of ourboats. We left that harbour on Monday the 19th of June, and had suchexcellent weather and fair winds, that we arrived in the Port of StMaloes upon the 6th of July 1536. 

 * * * * *

In Hakluyts Collection, III. 286-289, there is a short imperfectfragment of a _third_ voyage by Jacques Cartier to Canada, Hochelega, and Saguenay in 1540; but as it breaks off abruptly and gives hardly anyadditional information respecting the country and its inhabitants orproductions, beyond what is contained in the two voyages alreadyinserted, it has not been deemed necessary to adopt it into the presentcollection. --E. 

 _Specimen of the language of Hochelega and Canada_. 

 1. _Secada. 2. Tigneni. 3. Hasche. 4. Hannaion. 5. Ouiscon. 6. Indahir. 7. Aiaga. 8. Addigue. 9. Madellan. 10. Assem_. 

 _Aggonzi_, the head. _Atha_, shoes. _Hegueniascon, the brow. _Amgoua, _ a shirt. _Higata_, the eyes. _Castrua_, a cap. _Abontascon_, the ears. _Osizi_, corn. _Esahe_, the mouth. _Carraconny_, bread. _Esgongay_, the teeth, _Sahe_ beans. _Osnache_, the tongue. _Ame_, water. _Agonpon_, the throat. _Quahouascon_, flesh. _Hebelim_, the beard. _Honnesta_, damsons. _Hegouascon_, the face. _Absconda_, figs. _Aganiscon_, the hair. _Ozoba_, grapes. _Aiayascon_, the arms. _Quahoya_, nuts. _Aissonne_, the flanks. _Esgueny_, an eel. _Aggruascon_, the stomach. _Undeguezi_, a snail. _Eschehenda_, the belly. _Hueleuxima_, a tortoise. _Hetnegradascon_, the thighs. _Sahomgahoa_, a hen. _Agotschinegodascon_, the knees. _Zisto_, a lamprey. _Agouguenehondo_, the legs. _Ondacon_, a salmon. _Onchidascon_, the feet. _Ainne-honne_, a whale. _Aignoascon_, the hands. _Sadeguenda_, a goose. _Agenuga_, the fingers. _Aionnesta_, a stag. _Agedascon_, the nails. _Asquenondo_, a sheep. _Aguehum_, a man. _Saurkanda_, a hare. _Agrauste_, a woman. _Agaya_, a dog. _Addegesta_, a boy. _Achide_, to-morrow. _Agniaquesta_, a girl. _Cudragny_, God. _Exiasta_, a child. _Quenhia_, heaven. _Conda_, woods. _Damga_, the earth. _Hoga_, leaves. _Ysmay_, the sun. _Cabata_, a gown. _Assomaha_, the moon. _Caioza_, a doublet. _Stagnehoham_, the stars. _Hemondoha_, stocking. _Copoha_, the wind. _Adogne_, a hatchet _Ahencu_, a bow. _Quaetan_, a dart. _Canada_, a town. _Agogasy_, the sea. _Coda_, the waves. _Cohena_, an island. _Agacha_, a hill. _Hounesca_, ice. _Camsa_, snow. _Athau_, cold. _Odazani_, hot. _Azista_, fire. _Quea_, smoke. _Canoca_, a house. _Addathy_, my father. _Adauahoe_, my mother. _Addagrim_, my brother. _Adhoasseue_, my sister. 

 _Quaza hoa quea_, Give me some drink. _Quaza hoa quascaboa_, Give me my breakfast. _Quaza hoa quatfriam_, Give me my supper. 

 _Casigno agnydahoa_, Let us go to bed. _Casigno donnascat_, Let us go a hunting. _Casigno caudy_, Let us go to play. _Casigno casnouy_, Let us go in the boat. _Assigni quaddadia_, Come speak with me. 

 _Quagathoma_, Look at me. _Aignag_, Good morrow. _Aista_, Hold your peace. _Buazahca agoheda_, Give me a knife. 

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

PART II. CONTINUED. 

BOOK III. 

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THEEAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF OTHER EUROPEANNATIONS TO INDIA. 

CHAPTER I. 

DISCOVERIES, NAVIGATIONS, AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN INDIA, FROM1505 TO 1539, BOTH INCLUSIVE: RESUMED FROM BOOK I. OF THIS PART[63]. 

We have formerly in the _First_ BOOK of this _Second_ PART of ourgeneral arrangement, given a historical account of the PortugueseDiscoveries along the Coast of Africa, with their Discovery of and earlyConquests in India, from the glorious era of DON HENRY prince ofPortugal in 1412, down to the year 1505. Necessarily called off fromthat interesting subject, to attend to the memorable Discovery of the_NEW WORLD_ by the immortal COLUMBUS, we have detailed at considerable, yet we hope not inconvenient length, in the III. IV. And V. Volumes ofour Collection, the great and important Discovery of America, and theestablishment of the principal Spanish colonies in that grand divisionof the world, with some short notices of the earliest AmericanDiscoveries by the Portuguese, English, and French nations. We nowreturn to a continuation of the early Discoveries and Conquests inIndia, taking that word in its most extensive signification ascomprehending the whole of southern Asia, from the Persian Gulf to Japanand Eastern China. In the present portion of our Collection, we proposechiefly to direct our attention to the transactions of the Portuguese;adding however such accounts as we may be able to procure of the earlyVoyages to India made by other European nations. 

[Footnote 63: Portuguese Asia, by Manuel de Faria y Sousa-AstleysCollection of Voyages and Travels, I. 58. Et sequ. ]

It is not necessary to particularize the various sources from which thedifferent articles to be contained in this _Book_ or division of ourwork has been collected, as these will be all referred to in the severalchapters and sections of which it is composed. Indeed as theintroductions we prefix, on the present and other similar occasions, arenecessarily written _previous_ to the composition of the articles towhich they refer, contrary to the usual practice, it would be improperto tie ourselves too strictly on such occasions, so as to preclude theavailment of any additional materials that may occur during ourprogress, and therefore we here beg leave to notify that we reserve apower of including the earliest voyages of other European nations to theAtlantic and eastern coasts of Africa, together with Arabia and Persia, among the _early voyages to India_, if hereafter deemed necessary; whichis strictly conformable to what has been already done in PART II. BOOKI, and what must necessarily be the case on the present occasion. It maybe proper however to mention, that the present chapter, containing acontinuation of the early Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of thePortuguese in India, is taken from the PORTUGUESE ASIA, of _Manuel deFaria y Sousa_, taking that author up in 1505, where we had to lay down_Castaneda_ at the end of our _Second BOOK_. _Faria_[64], who isdesignated as a member of the Portuguese military order of Christ, was acelebrated historian among his countrymen, and his work, entitled ASIAPORTUGUEZA, contains an account somewhat in the form of Annals, of theTransactions of his countrymen in _India_, from their first going therein 1497, to the year 1646. This work contains all the Portuguese Voyagesand Discoveries, from their first attempt to extend along the westerncoast of _Africa_, to their final discovery of the farthest parts of_China_ and _Japan_: All their battles by sea and land, with theirexpeditions, sieges, and other memorable actions: The whole interspersedwith descriptions of the places and countries they discovered, visited, or conquered; including accounts of the manners, customs, government, and religion of the natives. This author is remarkable for a concise andclear narrative, and for judicious reflections on the conduct of thePortuguese kings, ministers, governors, and commanders, as well as forhis remarks on many other occasions. These are always just, and haveoften an air of freedom that might not have been expected under anarbitrary government: But in matters regarding religion, he oftendiscovers a surprising reverse of character, full of weak and puerilecredulity, the never-failing consequence of education and publicationunder the influence of that eternal and abominable stain of thepeninsula, the _Inquisition_. 

[Footnote 64: Astley, I. 87. ]

This work of De Faria has gone through various impressions in Portugal, where it is esteemed a curious and accurate performance, though on someoccasions it is alleged that he has placed too much reliance on _MendezPinto_, a dealer in bare-faced fiction. The first impression of thePortuguese Asia was printed at Lisbon in 1666, in 3 vols. Small folio, and it has been often reprinted, and translated into Spanish, Italian, French, and English. 

The English translation used on the present occasion, and we know of noother or later edition, was made by Captain John _Stevens_, andpublished at London in 1695, in 3 vols. 8vo. Dedicated to Catherine ofPortugal, Queen Dowager of England. In his Preface, Mr Stevens informsthe reader, that he had reduced the work to considerably less size thanthe _Spanish original_, yet without omitting any part of the history, oreven abridging any material circumstances; having cut off long speeches, which were only added by the author as rhetorical flourishes, andomitted many tedious lists of the names of officers who were present atthe principal actions, and extended reflections of the author whichwere only useful to increase the size of the work. In this account ofthe work by the translator, the _Spanish_ is mentioned as the original. Indeed the Portuguese and Spanish original editions appear to have bothappeared contemporaneously in 1666. [65]

[Footnote 65: Bibl. Univ. Des Voy. IV. 576. ]

In the employment of Faria we have followed the example of AstleysCollection of Voyages and Travels, of which Mr John Green is said tohave been the Editor. But although in that former Collection, publishedat London in 1745, an absolutely verbal and literal transcript is usedso far as the Editor has been pleased to follow the translation ofStevens, many very curious and important particulars contained in thatauthor are omitted, or slurred over by a hasty and careless abridgement. From where we take up Faria, in consequence of the loss of Castaneda, _we have given his work nearly entire_, only endeavouring to reduce thelanguage of Captain Stevens to the modern standard, and occasionallyusing the freedom to arrange incidents a little more intelligibly, andto curtail a few trifling matters that seemed to possess no interest formodern readers. We have however availed ourselves of many valuable notesand illustrations of the text by the Editor of Astleys Collection, allof which will be found acknowledged and referred to in their properplaces. And we have adopted from the same source some valuable additionsto the text of Faria, intimately connected with the subject, which arelikewise carefully acknowledged. Thus, like many former articles in thisCollection, we trust that the present, as being greatly fuller, will befound more satisfactory and informing than any similar account in formerCollections of Voyages and Travels. 

After so considerable an interval employed on the Discoveries inAmerica, it may be proper to remark that the former Account of theDiscovery of the maritime route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, andthe commencement of the Portuguese Conquests in the East, as containedin the _Second_ Volume of this Work, Part II. Chap. VI. _Sections I. ToIX_. Pp. 292-505, comprises only a period of _nine_ years, from thesetting out of _Vasco de Gama_ in July 1497, on his adventurous Voyage, by which he completed the discovery of the way by sea to India fromEurope, projected by Prince Henry in 1412, _eighty-five_ years before. On that former occasion, following the narrative of Hernan Lopez deCastaneda, we brought down the Transactions of the Portuguese in Indiato the year 1505; including the almost incredible defence of Cochin bythe intrepid Pacheco against the immensely more numerous forces of theZamorin of Calicut; the relief of the chivalric besieged, by the arrivalof Lope Suarez de Menezes in September 1505; and the voyage of Suarezback to Portugal in 1505, leaving Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles ascaptain-general of the Portuguese possessions in India. It has beenformerly mentioned, Vol. II. P. 500, note 5, that Castaneda names thisperson Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, and that he is named Manuel Telez deBarreto by the editor of Astleys Collection, in which we now find thathe had followed the author of the Portuguese Asia. The differencebetween these authorities is irreconcileable, but is quite immaterial tothe English reader. --E. 

SECTION I. 

_Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by theCape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs onthe East Coast of Africa_[66]. 

Before the Discovery of the Route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, formerly related in PART II. CHAPTER VI. The spices and otherproductions of India were brought to Europe with vast trouble and atgreat expence, so that they were necessarily sold at very high prices. The cloves of the Moluccas, the nutmegs and mace of Banda, thesandal-wood of Timor, the camphor of Borneo, the gold and silver ofLuconia, with all the other and various rich commodities, spices, gums, perfumes, and curiosities of China, Japan, Siam, and other kingdoms ofthe continent and islands of India, were carried to the great mart ofMalacca, a city in the peninsula of that name, which is supposed to havebeen the _Aurea Chersonesus_ of the ancients. From that place theinhabitants of the more western countries between Malacca and the RedSea procured all these commodities, dealing by way of barter, no moneybeing used in this trade, as silver and gold were in much less requestin these eastern parts of India than foreign commodities. By this trade, Calicut, Cambaya, Ormuz, Aden, and other cities were much enriched. Themerchants of these cities, besides what they procured at Malacca asbefore mentioned, brought rubies from Pegu, rich stuffs from Bengal, pearls from _Calicare_[67], diamonds from _Narsinga[68]_, cinnamon andrich rubies from Ceylon, pepper, ginger, and other spices, from thecoast of Malabar and other places where these are produced. From Ormuzthese commodities were conveyed up the Persian gulf to Basorah at themouth of the Euphrates, and were thence distributed by caravans throughArmenia, Trebisond, Tartary, Aleppo, and Damascus; and from these lattercities, by means of the port of Barat in Syria, the Venetians, Genoese, and Catalonians carried them to their respective countries, and to otherparts of Europe. Such of these commodities as went up the Red Sea, werelanded at Tor or Suez at the bottom of that gulf, whence they wereconveyed over land to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile toAlexandria, where they were shipped for Europe. 

[Footnote 66: De Faria, Portuguese Asia, I. 82. ]

[Footnote 67: Named Kalekare by Astley; and probably alluding to someplace in the neighbourhood of the great pearl fishery in the Gulf ofManar, between Ceylon and the Carnatic. --E. ]

[Footnote 68: Now called Golconda. But the dominions of Narsinga seemthen to have included the whole southern peninsula of India, except thecoasts of Canara and Malabar, from Visiapour and the Deccan to CapeComorin. --E. ]

Many princes apprehending vast loss to their revenues, by this newcourse which the Portuguese had discovered for carrying on a directtrade by sea between Europe and India, used their endeavours to drivethem from that country. For this purpose, the Soldan of Egypt[69], whowas principally affected by this new trade, gave out that he woulddestroy the holy places in Jerusalem, if the Portuguese persisted intrading to Malabar. Believing him in earnest, Maurus, a monk of MountSinai, went to Rome with a letter from the Soldan to the pope, signifying his intention to destroy those places, sacred in theestimation of the Christians, in revenge for the injury done to histrade by the Portuguese. The pope sent Maurus into Portugal, where thepurport of his message was known before his arrival, and suchpreparations made for driving the Moors from the trade of India, thatMaurus returned to Cairo with more alarming intelligence than he hadbrought. The king of Portugal informed his holiness by letter, that hisintentions in prosecuting these eastern discoveries were to propagatethe holy faith, and to extend the papal jurisdiction over the countriesof the heathen, by which the pope was entirely reconciled to hisproceedings. 

[Footnote 69: This last mameluke Soldan of Egypt was Almalec al AshrafAbul Nasr Sayf oddin Kansu al Gauri, commonly called Campson Gauri, the24th of the Circassian dynasty, who reigned from 1500 to 1516, when hewas slain in battle near Aleppo by Selim Emperor of the Turks. --Astley, I. 58. B. ]

Along the eastern coast of Africa, the Moors or Arabs had severalsettlements. From Cape Guardafu, the most eastern point of Africa, toMozambique, is a hollow coast like a bent bow, extending 550 leagues. From Cape Mozambique to Cape Corrientes is 170 leagues, and thence tothe Cape of Good Hope 340 leagues. Hence turning again to the northwardsand a little towards the west, the western coast of Africa reaches toCongo. Drawing a line east across the continent, there remains a largepeninsula or promontory, to which the Arabs have given the name ofKafraria, naming the inhabitants Kafrs or unbelievers; an appellationbestowed by the Mahometans on all who are not of their religion, butchiefly those who worship images, whence they call most of theChristians by the opprobrious name of Kafrs. To the north of this lineon the east coast of Africa is the maritime country of Zanguebar, ormore properly Zenjibar, so named from a Negro nation called the Zenji, who had formerly conquered all that coast before the settlement of theArabs. From Zanguebar all the way to Cape Guardafu and the mouth of theRed Sea, the coast is called Ajam or Ajen, signifying in Arabic thecountry of the barbarians; the maritime parts being occupied by theArabs, and the inland country by heathen Negroes. Most of this coast isvery low, covered by impenetrable woods, and subject to inundations, sothat it is excessively hot and unwholesome. The Negroes of this countryare black with crisp curled hair, and are wonderfully addicted tosuperstition, being all idolaters; insomuch that upon the most frivolousmotives they will give over the most important enterprises: Thus theking of Quiloa failed to meet Don Francisco de Almeyda, because a blackcat crossed his way when going out. The cattle, fruit, and grain areanswerable to the wildness of the country. The Moors or Arabs, whoinhabit this coast and the adjacent islands, seldom cultivate theground, and mostly subsist on wild beasts and several loathsome things. Such as live more towards the interior, and have intercourse with thebarbarous Kafrs, use milk as a part of their diet. 

As this country has been endowed by nature with much gold, an eagerdesire to procure that precious metal has induced, first the Arabs, andafterwards the Europeans, to possess themselves of various parts alongthe coast. The first of the Arabs who came here were called Emozadi, which signifies subjects of Zayde, who built two inconsiderable towers, merely sufficient to defend them against the barbarous Kafrs. Afterwardsstill greater numbers came from the ports about the city of Lazah, fortyleagues from the island of Baharem[70] in the Persian gulf, who settledfirst Magadoxa and afterwards Brava. The first Arabs separated fromthese, new comers, and mixing with the Kafrs became Bedouins, or Badwis, signifying people of the desert. Those Arabs who first possessedthemselves of the gold trade of Sofala were from Magadoxa, anddiscovered the gold mines by accident. From thence they spreadthemselves farther towards the south, but durst never venture tonavigate beyond Cape Corrientes, which is opposite to thesouth-wester-most part of the Island of St Lawrence or Madagascar. Alongthis coast the Arabs had possessed themselves of Quiloa, Mombaza, Melinda, and the islands, of Pemba, Zanzibar, Monfia, Comoro, andothers; Quiloa being the principal of their settlements, from whencemany others had been formed, particularly on the coast of Madagascar. Quiloa had been originally a peninsula, but by the encroachments of thesea it had become an island. The soil produces many palms and thorntrees, and various herbs and plants; and the wild beasts, cattle, andbirds resemble those of Spain. The buildings in the places possessed bythe Arabs resemble those in Spain, having flat roofs, with gardens andorchards behind. 

[Footnote 70: More properly Bahrayn, which signifies _the two seas_, being the Arabic dual of Bahr, the sea. --Astl. I. 59. E. ]

SECTION II. 

_Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, in quality ofViceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on the Easterncoast of Africa, and Malabar. _

On the 25th of March 1505, Don Francisco de Almeyda sailed from Lisbonwith a fleet of twenty-two ships, carrying 1500 soldiers, being boundfor India of which he was appointed viceroy. Eleven of these ships wereto return with merchandize to Portugal, and other eleven were to remainin India. On the 2d of July the fleet met with a terrible storm, bywhich it was separated. In one of the ships commanded by Diego Correa, the sails were split to pieces and three men washed overboard, two ofwhom perished; but the third, named Fernando Lorenzo, called out that hewould keep above water till morning, and begged of them to keep an eyeupon him, and on the storm abating next morning he was taken on board. Owing to the separation of the fleet by the storm, Almeyda arrived atQuiloa with only eight vessels; and on saluting the port withoutreceiving any answer, he called a council of his officers to deliberateupon his proceedings, as he had orders from the king to erect a fort atthis place, which was accordingly resolved upon. He landed thereforewith 500 men, accompanied by his son Don Lorenzo, and attacked the townin two places. Amir Ibrahim fled over to the continent with his wivesand riches, having previously hoisted the Portuguese standard, by whichdevice he stopped the pursuit and gained time to escape. The city wastaken and plundered, without any loss on the side of the Portuguese, though a great number of the inhabitants were slain. Ibrahim though theforty-fourth successive sovereign, was an usurper, who had murdered theformer king, and Almeyda raised Mohammed Ankoni, a relation of theformer king and who had espoused the Portuguese interests to the throne, placing a crown of gold on his head with great pomp and solemnity. Onthis occasion Mohammed declared that if the former king _Alfudail_ hadbeen alive he would have refused the crown; and he actually appointedthe son of Alfudail to be his successor, though he had children of hisown. This rare example in an unbeliever may put to shame the inhumanityand barbarism of the Christians, who wade through seas of blood, contemnthe most sacred bonds of consanguinity and alliance, spoil provinces, oppress the good, exalt the wicked, convert loyalty to treason, perjuryinto duty, and religion into a cloak to work out their accursedpurposes, and to bereave of their crowns and sceptres those to whomProvidence had been pleased to confide them as most worthy of rule. 

Having settled every thing to his mind, and constructed a fort in twentydays, Almeyda left a garrison of 550 men, together with a caravel andbrigantine, and sailed on the 8th of August with thirteen sail forMombaza, which is seated like Quiloa in an island about fourteen leaguesin circumference. This city is beautiful and strong, having a large baybefore it capable of containing many ships. Before entering the bay, twovessels were sent to sound the bar, which is commanded by a battery ofeight cannons, which fired upon these vessels; but a ball from thePortuguese happening to fall among the powder belonging to the enemy, blew it up and did great injury to the natives, so that they wereobliged to abandon the work. Two smaller works being likewise abandoned, the fleet entered the bay without farther resistance. Being informedthat the king of Mombaza had hired 1500 Kafr archers to assist indefending the place, Almeyda sent him a message demanding submission;but the answer was, that the Moors of Mombaza were not to be frightenedby the noise of cannon like those of Quiloa, and he might do his worst. Enraged at this contemptuous answer, and because several of his men hadbeen wounded, while attempting to burn some ships in the port belongingto Cambaya, Almeyda landed his men on the 15th of August and attackedthe city. He succeeded in the assault, driving the enemy out at theother side of the town, and their king along with them, whose palace hetook possession of, on which he planted a cross. Immediately aftergaining possession of the town, he received notice that his ships hadsucceeded in their attack on those belonging to the Moors of Cambaya, all of which were burnt. In this action the Portuguese lost only fivemen; while of the Moors 1513 were slain and 1200 made prisoners, ofwhich only 200 were retained and all the rest set free. Having plunderedthe city of every thing worth carrying off or which his ships couldcontain, Almeyda burnt Mombaza to the ground. 

At this place Almeyda was joined by most of the remaining ships, andcontinuing his voyage for India, he stopped by the way at a bay calledAngra de Santa Elena, where he found Juan Homem, who had been separatedalong with other ships, and had discovered some islands. Sailing fromthence in continuation of his voyage, the first place he came to inIndia was the island of Anchediva[71], where according to orders fromthe king he constructed a fort in which he placed a garrison of 80 men, leaving two brigantines to protect the trade. While at this place he wasvisited by ambassadors from the king or rajah of Onore, a small kingdomof Malabar, who brought presents and a friendly message from theirsovereign. Several considerable merchants also waited upon him, assuringhim of the good will of their prince towards the Portuguese; and severalMoors from Cincatora brought him considerable presents. All this howeverwas the effect of fear, as they had heard of his successes at Quiloa andMombaza. He was informed at this place that the prince Saboga had builta fort at no great distance on the banks of the river Aliga on theborders of Onore, which was garrisoned by 800 men. Meaning to makehimself master of this place, he sent his son Don Lorenzo under pretenceof a friendly visit to take a view of the fort, which he effected andremained there some days. Having completed the fort at Anchediva, hesailed to the port of Onore, and being ill received, he determined toshew himself as terrible there as he had done at Quiloa and Mombaza. Theinhabitants however amused him with excuses and pretended submission, till they had removed their wives, children, and effects to aneighbouring mountain, and then stood upon their defence. On thisAlmeyda landed most of his forces to attack the town, sending his sonLorenzo with 150 men in boats to set some ships on fire which were inthe port. Though the natives defended themselves with much bravery, anddischarged prodigious flights of arrows, by one of which Almeyda waswounded, both the town and ships were set on fire; and as the wind blewthe smoke in the faces of the Portuguese they were much incommoded for atime; but Don Lorenzo by taking a compass got away from the smoke, andfell in with a body of 1500 of the enemy, whom he immediately attacked. In this engagement Lorenzo had like to have been defeated, his menfalling into disorder; but was fortunately succoured by his father, whenthe enemy fled to the mountain. At this time, Timoja, who was governorof the city and proprietor of some of the ships which were destroyed, waited on Almeyda making excuses for the conduct of the king; and beinga man of graceful manners and appearance, and engaging for his master tobecome vassal to the king of Portugal, Almeyda was pacified and agreedto a treaty of peace. 

[Footnote 71: Anchediva or Anjediva is I small island in lat. 14° 33' N. Near the northern part of the Malabar coast, between Carwar andMeerjee. --E. ]

Leaving Onore, Almeyda went to Cananor, where he had an interview onshore with the rajah, who was attended by 5000 men well armed. Heinformed the rajah that he was to reside for some time in India, inconsequence of the troubles which had arisen between the Portuguese andthe zamorin of Calicut, and desired permission to build a fort at thisplace for protecting the Portuguese trade against the Moors. This beinggranted and the fort begun, he left Lorenzo de Brito in the command with150 men, and two vessels to cruize along the coast. Going from thence toCochin, he received intelligence that the Portuguese factor at Coulanand all his men had been killed by the Moors. He sent however his sonDon Lorenzo with three ships and three caravels, with orders toendeavour to procure loading for the vessels without taking any noticeof what had happened; but in case loading were denied he was to takeample revenge for the murder of the factor and his people. The messengersent upon this occasion was answered by a flight of arrows, andtwenty-four ships belonging to Calicut and other places put themselvesin readiness to oppose the Portuguese. After a short resistance Lorenzoburnt them all, only a very small number of the Moors saving themselvesby swimming to the shore. Don Lorenzo then went to load at another port, after which he rejoined the viceroy at Cochin. 

It had been the intention of Almeyda, according to his orders from theking of Portugal, to crown Triumpara in a solemn manner, with a goldencrown richly adorned with jewels, brought on purpose from Lisbon, as arecompence for the gallant fidelity with which he had protected thePortuguese against the zamorin and their other enemies. But as Triumparahad abdicated in favour of his nephew Nambeadora[72], Almeyda thoughtproper to confer the same honour upon him, and he was accordinglycrowned with great pomp, as a mark of the friendship of the Portuguese, and a terror to others. From this place Almeyda sent home six shipsrichly laden for Lisbon. 

[Footnote 72: This name mast certainly be erroneous. In the former partof the history of the Portuguese transactions in India, _Nambea daring_is mentioned as brother to the zamorin of Calicut, whereas the prince ofCochin is repeatedly named Naramuhin. --E. ]

SECTION III. 

_Some Account of the state of India at the beginning of the sixteenthCentury, and commencement of the Portuguese Conquests_[73]. 

As the viceroyalty of Don Francisco de Almeyda laid the foundation ofthe Portuguese dominion in India, once so extensive and powerful, it maybe proper in this place to give a general view of its principal portsand provinces along the sea-coast. Asia is divided from Europe by theriver Don, anciently the Tanais, by the Euxine or Black Sea, and by theBosphorus and Dardanelles, or Straits of Constantinople. It is partedfrom Africa by the Red Sea, and a line drawn from Suez at the head ofthat gulf to the Mediterranean, across a narrow neck of land measuringonly twenty-four leagues in breadth, called the Isthmus of Suez. Itsprincipal religions are four, the Christian, Mahometan, Pagan, andJewish. That portion of Asia which principally belongs to our presentpurpose, may be divided into _nine_ parts, following the coast from thewest to the east. 

[Footnote 73: From the Portuguese Asia, Vol. I. 93. This account isomitted in Astley's Collection, but inserted, here as a curious recordof the geographical knowledge of the Portuguese in those times. Thereare numerous errors in this short geographical sketch, especially in thenames, measures, and latitudes; but it would load this portion of ourwork too much with notes, and induce great confusion, to comment uponevery step of this survey. --E. ]

The _first_, commencing at the mouth of the Red Sea in the west, reachesto the mouth of the gulf of Persia, being the oceanic coast of Arabia. From the mouth of the Red Sea in lat. 12° 40' N. To the city of Aden, is44 leagues: Thence to Cape Fartaque in lat. 12° 30' N. Is 100 leagues, containing the towns of Abian, Ax, Canacan, Brun, Argel, Zebel which isthe metropolis, Herit, Cayem, and Fartach. Thence to Curia Muria is 70leagues of coast, on which is the city of Dolfor, famous forfrankincense, and Norbate 20 leagues farther east. From Curia Muria toCape Ras-Algate, in lat. 22° 30' N. Is 120 leagues all barren anddesert. Here begins the kingdom of Ormuz, and hence to Cape Mozandan are90 leagues, having the cities or towns of Colagate, Curiate, Mascate, Soar, Calata, Orfacam, Doba, and Lima, 8 leagues from Monbazam whichPtolomey calls Cape Assaborum in lat. 26° N. All this track is calledAyaman or Yemen by the Arabians, and was the Arabia Felix of theancients, because the most fertile and best inhabited country of allArabia. 

The _second_ division, from Cape Jacques or Jask to the mouth of theriver Indus, is 200 leagues in extent, called Chirman or Kerman, and isdivided into the two kingdoms of Macran and Madel, with these towns, Guadel, Calara, Tibique, Calamate, Goadel, and Diul. This coast isbarren and most of it desert, and cannot be approached on account of theshallowness of the sea near the shore. 

The _third_ division contains 150 leagues, of which 38 from Diu[74] toCape Jaquete or Jigat, whence to Diu in the kingdom of Guzerat are 50leagues, having these towns, Cotinna, Mangalor, Chervar, Patan, andCorinar[75]. From Diu to Cambaya is 50 leagues, with these townsMadrafavat, Moha, Talica, Goda, and Gundin[76]. Between Cambaya and CapeJaquete or Jigat, is included a part of the kingdom of Guzarate and themountainous region of the Resboutos, or Rajputs. 

[Footnote 74: Perhaps Debil, near the western mouth of the Indus. --E. ]

[Footnote 75: Those names of sea port towns in the Guzerate aremiserably corrupted in the text: Only Puttan can be recognised amongthem, and Mangalor must be a mistake; as that place is far to the southof Guzerat on the coast of Canara. --E. ]

[Footnote 76: The sea ports on this part of the coast now are Jaffrabad, Cuttapour, Toolafee, Manuah, Gogo, Eawnagur, and Iotian. --E. ]

The _fourth_ division measures 290 leagues, being the most valuable partof India and the most frequented by the Portuguese. This is subdividedinto three portions by two rivers which run from east to west. The firstof these separates the kingdom of the Decan from Guzerate on the north, and the second divides the Decan from Canara which is to the south. There are other rivers, all of which have their sources in the mountainscalled _Gaut_; the chief among them being the Ganga, or Gangue, whichfalls into the sea near the mouth of the Ganges, between the cities ofAngali and Pisolta, in about lat. 22° N [77]. The river Bate, rising inthe Gauts, falls into the sea near Bombaim, dividing the kingdoms ofGuzerate and Decan, the mouth of that river being 70 leagues from thecity of Cambaya. From Chaul south of that river to the river Aliga, thesouth boundary of the Decan, is 75 leagues, with these towns Bandor, Dabul, Debitele, Cintapori, Coropatan, Banda, Chapora, and Goa themetropolis and archiepiscopal see of Portuguese India. 

[Footnote 77: The Guaga or Godavery is probably here meant, which fallsinto the Bay of Bengal in lat. 16° 16' N. At the S. W. Extremity of theCircars. The latitude indicated in the text gets beyond the Bay ofBengal, and the cities between which the Ganga is said to fall into thesea have no representatives in our best maps. --E. ]

The _fifth_ division begins where Canara parts from the Decan and endsat Cape Comorin, containing above 140 leagues. From the Aliga to MountDelli or Dilly is about 46 leagues, with these towns, Onor, Baticale, Barcalor, Baranor, and others of the province of Canara which is subjectto the king of Bisnagar. Below or south from Mount Delli to Cape Comorinis Malabar, extending 93 leagues, and divided into three kingdoms whichown no superior. The kingdom of Cananor has 20 leagues of coast, inwhich are the towns of Cota, Coulam, Nilichilam, Marabia, Bolepatam, Cananor the metropolis in lat. 12° N. Tremapatam, Cheba, Maim, andPurepatam. At this place the kingdom of Calicut begins and extends 27leagues, of which Calicut the metropolis is in lat. 11° 17' N. Besidesthe following towns Coulete, Chale, Parangale, Tanor, the last of whichis the capital of a small kingdom subject to the zamorin of Calicut, andChatua the last in this kingdom. Next to Calicut to the south is thesmall kingdom of Cranganor, which borders on Cochin, after which isCoulan, and last of all Travancore, which is subject to Narsinga. NearTravancore is the famous Cape Comorin, the southernmost point of thecontinent of Indostan or India on this side the Ganges, in lat. 7° 30' N[78]. At which place the coast of Malabar ends, being the _fourth_ ofthe nine districts into which I have divided the coast of Asia. 

[Footnote 78: The latitude of Cape Comorin is 7° 54' N, or nearlyso. --E. ]

From Cape Comorin in the west to Cape Cincapura in the east, which isthe southernmost point of the _Aurea Chersonesus_ or Malacca, thedistance is 400 leagues, within which line is contained the great bay ofBengal, sometimes called the _Sinus Gangeticus_, because the riverGanges falls into this bay in about the lat. Of 22° N. After wateringthe kingdom of Bengal. This river discharges a prodigious quantity ofwater, and is esteemed holy by the neighbouring nations, who believethat its water conduces to their salvation when at the point of death, and are carried therefore that they may die with their feet in itswater, by which means the king of Bengal derives a considerable revenue, no one being allowed to bathe in that river without paying a certaintax. This river has many mouths, the two most remarkable of which areSatigan on the west and Chatigan[79] on the east, near 100 leagues fromeach other, and here ends the _fifth_ of the nine districts, which maybe divided into three subordinate parts. In the first place the kingdomof Bisnagar[80] contains 200 leagues, and the following towns, Tarancurii, Manapar, Vaipar, Trechendur, Caligrande, Charcacale, Tucucurii, Benbar, Calicare, Beadala, Manancort, and Cannameira, givingname to a cape which stretches out into the sea in lat. 10° N. [81] thenNegapatnam, Hahor, Triminapatnam, Tragambar, Trimenava, Colororam, Puducheira, Calapate, Connumeira, Sadraspatnam, and Meliapour, nowcalled St Thomas because the body of that apostle was found there. FromSt Thomas to Palicata is 9 leagues, after which are Chiricole, Aremogan, Caleturo, Caleciro, and Pentepolii, where the kingdom of Bisnagur endsand that of Orixa begins. The second part of this district, or Orixa, contains 120 leagues and reaches to Cape Palmiras, with these towns, Penacote, Calingan, Visgapatan, Bimilepatan, Narsingapatan, Puacatan, Caregare and others. Here begins the third part of this district, or thekingdom of Bengal, the coast of which extends about 100 leagues. 

[Footnote 79: The western branch of the Ganges is now called the HooglyRiver. Satigan in the text may have some reference to what is now calledSagar roads or anchorage. Chatigan certainly means what is now calledChitigong: But the most easterly mouth is properly that of the greatBarhampooter, or Bramah-putra River, long confounded among the mouths ofthe Ganges. The breadth of the Sunderbunds, or Delta of the Ganges andBarhampooter, is about 195 English miles. --E. ]

[Footnote 80: The kingdom of Bisnagar in the text, appears to havecontained the entire Carnatic above and below the Gauts, with Mysore andGolconda. --E. ]

[Footnote 81: Now called Cape Calymere: It is next to impossible toidentify the other names in the text; and the attempt would lead to veryinconvenient length without correspondent utility. --E. ]

The _sixth_ district of the nine begins at the east mouth of the Ganges, called Chatigan or Chittagong, and ends at Cape Cincapura, in littlemore than 1° N. Along this coast from. Chittagong to Cape Negrais orDiamond Point, the southwestern point of Pegu, in lat. 16° N. Is 100leagues, with these towns, Sore, Satalolu, Arracan the capital of akingdom of the same name, and Dunadiva on the cape. Hence to Tavay inthe lat. 13° is 16 leagues[82], being the extent of the kingdom of Pegu. From Tavay to Cincapura is 220 leagues, the chief towns on this part ofthe coast being Martaban, Lugor, Tanacerim, Lungar, Pedam, Queda, Salongor, and Malacca the capital of the kingdom of that name. 

[Footnote 82: It is difficult to correct this egregious error, notknowing the kind of leagues used by Faria. At 17-1/2 to the degree, thedifference of latitude in the text would give 52-1/2 leagues. Perhaps itis a typographical error for 60 leagues, using the geographical measure, 20 to the degree. --E. ]

The _seventh_ district begins at Cape Cincapura or Sincapure, and endsat the great river of Siam, which falls into the sea in lat. 14° N. [83]and has its rise in the lake of Chiammay, called by the natives Menam, signifying the source of two rivers. Upon this coast are the towns ofPam, Ponciam, Calantaon, Patane, Ligor, Cuii, Perperii, and Bamplacot atthe mouth of the Siam river. 

[Footnote 83: The river of Siam falls into the great gulf of the samename, in lat. 18° 30' N. But De Faria seems to overlook the gulf. --E. ]

The _eighth_ district contains the kingdom of Cambodia, through whichruns the river Mecon, otherwise called the Japanese river, which has itsrise in China; the kingdom of Champa or Tsiompa, whence comes the truealoes-wood; next to that is the kingdom of Cochin-China;[84] and last ofall the great empire of China, divided into fifteen provinces ofgovernments, each of which is equal to a great kingdom. The provinces ofthis vast empire on the sea-coast are Quantung, Fokein, and Chekiang, where ends the eighth district[85]

The _ninth_ district begins with the province of Nanking, and extends tothe farthest discovered land on the coast of Tartary. 

[Footnote 84: De Faria omits the kingdom of Tonkin or Tonquin, whichintervenes between Cochin-China and China: Perhaps at that time Tonkinmay have been: De Faria is incorrect in his account of the provinces ofChina. Those on the coast are, Quantung, Footchien, Tchetchiang, Kiangnan, Shantang, Petcheli; or _six_ maritime provinces, instead of_three_ only in the text. The others are, Yunnan, Quangsee, Kaeitchou, Hooquang, Setchuen, Sifan, Honan, Shensee, and Shansee; or _nine_ inlandprovinces; making _fifteen_ in all, as in the text. --E. ]

[Footnote 85: Or Nizam-al-mulk, and Adel-khan. --E. ]

I shall speak in the sequel concerning the many islands along thisextensive coast of Asia, as they came to be discovered in thenavigations of the Portuguese; but the principal of them may be herementioned by name, as the Maldives, Ceylon, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Banda, Timor, Celebes, the Moluccas, Mindanao, Luconia, and Japan. Having thus given a sketch of the Asian coast, we proceed to considerits inhabitants. Although there are many and various modes of worship inAsia, the chief religions may be mentioned under four heads, theChristian, Jewish, Mahometan, and Pagan; the two first of which are forthe most part under the slavery of the other two, against which thePortuguese waged war. The power of the Mahometans and Pagans is thusdivided. All the coast from the river Cintacora opposite the island ofAnchediva, to the north and west is subject to the Mahometans, and allto the eastwards to the Pagans; except the kingdom of Malacca, part ofSumatra, and some parts of Java and the Moluccas, which are held by theMahometans. In that tract are the following sovereign princes. The kingsof Aden, Xael, and Fartaque, who have many ports of great trade, andtheir subjects, the Arabs, are brave and warlike. Next is the king ofOrmuz, greater than the other three put together. Then the king ofCambaya, equal in grandeur and warlike power to Xerxes, Darius, orPorus. From Chaul to Cincatora belong to Nizamaluco and Hidalcan[85], two powerful princes, who maintain great armies composed of sundrywarlike nations well armed. The Moors[86] of Sumatra, Malacca, and theMoluccas were well disciplined, and much better provided with artillerythan we who attacked them. The heathen sovereigns were the kings ofBisnagar, Orixa, Bengal, Pegu, Siam, and China, all very powerful, butchiefly the last, so that it is difficult to express and scarcelycredible the prodigious extent of his power. Siam extends above 500leagues, and has seven subject kingdoms, which are Cambodia, Como, Lanchaam, Cheneray, Chencran, Chiamay, Canibarii, and Chaypumo. The kingof Siam has 30, 000 elephants, 3000 of which are armed for war, and hehas 50, 000 soldiers in _Udia_ alone, the metropolis of his kingdom. Thekingdom of China exceeds them all in extent, and the king of thatcountry is as powerful as all the sovereigns in Europe together. Hisempire is above 700 leagues in extent, possessing abundance of metals, and far exceeds Europe in manufactures, some of which seem to exceedhuman art, and the silks, provisions, and luxuries with which it aboundsare beyond computation. 

[Footnote 86: These are unquestionably the Malays, called Moors byFaria, merely because they were Mahometans. --E. ]

All the heathens of India, particularly between the Indus and Ganges, write without ink on palm leaves, with pens or stiles rather of wood orsteel, which easily cut the letters on the leaves. Some of these I haveseen in Rome curiously folded. What they intend to be lasting is carvedon stone or copper. In writing they begin at the left hand and writetowards the right, as we do in Europe. Their histories are extremelyfabulous. About 600 years before the arrival of the Portuguese in India, there reigned in Malabar a powerful monarch, from, whose reign thepeople begin their era or historical computations, as they didafterwards from our arrival. This king was persuaded by the Moors whotraded to his port to turn Mahometan, and gave them liberty to buildhouses at Calicut. When he grew old, he divided his kingdom among hiskindred, giving Coulam to the chief, where he placed the principal seatof his religion of the Bramins, and gave him the title of Cobritim, which signifies high-priest. To his nephew he gave Calicut, with thetide of Zamorin, which means emperor. This dignity continues in thesovereign of Calicut, but the other has been removed to Cochin. Havingdisposed of his dominions, he resolved to die at Mecca, but was drownedby the way. Calicut is a plain country well watered, and abounds inpepper and ginger; but all the other spices are procured from otherneighbouring countries. The inhabitants are wonderfully superstitious, and do not suffer those of one trade or profession to marry with thoseof a different occupation, or to put their children to learn any othertrade but that of their fathers. The _Nayres_, who are their nobles, ifthey chance to touch any of the common people, purify themselves byablution, as was done by the Jews and Samaritans. The women among theNayres axe common to all, but chiefly those, of the Bramin cast, so thatno one knows his father, nor is any one bound to maintain the children. These Nayres are wonderfully expert in the use of their weapons, inwhich they begin to exercise themselves at seven years of age. They areprone to all the ancient superstitions of augury and divination. 

SECTION IV. 

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, during theViceroyalty of Almeyda_. 

Besides the forts already erected on the eastern coast of Africa atQuiloa and Mozambique, and the factory at Melinda, King Manueldetermined to build a fort at Sofala to secure the trade in gold at thatplace; for which purpose he sent out Pedro de Annaya with six ships inthe year 1506: three of these ships being destined to remain on theAfrican coast, and the other three to proceed to India. This fleet wasseparated in a storm, during which one of the captains was washedoverboard and drowned, and another lost sixteen men who were slain bythe natives of an island on which they landed. The squadron rejoined inthe port of Sofala, where Annaya found twenty Portuguese mariners in amiserable condition. The ship to which they had belonged, commanded byLope Sanchez, was forced to run on shore at Cape Corientes, being soleaky as to be in a sinking condition. After landing, the crew refusedobedience to their officers, and separated into different parties, endeavouring to make their way through the unknown countries andbarbarous nations of Africa; but all perished except these twenty, andfive who were found at the river Quiloma by Antonio de Magelhaens, whobrought them to Sofala. 

According to his orders, and by permission of the sheikh or king ofSofala, Annaya erected a strong wooden fort at that place. The king soonafterwards repented of his concession, and was for some time in hopesthat the Portuguese would be soon obliged to abandon the place onaccount of its unhealthiness. About this time, three of the ships weredispatched for India, and two of these which were destined forprotecting the coast from the attempts of the Moors were sent off upon acruise to Cape Guardafu, both of which were lost; the captains and partof their crews saving themselves in the boats: In consequence of theunwholesomeness of Sofala, the Portuguese garrison became so weakened bysickness that it required six of them to bend a single cross-bow. Encouraged by these disasters and instigated by his son-in-law, the kingcollected a force of 5000 Kafrs with which he invested the fort, filledup the ditch with fascines, and made a violent assault, darkening thesun with incessant clouds of arrows. Though only 35 Portuguese were ableto stand to their arms, they made such havock among the assailants withtheir cannon, that the part of the ditch which had not been filled upwith wood was levelled with dead bodies. The enemy being thrown intoconfusion Annaya made a sally at the head of fifteen or twenty men[87], with whom he drove the Kafrs before him to a grove of palms, and thenceinto the town, crying out in consternation that their king had sent themto contend against the gods. In the ensuing night, Annaya attacked thetown, and even penetrated into the house where the king resided, who, standing behind a door, wounded Annaya in the neck with his cymeter ashe entered, but was soon killed with many of his attendants. Next daythe two sons of the slain king made a new assault on the fort, butwithout success, many of the garrison who were sick, being cured by thealarm, joined in the defence, and the Moors were again repulsed withgreat slaughter. The two sons of the deceased King of Sofala fell outabout the succession, and one of them named Solyman made an alliancewith Annaya to procure his aid to establish himself in the sovereignty. 

[Footnote 87: In the translation of De Faria by Stephens these arecalled _Moors_; but it is not easy to conceive how Annaya should havehad any of these on his side. --E. ]

The kingdom of Sofala, now called Sena by the Portuguese who monopolizeits whole trade, is of great extent, being 750 leagues in circumference;but the inland parts are all subject to the Monomotapa, who is emperorof this southern part of Africa, his dominions being likewise known bythe same name of Monomotapa, called by the ancients _Ethiopia Inferior_. This country is watered by two famous rivers, called Rio del EspirituSanto and Cuama, the latter of which is navigable 250 leagues above itsmouth. These and many other rivers which fall into them, are famous fortheir rich golden sands. Most part of this country enjoys a temperateclimate, being pleasant, healthy, and fertile. Some parts are coveredwith large flocks of sheep, with the skins of which the natives areclothed to defend them from the cold south winds. The banks of the Cuamariver are covered with wood, and the interior country rises into hillsand mountains, being abundantly watered with many rivers, so that it isdelightful and well peopled, being the ordinary residence of theMonomotapa or emperor. Its woods contain many elephants, andconsequently produces much ivory. About 50 leagues southwest from Sofalaare the gold mines of Manica, in a valley of 30 leagues circumference, surrounded by mountains on the tops of which the air is always clear andserene. There are other gold mines 150 leagues farther inland, but whichare not so much valued. 

In the interior of the country there are some buildings of wonderfulstructure, having inscriptions in unknown characters; but the nativesknow nothing respecting their origin. The natives of Monomotapa believein one God, whom they name _Mazimo_, and have no idols. Witchcraft, theft, and adultery are the crimes most severely punished among them. Every man is permitted to have as many wives as he pleases or canmaintain. The monomotapa has a thousand, but the first wife commandsover all the rest, and her children only are entitled to inherit thethrone. Their houses are built of wood; their apparel is made of cotton, those of the better sort being mixed with gold threads; their funeralsare very superstitious. The attendance on the monomotapa is moreceremonious than grand, his usual guard being 200 dogs, and he is alwaysattended by 500 buffoons. His dominions are ruled over by a great manyprinces or governors, and to prevent them from rebelling he always keepstheir heirs about him. They have no law-suits. Their arms are bows andarrows, javelins, daggers, and small sharp hatchets, and they all fighton foot. The women of this country are used with so much respect, thateven the kings sons when they meet a woman, give way to her and standstill till she has gone past. The Moors of Magadoxa were the first whopossessed the mines of Sofala, after which they were seized by the Kingof Quiloa: But Yzuf, one of their governors, rebelled and usurped thegovernment to himself, assuming the title of king. This was the sameperson with whom Annaya had now to contend, and whose son Solyman heestablished in the sovereignty, under the protection and vassalage ofPortugal. 

While these things happened at Sofala, the zamorin of Calicut was usingevery exertion to raise up enemies to the Portuguese, even entering intoalliance with the Mameluke Soldan of Egypt, hoping by his assistance todrive the Christians from the Indian seas. His measures and preparationshowever became known to the Rajah of Cochin, who communicated theintelligence to the viceroy Almeyda. He accordingly sent his son Lorenzowith eleven vessels to endeavour to counteract the designs of thezamorin by destroying the fleet he had prepared. Learning that theCalicut fleet was in the port of Cananor, consisting of 260 paraos, 60of which were larger than the Portuguese ships, Lorenzo sailed thitherand put them to flight after a severe engagement. In the pursuit, someof the paraos were taken, but many were sunk and run aground, by whichthe enemy sustained great loss, while only five or six of the Portuguesewere slain. The principal booty taken on this occasion was four shipsloaded with spice. Almost immediately after this victory, Don Lorenzoreceived notice that the fort of Anchediva was beset by 60 vesselsbelonging to the Moors and Malabars, well armed and manned with a numberof resolute men under the command of a renegado. On this occasion thebesieged behaved with great gallantry, and the besiegers pressed theirattacks with much bravery, but several of their vessels having beendestroyed and others much damaged by the cannon of the fort, and hearingof the approach of Lorenzo, the enemy withdrew in all haste. 

Finding their trade almost destroyed by the Portuguese, the Moorsendeavoured to shun their cruisers by keeping out to sea in theirvoyages from Cambaya and the ports of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, passing through the Maldive Islands, and keeping to the south of Ceylonin their way to Sumatra and Malacca. The viceroy on learning this newcourse of the Moorish trade, sent his son Lorenzo with nine ships tointercept the trade of the enemy. While wandering through seas unknownto the pilots, Lorenzo discovered the island of Ceylon, formerly calledTaprobana, and came to anchor in the port of _Gale_, where many Moorswere taking in cinnamon and elephants for Cambaya. To induce Lorenzo notto molest or destroy them, the Moors made him an offer of 400 bahars ofcinnamon in the name of the king of Ceylon; and although he well knewthis proceeded only from fear, he thought it better to dissemble andaccept the present, contenting himself with the discovery of the island, on which he erected a cross with an inscription of the date of hisdiscovery. On his return to Cochin, he attacked the town of Biramjam orBrinjan, which he burnt to the ground and put all the inhabitants to thesword, in revenge for the slaughter of the factor and his people atCoulam, as this place belonged to that kingdom. 

While Cide Barbudo and Pedro Quaresme were coming out from Portugal withtwo ships, they arrived after many misfortunes at Sofala, where theyfound Annaya and most of his men dead, and the rest of the Portuguesegarrison sick. Quaresme remained there to defend the fort; and Barbudoproceeding towards India found Quiloa in as bad a condition, of which hecarried intelligence to Almeyda. The viceroy sent immediately Nunno VazPereyra to relieve the forts of Quiloa and Sofala[88]. But that ofQuiloa was soon afterwards abandoned and destroyed, after having lostmany lives, owing to the ill usage of the Portuguese to the natives, whom they treated with insufferable pride, and boundless avarice. 

[Footnote 88: De Faria does not give any dates to the particulartransactions in his text, merely noticing the successive years in thetitles of the various sections into which his work is loosely divided, and occasionally on the margin: Even this has been neglected by theeditor of Astley's Collection. These last transactions on the coast ofAfrica seem to have taken place towards the end of 1506. --E. ]

Having been informed by Diego Fernandez Pereyra that the island ofSocotora near the mouth of the Red Sea was inhabited by Christians whowere subject to the Moors, the king of Portugal ordered Tristan de Cunnaand Alfonso de Albuquerque to direct their course to that island, and toendeavour to possess themselves of the fort, that the Portuguese shipsmight be enabled to winter at that island, and to secure the navigationof the Arabian Gulf against the Moors; for which purpose they carriedout with them a wooden fort ready to put up. De Cunna was destined tocommand the trading ships which were to return to Europe, andAlbuquerque to cruise with a small squadron on the coast of Arabiaagainst the Moors. These two commanders sailed from Lisbon on the 6th ofMarch 1507, with thirteen vessels in which were 1300 soldiers, some ofwhom died by the way, having been infected by the plague then raging inLisbon; but when they came under the line, the sickness left them. Having come in sight of Cape Augustine in Brasil, they took a newdeparture from thence to cross the Southern Atlantic for the Cape ofGood Hope; but in this course De Cunna held so far to the south that hediscovered the islands still called by his name. At this place the shipswere parted in a storm, each following a separate course till they metagain at Mozambique. Alvaro Tellez, however, who commanded one of theseships, overshot Mozambique and proceeded to Cape Guardafu, where he tooksix ships belonging to the Moors, so laden with all kind of goods, thathe made a sort of bridge from them to his own vessel, consisting ofbales thrown into the sea, over which his men passed as on dry land. 

During this part of the voyage likewise, Ruy Pereyra put into the portof Matatama in the island of Madagascar; and being informed that thisisland abounded in spice, especially ginger, Tristan de Cunna wasinduced to go there, and anchored in a bay which his son Nunno named_Angra de Donna Maria_, after a lady whom he courted. By others it isnamed the bay of _Santa Maria delta Conception_. As some Negroesappeared on the coast, De Cunna sent a Moor to converse with them; butwhen he mentioned that the ships belonged to Christians, theyendeavoured to kill him, and had to be driven away by the Portuguesecannon. About three leagues farther on, they came to a village, the_xeque_ or sheikh of which carried them to another town on an island ina well sheltered bay into which the great river Lulangan discharges itswaters. This town was inhabited by Moors[89] somewhat civilized, who, being afraid of the fleet made their escape to the main-land, but sooverloaded their boats that many of them perished by the way. ThePortuguese surrounded the island and took 500 prisoners, only twenty ofwhom were men, among whom was the _xeque_ or chief, an aged man of arespectable appearance. Next morning the sea was covered with boats, bringing over 600 men to demand the release of their wives and children. After some negociation, the Portuguese commander restored the prisonersto their liberty. He here learnt that the island of Madagascar waschiefly inhabited by negro _cafrs_, and produced but little ginger. Heafterwards wished to have entered a town on this island called _Zada_, but the inhabitants set it on fire. 

[Footnote 89: By Moors in the writings of the early Portuguese, Mahometans are always to be understood. The Moors of Madagascar were amixed breed between the Arabs and Negroes. --E. ]

From this place, De Cunna sent on Alfonso de Albuquerque with four shipsto Mozambique, with orders to reduce some places on the coast ofMelinda; while he went himself with three ships to Matatama inMadagascar, where he was told that cloves, ginger, and silver were to behad. On this expedition however, he lost one of his ships, only thepilot and seven men being saved; on which account he steered forMozambique, but was forced by stress of weather into the island ofAngoza. At night he discovered the lights of the ship St Jago which hehad left at Mozambique, and soon after Juan de Nova arrived from Angoza, where he had wintered[90], laden with pepper. At Mozambique he rejoinedAlbuquerque, whom he sent on before him to Melinda; and meeting twoother ships of his squadron at Quiloa, he proceeded to Melinda. Tooblige the king of Melinda, the Portuguese attacked the city of Oja, theking of which place, aided by the king of Mombaza, made war on the kingof Melinda. In this country, which is inhabited by Arabs, there are someancient and wonderful structures. Each city, and almost every villagehas a separate king, whom they call _xeque_ or sheikh; but the principalamong these are the sheikhs of Quiloa, Zanzibar, and Mombaza, while thesheikh of Melinda pretends to be the most ancient, deducing his pedigreefrom the sheikhs of Quitau, which, though in ruins, shows evident marksof ancient grandeur, having been superior to all its neighbours. Theseare Luziva, Parimunda, Lamon, Jaca, Oja, and others. This country iswatered by the river Gulimanja, up which George Alfonso sailed for thespace of five days, finding the banks every where covered withimpervious woods, and the river inhabited by a prodigious number of seahorses or _hippopotami_. 

[Footnote 90: This wintering, being in the southern hemisphere, probablyrefers to June and July 1507. --E. ]

Having now only six ships out of thirteen with which he left Portugal, one being lost, some separated by storms, and others sent away, Tristande Cunna appeared before the city of Oja, on an open shore seventeenleagues from Melinda, and defended by a wall towards the land, toprotect it against the Kafrs. De Cunna sent a message to the sheikhdesiring an interview, as having some important matters to arrange withhim; but the sheikh answered, that he was subject to the soldan ofEgypt, caliph or head of the Musselmans, and could not therefore treatwith a people who were enemies to the prophet. Considering delaydangerous, Tristan resolved upon an immediate attack, and dividing hismen into two parties, one commanded by himself and the other byAlbuquerque, made for the shore as soon as day light appeared. The Moorswere drawn up on the shore to resist the landing, but were soon forcedto take shelter behind their walls; and, not trusting to them forprotection, no sooner entered at the sea gate but they ran out at thegate opposite. Nunno de Cunna and Alfonso de Noronha pursued the sheikhand his people to a grove of palm trees, in which the sheikh and many ofhis attendants were slain. At this time, George Silveyra observed agrave Moor leading a beautiful young woman through a path in the wood, and made towards them. The Moor turned to defend himself, desiring thewoman to make her escape while he fought; but she followed him, declaring she would rather die or be taken along with him, than make herescape alone. Seeing them thus strive who should give the strongestdemonstration of affection, Silveyra allowed both to go away unhurt, unwilling to part so much love. The town was plundered and set on fire, and burnt with such fury that some of the Portuguese perished in theflames while in anxious search of plunder. 

On being informed of what had happened at Oja, the sheikh of Lamo, fifteen leagues distant, came to make his submission, and to renderhimself more acceptable offered to pay a tribute of 600 meticals of goldyearly, about equal to as many ducats, and paid the first year inadvance. From hence De Cunna proceeded to Brava, a populous town whichhad been formerly reduced, but the sheikh was now in rebellion, trustingto a force of 6000 men with which he opposed the landing of thePortuguese. But De Cunna and Albuquerque landed their troops next day intwo bodies, in spite of every opposition from showers of arrows, darts, and stones, and scaled the walls, routing the Moors with prodigiousslaughter. The city was plundered, and burnt; but in this enterprise thePortuguese lost forty-two men; not the half of them by the sword, but inconsequence of a boat sinking which was overloaded with spoil. Those whowere drowned had been so blinded with covetousness while plundering thetown, that they barbarously cut off the hands and ears of the women tosave time in taking off their bracelets and earrings. Sailing fromBrava, Tristan de Cunna was rejoined off Cape Guardafu by Alvaro Tellez, who had been in great danger in a storm of losing his ship with all therich booty formerly mentioned. Having got sight of Cape Guardafu, DeCunna now stood over for the island of Socotora, according to hisinstructions. 

Socotora, or Zakatra is an island twenty leagues long and nine broad, stretching nearly east and west, in lat. 12° 40' N. And is the largestof the islands near the mouth of the Red Sea, but has no ports fit forany great number of ships to ride in during winter. Through the middleof this island there runs a chain of very high hills, yet covered overwith sand blown up by the north winds from the shore to their tops, sothat they are entirely barren and destitute of trees or plants, excepting some small valleys which are sheltered from these winds. It is30 leagues from Cape Guardafu, and 50 leagues from the nearest part ofthe Arabian continent. The ports principally used by us are Zoco orCalancea to the westwards, and Beni to the east, both inhabited byMoors, who are very unpolished. In those valleys that are sheltered fromthe sand, apple and palm trees are produced, and the best aloes in theworld, which from its excellence is called Socotorine aloes. The commonfood of the people is maize, with milk and tamarinds. The inhabitants ofthis island are Christians of the Jacobite church, similar in itsceremonies and belief to that which is established in Ethiopia[91]. Themen generally use the names of the apostles, while most of the women, are named Maria. They worship the cross, which they set up in all theirchurches, and wear upon their clothes, worshipping thrice a-day in theChaldean language, making alternate responses as we do in choirs. Theyhave but one wife, use circumcision, pay tythes, and practice fasting. The men are comely, and the women so brave that they go to war likeAmazons. They are clothed mostly in skins, but some of the better sortuse cloth; their weapons are stones, which they sling with muchdexterity, and they live mostly in caves[92]. This island was subject tothe sheikh or king of Caxem[93] in Arabia. 

[Footnote 91: Abyssinia is obviously here meant. --E. ]

[Footnote 92: Though not distinguished in the text, Faria seems here toconfine himself to the barbarous Christian natives, inhabiting thecountry; as the towns appear to have been occupied by MahometanArabs. --E. ]

[Footnote 93: Cashen or Cassin. --Astley, I. 63. ]

At this place[94] De Cunna found a tolerable fort, not ill manned, anddecently provided for defence. He sent a friendly message to the sheikh, but receiving an insolent answer he resolved to attack the place, though the attempt seemed dangerous. He and Albuquerque went towards theshore with the troops, but Don Alfonso de Noronha, nephew to De Cunna, leapt first on shore, determining to shew himself worthy of the choicewhich the king had made of him to command in Socotora, if gained. Noronha immediately advanced against the sheikh with a few brave men. The sheikh defended himself with great resolution, and had even almostrepulsed the assailants, when he was struck down by the lance ofNoronha. The Moors endeavoured with much valour to rescue their woundedchief, but he and eight more were slain, on which the rest fled to thecastle. This was immediately scaled by a party of the Portuguese, whoopened the gate for the rest, who now rushed into the large outer court. 

[Footnote 94: By a marginal note in Faria, it appears to have been nowthe year 1508; but the particular place or town in Socotora attacked byDe Cunna is not mentioned. I am disposed however to believe that date anerror of the press, for 1507. --E. ]

The Moors bravely defended their inner fort to the last man, so that ofeighty-three men only one was taken alive, besides a blind man who wasfound hidden in a well. Being asked how he had got there, being blind, he answered that blind men saw only one thing, which was the way toliberty. He was set free. In this assault the Portuguese lost six men. During the assault the natives of the island kept at a distance, but nowcame with their wives and children, joyfully returning thanks to thePortuguese commander for having delivered them from the heavy yoke ofthe infidels; and De Cunna received them to their great satisfactionunder the protection of the crown of Portugal[95]. The Mosque waspurified by the solemnities of the Catholic church, and converted into achurch dedicated to the _Invocation of Neustra Sennora della Vittoria_, in which many were baptised by the labours of Father Antonio of theorder of St Francis. De Cunna gave the command of the fort, now namedSan Miguel, to Don Alfonso de Noronha, his nephew, who had well deservedit by his valour, even if he had not been nominated to the command bythe king. Noronha was provided with a garrison of an hundred men, withproper officers; after which De Cunna wintered at the island ofSocotora, though very ill accommodated, and then sailed for India, sending Albuquerque, according to the royal orders, to cruise on thecoast of Arabia[96]. 

[Footnote 95: Little did these poor Jacobite Christians suspect, that inexchanging masters they were subjected to the more dreadful yoke of thePortuguese Inquisition! The zeal of the Portuguese for the liberty ofthe Christian inhabitants of Socotora soon cooled, when it was foundunable to pay the expence of a garrison, and it was soon abandoned tothe milder oppression of its former Mahometan masters. --E. ]

[Footnote 96: From an after part of the text of Faria, we learn thatthis fort in the island of Socotora was taken on the 20th of August, probably of the year 1507. ]

While these things occurred at Socotora, the zamorin of Calicut wasarming afresh against the Portuguese, relying on the promises of hiswizards and soothsayers; who, finding that the succours under Tristan deCunna were long delayed, assured him of success in that luckyopportunity, and predicted a great change of affairs, as indicated by anearthquake and a great eclipse of the sun, so complete that the starswere seen at noon for a considerable time, and which they pretended wasa sure sign of the approaching destruction of the Portuguese. But on theviceroy Almeyda receiving notice of the preparations at Calicut, he senthis son Don Lorenzo thither with a squadron of ten ships. At this timeGonzalo Vaz was in Cananor with his ship, taking in water; and on hisvoyage to join Don Lorenzo he fell in with a ship belonging to Cananorhaving a Portuguese pass, which he sunk with all her moorish crew sewedup in a sail that they might never be seen. But this wicked action wasafterwards discovered, for which Vaz was broke; a very incompetentpunishment for so great a crime, owing to which the Portugueseafterwards suffered severe calamities, as will appear in the sequel. 

On his way towards Dabul in search of the Calicut fleet, Don Lorenzocast anchor at the entrance of the port of Chaul, into which sevenvessels belonging to the Moors entered without making any return to hissalute. On this Lorenzo followed them in his boats, and the Moors leapedoverboard to escape on shore, but many of them were slain by thePortuguese in the water. Lorenzo then took possession of the ships, which were laden with horses and other goods; and as the Moorsendeavoured to overreach him with regard to ransoming their vessels, greatly underrating their cargoes, he ordered them all to be burnt. Going thence to Dabul, where he found the Calicut fleet, he anchored offthe mouth of the river, and called a council of his officers to consulton the proper measures for an attack; but owing to the narrowness of theriver it was carried in the council not to attack, contrary to theopinion of Lorenzo, who was eager to destroy the enemies ships. Passingon therefore to a river four leagues beyond Dabul, a brigantine andparao which led the van saw a ship sailing up the river, and pursued thevessel till it came to anchor over against a town, where there were manyother vessels. Seeing the two vessels in pursuit of the ship Lorenzosent a galley after them, and the three began to clear the shore withtheir shot of many Moors who flocked thither to defend their ships. Supposing from the noise of firing that his assistance was necessary, Lorenzo made all possible haste up the river; but before his arrival theothers had taken all the vessels in the harbour, and had burnt a houseon shore full of valuable commodities. All the ships in this harbourwere burnt, except two from Ormuz having very rich cargoes, which werecarried away. On his return to Cochin with victory and rich spoil, expecting to be received by his father with applause, he was astonishedto find himself threatened with severe punishment for not having foughtwith and destroyed the Calicut fleet. He was however excused, as itappeared he had been overruled by the votes of the other captains, contrary to his own opinion. The viceroy broke them all therefore, andsent them home in disgrace to Portugal. By this severity, Don Lorenzowas much troubled, and in afterwards endeavouring to restore himself tothe esteem of his father, he lost his life in rashly displaying hisvalour. 

The body of one of the Moors who had been basely destroyed by Vaz, asformerly mentioned, was washed on shore, and discovered to be the nephewof _Mamale_, a rich merchant of Malabar. Founding on this circumstance, the zamorin prevailed upon the rajah of Cananor to break with thePortuguese; and as it was not known who had been guilty of thatbarbarous act, the blame fell upon Lorenzo de Brito, captain of the fortat Cananor, who got notice of his danger, and not being in sufficientforce to defend himself, sent intelligence to the viceroy. This messagewas delivered to Almeyda while in church assisting at the service on_Maunday_ Thursday; and was of so pressing a nature that he immediatelyleft the church, to give orders for the immediate shipment of provisionsand men to succour Brito; and these orders were executed with suchspeed, that those who had lent their arms to others _to watch thesepulchre_, as the custom is, had to go to the church to get them back. Don Lorenzo was appointed to command this relief of Cananor, with orderson his arrival at that place to put himself under the command of Brito, who insisted that as son to the viceroy and an officer of reputation andexperience he should take the command: But Lorenzo was positive that hewould not take the command over Brito, pursuant to the orders of hisfather; and being unable to prevail, he left the relief at Cananor, andreturned to Cochin. 

By this time the rajah of Cananor had drawn together a force of 20, 000men, with which he besieged the Portuguese fort, which Brito determinedto defend to the last extremity, and used every possible means tostrengthen the place. Much blood was spilt about the possession of awell, which the Portuguese at length made themselves masters of by meansof a mine. After this loss, the enemy retired to a wood of palm-trees, meaning to prepare engines to batter the fort, of which circumstanceintelligence was conveyed to Brito by a nephew to the rajah of Cananor, who wished to acquire the friendship of the Portuguese, so that Britowas prepared to receive the intended assault. Having completed theirpreparations, the enemy moved on to fill up the ditch and assault thefort; but were opposed with so much energy, at first by incessantdischarges of cannon, and afterwards by means of a sally, that the ditchwas filled with dead bodies instead of fascines. After losing aprodigious number of men, the enemy retreated to the wood; and nextnight, which was cold and rainy, Brito sent out eighty men to beat uptheir quarters under the command of a Spanish officer named Guadalaxara, who was next in command. This enterprise was so vigorously executed, that after the discharge of a few small pieces of artillery, the enemyfled in every direction to save themselves, leaving 300 of their menslain. The joy for this victory on the side of the Portuguese was soonmiserably abated in consequence of the destruction of their entiremagazine of provisions by fire, by which they were reduced to theextremity of famine, and under the necessity of feeding on all kinds ofvermin that could be procured. In this extreme distress, they wereprovidentially relieved by a rough sea throwing up vast quantities ofcrabs or lobsters on the point of land where the chapel of the Virginstands, which was the only food which could be procured by the garrisonfor a long while. While in this situation, in consequence of powerfulassistance from the zamorin, the rajah of Cananor made a fresh assaultupon Brito with 50, 000 men, and was again repulsed with prodigiousslaughter, without the loss of one man on the side of the Portuguese. Immediately after this exploit, Tristan de Cunna arrived at Cananor witha reinforcement and a supply of provisions, by which and the nobledefence made by Brito the rajah of Cananor was so much intimidated thathe sued for peace, which was granted upon conditions highly honourableand advantageous to the Portuguese. 

As Tristan de Cunna was now ready to depart for Portugal with thehomeward bound ships, the viceroy went along with him to Paniani, a townbelonging to Calicut which he proposed to destroy, as it was muchfrequented by the Moors, who took in loadings of spices at that placeunder the protection of four ships belonging to the zamorin commanded bya valiant Moor named Cutiale[97]. The viceroy and Tristan, havinganchored off the bar, held a council of war to deliberate upon a plan ofattack, when it was determined to send their two sons in two barks andseveral boats to attack the place, while the viceroy and admiral shouldfollow in a galley. When the foremost of the Portuguese assailants wereattacking the trenches, on which some of them had mounted, Pedro Camhaving even planted the colours of Lorenzo Almeyda on the summit, theviceroy on coming up observed his son climbing up with some difficulty. He immediately called out, "How comes it Lorenzo that you are sobackward?" When the young man answered, "I have given way, Sir, to himwho has gained the honour of the day. " At this moment a gigantic Moorassailed Lorenzo and even wounded him; but in return he cleft the headof the Moor down to the breast. The town was now carried by storm, andall its defenders put to the sword, after which all the ships in theport were burnt. In this exploit the Portuguese lost only eighteen men, none of whom were of any note; but above 500 of the enemy were slain. Though the plunder of this place was of great value, it was all burntalong with the town and ships, the artillery only being carried off. 

[Footnote 97: In an after part of De Faria, this officer is said to havebeen a Chinese. --E. ]

After this the fleet and army returned to Cananor where De Cunnacompleted his lading, and then set sail for Portugal. At Mozambique, onhis way home, he met several ships belonging to a squadron of twelvesail sent from Lisbon in the former year; seven of which were to returnwith goods, and the other five to cruise on the eastern coast of Africa, under the command of Vasco Gomez de Abreu, who was likewise to commandin the fort of Sofala. There were also two other ships in this fleet, destined to reinforce the squadron of Albuquerque on the coast ofArabia. Of this fleet, the ship commanded by Juan Chanoca was lost inthe river Zanaga, that of Juan Gomez in another place, and Abreu waslost with four vessels while going to Mozambique. Other vessels of thisfleet were driven to various parts, after enduring terrible storms andimminent dangers; yet these dire misfortunes were insufficient to dampthe boldness of our nation in quest of riches, so prevalent iscovetousness over every consideration of difficulty or danger. 

We must now return to Alfonso de Albuquerque, who parted from De Cunna, after the taking of Socotora on the 20th of August, as formerly related, being bound for the coasts of Arabia and Persia, pursuant to thecommands of the king, having with him seven ships and 460 soldiers. Hecame first to Calayate, a beautiful and strong place in the kingdom ofOrmuz, built after the manner usual in Spain, but which had once beenmore populous. Sending a message to the governor, he received suppliesof water and provisions, and entered into a treaty of peace. Proceedingto Curiate, ten leagues farther on, he was very ill received, in revengefor which he took the place by storm, losing only three of his own men, while eighty of the defenders were slain. After plundering this place, it was destroyed by fire along with fourteen vessels which were in theharbour. From thence he sailed for Muscat, eight leagues farther, whichwas stronger than the two former, and well filled with people, who hadresorted there from all quarters on hearing of the destruction ofCuriate. Being afraid of a similar disaster, the governor sent greatsupplies of provisions to Albuquerque, and entered into a treaty ofpeace; but while the boats were ashore for water, the cannon of the townbegan unexpectedly to play upon the ships, doing, considerable damage, and obliged them hastily to haul farther off, not knowing the cause ofthese hostilities; but it was soon learnt that 2000 men had arrived todefend the town, sent by the king of Ormuz, and that their commanderrefused to concur in the peace which had been entered into by thegovernor. Although Albuquerque had received considerable damage from thesmart cannonade, he landed his men early next morning, and attacked theplace with such resolution that the Moors fled at one gate, while thePortuguese entered at another. The town was given up to plunder, allexcept the residence of the governor, who had received the Portuguese ina friendly manner, and had very honourably given them notice to retire, when the troops of Ormuz arrived; but he was slain during the firstconfusion, without being known. 

After the destruction of Muscat, Albuquerque proceeded to Soar, all theinhabitants of which fled, except the governor and some of the principalMoors, who offered to surrender the town; but Albuquerque gave it backto them, on condition of holding it in vassalage from the crown ofPortugal, and payment of the same tribute which used to be given to theking of Ormuz. Fifteen leagues farther he came to Orfucam, which wasdeserted by the inhabitants. Albuquerque sent his nephew, Don Antonio, to pursue them at the head of 100 men; who, though he brought backtwenty-two prisoners, received almost as much damage from the Moors ashe did, as they were very numerous and fought bravely in defence oftheir wives and children. The deserted town of Orfucam was plundered forthree days, during which time Albuquerque disposed all things inreadiness for proceeding against Ormuz, which was the chief object ofhis voyage, deeming these previous exploits only a prelude to his grandenterprise, and accounting them but trifles, though they might appearconsiderable to others. 

The city of Ormuz or Hormuz is situated on the small island of Jerun atthe mouth of the Persian Gulf, only three leagues in compass, and sobarren that it produces nothing but salt and sulphur. The buildings ofthe city are sumptuous. It is the great mart for all the goods ofAfrica, Arabia, and India; by which means, though having nothing of itsown, it abounds in all things. It is plentifully supplied withprovisions from the province of Mogostan or Laristan in Persia, and fromthe islands of Kishom, Kissmis, or Kishmish, Larek, and others. Aboutthe year 1273, Malek Kaez possessed all the land from the isle of Jerunto that of Bahrayn, bordering on the kingdom of Gordunshah of theprovince of Mogostan[98]. This king by subtile devices prevailed uponMalek to give him the island of Jerun, being a place of no valuewhatever; after which he fortified himself there, and transplanting theinhabitants of the ancient city of Ormuz on the coast, where the kingused to reside to that island, the king of Persia, fearing he wouldrefuse the accustomed tribute, prepared to invade him: But the king ofGordunshah diverted him from his purpose, by engaging to be responsiblefor the tribute, and by doing homage by his ambassadors once in everyfive years. By these means the city and kingdom of Ormuz wasestablished, which continued to be ruled over by the heirs of the firstpossessor and others, mostly by violence[99]. 

[Footnote 98: The expression in the text is obscure. It appears thatMalek Kaez, ruled over the sea coast of the kingdom or province ratherof Mogostan, of which Gordunshah was king or governor. --E. ]

[Footnote 99: The account in the text is unintelligible andcontradictory: But we fortunately have one more intelligible from theeditor of Astley's Collection, I. 65. C. Which being too long for anote, has been placed in the text between inverted commas. --E. ]

"This account of the origin of the kingdom of Ormuz or Harmuz is relateddifferently in a history of that state written by one of its kings, andgiven to us by Teixeira at the end of his history of Persia, asfollows. --In the year of _Hejirah_ 700, and of Christ 1302, when theTurkomans, or Turks from Turkestan, overran Persia as far as the PersianGulf, _Mir Bahaddin Ayaz Seyfin_, the fifteenth king of Ormuz, resolved, to leave the continent where his dominions then were, and to retire tosome of the adjacent islands. He first passed over with his people tothe large island of _Brokt_ or Kishmish[100], called Quixome by thePortuguese, and afterwards removed to a desert isle two leagues distanteastward, which he begged from _Neyn_ king of _Keys_, and built a newcity, calling it _Harmuz_ after the name of his former capital on thecoast, the ruins of which are still visible to the east of _Gamrun_ orGambroon. By the Arabs and Persians, this island is called _Jerun_, froma fisherman who lived there at the time when Ayaz first took possession. In the course of two hundred years, this new city and kingdom advancedso much in wealth and power, that it extended its dominion over a greatpart of the coasts of Arabia and Persia, all the way to _Basrah_ orBasora. It became the chief mart of trade in all these parts, which hadformerly been established at Keys; but after the reduction of Ormuz, bythe Portuguese, its trade and consequence declined much, owing to theirtyranny and oppression. Ayaz Seyfin, was succeeded by Amir Ayas OddinGordun Shah. Thus it appears distinctly, that the Malek Kaes in the textof Faria, ought to have been called the Malek or king of Kaes or Keys;and that instead of the kingdom of Gordunshah of the province ofMogostan, it should have been Gordun Shah king of Mogostan; besides, theisland was not granted to him, but to his predecessor Ayaz. As a mark oftheir sense of the riches of Ormuz, the orientals used to sayproverbially, if the world were considered as a ring, Ormuz was itsjewel. "

[Footnote 100: In a plan of Ormuz given in Astley's Collection, the isleof Kishoma or Kishmis is placed at a small distance from that of Ormuzor Jerun, and is said to be the place whence Ormuz is supplied withwater. In fact the island of Kismis or Kishom is of considerable sizeand some fertility, though exceedingly unhealthy, while that of Jerun onwhich Ormuz was built, though barren and without water, wascomparatively healthy. It was a commercial garrison town of the Arabs, for the purpose of carrying on the trade of the Persian Gulf, and at thesame time withdrawing from the oppressive rule of the Turkomanconquerors of Persia. --E. ]

When Albuquerque arrived at Ormuz about the end of September 1507, SayfOddin a youth of twelve years of age was sovereign, under theguardianship of a slave named Khojah Attar, a man of courage but of asubtile and crafty disposition. Hearing what had been done byAlbuquerque at the towns upon the coast, Attar made great preparationsfor resisting the new enemy. For this purpose he laid an embargo on allthe ships in the port, and hired troops from all the neighbouringcountries, so that when the Portuguese entered the port there were30, 000 armed men in the city, of whom 4000 were Persians, the mostexpert archers then in the world. There were at that time 400 vessels inthe harbour, 60 of which were of considerable size, the crews of whichamounted to 2500 men. Albuquerque was not ignorant of the warlikepreparations which had been made for his reception; but to shew hisdetermined resolution, he came immediately to anchor in the midst offive of the largest ships riding in the harbour, firing his cannon as hesailed along to strike a terror into the inhabitants, and the shore wassoon lined by 8000 troops. As no message was sent to him by the king, hecommanded the captain of the largest ship, which seemed admiral over therest, to repair on board of him, who immediately complied, and wasreceived with much civility, but in great state. He then desired thisman to go on shore and inform the king of Ormuz, that he had orders fromthe king of Portugal to take him under the protection of that crown, andto grant him leave to trade in the Indian seas, on condition that hesubmitted himself as vassal to the crown of Portugal, and agreed to paya reasonable tribute: But if these proposals were rejected, his orderswere to subdue Ormuz by force of arms. It was assuredly no smallpresumption to offer such degrading terms to a king who was at the headof above 30, 000 fighting men, and 400 ships, while all the force he hadagainst such prodigious force, was only 460 soldiers and seven ships. The Moorish captain, who was from Cambaya, went on shore and deliveredthis insolent message to the king and his governor Attar; whoimmediately sent Khojah Beyram with a message to Albuquerque, excusingthem for not having sent to inquire what the Portuguese wanted in theirport, and promising that the governor should wait upon him next day. Attar however did not perform this promise, but endeavoured to spin outthe time by a repetition of messages, in order to strengthen thefortifications of the city, and to receive farther supplies. Albuquerqueimmediately perceived the purport of these messages, and told Beyramthat he would listen only to the acceptation of peace on the termsproposed, or an immediate declaration of war. To this insolent demand, Beyram brought back for answer, that Ormuz was accustomed to receive, and not to pay tribute. 

During the night, the noise of warlike instruments, and the shouts ofthe troops collected in Ormuz were heard from all parts of the city; andwhen morning came, the whole walls, the shore, and the vessels in theharbour were seen crowded with armed men, while the windows and flattops of all the houses were filled with people of both sexes and allages, anxious to behold the expected events. Albuquerque immediatelybegan to cannonade the city and the large Moorish ships, and wasspiritedly answered by the enemy, who took advantage of the obscurityoccasioned by the smoke to send a large party of armed men in 130 boatsto attack the ships, and did some damage among the Portuguese byincessant and prodigious discharges of arrows and stones. But as many ofthe boats were sunk by the Portuguese artillery, and numbers of the menslain and drowned, they were forced to retire. They returned again tothe charge with fresh numbers; but after a severe conflict were againobliged to retreat with prodigious loss, the sea being dyed with blood, and great numbers of them slain. By this time, Albuquerque had sunk twoof the largest ships in the port and taken a third, not withoutconsiderable opposition on the part of the enemy, forcing the survivingMoors to leap into the sea; and the other captains of his squadron hadcaptured three ships, and had set above thirty more on fire. The crewsof these cut their cables and drifted over to the Persian shore toenable themselves to escape; but by this means communicated theconflagration to other vessels that were lying aground. These disastersstruck such terror into the people of Ormuz that they all fled in dismaywithin their walls, and Khojah Attar sent a message to Albuquerqueoffering to submit to his proposals; on which he put a stop to fartherhostilities, yet suspecting the governor of treachery, he threatened toinflict still heavier calamities on the city unless the terms wereperformed with good faith. Thus, with the loss only of ten men on theside of the Portuguese, most of the numerous vessels belonging to theenemy, full of various rich commodities, were taken, burnt, sunk, ortorn to pieces, and above seventeen hundred of the Moors were slain, numbers of whose bodies were seen floating in the harbour. Many of thesewere seen to have ornaments of gold, which the Portuguese anxiouslysought after, and on this occasion it was noticed that several of theenemy had been slain by their own arrows, none being used by thePortuguese. 

Khojah Attar, dismayed by the prodigious injury sustained in theconflict, and afraid of still heavier calamities, called a council ofthe chief officers of the kingdom to deliberate on what was best to bedone, when it was agreed to submit for the present to the demands ofAlbuquerque; after which articles of pacification were drawn up andsworn to between the parties. The two principal articles were, that theking of Ormuz submitted to pay a tribute to the king of Portugal of15, 000 _Xerephines_ yearly[101], and that ground should be allowed forthe Portuguese on which to build a fort. The fort was accordinglyimmediately commenced, and considerable progress was made in itsconstruction in a few days. On purpose to avoid the payment of thetribute, Khojah Attar dressed up a pretended embassy from the king ofPersia demanding payment of the usual tribute, and required thatAlbuquerque should give them an answer, as the king of Ormuz was nowsubject to the crown of Portugal. Albuquerque penetrated into thisdesign, and desired Attar to send some one to him to receive the answer. The pretended Persian ambassador accordingly waited upon him, to whom hegave some spears and bullets, saying such was the coin in which thetribute should be paid in future. Finding this contrivance fail, Attarendeavoured to corrupt some of the Portuguese, and actually prevailed onfive seamen to desert, one of whom had been bred a founder, who castsome cannon like those belonging to the Portuguese. Being informed bythese deserters that Albuquerque had only about 450 soldiers, Attarbegan to pick up fresh courage, and entered into contrivances forbreaking the peace, pretending at the same time to lay the blame onAlbuquerque, and refused to deliver up the deserters. 

[Footnote 101: A Xerephine being worth about half a crown, this tributeamounted to about L. 1875 sterling. --Astl. I. 66. A. --According toPurchas a Xerephine is worth 3s. 9d; so that the yearly tribute in thetext is equal to L. 2812 20s. Sterling. --E. ]

The high spirit of Albuquerque could not brook this conduct, anddetermined upon taking vengeance, but had little success in the attemptbeing badly seconded by the officers serving under him. Taking advantageof this spirit of insubordination, of which he had ample intelligence asit was occasioned by his own intrigues, Attar one night set fire to abark which the Portuguese were building on the shore; and at the sametime one of the deserters called aloud from the wall on Albuquerque, todefend his boat with his 400 men, and he should meet 7000 archers. Atthis time some of the Portuguese captains gave intelligence to theenemy, and had even assisted the five renegades to desert. Enraged atthis affront in burning his bark, Albuquerque endeavoured to set someships on fire which were building or repairing in the arsenal of Ormuz, but failed in the attempt. He next undertook to besiege the city; andhaving taken several persons who were carrying provisions thither, hecut off their hands, ears, and noses, and sent them into the city inthat miserable condition, to the great terror of the inhabitants. Aboutthis time there was a hot dispute between the Portuguese and thegarrison of Ormuz, about some wells which supplied the inhabitants withwater, which Albuquerque endeavoured to fill up, in which the Moorishcaptain and the guard over the wells were all slain, and the wellsfilled with the carcasses of their men and horses. The young king andhis governor sallied out from the city to drive the Portuguese away, andactually cut off the retreat of Albuquerque; but a lucky cannon-ballopened the way, by throwing the cavalry of the enemy into confusion. 

In these actions with the Ormuzians, Albuquerque was ill seconded by hispeople, three of his captains having resolved to leave him and to sailfor India. These men drew up a letter or remonstrance, assigning reasonswhy he should desist from his present enterprise; which Albuquerqueordered one of the masons to lay beneath a stone in the wall of thefort, saying that he had there deposited his answer, and would be gladto see if any one dared to remove the stone to read what he had written. Though much offended by this, these captains did not venture to make anyreply; yet jealous about the command of the fort, when it should bebuilt, the three captains actually sailed away for India. Though muchtroubled at this shameful desertion, Albuquerque determined uponcontinuing his enterprise, notwithstanding that two other captains whostill remained opposed him, and were desirous to follow the example ofthe other three; but by proper severity he deterred them from executingtheir designs. Learning that a fleet was on its way from Bahrayn forKeyshom with a reinforcement of men and provisions, Albuquerqueendeavoured ineffectually to intercept it. After failing in this, hefell upon a country palace belonging to the king which was guarded bythree hundred foot and sixty horse, whom he defeated with the loss ofone man, killing eighty of the enemy. He then fell upon Keyshom orQueixome, which was defended by five hundred archers sent to Ormuz bythe king of Lar or Laristan in Persia under the command of two of hisnephews, both of whom were slain with most of their men, and the bodiesof the two slain princes were sent by Albuquerque as a present to Attar. The town of Keyshom was plundered and burnt. Among the plunder was takena large Persian carpet, which the soldiers were going to cut in piecesto divide among them, and for the greater convenience of removal, whichAlbuquerque purchased from them, and sent afterwards to the shrine of StJago in Gallicia. 

Having but few men left who were much harassed, and winter approaching, Albuquerque resolved to go to Socotora, and gave leave to Juan de Novato sail for India, where he had formerly had the command of a fleet. Heaccordingly wintered at Socotora, where he relieved the Portuguesegarrison, then much distressed by famine; for which purpose he went inhis own ship to Cape Guardafu, and sent others to Melinda and Cape Fum, to seize some ships for the sake of their provisions. When winter wasover, be resolved to return to Ormuz, though too weak to carry hisdesigns into execution, yet to see in what disposition were the youngking and his governor. On his way thither he determined to take revengeupon the town of Kalayat, for some injury that had been done there tothe Portuguese. Kalayat is situated on the coast of Arabia beyond CapeSiagro, called also Cape Rasalgat, at the mouth of the Persian Gulf. Behind this town there is a rugged mountain, in which are some passeswhich open a communication with the interior; and by one of theseopposite the town almost all the trade of Yemen or Arabia Felix, whichis a fertile country of much trade and full of populous cities, isconveyed to this port. Immediately on his arrival, Albuquerque landedhis troops and took possession of the town, most of the inhabitantsescaping to the mountains and some being slain in the streets. Heremained here three nights, on one of which a thousand Moors entered thetown by surprise and did considerable damage before the Portuguese couldbe collected to oppose them, but were at length put to flight with greatslaughter. Having secured all the provisions of Kalayat, which was theprincipal booty, Albuquerque set the place on fire and proceeded toOrmuz, where he arrived on the 13th of September[102]. He immediatelysent notice of his return to the king and governor; on which Attar senthim a message, saying they were ready to pay the tribute of 15, 000Xerephins, but would on no account consent to the erection of theintended fort. Albuquerque therefore determined to recommence the siegeof Ormuz, and ordered Martin Coello to guard with his ship the point of_Turumbaka_[103], where the wells are situated, and Diego de Melo toprevent intercourse with the island of Keyshom; while he and Franciscode Tavora anchored before the city. He there observed that Khojah Attarhad completed the fort formerly begun by the Portuguese. In this newattempt the success was no greater than it had been formerly. On oneoccasion Diego de Melo and eight private men were slain; and on anotherAlbuquerque was himself in much danger. Finding himself unable toeffectuate any thing of importance, he returned to India, having taken aship in which was a great quantity of valuable pearls from Bahrayn, andFrancisco de Tavora took another ship belonging to Mecca. 

[Footnote 102: No year is mentioned in the text of Faria, which isthroughout extremely defective in dates; but from the context it was nowprobably the year 1508--E. ]

[Footnote 103: Turumbaka, in the plan of Ormuz mentioned in a formernote, is a palace belonging to the king of Ormuz, in the same islandwith the city. The Isle of Keyshom has already been stated as the placewhence Ormuz was supplied with water; but there may have been tanks orcisterns at Turumbaka. --E]

During the time when Albuquerque was employed before Ormuz, the Soldanof Egypt fitted out a fleet of twelve sail with 1500 Mamelukes, which hesent under the command of Mir Husseyn to oppose the Portuguese in India. While on his voyage up the Red Sea, Husseyn attacked the towns of Yemboand Jiddah, putting the sheikhs of both places to death, and makinggreat plunder. He then sailed for Diu, where Malek Azz commanded for theking of Cambaya, with whom he was ordered to join his forces to opposethe Portuguese. The timber of which these ships were built was cut inthe mountains of Dalmatia, by procurement as it was said of theVenetians, as the Soldan and the Turks were then at variance. It wasconveyed from Dalmatia to Egypt in twenty-five vessels, commanded by anephew of the Soldan, who had a force of 800 Mamelukes on board, besidesmariners. At this time the gallies of Malta were commanded by aPortuguese knight, Andrea de Amarall; who, learning that the timber wasdesigned to be employed against his countrymen in India, attacked theEgyptian fleet with six ships and four gallies, in which he had 600soldiers. After a sharp engagement of three hours, he took seven shipsand sunk five; but the rest escaped to Alexandria, whence the timber wascarried up the Nile to Cairo, and thence on camels to Suez. 

At this time the viceroy Almeyda was on the coast of Malabar, and hadsent his son Don Lorenzo with eight ships to scour the coast as far as_Chaul_, a town of considerable size and importance seated on the banksof a river about two leagues from the sea, and subject to theNizam-al-Mulk[104], by whose orders Don Lorenzo was well received. Theyhad some intelligence of the fleet of the Soldan, but believed it anunfounded rumour, till it appeared in sight while Don Lorenzo was onshore with most of his officers. They hastened immediately on board, giving such orders as the time permitted, and were hardly on board whenthe enemy entered the harbour, making great demonstrations of joy athaving so opportunely found the enemy of whom they were in search. Husseyn thought himself secure of victory, as he had surprised thePortuguese ships, and determined himself to board the ship commanded byDon Lorenzo. For this purpose he ran her on board, pouring in balls, arrows, hand-grenades, and other fireworks; but was answered with suchdetermined bravery, that he gave over his intention of boarding, thoughthe Portuguese vessel was much smaller than his. The other Egyptianvessels had no better success; and as night approached, both partiesgave over the engagement to prepare for its renewal next morning. 

[Footnote 104: Called Nizamaluco by De Faria. ]

As soon as day appeared Don Lorenzo gave the signal to renew the fight;and in his turn endeavoured to board the Egyptian admiral, in which hewas imitated by the other captains: Only two of them succeeded incapturing two gallies belonging to the enemy, all the men on board whichwere put to the sword. The battle was carried on with much bravery onboth sides, and the Portuguese seemed fast gaining the superiority; whenMalek Azz, lord of Diu, made his appearance with a great number of smallvessels well manned, coming to the assistance of Husseyn. Don Lorenzoimmediately dispatched two gallies and three caravels to hinder theapproach of this reinforcement to his enemies, which executed theirorders so effectually that Azz was obliged to flee for shelter toanother place. The battle still continued between Lorenzo and Husseyntill night again parted them, both endeavouring to conceal their lossfrom the other. In the evening after the cessation of the battle, thePortuguese captains met in council on board the admiral to deliberate onwhat was best to be done; and were unanimously of opinion that it wasrash to continue to defend themselves in the river of Chaul, especiallyas Malek Azz was so near with such a powerful reinforcement, andstrongly recommended that they should go out to the open sea, where theymight fight with less disadvantage, and would have it in their power toescape if circumstances rendered it necessary. But, remembering thedispleasure of his father for not having attacked the fleet of Calicutin the river of Dabul, and fearing his retreat into the open sea mightbe construed as flight, Lorenzo determined resolutely to await theevents of the next morning, only making some change in the dispositionof his force, in order to protect some ships belonging to Cochin whichwere much exposed to the enemy. 

Next morning, on observing the change of posture in the Portugueseships, Malek Azz conceived that they meant to retreat; he immediatelycame out therefore from the place where he had taken shelter, and boldlycharged them, undismayed at the havock which was made among his smallvessels by the Portuguese cannon. Most unfortunately at this time theship of Don Lorenzo ran foul of some stakes in the bed of the river, andlet in so much water that she was in danger of sinking. The braveLorenzo exerted himself to the utmost in this perilous situation, till aball broke his thigh; then ordering himself to be set up leaning againstthe main-mast, he continued to encourage his men till another ball brokehis back and killed him. His body was thrown below deck, where it wasfollowed by his page Gato, who lamented the fate of his master withtears mixed with blood, having been shot through the eye by an arrow. After a vigorous resistance, the Moors boarded the ship, and found Gatobeside his masters body. He immediately rose and slew as many of theMoors as covered the body of Lorenzo, and then fell dead among them. Atlength the ship sunk, and of above an hundred men who belonged to heronly nineteen escaped. In all the Portuguese ships an hundred and fortymen were slain, while the enemy lost upwards of six hundred. The othercaptains got to Cochin, where the viceroy then was, and who received theintelligence of his sons glorious death with wonderful resolution. 

Soon after the defeat of the Portuguese fleet at Chaul, Almeyda receiveda letter from Malek Azz. This man was born in slavery, being descendedof heretic Christian parents of Russia, and had risen by degrees to therank he now held. The origin of his advancement was owing to thefollowing trivial incident. One day a kite flying over the king ofCambaya, muted on his head, on which the king was so enraged that hedeclared he would give all he was worth to have the kite killed. MalekAzz who heard this, was an excellent bowman, and immediately let fly anarrow which brought down the kite. The king of Cambaya rewarded thislucky shot so bountifully, that the archer soon rose to be lord of Diu, a famous sea-port in Guzerat, seated on a triangular peninsula, which isjoined to the continent by so small an isthmus that it is generallyreputed an island. In this letter to the viceroy, Malek Azz craftilyendeavoured to secure himself at the same time both in the favour of theking of Cambaya, and to conciliate the Portuguese, though he mortallyhated them for the injury they had done to the trade of Diu. While hepretended to condole with the viceroy on the death of his son, whosebravery he extolled in exalted terms, he sent him the nineteen men savedfrom his sons ship, who had been made prisoners in the late battle;endeavouring by this conciliatory conduct to appease his wrath forhaving aided Mir Husseyn and occasioned the defeat of the Portuguese. 

In this same year 1508, seventeen vessels sailed for India from Lisbonabout the beginning of April, which were all separated by bad weather, but all rejoined at Mozambique, except one which was lost on the Islandsof Tristan de Cunna. These ships, with those of the former year, comingall together to India about the close of the year 1508, greatly raisedthe courage of the Portuguese, which had been much depressed by theirdefeat at Chaul. By this fleet an order came from the king for DonFrancisco de Almeyda to resign the government of India to Don Alfonso deAlbuquerque, and to return to Portugal in one of the trading ships. ButAlmeyda took upon him to suspend the execution of this order, underpretence that he had already made preparations for taking revenge uponMir Husseyn, and the Rums or Turks[105] who had slain his son. Owing tothis a controversy arose between Albuquerque and Almeyda, the formerdemanding possession of the government, which the latter refused todemit; which became a precedent for succeeding governors to protract thetime of their command. Albuquerque, much offended by this conduct ofAlmeyda, retired to Cochin, where he appears to have lived in privatetill the departure of Almeyda from India. 

[Footnote 105: The Turks, as having conquered the eastern Roman empire, have succeeded in India to the name of Rums, Rumi, or Romans. TheCircassian Mamelukes of Egypt are here named Turks, because so soonafterwards conquered by that nation. --E. ]

Having dispatched the homeward bound ships under the command of FernandoSoarez and Ruy de Cunna, who perished by the way, Almeyda sailed on the12th of November, 1508 from Cananor towards Diu in pursuit of MirHusseyn. On this expedition he had nineteen vessels of different sizes, with 1600 soldiers and mariners, 400 of whom were native Malabars. Allwestern India was alarmed at this armament, but chiefly the zamorin andMalek Azz, who had used every precaution in his power to ward off thedanger. Having landed with his officers in the delightful island ofAnchediva, Almeyda called a council of war, in which it was unanimouslydetermined to attack Dabul in the first place. This city was one of themost noted on the coast[106], seated on a navigable river at thedistance of two leagues from the sea. Its buildings were thenmagnificent and stately, and it enjoyed considerable trade, theinhabitants being a mixture of Pagans and Moors, subject to Sabay kingof the Decan. It was always defended by a considerable garrison, whichwas at present augmented by 6000 men, being in fear of an attack fromthe Portuguese, and new works had been raised for its defence, whichwere planted with cannon. On the approach of the Portuguese fleet, theinhabitants began to remove their families and goods into the country, but were forbidden by the governor under pain of death; and the more toencourage them he brought his own wife into the town, in which examplehe was followed by many of the principal inhabitants, whose wives werebrought in from their country-houses. 

[Footnote 106: Dabul is on the coast of Canara, in lat. 17° 46' N. Inthat part usually called the Pirates coast, which is occupied by anumber of half independent Mahratta chieftains, who often plunderdefenceless trading ships, by means of armed grabs full ofdesperadoes. --E. ]

On the 30th of December 1508, the fleet entered the harbour, and thetroops immediately landed with the utmost promptitude, dividing intothree bodies to attack three several gates at once. The Moors made abrave resistance at each attack, but the works being high, their shotflew over the heads of the assailants, who were more obstructed by thedead bodies than by the defenders or their works. Nunno Vaz Pereyra, whowas sent with a detachment to force an entrance at another place, putthe numerous troops who resisted him to flight after a brave resistance;but they now fled in such haste towards the mountain, though pursued byten Portuguese only, that they tumbled over each other in their haste, and retarded their own escape. In this fight, which lasted five hours, fifteen hundred of the enemy were slain with the loss only of sixteenPortuguese. Having gained possession, Almeyda distributed his men inseveral quarters of the streets, with orders to keep strict guard, lestthe enemy might return; which they accordingly did by stealth in thenight, in order to recover their wives, children, and goods. In themorning, the viceroy gave permission to his troops to plunder the town;but this was speedily prevented by the houses taking fire, which in afew hours reduced the whole to ashes, so that the booty did not exceed150, 000 ducats. In fact the town was purposely set on fire by theprivate orders of the viceroy, lest the men might have been so satiatedby the riches of the place as to retard his ulterior designs. The shipsin the harbour were likewise destroyed by fire, to the no small risk ofthe Portuguese ships which were very near. 

In fitting out for this expedition, the viceroy had not laid in anyconsiderable store of provisions, as he expected to have got supplies onthe coast; but on sending to the neighbouring villages none was to behad, as the last crop had been utterly eaten up by locusts, many ofwhich were found preserved in pots for food by the natives, and beingtasted by the Portuguese were found palatable, and not unlike shrimps. This made them conclude that there were land shrimps, as in some places, particularly in the vineyards about Rome, there are crabs found notunlike those of the sea. Hence if locusts were not so numerous anddestructive, so as to blast the hopes of harvest and to be dreaded likea plague, they might be useful as food; and we know from Scripture thatSt John fed upon them in the desert. 

Leaving Dabul, the viceroy proceeded for Diu, expecting to procureprovisions along the coast. Payo de Sousa, having seen some cattlefeeding on the banks of a river, went up the stream in his galley inhopes of procuring some; but was opposed by the natives, and he andGeorge Guedez were both slain. Diego Mendez succeeded in the command ofthat galley, and while continuing the voyage towards Diu he met one ofthe Mameluke galleys going from Diu to Dabul, which was well manned andcommanded by a courageous and experienced Turk; who, on discovering thePortuguese galley ordered all his soldiers to conceal themselves, sothat Mendez immediately boarded without suspecting any danger, on whichthe Turks rushed out from their concealment and had almost gained thePortuguese galley; but the Portuguese recovered from their surprise, andmade themselves masters of the Turkish galley, slaying every one of theenemy without losing a single man on their side. The chief booty takenon this occasion consisted of a young and beautiful Hungarian lady ofnoble birth, who was brought to the viceroy, and given by him to Gaspardde la India, who gave her to Diego Pereyra, who afterwards married her. Farther on, they took in the river of Bombaim, now called Bombay, a barkwith twenty-four Moors belonging to Guzerat, by whose means theyprocured a supply of sheep and rice, while some cattle were procured inother places, and a farther supply was got at the fort of Maim, all thepeople flying to the mountains from terror of the Portuguese, havingheard of what had happened at Dabul. 

On the 2d of February 1509, the viceroy arrived at Diu, which from theships appeared a grand and spacious place, girt with strong walls andlofty towers, all handsomely built and well laid out like towns inPortugal, which recalled in the men the memory of their own country, andanimated their courage to achieve the conquest. Malek Azz the lord ofDiu was at this time with his army about twenty leagues distant, makingwar upon the Rajaputs; but immediately on receiving notice of theapproach of the Portuguese fleet, he hastened to his capital with allpossible celerity. He had already used such precautions as not to excitesuspicions in Husseyn of his fidelity, though little inclined to assisthim, and he was now anxious not to exasperate the viceroy in case of hisproving victorious. Taking into consideration the strength of the place, the courage and conduct of Azz and Husseyn, and above all that therewere above two hundred vessels well manned and armed, he thought itnecessary to proceed with the greatest circumspection, and accordinglyit was settled in a council of war, that Nunna Vaz Pereyra should leadin with his ship, in which there were 120 fighting men, many of themgentlemen of tried valour. Pereyra was to be seconded by George de Melo, whose crew was equally numerous; after which the rest of the ships wereto follow in succession, having from 80 down to 25 men in each accordingto their size. The night was spent by the Portuguese in anxiouspreparation for the approaching conflict, by exercises of religion andputting their arms of all kinds in order. 

Between nine and ten next morning, when the tide had risen sufficientlyto float the ships over the bar, the viceroy gave the signal forentering the port in the appointed order, and the fleet moved on amidthe noise of loud shouts and the din of warlike instruments from bothsides. The vessels belonging to Malek Azz made haste to oppose theentrance of the Portuguese, and poured in a shower of bullets and arrowsinto the galley commanded by Diego Perez who led the way for Nunno Vaz, by which ten men were slain; yet Nunno courageously continued hiscourse, pouring his shot among the large ships of the enemy and sunk oneof them. Vaz was in great danger between two ships of the enemy, whenMelo came up gallantly to his rescue, and ran so furiously upon one ofthese ships that he drove it up against the ship commanded by Vaz, somuch disabled that it was immediately boarded and taken by the next shipin succession commanded by Sebastian de Miranda. All the ships havingpenetrated into the harbour, pushed on in emulation of each other whoshould do most damage to the enemy; while the viceroy, placing himselfin the midst of the enemy, directed his shot wherever it seemed mostcalculated to annoy the enemy and to aid his own ships. In this mannerthe action continued to rage for some time with reciprocal courage andviolence, till at length the paraos belonging to Calicut fled along thecoast, giving out every where that the _Rumis_ or Mamelukes werevictorious. 

On the flight of the Moors of Calicut, and seeing many of his fleetdestroyed, Mir Husseyn, who was wounded, went on shore in disguise; andmounting on horseback, went in all haste to the king of Cambaya, beingno less fearful of the fury of the Portuguese than of the treachery ofMalek Azz, against whom he made loud complaints, that though he hadgiven aid in the battle with his vessels, he had not assisted in person. Yet did not the absence of Husseyn discourage his men, for those of hisown vessel being boarded disdained to yield, and fought valiantly tillthey were all slain. The Portuguese now attempted to carry a large shipbelonging to Malek Azz by boarding, but being unable to succeed, theship commanded by the viceroy in person sunk her by repeated broadsides. Antonio de Campo boarded and took a large galleon. Ruy Soarez, who wasnext in order to enter the harbour, dashed boldly through the thickestof the enemies ships and placed his vessel in front of the city, wherehe fought his ship in so gallant a style, forcing the crews to abandontwo gallies, which he took, that being noticed by the viceroy heexclaimed, "Who is this who so nobly excels the rest? I wish I were he!"The victory was now complete, and the viceroy and all the captainsassailed the smaller vessels, whose crews endeavoured to escape byswimming; but the gallies and boats of the Portuguese being sent amongthem, killed such numbers that the sea was dyed in blood. In this greatbattle, the enemy lost above 1500 men, and the Portuguese only 40. Vastriches were acquired by plunder in the captured vessels; and by thegreat variety of books which were found in different languages, it wasconcluded that the crews were made up of various nations. Some of thesebooks were in Latin, some in Italian, and others in Portuguese. [107] Thecolours of the Soldan and of his admiral Mir Husseyn were taken, andafterwards sent to the king of Portugal. Of all the vessels taken inthis glorious and decisive victory, four ships and two gallies only werepreserved, all the rest being ordered to be burnt by Almeyda. This greatvictory would have much more redounded to the honour of the Portuguesearms, had not the conquered been treated with barbarous cruelty: owingto which, many persons very reasonably considered the unhappy end ofAlmeyda and other gentlemen, as a just punishment for their crimes onthis occasion. [108]

[Footnote 107: It is hardly necessary to observe that these booksbelonged in all probability to Christian galley slaves serving under theMamelukes. --E. ]

[Footnote 108: Though not called upon to vindicate the conduct ofAlbuquerque and the Portuguese on this occasion; it may be noticed thatthe almost interminable war which subsisted for many centuries betweenthe Christians and Moors of the Peninsula, and after the expulsion ofthe latter, with the states of Barbary; joined to the hellishInquisition on the one side, and the most degrading slavery inflicted onboth by their enemies, long nourished the most rancorous spirit ofenmity and hatred, now farther exalted by commercial rivalship. --E. ]

Next morning Malek Azz sent a message to Almeyda by one of his principalofficers, in which he congratulated the Portuguese viceroy on hisglorious victory, with which he pretended to be well pleased. It wasreported in the Portuguese fleet that the city of Diu was in the utmostconsternation, being afraid of an assault from the victors; and when thePortuguese saw that Almeyda seemed inclined to accept the congratulatorycompliments of Azz in good part, they complained of him for checkingthem in the career of fortune. On being informed of these murmurs, theviceroy convened his principal officers, and represented to them that hedid not act on the present occasion from any regard to Malek Azz, butout of respect for the king of Cambaya who was still the friend of thePortuguese, and to whom the city of Diu belonged. He requested themlikewise to consider that the city was strongly fortified, and defendedby a numerous garrison; That they were already fatigued by the exertionsof the late battle; and that between the men who had been slain andwounded, and those who were sick, out of 1200 there were now only 600fit to carry arms in the assault of Diu: Even supposing they were tosucceed in capturing the place, it would be utterly impossible tomaintain possession of it; and that they might easily revenge themselvesof Malek Azz by the capture of his trading ships. All the officers beingcompletely satisfied by these reasons, the viceroy received the envoy ofMalek Azz very graciously, and told him that two motives had principallyinduced him to make the late assault on Diu; one of which was to berevenged on the _Rumi_ or Mamelukes, and the other to recover thePortuguese prisoners who had been taken by them at Chaul, as heconsidered them in the same light as the son he had lost on that formeroccasion. The first object he had already completely attained, and hedemanded immediately to obtain the second, by having all the Portugueseprisoners in the power of Malek Azz delivered up to him. He demanded inaddition to these, that all the artillery and ammunition which hadbelonged to the _Rumi_, still remaining in such of their ships as hadbeen hawled on shore, should be delivered up, and these ships burnt; andthat Malek Azz should supply the Portuguese fleet with provisions. 

All these conditions were readily agreed to by Malek Azz, and executedwith the utmost readiness and punctuality; in consequence of which atreaty of peace and friendship was settled between Azz and the viceroy. Almeyda left one of the liberated Portuguese prisoners at Diu, to loadtwo ships with such articles as were in request at Cochin and Cananor;and besides supplying his own fleet with provisions, he dispatchedNorenha with a supply of provisions, and some of the booty procured inthe late battle, to his brother Don Alfonso at Socotora. These importantaffairs being dispatched, the viceroy left Diu and proceeded to Chaul, where the king was so much intimidated by the accounts he had receivedof the late victory, that he submitted to pay an yearly tribute. Passingthence to Cananor, he was received in the most honourable manner; andentered afterwards into Cochin in triumph. Even before he had laid asidehis festive ornaments, Albuquerque pressed him to resign the government, pursuant to the royal orders; but the viceroy begged he would give himtime to divest himself of his present heavy robes, after which therewould be sufficient opportunity to talk of those matters. Evilcouncillors fomented the dispute on both sides, some persuading theviceroy to retain the government in his hands, while others incitedAlbuquerque to insist upon his resignation. The rajah of Cochin evenbecame in some measure a party in these dispute, insomuch that hedelayed loading two homeward bound ships with pepper, till Albuquerqueshould be installed in the government. Disputes at length rose so high, that Almeyda sent Albuquerque as a prisoner to Cananor, where he wascourteously received by Lorenzo de Brito who commanded there; and towhom Almeyda wrote a few days afterwards to conduct himself towards theprisoner as one who was soon to be viceroy of India. 

Some considerable time before this, the king of Portugal having beeninformed of the preparations which were making by the Soldan of Egypt, resolved to send a powerful reinforcement to India. This consisted offifteen sail of ships commanded by Don Fernando Coutinno, who had anextraordinary power given him to regulate all matters that might happento be amiss, as if the king had even surmised the probability of adisagreement between Almeyda and Albuquerque. Coutinno arrived safely atCananor, whence he carried Alfonso de Albuquerque along with him toCochin as viceroy. At first Coutinno treated Almeyda with much civility, but afterwards thwarted him, as he refused to let him have a ship whichhe had purposely prepared and fitted out for his return to Lisbon, andwas obliged to put up with another which he had no mind to. 

Don Francisco de Almeyda, now divested of the viceroyalty which indeedhe had for some time unlawfully retained, sailed from Cochin on the 19thof November 1509, with two more ships in company. Before leaving Cochinsome of the sorcerers or astrologers of that place predicted that hewould not pass the Cape of Good Hope. He did pass the Cape however, butwas slain and buried at the Bay of Saldanna only a few leagues beyondthat place. Having passed the Cape of Good Hope with fine weather, heobserved to some of his attendants, "Now God be praised! the witches ofCochin are liars. " Near that place, he put into the Bay of Saldanna toprocure a supply of water; and as some of the people went on shore toexchange goods with the natives for provisions, a servant belonging tothe ex-viceroy treated two of the Hottentots so ill that they knockedout two of his teeth and sent him away bleeding. Some of the attendantsupon Almeyda thought proper to consider this as an affront which oughtto be avenged, and persuaded him to go on shore for that purpose, whenthey ought to have counselled him to punish the servant for abusingpeople among whom they sought relief. Almeyda yielded to their impropersuggestions, though against his inclination, being heard to exclaim ashe went into the boat, "Ah! whether and for what end do they now carrymy old age?" Accompanied by about 150 men, the choice of the ships, theywent to a miserable village, whence they carried off some cattle andchildren. When on their return to the boats, they were attacked by 170natives, who had fled to the mountains, but now took courage in defenceof their children; and though these naked savages were only armed withpointed stakes hardened in the fire, they soon killed fifty of thePortuguese and Almeyda among them, who was struck through the throat, and died kneeling on the sea-shores with his hands and eyes raised toheaven. Melo returned with the wounded men to the ships, and when thenatives were withdrawn from the shore, he again landed with a party andburied Almeyda and the others who had been slain. This was a manifestjudgment of God, that so few unarmed savages should so easily overcomethose who had performed such heroic actions in India. 

Don Francisco de Almeyda was the seventh son of Don Lope de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes, and was a knight of the order of St Jago. He wasgraceful in his person, ripe in council, continent in his actions, anenemy to avarice, liberal and grateful for services, and obliging in hiscarriage. In his ordinary dress, he wore a black coat, instead of thecloak now used, a doublet of crimson satin of which the sleeves wereseen, and black breeches reaching from the waist to the feet. He isrepresented in his portrait as carrying a truncheon in his right hand, while the left rests on the guard of his sword, which hangs almostdirectly before him[109]. 

[Footnote 109: De Faria uniformly gives some description, as here, ofthe persons and dress of the successive viceroys and governors ofPortuguese India; which however has been generally omitted in thesequel. --E. ]

Among the ships which were dispatched from Lisbon for India in 1508, were two squadrons under the command of Duarte de Lemos and Diego Lopezde Sequeira, which were sent upon separate services, and which could notbe conveniently taken notice of in their proper place. Afterencountering a storm, Lemos arrived at a place called _Medones de Oro_, whence he went to Madagascar, and thence to Mozambique, where he wasrejoined by the rest of the squadron, except one ship commanded byGeorge de Aguilar, which was lost. He now assumed the government of thecoasts of Ethiopia and Arabia, according to his commission from theking. From Mozambique he sailed for Melinda, whence he proceeded tovisit the several islands and towns along the eastern coast of Africa tocompel payment of the tribute they had been in use to pay to Quiloa, andwhich was now considered as belonging of right to the crown of Portugalby the conquest of that place. Monfia submitted. Zanzibar resisted, butthe inhabitants were driven to the mountains and the town plundered. Pemba acted in a similar manner, the inhabitants taking refuge inMombaza, and leaving their houses empty; but some plunder was taken in asmall fort in which the sheikh had left such things as he had not beenable to remove. Returning to Melinda, he gave the necessary orders forconducting the trade of Sofala. 

Lemos departed from Melinda for the coast of Arabia with seven ships, one of which was separated from the rest in the night on the coast ofMagadoxa, and carried by the current to the port of Zeyla near the mouthof the Red Sea, and there taken by the Moors. In his progress along theArabian coast, Lemos managed the towns more by cunning than force. Usingthe same conduct at Ormuz, he was well treated by the king and KhojahAttar, and received from them the stipulated tribute of 15, 000xerephines. From this place he dispatched Vasco de Sylveyra to India, who was afterwards killed at Calicut. He then went to Socotora, of whichhe gave the command to Pedro Ferreira, sending Don Antonio Noronha toIndia, who fell in with and took a richly laden ship belonging to theMoors. Noronha manned the prize with some Portuguese; but she was castaway in a storm between Dabul and Goa and the men made prisoners. Hisown ship was stranded in the Bay of Cambaya, where he and some otherswho attempted to get on shore in the boat were all lost, while aboutthirty who remained in the ship were made prisoners by the Moors andsent to the king of Cambaya. On his return to Melinda, Lemos took aMoorish vessel with a rich loading. When the winter was passed, hereturned to Socotora, where he found Francisco Pantaja, who had comefrom India with provisions, and had made prize of a rich ship belongingto Cambaya; the great wealth procured in which he generously shared withLemos and his men, saying they had a right to it as being taken withinthe limits of his government. Finding himself now too weak for anyfarther enterprises, Lemos sailed for India, where he was received withmuch civility by Albuquerque, who was now in possession of thegovernment. 

Diego Lopez de Sequeira, the other captain who sailed from Lisbon at thesame time with Lemos, was entrusted with the discovery of Madagascar andMalacca. Arriving at the port of St Sebastian in the island ofMadagascar, he run along the coast of that island, using a Portuguese ashis interpreter, who had been left there[110] and had acquired thelanguage. In the course of this part of his voyage he had someintercourse with a king or prince of the natives named _Diaman_, by whomhe was civilly treated; but being unable to procure intelligence of anyspices or silver, the great object of his voyage, and finding muchtrouble and no profit, he proceeded to India in the prosecution of thefarther orders he had received from the king. He was well received byAlmeyda, then viceroy, who gave him an additional ship commanded byGarcia de Sousa, to assist in the discovery of Malacca. In theprosecution of his voyage, he was well treated by the kings of Pedir andPacem[111], who sent him presents, and at both places he erected crossesindicating discovery and possession. He at length cast anchor in theport of Malacca, where he terrified the people by the thunder of hiscannon, so that every one hastened on board their ships to endeavour todefend themselves from this new and unwelcome guest. 

[Footnote 110: Probably a malefactor left on purpose, as has beenformerly mentioned from Castaneda in our _second_ volume. --E. ]

[Footnote 111: Pedier and Pisang; as called by the English. --Astl. I. 70. B. ] A boat came off with a message from the town, to inquire whothey were and what they wanted, to which Lopez sent back for answer thathe brought an ambassador from the king of Portugal, to propose enteringinto a treaty of peace and commerce advantageous for the king and cityof Malacca. The king sent back a message in dubious language, such as isusual among the orientals when they mean to act treacherously, as someof the Moorish merchants, from enmity to the Portuguese, had prevailedupon him and his favourite Bandara, by means of rich presents, todestroy Lopez and the Portuguese. On the third day, Lopez sent HieromTeixeyra in the character of ambassador, attended by a splendid retinue, who was well received on shore, and conducted on an elephant to theking, from whom he returned well pleased. All this was only a bait toentrap the Portuguese to their destruction; and in addition, the kingsent an invitation to Lopez to dine with him in public. Lopez acceptedthis invitation, but was informed by a friend of _Jao-Utimuti-rajah_, that the king intended to murder him, on which he sent an excuse underpretence of indisposition. Credit was now given to an advice sent by aPersian woman to Duarte Fernandez, after she had been prevented bySequeira from coming on board under night, thinking she came on anamorous errand, but which contributed to save the ships. Anothercontrivance was put in practice to destroy Lopez and his ships, byoffering a lading of spice, and pretending that it was requisite to sendfor it to three several places. This succeeded in part; as while thirtymen were sent on shore according to agreement, a fleet of small vesselswas secretly prepared under cover of a point of land, ready to assaultthe ships, while the thirty men were to be murdered in the town. At thistime likewise, a son of Utimuti-rajah came on board under pretence of avisit to Lopez, and finding him engaged at draughts requested him tocontinue his game, that he might have the better opportunity ofassassinating him unobserved; and in fact he frequently put his hand tohis dagger for that purpose, but waited till the other branches of theintended treachery should begin. At this time, a seaman on one of thetops who was on the outlook, seeing a throng in the town and hearing aconsiderable noise, called out 'Treachery! Treachery! they kill ourmen. ' Lopez instantly threw away the draught board, calling out to arms;and the son of Utimuti, perceiving the treacherous designs discovered, leapt into his boat with his attendants in great consternation. Thefleet of boats now came round the point and attacked the Portuguese, whoexerted themselves as well as possible in their defence, considering thesuddenness of the attack; and after sinking many of the enemies boats, forced the rest to retire. Not having a sufficient force to takevengeance for this treachery, Lopez was under the necessity of quittingMalacca, where he left sixty of his men in slavery, who were madeprisoners on shore, and having eight slain. On his way back he took twoMoorish ships bound for Malacca; and, having arrived at Cape Comorin, hesent on Teixeyra and Sousa with their ships to Cochin; resolving, thoughill provided, to return alone to Portugal, being afraid of Albuquerque, as he had sided with Almeyda in the late disputes respecting thegovernment of India. He reached the island of Tercera with muchdifficulty, and from thence proceeded to Lisbon. 

SECTION V. 

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of DonAlfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515_. 

Being put into possession of the government of India in November 1509, Albuquerque prepared for an expedition against Calicut, in conjunctionwith Fernando Coutinno. The design was kept secret, yet the zamorin andall the other princes along the coast provided for their defence, onhearing that the Portuguese were making preparations for war. Settingout from Cochin with thirty vessels of various sizes and 1800 landforces, besides several boats full of Malabars who followed in hopes ofplunder, he arrived at Calicut on the 2d of January 1510; and consultingon the difficulties attending the enterprise, it was determined that thedivision of the fleet belonging to Albuquerque should be left in chargeof Don Antonio de Noronha, while that belonging to Coutinno was to becommanded by Rodrigo Rabelo. Every one strove to be so posted as to landfirst, and the men were so eager for landing that they were under armsall night, and so tired in the morning that they were fitter for sleepthan fighting, yet soon recovered when the signal was given and thecannon began to roar. 

The troops landed in two divisions; that under Coutinno consisting of800 men with some field-pieces, and that commanded by Albuquerque of thesame number of Portuguese troops, together with 600 Malabars. Theymarched in strange confusion, each striving to be foremost. The firstattack was made on the bulwark or bastion of Ceram by De Cunna and DeSousa, who were bravely resisted by 600 men, till on the coming up ofAlbuquerque, the defenders fled and the Portuguese got possession of thebulwark. Being fearful of some disastrous event from the confusion ofhis men, Albuquerque sent notice to Coutinno, who came with all speed tohis assistance. On seeing the Portuguese colours flying on the bulwark, Coutinno believed he had been called back by a contrivance of theviceroy to prevent him from acquiring honour, and addressed him in thefollowing terms. "Were you ambitious, Sir, that the rabble of Lisbonshould report you were the first in storming Cochin, that you thus recalme? I shall tell the king that I could have entered it with only thiscane in my hand; and since I find no one to fight with, I am resolved toproceed to the palace of the zamorin!" Without waiting any reply fromAlbuquerque, Coutinno immediately marched his men to the palace. Beingabove five leagues from the shore, and the road much encumbered withpalm trees, and having met some opposition by the way, Coutinno and hispeople were tired by their long march, and rested some time in a plainbefore the palace. He then attacked it, and though well defended, theMoors[112] were forced to fly to the woods and mountains. The Portuguesesoldiers being now possessed of the palace, quitted their ranks andbegan plundering in a disorderly manner, as if they had been close tothe shore under protection of their ships, and had no enemy to fear. Butthe enemy having procured reinforcements, returned to the palace, andfell upon the disordered Portuguese, many of whom they killed whileloaded with plunder, and did much harm to Coutinno and his men, thoughVasco de Sylveira signalized himself by killing two of three chiefscalled _Caymals_. 

[Footnote 112: The author here very improperly calls the Nayres, orMalabar soldiers of the zamorin, Moors; though in all probability theremight be some Mahometans among the defenders of Calicut. --E. ]

In the meantime Albuquerque had got possession of the city of Cochin, which he set on fire; and finding no enemy to oppose him, he thoughtproper to march to the palace to see what Coutinno was about. On hisarrival he found the palace surrounded by armed men, and that Coutinnowas within in the most imminent danger. Having cleared the way from theenemy, he sent word to Coutinno that he waited for him; and after thethird message, Coutinno sent back word that Albuquerque might march onand he would follow, being busy in collecting his men who were dispersedover the palace. Albuquerque accordingly began his march, much pressedupon by the enemy, and had not marched far when he received notice thatCoutinno was in great danger. He immediately endeavoured to return tohis relief, but was impeded by the multitude of the enemy, who slewmany of his men, and he was himself so severely wounded by a dart in thethroat, and a stone on the head, that he was carried senseless to theshore. 

By this time Coutinno and many more were slain in the palace, andseveral others on their way back to the shore; being oppressed by themultitude of the enemy, spent with labour and heat, and almost stifledby the great dust. The whole of Coutinnos division had certainly beencut off, if Vasconcelles and Andrada, who had been left in the city witha reserve of 200[113] men had not checked the fury of the enemy andforced them to retire. There was now as keen a contest about who shouldget first on board, as had been about landing first, not consideringthat all their misfortunes had been occasioned by hurry and confusion. At length they got on board and sailed on their return to Cochin, havinglost 80[114] men in this ill conducted enterprise, among whom wereCoutinno and many persons of note. On recovering his senses while atsea, Albuquerque gave orders for the dispatch of the homeward boundships; and on his arrival at Cochin, immediately made preparations foran attempt to reduce Ormuz. 

[Footnote 113: In Paris, this reserve is stated at 2000 men, obviously atypographical error, yet copied in Astley's Collection, withoutconsidering that the whole original force was only 1800. --E. ]

[Footnote 114: The loss acknowledged in the text is ridiculously smallfor so disastrous an enterprise, and we are almost tempted to suspectthe converse of the error noticed in the preceding note, and that theloss might have been 800. --E. ]

Being recovered from his wounds, all the preparations made for hisexpedition to Ormuz, and the homeward trading ships dispatched, Albuquerque set sail from Cochin with 1700 troops in 21 vessels ofvarious sorts and sizes. On arriving at the river of Onor, he sent forthe pirate _Timoja_, who being powerful and desirous of acquiring thefriendship of the Portuguese, came immediately and supplied Albuquerquewith provisions. Being skilful in the political affairs of India, Albuquerque consulted Timoja respecting his intended enterprise againstOrmuz; but he endeavoured to dissuade him from that attempt, endeavouring to shew that Goa would be a more advantageous conquest, andmight be easily taken as quite unprovided for defence. This advicepleased Albuquerque, and it was resolved upon in a council of war tochange the destination of the armament, for which Timoja agreed tosupply twelve ships, but gave out that he meant to accompany thePortuguese to Ormuz, that the governor of Goa might not be provided fordefence. Timoja had been dispossessed of his inheritance and ill treatedby his kindred and neighbours, and the desire of vengeance and ofrecovering his losses caused him to embrace the alliance of thePortuguese against the interest of his own countrymen. 

The small island of Ticuari, in which the city of Goa stands, issituated in lat. 15° 30' N. In a bay at the mouth of the river Gasim onthe coast of Canara, being about three leagues long and one broad. Itcontains both hill and level ground, has good water, and is fertile, pleasant, and healthy. The city of Goa, now seated on the northern partof the island, was formerly in its southern part. The present city wasbuilt by a Moor named Malek Husseyn about 40 years before the arrival ofthe Portuguese in India. It is not known when the old city was founded, but some authentic writings mention that _Martrasat_, king of that cityabove 100 years before, believed in one God, the incarnation of the Son, and the Trinity in Unity; besides which, a copper crucifix was foundaffixed to a wall when the city was taken. These Christians may havebeen descendants from the converts to the true faith through theministration of the holy apostle Thomas. 

About the year 1300 the Mahometans began to conquer India[115]. Thefirst who attempted this with great power was Shah MahmudNasraddin[116], king of Delhi, who came down with a powerful army fromthe north, and conquered all the gentiles as far as the kingdom ofCanara. He returned to Delhi, leaving Habed Shah to prosecute theconquest, who became so powerful by his valour and conduct that he copedwith his master; and his nephew Madura prosecuting his enterprise afterthe decease of Habed, cast off his allegiance to the king of Delhi, andhaving possessed himself of the kingdom of Canara, called it the Deccan, from the various nations composing his army, this word having thatimport in their language[117]. Too great an empire is always in dangerof falling to pieces. Mahmud Shah[118], being aware of this, used everypossible precaution for his safety, which was effectual for some time;but at length several of the governors of this extensive empire erectedtheir provinces into independent sovereignties. The greatest of thesewas he of Goa, the sovereign of which about the time of the Portuguesecoming into India was named Sabayo, who died about the time thatAlbuquerque went against Goa; upon which Kufo Adel Khan, king ofBisnagar possessed himself of Goa, and placed it in the hands of his sonIsmael. The other princes were Nizamaluco, Mudremaluco, Melek Verido, Khojah Mozadan, Abexeiassado, and Cotèmaluco, all powerful but some ofthem exceedingly so[119]. Sabayo was born of very mean parentage at Sabain Persia, whence his name; but having long served the king of theDeccan with great fidelity, had a grant of the city of Calberga, whencehe extended his conquests over the Pagans of Bisnagar, and reduced Goawhich had belonged to the Moors of Onor, killing Malek Husseyn itsprince or ruler who defended it with a garrison of twelve hundred men. Goa had several dependencies, with which and the other territories hehad acquired Sabayo, became the most powerful prince in these parts, andwas consequently hated by them all. He maintained himself howeveragainst all his neighbours while he lived, sometimes by means of force, and at other times by profound policy; but his death produced greatalteration. 

[Footnote 115: From various circumstances in the context, the wordIndia, is here evidently confined to the peninsula to the south of theNerbudda, called generally Deccan, or the south. --E]

[Footnote 116: He was the sixth king of a dynasty of Turks from Persia, which founded the kingdom of Delhi in 12O2, or rather usurped it fromthe family of Ghaur, who conquered it in 1155 from that of Ghazni, whichhad subdued all India in 1001 as far as the Ganges. Mahmud Shah NasrAddin began his reign in 1246, so that the conquests mentioned in thetext must have happened considerably before 1300. --Astl. I. 71. 2. ]

[Footnote 117: Deccan or Dakshin signifies the _south, _ and is properlythat portion of India which lies between the Nerbudda and Kistna river. It would far exceed the bounds of a note to illustrate the Indianhistory, which is very confusedly, and imperfectly stated in thetext. --E. ]

[Footnote 118: In the text of Faria named Mamud-xa, and probably thesame person named immediately before Madura. --E. ]

[Footnote 119: These names are strangely corrupted in the Portugueseorthography of Faria, and the princes are not well distinguished. Onlythree of them were very considerable: Nizam Shah, or Nizam-al-Mulk, towhom belonged Viziapour; Koth, or Kothb-shah, or Kothb-al-Mulk, the samewith Cotamaluco of the text, who possessed Golconda; and Kufo Adel Khan, called Cufo king of Hidalcan in Faria, who held Bisnagar. --Astley, I. 71. D. --The great king of Narsinga is here omitted; which Hindoosovereignty seems at that time to have comprised the whole of southernIndia, from the western Gauts to the Bay of Bengal, now the high and lowCarnatic with Mysore. --E. ]

Having sailed from Onor accompanied by Timoja, Albuquerque came toanchor off the bar of Goa on the 25th of February 1510. As it wasnecessary to sail up the northern arm of the bay or river, on the bankof which the city was situated, Albuquerque sent his nephew Antonio deNoronha, accompanied by Timoja, to sound the channel. A light vessel ofeasy draught of water which led the way gave chase to a brigantinebelonging to the Moors, which took shelter under protection of a fort orblockhouse, erected for protecting the entrance of the harbour, whichwas well provided with artillery and garrisoned by 400 men, commanded byYazu Gorji, a valiant Turk. Seeing the other vessel in chase, Noronhapressed after him; and though the fort seemed strong, they attacked andtook it after a stout resistance, during which the commandant lostgreater part of one of his hands, yet persisted to defend his post tilldeserted by his men, when he too retired into the city. In the meantime, in emulation of his new allies, Timoja attacked and took anotherblockhouse on the continental shore of the channel leading to Goa, whichwas defended by some artillery and forty men. After these exploits thechannel was sounded without any farther obstruction. 

Next day, as Albuquerque was sailing up the channel to proceed in hisenterprise, he was met by Mir Ali and other chief men of the city, whocame to surrender it to him, only stipulating, that their lives, liberties, and goods should be secured. The reason of this surrender wasbecause Gorji had terrified them by his account of the astonishing andirresistible prowess of the Portuguese, and because a _Joghi_, or nativereligious saint, had predicted a short time before, that Goa was soon tobe subjected by strangers. Albuquerque readily accepted the surrender onthe terms proposed, and having anchored before the town on the 27th ofFebruary, was received on shore by the inhabitants with as much honourand respect, as if he had been their native prince. Mounting on asuperbly caparisoned horse which was brought for his use, he receivedthe keys of the city gates, and rode in great pomp to the palace whichhad been built by Sabayo, where he found a great quantity of cannon, arms, warlike ammunition, and horses. Having issued orders andregulations which were much to the satisfaction of the inhabitants, hedispatched several messages or embassies to the neighbouring sovereigns, the only effect, of which was to shew his high spirit. Such of theneighbouring towns as were dependent upon God, sent deputations withoutdelay to proffer their obedience and submission. The command of thefort or castle was given to Don Antonio de Noronha, the government ofthe infidels to Timoja, and the other offices were disposed of to thegeneral satisfaction. Understanding that several ships belonging toOrmuz and other places on the Arabian coast, were lading in the port ofBaticala, four Portuguese vessels were sent thither, which took andcarried them to Cochin, and sent an ample supply of provisions to Goa. 

About four months after the easy conquest of Goa, the fortune ofAlbuquerque began to change its appearance, as those persons in Goa onwhose fidelity he had reposed most confidence, in spite of theremonstrances of Timoja, entered into plots to deliver up the place toits former master Ismael. They had submitted so easily to Albuquerque, because unprovided for effectual resistance, to save their properties, and to gain time till Ismael Adel Khan was prepared to come to theirrelief. Having at length completed his preparations, he sent on beforehim in June 1510 his general-in-chief Kamul Khan with 1500 horse and8000 foot, on which Albuquerque took proper measures to defend hisrecent acquisition. Having detected a conspiracy of the Moors to deliverup the city, his first step was to secure and punish the chiefconspirators; among these were Mir Cassem and his nephew, to whom he hadconfided the command of four hundred Moors, whom he caused to be hewedin pieces by his guards; several others were hanged in the most publicplaces of the city, and the rest were rigorously imprisoned, above 100being convicted of participating in the plot. By these rigid measuresthe city was terrified into submission. 

Soon afterwards Kamul Khan approached with the van of the army ofIsmael, and attempted to pass over into the island by means of boatswhich he had provided for that purpose. He was courageously opposed byNoronha, who captured twelve of the boats; many of the enemy were killedby the Portuguese, and many others devoured by the alligators whichswarmed in the channel round the island; but at length Kamul Khaneffected a landing in force on the island, and the Portuguese wereobliged to take refuge within the walls of the city. Kamul Khan theninvested the city with his army, which he began to batter with hiscannon, and Albuquerque used every possible effort to defend the place. Ismael Adel Khan now came up to second his general, at the head of60, 000 men, 5000 of whom were cavalry. Part of this great army passedover into the island to strengthen the besiegers, and the rest took postin two divisions on the continent to prevent the introduction ofprovisions, one of these being commanded by an officer of reputation, and the other by the mother and women belonging to Ismael, whomaintained their troops by _the gain from 4000 prostitutes_, whofollowed the camp. By the arrival of this vast army the city of Goa wascompletely surrounded, and no opportunity was left for Albuquerque toexecute any enterprise against the numerous assailants. Making what wasnecessary prudent, he and his officers resolved to abandon the citybefore day, which was accordingly executed though with much hazard, theway being occupied by the troops of the enemy, and Albuquerque had hishorse killed under him; yet he got off all his men without loss after asiege of twenty days. 

After this retreat, it was resolved to spend the winter in these seas, for which purpose the fleet came to anchor in a bay, which although notcommodious was the best that could be had on this part of the coast; andbeing incommoded by a fort named _Pangi_ which had a considerable numberof cannon, it became necessary to gain possession[120]. Accordingly 300Portuguese troops were appointed for the assault, while Noronha had thecommand of a body of reserve, and Albuquerque guarded the shore. Whilethe Portuguese prepared during the night to assail the fort nextmorning, 500 men marched by order of Ismael to reinforce the garrison;and when the Portuguese marched to the assault, both the Moorishgarrison and the relief, being all drunk, mistook the Portuguese forfriends; the garrison believing them to be the reinforcement, and therelief conceiving them to have been the garrison coming out to meetthem. They were soon however fatally undeceived by the attack of thePortuguese, in which 340 of them were slain, and the rest put to therout, while the Portuguese only lost one man who was drownedaccidentally. A similar circumstance happened at the bulwark which hadbeen formerly won by Timoja at _Bardes_. By these two severe defeats ofhis people, Ismael was so excessively alarmed that he left Goa, and hisfear was much increased as some conjurer had foretold that he was to bekilled by a cannon-shot near some river. He sent several ceremoniousmessages to Albuquerque, on purpose to discover what was doing on boardthe ships, and by the threatening answers he received his fears werematerially augmented. In consequence of this intercourse of messages, Ismael was prevailed on to exchange some Portuguese, who had necessarilybeen left behind when Goa was abandoned; for the Moors engaged in thelate conspiracy who remained prisoners with Albuquerque. 

[Footnote 120: From the context it is obvious that this bay and the fortof Pangi were in the close neighbourhood, of Goa; in fact the bayappears to have been the channel leading to Goa, and the fort one ofthose bulwarks on the continental shore which defended the navigation ofthat channel. --E. ]

About this time Albuquerque received intelligence that some vessels werepreparing at Goa to set his ships on fire, on which he anticipated theintentions of the Moors by sending a force up the river to burn thesevessels, which was effected, but Don Antonio de Noronha was slain inthis enterprise; Noronha used to moderate the violent passions of hisuncle Albuquerque, who after his death allowed the severity of histemper to proceed to extremities. Having detected a soldier in an amourwith one of the female slaves he used to call his daughters, and whom hewas accustomed to give away in marriage, he ordered him immediately tobe hanged; and as some of his officers demanded to know by whatauthority he had done this arbitrary and cruel deed, he ordered them allbelow deck, and flourishing his sword said that was his commission forpunishing all who were disobedient, and immediately cashiered them all. During the continuance of this winter, the Portuguese fleet sufferedextreme hardships, especially from scarcity of provisions; and onsailing from thence after the cessation of winter[121], they discoveredfour sail which they supposed to have been Turks, or Mamelukes rather, but on coming nearer, they were found to be a squadron from Portugalunder the command of Diego Mendez. Besides these, the king had sent outthis year other seven ships, under Sequeira, who arrived at Cananor soonafter Albuquerque; and a third armament of two ships to settle a tradeat Madagascar. 

[Footnote 121: By winter on the coast of Malabar, must only beunderstood, the period of storms and excessive bad weather which occursat the change of the monsoons, when it is imminently perilous to be atsea. --E. ]

On the return of Albuquerque from Goa to Cananor, he was much rejoicedat the prospect of such powerful succours, and communicated hisintentions of immediately resuming his enterprise against Goa, but wasoverruled in the council by Sequeira, on which Albuquerque went toCochin, and obtained a victory over the Malabars of Calicut, whoendeavoured to obstruct the Portuguese from loading pepper. Havingdispatched Sequeira with the homeward bound ships, and soon afterwardsLemos with four more, he determined to resume the enterprise upon Goa. As Diego Mendez, who had formerly been favourable to this design, andseveral other captains, now opposed it, because it interfered with theirintentions of going to Malacca, as directed by the king, Albuquerquecommanded them all under the severest penalties not to quit the coastwithout his orders. Though much dissatisfied, they were obliged to obey. Accordingly, having fitted out twenty-three ships at Cananor, in whichhe embarked with 1500 soldiers, he proceeded to Onor to join his allyTimoja, whom he found busied in the celebration of his marriage with thedaughter of a queen; and being anxious to have the honour of theviceroys presence at the wedding he invited him to land, which provedvery dangerous, as they were kept on shore for three days in consequenceof a storm, and when Albuquerque returned to the ships a boat withthirty men was lost. On leaving Onor for Goa, Timoja sent three of hisships along with Albuquerque, and promised to join him at Goa with 6000men. 

Albuquerque anchored for the second time before the bar of Goa on the22d of November 1510. Impressed with a strong recollection of thedangers he had escaped from on the former attempt, and anxious to sooththe discontent which he well knew subsisted among some of his principalofficers on account of having been reluctantly compelled to engage inthis expedition, he addressed them in a conciliatory harangue by whichhe won them over entirely to concur with him in bringing the hazardousenterprise in which he was engaged to a favourable issue. Having madethe proper dispositions for the assault, the troops were landed at earlydawn on the 25th of November, and attacked the enemy who defended theshore with such determined intrepidity that they were put to flight withgreat slaughter, and without the loss of a man on the side of thePortuguese. The enemy fled and endeavoured to get into the city by oneof the gates, and being closely pursued by the Portuguese whoendeavoured to enter along with them, the fight was there renewed, tillat length many of the Portuguese forced their way into the city doingprodigious execution, and the battle was transferred to the streets. These were successively cleared of the enemy by dint of hard fightingall the way to the palace, in which time the Portuguese had lost fiveofficers of some note, and the fight was here renewed with much valouron both sides. Albuquerque, who had exerted himself during the wholeaction with equal courage and conduct, now came up with the reserve, andthe Moors were completely defeated, flying in all directions from thecity and endeavouring to escape to the continent, but through haste andconfusion many of them perished in the river. After this decisivevictory, it was found that of 9000 men who defended the city, 6000 hadperished, while the Portuguese lost fifty men. _Medeorao_[122], or_Melrao_, nephew to the king of Onore, who commanded the three shipssent by Timoja, behaved with great courage and fidelity on thisoccasion; Timoja came himself to Goa with a reinforcement of 3000 men, but too late to assist in the attack, and was only a witness to thecarnage which had taken place. The booty in horses, artillery, arms, provisions, and ships, was immense, and contributed materially to enableAlbuquerque to accomplish the great designs he had in contemplation. 

[Footnote 122: This person is afterwards named by Faria _Melrao_, and issaid to have been nephew to the king of Onore; the editor of Astleycalls him _Melrau_. Perhaps his real name might have been _Madeo row_, and both he and Timoja may have been of the Mahrana nation. --E. ]

The Portuguese who were slain in this brilliant exploit were allhonourably interred; those of the enemy were made food for thealligators who swarmed in the river. All the surviving Moors wereexpelled from the city, island, and dependencies of Goa, and all thefarms were restored to the gentiles, over whom Timoja was appointedgovernor, and after him Medeorao, formerly mentioned. While employed insettling the affairs of his conquest, ambassadors came from several ofthe princes along the coast to congratulate Albuquerque on his brilliantsuccess. Both then and afterwards, many of the officers of Adel Khanmade inroads to the neighbourhood of Goa, but were always repelled withloss. At this time, Diego Mendez and other two captains belonging to hissquadron, having been appointed by the king of Portugal for anexpedition to Malacca, stole away from the port of Goa under night indirect contravention of the orders of Albuquerque, intending to proceedfor Malacca. Albuquerque sent immediately after them and had thembrought back prisoners; on which he deprived them of their commands, ordering them to be carried to Portugal to answer to the king for theirconduct, and condemned the two pilots who had conducted their ships fromthe harbour to be immediately hung at the yard-arm. Some alleged thatAlbuquerque emulously detained Diego Mendez from going against Malacca, which enterprise he designed for himself, while others said that heprevented him from running into the same danger which had been alreadymet with by Sequeira at that place, the force under Mendez beingaltogether inadequate to the enterprise. 

To provide for the future safety of Goa, Albuquerque laid thefoundations of a fort, which he named _Manuel_, after the reigning kingof Portugal. On this occasion, he caused the names of all the captainswho had been engaged in the capture of Goa to be engraven on a stone, which he meant to have put up as a monument to their honour; but asevery one was desirous of being named before the others, he turned downthe stone so as to hide all their names, leaving the followinginscription, _Lapidem quem reprobaverant aedificantes_. 

Thus they were all pleased, rather wishing their own individual praisesto be forgotten, than that others should partake. Albuquerque assumingall the powers of sovereignty in his new conquest for the king ofPortugal, coined money of gold, silver, and copper, calling the first_Manuels_, the second _Esperas_, and the third half esperas. Resolvingto establish a permanent colony at this place, he engaged several of thePortuguese to intermarry with the women of the country, giving themmarriage portions in lands, houses, and offices as an encouragement. Onone night that some of these marriages were celebrated, the bridesbecame so mixed and confounded together, that some of the bridegroomswent to bed to those who belonged to others; and when the mistake wasdiscovered next morning, each took back his own wife, all being equal inregard to the point of honour. This gave occasion to some of thegentlemen to throw ridicule on the measures pursued by Albuquerque; buthe persisted with firmness in his plans, and succeeded in establishingGoa as the metropolis or centre of the Portuguese power in India. 

The king of Portugal had earnestly recommended to Albuquerque thecapture of the city of Aden on the coast of Arabia near the entrance ofthe Red Sea; and being now in possession of Goa, he thought his timemispent when not occupied in military expeditions, and resolved uponattempting the conquest of Malacca; but to cover his design, hepretended that he meant to go against Aden, and even sent off some shipsin that direction the better to conceal his real intentions. Leaving DonRodrigo de Castel Branco in the command of Goa with a garrison of 400Portuguese troops, while the defence of the dependencies and thecollection of the revenue was confided to Medeorao with 5000 nativesoldiers, Albuquerque went to Cochin to prepare for his expeditionagainst Malacca. 

The city of Malacca is situated on the peninsula of that name, ancientlycalled _Aurea Chersonesus_, or the Golden Peninsula, and on the coast ofthe channel which separates the island of Sumatra from the continent, being about the middle of these straits. It is in somewhat more than twodegrees of north latitude[123], stretching along the shore for about aleague, and divided in two nearly equal parts by a river over whichthere is a bridge. It has a fine appearance from the sea, but all thebuildings of the city are of wood, except the mosque and palace whichare of stone. Its port was then frequented by great numbers of ships, being the universal mart of all eastern India beyond the bay of Bengal. It was first built by the _Celates_, a people who chiefly subsisted byfishing, and who united themselves with the _Malays_ who inhabited themountains. Their first chief was Paramisora, who had been a person ofhigh rank in the island of Java, whence he was expelled by another chiefwho usurped his lordship, on which occasion he fled to Cincapura, wherehe was well received by the lord of that place and raised to highemployment. But having rebelled against his benefactor, he was drivenfrom thence by the king of Siam, and was forced to wander about Malacca, as a just punishment for his ingratitude. Having drawn together a numberof the before-mentioned natives, with whom he established a new colony, he gave the name of _Malacca_ to the rising city, signifying in thelanguage of the country _a banished man_, as a memorial of his ownfortunes. The first king of Malacca was _Xuque Darxa_, or sheikhDár-shah, called by some authors _Raal Sabu_, or Ra-el-Saib, who was theson of Paramisora, and was subject to the kings of Siam; but from whomhis successors revolted. The country of Malacca is subject toinundations, full of thick woods, and infested by dangerous and savagebeasts, particularly tigers, so that travellers are often forced to passthe nights on the tops of high trees, as the tigers can easily take themoff from such as are low by leaping. The men of Malacca are courageous, and the women very wanton. At this time the city of Malacca was rich andpopulous, being the centre of trade between the eastern and westernparts of India, Mahomet was then king of Malacca, against whom the kingof Siam had sent an army of 40, 000 men, most of whom perished by sundrymisfortunes, but chiefly through similar treacherous devices with thosewhich had been put in practice against Sequeira. But now Albuquerqueapproached to revenge them all. Mahomet, fearing to meet the reward ofhis former treachery to the Portuguese, had procured the assistance ofthe king of _Pam_[124], who brought an army of 30, 000 men with a greatnumber of pieces of artillery[125]. 

[Footnote 123: In lat. 2° 25' N. ]

[Footnote 124: Named Pahang or Pahan, by the editor of AstleysCollection. ]

[Footnote 125: In the text of Faria, and following him in Astley, thenumber of cannon is said to have been 8000; a number so incredible thatwe have used a general expression only on this occasion in thetext. --E. ]

On the 2d of May 1511, Albuquerque sailed from Cochin on his expeditionagainst Malacca, with 19 ships and 1400 soldiers, 800 of whom werePortuguese, and 600 Malabars. While off the island of Ceylon he fell inwith and captured five vessels belonging to the Moors, which were boundfor Malacca. On arriving at the island of Sumatra, the kings of Pedierand Pisang sent friendly messages to Albuquerque, on which occasion Juande Viegas, one of the men left behind by Sequeira was restored tofreedom, he and others having made their escape from Malacca. About thistime likewise, Nehoada Beguea, who had been one of the principal authorsof the treachery practiced against Sequeira, fled from Pedier and beingtaken at sea by Ayres Pereira, to the great astonishment of every oneshed not one drop of blood, though pierced by several mortal wounds; buton taking off a bracelet of bone from his arm the blood gushed out. TheIndians, who discovered the secret, said this bracelet was made from thebone of a certain beast which is found in Java, and has this wonderfulvirtue. It was esteemed a great prize and brought to Albuquerque. Afterthis, they fell in with another ship in which were 300 Moors[126] whomade so resolute a defence, that Albuquerque was obliged to come up inperson to assist in the capture, which was not accomplished withoutconsiderable danger. In this vessel was _Geniall_, the rightful king ofPisang; who had been banished by an usurper. Three other vessels weretaken soon after, from one of which a minute account was procured of themilitary preparations at Malacca. 

[Footnote 126: All are Moors with Faria, particularly Mahometans. Thecrew of this vessel were probably Malays, perhaps the most ferociouslydesperate people of the whole world. --E. ]

On the 1st of July 1511, the Portuguese fleet cast anchor in the roadsof Malacca, infusing terror and dismay among multitudes that covered thewhole shore, by the clangour of their warlike instruments, and the noiseof repeated discharges of cannon; being sensible of their guilty conductto Sequeira and conscious that the present armament was designed fortheir condign punishment. Next day a Moor came off in great state with amessage from the king, and was received with much courtesy andceremonious pomp by Albuquerque[127], to whom he said that if he camefor trade, the king was ready to supply whatever merchandise he wanted. Albuquerque made answer that the merchandise he sought for was therestitution of the Portuguese who had been left there by Sequeira, andwhen they were restored, he should then say what farther demands he hadto make from the king. On his return to the city, the Moor spreaduniversal consternation by this answer, and it was agreed to endeavourto avert the threatened danger, by restoring the Portuguese, and bypaying a large sum of money. But Prince Al'oddin, the son of the king ofMalacca, and his brother-in-law the king of Pahang opposed this, andmade ready for defence. Upon this Albuquerque began some militaryexecution, and the king restored the captives. After this some farthernegotiations ensued, as the king was desirous of peace, whichAlbuquerque offered to agree to, on condition of having permission tobuild a fortress at Malacca, and that the king should repay the entirecharges incurred by Sequeira and the present armament, all the damagehaving been occasioned by his own treachery and falsehood; but hedemanded to have an immediate answer; whether the king chose peace orwar. The king was willing to have submitted to the terms demanded by thePortuguese viceroy, but his son and the king of Pahang opposed him, andit was at length determined to stand on their defence. 

[Footnote 127: On this occasion, Faria mentions that Albuquerque worehis beard so long that it was fastened to his girdle; having made a vowwhen he was forced to retreat from Ormuz, that it should never betrimmed till he sat on the back of Khojah Attar for that purpose. --E. ]

On the 24th of July, being the eve of St James the apostle, every thingbeing disposed in order for attack, the signal was given for landing, bythe discharge of artillery, and immediately the Portuguese leapt onshore and charged the enemy with loud shouts. The hottest of the battlewas about gaining and defending the bridge, which enterprise Albuquerqueundertook in person, and where the enemy after a vigorous defence, inwhich great numbers of them were slain, were forced to leap into theriver, where many of them were drowned. The prince and the king ofPahang bravely opposed another party of the Portuguese who endeavouredto force their way to the bridge to join the viceroy, and at the sametime King Mahomet came out on a large elephant, attended by two othershaving castles on their backs, whence numbers of darts were launchedagainst the Portuguese. But the elephants being soon severely wounded, turned and fled through among their own men, trampling many of them todeath and making way for the Portuguese to join those who had possessionof the bridge. At this place Albuquerque fortified himself, and asconsiderable harm was done to his men by poisoned arrows discharged fromthe tops of the adjoining houses, he caused them to be set on fire. After bestowing great praises on his captains for their courageousbehaviour, and perceiving that his people began to grow faint by longexertions, excessive heat, and want of food, he withdrew to the shipstowards night. Ten of the Portuguese died in consequence of their woundsfrom the poisoned arrows. The loss of the enemy was not known. The kingof Pahang withdrew to his own country, under pretence of bringing areinforcement, but never returned. 

While Albuquerque rested and refreshed his men on board, Mahomet wasbusily employed in making every possible preparation for defending thecity. For this purpose he undermined the streets in several places, inhopes to blow up the assailants, and strewed poisoned thorns in the way, covering them over to prevent their being observed. He likewisefortified the bridge, and planted cannon in many places. As a preludeto the second assault, Albuquerque sent Antonio de Abren in a vesselwell manned to gain possession of the bridge. On his way thither he hadto pass through showers of bullets from both sides of the river and fromthe battlements of the bridge, and though desperately wounded, refusedto be brought off, when Deniz Fernandez Melo, who came up to his rescueproposed sending him to the ships to have his wounds dressed, saying, "Though he neither had strength to fight nor voice to command, he wouldnot quit his post while life remained. " Floats of wildfire were sentdown the river to burn the vessel; but at length Albuquerque in persongained possession of the bridge, and the vessel being freed from thefire rafts, had liberty to act against the enemy. Having rested his mena short time on the bridge, Albuquerque penetrated the city, throughshowers of bullets, darts, and arrows; and having been apprised of themines in the principal street, he took, another way and gained themosque. At length, after a prodigious slaughter of the enemy, he gainedentire possession of the city, having only with him in this action 800Portuguese and 200 Malabars. 

At the end of nine days every one of the Moors who inhabited this greatcity were either slain or driven out, and it was repeopled withstrangers and some Malays, who were permitted to take possession of thevacant houses. Among these last was Utimuti rajah, whose son hadformerly endeavoured to assassinate Sequeira. Utimuti was a rich andpowerful native of Java, of whom more hereafter. The soldiers wereallowed to plunder the city during three days. There were found 3000pieces of _great cannon_, out of 8000[128] which King Mahomet had reliedupon for the defence of his city, the rest having been carried off to_Bintang_, where the king and prince Al'oddin had fortified themselves. As it might have been of dangerous consequence to permit these princesto establish themselves so near the city of Malacca, Albuquerque sent aforce to dislodge them, consisting of 400 Portuguese, 400 Malaysbelonging to Utimuti, and 300 men belonging to the merchants of Pegu whoresided in Malacca. On the approach of these troops, the king and princetook flight, leaving seven elephants with all their costly trappings, and the Portuguese returned to Malacca. Now reduced to wander in thewoods and mountains of the interior, Mahomet so severely reflected uponthe obstinacy of his son and the king of Pahang, that he and his sonquarrelled and separated, each shifting for himself. 

[Footnote 128: This prodigious train of artillery is quite incredible, though, twice repeated in the same terms, but it is impossible to formany rational conjecture for correcting the gross error or exaggerationin the text. --E. ]

To secure this important conquest, Albuquerque built a fort or citadelat Malacca, which from its beauty was called _Hermosa_. He likewisebuilt a church, which was dedicated to the _Visitation of our Lady_; andcoined money of different values and denominations, which was ordered topass current by proclamation, and some of which he caused to bescattered among the populace. By these and other prudent measures hegained the hearts of the people, attracted strangers to settle inMalacca, and secured this important emporium of trade. AlthoughAlbuquerque was perfectly conscious of the deceitful character ofUtimuti rajah, yet considering it to be sometimes prudent to trust anenemy under proper precautions, he gave him authority over all the Moorsthat remained in Malacca. It was soon discovered however, that Utimuticarried on a private correspondence with Prince Al'oddin, under pretenceof restoring him to the sovereignty of Malacca, but in reality for thepurpose of using his remaining influence among the people to set himselfup. On receiving authentic information of these underhand practices, Albuquerque caused Utimuti with his son and son-in-law to beapprehended, and on conviction of their treason, he ordered them to bepublicly executed on the same scaffold which they had formerly destinedfor Sequeira. This was the first public exertion of sovereign justicewhich was attempted by the Portuguese in India, but was soon followed byothers. _Pate Quitir_, another native of Java, whom Albuquerqueappointed to succeed Utimuti in the government of the Moors in Malacca, was gained by the widow of Utimuti, by promise of her daughter inmarriage with a portion of 100, 000 ducats, to revenge the death of herhusband on the Portuguese, and to assassinate Albuquerque. Quitiraccepted her offer, meaning to seize the city for himself. About thesame time also, the king of Campar formed a similar design, for theattainment of which purpose he sent a congratulatory embassy toAlbuquerque, from whom he demanded the office which had been conferredon Quitir. These plots having no consequences at this time, shall befarther explained in the sequel. 

During his residence at Malacca, Albuquerque received embassies fromseveral princes, particularly from the king of Siam; and he sentlikewise embassies in return, to the kings of Siam and Pegu. He sentalso two ships to discover the Molucca islands and Banda[129], and gaveorders to let it be known in all quarters that Malacca was now under thedominion of Portugal, and that merchants from every part of India wouldbe received there on more favourable terms than formerly. Having nowestablished every thing in Malacca to his mind, Albuquerque determinedupon returning to Cochin, leaving Ruy de Brito Patalim to command thefort with a garrison of 300 men. He left at the same time Fernando Perezde Andrada with ten ships and 300 soldiers to protect the trade, andcarried four ships with himself on his return to Cochin. 

[Footnote 129: According to some authors these were commanded by Lopezde Azevedo and Antonio de Abreu, who set out in 1511 and returned in1513; but according to others Antonio de Abreu, Francisco Serrano, andFerdinand Magalhaens were the officers employed on this occasion, duringwhich Magalhaens projected his circumnavigation of the globe. --Astley, I. 74. 2. ]

During these transactions at Malacca a rebellion broke out among thenatives at Goa, taking advantage of which, _Pulate Khan_, an officer inthe service of Kufo Adel Khan king of Bisnagar passed over into theisland of Goa with considerable army, and laid siege to the city. One ofthe principal exploits during this siege was a sally made by RodrigoRobello de Castello Franco the governor, in which the besiegers sufferedconsiderable loss. But Rodrigo was soon afterwards slain, and DiegoMendez de Vasconcellos was chosen to take the command by the universalsuffrages of the besieged. At this time Adel Khan became jealous thathis general Pulate Khan intended to usurp the sovereignty over theterritory of Goa, on which account he sent his brother-in-law, RotzomoKhan to supersede him, who entered into a treaty with Diego Mendez, bywhose assistance he got the mastery over Pulate Khan. Finding himself atthe head of 7000 men, while there were not above 1200 troops in the cityof Goa, 400 only of whom were Portuguese, Rotzomo resolved to endeavourto drive them out, and resumed the siege. Being short of provisions, thebesieged began to suffer severely from famine, and several of the mendeserted to the enemy, some of whom repented and returned to the city. In this critical situation, Emanuel de la Cerda who had wintered atCochin fortunately arrived with succours, and was followed soon after byDiego Fernandez de Beja, who had been sent to demolish the fort atSocotora, and to receive the tribute at Onnuz. By these the besiegedwere abundantly relieved and succoured with recruits and provisions whenalmost reduced to extremity. Soon afterwards arrived Juan Serram who hadgone from Portugal the year before with Peyo de Sa, in order to settle atrade in the island of Madagascar, but ineffectually; and Christopher deBrito, who happened to be at Cananor with a large ship and four smallervessels, where he heard of the distressed situation of Goa, wentimmediately thither with a strong reinforcement and an ample supply ofprovisions. 

On his voyage from Malacca to Cochin, the ship in which Albuquerque wasembarked struck during the night on a rock off Cape Timia in the kingdomof _Aru_ on the coast of Sumatra. Being completely separated a midships, the people who had taken refuge on the poop and forecastle were unableto communicate with each other, and the night was so exceedingly darkthat no assistance could be sent from the other vessels. When day-lightappeared next morning, Albuquerque was seen holding a girl in his arms, whom chance had conducted to him during the confusion. Pedro de Alpoemcame up to his relief, though with much difficulty and danger. On thisoccasion some of the men were lost, and much valuable commodities, butwhat Albuquerque most regretted was the wonderful bone which preventedthe wounded Moor from bleeding, and some iron lions of curiousworkmanship, which he had intended for supporters to his tomb. Albuquerque continued his voyage after this disaster in the shipcommanded by Alpoem; and on his way back took two Moorish ships, which, though rich did not make amends for the loss he had sustained in thewreck of his own. Immediately on his arrival at Cochin, being informedof the distress of Goa, he dispatched eight vessels to that place withmen and provisions, promising soon to repair thither in person. Therewere then in the town 1000 men, who were besieged by an army of 20, 000natives. 

It being now the year 1512, six ships arrived in India from Portugal, having spent a whole year on the voyage without touching at any port;and though the men were tired and sick, they relieved several places. Atthis time likewise a fleet of thirteen ships arrived from Portugal, oneof which was lost on the island of _Angoxa_. This fleet, which carried1800 soldiers, anchored off the bar of Goa on the 15th of August 1512. They immediately drove the enemy from a fort which they had constructedat Benistarim; after which Don Garcia and George de Melo passed on withtheir squadrons, accompanied by Juan Machado and others, who had beenrecently delivered from slavery in Cambaya. Albuquerque was muchrejoiced at the great reinforcements brought out by his nephew DonGarcia and Melo, and by the relief of the captives, as they enabled himto proceed in the enterprises which he had in contemplation. Hissatisfaction was much increased by the arrival of Antonio de Saldannawith the garrison of Quiloa, which had been abandoned as a place ofsmall importance. About the same time there arrived ambassadors fromPersia and Ormuz, the latter of whom had orders from his master toproceed to Portugal. 

Having arranged everything at Cochin, and appointed Melo to the commandof Cananor, Albuquerque proceeded to Goa, where he was received withevery demonstration of joy and respect. After visiting thefortifications, he endeavoured to concert measures for driving RotzomoKhan from the works which he had constructed for besieging Goa. On thesixth day after his arrival, being on an eminence with several officerstaking a view of the works of the enemy, 4000 Moors, 200 of whom werehorse, were seen sporting on the plain, it being Friday, which is thesabbath of the Mahometans. On this occasion, a detachment of thePortuguese made a sudden attack on the Moors, and after a hot skirmishdrove them for shelter to their works, having slain above an hundred ofthe enemy, with the loss of one officer and one private, and severalwounded. Having resolved to take possession of a strong fort which theenemy had erected near Goa for the protection of their camp, Albuquerquecaused it to be attacked both by sea and land at the same time; andthinking that the sea attack was not conducted with sufficient vigour, he went himself in a boat to give orders, and came so near that acannon-shot struck the head of a Canara who steered his boat, dashingthe blood and brains on his beard. Enraged at this incident, he offereda high reward to any one who should destroy that cannon; on which one ofhis gunners aimed a shot so exactly that it struck the muzzle of thecannon which flew in pieces, and killed the Moorish cannoneer. By thisfortunate circumstance, the Portuguese were able to get farther up theriver and to get close to the fort. At this time _Zufolari_, one of thegenerals of the Moors, appeared with 7000 men on the continental shoreto relieve the fort; but being unable to effectuate his purpose, wasforced to retire after sustaining some loss by a distant cannonade. Albuquerque now closely invested the fort with 4000 men, 3000 of whomwere Portuguese. He divided these into two bodies, one under his ownimmediate command, and the other under the charge of his nephew DonGarcia. At first the Portuguese received some damage; but in the endRotzomo Khan agreed to surrender the fort with all its cannon andammunition, to deliver up all the Portuguese prisoners and deserters, and to evacuate the island of Goa and its dependencies. The Portuguesedeserters were severely punished by order of Albuquerque, having theirears, noses, right hands, and the thumbs of their left cut off, in whichmutilated condition they were sent home to Portugal. One of these, namedFerdinando Lopez, as a penance for his crimes, voluntarily remained witha negro at the island of St Helena, where he began some cultivation, andwas afterwards serviceable to several ships that called in there, byfurnishing them with refreshments. 

Having thus completely relieved Goa, Albuquerque endeavoured to gainover Rotzomo Khan to the Portuguese service, but unsuccessfully; but hisgood fortune made a great impression on many of the native princes, several of whom sent pacific embassies to the viceroy. The king ofCalicut, terrified at the growing power of the Portuguese, concluded atreaty of peace with Don Garcia, whom his uncle had sent to take thecommand at Cochin[130]. The kings of Narsinga, Visiapour, Bisnagar, andother districts of India, sent ambassadors to the viceroy; whoendeavoured in his answers to impress them powerfully with the value ofamity with the Portuguese, and dread of encountering their arms, andsent back envoys of his own to these princes, to acquire intelligencerespecting their power and resources. There arrived likewise at Goa anambassador from the Christian sovereign of Abyssinia, whom theEuropeans denominate Prester John[131], who was destined to go over toPortugal, carrying a piece of the _true cross_, and letters for the kingof Portugal from the queen-mother _Helena_, who governed Abyssiniaduring the minority of her son David. The purport of this embassy was toarrange a treaty of amity with the king of Portugal, and to procuremilitary aid against the Moors who were in constant hostility with thatkingdom. This ambassador reported that there were then three Portugueseat the Abyssinian court, one of whom, named Juan, called himselfambassador from the king of Portugal; and two others, named Juan Gomezand Juan Sanchez, who had been lately set on shore at Cape Guardafu, byorder of Albuquerque, in order to explore the country. 

[Footnote 130: The editor of Astleys Collection adds, _with liberty tobuild a fort_; but this condition is not to be found in the text ofFaria, which is followed in that work literally on most occasions, though often much abridged. --E. ]

[Footnote 131: In our early volumes it will be seen that this imaginary_Prete Jani_, Prester John, or the Christian Priest-king, had beensought for in vain among the wandering tribes of eastern Tartary. ThePortuguese now absurdly gave that appellation to the Negus of Habesh, orEmperor of the Abyssinians; where a degraded species of Christianityprevails among a barbarous race, continually engaged in sanguinary warand interminable revolution. --E. ]

Every thing at Goa being placed in order, the viceroy now determinedupon carrying the enterprise against Aden into execution, which had beenformerly ordered by the king of Portugal. Without communicating hisintentions to any one, he caused twenty ships to be fitted out, in whichhe embarked with 1700 Portuguese troops, and 800 native Canaras andMalabars. When just ready to sail, he acquainted the captains with theobject of his expedition, that they might know where to rendezvous incase of separation. Setting sail from Goa on the 18th of February 1513, the armament arrived safe at Aden. This city, called Modocan by Ptolemy, is situated on the coast of Yemen or Arabia Felix, in lat. 12° 45' N. Near the mouth of the Red Sea, and looks beautiful and strong from thesea, being rich and populous owing to the resort of many nations fortrade. But Immediately behind are the barren and rocky mountains ofArzira, which present numerous cliffs and precipices. The soil is arid, having very little water, which is procured from a few wells andcisterns, as this part of the country is scarcely watered from theheavens above once in two or three years. Hence it is devoid of alltrees, and has neither gardens nor orchards. 

Immediately on the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, Miramirzan thegovernor sent a complimentary message to the viceroy with a present ofprovisions; but as there was no prospect of voluntary submission orsurrender, Albuquerque resolved upon carrying the place by assault, butfound the enterprise more difficult than he expected. Having landed hismen early in the morning, the troops advanced to the walls with scalingladders: but after a considerable number had got up to the top of thewall, the ladders broke under the weight of the multitudes who pressedto get up; so that Albuquerque was obliged to order down those who hadalready ascended, by means of a single ladder constructed out of thebroken fragments of the rest. Thus, after four hours engagement, thePortuguese were forced to desist from the attack with some loss, occasioned more by the insufficiency of the ladders than by the prowessof the enemy. George Sylveyra and five men were killed on the spot, butseveral others died afterwards of their wounds, and some from bruisesoccasioned by falling from the walls and ladders. Submitting to his badfortune, and by the persuasion of his officers, Albuquerque resolved toabandon this enterprise, that he might have sufficient time remaining tosail for the month of the Red Sea. But before leaving Aden, he took aredoubt or bulwark which defended the entrance into the harbour, where agreat many Moors, or Arabs rather, were slain, and 37 pieces of cannontaken. Having plundered the ships in the harbour, they were all burnt;and on the fourth day after arriving at Aden, the fleet set sail for themouth of the Red Sea, on their arrival at which great rejoicings weremade by Albuquerque and the Portuguese, as being the first Europeans whohad ever navigated that celebrated sea. 

The form of the Red Sea is not unlike that of a crocodile, having itsmouth at the narrow Straits of Mecca or Babelmandeb, the head being thatsea which lies between Cape Guardafu and Fartaque, and the extremity ofthe tail at the town of Suez. Its general direction is from N. N. W. ToS. S. E. Being 530 leagues long, and 40 over where broadest[132]. Thechannel for navigation is about the middle, where it has sufficientdepth of water for the largest ships, but both sides are very shallow, and much encumbered by sand banks and numerous small islands. No riverof any note falls into it during its whole extent. It is called by theMoors or Arabs, _Bahar Corzu_ or the Closed Sea, and by others the Seaof Mecca; but by Europeans the Arabian Gulf or the Red Sea, owing to thered colour it derives from its bottom, as was proved by a subsequentviceroy, Don Juan de Castro, who caused some of the bottom to be draggedup in several places, when it was found to consist of a red corallinesubstance; while in other places the bottom was green, and white insome, but mostly red. The water itself, when taken up, is as clear as inany other part of the sea. The Red Sea does not abound in fish, but itproduces small pearls in many places. The mouth of the Red Sea, calledthe Straits of Mecca or of Bab-al-mandeb, is in lat. 12° 40' N. And isas it were locked up by seven small islands, the largest of which, now_Mehun_, was called by Ptolemy _Perantonomasiam_. On going from thestraits towards Suez along the eastern or Arabian shore, there are onlya few small ports of no note for the first 44 leagues, till we come tothe island of _Kamaran_, which is subject to the king of Aden. At 60leagues from thence we come to _Gezan_ a large town; thence 130 leaguesto _Yambo_, all in the dominions of Mecca, having several good towns andharbours. Among these are the famous and well known ports of _Ziden_ and_Juddah_, or _Joda_; _Mecca_ being 15 leagues inland from the latter. From Yambo it is 60 leagues to _Toro_, where the children of Israel aresaid to have crossed the Red Sea, which at this place is 3 leaguesacross. Thence to _Suez_ is 40 leagues, and there ends the Arabianshore. On sailing back to the straits along the western shore of Egyptand Ethiopia, from Suez which is 20 leagues from Grand Cairo the vastmetropolis of Egypt, it is 45 leagues to Al-cosier; thence 135 to thecity of Suakem, in which space there are many ports: From thence 70leagues farther on is the island and port of Massua, and opposite to itArkiko; and thence other 85 leagues bring us back to the Straits ofBab-el-mandeb. Behind a ridge of mountains which runs close along thewhole coast of Ethiopia, lie the dominions of Prester John, which hasalways preserved Christianity after its own manner, and has of late beenmuch supported therein by the Portuguese arms. 

[Footnote 132: The extreme length of the Red Sea is 400 geographicalleagues, 20 to the degree, or about 1380 statute miles, and its greatestbreadth 65 of the same leagues, about 225 miles. --E. ]

Entering into the Red Sea, Albuquerque sailed along the coast to theisland of Kamaran, which he found abandoned by its inhabitants fromdread of his approach. He took two vessels by the way, and found fourothers at this place, one of which belonged to the Soldan of Egypt. Fromthis island he visited several others; and one day there appeared inthe sky to the whole persons in the fleet a very bright red cross, seemingly about six feet broad, and of a proportional length. All thePortuguese knelt down and worshipped the heavenly sign, Albuquerquemaking a devout prayer; after which the happy omen was joyfully hailedby the sound of music and cannon, till at length it was covered over bya bright cloud and disappeared. As the trade wind failed for carryinghim to Judduh, Albuquerque returned to Kamaran where he wintered, andwhere his people suffered extreme misery from famine and sickness. InJuly 1513, as soon as the weather would permit, he sailed again forIndia, meaning to appear again before Aden, and touched at the island ofMehun, in the middle of the straits, to which he gave the name of VeraCruz, in memory of the miraculous vision with which they had beenfavoured, and erected a very high cross upon an eminence. From thence hesent two ships to examine the city and port of Zeyla, on an island in abay of the coast of Adel, where they burnt two ships belonging to theMoors, and joined the fleet again before Aden. He found thefortifications of this place repaired and strengthened; and afterexchanging a cannonade which did little damage on either side, andburning some ships in the harbour, he sailed for India. 

Albuquerque arrived at Diu about the middle of August 1513, and wasimmediately supplied, with some provisions accompanied by a courteousmessage from Malek Azz the lord of that city under the king of Cambaya, more from fear than affection. Being aware of his duplicity, Albuquerquedealt cautiously with this chief, and demanded permission to erect afort at Diu; but Malek Azz excused himself, referring Albuquerque to theking of Cambaya, whom he secretly advised to refuse if asked. However itwas agreed to settle a Portuguese factor at this place to conduct thetrade; and at parting Azz treated Albuquerque with so much artfulcivility, that he said he had never seen a more perfect courtier, or onemore fitted to please and deceive a man of understanding. Some timeafterwards, the king of Cambaya gave permission for the Portuguese toerect a fort at Diu, on condition that he might do the same at Malacca. At this time there arrived two ships from Portugal, a third having beencast away in the voyage, but the men saved. Albuquerque went to Goa, andsent his nephew Noronha to Cochin to dispatch the homeward bound trade, along with which an ambassador was sent from the zamorin to the king ofPortugal, peace being now established with that sovereign, who permitteda fort to be erected at his capital. By these ships likewise were sentthe presents of many of the Indian princes to the king of Portugal, together with many captives taken in war. There went also a PortugueseJew, who had been an inhabitant of Jerusalem, and had been sent by theguardian of the Franciscans to acquaint Albuquerque that the Soldan ofEgypt threatened to destroy all the holy places at Jerusalem. 

Pate Quitir, the native of Java, who had been preferred by Albuquerqueto the command of the native inhabitants of Malacca, continued to carryon measures for expelling the Portuguese, and having strengthenedhimself secretly, at last broke out into rebellion. Having slain aPortuguese captain and several men, and taken some pieces of cannon, hesuddenly fortified the quarter of the city in which he resided, andstood on his defence with 6000 men and two elephants. Ferdinando Perezand Alfonso Pessoa went against him with 320 men, partly by land andpartly by water, and after a long contest forced him to flee for refugeinto the woods after many of his men were slain. A considerable quantityof artillery and ammunition was found in that part of the city which hehad fortified, which was burnt to the ground after being plundered ofmuch riches. Having received succour from Java and Mahomet, the expelledking of Malacca, Quitir, erected another fort in a convenient place atsome distance from the city, where he became powerful by sea and land, being in hopes of usurping the sovereignty of Malacca. Perez went outagainst him, but though he fought as valiantly as before, he was forcedto retreat after losing three captains and four soldiers. At this time_Lacsamana_, an officer belonging to Mahomet, entered the river ofMalacca with a great number of men and many cannon on board severalvessels. Perez attacked him with three ships, and a furious battle tookplace which lasted for three hours, with much advantage on the side ofthe Portuguese, but night obliged the combatants to desist, and Pereztook a position to prevent as he thought the Malayans from escaping outof the river during the darkness. But Lacsamana threw up an intrenchmentof such respectable appearance during the night, that it was thought toodangerous to attempt an attack, and Perez retired to the fort. At thistime three ships entered the port from India, bringing a supply ofammunition and a reinforcement of 150 soldiers; but Lacsamana hadestablished himself so advantageously, that he intercepted all thevessels carrying provisions for Malacca, which was reduced to suchstraits that many fell down in the streets from famine. The same plagueattended Pate Quitir in his quarters. [133]

[Footnote 133: It is probable that Mr Stevens has mistaken the sense ofFaria at this place, and that the famine in Malacca was occasioned bythe joint operations of Lacsamana and Pate Quitir, holding the city in astate of blockade. --E. ]

When the season became fit for navigation, Perez set out with ten shipsand a galley in quest of provisions. While sailing towards Cincapura, the galley discovered a sail, and stuck by it till the fleet came up. Itwas found to be laden with provisions and ammunition for Pate Quitir. Perez brought the captain and other head men on board his own ship, where they attempted to slay the Portuguese, even Perez being stabbed inthe back by a cris or dagger. Being foiled in this attempt, most of themleapt into the sea, but some were taken and put to the rack whoconfessed there was a son of Quitir among them, and that they werefollowed by three other vessels similarly laden. These were likewisecaptured and carried to Malacca. At the same time Gomez de Cunna arrivedwith his ship laden with provisions from Pegu, where he had been tosettle a treaty of amity and commerce with the king of that country. Thefamine being thus appeased, and the men recovered, Perez attacked PateQuitir by sea and land; and having fortunately succeeded in the captureof his fortified quarters, which were set on fire, that chieftain wasforced to retire to Java, and Lacsamana, on seeing this success of thePortuguese, retired with his forces. 

Java is an island to the south-east of Sumatra, from which it is dividedby a strait of fifteen leagues in breadth. This island is almost 200leagues in length from east to west, but is narrow in proportion to itsbreadth, being divided by a long range of mountains through its wholelength, like the Apennines of Italy, which prevents intercourse betweenthe two coasts. It has several ports and good cities, and its originalinhabitants appear to have come from China. In after times the Moors ofMalacca[134] possessed themselves of the sea coast, obliging the nativesto take shelter in the forests and mountains of the interior. At thisperiod a Malay chief named _Pate Unuz_ was lord of the city of Japara, who became afterwards king of Sunda. Indignant that the metropolis ofthe Malayan territories should he possessed by the enemies of theMahometan faith, he had been seven years preparing a powerful armamentof 90 sail to attempt the conquest of Malacca, during all which time hekept up a secret correspondence with the Javan Malays who inhabited thatcity. Several of his ships were equal in size to the largest Portuguesegalleons, and the one destined for himself was larger than any ship thenbuilt by the Europeans. Having completed his preparations, he embarkedwith 12, 000 men and a formidable train of artillery, and appearedsuddenly before the city. Ferdinando Perez immediately embarked with 350Portuguese and some native troops in 17 vessels, and attacked the Javanfleet, with which he had an obstinate engagement, doing considerabledamage to the enemy, but night parted the combatants. Next morning PateUnuz endeavoured to get into the river Maur with his fleet; but Perezpursued him, and penetrating into the midst of the enemy plied hiscannon and fireworks with such success, that many of the Javan shipswere sunk and set on fire. After a furious battle of some endurance, Unuz fled and was pursued all the way to Java, where he preserved hisown vast vessel as a memorial of his escape and of the grandeur of hisfleet, and not without reason, as a merchant of Malacca engaged topurchase it of Perez for 10, 000 ducats if taken. This victory cost thePortuguese some blood, as several were slain, and few escaped withoutwounds. From this time forwards, the natives of Java were for everbanished from Malacca. 

[Footnote 134: Faria perpetually confounds all Mahometans under thegeneral denomination of Moors. These possessors of the coast of Javawere unquestionably Malays. --E. ]

Soon after this brilliant victory, Ferdinando Perez sailed from Malaccato Cochin with a valuable cargo of spice, accompanied by Lope de Azevedoand Antonio de Abreu, who came from the discovery of the Molucca islandswith three ships. After their arrival at Cochin, Antonio de Mirandaarrived there from Siam, to the great joy of Albuquerque, who thusreaped the rich fruits of his care and labour for the acquisition ofMalacca, and the happy return of those whom he had sent upon otherdiscoveries. 

King Mahomet had not yet lost all hope of recovering Malacca, to whichhe now drew near; and having in vain attempted to succeed by force, hadrecourse to stratagem. For this purpose he prevailed on a favouriteofficer named Tuam Maxeliz, to imitate the conduct of Zopirus atBabylon. Being accordingly mutilated, Tuam fled with some companions toMalacca, giving out that he had escaped from the tyrannical cruelty ofhis sovereign. Ruy de Brito, who then commanded in the citadel ofMalacca, credited his story and reposed so much confidence in hisfidelity that he was admitted at all times into the fortress. At length, having appointed a particular day for the execution of hislong-concerted enterprise, on which Mahomet was to send a party tosecond his efforts or to bring him off, he and his accomplices gotadmittance into the fort as usual, and immediately began to assassinatethe Portuguese garrison by means of their daggers, and had actuallyslain six before they were able to stand to their defence. Brito, whohappened to be asleep when the alarm was given, immediately collectedhis men and drove the traitor and his companions from the fort, at thevery moment, when a party of armed Malays came up to second theirefforts. The commander of this party, named Tuam Calascar, on learningthe miscarriage of Tuam Maxeliz, pretended that he came to theassistance of Brito, and by that means was permitted to retire. 

Soon after this Pedro de Faria arrived at Malacca from the Straits ofSabam, bringing with him _Abdela_ king of Campar, who being no longerable to endure the insolence of his father-in-law Mahomet, came toreside in security under the protection of the Portuguese in Malacca. This was in the month of July [135], shortly after the arrival of Georgede Albuquerque from Goa to command at Malacca. By instructions from theviceroy, Abdela was appointed _Bendara_, or governor, of the natives, which office had till then been enjoyed by _Ninachetu_, who was nowdisplaced on account of some miscarriage or malversation. Ninachetu, whowas a gentile, so much resented this affront, that he resolved to give asignal demonstration of his fidelity and concern. He was very rich, andgave orders to dress up a scaffold or funeral pile in the market-placeor bazar of Malacca, splendidly adorned with rich silks and cloth ofgold, the middle of the pile being composed of a vast heap of aromaticwood of high price. The entire street from his dwelling to the pile wasstrewed with sweet-scented herbs and flowers, and adorned with richhangings, correspondent to the magnificence of the pile. Havingcollected all his friends, and clad himself and family in splendidattire, he went in solemn procession to the bazar, where he mounted thescaffold and made a long harangue, in which he protested his innocenceand declared that he had always served the Portuguese with the utmostzeal and fidelity. Having ordered the pile to be fired, and seeing thewhole in flames, he declared that he would now mount to heaven in thatflame and smoke, and immediately cast himself into the flaming pile, tothe great admiration of all the beholders. 

[Footnote 135: Faria omits any mention of the year, but from the contextit appears to have been in 1513. --E. ]

At this time the king of Campar had gone home, intending to return toassume his office of Bendara, but was hindered by Mahomet and the kingof Bintang, who fitted out a fleet of 70 sail with 2500 men under thecommand of the king of _Linga_, and besieged Campar, in the harbour ofwhich town there were eight Portuguese vessels and some native _proas_, under the command of George Botello. Observing this squadron to besomewhat careless, the king of Linga fell suddenly with his galley onthe ship commanded by Botello, followed by the rest of his fleet; butmet with so warm a reception that his galley was taken, so that he hadto leap overboard, and the rest of the enemies fleet was put to flight. The siege was now raised, and Botello conveyed the king of Campar toMalacca, where he exercised the office of Bendara with so much judgmentand propriety, that in four months the city was visibly improved, greatnumbers of people resorting thither who had formerly fled to Mahomet toavoid the oppressions of Ninachetu. Perceiving the growth of the cityunder the wise administration of Abdela, Mahomet determined to put astop to this prosperity by means of a fraud peculiar to a Moor. He gaveout secretly, yet so that it might spread abroad, that his son-in-lawhad gone over to the Portuguese at Malacca with his knowledge andconsent, and that the same thing was done by all those who seemed to flythere from Bintang, with the design to seize upon the fort on the firstopportunity, and restore it to him who was the lawful prince. Thissecret, as intended by Mahomet, was at length divulged at Malacca, whereit produced the intended effect, as the commandant, George deAlbuquerque, gave more credit to this false report than to the honestproceedings of the Bendara, who was tried and condemned as a traitor, and had his head cut off on a public scaffold. In consequence of thisevent, the city was left almost desolate by the flight of the nativeinhabitants, and was afterwards oppressed by famine. 

During the year 1513, while these transactions were going on at Malacca, the viceroy Albuquerque visited the most important places under hischarge, and gave the necessary, orders for their security. He dispatchedhis nephew Don Garcia to Cochin, with directions to expedite theconstruction of the fort then building at Calicut. He appointed asquadron of four sail, under the command of his nephew Pedro deAlbuquerque, to cruise from the mouth, of the Red Sea to that of thePersian Gulf, with orders to receive the tribute of Ormuz when it becamedue, and then to discover the island of Bahrayn, the seat of the greatpearl-fishery in that gulf. He sent ambassadors well attended to severalprinces. Diego Fernandez de Beja went to the king of Cambaya, to treatabout the erection of a fort at Din, which had been before consented to, but was now refused at the instigation of Maluk Azz. Fernandez returnedto Goa with magnificent presents to Albuquerque, among which was aRhinoceros or _Abada_, which was afterwards lost in the Mediterranean onits way from king Manuel to the pope along with other Indian rarities. Juan Gonzalez de Castello Branco was sent to the king of Bisnagar, todemand restitution of the dependencies belonging to Goa, but with littlesuccess. 

In September 1513, five ships arrived at Goa from Portugal under thecommand of Christopher de Brito, one of which bound for Cambaya waslost. Having dispatched these ships with their homeward cargoes, Albuquerque prepared for a military expedition, but was for some timeindetermined whether to bend his course for Ormuz or the Red Sea, bothexpeditions having been ordered by the king. In order to determine whichof these was to be undertaken, he convened a council of all hiscaptains, and it was agreed that Ormuz was to be preferred, which was infact quite consonant to the wishes of the viceroy. He accordingly setsail on the 20th of February 1514, with a fleet of 27 sail, having onboard a land force of 1500 Portuguese and 600 native Malabars andCanaras. The fleet anchored in the port of Ormuz on the 26th of March, and an immediate message of ceremony came off from the king with richpresents; but Albuquerque was better pleased with finding that MichaelFerreyra, whom he had sent on an embassy to Ismael king of Persia, tonegociate a treaty of amity and commerce, had strong hopes of success. 

_Seif Addin_ king of Orrauz and his governor Khojah Attar were now bothdead, and Reis Hamet now possessed the entire favour and confidence ofthe new king. Among other things, Albuquerque sent to demand being putimmediately in possession of the fort which he had formerly begun tobuild at Ormuz, and that some principal persons should be sent to ratifyand confirm the submission which the former king Seif Addin had made ofthe kingdom to the supremacy of the king of Portugal. All was consentedto, as there was no sufficient power for resistance; and Reis Noradinthe governor came to wait upon Albuquerque accompanied by his nephew, tomake the desired ratification. The viceroy made rich presents on theoccasion, and sent a splendid collar of gold to the king, with thePortuguese standard, as a mark of the union between the two nations. Public rejoicings were made on both sides on account of this amicablearrangement; and Albuquerque took possession of the fort, which had beenformerly begun, and by using every exertion it rose in a few days to agreat height, so that the viceroy and his principal officers took uptheir residence in some houses in its neighbourhood. Albuquerque nowmade splendid preparations to receive the ambassador from the king ofPersia, who brought a magnificent present from his sovereign, consistingof rich brocades, precious stones, splendid golden ornaments, and manyfine silks. The ambassador was honourably received, and the treatyconcluded to mental satisfaction. This ceremony took place on a scaffolderected in public near the residence of the viceroy, and had beendelayed for a considerable time on purpose to be exhibited in greatsplendour to the people of Ormuz, that they might see that thePortuguese friendship was sought after by so powerful a sovereign. Theking of Ormuz was at a window to see the procession. 

Reis Hamet[136], formerly mentioned, had come to Ormuz from Persia withthe design of seizing the city and delivering it up to the Sophi. He hadinsinuated himself so effectually into the favour of the king as togovern him in all respects, and nothing was done but by his directions. The better to carry on his enterprise, he had gradually introduced anumber of his dependents into the city, and was actually preparing tokill the king and seize the government, but deferred his intentions toa more favourable opportunity. Albuquerque was fully informed of allthese secret practices, and that the king was anxious to be deliveredfrom the influence of Hamet; he therefore endeavoured to devise meansfor effectuating the purpose, and fortune soon gave him an opportunity. An interview had been appointed to take place between the king andAlbuquerque; but prompted by his fears, Hamet endeavoured to shun thisdanger, by proposing that Albuquerque should wait upon the king, lest ifthe king went to visit the viceroy, he might be obliged to attend him. But Albuquerque insisted upon receiving the visit of the king, which wasat last agreed to, on condition that neither party was to be armed. Someof the attendants upon Hamet were however secretly armed, and Hamet camearmed himself, and pressed foremost into the room with much rudeness, onwhich Albuquerque made a concerted signal to his captains, who. Instantly dispatched him. After this the king came, and a conferencebegan between him and the viceroy, which was soon interrupted by aviolent clamour among the people, who supposed their king was slain. Butthe people belonging to Hamet, knowing that their master had beenkilled, ran and fortified themselves in the kings palace. Albuquerqueproposed immediately to have dispossessed them by means of his troops;but the king and governor found other means of expelling these men fromthe city, who to the number of 700 men went to Persia. 

[Footnote 136: Reis or Rais signifies a chief, and is commonly given onthe coasts of Arabia and Persia to sea captains: In Faria it isRaez. --Astl I. 75. 2. ]

When this tumult was appeased, the people of Ormuz were much gratifiedat seeing their king conducted back to his palace in great pomp, attended by Albuquerque and all his officers, more especially as he wasnow freed from the tyranny of Hamet, and restored to the majesty of aking[137]. Albuquerque now dispatched the Persian ambassador, accompanied by Ferdinando Gomez, carrying a present of double the valueof that he had received, and having orders to give a proper account ofthe late transactions at Ormuz, especially in regard to Reis Hamet. Gomez was well received, and brought back a favourable answer. It wouldrequire more room than can be spared in this history to give an accountof the affairs of Persia; it may therefore suffice to say that thevaliant prince who reigned over Persia at this time was engaged in warwith the Turks, and was desirous of taking advantage of the Portugueseassistance against his enemy. 

[Footnote 137: It is scarce possible to conceive how Faria could gravelymake this observation, when the Portuguese had imposed an annual tributeon the king of Ormuz, and were actually building a fortress to keep thecapital under subjection. --E. ]

While the fort of Ormuz was building, or rather finishing, Albuquerquepersuaded the king that it would contribute to the safety of the city toput all their cannon into the fort to defend them against their enemies, but in reality to disable them from resisting the Portuguese domination. Security is a powerful argument with those who are in fear, so that theking and his governor reluctantly consented to this demand. Thus therich and powerful kingdom of Ormuz was completely subjected to thePortuguese dominion, yet more to the advantage than detriment of itsnative princes; who were more oppressed before by the tyranny of theirministers, than afterwards by the tribute they had to pay to thePortuguese, besides the security they enjoyed under protection of thePortuguese arms. Yet liberty is sweeter than all other conveniences. 

Albuquerque dispatched his nephew Don Garcia de Noronha with most of thefleet to Cochin, with orders to send home the ships of the season withthe trade to Portugal, remaining behind to conclude such arrangements asseemed to require his presence. He soon afterwards fell sick, and waspersuaded by his attendants to return to India for the recovery of hishealth, which he consented to, and left Pedro de Albuquerque in thecommand of the fort at Ormuz. His departure gave great concern to theking, who loved him as a father. While on the voyage to Goa, he gotnotice that 12 ships were arrived in India from Portugal with orders forhis return to Europe, Lope Soarez who commanded that fleet beingappointed his successor. He was likewise informed that Diego Mendez andDiego Pereyra, both of whom he had sent home as prisoners for heinouscrimes, had come back to India, the one as governor of Cochin and theother as secretary to the new viceroy. These news gave him muchdissatisfaction, and he is reported to have vented his distress on theoccasion to the following purpose. "It is now time for me to takesanctuary in the church, having incurred the kings displeasure for thesake of his subjects, and their anger for the sake of the king. Old man!fly to the church! Your honour requires that you should die, and youhave never yet omitted any thing in which your honour was concerned!"Then raising his hands and eyes to heaven, he gave God thanks that agovernor had come out so opportunely, not doubting that he should soondie. He fell into a profound melancholy, and arrived at Dabul almost inthe arms of death, at which place he wrote the following letter to theking. "This, Sir! is the last letter your highness will receive from me, who am now under the pangs of death. I have formerly written many toyour highness full of life and vigour, being then free from the dreadthought of this last hour, and actively employed in your service. Ileave a son behind me, _Blas de Albuquerque_, whom I entreat yourhighness to promote in recompence of my services. The affairs of Indiawill answer for themselves and me. "

Having arrived on the bar of Goa, which he called his _Land of Promise_, he expired on the 16th of December, 1515, in the sixty-third year of hisage, retaining his senses to the last, and dying as became a goodChristian. Alfonso de Albuquerque was second son to Gonzalo deAlbuquerque lord of Villaverde, by Donna Leonora de Menezes, daughter ofAlvaro Gonzalez de Atayde, first count of Atouguia. He had been masterof the horse to King John the Second. He was of moderate stature, havinga fair and pleasing countenance, with a venerable beard reaching belowhis girdle to which he wore it knotted. When angry his looks wereterrible; but when pleased his manners were merry, pleasant, and witty. He was buried in a chapel which he built near the gate of the city ofGoa, dedicated to _Our Lady of the Mountain_, but, after a longresistance from the inhabitants of Goa, his bones were transferred tothe church of _Our Lady of Grace_ at Lisbon. 

The dominion of the Portuguese in India was founded by three great men, Duarte Pacheco, Francisco de Almeyda, and Alfonso de Albuquerque; afterwhom scarcely was there a single successor who did not decline fromtheir great character, having either a mixture of timidity with theirvalour, or of covetousness with their moderation, in which the vicespredominated. In gaining this Indian crown, Pacheco alone acted withthat fiery heat which melted the arms and riches of the zamorin; only_Almeyda_ could have filed and polished it, by his own and his sonssword, bringing it into form by humbling the pride of the EgyptianSoldan while _Albuquerque_ gave a finish to its ornaments, by adorningit with three precious jewels, _Goa, Malacca_ and _Ormuz_[138]. 

[Footnote 138: Portuguese Asia, II. Vii. This rhetorical flourish by DeFaria, gives a specimen of what was perhaps considered fine writing inthose days; but it strongly marks the important services of Albuquerque, and is therefore here inserted. --E. ]

SECTION VI. 

_Portuguese Transactions in India, under several governors, from theclose of 1515, to the year 1526_. 

While the great Alfonso de Albuquerque was drawing towards the lastperiod of his life, Manuel, as if he had foreseen that event, sent outDon Lope Soarez de Albergaria to succeed him in the government, with afleet of 13 ships, carrying a force of 1500 soldiers, many of whom weregentlemen by birth, and still more so by their actions. Among them wasDuarte Galvam, a person of learning and judgment, who was sentambassador to Abyssinia with considerable presents, some for _PresterJohn_, and some for the church. On his arrival at Cochin, the newgovernor offended many by the reservedness of his carriage and manners, and became particularly disagreeable to the rajah, who had beenaccustomed to the discreet and easy civility of Albuquerque. Don Garciade Noronha took charge of the homeward bound ships, and went away afterno small disagreement with Soarez. Till this time, the Portuguesegentlemen in India had followed the dictates of honour, esteeming armstheir greatest riches; but henceforwards they gave themselves entirelyup to trade, those who had been captains becoming merchants; insomuchthat command became a shame, honour a scandal, and reputation areproach. Having entered upon the exercise of his government, he visitedthe forts, in which he placed new captains, gave out orders, andtransacted other affairs of small moment, which serve rather to fill thepage than to advance the dignity of history. 

In the year 1515, five ships sailed from Lisbon under the command ofJuan de Sylveira, three of which arrived in Lisbon, and the other twowere lost on the sands of St Lazarus. By orders from the king, proceeding on information that the Soldan was fitting out a great fleetat Suez, Soarez sailed from Goa on the 8th of February 1516, with 27sail of vessels of various sizes and descriptions, having 1200Portuguese and 800 Malabar soldiers on board, besides 800 native seamen, and directed his course for the Red Sea in order to oppose the Mamelukefleet. On arriving at Aden, Miramirzan the governor immediately offeredto surrender the place, declaring he would have done so to Albuquerqueif that officer had not at the very first proceeded to hostility. Thereal state of the matter was that the place was indefensible, as Reis, Soliman, the admiral of the Egyptian fleet of which Soarez was in searchhad beaten down a part of the wall so that the town was defenceless. Lope Soarez was so much pleased by this flattering offer that he trustedMiramirzan and declined taking possession of the city till his returnfrom the Red Sea, and went away in search of Reis Soliman; but heneither met with him, nor did he take Aden on his return. While on hisvoyage up the Red Sea, Don Alvaro do Castro with forty men was lostthrough covetousness, as he so overloaded his ship with goods from somecaptured vessels that she became water-logged and went to the bottom. Some other ships of the fleet received damage during this part of thevoyage. Hearing that Soliman was driven by stress of weather to Jiddah, where he had no means of defence, Soarez determined to sail to thatplace. 

Jiddah or Juddah, the sea-port of Mecca, is a town and harbour of Arabiaon the eastern shore of the Red Sea in about 22° of north latitude, situated in a most barren soil composed of deep loose sand, being morecalculated for commerce than delight. The buildings are good, but theharbour very bad, and its inhabitants consist partly of native Arabs andpartly of foreign merchants. It was fortified by Mir Husseyn after hisdefeat by Almeyda, under pretence, of defending the sepulchre ofMahomet, but in reality for his own security as he was afraid to returndefeated to the Soldan. While he was occupied in constructing thefortifications, Reis Soliman a low born Turk of Mitylene in theArchipelago, but a bold and successful corsair, offered his services tothe Soldan, and was appointed admiral of the Suez fleet of 27 sail, which was fitting out for the attack of Aden. Mir Husseyn wasaccordingly discarded and Soliman appointed in his place. After thefailure of his attempt on Aden, where he lost a considerable number ofmen, Soliman made a descent on Zobeid in the Tehamah near the island ofKamaran, where he acquired a considerable booty, from whence heproceeded to Jiddah, where he slew Mir Husseyn: And learning that theemperor of the Turks had slain the Soldan in battle, and subverted thesovereignty of the Mamelukes in Egypt, he surrendered the Egyptian fleetand the port of Jiddah to the conqueror. 

Finding the port dangerous, Soarez came to anchor about a league fromthe city of Jiddah, yet so excellent were some of the cannon of theplace, that three or four pieces were able to carry that prodigiousdistance. Soliman sent a message to the Christian fleet offering asingle combat man to man, which Gaspar de Silva and Antonio de Menezesboth offered to accept, but Soarez would not allow the combat. Soareznow caused the channel leading up to Jiddah to be sounded, and at thistime the inhabitants were much alarmed by the fire of one of thePortuguese vessels; but Soliman appeased the tumult, and made hisappearance without the walls with some of his men, while the walls werefilled by vast multitudes of the infidels, who rent the air with loudcries. After two days of inaction, the Portuguese began to complain ofthe delay; but Soarez appeased his officers by shewing his instructions, in which he was ordered to fight the fleet of the Mamelukes, which couldnot be accomplished, and not to attack the city, where there might bemuch danger and little chance of profit. Though the votes differed inthe council of war, it was resolved by a majority to desist from theenterprise against Jiddah, and accordingly Soarez and his armamentretired to Kamaran, whence he detached several ships to different partsof the Red Sea. At this place died Duarte Galvam, a learned andingenious man, who had been employed in several embassies in Europe, andthough above seventy years of age was now going ambassador to _PresterJohn_. At the time of his death, he told his attendants that his sonGeorge and all his men had been cast away in their vessel, and that theinhabitants of the island of Dalac had cut off the heads of Lorenzo deCosme and others that had been sent to that place. All this wasafterwards found true, yet it was utterly impossible that theintelligence could have reached Duarte at Kamaran before his death. 

After suffering much distress from famine, of which several men died, and losing seventeen Portuguese who were made prisoners by the Arabs, and carried to Jiddah, Soarez set sail from Kamaran and appeared beforeZeyla in the kingdom of Adel, on the north-east coast of Africa, alittle way out from the mouth of the Red Sea. This place was called_Emporium Avalite_ by Ptolemy, who describes it as a great mart inancient times. On the present occasion Zeyla was taken with littleopposition, being unprepared for defence, and was reduced to ashes. FromZeyla, Soarez went to Aden on the coast of Arabia, but soon found he hadbeen to blame for not taking possession when formerly offered it; asMiramirzan had repaired the wall, and now procrastinated the surrenderof his city by various affected delays. Soarez fearing to lose theseason of the trade winds for returning to India, set sail for Barboraon the same coast with Zeyla, which he meant likewise to destroy; butthe fleet was dispersed in a storm, and on its being afterwardscollected, it was found that more than eight hundred men had perished, from famine, disease, and shipwreck, in this disastrous andill-conducted expedition. 

While these disasters attended Soarez, the city of Goa, where Monroycommanded, was threatened with destruction. According to orders fromSoarez, some ships had been taken from the enemy, but with more profitthan reputation, though not without danger. One Alvaro Madureira, whohad married at Goa, fled to the enemy and turned Mahometan. Heafterwards repented and returned to Goa; but again fled to the Moors andbrought them to attack the Portuguese ships, which were in imminentdanger of being captured. About this time likewise, one FerdinandoCaldera, who was also married at Goa, fled from that city to avoidpunishment for some crime he had committed, and joined the Moors; thoughsome say that he was forced to desert by Monroy, who was in love withhis wife. However this may have been, Caldera went to serve under_Ancostan_ an officer of the king of Bisnagar. Don Gutierre de Monroydemanded of Ancostan to deliver him up, which was refused; after whichMonroy suborned another person to go over to the enemy to assassinateCaldera; which was done, but the assassin was instantly slain by theMoors. On the return of Soarez to Goa, being informed of theseincidents, he left Monroy to take what satisfaction he thought properfrom Ancostan. Monroy accordingly sent out his brother Don Fernando atthe head of 150 Portuguese, 80 of whom were horse, and a considerablebody of natives, to attack Ancostan. Fernando defeated the Moors at_Ponda_; but the Moors having rallied defeated him in his turn, andobliged him to retire with the loss of 200 men killed and takenprisoners. On these hostilities, the whole country was up in arms, andAdel Khan the king of Bisnagar ordered his general _Sujo Lari_ tobesiege Goa. Lari accordingly endeavoured to cross over into the islandat the head of 4000 horse and 26, 000 foot, but was repulsed. In the meantime, as all intercourse was cut off between the island and thecontinent, the besieged became distressed by want of provisions; but onthe arrival of three ships, one from Portugal, one from Quiloa, and thethird from China, Lari raised the blockade and the former peace wasrenewed. 

Similar misfortunes took place at Malacca, through the misrule of Georgede Brito and others, which occasioned all the native inhabitants todesert the city to avoid oppression. In this situation, Mahomet, theexiled king, sent a considerable force to attempt recovering hiscapital, under the command of _Cerilege Rajah_ his general. Cerilegeintrenched his army, and so pressed the besieged that the Portuguese hadassuredly been driven from Malacca, had not Don Alexius de Menezesarrived to assume the government with a reinforcement of 300 men. 

Antonio de Saldanna arrived in India in 1517 with six ships. In thisfleet one Alcacova came out as surveyor of the king's revenue, investedwith such power as greatly curtailed the influence of Soarez, and havingthe inclination to encroach still farther on his authority than he waswarranted. This occasioned great dissensions between the governor andsurveyor; who finding himself unable to prevail, returned into Portugalwhere he made loud complaints against the administration of affairs inIndia. Hence began the practice of listening to complaints at homeagainst the governors and commanders employed in India; and hence manytook more care in the sequel to amass riches than to acquire honour, knowing that money is a never-failing protection from crimes. Soarezsent Juan de Sylveira to the Maldive islands, Alexius de Menezes toMalacca, Manuel de la Cerda to Diu, and Antonio de Saldanna with sixships to the coast of Arabia by orders from the king. The only exploitperformed by Saldanna was the capture and destruction of Barbora, a townnear Zeyla but much smaller, whence the inhabitants fled. Saldanna thenreturned to India, where he found Soarez about to sail for the island ofCeylon. 

The island of Ceylon, the southernmost land in India, is to the east ofCape Comorin. It is sixteen leagues distant from the continent[139], towhich some imagine that it was formerly joined. This island is about 80leagues from north to south, and about 45 leagues from east towest[140]. The most southerly point, or Dondra Head, is in lat. 5° 52' N. The most northerly, or Point Pedro, in 9° 48'. In the sea belonging tothis island there is a fishery of the most precious pearls. By thePersians and Arabs it is called _Serendib_[141]. It took the name of_Ceylon_ from the sea by which it is surrounded, owing to the loss of agreat fleet of the Chinese, who therefore named that sea _Chilam_, signifying danger, somewhat resembling _Scylla_; and this word wascorrupted to Ceylon. This island was the _Taprobana_ of the ancients, and not Sumatra as some have imagined. Its productions are numerous andvaluable: Cinnamon of greatly finer quality than in any other place;rubies, sapphires, and other precious stones; much pepper and cardamoms, Brazil wood, and other dyes, great woods of palm-trees, numbers ofelephants which are more docile than those of other countries, andabundance of cattle. It has many good ports, and several rivers ofexcellent water. The mountains are covered with pleasant woods. One ofthese mountains, which rises for the space of seven leagues, has acircular plain on the top of about thirty paces diameter, in the middleof which is a smooth rock about six spans high, upon which is the printof a man's foot about two spans in length. This footstep is held ingreat veneration, being supposed to have been impressed there by a holyman from Delhi, who lived many years on that mountain, teaching theinhabitants the belief in the one only God. This person returnedafterwards to his own country, whence he sent one of his teeth to theking of the island as a token of remembrance, and it is still preservedas a holy relick, on which they repose much confidence in time ofdanger, and many pilgrims resort thither from places a thousand milesdistant. The island is divided into nine kingdoms, _Columbo_ on the westbeing the chief of these. The others are _Gale_ on the south, _Jaula, Tanavaca, Cande, Batecalon, Vilacem, Trinquinimale, _ and_Jafanapatam_[142]. 

[Footnote 139: The distance between Ceylon and the Carnatic across PalksBay is about 63 English miles; but at Jafnapatnam and Ramiseram, thisdistance is lessened to 43, by two capes, at the former projecting fromthe island, and at the latter from the continent. --E. ]

[Footnote 140: From Point Pedro in the north to Dondra Head in the southare 265 miles, and its widest part from Negombo in the west to PoukiriChene in the east is 143 statute miles. --E. ]

[Footnote 141: More properly Selan-dib, or the Isle of Selan. Thederivation of the name of Ceylon in the text does not admit ofcommentary. --E. ]

[Footnote 142: All of these except _Cande, Candi_, or _Kandi_, thecentral mountainous region, still occupied by the native Hindoo race, appear to have been small sovereignties of the Moors or Malays; and havebeen long under European rule, having been conquered by the Portuguese, Dutch; and British in succession. The topography of Ceylon will beillustrated hereafter, and does not admit of being explained in thecompass of a note--E. ]

Albuquerque had established a treaty of amity and commerce with the kingof Columbo, who furnished the Portuguese with cinnamon; and Soarez wentthither at this time, by order of the king of Portugal, to construct afort at Columbo, and to reduce the prince of that country to paytribute. On this occasion his fleet consisted of seven gallies, twoships, and eight small vessels, carrying materials and workmen forbuilding the fort, and 700 Portuguese soldiers. At first the kingconsented to have the fort built, but changed his mind at theinstigation of the Moors, and put Soarez to considerable difficulty; butin the end the Moors were put to flight, the fort built, and the kingconstrained to become a tributary vassal of Portugal, by the yearlypayment of 1200 quintals of cinnamon, twelve rings of rubies andsapphires, and six elephants. 

At this time Juan de Sylveira returned from the Maldives, where he hadtaken two ships belonging to Cambaya, and had got permission of the kingof the Maldives to erect a fort at the principal harbour. Sylveira wentupon a similar mission to Bengal, where he was in great danger; as ayoung man of Bengal who sailed there with him, gave notice of his havingtaken these two ships, so that he was considered as a pirate. He hadfared worse than he did, but for the arrival of Juan Coello from Pisang, sent by Andrada to the king of Bengal. After passing the winter inBengal with great difficulty on account of famine, Sylveira set sail, being invited by the king of Aracan to come to his port of Chittagon bya messenger who brought him a valuable present; but all this kindnesswas only intended to decoy him to his ruin, at the instigation of theking of Bengal. He escaped however from the snare, and arrived at Ceylonas Soarez had finished the fort of Columbo, of which he appointedSylveira to the command, leaving Azevedo with four ships to guard thesea in that neighbourhood. 

About the same time Menezes secured the safety of Malacca, as mentionedbefore, by supplying it with men and ammunition, and appointed AlfonsoLopez de Costa to the government, in place of Brito who was dying. Duarte de Melo was left there with a naval force; and Duarte Coello wassent with an embassy and present to the King of Siam, to confirm atreaty of peace and amity, and to request of him to send a colony of hissubjects to inhabit the city of Malacca, so that the Moors whom he hatedas much as the Portuguese, might be for ever excluded from that place. All this was agreed to, and as a testimonial of his friendship to theChristians, he caused a great cross, ornamented with the arms ofPortugal, to be erected in a conspicuous part of the city of Hudia, where he then resided. Having thus succeeded in his mission, Coello wasforced by stress of weather upon the coast of Pahang, where he wasreceived in a friendly manner by the king, who voluntarily submitted tobecome a vassal to the crown of Portugal, and to pay a cup of gold as anannual tribute. This was done more from hatred to the king of Bintang, than from love to the Portuguese. 

The kingdom of Siam was at this time one of the greatest in the east, the two others of greatest consequence being China and Bisnagar. Thegreat river _Menam_ runs through the middle of the kingdom of Siam fromnorth to south, having its source in the great lake of _Chiamay_ in lat. 30° N. And its mouth in 13°, so that the length of this kingdom is 330leagues. On the west it joins Bengal, on the south Malacca, on the northChina, and on the east Cambodia. Its territory contains both mountainsand plains, and it is inhabited by many different races of people, someof whom are extremely cruel and barbarous, and even feed on human flesh. Among these the _Guei_ ornament themselves with figures impressed by hotirons[143]. Siam abounds in elephants, cattle, and buffaloes. It hasmany sea-ports and populous cities, _Hudia_ being the metropolis orresidence of the court. The religion of the Siamese agrees in manyconsiderable points with Christianity, as they believe in one God, inheaven and hell, and in good and bad angels that attend upon everyperson[144]. They build sumptuous temples, in which they have images ofvast size. They are very religious, sparing in their diet, much given todivination, and addicted to the study of astrology. The country isexceedingly fertile, and abounds in gold, silver, and other metals. Thememorable services of the subjects are recorded that they may be read tothe kings. When the king of Siam takes the field, he is able to set onfoot a force of 300, 000 men and 10, 000 elephants. 

[Footnote 143: Perhaps tattooing may be here alluded to. --E. ]

[Footnote 144: It is hardly possible to conceive how it could enter intothe conception of any one to compare the stupid polytheism of theworshippers of Budda with the Christian religion: In one thing indeedthe Catholic church has contrived to establish a resemblance, by thesubordinate worship of innumerable idols or images. --E. ]

About this time, Fernan Perez de Andrada arrived at Pisang, where he waswell received, but lost his largest ship, which was set on fire by thecareless management of a lighted candle, so that he was forced to returnto Malacca. From that place Juan Coello[145], was sent to China, meetingwith furious storms and other dangers by the way. While on the coast ofTsiompa, taking in fresh water, he was nearly lost. At Patane and otherplaces he established commercial treaties with the native princes, andspent the winter without being able to reach China, being obliged toreturn to Malacca to refit. After which he again resumed his voyage forChina with eight ships. The empire of China is the most eastern in Asia, as Spain is the most westerly in Europe; and opposite to China is theisland of Hainan, as that of Cadiz is to Spain. It is almost as large asall Europe, being divided from Tartary by a wonderful wall which runsfrom east to west above 200 leagues, and ends at a vast mountain orpromontory which is washed by the eastern sea of Tartary. This vastempire is divided into fifteen provinces. Along the coast are those of_Quantung, Fokien, Chekiang, Nanking, Xantung_, and _Leaotung_; those ofthe inland country are _Queichieu, Junnan, Quangsi, Suchuen, Huquang, Xensi, Kiangsi, Honan_, and _Xansi_, in all of which there are 244cities. Its riches are prodigious, and its government admirable aboveall others. The natives allege that they alone have two eyes, theEuropeans one, and that all the other nations are blind. They certaintyhad both printing and cannon long before the Europeans. The city ofQuantung or Canton, which is the principal sea-port, is remarkable forits size, the strength of its fortifications, and the prodigious resortof strangers for trade. 

[Footnote 145: It will appear from the sequel that Fernan Perez deAndrada commanded on this voyage, not Coello as stated in the text. --E. ]

After some considerable difficulties and dangers, Fernan Perez arrivedat Canton, where he had a conference with the three governors of thecity, to whom he presented Thomas Perez as ambassador to the emperorfrom the king of Portugal, and requested them to forward him and thepresent he was charged with. Perez settled a commercial treaty with thegovernors of Canton, and having concluded his traffic there and at theneighbouring parts, he returned to Malacca, loaded with riches. He wasno less welcome there than Menezes had been formerly, as it was reducedto a dangerous situation in consequence of war with the king of Bintang, of which we shall have occasion to give an account in the sequel. 

In 1518 Diego Lopez de Sequeira was sent out as governor of India, inreward for his services in Africa and for having discovered Malacca. Oneof his ships was in danger of perishing at the Cape of Good Hope inconsequence of being run against by a great fish, which stuck a longhorn or beak two spans length into her side. It was afterwards foundthat this was a fish called the _needle_. Soarez immediately resignedthe government to Sequeira, and set sail for Portugal with nine ships. On taking possession of the government, Sequeira sent Alonson de Menezesto reduce Baticala in the island of Ceylon, the king of which place hadneglected to pay the stipulated tribute; and Juan Gomez was sent tobuild a fort at the Maldive islands. Sequeira then went from Cochin toGoa, whence he dispatched Antonio de Saldanna to the coast of Arabia, and Simon de Andrada to China. 

About this time the king of Bintang attacked Malacca by land with 1500men and many elephants, while 60 vessels blockaded the harbour. ThePortuguese garrison consisted only of 200 men, many of whom were sick, but the danger cured them of their fevers, and every one ran to repelthe enemy. After a severe encounter of three hours the enemy wasrepulsed with great loss: He continued however before the town for threeweeks and then retired, having lost 330 men, while 18 of the Portuguesewere slain. On the arrival of reinforcements, having been much injuredby frequent inroads from the fort of _Maur_ not far from Malacca, thePortuguese took that place by assault, killing most of the garrisonwhich consisted of 800 Moors, and after securing the spoil burnt Maur tothe ground. There were 300 cannon at this place, some of which werebrass. Nothing more of any note happened this year, except that DiegoPacheco with most of his men were lost in two ships, which went insearch of the _Island of Gold_[146]. 

[Footnote 146: Possibly Japan is here meant. --E. ]

In the year 1519, Antonio Correa concluded a treaty of amity andcommerce with the king of Pegu, which was mutually sworn to between himand the kings ministers, assisted by the priests of both nations, Catholic and Pagan. The heathen priest was called the grand _Raulim_, who, after the treaty or capitulation was read, made according to theircustom _in the golden mine_[147], began to read from a book, and thentaking some yellow paper, a colour dedicated to holy purposes, and somesweet-smelling leaves impressed with certain characters, set both onfire; after which, holding the hands of the minister over the ashes, hepronounced some words which rendered the oath inviolable. By way of aparallel to this solemnity, Correa ordered his priest to attend in hissurplice with his breviary; but that was so tattered and torn that itwas unfit to be seen by these heathens, on which he ordered a book ofchurch music to be brought, which had a more creditable appearance, being larger and better bound; and opening at the first place whichappeared, the priest began the lesson _Vanity of Vanities_, whichanswered among these ignorant people as well as if it had been thegospel[148]. The metropolis of the kingdom is called _Bagou_, corruptlycalled Pegu, which name is likewise given to the kingdom. It has the Bayof Bengal on the west, Siam on the east, Malacca on the south, andAracan on the north. This kingdom is almost 100 leagues in length, andin some places of the same breadth, not including the conqueredprovinces. The land is plain, well watered, and very fertile, producingabundance of provisions of all kinds, particularly cattle and grain. Ithas many temples with a prodigious multitude of images, and a vastnumber of ceremonies. The people believe themselves to have descendedfrom a Chinese _dog_ and a woman, who alone escaped from shipwreck onthat coast and left a progeny; owing to which circumstance in theiropinion, the men are all ugly and the women handsome. The Peguers beingmuch addicted to sodomy, a queen of that country named Canane, orderedthe women to wear bells and open garments, by way of inviting the men toabandon that abominable vice. 

[Footnote 147: This singular expression may have been some court phraseof the court of Pegu, meaning the royal presence. --E. ]

[Footnote 148: On this trifling incident, the editor of Astley'sCollection gives the following marginal reference, _A merry passage_. Ludere cum sacris is rather a stale jest, and perhaps the grand Raulimwas as ingenious as Correa and his priest, to trick the ignorantunbelievers in their sacred doctrines of Bhudda. --E. ]

On the arrival of Antonio Correa with relief at Malacca, Garcia de Saresolved to take revenge on the king of Bintang. He therefore gaveCorrea the command of 30 ships, with 500 soldiers, 150 of whom werePortuguese, with which armament Correa proceeded to the place where theking had fortified himself, which was defended by a fort with a greatnumber of cannon and a numerous garrison. The access to this place wasextremely difficult and guarded by a great number of armed vessels; yetCorrea attacked without hesitation and carried the fort, which had 20pieces of cannon, the garrison being forced to retire to the town, wherethe king still had a force of 2000 men and several armed elephants. ThePortuguese, following up their first success, pushed up the riverclearing away all that obstructed them; after which they landed and tookthe town, killing many of the enemy, and put the rest to flight, theking among the rest fled on an elephant, and never stopped till theycame to Bintang. The town above mentioned was plundered and burnt by thePortuguese; and the discomfited king remained long at Bintang unable forany new enterprise against the Portuguese. The successes of the king ofBintang in the beginning of this war had encouraged the kings of Pisangand Acheen to commit some outrages against the Portuguese; for whichreason being now victorious, Garcia de Sa determined to be revenged uponthem. Having some success, he fitted out a ship commanded by ManuelPacheco to take some revenge for the injuries, he had sustained; andPacheco had occasion to send a boat for water rowed by Malays, havingonly five Portuguese on board, which fell in with three ships belongingto Pisang each having 150 men. Finding it impossible to escape, theyboarded the commander with such resolute fury that they soon strewed thedeck with the dead bodies of the enemy, and the remainder of the crewleapt overboard, followed by their captain, who was seen hewing themwith his cymeter in the water in revenge for their cowardice. The _five_Portuguese thus obtained possession of the ship, and the other two fled, on which Pacheco returned to Malacca with his prize in triumph, and thecaptured ship was long preserved as a memorial of this signal exploit. The king of Pisang was so much terrified by this action that he suedfor peace, and offered ample reparation of all the injuries he had doneto die Portuguese. 

In this same year 1519 Diego Gomez went to erect a fort at the principalisland of the Maldives; but behaved himself with so much arrogance thatthe Moors lulled ten or twelve of his men. This is the chief of _athousand isles_ which lie in clusters in that sea, and such is thesignification of _Male-dive_. They resemble a long ridge of mountains, the sea between being as valleys and serving for communications fromisle to isle; and about the middle of the group is the large island, inwhich the king resides. The natives of these islands are gentiles, butthe government is in the hands of the Moors. They are so close together, that in many of the channels the yard-arms of ships passing through rubagainst the shores, or on the trees on both sides. Their chief productis cocoa-nut trees, the kernel of these nuts producing a pleasant andnutritive fruit, while the outer rhind or husk is useful for makingcables. There is another sort of these trees _growing at the bottom ofthe sea_, having larger fruit than the land cocoa-nut, and which is amore powerful antidote against poison than even the _Bezoar_ stone[149]. 

[Footnote 149: This submarine cocoa-nut tree is utterly inexplicable. --E. ]

During this same year 1519, a fleet of 14 ships was sent from Portugalto India, which was dispersed to several parts. Some fell in with thecoast of Brazil, where fifty men were slain; and Don Luis de Guzman, oneof the captains, turned pirate and became very rich, but afterwards metwith his deserts. Six staid at Mozambique. George de Albuquerque theadmiral reached India with only four sail. One was driven back toLisbon. Another watering at _Matira_ lost some men, and six more at_Oja_, whom the king long kept with kind entertainment; but their shipwhich left them was lost on a sand bank off Quiloa, and the Moors ofthat place and of Monfia and Zanzibar slew them all except one man. 

After Sequeira had dispatched the homeward bound trade of the season, under the command of Fernan Perez de Andrada, he sailed on the 13th ofFebruary 1520, from Goa with 24 sail of ships of various sizes, havingon board 1800 Portuguese soldiers, and about an equal number of Malabarsand Canarins, bound for the Red Sea. Off the coast of Aden his shipstruck on a rock and split in pieces; but the men were all saved, andSequeira the governor went into the galleon of Pedro de Faria. A Moorishship was taken at the entrance into the Red Sea, from which they learntthat there were six Turkish gallies at Jiddah with 1200 men, intendingto proceed against Aden. . The weather prevented the Portuguese fromgoing in quest of the Turkish squadron, and in fact it would have beento no purpose; as on hearing that the Portuguese were in these seas, theTurks hauled their gallies on shore. While Sequeira was on his voyagefor Massua, a small black flag was seen on the disk of the sun towardsevening on the 9th of April being Easter Sunday. On arriving at Massuathey found all the inhabitants had fled, yet they found some vessels inthe port which they captured. The inhabitants of Massua had fled to theneighbouring port of _Arkiko_ in the dominions of _Prester John_, andthe governor of the town sent a messenger with a letter to Sequeiradesiring that he would make peace with the people who had fled to himfor protection; at the same time he asked nothing for the town where hecommanded, because they were all Christians, and because they had aprophecy among them which foretold the coming of Christians to settle acorrespondence with them, and which he now believed to be fulfilled onseeing the Christian colours. Sequeira sent a courteous answer, and drewnearer the shore, on which several Christians came on board. They toldhim that their prince had sent several years before an ambassador namedMathew, to a king at the other end of the world whose fleet hadconquered India, on purpose to become acquainted with these remoteChristians and to demand succour against the Moors; but that theambassador had never returned. On hearing this, Sequeira was satisfiedthat they dealt ingeniously with him, as he had actually brought thatambassador along with him, and had orders from the king of Portugal toland him safe in the dominions of _Prester John_. On this, theambassador of whom they spoke of was brought before them, to their greatmutual joy, as he had been ten years absent from his country. Next dayten monks came from a neighbouring convent of _the Vision_ to visitMathew, and were received in great ceremony by the priests of the fleetdressed in their surplices. Great rejoicings were made on occasion ofthis meeting between two such distant nations agreeing in the samefaith; and the consequence of this meeting was, that those who from thebeginning had not acknowledged the supremacy of the Roman pontiff, nowsubmitted to his authoritye[150]. 

[Footnote 150: The submission of the Abyssinian church to the Romanpontiff was a mere pretence, which afterwards produced long and bloodycivil wars, and ended in the expulsion of the Portuguese from thecountry. --E. ]

The kingdom of _Prester John_, now first visited by Sylveira, is mostlyknown by this appellation but improperly, as its right name is theempire of Abyssinia, Abassia, Habesh, or the higher Ethiopia. Itreceived the former appellation from the great king _Jovarus_, who cameto it from the Christians of Tartary, having a cross carried before himlike our bishops, and carrying a cross in his hand, with the title of_Defender of the Faith_, as being a Jacobite Christian[151]. Thedominions of this prince are situated between the rivers _Nile, Astabora_, and _Astapus_. To the east they border on the Red Sea for 120leagues, this being the smallest side, as their whole extent is 670leagues. On the west it borders on those Negroes who possess the greatmines of gold, and who pay tribute to the sovereign of Abyssinia. On thenorth it is divided from the Moors by a line drawn from the city of_Suakem_ to the isle of _Meroe_ in _Nubia_. On the south it borders onthe kingdom of _Adel_, from the mountains of which country the river_Obi_ descends, and falls into the sea at the town of _Quilimane_ in thekingdom of _Melinda_. 

[Footnote 151: It is not worth while to inquire whence this ridiculouslegend of king or Saint Jovarus has been derived. The origin ofChristianity in Abyssinia will be considered on an after occasion, whenwe come to the particular travels in that country. --E. ]

The kings of Abyssinia pretend to descend from King Solomon by the queenof _Sheba_ or _Saba_; who being delivered by the way, named her son_Melech_, and sent him to his father, to be by him declared king ofEthiopia. Whereupon Solomon anointed him, and gave him the name of_David_, after his grandfather. Solomon likewise appointed him ahousehold, giving him officers of his own, and sent with him as highpriest, Azaria the son of Zadoc, who stole the tables of the law fromthe temple of Jerusalem, and carried them along with his new prince. Itis affirmed that the descendants of these original officers stillpossess the same employments. The Abyssinians had some knowledge of thelaw of Christ from Queen _Candace_, in whom they glory as being of theircountry: But their true apostles were St Philip and St Mathew. In memoryof his descent, the king or emperor of Abyssinia begins the enumerationof his many titles in this manner: "_David_, beloved of God, pillar ofthe Faith, descendant of Judah, grandson of David, son of Solomon, sonof the pillar of Sion, son of the progeny of David, son of the hand ofMary, &c. Emperor of the higher Ethiopia, " &c. He dwells for the mostpart in a camp, resembling a populous city, and is frequently removingfrom one part of the country to another. In his messages, he uses astyle similar to that of the kings of Portugal and Spain, beginning "_Ithe king_. " The people are very religious, having many churches andgreat numbers of monasteries which belong only to two religious orders, that of St Anthony, and the Canons regular. Those religious persons wholive in convents wear long cotton garments; but all the others, andtheir priests and nuns, are dressed in skins, hardly covering so much asmodesty requires. They have no considerable towns, have little learning, no skill in mechanics, and are very rude in their diet and clothing. Insuch houses as assume any degree of grandeur, all the furniture isbrought from other countries. There are as expert thieves in thiscountry as our gypsies are in Europe. This is the substance of whatcould be gathered by the first discoverers of Abyssinia. 

On the news of the arrival of the Portuguese fleet at Massua, and of thereturn of Mathew the ambassador, the Baharnagash[152] or governor of theprovince in which Arkiko is situated came there attended by 200 horseand 2000 foot. After some difference about a proper place of meetingbetween him and Sequeira, they at length agreed to meet on thesea-shore, and were seated on chairs on the sand, under the burning heatof the sun. At this meeting, Sequeira delivered Mathew the Abyssinianambassador to the Baharnagash, and recommended to his protection DonRodrigo de Lima who was sent ambassador from King Manuel to the emperorof Abyssinia. They treated likewise about building a fort as aprotection against the Moors, either at Kamaran or Massua, and bothswore to the sincerity of their friendly intentions on a cross, afterwhich they separated and presents were mutually interchanged. DonRodrigo de Lima set forwards on his journey unaccompanied by Mathew, whosoon afterwards died in the monastery of the Vision. Sequeira erected agreat cross in that port, in memory of the arrival of the Portuguesefleet, and caused many masses to be said in the mosque of Massua. Fromthat port he went to the island of Dalac, where he burnt the town, previously abandoned by its inhabitants. He then stood over to the coastof Arabia, where one galley was cast away in a storm and most of her menlost. Leaving the Red Sea and sailing along the coast of Yemen, thefleet arrived at Cape Kalayat, towards the entrance of the Persian Gulf, where George Albuquerque waited its arrival. Going from thence toMuscat, Albuquerque was left to winter there with all the ships, andSequeira went on to Ormuz with the gallies. 

[Footnote 152: In Faria called Barnagux. ]

In this same year 1520, during the expedition of Sequeira to the RedSea, _Chrisna-rao_ king of Bisnagar collected together a vast army of35, 000 horse, 733, 000 foot, and 686 armed elephants, each of whichcarried a castle on its back with four men. In this army there were12, 000 water-bearers, that all might be supplied without any being underthe necessity of dispersing to seek for it. The baggage was immense andthe followers numberless, among whom were above 20, 000 common women. This prodigious army was collected for the purpose of taking the city of_Rachol_ then under the power of Adel Khan king of Visiapour, but whichhad belonged to the ancestors of Chrisna-rao, who had left it in chargeto their successors to attempt its recovery. The city of Rachol wasnaturally almost impregnable, being situated on a high mountain andfortified by several stone walls, with large deep ditches and strongtowers, well stored with artillery and other means of defence, andhaving a garrison of 400 horse, 8000 foot, 20 elephants, and asufficient quantity of provisions and ammunition to tire out the mostpatient besiegers. Chrisna-rao encamped his vast army around the city, to which he gave many fruitless assaults during three months. At lengthAdel Khan approached to relieve the siege, having an army of 18, 000horse, 120, 000 foot, 150 elephants, and many large pieces of cannon. After many skirmishes, the two armies at last joined battle, in which atthe beginning Chrisna-rao received much damage; but rallying hisinnumerable forces, made such havoc among the troops of Adel Khan, thatonly those escaped from the sword or from captivity who at last movedpity even in their enemies. Besides great riches in the camp of AdelKhan, the victor got 100 elephants, 4000 horses, 400 large cannons, anda great many small ones. Adel Khan made his escape on an elephant; butforty Portuguese who served in his army were all slain after behavingthemselves with great valour. 

After this great victory, Chrisna-rao resumed the siege of Rachol, butwas unable to make any impression on its walls. At this tine one_Christopher de Figueredo_ came to his camp, attended by twenty otherPortuguese, bringing some Arabian horses for sale to the king. Indiscourse with Chrisna-rao respecting the siege, Figueredo askedpermission to view the place, and to try what he could do with hisPortuguese, which was granted. Figueredo gave two assaults, and beingseconded in the latter by the troops of Chrisna-rao, he gainedpossession of the place. Soon afterwards, Adel Khan sent an embassy toChrisna-rao, begging the restoration of the prisoners and plunder whichhad been taken in the late battle and in the captured city. Chrisna-raooffered to restore the whole, on condition that Adel Khan wouldacknowledge his supreme authority, as emperor of Canara, and come tokiss, his foot in token of submission and vassalage. This degradingcondition was accepted, but its performance was prevented by severalaccidents. In the mean while, however, Ruy de Melo, who commanded inGoa, taking advantage of the declining situation of the affairs of AdelKhan, possessed himself of those parts of the continent adjoining to theIsle of Goa, with a force only of 250 horse and 800 Canara foot. 

In the same year 1520, Lope de Brito went to succeed Juan de Sylveira inthe command of the fort of Columbo in Ceylon, and carried with him 400soldiers and many workmen, by whose means he made the fort so strongthat it raised the jealousy of the natives of Columbo, who at theinstigation of the Moors gave over trade with the Portuguese, andbesieged the fort for five months, during which the garrison sufferedgreat hardships. At length Antonio de Lemos arrived with a reinforcementof fifty men; with which small additional force Brito ventured to attackthe vast multitude of the enemy, whom he completely routed, and matterswere immediately restored to their former quiet. 

On the change of the monsoon, Sequeira set sail from Ormuz and joinedAlbuquerque at Muscat, where he found one ship from Lisbon of nine thatsailed together, but all the rest came safe afterwards. One of the shipsof this fleet, while sailing before the wind beyond the Cape of GoodHope, was stopped all of a sudden. On examining into the cause, itappeared that a sea monster bore the ship on its back, the tailappearing about the rudder and the head at the boltsprit, spouting upstreams of water. It was _removed by exorcisms_, no human means beingthought sufficient. By the sailors it was called the _Sambrero_, or the_hat-fish_, as the head has some resemblance to a hat. A similar fish, though less, had been seen on the coast of Portugal near _Atouguia_, where it did much harm. 

As the king had sent orders to the governor to build forts at theMoluccas, Sumatra, Maldive, Chaul, and Diu, Sequeira determined uponattempting the last first. Having dispatched the homeward ships fromCochin, he collected a fleet of 48 vessels of various kinds and sizes, on board of which he embarked 3000 Portuguese and 800 Malabars andCanarins. With this great force he appeared before Diu on the 9th ofFebruary 1521. Malek Azz, being suspicious that this armament wasdestined against him, had fortified and intrenched the city with greatcare. At the arrival of the Portuguese, Malek Azz was at the court ofCambaya, but had left his son Malek Saca with a strong garrison andthree experienced commanders. Observing the strength of the place, Sequeira called a council of war to consult upon what was proper to bedone, when it was concluded to desist from the enterprise. The officersof the fleet, though they had all concurred in this decision, and evenprivately allowed its prudence and necessity, accused the governor ofcowardice on this occasion, though his valour was well known. Sequeiraaccordingly retired to Ormuz for the winter, sending Alexius de Menezesto Cochin with full power to conduct the government during his absence, and several of the other captains went to different ports to trade. Menezes dispatched the homeward trade from Cochin, and sent other shipsto various parts of India, some of which went to Sumatra. 

The island of Sumatra extends in length from the north-west to thesouth-east, for about 220 leagues, by 70 in its greatest breadth, and iscut nearly in two equal parts by the equinoctial line. It is separatedfrom Malacca by a narrow strait, and its most southern point is partedfrom Java by one still narrower. Java is above 100 leagues long bytwelve in breadth. To the east of Sumatra is the great island of Borneo, through which likewise the equinoctial passes, leaving two-thirds of theisland on the north side of the line. The maritime parts of Sumatra areflat, but the interior is full of mountains, pervaded by many largerivers, and covered by impenetrable woods which even the rays of the sunare unable to pierce. Owing to these circumstances Sumatra is veryunhealthy, yet is much resorted to for its rich and valuableproductions, and particularly on account of its abounding in gold. Besides gold, it produces white sandal-wood, benzoin, camphor, pepper, ginger, cinnamon[153], abundance of silk, and abounds in fish andcattle. It has in one part a spring of petroleum or rock oil, and one ofits mountains is a volcano. The original natives of the island arepagans; but the Moors who came there first as merchants, have possessedthemselves of the island as lords ever since the year 1400. Among theinland tribes is one called _Batas_, who are of most brutal manners, andeven feed on human flesh. The Moors who dwell on the coast, use severallanguages, but chiefly the _Malay_. Their weapons are poisoned arrowslike the natives of Java from whom they are descended, but they likewiseuse fire-arms. This island is divided into nine kingdoms; of which_Pedier_ was once the chief; but now that of _Pacem_ or _Pisang_ is themost powerful, yet its kings only continue to reign so long as itpleases the rabble. 

[Footnote 153: Probably cassia. ]

At this time George Albuquerque was sent to Sumatra, on purpose torestore a king of Pisang who had been expelled and had fled to thePortuguese for protection and aid. On his arrival, having secured theco-operation and assistance of the neighbouring king of Ara, Albuquerquesent a message to the usurper desiring him to resign the kingdom to thelawful prince, who had submitted to the king of Portugal, _Genial_, theusurper, offered to make the same submission, if allowed to retainpossession, but this offer was refused. Albuquerque then attacked Genialin his fort, which was scaled and the gate broke open; yet the usurperand thirty men valiantly defended a tower over the gateway, till Genialwas slain by a musket-shot, on which the others immediately fled. ThePortuguese troops, about 300 in number, were opposed by 3000 Moors inthe market-place, assisted by some elephants. Hector de Sylveiraendeavoured to strike one of these in the trunk with his lance, whichthe beast put aside, and laying hold of Sylveira threw him into the air, yet he had the good fortune to survive. Two other Portuguese soldiershad better success, as one of them killed the rider and the otherwounded the elephant, on which he turned among his own party whom hetrampled to death without mercy. The Moors now returned to anotherpost, but with the aid of the king of Ara, they were completely defeatedby the Portuguese, 2000 of them being slain. In this battle Albuquerquereceived two wounds in his face, and four or five persons of note werekilled on the side of the Portuguese, besides a great many wounded. Nextday the dispossessed prince of Pisang was reinstated with much ceremony, being made tributary to the king of Portugal, and a fort was erected athis capital, as at other places, to keep him under subjection. 

At this time Antonio de Brito arrived at Pisang from, Acheen, where hisbrother George de Brito had been slain by the Moors with a great numberof men, in a scandalous attempt to rob the sepulchres of the kings ofthat country of a great quantity of gold they were said to contain. Antonio was now left by Albuquerque in the command of the new fort ofPisang, with three ships which were afterwards of great service againsta Moor who infested the coast. On his return to Malacca, of which he hadthe command, Albuquerque prepared to make war upon the king of Bintang. That island, about 40 leagues from Malacca, is forty leagues incircumference, having two strong castles, and its rivers staked toprevent the access of ships, so that it was considered as almostimpregnable. Albuquerque went from Malacca with 18 vessels and 600 men, and finding it impossible to get his ships up, he endeavoured to landhis men from boats to attack one of the forts; but the water being up totheir middles, and the enemy making a brave resistance, they were forcedto retire after losing twenty men, besides a great number wounded. 

In the same year 1521, Antonio de Brito sailed for the Molucca islands. These islands are in the middle of a great number of others under theequator, about 300 leagues east from Malacca. There are five principalislands to which the general name of Moluccas is applied, about 25leagues distant from each other, the largest not exceeding six leaguesin circumference. The particular names of these are _Ternate_, _Tidore_, _Mousell_, _Macquein_ and _Bacham_[154]. They are covered with woods andsubject to fogs, and are consequently unhealthy. These five islandsproduce cloves, but no kind of food; and the large island of_Batochina_, which is 60 leagues long, produces food but no cloves. Insome of these islands, particularly Ternate, there are burningmountains. Their chief subsistence is of a kind of meal made from thebark of certain trees resembling the palm[155]. There are certain canesthat have a liquor in their hollows between the joints, which isdelightful to drink. Though the country abounds in animals, the nativeseat very little flesh, but live chiefly on fish which their seas produceinexhaustibly. They are very warlike and by no means affable, and aremost expert both in running and swimming. Their religion is idolatrous, but we have no account whatever respecting their original. The Moors hadpossessed themselves of this country not long before the coming of thePortuguese, as a Mahometan priest who had come along with the first ofthe Moorish invaders was still alive at the arrival of Brito. 

[Footnote 154: The principal island of the Molucca group is Gilolo;those in the text being small islands to the west of Gilolo. The largeisland mentioned in the text under the name of Batochina, can be noother than Gilolo. --E. ]

[Footnote 155: This is obviously an erroneous account of _Sago_, analimentary substance procured from the _pith_ of a tree of the palmtribe, not from the _bark_. --E. ]

Antonio de Brito was sent on this occasion to build a fort in the islandof Ternate, which had been long desired by its king _Boylefe_. His forceconsisted of six ships and 300 soldiers, and was increased at the islandof Agacim by four sail under the command of Garcia Enriquez. On arrivingat Ternate, the old king Boylefe was dead, and the king of Tidore hadadmitted the Spaniards to settle on his island; yet seeing that thequeen who governed Ternate during the minority of her son gave afriendly reception to Brito, the king of Tidore visited him and offeredto deliver up the Spaniards to him if he would build the fort on Tidoreinstead of Ternate. But Ternate was preferred as the most convenient, Brito laying the first stone on the festival of St John the Baptist, the28th of December 1521. 

At this time a private correspondence was carried on between FrancisSerram, who resided in Ternate and Ferdinando de Magallanes in Portugal, which turned to the advantage of Spain and the detriment of Portugal. Magalanes, otherwise named Magellan, was a man of note and a knight ofSt Jago, who had served with reputation at Azamor in Africa and inseveral parts of India. Having solicited for a small allowance usuallygiven in reward of service, and which was refused, he left Portugal andentered into the service of Spain. From his skill in sea affairs, andthe correspondence he held with Serram at Ternate, he concluded theremight be another way to India; and as the Spaniards had already tastedthe fruits of these islands, he wrote to Serram that he hoped soon to behis guest at Ternate going thither by a new way[156]. He accordingly gotthe command of five ships with 250 men, some of whom were Portuguese. Sailing from the port of San Lucar de Barameda on the 20th of September1519, after having renounced his country by a solemn act, he sailedtoward the south along the eastern coast of South America. When past Riode Janeiro on the coast of Brazil, the men began to grow mutinous, andstill more so when they had gone beyond the river of St Julian on thecoast of Patagonia, where they did not immediately find the strait ofpassage to the Pacific Ocean, and found themselves pinched by the coldof that inhospitable climate. As they proceeded to hold disrespectfuldiscourses against Magellan, both reflecting upon his pretendedknowledge, and espousing doubts of his fidelity, which came to hisknowledge, he called together all the principal people in his squadron, to whom he made a long and learned discourse. Yet a conspiracy wasentered into to kill Magellan, by three of his captains, namedCartagene, Quixada, and Mendoza. Their design however was discovered, onwhich Mendoza was immediately stabbed, and the other two arrested andpunished as traitors; Quixada being quartered _alive_, while Cartageneand a priest concerned in the plot were set ashore on the barbarouscoast. Most of the men were engaged in the conspiracy, but it wasnecessary to pardon them that there might be seamen for prosecuting thevoyage. 

[Footnote 156: From the text, coupled with a consideration of theinfallible grants of his holiness, who had given every part of the worldto the west of a certain meridian to the Spaniards and all eastwards tothe Portuguese, or all to both, those Spaniards who had been at theMoluccas must have come from the western coast of Mexico. Magellanproposed a new route by the southwest, to evade the grant of thesovereign pontiff, which was actually accomplished, though he lived notto enjoy what may in some measure be termed the treasonable honour. --E. ]

Magellan wintered at this place[157], and some men who were sent abouttwenty leagues into the interior brought a few natives to the ships, whowere of a gigantic stature, being above three yards high. Aftersuffering much through cold, hunger, and continual fatigue, they atlength reached the _Cabo de las Virgines_, in lat. 52° S. So namedbecause discovered on the day of the 11, 000 virgins. Below this cape, they discovered the strait of which they were in search, being about aleague wide. [158] In their progress, the strait was found in some placeswider and in others narrower than its mouth. The land on both sides washigh, partly bare, and part covered with wood, among which were manycypress trees. The mountains were covered with much snow, which madethem appear very high. Having advanced about 50 leagues into thisstrait, another was seen and Magellan sent one of his ships to exploreit; but after waiting much beyond the time appointed for her return, _heordered the astrologer_, Andrew Martin _to erect a figure_, who answeredthat she was gone back to Spain, and that the crew had confined thecaptain, Alvaro de Mesquita, for opposing that measure. This wasactually the case, and they were eight months on the voyage. After thisevent, which gave much vexation to Magellan, he continued his voyagethrough the straits much against the inclination of his people, and atlength got out into the southern Pacific Ocean with three ships, thatcommanded by Juan Serrano having been wrecked and the men saved withmuch difficulty. 

[Footnote 157: Though not directly so expressed in the text, Magellanappears to have wintered at Port St Julian. --E. ]

[Footnote 158: Now called the Straits of Magellan from itsdiscoverer. --E. ]

To escape from the excessive cold of the southern extremity of America, Magellan now shaped his course W. N. W. And when about 1500 leagues fromthe straits, he found an island in lat. 18° S. And another 200 leaguesfurther on. Having lost his computation for the Moluccas, he discoveredseveral islands in lat. 15° 30' N. And at length came to the island of_Subo_ in lat. 10° N. Being about 12 leagues in circumference. He washospitably received here, and found the natives of so tractable adisposition, that the king and queen of the island, with their childrenand above 800 of the inhabitants were baptised. This prince was at warwith a neighbour, and was assisted by Magellan. After two victories, Magellan was slain in a third battle on the 27th of April 1521, togetherwith his astrologer and some others. The baptised king now entered intoan agreement with his enemies, and poisoned all the Christians who wereon shore. Those who remained on board, being too few in number tonavigate the three ships, burnt one, and set sail with the other two, one of which was the famous _Victory_, commanded by Juan SebastianCano, _being the first ship that circumnavigated the globe_. Theyarrived at the Moluccas, where they were well received by the king ofTidore, who was much dissatisfied by the Portuguese having given thepreference to Ternate in forming their establishment. At this place theytook in a loading of spice, and went thence to _Banda_, where theycompleted their cargo by the assistance of a Portuguese named Juan deLourosa. One of the Spanish ships returned to Ternate, many of the crewhaving died of a contagious disease, and the small remnant being unableto continue the voyage. They were hospitably received by Antonio deBrito, who relieved and sent them to India, whence they returned toEurope in the Portuguese ships. 

The _famous ship Victory_ returned in triumph to Spain, after performingthat wonderful _Voyage round the World_. Her arrival occasioned newcontests between the courts of Spain and Portugal, Charles V. And JohnIII. Then reigning, because the Molucca islands were considered asbelonging to Portugal, according to the former agreement respecting thediscoveries of the globe. In the year 1524, a congress of civilians andgeographers was held to determine this affair, at a place betweenBadajos and Elvas; but it was not settled till the year 1526. [159]

[Footnote 159: As this first circumnavigation will fall to be relatedmore at large, in a division of our arrangement devoted expressly tothat subject, it has not been deemed necessary to elucidate this shortincidental account from De Faria, by any geographical commentary. --E. ]

In one of the former years, Fernan Perez de Andrada had established atrade at Quantung or Canton in China, which was so exceedinglyprofitable that every one was eager to engage in it. In the present year1521, Simon de Andrada was sent by Sequeira to China with five ships, and cast anchor in the port of the island of _Tamou_ opposite to Canton, where his brother had been formerly. The Portuguese ambassador to theemperor of China still remained at that place, but set out soonafterwards up a large river with three vessels splendidly decorated withPortuguese colours, it being a received custom that none but those ofChina should be seen there, which are gules a lion rampant. [160] In thismanner he arrived at the foot of a mountain from which that great riverderives its source. This mountainous ridge, called _Malexam_, beginningat the bay of Cochin-China in the province of Fokien, [161] runs throughthe three southern provinces of China, Quangsi, Quantung, and Fokien, dividing them from the interior provinces, as Spain is divided fromFrance by the Pyrenees. Thomas Perez, leaving the vessels at this place, travelled northwards to the city of Nanking, where the king then was, having spent four months in the journey without stopping at any place. The emperor however thought proper to appoint his audience at Peking, acity far distant, to which place Perez accordingly followed. While onthe journey, Simon de Andrada behaved himself so improperly in theisland of Tamou that an account of his proceedings was sent to court, and Thomas Perez and his companions were condemned to death as spies. The rigour of this sentence was mitigated, but the embassy was notreceived, and Perez was sent back as a prisoner to Canton, with ordersthat the Portuguese should restore Malacca to its native king, who was avassal to China, in which case the embassy would be received; butotherwise the ambassador and his suite were to be put to death, and thePortuguese for ever excluded from China as enemies. Simon de Andradaconducted himself with a high hand, as if he had been king of Tamou, where he raised a fort, and set up a gallows to intimidate the people. He committed violence against the merchants who resorted to the port, and bought young people of both sexes, giving occasion to thieves tosteal them from their parents. These extravagant proceedings lostnothing in their transmission to court, and were the cause of the severeorders respecting Perez and his followers. 

[Footnote 160: The text seems irreconcileably contradictory, perhapsfrom mistranslation; but the circumstance is not important. --E. ]

[Footnote 161: This account of the ridge of Malexam is considerablyerroneous. The ridge of mountains in the text begins in the west ofChina on the borders off the province of Yunnan, between Koeitchoo andQuansee, and ends in the east at the province of Foo-tchien. --E. ]

At this time Diego Calva arrived with one ship from Lisbon, and severalothers from Malacca, and in consequence of this addition to theirstrength, the Portuguese acted still more insolently than before, and soexasperated the governors of the province that they apprehended severalof them, and even contrived to take the last arrived ship. At thecommencement of hostilities Duarte Coello arrived from Malacca with twoships well manned and armed. The _Itao_, or Chinese admiral in theseseas, attacked the Portuguese with fifty ships, and though he did themsome damage, he was so severely handled by the artillery that he wasforced to retire and to remain at some distance, keeping up a strictblockade. After matters had remained in this state for forty days, Ambrose del Rego arrived with two additional ships from Malacca, and thePortuguese determined upon forcing their way through the Chinese fleet. The battle on this occasion was very bloody; but in consequence of agale of wind dispersing the Chinese fleet, the Portuguese were enabledto get away from the island of Tamou. The Itao revenged himself uponsuch of the Portuguese as had fallen into his hands, and particularlyupon Thomas Perez and his companions, who were all slain, and theirbaggage robbed of the present intended for the emperor, and of all thecommodities which Perez had purchased during his residence in China. Such was the profitableness of the China trade at this time, that Perezthough only an apothecary of mean parentage, had by this time acquired2000 weight of rhubarb, 1600 pieces of damask, 400 pieces of othersilks, above 100 ounces of gold, 2000 ounces of silver, 84 pounds ofloose musk, above 3000 purses or cods of that perfume, called _Papos_, and a great deal of other commodities. 

As _Mocrim_ king of _Lasah_ refused to pay the tribute which was due tothe king of Ormuz for the islands of Bahrayn and Catifa on the coast ofArabia, the king of Ormuz was backward in paying the tribute to thePortuguese, alleging his inability on account of not receiving paymentfrom his vassal. On this account a force had been already sent againstthe king of Lasah, accompanied by some Portuguese auxiliaries, but hadbeen unsuccessful. The king of Ormuz, wishing effectually to humble hisvassal, applied to Sequeira for assistance, who consented on purpose tosecure the tribute due to the Portuguese. Accordingly in the year 1521, an armament of 200 vessels belonging to the king of Ormuz, having onboard 3000 Arabs and Persians, sailed for Bahrayn under the command ofReis Xarafo or Sharafo, accompanied by seven Portuguese ships with 400soldiers commanded by Antonio Correa. On their arrival at Bahrayn, Mocrim was found well prepared for their reception, having 300 Arabhorse, 400 Persian archers, 20 Turkish musketeers besides some nativesarmed with firelocks, and above 11, 000 native troops armed withdifferent weapons. He had besides thrown up strong intrenchments andredoubts, well provided with cannon, and these formidable militarypreparations were under the charge of experienced commanders. 

The Persian Gulf, which intervenes between Arabia and Persia, takes itsname from the latter, as the more noble country. This famous gulf beginsat Cape _Jasques_ or _Carpela_, in lat. 26° N. And ends at the mouth ofthe river Euphrates, having many cities, rivers, woods, and islandsalong its northern or Persian shores. On the other or Arabian shore, beginning at Cape _Mozandan_ or _Musaldon_, named _Assaborum_ by theancients, and ending where it meets the other side at the Euphrates, there are only four towns. One of these, _Catifa_ or Al Katif, isopposite the island of Bahrayn, where is the pearl-fishery. This islandis 30 leagues in circumference, and seven leagues long, and is 110leagues from Ormuz. The principal product of this island is tamarinds, but it has likewise all the other fruits that grow in Spain. The largesttown is of the same name with the island, besides which there are about300 villages, inhabited by Arabs and Moors[162]. The air is veryunhealthy. The pearls found here, though not in such abundance, are morevaluable than those of Ceylon in India, or of Hainan in China. On thecontinent of Arabia, opposite to Bahrayn is the city of _Lasah_[163], ofwhich Mocrim was king. 

[Footnote 162: It is difficult to comprehend the distinction; andperhaps we ought to read Arabs _or_ Moors. --E. ]

[Footnote 163: Lasah may have been the name of the territory, andperhaps applied likewise to the capital which is named _Al Katif_ in ourmaps, and the territory _Bahrayn_. These are two islands of Bahrayn, oneof which from the text appears to have been named Catifa. --E. ]

Having formed his dispositions of attack, Correa landed at the head of170 Portuguese, giving orders to Reis Xarafo to send assistance whereverhe might see it necessary. Ayres Correa, the brother of the Portuguesecommander, led the van or forlorn hope of fifty men, all of whom wereknee deep in water. The Portuguese assaulted the trenches with greatbravery, and were opposed with much resolution by the enemy, headed bythe king; and after some time both parties were so much fatigued by theheat as to be under the necessity of taking some respite, as by mutualconsent. After a short rest, the attack was renewed, and the king beingshot through the thigh, of which wound he died six days afterwards, hismen lost heart, and great numbers of them being killed and wounded, theyfled leaving a complete victory to the Portuguese. During the wholeengagement, Reis Xarafo looked on from his vessel as an unconcernedspectator; but when afterwards the body of the deceased king was carriedover to Lasah for interment, he went there and cut off his head, whichhe sent to Ormuz. In this engagement the Portuguese had seven men killedand many wounded, but the island was effectually reduced. For thisexploit, Correa had the title of Bahrayn added to his name, and wasauthorized to bear a kings head in his coat of arms, which is stillborne by his descendents. 

In this same year 1521, the zamorin of Calicut made war against Cochinat the head of 200, 000 men; and although only forty Portuguese were inthe army of Cochin, and but thirty of these armed with muskets, theenemy retired in dismay. At this time likewise Diego Fernandez de Beja, who had been left before Diu, came to join Sequeira at Ormuz, havingbeen attacked by some vessels belonging to Malek Azz, whose doubledealing was now apparent. To prevent certain frauds that had beenpractised by the native officers of the customs at Ormuz, Sequeirathought proper to appoint Portuguese officers in that charge, which soexasperated the natives that they endeavoured to shake off the yoke, aswill appear hereafter. 

Being determined to resume the plan of establishing a fort at Diu, Sequeira sent back Beja to that place with four stout vessels, withorders to hinder all ships from entering the port. Beja executed theseorders for some time effectually, and even took some vessels; but MalekAzz came against him with a number of ships well armed with cannon, sunkone of the Portuguese galleons and did much damage to the others whichwere becalmed; but on the wind springing up, the vessels of the enemywere forced to retire. While Sequeira was on his voyage from Ormuzagainst Diu, he captured a vessel by the way, and divided the Moorishcrew among his ships. Those who were put on board the ship commanded byAntonio Correa, set fire to the powder-room, by which the poop was blowninto the air and the vessel sunk; in which miserable catastrophe thebrave conqueror of Bahrayn perished. [164]. Owing to these misfortunes, Sequeira desisted from the enterprise against Diu, and went to _Chaul_where he found Ferdinando Camelo, who had brought permission from Nizamal Mulk to build a fort at that place, chiefly to favour the importationof horses for his own use, as that trade was then confined to Goa. Thebuilding of the fort was accordingly begun without delay. As Malek Azzsuspected that the establishment of the Portuguese at this place mightlessen greatly the trade of Diu, he made his appearance off Chaul withabove fifty vessels, and sunk a large Portuguese ship just come fromOrmuz. Azz continued to blockade the port of Chaul for three weeks, doing much damage to the squadron which was opposed to him; yet theconstruction of the fort went on with all diligence. Learning that hissuccessor was arrived at Cochin, which rendered his presence necessaryat that place, Sequeira forced his way through the enemy, leaving hisnephew Henry de Menezes to command the fort, and Antonio Correa with thecharge of the ships. 

[Footnote 164: Yet only a few lines afterwards, Antonio Correa is foundto be alive and commanding a squadron off Chaul. Having no means tocorrect this contradiction, the text is left as published byStevens. --E. ]

After the departure of Sequeira for Cochin, Aga Mahomet who commandedthe fleet belonging to Malek Azz did every thing in his power to hinderthe construction of the fort. To secure the entrance of the river, thePortuguese had erected a redoubt or bulwark on the side opposite thefort, which was commanded by Pedro Vaz Permeo with a garrison of thirtymen. Mahomet sent 300 of his men by night to surprise this bulwark, butthey were so valiantly opposed by the small garrison, though the captainand several men were slain, that they maintained their ground tillrelieved by Ruy Vaz Pereira with a reinforcement of sixty men, who putthe enemy to flight after having lost a hundred men. By this success theenemy were much daunted, and particularly one Sheikh Mamud, a great manin the city, who pretended to be a friend to the Portuguese, yet didevery thing in his power secretly to molest them. On occasion of thedefeat of Aga Mahomet, the sheikh sent to congratulate Antonio Correa;who well knowing his treachery, sent him back the heads of hismessengers, and hung up their bodies along the shore. The sheikh wasastonished at this act, and now proceeded to open hostilities, encouraging Aga Mahomet to persevere in the blockade, giving himintelligence that the Portuguese were in want of ammunition. But DonLuis de Menezes arrived with reinforcements and a supply of ammunitionand provisions, to whom Correa resigned the command. 

Don Duarte de Menezes entered upon the government of India on the 22d ofJanuary 1522, John III. Being then upon the throne of Portugal. Havingdispatched his predecessor with the homeward trade, and sent offcommanders to the different establishments in India, he began toexperience the bad effects of Sequeira having appointed Portugueseofficers to the custom-house at Ormuz; as he received advice that theMoors of that place had taken arms and killed some men, and had evenbesieged the fort. He immediately sent his brother with relief, andappointed Simon de Andre to command at Chaul, who began his career bytaking two Turkish gallies, and gaining a victory over the people ofDabul, by which that city was reduced to pay tribute. Malek Azz wasterrified by these successes, and withdrew his fleet from before Chaul. 

As formerly mentioned, the late governor Sequeira had appointedPortuguese officers to collect the revenue of Ormuz, which in fact hadbeen done contrary to his own private judgment, but by command of theking of Portugal. These officers conducted themselves oppressively tothe natives, from whom they made many undue exactions to satisfy theirown cupidity, and behaved to them with much insolence and violence, evenforcing from them their wives and daughters. Unable to endure theseoppressions, the inhabitants of Ormuz and its dependencies formed aconspiracy against the Portuguese, and broke out into open insurrectionagainst them suddenly at Ormuz, Bahrayn, Muscat, Kuriat, and Zoar[165], all in one night by previous concert, by a private order from the kingof Ormuz. This attack was so sudden and well concerted, that above 120of the Portuguese were slain on that night, and one _Ruy Boto_ was putto the torture by the Moors in defence of the faith. The Portuguese atOrmuz, where Don Garcia Coutino then commanded, exerted themselves aswell as they could to defend themselves, and secured the ships whichhappened to be at that place under the protection of the fort, which wasimmediately besieged. Of these events immediate intelligence was sent byDon Garcia to Cochin and other places for relief, fearing he might beconstrained to surrender for want of provisions and water; and in facttwo of the Portuguese vessels were burnt by the Moors under the guns ofthe fort. 

[Footnote 165: These three last mentioned places are all on thenorth-eastern point of Arabia, near Cape Rasaigat, and appear to havebeen then dependent on the kingdom of Ormuz. --E. ]

Tristan Vaz de Vega and Manuel de Souza happened to be then at Muscat intheir ships, and immediately made sail to the relief of Ormuz. TristanVaz arrived first, and made his way to the fort through 160 sail ofMoorish vessels by which it was blockaded. Two days afterwards the shipcommanded by Manuel de Souza was seen at anchor at the distance of twoleagues. It was very dangerous for those at the fort to assist him, andyet it was absolutely necessary for the common safety that he should berelieved; wherefore Tristan Vaz adventured with his ship to his aid, forcing his way as before through the vast Moorish fleet, eighty ofwhich pursued him in full sail, and even De Souza, thinking him at firstan enemy did him some harm. The king of Ormuz, to inspire his people toexert themselves in the capture of these two ships, exhibited a largeheap of gold as his intended reward for such of his subjects as shouldtake Tristan and Manuel prisoners; while at the same time he set apart aheap of female attire, to be worn in disgrace by those who might notbehave valiantly. Actuated at the same time by desire of reward and fearof disgrace, the Ormuzians manned 130 of their vessels, with which theyfuriously assailed the two Portuguese ships: yet they both made theirway through showers of bullets and arrows to the fort, to the great joyand relief of the governor and garrison. Despairing of being able toshake off the Portuguese yoke, and dreading the punishment of hisrevolt, the king of Ormuz abandoned his city and retired to _Kishom_ or_Queixome_, an island about 15 leagues in length and 3 leagues fromOrmuz, close to the shore of Persia. This island is sufficiently fertilebut very unhealthy. On his retreat, he gave orders for all theinhabitants of Ormuz to follow him, and to set their city on fire, whichburnt furiously for four days and nights. Even at this time some of thePortuguese gentlemen in the fort of Ormuz were in private correspondencewith the king, giving him instructions how to conduct himself with thesucceeding governor, so as to ensure his restoration; which they did onpurpose to enrich themselves by exacting presents from the king inrecompence of their services. 

Don Luis de Menezes, as already mentioned, was sent by his brotherDuarte, the governor-general, with ten sail to relieve and take thecommand of Ormuz. On arriving at Zoar, he destroyed the town with fireand sword, and then gave the sovereignty of it to Sheikh Husseyn, tohold it in direct vassalage of Portugal, instead of being dependent uponOrmuz as hitherto. In the mean time the king of Ormuz was murdered atKishom by his own officers, who crowned his son Mamud Shah, a youth ofthirteen. On the arrival of Don Luis, a treaty was entered Into with thenew king, by which it was agreed that the king and inhabitants were toreturn to Ormuz; that the former tribute of 20, 000 _Xerephines_ shouldbe continued, and all arrears paid up; and that the Portuguese officersshould not interfere in the government of the city or its revenues. Onthe conclusion of this treaty, the king sent a present of gold, jewels, pearls, and silks for the king of Portugal, and another for Don Luis, but which he publicly ordered to be sent along with the other. 

Some time after this, but in the same year 1522, Don Duarte went toOrmuz to examine into the cause of the late troubles; but he punishedthose who had least influence, and overlooked the most guilty. _ReisXarafo_, a person of great power, who had been the most activeinstigator in the late troubles, was rewarded; and _Reis Xamexir_, whohad killed _Reis Xahadim_ at the instigation of Don Luis, was banishedinstead of the promised reward. Duarte augmented the tribute by adding35, 000 Xerephines to the former 25, 000[166], which could not be paidwhen the city was in a flourishing condition, and yet 60, 000 were nowdemanded when it lay in ruins and its trade was destroyed. 

[Footnote 166: It was only called 20, 000 a few lines before. --E. ]

At this time Don Luis was sent with nine ships to the Red Sea. AtSocotora he lost one of his ships. He took and burnt the town_Zaer_[167] on the coast of Arabia, because the sheikh refused torestore the goods of a Portuguese merchant or factor who had died there. At _Veruma_[168] he burned some ships, and then battered the city ofAden, after which he entered the Red Sea, where he did nothing worthy ofnotice, and returned to his brother at Ormuz, but was much dissatisfiedwith the conduct of Duarte at that place. 

[Footnote 167: Perhaps _Shahr_ near Makulla on the coast of Yemen. --E. ]

[Footnote 168: This place was probably near Aden on the coast ofArabia. --E. ]

That part of the continent of India adjoining to Goa, belonging to AdelKhan king of Visiapour, which had been seized by Ruy de Melo during thewar with the king of Narsinga, was now lost by Francisco PereyraPestana. Pestana was a brave officer, and exerted himself to the utmost;but as Adel Khan had now no other object to employ his arms, his powerwas not to be resisted. Ferdinando Rodriguez Barba indeed obtained asignal victory over the forces of Adel Khan; and after this Pestana andSotomayor, with only thirty horse and a small number of foot, defeated5000 foot and 400 horse. But in the end numbers prevailed, and thecountry was reduced to the obedience of Adel Khan, and afterwardsconfirmed to him by treaty. 

About this time the governor Duarte made particular inquiry respectingSt Thomas the apostle, in consequence of orders to that effect from theking of Portugal; and the following is the substance of the informationhe transmitted. In the year 1517, some Portuguese sailed in company withan Armenian, and landed at Palicat on the coast of Coromandel, aprovince of the kingdom of Bisnagar, where they were invited by theArmenian to visit certain ruins of many buildings still retaining thevestiges of much grandeur. In the middle of these was a chapel ofindifferent structure still entire, the walls of which both outside andin were adorned with many crosses cut in stone, resembling those of theancient military order of Alcantara, which are _fleuree_ and_fitched_[169]. A Moor resided there who pretended to have miraculouslyrecovered his sight by a visit to this holy place, and that hisancestors had been accustomed to entertain a light in the chapel. Therewas a tradition that the church, of which this small chapel was all thatremained entire, was built by St Thomas, when he preached Christianityto the Indians, and that he and two of his disciples were here interred, together with a king who had been converted by his miracles. Inconsequence of this information, Don Duarte sent Ernanuel de Faria, witha priest and a mason to repair this chapel. On digging about thefoundation on one side which threatened to fall, they found about a yardbelow ground a tomb-stone with an inscription implying "That when StThomas built this church the king of Meliapour gave him the duties ofall merchandize imported, which was the tenths[170]. " Going stilldeeper, they came to a hollow place between two stones, in which lay thebones of a human body with the butt and head of a spear, which weresupposed to be the remains of the saint, as those of the king anddisciple were also found, _but not so white_. They placed the bones ofthe saint in a _China chest_, and the other bones in another chest, and hid both under the altar. On farther inquiry, it appeared by theancient records of the kingdom, that Saint Thomas had come to Meliapourabout 1500 years before, then in so flourishing a condition that it issaid by tradition to have contained 3300 stately churches in itsenvirons. It is farther said that Meliapour was then twelve leagues fromthe coast, whereas its ruins are now close to the shore; and that thesaint had left a prediction, "That when the sea came up to the scite ofthe city, a people should come from the west having the same religionwhich he taught. " That the saint had dragged a vast piece of timber fromthe sea in a miraculous manner for the construction of his church, whichall the force of elephants and the art of men had been unable to movewhen attempted for the use of the king. That the _bramin_ who was chiefpriest to the king, envious of the miracles performed by the saint, hadmurdered his own son and accused the saint as the murderer; but StThomas restored the child to life, who then bore witness against hisfather; and, that in consequence of these miracles, the king and all hisfamily were converted. 

[Footnote 169: Heraldic terms, implying that the three upper arms of thecross end in the imitation of flowers, while the lower limb ispointed. --E. ]

[Footnote 170: The strange expression in the text ought probably to havebeen the tenths of the duties on importation. --E. ]

An Armenian bishop who spent twenty years in visiting the Christians ofthat part of India which is near _Coulam_[171], declared on oath that hefound what follows in their writings: That, when the twelve apostleswere dispersed through the world, Thomas, Bartholomew, and JudasThaddeus went together to Babylon where they separated. Thaddeuspreached in Arabia, since possessed by the Mahometans. Bartholomew wentinto Persia, where he was buried in a convent of Armenian monks near_Tebris_. Thomas embarked at Basrah on the Euphrates, crossed thePersian Gulf, to Socotora, whence he went to Meliapour, and thence toChina where he built several churches. That after his return toMeliapour and the conversion of the king, he suffered martyrdom throughthe malice of the bramins, who counterfeited a quarrel while he waspreaching, and at length had him run through by a lance; upon which hewas buried by his disciples as formerly related in the church he hadbuilt at Meliapour. It was likewise affirmed by a learned native ofCoulam, that there were two religious houses built in that part of thecountry by the disciples of St Thomas, one in Coulam and the other atCranganor; in the former of which the _Indian Sybil_ was buried, whoadvised King _Perimal_ of Ceylon to meet other two Indian kings atMuscat, who were going to Bethlem to adore the newly born Saviour; andthat King Perimal, at her entreaty, brought her a picture of the BlessedVirgin, which was kept in the same tomb. Thus was the _invention_ of theholy relics of the apostle of India; which gave occasion to thePortuguese to build the city of St Thomas, in the port of Palicat, sevenleagues from the ruins of the ancient Christian city of Meliapour. 

[Footnote 171: Coulam is on the coast of Travancore; in which country aremnant of the ancient Indian Christians has been recently visited by DrBuchannan, which will fall to be particularly noticed in a futuredivision of this collection--E. ]

In the year 1522, Antonio Miranda de Azevedo was commander of the fortat Pisang in the island of Sumatra. On the west coast of that islandthere are six Moorish kingdoms of which Pedier was the chief, and towhich those of Achem and Daga were subordinate. But in consequence ofwar among themselves, Achem gained the superiority, and the king ofPedier retired to the fort for the protection of the Portuguese[172]. Oncoming to the city of Pedier with a great force, the king of Achemendeavoured to inveigle the king of that place into his hands, andprevailed on some of the leading men of the city to write their kingthat he might come there in safety as his enemies were expelled, and hemight easily destroy them by the assistance of the Portuguese. Heaccordingly went to the city, aided by eighty Portuguese soldiers andtwo hundred Moors, which went by sea in small row boats, while the kinghimself went along the shore with above a thousand armed elephants[173]. He was received at Pedier with feigned joy, but with a determination tomake him prisoner, which was only deferred till the arrival of thePortuguese, that they likewise might be secured; but being apprized ofhis danger, the king fled next day to the mountains with two elephantsand a few faithful followers. The Portuguese thus left on the shoreunsupported were attacked by the enemy with showers of darts and arrows, when their commander Don Emanuel Enriquez and thirty-five soldiers wereslain, and the rest fled. Don Andres Enriquez, after this loss, foundhimself unequal to defend the fort, and sent for relief to RaphaelPerestello who was at _Chittigon_ the chief port of Bengal. Perestelloimmediately sent a ship for this purpose under the command of DominickSeixas, who landed at _Tenacari_ to procure provisions; but one _Brito_who had succeeded _Gago_ as captain of a band of thirty Portuguesepirates, ran away with the vessel from that port after she was laden, and left Seixas with seventeen other Portuguese on shore, who werereduced to slavery by the Siamese. Such is the fate of those who trustpersons who have violated all human and divine laws[174]. Don AndreasEnriquez, being reduced to great extremity, requested thegovernor-general to send him a successor, who accordingly sent Lope deAzevedo; but Enriquez changed his mind, as the situation was veryprofitable, and refused to surrender the command, on which Azevedoreturned to India. In the mean time the king of Achem overran the wholecountry with fire and sword, and took possession of the city of Pisangwith fifteen thousand men, summoning Enriquez to surrender the fort. Enriquez having sustained and repelled these assaults, set sail forIndia that he might save the great riches he had acquired, leaving thecommand to Ayres Coello, who valiantly undertook the dangerous service. 

[Footnote 172: At first sight this appears to have been the fort ofPisang, but from the sequel it would rather seem to have been anotherfort at or in the neighbourhood of Pedier. --E. ]

[Footnote 173: It is hardly possible that the lord of a petty state onthe coast of Sumatra should have so large a number of elephants, moreperhaps than the Great Mogul in the height of the sovereignty ofHindustan. Probably Capt. Stevens may have mistaken the original, and weought to read "With above a thousand men and several armedelephants. "--E. ]

[Footnote 174: Though obscurely expressed in the text, these thirtypirates appear to have been employed in the ship commanded by Seixas;probably pardoned after the punishment of their former leader Gago. --E. ]

While on his voyage to India, Enriquez met two ships commanded bySebastian Souza and Martin Correa, bound for the Island of Banda to loadwith spices; who learning the dangerous situation of Pisang, wentdirectly to that place. Ayres Coello had just sustained a furiousassault with some loss; and on seeing this relief the enemy abatedtheir fury. Eight days afterwards, Andres was forced back by stress ofweather to Pisang. One night, above 8000 of the enemy surrounded thefort, in which there were 350 Portuguese, some of whom were sick andothers disabled by wounds, but all much spent with continual watchingand fatigue. The enemy advanced in profound silence and applied sevenhundred scaling ladders to the walls, on which they immediately mountedwith loud shouts. The dispute was hotly maintained on both sides forsome time; but some ships being set on fire enabled the Portuguese topoint their cannon with such accuracy, that many of the enemy wereslain, and the rest obliged to desist from the assault. Next morningabove two thousand of the enemy were found slain around the walls, withtwo elephants; while on the Portuguese side only one woman was slain inher chamber by an arrow. The remaining six thousand of the enemyimmediately retired, leaving half their ladders and large quantities offireworks. Yet taking into consideration the difficulty and expence ofmaintaining this port, it was resolved to ship off all the men andgoods, and to set it on fire, leaving the large cannons filled withpowder, that they might burst when the fire reached them. Greater partof the fort was destroyed; but the enemy saved some of the cannon, whichwere afterwards employed with considerable effect against thePortuguese. Some goods were lost in shipping, as the Portuguese were ina great fright, and embarked up to the neck in water. By thisabandonment of their post, the Portuguese lost more reputation with thenatives of Sumatra than they had gained by their former valiant defence. They were fully sensible of this, as they met a powerful reinforcementat sea under Azevedo; and learnt that the king of Aru was marching byland to their assistance with 4000 men. The king of Achem followed uphis good fortune, and rendered himself all-powerful in Sumatra, beyondeven his hopes. 

About this time[175] Malacca was much straitened by the king of Bintang, who sent a powerful armament against it, to oppose which. GeorgeAlbuquerque sent a naval force under Don Sancho Enriquez; but in aviolent storm 70 out of 200 Portuguese were lost. Till now the king ofPahang had sided with the Portuguese; but seeing the tide of fortune hadturned against them, he too became their enemy. Ignorant of this change, Albuquerque sent three-ships to his port for provisions, where two ofhis captains and thirty men were killed: The third made his escape, butwas slain with all his men at Java. Simon de Abreu and his crew wereslain on another occasion; and two vessels sent to prevent provisionsfrom getting into Bintang were lost. 

[Footnote 175: De Faria is often defective in dates, and alwaysconfused. The events about this time are only vaguely stated as havinghappened during the government of Duarte Menezes, between the years 1522and 1524, both inclusive. Among the confused mass of ill-digested andoften indistinctly related events, many of which possess hardly anyinterest, we have now deemed it proper, in the farther prosecution ofthis History of the Portuguese transactions in India, to omit manytrivial and uninteresting events, confining our attention to those ofsome importance, and which appear worth recording. The Portuguese Asiaof DeFaria minutely relates every consecutive squadron sent to or fromIndia, and every trifling commercial adventure; the insertion of whichin our collection would be needlessly tedious. --E. ]

In 1524, the memorable DON VASCO DE GAMA, now count of Vidugueyra, wentout to India as viceroy with 14 ships and 8000 soldiers. During thevoyage, two caravels were lost with all their men, and a third was lostbut the men saved. Gaspar Mossem, one of the captains, was basely killedby his crew, merely because he was not a Portuguese. While at sea nearCambaya in a dead calm, the sea tossed so violently all of a sudden thatall the people thought they were lost: But the viceroy perceiving it wascaused by an earthquake, called out, "Courage my friends, the seatrembles for fear of you. " One great ship of Mecca, worth 60, 000 crowns, was taken, and the fleet arrived at Goa. Having visited some of theforts, and issued the necessary orders, Gama sent three gallies fromCochin to Calicut, as the subjects of the zamorin began to betroublesome. One of these fought for three hours with fifty large_paraos_ and lost three men; but on the coming up of the others, theenemy were put to flight. The new viceroy had intended to executeseveral important enterprises; but he soon fell sick, and finding hisend fast approaching, he appointed Lope Vaz de Sampayo to act as hissuccessor till Don Enrique de Menezes, then at Goa, who was next innomination by the king, might arrive. Vasco de Gama died on Christmaseve 1524, having been only three months viceroy. He was of middlestature, somewhat gross, and had a ruddy complexion. He had a naturalboldness for any great undertaking, and was well fitted for every thingentrusted to him, as a sea captain, as discoverer, and as viceroy; beingpatient of fatigue, prompt in the execution of justice, and terriblewhen angry. 

Immediately after the death of the viceroy, Lope Vaz de Sampayodispatched Francisco de Sa to Goa, to carry information to Don Enriquede Menezes that he had succeeded to the government of Portuguese India. Leaving De Sa to command in Goa, Menezes went immediately to Cochin toassume his new situation; having first sent his nephew George Zelo witha galliot and five armed paraos against a fleet which infested thecoast. Zelo met 38 vessels laden with spice commanded by _Cutiale_, fourof which were taken and the rest driven on shore. These four werebrought in barbarous triumph to Goa, having many of the enemies hungupon the shrouds. The Canarin rowers carried thirty heads, in token ofthe victory, and twelve prisoners alive, _who were given up to the boysto be stoned to death_. Zelo had similar success afterwards against aship and nine paraos. He sailed after that to Cochin with his uncle, who, being accidentally joined by George de Menezes, defeated 36 paraosbelonging to Diu, 17 of which were taken. When at Cananor be hanged aMoor of quality, on which many of his relations left the city and tookto robbing on the river. But, with consent of the king of Cananor, DonEnrique sent Hector de Sylveira against them with two gallies and abrigantine, who destroyed four _towns_[176] and took all their cannon, not without considerable difficulty. About the same time Christopher deBrito went with fourteen row-boats and about an hundred men to scour thecoast of Canara, where he destroyed some of the Moors; but those ofDabul sent two galliots and seven other vessels against him, with abovethree hundred men. In the commencement of the engagement Brito wasslain; but his people exerted themselves so valiantly to revenge thedeath of their commander, that after four hours hard fighting most ofthe Moors were slain, and their commander and all the rest taken. TheMoorish captain died afterwards of his wounds at Goa, being firstconverted to the Christian faith. 

[Footnote 176: Perhaps instead of _towns_ we ought to read _tonys_, aspecies of vessel then need by the inhabitants of the Malabarcoast. --E. ]

The fort at Calicut was at this time much straitened by the Nayres, yetthe small garrison of fifty Portuguese maintained their post with muchhonour. Don Enrique, to punish the hostilities of the Moors of Calicut, fitted out fifty sail of vessels from Cochin, to which were added otherfifty belonging to the inhabitants of that city, twenty-seven of whichbelonged to one individual named Arel de Porca[177]. With these vessels, carrying 2000 soldiers, the governor arrived at Paniani, one of theprincipal towns in the territory of Calicut, which was well fortifiedand stored with cannon under the command of a Portuguese renegado. Besides these fortifications on the land, the river was defended by anumber of armed vessels drawn up in order of battle. After a severecontest, the fortifications of Paniani were carried, and the enemy fledinto the woods. The town and all the vessels in the fort were burnt. Next day twelve ships were burnt in the port of Calicut, and severalmore in some creeks near the town. The armament proceeded in the nextplace to _Coulete_, which was fortified in a similar manner to Paniani, with a prodigious number of artillery, an hundred and fifty armed ships, and a garrison of 20, 000 men. The Portuguese proceeded to the attack, and after a long and obstinate contest, drove the enemy from their workswith great slaughter, and took fifty-three vessels, most of which wereladen with pepper, with the loss of fifty-four Portuguese killed andmany wounded. The other vessels belonging to the enemy, being muchshattered in the engagement, were all burnt, and the town was destroyed. 

[Footnote 177: These hundred vessels were probably _paraos_, or smallnative craft, considering that they only carried 2000 soldiers, only atthe rate of 20 for each vessel--E. ]

Shortly after this, the zamorin of Calicut besieged the Portuguese fortat that place with an army of 12, 000 men, and surrounded it with a broadand deep trench. Don Juan de Lima commanded in the fort with 300 men, and did every thing in his power to obstruct the besiegers in theconstruction of their lines; but they were at length finished andplanted with a vast number of cannon, some of which were so large as tocarry balls of two spans diameter. On receiving advice of this siege, Don Enrique sent a reinforcement of 150 men in two caravels commanded byChristopher Jusarte and Duarte Fonseca. They succeeded in forcing theirway into the fort in spite of a violent opposition by sea and land. Immediately afterwards, the enemy endeavoured to take the fort byescalade, but were repulsed with great slaughter. A fartherreinforcement of 500 men from Cochin being unable to reach Calicut, DonEnrique went there with all the naval force he could collect, beingunwilling that his government should suffer the disgrace of allowingthis fortress to be taken by the enemy. Having thrown some strongreinforcements into the fort, Don Enrique landed with the remainder ofhis troops, after clearing the shore of the enemy, by means of his gunsassisted by grenadoes and other fireworks. All the intrenchments andredoubts of the besiegers were successively carried, with prodigiousslaughter of the Moors and Nayres, of whom above 3000 were slain, besides many others burnt in their wooden forts and bulwarks. In thisengagement Don George de Menezes made great slaughter of the enemy witha two-handed sword; till losing his right hand, he took a smaller swordin his left, and continued to fight with great valour. 

Don Enrique remained master of the field, in which he encamped for somedays: But as the fort was not considered important in proportion to itsexpence, it was stripped of every thing of value with great care andprivacy, and mines and trains laid to blow it up; after which the wholearmy retired to the ships. On seeing the fort evacuated, the Moorsrushed in to plunder in vast numbers; but the mines suddenly takingfire, blew up the whole fabric with a vast explosion, in which greatnumbers of the enemy perished miserably. 

In the year 1526, Hector de Sylveira went with a squadron to the RedSea, and on his way thither assaulted and took the city of Dhofur on thecoast of Yemen in lat. 17° N. He then entered the Red Sea, where hereduced the islands of Massua and Dallac to pay tribute; after, this hewent to _Arkiko_ on the coast of Abyssinia, where he received DonRodrigo de Lima who had been on an embassy to the king of Abyssinia, andwas there waiting for a passage along with an ambassador from _PresterJohn_ to the king of Portugal. 

In this same year 1526, a small vessel was sent from Ternate to discoverthe islands of Celebes, which were said to abound in gold. Thediscoverer easily found the islands but no gold. Being on his return tothe Moluccas, he was carried away by a storm to the eastward till helost his reckoning, and unexpectedly fell in with a large and beautifulisland, inhabited by a simple race of men who treated the Portuguesewith much civility. They were strong made and of a comely appearance, with their complexion inclining to fair, having long lank hair and longbeards, and their clothing was of fine mats. Their food consistedchiefly of roots, cocoa nuts, and figs. Their language was notunderstood, but by signs they gave the Portuguese to understand thatthere was gold in the mountains, but of which they made no use. They hadno knowledge of iron or any other metal. Leaving this island, which theynamed after the pilot Diego Lopez Sequeira, they returned to Ternate, after an absence of eight months. 

Don Enrique de Menezes, died at Cananor about the end of January 1526, in the thirtieth year of his age. He was a man of large stature, with apleasing countenance, just in all his actions, continent, free fromcovetousness, a true patron of merit, and of the most unblemishedhonour. During his government he refused uniformly to accept any of thenumerous presents offered him by the eastern princes; and conductedhimself with such perfect integrity in every transaction, that at hisdeath his whole treasure amounted only to thirteen rials and a half; andhe had even expended the whole of his patrimonial estate during theshort continuance of his government of Portuguese India, chiefly inrewarding the merits of his officers. 

SECTION VII. 

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from_ 1526 _to_1538. 

At his death in January 1526, Don Enrique de Menezes left a paper sealedup, by which the succession to him in the government was to beregulated, in case the person nominated for that purpose by the kingshould happen to be absent. That paper was lost, yet it was known thathe had named Francisco de Sa, then commanding in Goa, as his provisionalsuccessor. The second royal nomination was now opened, in which Pedro deMascarenas was appointed successor to Don Enrique; but Mascarenascommanded at Malacca, which was at a great distance, and the season ofthe year did not admit of that navigation. On opening the third patent, Lope Vaz de Sampayo was the person there named, who was accordinglyinvested in the government, having, engaged on oath to resign toMascarenas on the arrival of that officer from Malacca. 

At this time George Zelo and Pedro de Faria blockaded the port ofCananor, in which lay a fleet belonging to the zamorin. Sampayoimmediately sent orders to Antonio de Sylveria and Christopher de Souza, then at Goa, to join the other two officers at Cananor to prevent theescape of the enemy, and went in person with seven ships and aconsiderable land force to endeavour to destroy them. _Cutiale_, theadmiral of this fleet belonging to the zamorin, used every effort todefend himself, both by disposing his ships in formidable order, and byintrenchments and batteries on shore, where he had a land force of10, 000 men. Having made proper dispositions, Sampayo landed with about1300 soldiers, leaving orders with Pedro de Faria to set the _paraos_belonging to the enemy on fire. The trenches of the enemy were carriedafter an obstinate resistance, and with great slaughter of the Moors, and seventy paraos were destroyed. By this signal victory, above eightybrass cannon were gained; but Sampayo spared the town, as it belonged tothe king of Narsinga, with whom the Portuguese were then in peace. 

Having dispatched several officers on command to different places, Sampayo sailed for Ormuz with five ships and 300 men. In his way thitherhe reduced the towns of Kalayat and Muscat, which had revolted owing tothe exactions of Diego de Melo. His only transaction at Ormuz was tocompose some differences that had arisen between Melo and Reis Xarafo, to receive the tribute due by the king of Ormuz, and to take along withhim the ambassador whom George de Lima had brought from Abyssinia. FromOrmuz, Sampayo dispatched Hector de Sylveira to cruise off Diu, onpurpose to intercept the ships of the Red Sea that traded with Cambaya, of which three were taken. Sylveira then went to Diu, where he remaineda long time at the request of Malek Saca, who made use of him to, securehimself against the tyranny of the king of Cambaya. 

Reis Soliman, the Turk who killed Mir Husseyn at Juddah, as formerlyrelated, recovered the favour of Sultan Selim who had conquered Egyptfrom the Mamelukes, having acquired the favour of that prince bydelivering up to him the city of Juddah which he had gained in theservice of the Soldan, and by means of a considerable present: for evenprinces, though they have no need of receiving gifts, are apt to be wonlike other men by their means; and as Soliman promised to performwonders in India for his service, Selim ordered twenty gallies and fivegalleons which were then at Suez to be added to the fleet under ReisSoliman. In the mean time Selim died at Cairo, and was succeeded by hisson Soliman, who sent that large reinforcement, under the command ofHayraddin, to Reis Soliman, who was then fortifying the island ofKamaran. Upon some disgust, Hayraddin killed Reis Soliman; and in histurn was slain by Mustapha the nephew of Soliman. Mustapha, being afraidof the consequences of this action, sailed from Kamaran with a smallnumber of vessels, the greater part of the fleet refusing to join him. He went first to Aden and thence to Diu, where he put himself under theprotection of the king of Cambaya. An account of these revolutions inthe Turkish fleet, which had given great apprehensions to the Portuguesein India, was carried to King John by Antonio Tenreyro over land, to thegreat admiration of every one; being the first who had performed thatjourney, till then thought impossible. 

At this time Mascarenas, who waited in Malacca for the proper season ofsailing to Cochin to assume the government, went against Bintang withtwenty-one ships and 400 Portuguese soldiers, having likewise 600 Malayscommanded by Tuam Mahomet and Sinai rajah. Although the capital ofBintang was well fortified and defended by 7000 men, Mascarenassurmounted every opposition and took the place. Of the enemy 400 wereslain and 2000 made prisoners. A vast booty was made on this occasion, among which were nearly 300 pieces of cannon, and the Portuguese lostonly three men in this glorious exploit. The king of Bitang died ofgrief, and Mascarenas restored it to the lawful heir under vassalage toPortugal, the former king having been an usurper. 

The island of Sunda is divided on the south from Java by a very narrowchannel. It produces pale gold with abundance of pepper and provisions. The natives are numerous but unwarlike, yet are curious in adorningtheir arms. They worship idols, and often sell their children to supplytheir necessities. The women are beautiful, those of the higher ranksbeing chaste, contrary to what is usual in most parts of the world. Theyhave convents, as in Spain and Portugal, in which they reside whilevirgins; and the married women kill themselves on the death of theirhusbands. This were a good custom to shew their duty and affection, wereit not contrary to the law of nature, and therefore a barbarous error. Enrique Leme happening to go there, drawn by the plenty and goodness ofits pepper, he was well received by the king of _Samiam_, who offeredground for a fort, and to pay an yearly tribute of 351 quintals ofpepper, to purchase the friendship and support of the Portuguese againstthe Moors, by whom he was much infested. But when Francisco de Sa cameto build the fort, he met with such opposition from the Moors that hewas obliged to return to Malacca. 

In the same year 1526, Martin Iniguez de Carchisano arrived in the portof Kamafo in Tidore with a Spanish ship, one of six which had been sentthe year before from Spain to those parts which belonged of right to thePortuguese. Don Garcia Enriquez, who then commanded at the Moluccas, onlearning the arrival of these Spaniards, and finding that theyoccasioned the spice to rise in price, went in person to expel them, butwas obliged to retire with considerable damage from the Spanish cannon;yet the Spanish ship afterwards sunk. At this time Don George deMenezes, formerly mentioned as having lost his hand in the gloriousaction at Calicut, arrived at the Moluccas, having discovered the islandof Borneo and many other islands by the way. Soon afterwards two shipswere sent to Borneo with presents for the king, among which was a pieceof tapestry adorned with figures of men. On seeing these, the ignorantbarbarian cried out _that they were enchanted men, who would kill him inthe night_; and no persuasions could convince him of his error, norwould he receive the presents or permit the Portuguese to remain in hisport. 

In the year 1527, it being understood at Cochin that Pedro de Mascarenaswas on his way from Malacca to assume the government, Lope Vaz deSampayo who acted _ad interim_, held a council of the principalofficers, at which it was resolved not to admit Mascarenas to that highoffice. After this determination, Sampayo sailed for Goa, leavingAlphonso Mexia to command at Cochin, with orders to execute theresolutions of the council. On landing unarmed at Cochin, Mascarenas wasopposed and wounded by Mexia; and proceeding afterwards to Goa, be wasmade prisoner and put in irons by order of Sampayo. These violentproceedings had nearly occasioned a civil war among the Portuguese inIndia; but at length, in the end of December 1527, Sampayo was confirmedin the government, and Mascarenas went home to Portugal, where he wasappointed to the command of Azamor in Africa. 

In the year 1528, Don Joan Deza was sent to cruise on the coast ofCalicut, where in several rencounters he took fifty vessels laden withvarious commodities. He burnt the town of Mangalore; and falling in withthe fleet of Calicut, consisting of seventy paraos well manned and armedunder the command of the _Chinese_ admiral Cutiale, Deza took most ofthem killing 1500 Moors, and taking nearly as many prisoners, among whomwas Cutiale. 

Antonio Miranda de Azevedo was sent in the end of January 1528 to theRed Sea, with twenty ships and above 1000 soldiers, to endeavour to burnthe Turkish gallies in the port of Kamaran which had formerly belongedto Reis Soliman. After taking some prizes by the way, be met withEnrique de Macedo in the mouth of the Red Sea, who had engaged a largeTurkish galleon. The Turks had boarded him, and threw a burning dartwhich stuck in his main-sail and began to set it on fire; but inconsequence of a strong gust of wind shaking the sail, the dart fellback into the Turkish vessel, where it set fire to the powder and theship and all her crew were blown up. Several other valuable shipsbelonging to the Moors were taken, but the main object of thisexpedition completely failed, as the wind did not allow the fleet to getup the Red Sea to Kamaran. 

In consequence of the civil discord among the Portuguese, the Moors hadbeen enabled to annoy their trade in different parts: And as Lope Vazunderstood that a successor to the government was on his way fromPortugal, he prepared to be revenged on the Moors, wishing to deliver upthe government in prosperity, by clearing the sea from pirates. Withthis view he fitted out eighteen ships at Cochin, with which heencountered 130 armed paraos at Cananor; and as the wind did not allowhis large ships to get into action, he went against that numerous fleetwith only thirteen paraos. Even with this disproportionate force he didconsiderable damage to the Malabar fleet. On seeing two paraos comingfrom Cananor to the aid of Sampayo, and that the large Portuguese shipswere enabled to make sail by means of a breeze springing up, theMalabars fled as fast as possible. In the pursuit eighteen of them weresunk and twenty-two taken, in which were fifty pieces of cannon. Eighthundred of the enemy were slain, and many made prisoners. Those thatfled, and others who joined them, fell afterwards into a snare nearCochin. 

With the same fleet, Sampayo went immediately in search of _Arel_, lordof _Porca_. In this expedition, Simon de Melo burnt twenty-six shipsbelonging to the enemy, and set the town of _Chatua_ on fire. Afterwardswith a thousand men he assaulted Porca; and though Arel was not there atthe time, the inhabitants made a brave but unavailing defence, as theplace was taken, plundered, and destroyed. At this place the wife ofArel was taken, with a great spoil in gold, silver, jewels, silks, andother valuables, and thirteen considerable vessels. On his return toCochin, as his successor was not yet arrived, Sampayo went back toCananor, whence he dispatched his nephew Simon de Melo against _Marabia_and Mount _Dely_, both of which places were taken, plundered, and, destroyed, with many piratical paraos. About this time, the king ofCambaya fitted out a fleet of eighty barks, under the command of avaliant Moor named _Alexiath_, who did much injury to the subjects ofNizam-al-mulk, and to the Portuguese trade at Chaul, in consequence ofwhich aid was demanded from Sampayo by both. Sampayo accordingly setsail with forty vessels of different kinds, in which were 1000Portuguese soldiers, besides a considerable force of armed natives. Inthis expedition Hector de Sylveira commanded the small vessels thatrowed[178], while Sampayo took charge of the sailing vessels. Onarriving at Chaul, Sampayo sent eighty Portuguese to the assistance ofNizam-al-Mulk, under the command of Juan de Avelar, and then sailed forDiu, as he understood the eighty barks of Cambaya were gone thither. OffBombay that fleet belonging to Cambaya of which he was in search wasdescried, on which part of the ships were detached to secure theentrance of the river Bandora, to prevent the enemy from escaping, whileSylveira with his brigantines or row-boats bore down upon Alexiath. After a furious cannonade, the Portuguese gallantly boarded the enemy, and Alexiath fled with seven only of his barks, all the rest beingtaken. Of the 73 vessels captured on this occasion, 33 were foundserviceable and were retained, all the rest being set on fire. In thisglorious exploit, a vast number of prisoners, much artillery, andabundance of ammunition were taken, and the Portuguese did not lose oneman. 

[Footnote 178: Such is the expression in the translation of thePortuguese Asia by Stevens. They were probably Malabar vessels, which inthe early writers are named paraos, tonys, and caturs, and might perhapsbe called row-boats. --E]

Juan de Avelar, who had been detached with eighty Portuguese to theassistance of Nizam-al-Mulk against the king of Cambaya, acquired greathonour in that service by his gallantry. Assisted by 1000 of the nativesubjects of Nizam-al-Mulk, he scaled a fort belonging to the king ofCambaya, till then thought impregnable, being the first who entered; andhaving slain all the defendants, he delivered it up to the Nizam. 

It was now about the beginning of the year 1529. Lope Vaz de Sampayo wasmuch elated by the last-mentioned success against the fleet of Cambaya, and believed that in the present state of dismay Diu would surrender onthe first summons: He was therefore eager to have gone against thatplace, but as all his captains except Sylveira were of a contraryopinion, he was obliged to lay aside that intention and to return toGoa, leaving the valiant Hector with twenty-two row-boats to cruiseagainst the pirates in the north. In the south, or on the Malabar coast, Antonio de Miranda was employed in similar service, where, he destroyedtwelve paraos. Being joined by six brigantines and a galley, with 100chosen men, commanded by Christopher de Melo, the united squadron took avery large ship laden with pepper in the river _Chale_, though defendedby numerous artillery and 800 men. Near _Monte-Hermosa_, they defeated50 sail of vessels belonging to Calicut, taking three paraos with aconsiderable number of cannon and many men. Hector de Sylveira, who hadbeen left on the coast of Cambaya, did much damage to the enemy. Goingup the river _Nagotana_ of _Bazain_, he landed and burnt six townsbelonging to the king of Cambaya. The commander of _Nagotana_ took thefield against him with five hundred horse and a large force of infantry, endeavouring to intercept Sylveira on his way to reimbark. An engagementtook place, in which the enemy were repulsed with some loss, andSylveira was enabled to embark. Going afterwards to _Bazain_, on ariver, of the same name, he found that place well fortified and defendedby a considerable number of cannon. He entered the river however duringthe night, and next morning stormed the fortifications of Bazain, killing many of the defendents. After this success, he was unexpectedlyattacked by Alexiath at the head of 3500 men; but he bravely repelledand defeated that vastly superior force with great slaughter, afterwhich he plundered and burnt the city of Bazuin. Terrified by theseexploits, the lord of the great city of Tana, not far distant, submitted to become tributary to Portugal, and Sylveira retired toChaul. 

While these things were doing on the coast of Hindostan, Simon de SousaGalvam, on his way to the Moluccas in a galley with seventy men wasdriven by a storm to take shelter, in the port of Acheen. Severalvessels flocked immediately about him, on pretence of giving assistance, but the natives were no sooner on board than they fell upon the seventyPortuguese, with all kinds of weapons. Recovering from their firstsurprise, the Portuguese bravely drove the enemy from their ship, although not more than twenty were left that could stand to their arms. The king of Acheen gave orders to his admiral to attack the Portuguesegalley next morning; when, after a desperate resistance, most of thePortuguese were slain and Galvam among them; only those being spared whowere so severely wounded as to be unable to resist. Don George deMenezes, who commanded at the Moluccas, sent a party to Tidore againstthe Spaniards; but on the rout of that party, Menezes collected aconsiderable allied force, consisting of the people of Ternate, the_Sangages_, and the subjects of Cachil Daroez king of _Bacham_. Withthese and a small number of Portuguese, Menezes landed in Tidore, wherehe defeated the Spaniards and troops of Tidore, obliging the former toretire into their fort after losing six men, two of whom were slain andfour taken. Menezes then assaulted and took the city of Tidore, which heplundered and burnt; after which he invested the Spanish fort, andsummoned Ferdinando de la Torre the Spanish commander to surrender. Being unable to resist, the Spanish captain agreed to evacuate Tidore, retiring to the city of Comafo, and engaging to commit no hostilitiesupon the Portuguese or their allies, and not to trade to any of theislands producing cloves. After this the king of Tidore was madetributary to the Portuguese, and Menezes returned victorious to Ternate. 

During his absence, _Bohaat_ king of Tidore had died, not withoutsuspicion of having been poisoned by _Cachil Daroez_, and was succeededby his brother _Cachil Daialo_. The new king being suspicious of _CachilVaiaco_, fled to the fort; but afraid that Menezes might give him up tohis enemy, threw himself from a window. All Ternate now mutinied againstMenezes; and as he imagined that _Cachil Vaideca_, a noble of Tidore, had caused the death of a Chinese sow belonging to him, he imprisonedthat nobleman, after which he set him free, having first anointed hisface with bacon, which among that people is reckoned a most heinousaffront. Not contented with this violence, he sent to rob the houses ofthe _Moors_ of their provisions, and became suddenly most outrageous andtyrannical. The _Moors_ stood upon their defence, and treated some ofthe Portuguese as they now deserved. Menezes seized the chief magistrateof the town of _Tabona_ and two other persons of note. These two he setat liberty after cutting off their hands; but he let loose two fiercedogs against the magistrate, which tore him in pieces. Becoming odiousto all by these cruelties, _Cachil Daroez_ stirred up the natives toexpel the Portuguese; but being made prisoner, Menezes caused him to bebeheaded. Terrified by this tyranny, the inhabitants of Ternate fled toother places, the city becoming entirely deserted. Don George de Menezeswas afterwards sent a prisoner to India for these enormities, whence hewas sent to Portugal, where he was condemned to banishment. Any rewardwas too small for his former services, and this punishment was tooslight for his present offences. 

Nuno de Cuna, appointed governor-general of India, arrived in May 1529at Ormuz. Setting out too late from Lisbon in the year before witheleven ships, he had a tedious voyage. One of his ships was lost nearCape Verd, when 150 men perished. After passing the line, the fleet wasdispersed in a violent storm. Nuno put in at the port of St Jago inMadagascar, where he found a naked Portuguese soldier, who had belongedto one of two ships commanded by Lacerda and Abreu, which were cast awayin 1527 at this place. The people fortified themselves there, in hopesthat some ships passing that way might take them up. After waiting ayear, one ship passed but could not come to their assistance; and beingno longer able to subsist at that place, they marched up the country intwo bodies to seek their fortunes, leaving this man behind sick. Inconsequence of intelligence of these events sent home to Portugal byNuno, Duarte and Diego de Fonseca were sent out in search of these men. Duarte perished in Madagascar; and Diego found only four Portuguese andone Frenchman, who had belonged to three French ships that were castaway on that island. These men said that many of their companions werestill alive in the interior, but they could not be got at. From these itwas thought had sprung a people that wore found in Madagascar abouteighty years afterwards. This people alleged that a Portuguese captain, having suffered shipwreck on the coast, had conquered a district of theisland over which he became sovereign; and all his men taking wives fromamong the natives, had left numerous issue, who had erred much inmatters of faith. _Great indeed must have been their errors, to havebeen discovered by the atheistical Hollanders!_ Doubtless these peopledid not descend from that shipwreck only, but might have sprung likewisefrom the first discoverers, _who were never heard of_, and among othersfrom three ships that sailed from Cochin in 1530 along with Francisco deAlbuquerque. 

While Nuno was at Madagascar, his own ship perished in a storm. The menwere saved in the other two ships, but much goods and arms were lost. Sailing thence to Zanzibar, he landed 200 of his men who were sick, under the care of Alexius de Sousa Chichorro, with orders to go toMelinda when the people were recovered. Being unable to continue hisvoyage to India, on account of the trade wind being adverse, hedetermined upon taking revenge upon the king of Mombaza, who infestedthose of Melinda and Zanzibar from hatred to the Portuguese. Ifsuccessful, he proposed to have raised _Munho Mahomet_ to the throne, who was son to him who had received De Gama on his first voyage with somuch kindness. Mahomet however objected to this honour, saying, "That hewas not deserving of the crown, being born of a Kafr slave: But if Nunowished to reward the friendship of his father, he might confer the crownon his brother _Cide Bubac_, a younger son of his father by a legitimatewife, and who was therefore of the royal blood of the kings of Quiloa. "Nuno set off on this expedition with 800 men, accompanied by Mahomet andBubac, each of whom had sixty followers. On the way he was joined by thesheikh of _Otonda_, a neighbouring town, who offered to accompany himwith a well appointed vessel. This prince had silver chains on his legs, which he wore as a memorial of having been wrongfully imprisoned by theking of Mombaza, and had sworn never to take them off till revenged, having been so used merely because he had shewn friendship to thePortuguese. 

Having been apprized of the intended attack, the king of Mombaza hadprovided for his defence, by planting cannons on a fort or bulwark atthe mouth of the river, and brought 600 expert archers into the city. Though opposed by a heavy cannonade from the bulwark, Nuno forced hisway up the river and anchored in the evening close to the city, whencethe archers shot continual flights of arrows into the ships, and wereanswered by the Portuguese cannon. Next morning early the troops werelanded under Pedro Vaz, brother to Nuno, who carried all before him, andplanted the Portuguese colours, after killing many of the Moors anddriving the rest from the city, without losing a single Portuguesesoldier. To secure and repeople the city, Nuno sent for a nephew of theking of Melinda, who came with 500 men, many of whom were of some rank;and these were followed by the prince of Montangue with 200 more. Manylikewise of the former inhabitants came in and submitted, so that theisland began to reassume an appearance of prosperity. The expelled king, sensible of the desperate situation of affairs, sent one of hisprincipal men to propose an accommodation, offering to pay a ransom topreserve his city from destruction, and to become tributary. Anagreement was accordingly entered into to this effect, and the kingbegan to make the stipulated payments; but finding sickness to prevailamong the Portuguese of whom two hundred soon died, and many more wereincapacitated from service, he began to fall off from the completion ofthe agreement, and as the prince of Melinda durst not undertake todefend the place without a considerable force of Portuguese, Nunodestroyed the city by fire and returned to Melinda, carrying with himthose he had formerly left sick at Zanzibar. Leaving Melinda, he left 80of his men there sick, to be carried to India on their recovery byTristan Homem: who afterwards defended Melinda with these men againstthe king of Mombaza, who endeavoured to revenge himself there for theinjury he had sustained from the Portuguese. 

It has been formerly mentioned that Nuno de Cuna arrived at Ormuz in May1529, into which he made a formal and pompous entry, to the greatadmiration of the natives. He immediately issued a proclamation at thatplace and its dependencies, "That all who had cause of complaint againstthe Portuguese should appear before him for redress. " Many complainersaccordingly came forwards, and the offenders were obliged to makerestitution, to the great astonishment and satisfaction of the Moors, who had not been accustomed to see justice executed on their behalf. Hefound that _Reis Xarafo_; great _guazil_[179] or rather arch tyrant overthe king and people of Ormuz, though restored to that situation bySampayo, was by no means clear of the great crimes he had been formerlyaccused of, particularly of rapine and murder. On a representation ofthis to the king of Portugal, Manuel de Macedo had orders to bring himprisoner to Lisbon, and accordingly had him arrested by the assistanceof Nuno, who waited upon the king of Ormuz to justify this procedure. The king readily acquiesced, and presented the governor with a richpresent of jewels and cloth of gold, together with a fine horse richlycaparisoned in the Persian manner. As the reigning king was implicatedin the murder of his predecessor Mahomet, Nuno imposed upon him a fineof 40, 000 Xerephines, in addition to the tribute of 60, 000 which he hadto pay yearly; that crime being used as a pretence to overburthen himwith a tribute equal to a third part of the yearly revenue ofOrmuz[180]. Xarafo, or Ashraf, was sent to Portugal with examinationsrespecting the crimes laid to his charge; but he carried such richesalong with him, that he was not only able to purchase a remission ofpunishment, but was actually reinstated in his former employment. WhileNuno still remained at Ormuz, Tavarez de Sousa came there, who had beenwith forty men to assist the king of _Basrah_ against the lord of_Gizaira_[181]; having been the first Portuguese who went up the riversTigris and Euphrates. Basrah or Bazora, in about the lat. Of 30° N. Isabout 30 leagues from the mouth of the great river Euphrates, andreceived its name in commemoration of the more ancient city of Basrah, eight leagues higher up, the ruins of which are said by eye-witnesses tobe twice as extensive as the city of Grand Cairo. The island of Gizaira, or Jazirat, is formed by the two rivers Tigris and Euphrates, beingabout 40 leagues in circumference, and is said to contain 40, 000archers. The river Tigris rises among the _Curds_ in the greaterArmenia, and the springs of the Euphrates are in Turkomania. The kingof Basrah received Sousa with much state, and appeared greatly satisfiedat his assistance. Sousa accompanied him on his expedition against thelord of Jazirat, the infantry of Basrah amounting to 5000 men, 600 ofwhom carried firelocks, were conveyed up the river in 200 _dalacs_ orlarge boats, accompanied by seven vessels full of Turks with aconsiderable number of cannon. The king went along with his infantry bywater, while his nephew marched by land at the head of 3000 horse. Theking established his camp on the right or Arabian side of the river, opposite to the encampment of the lord of Jazirat, who was, posted onthe island with 12, 000 men. By order of the king of Basrah, Sousa wroteto the lord of Jazirat, saying that he was sent by the Portuguesecommander of Ormuz, either to make peace between the contending partieson reasonable terms, or in case of refusal to take part with the king ofBasrah. The king of Jazirat made answer, that as this was the firstrequest of the captain of Ormuz, and as Sousa was the first Portuguesewho had come into these parts, he agreed to comply with the termsdemanded, which were merely the restoration of certain forts belongingto the king of Basrah which he had taken possession of. Persons wereaccordingly appointed on both sides to treat for an accommodation, whichwas satisfactorily concluded. But the king of Basrah now refused toperform what he had promised to Sousa for his aid; which was to deliverup the seven Turkish vessels, and not to admit any more of that nationinto his dominions, because enemies of the Portuguese. Enraged at thisbreach of compact Sousa after embarking with his men, took one of thelarge barks belonging to Basrah, after which he landed with thirty-sixof his men and burnt a town of 300 houses on the Arabian side of theriver, and a smaller one on the Persian side. 

[Footnote 179: In Astley, I. 80, this person is named Reis or _RaezAshraf, Wazir_ or Visier of Ormuz. The strange title in the text, _greatguazil_, is probably a translation of _Alguazil mayor_, giving aPortuguese or rather a Spanish denomination to an Arab officer. --E. ]

[Footnote 180: On a former occasion, the Xerephine was stated as equalin value to 3s. 9d. Hence the total revenue of Ormuz was only aboutL. 83, 750 yearly: The tribute to Portugal L. 11, 250; and the fine L. 7500. It is true that the value of money was then much greater than now, andthese sums for comparison with our present money of account may perhapsbe fairly rated at L. 837, 500, L. 112, 500 and L. 75, 000 respectively, or_ten_ times their numerical amount in 1529. --E. ]

[Footnote 181: Called Jazirat by the Editor of Astleys Collection. ]

In reward to Sousa for his gallantry, Nuno gave him the command in thePersian Gulf, and sent him to Bahrayn at the request of the king ofOrmuz, to reduce Reis Barbadim who had revolted. But as Sousa had not asufficient force for this purpose, Simon de Cuna was sent there witheight vessels and 400 men, besides a native force in the barks of thecountry. Joining Sousa, the fort of Bahrayn was battered for three days;but powder running short, they had to send to Ormuz for a supply, and inthe mean time the Portuguese sickened so fast, owing to theunhealthiness of the climate that above an hundred of them died, andeven the Persian soldiers belonging to Ormuz, though accustomed to theclimate, were in very little better condition, insomuch that they had togive up the siege and return to Ormuz, where Simon de Sousa died. 

In the mean time Nuno de Cuna, leaving Ormuz, arrived at Goa in thelatter end of October 1529, where he found four ships just arrived fromLisbon after a prosperous voyage with a reinforcement of 1500 men all inperfect health, not having lost a man by the way except one captain. Nuno made a solemn entry into the city, where he found a powerful fleetof 140 vessels, which had all been provided by the former governor, LopeVaz de Sampayo. The most considerable of these were six galleons, eightroyal gallies, six caravels, and fourteen galliots, all well providedwith cannon and military stores; for though Sampayo had usurped thegovernment, he had conducted it better than many of those who hadreceived regular appointments. Finding it necessary to proceed toCochin, to dispatch the homeward trade, he stopped at Cananor, whereSampayo then was, who came on board and resigned the government with theusual solemnities. Sampayo was inclined to have landed again at Cananor, but Nuno ordered him to go along with him to Cochin, and published aproclamation that all who had been wronged by Sampayo might repair tothe new governor, who would do them justice. Sampayo complained of thisas a libel against him, as those who had complaints to make needed notto be invited by sound of trumpet. On arriving at Cochin, Nuno orderedSampayo to be imprisoned and an inventory to be taken of all hiseffects, all of which were directed to be deposited in safe custody andsent to Lisbon, to be there delivered as the king might direct. On beingtaken into custody, Sampayo desired the officer to say to Nuno, "Iimprisoned others, you imprison me, and there will come one who willimprison you. " To this message Nuno answered, "Doubtless I may beimprisoned; but the difference between us will be, that Sampayo deservesit, and I shall not. " Neither was Sampayo wrong, as Nuno had certainlybeen taken into custody in Portugal on his return if he had not died bythe way. Sampayo was treated with much and improper severity: the worstship in the fleet being appointed for him, with only two servants, andbarely as much of his own wealth as sufficed for the expence of hisvoyage. 

On his arrival at the Tercera islands an officer was in waiting to putSampayo in irons, with which he landed at Lisbon and was carried to adungeon in the castle, in which was confined at the same time ReisXarafo the visier of Ormuz. After two years confinement, the chief crimealleged against him being his unjust proceedings in regard to Pedro deMascarenas, the duke of Braganza took pity on the misfortunes of thisbrave gentleman, and prevailed on the king to give him a hearing incouncil. Accordingly, the king being seated in council surrounded by thejudges, Sampayo was brought before him, having his face covered by along and thick white beard, and with such tokens of misery which he hadendured in almost three years imprisonment, counting from his arrest inIndia, that even Mascarenas or any other of his enemies might havethought themselves sufficiently revenged. Being put to the bar, afterreceiving the kings permission, he made a copious and comprehensivespeech with an undaunted countenance, in his justification. Afterenumerating the services of his ancestors and immediate progenitors tothe crown, he particularized his own from his early youth to the periodof his imprisonment, and commented upon the injuries which had beensince done to him. He exposed the malice of his accusers, and justifiedhis own proceedings. By many apt examples of others who had been guiltyeven of greater crimes than those of which he was accused, and who hadbeen pardoned in consideration of their services, he drew a parallelbetween himself and these persons, and concluded by throwing himselfentirely on the justice and mercy of his majesty; from one or other ofwhich he trusted to receive a discharge, and hoped to have more cause ofthankfulness for the future, than he had of complaint till then of thehard usage he had been subjected to. 

Having listened to him attentively, the king examined him in regard toeach separate article of his impeachment, forty-three in all, to everyone of which he gave apt answers. The principal article alleged againsthim related to Pedro Mascarenas, all the others being such as wouldnever have been thought of except to fill up the measure of accusation. Being carried back to the castle, he sent in his defence in writing, asis usual in such cases. In the end, he was sentenced to forfeit all hisallowances as governor; to pay Mascarenas a compensation of 10, 000ducats; and to be banished into Africa. He contrived however to get intoSpain, where he disnaturalized himself, as had been done by the famousMagellan; and wrote a letter from Badajos to the king, in which heaffirmed that his sentence was unjust, and declared his resolution totry, by changing his country, to better his fortune and restore hishonour. In consequence of this he was restored to his country. 

We must now return to the affairs of India, where Diego Sylveira reducedthe people of Calicut to such straits that the zamorin was constrainedto sue to Nuno de Cuna for peace. This was granted on certain terms, part of which the zamorin was willing to accept, but rejected the rest;on which Sylveira reduced the city to extreme distress, by interceptingall provisions. Some relief was received however from Cananor, and Simonde Sousa being driven in his brigantine on shore, was blown up whilebravely defending himself against the Moors. 

Malek Saca[182] being expelled from Diu, found it expedient forcompassing his ends with the king of Cambaya, to employ similarartifices with Nuno de Cuna as had been formerly practised with Hectorde Sylveira, by offering to deliver up the city to him. Accordingly hewrote to Nuno, that although he could not now deliver up Diu, he wouldassist him to reduce it; and as it was convenient that a meeting shouldtake place between the governor and Malek Saca, Nuno sent him a safeconduct, and ships to transport him and his retinue, commanded by GasparPaez, who had formerly been known to Malek Saca at Diu. On this occasionMalek Saca granted every condition required, not meaning to perform any, and made use of this sham alliance to get himself restored to the favourof the king of Cambaya, putting off Paez with various artifices, underpretence that the safe conduct was not securely expressed, and thatthere were too few ships. In revenge of this deceit, Paez was only ableto burn nine small barks belonging to Malek Saca. Being much enraged atthe duplicity of Malek, Nuno began to make preparations for thereduction of Diu. In the mean time, he visited and conciliated the rajahof Cochin, who had been much displeased with the conduct of Lope VazSampayo and Alfonso Mexia. He went next to Goa, whence he visited theking at _Chale_, and satisfied him in all things. About the middle ofFebruary 1530 he came to Cananor, the king of which place he gratifiedby conforming to the ceremonials of his court; and being offered apresent of jewels, he accepted them lest he should affront that prince, but delivered them over to the officers of the revenue, as belonging tothe king of Portugal. 

[Footnote 182: He is stated on a former occasion to have been the son ofMalek Azz. --E. ]

At this time a rich merchant of Mangalore did great injury to thePortuguese, as he favoured the zamorin of Calicut though living in thedominions of the king of Narsinga who was in friendship with thePortuguese. Diego de Sylveira was ordered to punish that man, and wentaccordingly against him with a force of 450 men and sixteen vessels. Heaccordingly entered the river of Mangalore, where he was opposed by agreat number of ships belonging to the Moorish merchant, which were putto flight after a short contest. Sylveira then landed with 240 men andentered the town without opposition, after which he took the fort whencethe merchant endeavoured to escape, but was slain by a musquet-ball. Avast booty fell into the hands of the Portuguese, but Sylveira orderedit all to be burnt, lest he might endanger his ships by overloadingthem. As winter was coming on Sylveira dismissed half of his fleet, yetafterwards had occasion for them all, as he soon after encountered _PatiMarcar_, a commander belonging to Calicut, who was going to Mangalorewith sixty paraos. The weather prevented him from fighting at that time;but Sylveira waited the return of the Calicut fleet, to which he gavebattle off Mount Dely, and sank six paraos, after which he returned toCochin. In the same year 1530, Antonio de Sylveira commanded on thecoast of Cambaya with fifty-one sail of vessels, three of which weregallies and two galliots, in which were 900 Portuguese soldiers. Withthis force he went up the river Taptee where he burnt Surat and Reyner, the chiefest towns in that part of India. Surat on one side of the rivercontained 10, 000 families, mostly Banians[183] and handicrafts of nocourage; while Reyner on the other side of the river had six thousandhouses inhabited by a warlike race, and was well fortified. On sounding, the river was found too shallow for the larger vessels, which were leftoff the bar under the command of Francisco de Vasconcelles; while withthe smaller, Sylveira went up the river about four miles to Surat. Hethere found 300 horse and nearly 10, 000 foot drawn up to oppose hislanding, all well armed with bows and firelocks; but after one dischargethis vast multitude fled in dismay without waiting an attack. The cityof Surat was then entered without farther resistance, and beingplundered of every thing worth carrying off was set on fire with someships that were in its arsenal. The city of Reyner stood a little higherup on the other side, and was inhabited by the _Nayteas Moors_, a raceof more courage and policy than the Banians; yet they fled almost at thefirst fire, leaving all their property to the Portuguese, who had allbeen enriched if they had been able to carry away the whole plunder. Having removed all that their ships could carry, the town was set onfire, together with twenty ships and many small vessels. In both actionsEmanuel de Sousa was conspicuously valiant, being the first to land withmuch danger, especially in the latter, where he was opposed by anumerous artillery. On returning to the mouth of the river, Sylveirafound, that Vasconcelles had taken six vessels bound with provisions forDiu. After this, Antonio de Sylveira destroyed the towns of Daman andAgazem on the coast, at the latter of which places 300 vessels belongingto the enemy were burnt. 

[Footnote 183: Called Bancanes in the text of De Faria; perhaps an errorof the press for Banianes or Banzanes. --E. ]

On the 21st of January 1530, Hector de Sylveira sailed from Goa for theRed Sea with ten ships and 600 men. Spreading his fleet across the mouthof that sea, that no enemy might escape, several rich ships werecaptured. Appearing afterwards before _Aden_, Hector induced the sheikhof that place to submit to the crown of Portugal, and to an yearlytribute of 12, 000 Xerephines. The sheikh of _Zael_, who had only a shorttime before accompanied _Mustapha_, a Turkish captain, with 20, 000 mento make war upon Aden, submitted to similar terms. 

Having completed his preparations for the expedition against Diu, Nunode Cuna sailed early in the year 1531 with a great fleet and army forthat place. In a general review at the Island of Bombay, the fleetconsisted of above 400 sail of all kinds of vessels, many of which werelarge, more indifferent, and most of them small; some being only_sutlers_, fitted out by the natives for private gain. On board thisfleet were 3600 soldiers and 1450 seamen all Portuguese, besides above2000 Canara and Malabar soldiers, 8000 slaves, and about 5000 nativeseamen. Landing at Daman, a fort belonging to the king of Cairibaya, which was immediately evacuated by the Moors, advice was brought thatthe Arabs, Turks, and others, to the number of 2000 men, had fortifiedthemselves in the Island of _Beth, _ seven leagues from Diu. This placewas so strong by art and nature, environed with rocks andfortifications, that Nuno gave no credit to the accounts respecting ittill convinced by inspection. Coming before Beth on the 7th of February, he summoned the garrison to surrender; but many of them shaved theirheads, as devoting themselves to death or victory, which they callmaking themselves _amoucos[184]. _ The commandant of the barbarians gavea brutal example of determined and savage resolution, by throwing hiswife, son, and goods into a fire made on purpose, in which they were allconsumed; that if the Portuguese succeeded in the enterprise, they mightonly gain a heap of ashes. His example was followed by others. Beingresolved to carry this place, Nuno made dispositions for an assault, dividing his force into six bodies, which were ordered to attack in sixdifferent places at the same time. After a desperate conflict the placewas taken, in which 1800 of the enemy were slain, and sixty cannonstaken. 

[Footnote 184: Corruptly called by the British in India running amuck. --E. ]

Departing from Beth, Nuno appeared with his powerful armament beforeDiu. This city is built upon rocks, and is entirely encompassed by rocksand water. The entrance into the river or haven was shut up by massychains suspended upon vessels, behind which eighty vessels were drawn upfull of archers and musqueteers to defend the passage. The garrisonconsisted of 10, 000 men, with a prodigious number of cannon. On the 16thof February, the signal was given for the attack, but after fighting thewhole day without gaining any advantage, and having suffered some loss, it was determined in a council of war to desist from the enterprise as. Impracticable. It was agreed by all, that if so much time had not beenfruitlessly employed in the capture of Beth, Diu must have fallen; as ithad been reinforced only three, days before the arrival of thePortuguese by a Turk named Mustapha, who was the principal cause of itsbrave and effectual resistance. Nuno returned with the principal part ofhis fleet and army to Goa, where he arrived on the 15th of March, leaving Antonio de Saldanna with 60 vessels in the Bay of Cambaya toannoy the enemy. 

After the departure of the Portuguese fleet, Mustapha presented himselfbefore _Badur_ king of Cambaya, who received him honourably, giving himthe command of _Baroach_ in the Bay of Cambaya, with the title ofRumi-khan. He was called Kami, as having been born in Greece; as theMoors of India, being ignorant of the divisions of the Europeanprovinces, call the whole of Thrace, Greece, Sclavonia, and the adjacentcountries by the general name of _Rum, _ and the inhabitants _Rumi_though that term ought only to be applied to Thrace, the modern_Romania. _ The _Turks_ and _Rumes_ are different nations; the formerbeing originally from Turkistan, and the natives of Greece and Thraceconsider themselves as of more honourable descent than the Turks[185]. The tide of _Khan_ now bestowed on Mustapha is a dignity among theTartars equivalent to that of _Duke_ in Europe, and is bestowed in theeast on persons of distinguished merit. 

[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentionedas universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of theRomans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the provinceof Romania or Thrace. --E. ]

Antonio de Saldanna, who was left in command of the sea of Cambaya, with60 vessels and 1500 men, took and burnt the town of _Madrefavat, _[186]five leagues from Diu towards Beth. He then went against Gogo, twenty-four leagues farther, formerly a strong and populous place ofgreat trade. There were fifteen of the largest paraos belonging toCalicut at that time in the port laden with spice, which took shelter ina creek, and were followed by Saldanna with 800 men in the smallervessels. Finding it necessary to land, he was opposed by 300 horse and800 foot that came to defend the Makbars; but after a sharp encounter, in which 200 of the enemy were slain, they were constrained to abandonthe vessels, which were all burnt; after which Saldanna destroyed thetown of Gogo and eight ships that were in the port He afterwardsdestroyed the towns of Belsa, Tarapor, Mail, Kelme, and Agasim, andlastly Surat, which was beginning to revive from its former destruction. Having thus ravaged the coast of Cambaya, he returned to Goa. About thistime a brother of the king of Cambaya, who was rightful heir to thatcrown, came into the hands of Nuno; who expected through his means toobtain what had been so long desired, the possession of Diu, and thecommand of the trade of Cambaya. 

[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentionedas universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of theRomans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the provinceof Romania or Thrace. --E. ]

[Footnote 186: Perhaps that now called Jaffrabad. --E. ]

About this time the Portuguese cruisers had taken twenty-seven shipsbelonging to the zamorin, all richly laden. Being perplexed by the greatlosses he was continually sustaining through the Portuguese superiorityat sea, the sovereign of Calicut made overtures towards anaccommodation; and in a treaty of peace gave permission to thegovernor-general to build a fort in the island of _Chale_, in a riverthat falls into the sea about three leagues from Calicut, which isnavigable by boats all the way to the foot of the _Gaut_ mountains. _Urinama_, a heathen, was at this time rajah of _Chale_, and both he andthe neighbouring rajah of Tanore, who were subjects to the zamorin, wereanxious to throw off their subjection to that prince, and to enter intoalliance with the Portuguese, in hopes of becoming rich by participatingin their trade. Immediately upon procuring the consent of the zamorin toconstruct the fort, Nuno set out from Goa with 150 sail of vessels, inwhich were 3000 Portuguese troops and 1000 native _Lascarines_. So muchdiligence was used in carrying on the work, even the gentlemenparticipating in the labour, that in twenty-six days it was in adefensible situation, being surrounded by a rampart nine feet thick andof sufficient height, strengthened by towers and bastions or bulwarks atproper places. Within the fort a church was built, together with a housefor the commander, barracks for the soldiers, and store-houses fortrade. Diego de Pereira, who had negotiated the treaty with the zamorin, was left in command of this new fortress, with a garrison of 250 men;and Manuel de Sousa had orders to secure its safety by sea, with asquadron of twenty-two vessels. The zamorin soon repented of havingallowed this fort to be built in his dominions, and used ineffectualendeavours to induce the rajah of Chale, Caramanlii, and Tanore to breakwith the Portuguese, even going to war against them, but to no purpose. 

About the end of February 1532, Emanuel de Vasconcelles was sent to theRed Sea with two galliots and several brigantines to cruise against theTurks. Off Xael he captured several Turkish vessels, among which, was alarge ship, named _Cufturca, _ which was sent to Muscat. The king ofXael, fearful of danger, made his peace with Vasconcelles. Soonafterwards Antonio de Saldanna arrived with ten ships to take thecommand in the Red Sea, who was dissatisfied with the terms entered intowith the sheikh of Xael, on which that prince sent all the valuablesbelonging to the town, together with the women and children into theinterior, that he might provide for defence; but being obliged to quitthe Red Sea on account of the weather, Saldanna sailed first to Muscatand thence to Diu, where he took several vessels belonging to the enemy, among which was one in which he got above 60, 000 Venetian chequins. About the same time Diego de Sylveira plundered and burnt Puttun, a citytwelve leagues from Diu, and destroyed four ships that were in theharbour. He acted in a similar manner at Pate and Mangalore and otherplaces, and returned to Goa with above 4000 slaves and an infinitebooty. 

All this encouraged Nuno de Cuna to continue hostilities against Diu andthe king of Cambaya, in hopes of constraining him to allow of theconstruction of a fort in that city. _Malek Tocam_[187], lord of Diu, was then fortifying the city of Basseen, and as that place might proveinjurious to the designs of Nuno against Cambaya, he determined todestroy it. For this purpose he fitted out a fleet of 150 vessels, inwhich he embarked with 3000 Portuguese soldiers and 200 native Canarins. Tocam on hearing of this expedition, left a garrison of 12, 000 men inBasseen and retired to Diu. Despising the danger of attacking suchsuperior numbers, Nuno landed his troops and took Basseen by assault, inwhich action 600 of the enemy were slain, and only eight or nine on theside of the Portuguese. Having ravaged the surrounding country and razedthe fortifications of Basseen, Emanuel de Albuquerque was sent withtwelve vessels and 300 men to destroy the fort of Daman, which he wasunable to accomplish. He burnt however all the towns upon the coast from_Basseen_ to _Tarapor_, and reduced _Tanua_, _Bandora_, _Maii_, and_Bombay_ to become tributary. About this time orders were sent fromPortugal that all the commanders of forts in India should make oath ofobedience to the governor-general, whence it appears that till then theywere in a great measure independent. 

[Footnote 187: The lord of Diu only a little before was named Malek_Saca_; but De Faria gives no intimation of any revolution, except bychange of name. Yet from the sequel it is evident this person was theson of Malek Azz. --E. ]

About this time Malek Tocam, lord of Diu, desired Nuno to send a properperson to him with whom he might treat of an important affair, he beingat that time apprehensive that the king of Cambaya meant to deprive himof his government. Vasco de Cuna was accordingly sent on this embassy, with instructions to procure the surrender of Diu, but was unsuccessful. At the same time Tristan de Ga pressed the king of Cambaya to allow ofbuilding a fort at Diu, and Badur expressed a desire of conferring withthe governor-general on the subject, though his real design was to killhim rather than grant permission to build a fort. Nuno went accordinglyto Diu with a fleet of 100 sail and 2000 Portuguese troops; but the kingwho was then at Diu delayed the interview on various pretences, anddesired Nuno to send some of his principal captains to wait upon him. They went accordingly richly dressed and were splendidly received. Whilein discourse with the king, Emanuel de Macedo took the liberty, yet in arespectful manner, to say "That he wondered much his majesty shoulddeprive Malek Tocam of the government of the city, who had not onlyserved him faithfully, but was the son of one who had performed manysignal services and had long enjoyed his favour, and that he shouldbestow the command on _Mustapha Rumi Khan_, whose principal merit wasdisloyalty to the _Grand Turk_, his natural prince. " He added, that ifMustapha denied this, he challenged him to combat, either hand to hand, or in any other manner he might think fit. _Rumi Khan_ was present, butmade no answer, till the king looking angrily at him, he said hissilence proceeded from contempt. Macedo repeated the challenge, and theTurk, no longer able to shun it with a good grace, agreed to fight himat sea. But this challenge took no effect, as the parties could notagree upon the terms of combat. Being unable to come to any agreementwith the king of Cambaya, Nuno de Cuna entered into a league with_Humayun_[188] padishah, or emperor of the Moguls, and returned to Goa, dispatching several of his captains with squadrons to different places. 

[Footnote 188: In De Faria called _Omaum Patxath_, king of theMoguls. --E. ]

At this time, _Cunale Marcar_, a bold pirate, scoured the seas aboutCalicut with eight vessels well equipped and full of men. One night offCape Comorin he surprised a Portuguese brigantine at anchor, in whichwere twenty-one Portuguese, all so fast asleep that they were boundbefore they waked. He caused their heads to be bruised to pieces, topunish them for daring to sleep while he was at sea, _a merry cruelty_. From thence _Cunale_ went to Negapatnam on the coast of Coromandel, where there were forty Portuguese, who defended themselves to nopurpose, as the degar or governor of that place agreed with Cunale torob them. Khojah Marcar, though a relation of Cunale, used hisendeavours to deliver the Portuguese from this danger, by instillingmutual jealousy into the Degar and Cunale, who however took somePortuguese vessels then in the river at Negapatnam, and shot eight oftheir men. Antonio de Silva was sent against him from Cochin with 200musqueteers in fifteen small vessels, on which Cunale took refuge in abay on the coast called _Canamnera_, where he fortified himself. ButAntonio forced him to make his escape in the habit of a beggar toCalicut, leaving his vessels and cannon, with which Antonio returned toCochin. 

In 1534 Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Portuguese admiral in India, took thefort of Daman; and Badur king of Cambaya, fearing still greater losses, and finding his trade completely interrupted, made peace with Nuno, onthe following conditions. The fort of Basseen with all its dependencieswas ceded to the crown of Portugal: All ships bound from the kingdom ofCambaya for the Red Sea, were to come in the first place to Basseen, andto touch there on their return, paying certain duties to the crown ofPortugal: No ships belonging to Cambaya were to trade to any other partswithout licence from the Portuguese government: No ships of war were tobe built in any of the ports belonging to Cambaya: The king of Cambayawas on no account to give any assistance to the _Rumes_ or Turks. Therewere other articles in favour of the king of Cambaya, to render theharshness of these more palatable; and even these were afterwardsmoderated when he gave permission for building a fort at Diu. 

The kingdom of Guzerat, commonly called Cambaya from the name of itsmetropolis, extends from Cape _Jaquet_ or _Jigat_ in the west, to theriver _Nagotana_ near _Chaul_, within which limits there is a large anddeep bay or gulf having the same name with the capital, in which bay thesea ebbs and flows with wonderful rapidity, insomuch that any ship thatis caught in this tremendous _bore_ certainly perishes. To avoid thisdanger, there is always a man stationed on an eminence, who gives noticewith a horn when he sees the approach of this torrent. The distancebetween Cape _Jigat_ and the river of Nagotana is above 200 leagues. Onthe west Guzerat borders on the _Resbuti_ or _Rajputs_, a peopledwelling in a mountainous country. [189] On the north it joins with thekingdom of _Chitor_[190]: On the east with that of _Pale_. [191] Thecoast is covered by numerous towns and cities. It is watered by twofamous rivers, the _Taptii_ and _Tapei_[192] by many creeks that formseveral islands. Guzerat is all plain, so that they generally travel inwaggons, as in Flanders, but lighter made, which are easily drawn byoxen, smaller than those of Spain. The country breeds cattle in greatabundance, and plenty of provisions of all sorts. The natives are offour different kinds. The first called _Baneanes Baganzariis_, feedafter our manner: The second called simply _Baneanes_[193], who eat ofnothing that hath life. Their priests are called _Vertias_, who areclothed in white, and never change their apparel till it falls inpieces. These live altogether on charity; and, like the children ofIsrael in the desert, they never keep any thing for the next day. Theyplace their greatest hope of salvation in abstaining from killing anycreature whatever, and even use no light at night, lest any moth shouldfly into the flame; and always carry a broom to sweep the ground theytread on, that they may not trample any worm or insect to death. Thethird race consists of the _Resbuti_ or _Rajputs_, who are goodsoldiers, and to whom formerly the kingdom belonged. These peopleacknowledge _one God in three persons, and worship the blessed Virgin_, a doctrine which they have preserved ever since the time of theapostles[194]. The fourth and last class of inhabitants are theMahometans called _Lauteas_, consisting both of strangers who haveconquered the country, and natives who have embraced that religion. Theinhabitants of Guzerat are very ingenious mechanics in works of silk, gold, ivory, mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, crystal, ebony, and otherarticles. They follow the rules of Pythagoras, killing no creature; butrather buy all, though even venomous, from those who take them, onpurpose to set them free. They have even a set of men whose onlyemployment is to go about the towns and fields looking out for sickbeasts, which are tended with great care in hospitals built on purpose. Yet in spite of all this charity to the brute creation, they are devoidof human kindness, and will not reach out their hand to help a fellowcreature in the utmost need. 

[Footnote 189: These mountains are in the middle of Guzerat, which theypervade in a range of considerable length from N. E. To S. W. --E. ]

[Footnote 190: More properly _Agimere_, in which is the town or city of_Cheitore_, whence the name in the text. --E. ]

[Footnote 191: Malwa, one of the kingdoms or _Soubahs_ of Hindostan isto the east of Guzerat. The meaning of the name in the text is notobvious. --E. ]

[Footnote 192: The Taptee is evidently one of these, but it is hard tosay what river is meant by the other. Next to the Taptee on the north, the great river Nerbuddah flows into the Gulf of Cambay, dividing thetwo great Subahs of Malwa and Candeish. The Mahie divides Guzerat fromMalwa; and the Mehindry and Puddar pervade Guzerat; which is bounded onthe west by the Cagger, dividing it from the great sandy desert of_Sinde_ or Jesselmere, and from Cutch. --E. ]

[Footnote 193: _Banians_: It would much exceed the bounds of a note toenter upon any explanation here of the Hindoo casts, which will be fullyillustrated in the sequel of this work. --E. ]

[Footnote 194: It is most wonderful, that in the grossest, mostridiculous, and most obscene of all idolatrous polytheism, thePortuguese should have fancied any resemblance to the pure religion ofChrist! even under its idolatrous debasement of image worship, and theinvocation of legions of saints. The monstrous superstitions of thebramins will be discussed in a future division of this work. --E. ]

In the year of God 1292, or according to the Mahometan account the 700, a pagan king named _Galacarna_ ruled in peace in Guzerat; but involvedthe country in war to deprive his brother of the kingdom of _hampanel_or _Champaneer_ which had been left him by their father. Galacarnaemployed two generals in this war, one of whom named _Madana_ had towife one of the most beautiful women of the country, of the race of_Padaminii_, who, besides their beauty, are said to have so sweet ascent from their skin that they are esteemed beyond all other women. Itis said there are scarcely any of these women in Guzerat, but many inOrissa. There is no mischief without a woman even with an ill savour, how much more then for one of a good scent! King Galacarna fell in lovewith the wife of Madana, and used every means to gain her but to nopurpose. But she being chaste, which was doubtless the sweet smell, gavenotice to her husband and brother of the dishonourable conduct of theking; on which they called in _Shah Nasr Oddin_ king of Delhi, whoinvaded the kingdom of Guzerat and slew Galacarna in battle; after whichhe left his general Habed Shah to reduce the kingdom to subjection, having in the first place rewarded the two brothers for their services, and made the kings of _Mandou_ and _Cheitore_ tributary[195]. Shah NasrOddin was soon afterwards killed by his nephew, and the kingdom ofDelhi was so much weakened by civil war, that Habed-shah revolted andset himself up as king of Guzerat. 

[Footnote 195: Probably Malwa and Agimere are here meant. --E. ]

In 1330, _Hamet_ a Mahometan Tartar, who resided in the city of Cambay, by the assistance of a number of Arabs, Persians, and _Rumes_ or Turks, usurped a great part of Guzerat, then possessed by _Deosing-rao_. AliKhan succeeded Hamet, and left forty sons, three of whom became kings. The eldest _Peru-shah_ succeeded in the kingdom of Guzerat. The second_Azeide-khan_ got the kingdom of _Mandou_ or Malwa by his wife; and thethird named Ali-khan acquired the kingdom of _Agimere_ in the samemanner. Peru-shah followed the example of his father and grandfather insecuring his kingdom against foreign enemies, and built the city of Diuin memory of a victory over a _Chinese_ fleet. Sultan Mahomet his sonsucceeded, and reigned at the time when Vasco de Gama discovered India. He left the kingdom to his son _Modafer_, as most worthy; but inconsequence of a civil war, Modafer was slain, and his youngest brother_Mahomet Khan_ was raised to the throne. An elder brother _Latisa Khan_aspired to the kingdom, but without success; and after a succession ofcivil wars it fell to _Badur_, or _Behauder Khan_, who was king ofGuzerat at this period. The former king _Modafer_ divided thepossessions belonging to Malek Azz who was lord of Diu among his threesons, which destination gave great displeasure to his own sons whocoveted these territories. But _Badur_ was chiefly dissatisfied, andeven poisoned his father _Modafer Khan_. After this parricide, he fledto the king of Chitore, where he killed a person even in the presence ofthe king at an entertainment, and fled to Delhi. He there professedhimself a _Calendar_ or religious person, to shun the punishment due tohis crimes. These Calendars go about loaded with iron chains and liveabstemiously; yet with all their outward shew of religious austerity, they practice all manner of lewdness and wickedness in secret. Theyenter into no town, but blow a horn on the out-skirts, that people maybring them alms. Sometimes they go about in bands of two thousand ormore, laying the country under contributions. 

After remaining some time among the Calendars, Badur got notice of thedistractions prevailing in Guzerat, and went there with his chains insearch of the crown, and acquired the favour of the people so stronglyby his pretended religious austerity, that he was proclaimed king. Tosecure his ill-gotten power, he caused Madrem-al-Mulk to be flayed alivefor having raised his youngest brother Latisa Khan to the throne, andput to death all his brothers. Being desirous to take off _Malek Saca_lord of Diu, Saca fled, and was succeeded by his brother _Malek Tocam_. In the year 1527, one Stephen Diaz Brigas, a Portuguese who had fled hiscountry for some crime, came to India as captain of a French ship withforty Frenchmen, and putting into Diu was there made prisoner with allhis men, who were cruelly put to death by order of Badur. 

While at Champaneer in 1527, ambassadors came from _Baber_, padishah oremperor of Delhi, demanding homage and tribute for Guzerat, as part ofhis dominions. At first Badur was disposed to have slain these unwelcomemessengers; but he dismissed them, saying that he would carry the answerin person. He accordingly drew together an army of 100, 000 men and 400elephants, with a great train of artillery. But he was prevented fromcarrying his designs into execution, in consequence of a great towncalled _Doitabad_ being taken by Nizam-al-Mulk; and though he recoveredit, he met with great loss of men, chiefly by the weather, it beingwinter, some of his men being slain by a shower of stones as large asoranges[196]. Certain men came to Badur, from the kingdom of the_Colii_[197], who demanded tribute; but he flayed them alive. In 1529, Badur marched with 70, 000 horse and 200, 000 foot into the dominions ofNizam-al-Mulk, where he did much damage. In the same year Baber padishahof the Moguls of Delhi, marched with an army for the reduction ofGuzerat; but met with so much loss in a battle with the king of_Cheitore_ in Agimere that he was forced to retire to Delhi. 

[Footnote 196: The story in the text is difficultly intelligible. I amapt to believe that the great army belonged to Baber, the Great Mogul, designed for the reduction of Guzerat, but turned aside for the recoveryof _Dowlatabad_ in the Deccan, and that the shower of stones of the textis to be understood of hail. --E. ]

[Footnote 197: Who these were does not appear. --E. ]

Badur invaded the kingdom of _Mandou_[198], and killed the king bytreachery. He then imprisoned all the kings sons, and distributed thewives and daughters of the deceased king among his officers. _Salahedin_, one of the principal officers of that kingdom fled to_Raosinga_, a place almost impregnable by nature and art, but wasinveigled into the power of Badur and forced to turn Mahometan. Badurthen besieged the mountain fort of Raosinga, and commanded the womenbelonging to Salahedin to come out; but they sent word that they wouldnot do so unless along with Salahedin, who was accordingly sent into thefort for that purpose. His women, about 500 in number, exclaimed againsthis becoming a Mahometan, saying they would rather be all burnt alivethan delivered to the enemy. Whereupon Salahedin, with 120 men whoguarded his _zenana_, slew them all upon a pile of wood, where they wereburnt with all his riches. After this Badur went against Chitore with anarmy of 100, 000 horse, an innumerable infantry, and 600 cannon, andbesieged Chitore for two months, at the end of which it surrendered. Bythis conquest Badur was in possession of three considerable kingdoms. 

[Footnote 198: Probably Malwa. --E. ]

At this time Tristan de Ga, as formerly mentioned, was at the court ofBadur on an embassy from Nuno de Cuna to treat of peace, but whichnegociation was delayed by sundry accidents, and in particular by thedeath of the Great Mogul, of whom Badur was in great fear. Throughcovetousness Badur discontinued the pay of many of those leaders who hadserved him with great fidelity in his late conquests, on which account4000 men of note deserted from him to the Mogul. One of his officersnamed Mujate Khan endeavoured to convince him of the dangerous effectsthis conduct might have upon his affairs; in reward for which Badur senthim on some frivolous pretence to Diu, and at the same time sent secretorders to Melek Tocam to put him to death; but Tocam disdained toexecute the tyrannical order, and advised the faithful Mujate Khan tosave himself by flight. Instead of following this advice, Mujatereturned to Badur and prostrated himself at his feet, delivering up hisscymeter with these words, "If I have deserved death from you, I herepresent you the traitor and the instrument of his punishment. Kill me, therefore, that I may have the honour of dying by your hand: Yet thefaithful services of my grandfather, father, and self, have merited abetter reward. " Badur, struck with his fidelity and attachment, receivedhim again to favour; but turned his rage against Melek Tocam forrevealing the secret orders with which he had been entrusted, and sentMustapha Rume Khan to Diu to put him to death. Malek Tocam got notice ofthis at a country house in which he occasionally resided, whence he fledfrom Rume Khan. After this Badur came to Diu which he reduced, havingarrived there at the same time with Nuno de Cuna, when the interviewbetween the governor and him was proposed; but which Badur only intendedas a feint to ward off the danger which he apprehended from the padishahof the Moguls; meaning, if he could patch up an agreement with thatsovereign, to break with the Portuguese. But the Mogul recalled hisambassadors and commenced war upon Bader, of which hereafter. 

Those whom we name Moguls call themselves _Zagetai_, in the same manneras the Spaniards call themselves Goths. Zagetai is the name of theprovince which they inhabited in Great Tartary near Turkestan, and thenobles do not permit themselves to be called Moguls. According to thePersians, the Moguls are descended of Magog the grandson of Noah, fromwhom they received the worship of the _one_ only God. Wandering throughmany provinces, this nation established themselves in _Mogalia_ or_Mongolia_, otherwise _Mogostan_, called Paropamissus by Ptolemy. Atthis time they extend farther, and border upon the kingdom of _Horacam_or _Chorassan_, called _Aria_, or _Here_ by that ancient geographer. From the extreme north, the Moguls extend to the river _Geum_ or_Jihon_, which runs through _Bohara_ or _Bucharia_, the ancient_Bactria_, so named from its capital, the celebrated seat of learningfrom the time of _Zoroaster_, and where _Avicenna_ acquired theknowledge which made him so famous. _Bucharia_, or _Bactria_ bordersupon _Quiximir_ or _Cashmire_ and Mount _Caucasus_, which divides Indiafrom the provinces of Tartary in the north. This kingdom of the Mogulsnow reaches to the mountainous regions of _Parveti_ and _Bagous_ whichthey call _Angou_ [199]. As in this dominion there ace great mountains, so there are likewise very large and fruitful plains, watered by fiverivers which compose the Indus. These are the _Bet, Satinague, Chanao, Rave_, and _Rea_[200]. The cities of this country are numerous and, themen courageous. 

[Footnote 199: De Faria becomes here unintelligible, unless he heremeans the range of mountains which bound Hindostan, particularly on thenorth-west, including Cashmir and Cabul; which seems probable asimmediately followed in the text by the _Punjab_, or country on the_five rivers_ composing the Indus. --E. ]

[Footnote 200: These rivers are so strangely perverted in theirorthography as hardly to be recognisable, and some of them not at all. The true _Punjab_ or five rivers is entirely on the east of the Indus, Sinde or Nilab. Its five rivers are the Behut or Hydaspes, Chunab orAcesinas, Rauvee or Hydraotes, Setlege or Hesudrus, and a tributarystream of the last named the Hyphasis by the ancients. These two lastare the Beyah and Setlege of the moderns. The Kameh and Comul run intothe Indus to the west of the Punjab--E. ]

The Moguls are of the Mahometan religion, using the Turkish and Persianlanguages. They are of fair complexions, and well made, but have, smalleyes like the Tartars and Chinese. Their nobility wear rich and gayclothes, fashioned like those of the Persians, and have long beards. Their military dress is very costly, their arms being splendidly giltand highly polished, and they are singularly expert in the use of thebow. In battle they are brave and well disciplined and use artillery. Their padishah is treated with wonderful majesty, seldom making hisappearance in public, and has a guard of 2000 horse, which is changedquarterly. Both Moguls and Patans endeavoured to conquer India; but bytreachery and the event of war, the Patans and the kingdom of Delhi werereduced by the Moguls at the time when Baber, the great-grandson of thegreat Tamerlane was their padishah. 

At the period to which we have now proceeded in our history of thePortuguese in India, _Omaum_ or _Humayun_, the son of Baber, waspadishah of the Moguls, and declared war against Badur king of Guzerat;who immediately sent an army of 20, 000 horse and a vast multitude offoot to ravage the frontiers of the enemy. Ingratitude never escapesunpunished, as was exemplified on this occasion. _Crementii_ queen of_Chitore_, who had formerly saved the life of Badur, and who in returnhad deprived her of the kingdom of Chitore, was required by him to sendher son with all the men he could raise to assist him in the war againstHumayun. The queen required he would restore her other son, whom he keptas an hostage, that she might not be deprived of both, and in the meantime raised all the forces she was able. Not aware of her intentions, Badur sent her son to Chitore, on which she immediately put herselfunder the protection of Humayun. Badur immediately drew together an armyof 100, 000 horse, 415, 000 foot, 1000 cannon, 600 armed elephants, and6000 carriages, with which he besieged Chitore, and battered its wallswith great fury. While engaged in this siege, he received informationthat the army he had sent to ravage the country of the Moguls had beendefeated with the loss of 20, 000 men. He at length got possession ofChitore by policy more than force, after losing 15, 000 men during thesiege; but the queen made her escape with all her family and wealth. Herepaired the fortifications of Chitore, in which he left _Minao Husseyn_with a garrison of 12, 000 men. He then marched to meet the army of theMoguls, which was advancing through _Mandou_ or _Malwa_ in order torelieve Chitore. On learning that Chitore had fallen, and that Badur wasintrenched with his army at Dozor, Humayun marched to that place andtook up a position with so much judgment that the army of Badur wasreduced to extremity for provisions. Being unable to extricate his armyfrom this state of difficulty, Badur fled with all speed to _Mandou_, or_Mundu_ near the Nerbuddah on the southern frontier of Malwa, accompanied by Mustapha Rumi Khan and a few Portuguese. His prodigiousarmy was utterly destroyed or dispersed, and his camp plundered by theMoguls; he even escaping with difficulty from the pursuit of 10, 000Mogul horse. 

Badur fortified himself in _Mundu_, giving the command of his remainingforce to Rumi Khan, who soon deserted to Humayun. The family and wealthof Rumi Khan were at this time in the fortress of _Champaneer_, and bothBadur and Rumi Khan strove which of them should first be able to securethat place, in which Badur had deposited one of his three tres, whichonly in copper money was worth 30 millions[201], besides pearls, precious stones, and other valuables. Badur got possession ofChampaneer, whence he immediately sent all the treasure, and the familyof Rumi Khan, under a strong escort to Diu; while he wasted the countryand destroyed all the artillery, that it might not fall into the handsof Humayun, and even did the same at _Cambaya_ his own capital. Seeinghis women and riches in the hands of Badur, Rumi Khan obtained fivehundred horse from his new master, with which he pursued Badur soexpeditiously that he entered one of the gates of _Cambaya_ as Badur wasgoing out at the other. Finding himself so closely pursued, Badur leftthe women and riches by the way, in hopes of stopping the pursuit, whichhad the desired effect, as Rumi Khan immediately returned with them toChampaneer, and Badur got safe to Diu, leaving his entire kingdom toHumayun. 

[Footnote 201: No intimation is given by De Faria of the denomination ofmoney here alluded to. --E. ]

In this state of adversity, Badur at length consented to the erection ofa fort at Diu by the Portuguese. He had formerly given up Basseen tothem, to secure their friendship during his contest with Humayun, andwas now in hopes by their assistance to recover his dominions. Stillhowever his pride prompted him to temporize, and he sent an ambassadorto request assistance from the Turks to recover his territories. Hearingthat Humayun had taken Champaneer he gave himself up to despair andresolved upon going to Mecca, to wait the answer of the grand Turk; buthis mother and friends dissuaded him, advising him to allow thePortuguese to erect the fort at Diu, as by their aid his affairs mightbe restored. He immediately sent notice to that effect to Martin Alfonsode Sousa, then at Chaul, who communicated the event to Nuno de Cuna, andwent immediately to Diu at the request of Badur, arriving on the 21st ofSeptember 1536. A league offensive and defensive was immediately enteredinto between Badur and the Portuguese, in which the former treaty wasconfirmed, except that the emporium of trade was to be transferred fromBasseen to Diu: The fort was to be built where and in what manner shouldbe judged best by the governor-general; and in the mean time a bulwarkor castle upon the sea, commanding the entrance of the port was to bedelivered up. There were many other articles, and among these that thePortuguese were not to meddle with the kings revenues at Diu and otherplaces. The governor general on receiving notice of this treaty, cameimmediately to Diu, where he was honourably received by Badur. 

A Jew and an Armenian were immediately sent off to carry intelligence ofthis event to Portugal [202]. At this time there was a person namedDiego Botello residing at Diu who was in disgrace with the king ofPortugal, on account of it being reported that he intended to go overto the French in hopes of high promotion, as he was very conversant inthe affairs of India. Knowing how earnestly King _Joam_ had desired theestablishment of a fort at Diu, he resolved upon endeavouring to be thefirst messenger of this news. For this purpose, having procured a copyof the treaty and a draught of the intended fort, he embarked in a smallvessel, only sixteen feet and a half long, nine feet broad, and fourfeet and a half deep, manned by his own slaves, with three Portugueseand two others, giving out that he was going to Cambaya. But when out atsea, he informed his companions that he meant in this frail bark totraverse the prodigious extent of ocean between India and Portugal, andprevailed upon those along with him to concur in his design. Beingreduced to unspeakable miseries, the slaves, who were the only marinerson board, entered into a conspiracy to kill him, and even killed one ofhis servants, but were all slain. Being now without seaman or pilot, heheld on his course and arrived at Lisbon to the astonishment of everyone. Botello was restored to the royal favour for this wonderful action, but received no other reward, and the bark was immediately destroyed, that it might not be known so small a vessel was capable of performingso great a voyage. 

[Footnote 202: Though not so expressed in the text, these messengerswere probably sent over land. --E. ]

Nuno de Cuna lost no time in erecting the fort at Diu, the command ofwhich was given to Emanuel de Sousa with 900 Portuguese troops, theramparts being furnished with sixty pieces of great cannon. Badur soonfound the benefit of his alliance with the Portuguese, as Nizam-al-Mulkat the instigation of Nuno made peace with and aided him againstHumayun; and a Portuguese force under Vasco Perez recovered for him aconsiderable place towards the Indus named _Varivene_[203]. Garcia de Saand Antonio Galvam defended Basseen against the Moguls, who wereconstrained to retreat from that place; and Mirza Mahmoud, nephew toBadur, recovered many places on the frontiers from the Moguls. Beingthus prosperous, solely by the assistance of the Portuguese, 500 of whomserved in his army under the command of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Badurrepented of having allowed them to build a fort at Diu, and even beganto build a wall or fortification between the fort and the city, underpretence of separating the Portuguese from the natives, to preventdifferences by too free communication. But after several strongremonstrances this was desisted from. 

[Footnote 203: Perhaps Warwama on the Gulf of Cutch. --E. ]

In the year 1537, Badur became still more intent upon removing thePortuguese from Diu, for which purpose he again sent to procureassistance from the Turks, and in the mean time used his utmostendeavours to take the fort and to destroy Nuno de Cuna, whom he invitedto Diu with that view. Though apprized of the treacherous designs ofBadur, De Cuna omitted to avail himself of an opportunity of securinghim while on a visit on board his ship, deferring it to a futureopportunity in a proposed conference in the fort. While Badur was goingon shore in his _katur_ or barge, Emanuel de Sousa the commandant of thefort of Diu followed him in a barge and went on board the royal katur togive the invitation from the governor-general. At this time anotherPortuguese barge coming up hastily, Badur became suspicious of some evilintention, and ordered his officers to kill De Sousa. One Diega deMosquita who had aided Badur in the late war and had acquired a perfectknowledge of the language, understood what was said by Badur, whom heimmediately attacked and wounded, but De Sousa was slain by hisattendants. Upon this a bloody affray took place between the Portugueseand the attendants on Badur, in which seven of the latter were slain. Several other boats belonging to both parties came up, and Badurattempted to escape in his barge to the city, but was stopped by acannon-shot which killed three of his rowers; on which he endeavoured toescape by swimming, but being in danger of drowning he called out, discovering who he was. Tristan de Payva reached out an oar for him totake hold of, that he might get on board the boat; but a soldier struckhim on the face with a halberd, and then others, till he was slain. Hisbody sunk, and neither it nor the body of De Sousa could afterwards befound for interment. 

Most of the citizens of Diu were witness to this scene from the walls, and when the intelligence of the kings death reached the city, theinhabitants began to abandon it in such haste and confusion that manywere trampled to death in the throng, being afraid that the Portuguesewould plunder them. The governor-general soon restored confidence by apublic proclamation, and the inhabitants returned quietly to theirhouses. He even entered the town unarmed, to reassure the inhabitantsand to restrain the avarice of his people, so that no disorder wascommitted. De Sousa being slain, as before mentioned, De Cuna gave thecommand of the fortress of Diu to his brother-in-law Antonio de SylveiraMenezes, and his gallant conduct afterwards shewed that he was worthy ofthe station. The queen-mother had retired to _Navanaguer_[204], and Nunosent a message of condolence for the death of her son, endeavouring todemonstrate that it had been occasioned by his own fault; but sherefused to receive or listen to the message. The treasure found in thepalace of Diu in gold and silver was of small value, not exceeding200, 000 _pardaos_[205], but the quantity of ammunition was exceedinglygreat. The number of brass cannon was prodigious, those of iron notbeing deemed worthy of account. Among the brass ordnance were three_basilisks_ of prodigious size, one of which was sent by De Cuna as acuriosity to Lisbon, which was placed in the castle of St Julian at themouth of the Tagus, where it is known by the name of the _Gun of Diu_. Among the papers belonging to Badur and his treasurer _Abd' el Cader_letters were found from _Saf_ Khan, communicating the progress he hadmade in his negociations for bringing the Turks upon the Portuguese, andcopies of others from the sheikhs of _Aden_ and _Xael_ to the samepurpose. Having collected these and other testimonies of the treacheryof the late king, Nuno caused _Khojah Zofar_, a man of great reputationamong the citizens both Mahometans and Gentiles, to convene a meeting ofthe principal people, merchants, and _cazis_, or teachers of theMahometan law, to whom these letters and testimonials were produced, injustification of the conduct of the Portuguese, and in proof of thetreacherous intentions of the late king. All the Moors and Pagansacknowledged themselves satisfied by these documents, and accordinglygave certificates to that effect in the Arabic and Persian languages, which were signed by Khojah Zofar and all the leading people among theMahometans and Hindoos, which were communicated to the kings of theDeccan, Narsinga, and Ormuz, and to all the sheikhs along the coast ofArabia as far as Aden. 

[Footnote 204: Probably Noanagur on the east side of the Gulf ofCutch. --E. ]

[Footnote 205: At 3s. 9d. Each, worth L. 37, 500 sterling. --E. ]

For the greater security and satisfaction of the people, Nuno gaveorders that the Mahometans should enjoy the free exercise of theirreligion, and that the laws and regulations established by Badur for thegovernment of the city and its dependencies should continue to beexecuted, even continuing all the salaries and pensions granted by thelate king. Among these was a Moor of Bengal who, by _authentic_information was 320 years old[206]. This man had two sons, one ninetyand the other only twelve years of age. He appeared to be only aboutsixty, and it was said that his beard and teeth had fallen and beenrenewed four or five times. He was rather under the middle size, andneither fat nor lean. He pretended that before he was an hundred yearsold, while herding cattle on the banks of a river, there appeared a manto him clothed in a gray habit and girt with a cord, having wounds onhis hands and feet, who requested to be carried by him across the riveron his shoulders; which having done, this person said that as a rewardfor his charity, he should retain all his faculties till he saw himagain. Going accordingly into one of the Portuguese churches in India, this old man exclaimed on seeing the image of St Francis, This is hewhom I carried across the river so many years ago. 

[Footnote 206: Perhaps an error of the press for 120. --E. ]

Mir Mahomet Zaman, a descendant of the ancient kings of Guzerat, onlearning the death of Badur, went to condole with the queen-mother at_Novanaguer_; but she, fearing he came to rob her, refused to see himand even endeavoured to remove to another place. Offended at hersuspicions, Mahomet Zaman lay in wait for her with 2000 horse, androbbed her of all her riches, amounting to above two millions of gold. He then raised above 5000 horse, with which he seized Novanaguer, andhad himself proclaimed king of Guzerat. He then sent a messenger to Nunode Cuna, giving an account of the posture of his affairs and of histitle to the crown, desiring his assistance, in requital for which heoffered to cede to the Portuguese all the coast from Mangalore toBeth[207], including the towns of Daman and Basseen with the royalcountry house of Novanaguer, and other advantages. Nuno accepted theseoffers, caused him to be proclaimed king in the mosque of Diu, and urgedhim to raise forces and disperse the other pretenders. Fearing that thisadvice was only given to deceive, Zaman procrastinated and took noeffectual steps to secure the crown to which he aspired, of whichmisconduct he soon experienced the evil consequences; as the principalpeople of Guzerat set Mahomet Khan, a nephew of the deceased Badur onthe Musnud, and made preparations to subdue Zaman. As Nuno was under thenecessity of leaving Diu early in 1538 to attend to the other affairs ofhis extensive government, the Guzerat nobles in the interest of Mahometraised sixty thousand men, with which they marched against Zaman; andhaving corrupted most of his officers, he was obliged to flee to Delhi, where he was honourably received by the padishah of the Moguls, fromwhom he received the kingdom of Bengal. The successful party in Guzeratcalled Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu to account for the deathof Badur, and being satisfied on that head proposed a treaty of peace;but as they peremptorily refused to accede to the condition conceded byZaman, the negociations were broken off. 

[Footnote 207: This account if the matter is inexplicable. Mangalore ison the coast of Malabar far to the south of Guzerat, Beth is not to befound in any map of India in these parts, and Novanaguer or Noanagur isat the other extremity of Guzerat on the Gulf of Cutch. --E. ]

The most inveterate enemies of the Portuguese in India were the Moorsupon the coast between Chaul and Cape Comorin, a space of about 200leagues, who had flocked thither in great numbers allured by the vastand profitable trade in that part of India. About this time there livedin Cochin a rich and powerful Moor named Pate Marcar, who beingirritated against the Portuguese for taking some of his vessels went toreside in Calicut to have an opportunity of being revenged upon them bythe assistance of the zamorin, who furnished him with above 50 ships, 2000 men, and 400 pieces of cannon. With these he went to the assistanceof Madune Pandar who had revolted against his brother the king of Ceylonwho was the ally of the Portuguese. At Coulam Marcar attacked a largePortuguese ship which was loading pepper, but was beat off after killingthe captain. In another port farther south he took a ship belonging tothe Portuguese and killed all her crew. Beyond Cape Comorin he destroyeda town inhabited by native Christians. On hearing of these depredations, Martin Alfonso went in 19 row-boats from Cochin in pursuit of Marcar, whom he found in a creek where he offered him battle; but as Marcardeclined this, and Alfonso did not think his force sufficient to attackhim in that situation, he returned to Cochin for a reinforcement. Setting out again with 28 row-boats and 400 men, Alfonso found Marcarcareening his vessels at a port or creek beyond Cape Comorin named_Beadala_, where he gave the Moors a total defeat though they hadgathered a force of 7000 men to resist him. Alfonso took 23 barks, 400cannon, 1500 firelocks, and many prisoners, and set free a considerablenumber of Portuguese slaves, having lost 30 men in the action, chieflythrough the mistake of a signal. After this great victory, Alfonso wentover to Columbo in Ceylon, the king of which place was besieged by hisrebellious brother Madune Pandar, who at first believed the Portuguesefleet to be that of Marcar coming to his assistance; but hearing of thedestruction of his ally, he raised the siege and made peace. 

It is proper that we should give some account of the rich and fertilekingdom of Bengal on the bay of that name, which receives the waters ofthe famous river Ganges by two principal mouths and many subordinatecreeks. This river has its source in the mountains of Great Tartary, whence it runs southwards near 600 leagues, dividing India into twoparts _infra et extra Gangem_, or on this side and the other side of theGanges. On the great eastern mouth of the Ganges stands the city of_Chatigam_ or _Chittagong_, and on the western mouth the city of_Satigam_[208]. On the east of the Ganges, which runs through the middleof Bengal, _Caor, Camatii, Sirote, Codovascam, Cou, _ and _Tipora_ weresubject to that kingdom, but the two last uniting together had thrownoff the yoke. On the west of the river, the country of _Cospetir_, whoseplain is overflowed annually by the Ganges as the land of Egypt by theNile, had been conquered by the Patans. According to the Pagans, Godhath granted to the kingdom of Bengal an infinite multitude of infantry, to Orixa abundance of elephants, to Bisnagar a people well skilled inusing the sword and buckler, to Delhi a prodigious number of towns, andto _Cou_ innumerable horses. The kingdom of Bengal, reaching between thelatitudes of 22° and 26° 30' N. Is well watered and exceedingly fertile, producing abundance of fruit, with sugar and long pepper, greatquantities of cotton, which the inhabitants manufacture with much skill, and has great abundance of cattle and poultry. The natives are heathensof a pusillanimous character, yet false and treacherous; for it ally thecase that cowardice and treachery go together. 

[Footnote 208: It is impossible even to guess what place is meant in thetext by Satigam, unless it may have some reference to the riverSagar. --E. ]

The king is universal heir to all his subjects. The capital city, named_Gowro_, on the banks of the Ganges, is three leagues in length. Itcontains 1, 200, 000 families, and is well fortified. The streets arelong, wide, and straight, with rows of trees to shelter the people fromthe sun, and are sometimes so thronged with passengers that many aretrodden to death. 

About fifty years before the discovery of India by the Portuguese, anArabian merchant who dwelt in Gowro became very rich and powerful, andhaving defeated the king of Orixa in a great battle grew so much infavour with the king of Bengal that he was made captain of his guards. But, ungrateful to his benefactor, he killed the king and usurped thekingdom, leaving it as an inheritance to the Moors who have sincepossessed this rich and fertile kingdom. The succession to this kingdomproceeds upon no rule of hereditary descent; but is often acquired byslaves who kill their masters, and whosoever acquires the government, were it only for three days, is looked upon as established by Providenceand Divine right. Hence during a period of forty years this kingdom hadbeen ruled by 13 successive princes. At the time when Martin AlfonsoMelo de Jusarte was prisoner in Bengal, Mahomet Shah was king and heldhis court in Gowro with such state that there were 10, 000 women in hisZenana, yet was he in continual apprehension of being deposed. Martinand the other Portuguese prisoners did signal service to Mahomet in hiswars with the Patans; and Martin and his followers obtained theirliberty through the means of one _Khojah Sabadim_, a rich Moor, whoengaged to procure liberty for the Portuguese to build a fort atChittagong, if Nuno de Cuna would carry him to Ormuz. Nano being eagerto acquire an establishment in Bengal, granted all that was asked, andsent Martin Alfonso with 200 men in five vessels to Bengal, and tosecure the friendship of the king sent him a magnificent present. Thirteen men who carried the present to Gowro, and thirty others whoaccompanied Martin Alfonso to an entertainment at Chittagong were madeprisoners. On learning this event, Nuno sent Antonio de Silva with 350men in nine vessels, to treat for the liberation of Martin Alfonso andprisoners, by the assistance of Khojah Sabadim, to whose suggestions theformer unfortunate expedition was owing; and to secure the fidelity ofSabadim, a ship belonging to him with a rich cargo was detained inpledge. From Chittagong, Silva sent a messenger to Gowro with a letterand a present; but as the answer was long in coming, Silva judged thatthe king had detained his messenger along with the rest, on which herashly destroyed Chittagong and some other places; for which proceedingthe king confined the prisoners more rigidly than before. But hisnecessities obliged him soon after to change his severity into kindness. 

_Xerchan_, or _Shir Khan_, a general of note among the Moguls, being indisgrace with the padisbah or Great Mogul, fled from Delhi to Bengalaccompanied by his brother Hedele Khan, and both of them rose to eminentrank in the service of Mahomet. Being now at the head of a large army, Shir Khan resolved to avenge upon Mahomet the murder of the formerinfant king of Bengal; for which purpose he revolted with his army toHumayun the Mogul padishah, and turned his arms against Mahomet. In hisdistress, Mahomet consulted with Martin Alfonso how best to oppose thearms of Shir Khan. By his advice, some vessels commanded by Portuguesewere stationed in the Ganges at a pass near the fort of _Gori_ where theGanges enters Bengal. These effectually barred the passage of Shir Khanin that direction; but having discovered another ford, he advanced toGowro, which he invested with 40, 000 horse, 200, 000 foot, and 1500elephants. Shir Khan likewise brought a fleet of 300 boats down theriver, to a place where Mahomet had 800 boats to oppose the enemy. Atthis place Duarte de Brito did signal service in the sight of KingMahomet, and among other things, accompanied by eight other Portuguese, he took an elephant that was swimming across the river. The city ofGowro being reduced to distress by the besiegers, Mahomet bought apeace, and Shir Khan drew off with his army. Being now as he thought insafety, Mahomet allowed Martin Alfonso to depart with the otherPortuguese, only retaining five as hostages for the assistance he hadbeen promised by Nuno. 

Shir Khan returned soon afterwards to Gowro, which he took by assault, obliging the king, who was wounded in the assault, to abandon the city. Mahomet died of his wounds on his way to ask assistance from Humayun. Shir Khan drew off from Gowro, where he acquired treasure to the amountof 60 millions in gold. Humayun brought the dead body of King Mahomet toGowro, where he appointed his own brother-in-law Mir Mahomet Zaman tothe vacant kingdom, who had been lately driven from Guzerat. But on thereturn of Humayun towards Delhi, Shir Khan returned to Gowro and droveout Mahomet Zaman. Humayun then marched against Shir Khan with 100, 000horse and 150, 000 foot, with above 200, 000 followers. The two armies meton the banks of the Ganges near the city of Kanoje when Shir Khan gainedso complete a victory that Humayun made his escape with only 25attendants, and never stopt till he arrived at Lahore. Shir Khan treatedthe women belonging to Humaynn with great respect, and restored them tothe padishah. Finding himself too weak for the conquest of Bengal, Humayun determined upon endeavouring to reduce Guzerat; but abandoned inhis distress by his own Omrahs, he went into Persia, where the Sophisupplied him with an army of 12, 000 horse, to which he was enabled toadd 10, 000 volunteers. With these allies, added to the troops thatcontinued to adhere to him, he invested Candahar, where his brotherAstarii Mirza had proclaimed himself king of Mogostan. The city wastaken and given up to the Persians. In the mean time Shir Khan madehimself formidable in Bengal, having an army of 400, 000 horse. He tookthe city of Calijor belonging to the Rajputs, meaning to plunder a vasttreasure contained in the temple at that place; but pointing a cannon tokill an elephant belonging to the temple, the piece burst and killedhimself. 

The present formerly mentioned, which was sent by the king of Guzerat tothe Grand Turk to obtain his assistance, was delivered atConstantinople, where at the same time arrived news of the kings death. But the great value of the present demonstrated the vast riches ofIndia, and made the Turkish emperor desirous of acquiring a footing inthat country, whence he thought the Portuguese might be easily expelled, and their possessions reduced under his dominion. In this enterprise hewas greatly encouraged by a Portuguese renegado at Constantinople, whoasserted that the Turkish power might easily supplant that of thePortuguese in India. For this purpose, the Turkish emperor ordered afleet to be fitted out at Suez, the command of which was given to theeunuch Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo. Solyman was a Greek janizaryborn in the Morea, of an ugly countenance, short of stature, and had solarge a belly that he was more like a beast than a man, not being ableto rise up without the aid of four men. At this time he was eighty yearsof age, and he obtained this command more by dint of his wealth thanmerit, as he offered to be at the entire charge of the expedition. Toenable him to perform this, he put many rich men to death and seizedtheir wealth. Among others he strangled Mir Daud, king or _bey_ of theThebaid, and seized his treasure. It might be said therefore that thisfleet was equipped rather by the dead than the living. It consisted of70 sail, most of them being large gallies, well stored with cannon, ammunition, and provisions; on board of which he embarked 7000 soldiers, part Turkish janizaries and part Mamelukes; besides a great number ofchoice sailors and galley-slaves, many of the latter being taken fromthe Venetian gallies then at Alexandria, which were seized inconsequence of a war breaking out between the Turks and the republic ofVenice. 

Solyman, who was both a tyrant and a coward, set out from Suez on the22d of June 1538, ordering four hundred of the soldiers to assist at theoars, and as they resisted this order as contrary to their privileges, he put two hundred of them to death. At Jiddah he endeavoured to takethe sheikh, but knowing his tyrannical character, he escaped into theinterior. At _Zabid_, after receiving a rich present, he put the sheikhto death. He did the same thing at Aden; and arrived at Diu about thebeginning of September 1538, losing six of his vessels by the way. 

When Badar king of Guzerat was killed, one _Khojah Zofar_ swam on shoreand was well received by the Portuguese, being the only one of the kingsretinue who was saved on that occasion. For some time he seemed gratefulfor his safety; but at length fled without any apparent reason to thenew king of Guzerat, to whom he offered his services, and evenendeavoured to prevail upon him to expel the Portuguese from hisdominions, asserting that this might be easily done with the assistanceof the Turks. By his instigation, the king of Guzerat raised an army atChampaneer of 5000 horse and 10, 000 foot, to which Khojah Zofar added3000 horse and 4000 foot in his own pay. Getting notice of thesepreparations, Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu, used everyprecaution to provide against a long and dangerous siege. Khojah Zofarbegan the war by attacking the town of the _Rumes_[209] near Diu. Francisco Pacheco defended himself bravely in a redoubt at the place, with only fourteen Portuguese, till relieved by Sylveira, and Zofar wasforced to draw off his troops, being himself wounded. Immediatelyafterwards Ali Khan, general of the Guzerat army, joined Zofar with allthe army, and Sylveira thought proper to evacuate all the posts beyondDiu, that he might be able to maintain the city and fort; but somevessels and guns were lost in the execution of these orders. Inconsequence of these losses, and because there were many concealedenemies in the city who only waited an opportunity of doing all the evilin their power to the Portuguese, Sylveira deemed it expedient toevacuate the city, giving his sole attention to the defence of the fort. Ali Khan and Zofar immediately took possession of the city, and began tofire upon the fort with their cannon. Lope de Sousa, who guarded thewood and water belonging to the garrison, had several rencounters, inwhich he slew many of the enemy without any loss on his side, exceptbeing himself severely wounded. 

[Footnote 209: This must have been some town or village inhabited byTurks. --E. ]

Hearing that the Turkish fleet was approaching, Sylveira sent immediatenotice of it to Nuno de Cuna, who prepared with great diligence to go inperson to relieve Diu. Michael Vaz was sent to sea by Sylveira to lookout for the enemy, and falling in with their fleet came so near onpurpose to examine their force that several of their shot reached hisvessel. He got off however, and carried the news to the governor of Goa. The Turkish fleet came at length to anchor in the port of Diu, where itwas formidable not only to the small Portuguese garrison in the fort, but to the Moors even who had long expected their arrival. Next daySolyman landed 600 well armed janizaries, who immediately entered thecity and behaved with much insolence. Drawing near the fort, they killedsix Portuguese; but 300 musqueteers attacked them from the fort anddrove them away with the loss of fifty men. In consequence of a storm, Solyman was obliged to remove his fleet to _Madrefavat_, as a saferharbour, where he remained twenty days, during which time Sylveira wasdiligently occupied in strengthening the fortifications of the castle, planting his artillery on the ramparts, and assigning every one hisproper post for the ensuing siege. At the same time, the Turks assistedby Zofar commenced operations against the fort, by constructingbatteries, and endeavouring to ruin the defences of a bulwark at theentrance of the harbour, which they battered with their cannon. Withthis view likewise, they built a wooden castle on a large bark, which, they filled with combustibles, meaning to send it against the bulwarkto set it on fire. But Francisco de Gouvea, who commanded the smallnaval force then at Diu, went against this floating castle under night, and contrived to destroy it by fire. At this time likewise some reliefwas sent to the fort by Nuno de Cuna, and the garrison was much elatedby the assurance of his intention of coming speedily in person to raisethe siege. 

Returning from Madrefavat, Solyman commenced a heavy fire from his shipsagainst the sea bulwark in which Francisco de Gouvea commanded, but wasso well answered both from that work and the tower of St Thomas, thatone of his gallies was sunk and most of her men drowned. The greatestharm suffered at this time by the Portuguese was from the bursting ofsome of their own cannon, by which several men were killed. Two brothersonly were slain by the fire of the Turks. Zofar now so furiouslybattered the bulwark in which Pacheco commanded, that it becamealtogether indefensible, on which seven hundred janizaries assaulted itand set up their colours on its ruined walls; but the Portuguese ralliedand dislodged them, killing an hundred and fifty of the enemy. Theassault of this bulwark was continued a whole day, and at night theenemy were forced to retreat with much loss. Next day Pacheco deeming itimpossible to resist, surrendered upon promise of life and liberty tohimself and his men. Solyman did not perform the latter stipulation, buthe granted their lives for the present and clothed them in Turkishhabits. By one of these prisoners, Solyman sent a summons to Sylveira tosurrender, but the proposal was treated with contempt. Solyman nowplanted his artillery against the fort, having among other cannon ninepieces of vast size which carried balls of ninety pounds weight. Hisartillery in all exceeded 130 pieces of different sizes, and hisbatteries were continually guarded by 2000 Turks. This formidable trainbegan to play against the castle on the 4th of October 1538, andcontinued without cessation for twenty days, doing great injury to thedefences of the fort, which could hardly do any injury in return to thebesiegers, neither could the garrison repair sufficiently the mostdangerous breaches, though they used every possible exertion for thatpurpose. On the sixth day after the commencement of this violentcannonade, perceiving that the bulwark commanded by Caspar de Sousa wasmuch damaged, the Turks endeavoured to carry it by assault, but wererepulsed with much slaughter, two only of the defenders being slain. Every day there were assaults by the besiegers or sallies by thegarrison. In one of these Gonzalo Falcam lost his head; and Juan deFonseca being disabled by a severe wound of his right arm continued towield his lance with his left as if he had received no hurt. A youth ofonly nineteen years old, named Joam Gallego, pursued a Moor into the seaand slew him, and afterwards walked back deliberately to the fortthrough showers of balls and bullets. Many singular acts of valour wereperformed during this memorable siege. 

At length many brave officers and men of the besiegers were slain, powder began to wax short and provisions shorter. The relief expectedfrom Non Garcia Noronha, now come out as viceroy of India, was long inmaking its appearance. The remaining garrison was much weakened by aswelling in their gums, accompanied by their teeth becoming so loosethat they were unable to eat what little food remained in the stores. Yet the brave garrison continued to fight in defence of their post, asif even misery and famine were unable to conquer them. Even the women inthe fort exerted themselves like heroines. Donna Isabella de Vega, thewife of Manuel de Vasconcelles, had been urged by her husband to go toher father Francisco Ferram at Goa, lest the fort might be taken and shemight fall into the hands of the Turks; but she refused to leave him. During the distress of the garrison, as many of the men were obliged towork in repairing the works, this bold-spirited lady called together allthe women who were in the fort, and exhorted them to undertake thislabour, as by that means all the men would be enabled to stand to theirarms. The women consented to this proposal, and continued for theremainder of the siege to perform this duty. She was even outdone by AnnFernandez, the wife of a physician, who used to visit the most dangerousposts by night, and even appeared at the assault to encourage thesoldiers. Her son happening to be slain in one of the attacks, sheimmediately drew away his body, and returned to the place of danger, andwhen the fight ended she went and buried her son. 

Perceiving that the Turks were undermining the bulwark which hecommanded, Gasper de Sousa made a sally with seventy men to prevent thatwork and made a great slaughter of the enemy. When retreating he missedtwo of his men and returned to rescue them; but being surrounded by theenemy they cut the tendons of his hams, after which he fought upon hisknees till he was overpowered and slain. The mine was countermined; butthe continual labour to which the besieged were subjected becameinsupportable, and they were utterly unable to repair the many breachesin their works. At this conjuncture, four vessels arrived from theviceroy Don Garcia, and landed only a reinforcement of twenty men. Solyman was much concerned at this relief though small, and wasastonished the fort should hold out against so many assaults, moreespecially as Zofar had assured him he might carry it in two. At thebeginning of the siege the garrison consisted of six hundred men, manyof whom were slain and several of the cannon belonging to the fort hadburst; yet Solyman began to lose confidence, and looked anxiously to thesea, fearful of the Portuguese fleet which he had learnt was comingagainst him. This induced him to press the siege more vigorously, especially against the sea bulwark where Antonio de Sousa commanded, which was furiously attacked by fifty barks, two of which were sunk bythe Portuguese cannon. The Turks made several attempts to scale thisbulwark, in all of which they were repulsed with great slaughter, yetreturned repeatedly to the charge with similar bad fortune. Sousa sentoff his wounded men from the rampart to have their wounds dressed. Amongthese was a person named Fernando Ponteado, who waiting his turn heardthe noise of a fresh assault, and forgetting the dressing ranimmediately to his post where he received a fresh wound. Going back toget dressed, a third assault recalled him before the surgeon had time toattend to his wants, and he was a third time wounded, and at lengthreturned to get all his three wounds dressed at once. 

By this time, out of the original garrison of 600 men, only 250 remainedthat were able to stand to their arms. Solyman was almost in despair ofsuccess, yet resolved to make a desperate effort to carry the place. Inhopes of putting Sylveira off his guard, and to take the place bysurprise, he sent twelve of his gallies to sea, as if he meant to raisethe siege; but Sylveira was not to be lulled into security, andcontinued to exert the utmost vigilance to provide against every danger. One night some noise was heard at the foot of the sea-wall of thecastle, where it appeared that the enemy were applying great numbers ofscaling ladders. Every effort was made to oppose them during thedarkness of the night, and when morning broke, the place was seen besetall round by at least 14, 000 men. The cannon of the fort was immediatelydirected against the assailants, and the garrison mounted the walls inevery part, but chiefly near the governors house where the defences wereweakest, but where Sylveira had placed such people as he could mostrely upon. Being repulsed from thence with great slaughter, the enemymade an attempt on an adjoining bulwark, where Gouvea commanded, andpoured in prodigious showers of bullets and arrows. Fourteen galliescame up against this bulwark, which they battered with their cannon; butGouvea obliged them to draw off, having sunk two of the gallies andkilled many of their crews. At length 200 Turks forced their way intothe bulwark and planted their colours on its rampart. Scarcely thirtyPortuguese remained to oppose them, yet they charged the enemy withgreat fury, who were so thick that every shot told, and they were drivenout with much loss. Fresh men succeeded and regained the bulwark, onwhich they planted four standards. Many Portuguese who were wounded andburnt by the fireworks of the enemy ran and dipped themselves in jars ofsalt water, where seeking ease they perished in dreadful torment. 

Sylveira went continually from place to place, encouraging all to dotheir duty manfully and supplying reinforcements where most needed. Theenemy had much the better in the second assault on the bulwark commandedby Gouvea, on which several gentlemen rushed upon them. At this time, one Joam Rodrigues, a strongman of great bravery, ran forward with abarrel of powder on his shoulder, calling out to clear the way, as hecarried his own death and that of many. He threw the barrel among theenemy, which exploded and blew up above an hundred of them, yetRodriques came off unhurt, and performed other memorable deeds, so thathe merited the highest honours and rewards of those that were gained inthis siege. By other fireworks the four ensigns who set up the colourswere burnt to death, and two others who went to succeed them were slain. Being again driven from the bulwark, the enemy made a third assault: Buttheir commander being slain, who was son-in-law to Khojah Zofar, his menwere dismayed and took to flight. These reiterated assaults lasted fourhours, during which a small number of exhausted Portuguese had towithstand vast numbers of fresh enemies. At length, having 500 men slainand 1000 wounded, the enemy retired; while on the side of the Portuguesefourteen were killed, and 200 were disabled from wounds. Only fortyremained who were able to wield their arms, insomuch that no hoperemained of being able to withstand a fresh attack. The walls wereshattered and ruined in every part: No powder remained: In fact nothingremained but the invincible courage of Sylveira, who still encouragedthe remnant of his brave garrison to persist in their defence. Notknowing the desperate state to which the fort was reduced, and dismayedby the bad success of all his efforts, Solyman raised the siege and setsail with all his fleet on the 5th of November. 

When Sylveira saw the Turkish fleet weigh anchor and depart he thoughtit was merely a feint preparatory for another assault, for which reasonhe posted the forty men who still remained of his garrison, determinedto resist to the last man. He even made some of the wounded men bebrought to the walls, on purpose to make a shew of a greater number thanhe really had. Many even who were so badly wounded as to be unable torise, made themselves be carried in their beds to the walls, saying thatit was best to die in an honourable place. Several even of the womenarmed themselves and appeared on the walls. The whole night was spent inanxiously waiting for the enemy; but the morning gave comfort to theafflicted garrison, as Solyman was seen in full sail, and had nothoughts of returning. Fear did much on this occasion, yet Zofar didmore towards inducing Solyman to go away. Zofar was weary of theinsupportable pride of the Turks, and had even received orders from theking of Guzerat, in case it appeared that the Turks meant to keep thecity and fort of Diu, rather to endeavour that it might remain in thehands of the Portuguese. Zofar accordingly framed a letter which fellinto the hands of Solyman, saying that the viceroy of India would be atDiu next day with a vast fleet; on reading which letter Solyman thoughtproper to hasten his departure. On the same night, Zofar set fire to thetown of Diu and marched away. Thus ended the first siege of Diu, whichadded new lustre to the Portuguese fame, all due to the invinciblecourage of the renowned Antonio de Sylveira, and those valiant gentlemenwho fought under his command, whose fame will last from generation togeneration. 

Solyman, on his voyage back to Suez, touched at several ports in Arabia, where he took such Portuguese as happened to be there, to the number of140, whose heads he cut off, salting their ears and noses to send to theGrand Turk as memorials of his services against the Christians. Amongthese was Francisco Pacheco, who had not the courage to die in hisbulwark, and had surrendered with some men at Diu, as formerly related. On his return to Turkey, Solyman was not well received, and was reducedto the necessity of killing himself, a fit end for such a tyrant. 

This famous siege was far advanced when Don Garcia de Noronha arrived asviceroy in India, to whom Nuno de Cuna immediately resigned thegovernment. His arrival with a great reinforcement might well haveenabled him immediately to relieve the deplorable situation of Diu, yeton the contrary contributed to augment its danger. For, if he had notcome, Nuna had certainly relieved Diu much sooner and prevented so manymiseries, and the death of so many brave men, as he had prepared a fleetof eighty sail, and was ready to have gone to Diu when Don Garciaarrived. Still fresh advices were brought of the extremity to which thebesieged were reduced, yet still Don Garcia wasted time in consideringof proper means for their relief, without putting any into execution, and refusing to take the advice of De Cuna for his proceedings. By thesemeans the siege was raised before he could determine on the mode ofrelief, for which purpose he had gathered 160 sail of vessels of allsorts and sizes. Don Garcia did not want courage, of which he had givensufficient demonstrations while under Alfonso de Albuquerque: But hechose rather to commit an error through his own obstinacy, than rightlyto follow the advice of Nuno de Cuna. It soon appeared indeed, that hewas not at all disposed to take any advice from De Cuna, whom he treatedso disrespectfully at Goa, that he forced him to retire to Cochin toarrange his affairs previous to his return to Portugal. When at Cochin, he even refused him a convenient ship which he had chosen for hisaccommodation; although he had authority from the king to continue toact as governor while he remained in India, and liberty to choose anyvessel he thought proper, but Don Garcia forced him to hire a merchantvessel for himself and family. If the viceroy treated De Cuna ill inIndia, no less evil designs were entertained against him in Portugal;and doubtless the knowledge Don Garcia had of the evil intentions of theministers of state, was the cause of the hard usage he gave him inIndia. Nuno de Cuna fell sick and died on the voyage. He protested athis death that he had nothing belonging to the king except five goldmedals found among the treasure of the late king Badur, which he hadselected for their beauty and meant to have presented to the king inperson. Being asked by a chaplain what he would have done with his bodyafter his death; he said, that since it had pleased God he was to die atsea, he desired that the sea might be his grave. Nuno de Cuna, who wasan excellent governor of India, died at fifty-two years of age. He wasof large stature and well proportioned, but wanted an eye. Though ofstately manners, he was extremely courteous, not subject to passion, easily reconciled, a strict observer of justice, loved to do good to allaround him, free from covetousness, prudent in council, and affable indiscourse. He governed for ten years, all but two months, and died inthe beginning of the year 1539. 

Don Garcia de Noronha assumed the government of India as viceroy inNovember 1538, having arrived from Lisbon with 3000 soldiers, many ofwhom were men of note. Although this great armament had been principallyintended for opposing the Turks who besieged the castle of Diu, yet theviceroy permitted them to continue their operations before that place, and merely sent hopes of relief to the oppressed garrison. At lengthhowever he sent a second reinforcement under Antonio de Menezes in 24small vessels. Though this armament came late, yet Menezes contended insome measure with the great Sylveira for the honour of having occasionedthe retreat of the Turks, as he valued himself much in having witnessedtheir flight. The viceroy had indeed made ready to sail for Diu with afleet of 160 sail of vessels of different kinds, having 5000 soldiersand 1000 pieces of cannon, when advice came that the Turks had abandonedthe siege. On this intelligence he dismissed all the trading ships fromhis fleet, still retaining 90 sail, with which he set out for Diu, butproceeded so slowly as if some evil omen had threatened his ruin at thatplace, since he not only avoided it while environed with danger, butseemed afraid to visit it in peace. Hearing that it was still infestedby Lur-Khan and Khojah Zofar, he sent Martin Alfonso de Melo againstthem with his galley, together with the vessels that had been therebefore under Antonio de Menezes. Melo was too weak to be able to do anything against the enemy, and had to seek protection under the guns ofthe fort. 

At length the viceroy sailed for Diu on the first of January 1539; butthe fleet was dispersed by a storm to different ports, two gallies andsome other vessels being lost. He arrived however at Diu with 50 sail;and having given all due praise to Antonio de Sylveira for his valiantdefence, he repaired the fort and confided it to the charge of DiegoLopez de Sousa, who had been nominated to the command by the king. Atreaty of peace was set on foot with the king of Guzerat, which wasconcluded, but very little to the advantage of the Portuguese, which wasattributed by common fame to the covetousness of the viceroy. 

During this year 1539, the viceroy sent Ferdinand de Morales with agreat galleon laden on the kings account to trade at Pegu. Morales wasinduced by the king of Pegu to assist him against the king of Birmah, who had invaded the kingdom of Pegu with so prodigious a power that thetwo armies amounted to _two millions of men_ and 10, 000 elephants. Morales went in a galliot having the command of the Pegu fleet, and madegreat havock among the ships of the enemy. The king of Birmah came on byland like a torrent, carrying every thing before him, and his fleet wasso numerous that it covered the whole river, though as large as theGanges. Morales met this vast fleet with that which he commanded, at thepoint of _Ginamarreca_; where, though infinitely inferior, he fought adesperate and bloody battle. But overpowered by the multitude of theBirmans, the Peguers deserted Morales, who was left alone in his galliotamid a throng of enemies, against whom he performed wonders and longmaintained the battle, doing astonishing execution; but at lastoppressed by irresistible multitudes, he and all his followers wereslain: Yet the memory of his heroism was long preserved among thesepeople. 

The cause of this war and of the revolt of the king of Birmah, who wastributary to Pegu, was as follows. Above 30, 000 Birmans laboured in theworks of the king of Pegu, as that was one condition of their vassalage. The king of Pegu used often to visit these labourers attended only byhis women, who were curious to see the foreigners and the great worksthat were carrying on. The Birmans seized an opportunity on one of thesevisits to murder the king, after which they plundered the women of everything they had of value, and fled to their own country. As many of thesubjects of _Dacha Rupi_, who succeeded to, the kingdom of Pegu, rebelled against him, _Para Mandara_ king of the Birmans seized thisfavourable opportunity to recover his independence and to enlarge thebounds of his dominions. He accordingly reduced with astonishingrapidity the kingdoms of the _Lanjaoes, Laos, Jangomas_, and others, wholike his own dominions were tributary to Pegu. By these means hepossessed himself of the whole ancient kingdom of _Ava_, which extendsto the length of two months of ordinary travelling, and contains 62cities. To the north-east of this, at the distance of a months journeyis _the kingdom of the Turks_, containing as many cities, which the kingof Pegu had conquered from the king of _Cathay_. The kingdom of _Bimir_is west from Ava, and is of similar extent, having 27 populous cities. North of this is _Lanjam_, of equal size, with 38 cities and aboundingin gold and silver. On the east is the kingdom of _Mamfrom_, equallylarge, but having only 8 cities. East again from this is _Cochin-China_;on the south is _Siam_, which was afterwards conquered by the king ofBirmah; and east of Siam is the great kingdom of _Cambodia_. All theinhabitants of these kingdoms are Pagans, and the most superstitious ofall the east: Yet they believe in one only God, but in time of need haverecourse to many idols, some of which are dedicated to the most secretacts and necessities of nature, even in the very form in which they areacted. They hold the immortality of the soul; are zealous in givingalms, and hold their priests in great veneration. These are verynumerous, and live according to rules like those of the Catholics inmonasteries, subsisting from day to day upon what is given them, withoutlaying any thing up for the next. These priests and monks eat neitherflesh nor fish, as they kill no creature whatever. They observe _Lent_and _Easter_ after the manner of the Christians; whence some haveinferred that they are some remnant of the disciples of St. Thomas, though mixed with many errors. They wear yellow cassocks and cloaks, with hats of oiled paper. The whole natives of these countries arewhite, and their women very beautiful; but their bodies are all overwrought with blue figures down to the knees made with hot irons. Intheir manners they are very uncivilized and even brutal. 

CHAPTER II. 

PARTICULAR RELATION OF THE EXPEDITION OF SOLYMAN PACHA FROM SUEZ TOINDIA AGAINST THE PORTUGUESE AT DIU, WRITTEN BY A VENETIAN OFFICER WHOWAS PRESSED INTO THE TURKISH SERVICE ON THAT OCCASION [210]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Following the PORTUGUESE ASIA of _Manuel de Faria y Sousa_, we havegiven an account of the Portuguese transactions in India in thepreceding chapter, from the year 1505 to 1539. We might have extendedthis article to a much greater length from the same source, as De Fariacontinues this history to the year 1640; but his work after the year1539 is generally filled with an infinite multiplicity of uninterestingevents, petty wars, arrivals and dispatch of trading ships, and suchminute matters, unconnected and tending to no useful information. We nowtake up an original document of much interest, and most directlyconnected with the object of our collection, as an actual journal of avoyage. In a separate future division of our arrangement, we propose togive an abridged extract from De Faria of every thing his work containsworthy of notice, as tending to discovery, but leaving out alluninteresting details. 

[Footnote 210: Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 88. ]

There are two published copies of the voyage which constitutes theessence of our present chapter. The earliest of these was published by_Aldus_ at Venice in 1540, along with other tracts of a similar nature, under the name of _A Voyage from Alexandria to India_[211]. The otherwas given by _Ramusio_ in the first Volume of his Collection, under thetitle of _A Voyage written by a Venetian officer_[212] of the _Gallies, who was carried prisoner from Alexandria to Diu in India, &c_. Thesecopies differ in several respects besides the title. That by Ramusio isaltered in several places both in the substance and diction, which inmany parts of that edited by Aldus is obscure. Yet that edition is ofuse to correct some errors of the press in Ramusio. Our translation isfrom the text of Aldus, but we have marked the variations in that ofRamusio, and have likewise divided the journal into sections, as done byRamusio. 

[Footnote 211: The title of the book published by Aldus in which thisvoyage is contained is Viaggi alla Tana, Persia, India, &c. --Astley, I. 88. A. ]

[Footnote 212: The word designating the rank of this officer in Ramusiois _Comito_, signifying Boatswain, or the officer who superintended thegalley-slaves. --Ast. I. 88. B. ]

Though not made by the Portuguese, this voyage certainly claims to beinserted in this place, as having a near connection with their affairs;besides which, it serves to complete the information contained in thearticle next succeeding; as the present voyage was made along theeastern side of the Red Sea, while the other was along its western side:So that the two together give a tolerable account of the whole of thatsea; and they are in fact the more valuable, as being the only minutejournals or relations extant of voyages performed along the whole lengthof the Arabian Gulf; except that by Mr Daniel in 1700, which is verysuperficial. Yet geographers, with the exception of M. De Lisle, and oneor two since, seem to have made no use of these helps. It is howeververy surprising that neither of these two journals take the smallestnotice of that great bay or arm at the head of the Red Sea, ancientlycalled the _Elanitic_, a little to the east of _Tor_ or _Al Tur_, whichpassing by the foot of Mount Sinai, penetrates a great way into Arabia. This has been described by the Arabian geographers, and confirmed by twoeminent travellers of our own country, Dr Shaw and Dr Pococke, both ofwhom have delineated it in their maps[213]. 

[Footnote 213: The topography of the Red Sea has been much improved byBruce, in his Travels in Abyssinia, and since him by Lord Valentia inhis Travels in India. --E. ]

"The present voyage shews the way of sailing in these eastern seas bythe Turks, with whom we may join the Arabs and Indians; and it mentionsseveral particulars respecting the siege of Diu, and particularlyrespecting the conduct of the Pacha, which could not be so well known tothe Portuguese; serving to rectify some things and elucidate others. Itmust be observed that the soundings or depths of water, though expressedin fathoms, which are reckoned at _six_ feet in the British marineservice, are here to be understood as paces of _five_ feet each. The_time_ is expressed according to the Italian mode of reckoning; whichbegins the day at sunset, and counts the hours successively round from_one_ to _twenty-four_; instead of dividing the entire day into twicetwelve hours, as is customary with the English and other Europeannations. "[214]--_Astl_. 

[Footnote 214: The Editor of Astleys Collection does not seem aware thatin the British marine, the day begins at noon, instead of the civil daywhich begins at midnight. --E. ]

SECTION I. 

_The Venetian Merchants and Mariners at Alexandria are pressed into theTurkish service, and sent to Suez. Description of that place. Twothousand men desert from the Gallies. Tor. Island of Soridan. Port ofKor_. 

This voyage was performed by compulsion, having been forced to accompanythe eunuch Solyman Pacha, who was sent by Solyman Shah emperor of theTurks on an expedition against the Portuguese in India. At the time whenthe war broke out in 1537, between the republic of Venice and the Turks, a fleet of trading gallies happened to be at Alexandria in Egypt, commanded by Antonio Barbarigo, and remained there without opportunityof trading or taking in goods till the 7th of September; on that dayAlmaro Barbaro the Venetian consul, the captain Antonio Barbarigo, andall the merchants and seamen, with every thing belonging to them, wereseized and lodged in the _tower of Lances_. After this, all of them thatbelonged to the sea, and the author of this voyage among the rest, weretaken from the tower and sent by fifty at a time to Cairo; whenceSolyman Pacha, having selected the gunners, rowers, carpenters, caulkers, and officers, sent them by companies to Suez to assist infitting out the fleet in that port against his own arrival. 

Suez stands in a desert place, where grows no herb of any kind. At thisplace the ships are built which are designed for India. All the timberof which they are built, with the iron work, and every kind of tackle, are brought from Satalia and Constantinople to Alexandria; whence theyare carried on the Nile in jerbs or barks to Cairo, and thence on thebacks of camels to Suez, where Pharaoh was drowned. On the road fromCairo to Suez, which is eighty miles, there is not a single habitation, and no water or any thing whatever for eating is to be found, so thatthe caravans before setting out must supply themselves with water fromthe Nile. In former times, Suez was a great city well supplied withcisterns for holding water, and had a _Kalij_ or canal cut all the wayfrom the Nile, by which these cisterns were annually filled at theoverflow of the river, which served them with water all the rest of theyear. Being afterwards destroyed by the Mahometans, the canal was filledup, and all the water that is drank at Suez is brought upon camels fromcertain ponds or wells six miles distant; which water, though verybrackish, they are obliged to drink; every fifty men being allowed asmuch water as a camel can carry. All the timber, iron, rigging, ammunition, and provisions for the fleet were brought from Cairo. Suezstands on a bay of the Red Sea, and has a small fort with mud walls, thirty paces square, which is guarded by twenty Turks. The fleetdestined for India consisted of seventy-six sail; of which six were_Maons_, seventeen gallies, twenty-seven _foists_, two galleons, fourships, and the rest small craft. 

On the 9th of March 1538, about 2000 men landed from the gallies withtheir arms and marched off for the mountains, meaning to desert; butwhen about six miles from the shore they were met by a Sanjiak, accompanied by 27 horse[215], designed for the garrison of Suez. Thedeserters were immediately surrounded by the horse, who killed about 200of them, and all the rest were stripped and carried on board thegallies, where they were chained to the oars. On the 15th of JuneSolyman Pacha arrived at Suez, where he pitched his tents and restedeight days. In the mean time the fleet was got in readiness, and thesoldiers received their pay, being five gold ducats to each and ten_maydins_, or 215 maydins in all. Part of the men belonging to the largeVenetian galley, in which the author of this journal served, weredistributed on board the fleet; seventy in one half galley, seventy inanother, and eighteen in the galley of the _Kiahya_, who likewise hadalong with him the Venetian consul. The rest of these men weredistributed in two galleons which carried the powder, saltpetre, brimstone, ball, meal, biscuit, and other necessaries for the fleet. The Pacha likewise sent his treasure on board the gallies, which wascontained in forty-two chests, covered with ox hides and oil-cloth. Onthe 20th, he issued orders for every one to embark in two days. On the22d the Pacha embarked, and dropt down four miles below Suez to thepoint of Pharaoh, where he anchored in four fathoms water on a goodbottom. This place is seven miles from the pits of Moses. Seven men diedhere. 

[Footnote 215: This is surely some mistake, it being next to impossiblethat so few men should surround and overpower so great a number of armedsoldiers. --Astl. I. 89. D. ]

On the 27th of June the whole fleet left Suez with the wind at N. W. Andbefore night cast anchor at a place called _Korondol_, 60 miles fromSuez; at which place Moses divided the sea by stretching out his rod, and Pharaoh was drowned with all his host. At this place, which may beconsidered the commencement of the Red Sea, we had 12 fathoms water, andlay at anchor all night. Leaving Korondol on the 28th, we sailed 33leagues to the S. E. And cast anchor two hours before night at a placecalled _Tor_, where there are many Fransciscan friars who supplied thefleet with water. This place is a days journey and a half from Mount_Sinai_, where is the church and monastery of St Catharine, in which thebody of that saint is reposited. We remained five days at Tor, in fivefathoms water. We departed from Tor on the 3d of July, and came behind adry sand bank about a mile from the shore and 40 miles from Tor, wherewe cast anchor in 12 fathoms water at a place named _Kharas_, where weremained two days to inspect the two ships which carried the stores. Leaving Kharas on the 5th, we came to an island named _Soridan_ 40 milesfrom the coast, the whole days course from sunrise to sunset being 100miles. Continuing our voyage all night to the S. E. We found ourselves atsunrise of the 6th to windward of a mountain on the right hand shore, named _Marzoan_, 100 miles beyond Soridan. Proceeding forward on the6th, and still sailing S. E. We advanced 100 miles by sunrise, and sawland on the right towards _Kabisa_[216]. We sailed 90 miles on the 7thS. E. By E. Proceeding on the 8th at the rate of 8 miles an hour, wesailed 100 miles by sunrise; and in the night, the wind beingsouth-westerly, we advanced 20 miles to the S. E. On the 9th the windswere variable and rather calm. To the S. E. We found a shoal under water50 miles from land. Our course during the day was only 10 miles to theN. W. And in the ensuing night 20 miles S. By W. On the 10th we sailed 70miles S. E. And came to a port named _Kor_ in eight fathoms water, in avery desert country. 

[Footnote 216: In Ramusio this is called the land of the _Abissini_. Sothat instead of Kabisa or Kabisia, we should read in the text Habash orHabashia, commonly called Abassia, Abissina, or Abyssinia. --Astl. I. 90. A. ]

SECTION II. 

_Arrival at Jiddah, the Port of Mecca. The islands of Alfas, Kamaran, and Tuiche. The Straits of Bab-al-Mandub. _

Leaving Kor on the 11th of July, we sailed along shore till noon 30miles, when we came to a city named _Zidem_[217], which is the emporiumor landing place of all the spices from Calicut and other parts ofIndia. This place is a stage and a half from Mecca; and though there areseveral shoals both above and under water, the port is good, and thetown has abundance of provisions: but no water is to be met with, exceptfrom a few cisterns which are filled with rain water. This place aboundsin merchandize, and the country round produces dates, ginger ofMecca[218], and other sorts. In a mosque on the outside of the town is atomb, which according to the Mahometans is the burial-place of Eve. Theinhabitants go almost naked, and are meagre and swarthy. The seaproduces abundance of fish. The natives tie three or four pieces oftimber together about six feet long, on one of which slight rafts a manrows himself with a board, and ventures out to sea eight or nine milesto fish in all weathers. At this place the fleet remained four days andtook in a supply of water. 

[Footnote 217: Otherwise Jiddah or Joddah, the port of Mecca. In his mapof Egypt, Nubia, and Abyssinia, De L'Isle makes Zidem, which he alsonames _Gidde_, doubtless a corruption of Jiddah, a distinct place alittle to the south from Jiddah. This must be a mistake; as Jiddah hasfor many ages been the port of Mecca, as Zidem is said to be in thetext. This is farther confirmed by the mention of _Eves tomb_ in thetext, which Pitts saw at Jiddah. Thevenot says her tomb is at _Gidde_, which De L'Isle supposed to have been a different place from Gidda, Joddah, or Jiddah, whence arose his mistake. --Astl. I. 90. B. ]

[Footnote 218: Perhaps we ought to read _Balsam_ of Mecca. --E. ]

At our departure on the 15th of July, five small vessels were missing bychance, which we learnt from a man who had escaped from a foist. Thisday we sailed 80 miles S. W. By S. The 16th our course was S. E. Withvery little wind, making only 30 miles till night; and before sunrise 50miles farther. The 17th we sailed S. E. Till night 100 miles; and fromthence till sunrise 16 miles, S. E. By S. On the 18th we steered S. E. 140[219] miles during the day, which was dusky; and in the night 50miles S. E. By E. The 19th sailing E. By S. With a brisk wind till ninein the morning, we came among certain islands called _Atfas_, almostentirely desert, and only inhabited by people who come from otherislands to fish and seek for pearls, which they get by diving to thebottom of the sea in four fathom water. They drink rain water, which ispreserved in cisterns and ponds. We remained here all night, having ran100 miles. On the 20th we came to an island 20 miles from the land named_Khamaran_, where we got provisions and good water. In this island therewas a ruinous castle, altogether unoccupied, and about fifty housesbuilt of boughs of trees, besides a few other huts scattered over theisland. The inhabitants were barefooted and quite naked, of a smallsize, and having no head-dresses but their hair, and merely concealtheir parts of shame by means of a clout. They are all mariners, havinga few barks and small craft, the planks of which are sewed together byrope, and are entirely destitute of iron work, with sails curiously madeof mats, constructed of the barks of the palm or date tree, and foldingtogether like a fan. The cordage and cables are made of the samematerials. They trade to the main land in these barks, and bring fromthence abundance of dates, jujebs, and a sort of white buck-wheat. Theymake a good quantity of _Mecca ginger_, and procure plenty offrankinsence from Bista[220]. They reduce their buck-wheat to meal on apiece of marble, about the size of the stone on which colours are groundby painters, on which another stone about half an ell long and like arolling pin or roller is made to work so as to bruise the corn. Immediately after this it is made into a paste and baked into thincakes. This is their bread, which must be made fresh every day, otherwise it becomes so dry and hard that there is no eating it. Bothfish and flesh are to be had here in sufficient abundance. From theislands of _Akhefas_ or _Atfas_ to this island of _Khamaran_ thedistance is 40 miles. 

[Footnote 219: In Ramusio only 40 miles. --Astl. I. 90. D. ]

[Footnote 220: This is called the land of the Abissins in the edition ofRamusio. --Astl. I. 91. A. ]

The Pacha landed at this place, making all the gallies turn into theharbour along with him; and sent from thence two foists with messengers, one to the king or sheikh of _Zibit_ or _Zabid_, and the other to thesheikh of Aden, ordering them to provide water and provisions for thefleet, to enable him to proceed in his expedition to India against thePortuguese. The messenger to Zabid was likewise ordered to tell thesheikh of that place, which is a days journey inland, that he must cometo the shore, bringing with him the tribute due to the grand signior, and to pay his obeisance to the Pacha. The fleet remained ten days atthe island of Khamaran, where it was furnished with water. LeavingKhamaran on the 30th of July with a scanty wind, we sailed S. By E. 50miles, and came at one in the morning to the island of _Tuiccé_. Herethe foist sent to the sheikh of Zabid brought a present to the Pacha, consisting of swords in the shape of scymeters made at _Zimina_, thehandles and scabbards being of silver; also some poinards of similarworkmanship, the handles of which were adorned with turquois stones, rubies, and pearls. But the sheikh sent word that he would pay thetribute when the Pacha returned from conquering the Portuguese, acknowledging at the same time that he was the slave of the sultan. Thisday we advanced fifty miles, and fifty more during the night, our coursebeing S. By E. On the 1st of August, we proceeded ten miles with thewind at S. W. To a shoal named _Alontrakin_[221], near the mouth of thestraits, having _Kabisia_ or _Habash_ on the right hand. Here we had twofathoms water, and staid one night. 

[Footnote 221: In Ramusio this shoal is called Babel, being the twofirst words or syllables of Bab-el-Mandub, corruptly called _BabelMandel_. Bab-el-Mandub signifies _the gate of weeping_, being the nameof the entry to the Red Sea of Arabian Gulf; so called because reckonedexceedingly dangerous by the ancient Arabs, insomuch that they used toput on mourning for their relations who passed them, as persons givenover for lost. --Ast. I. 91. D. ]

SECTION III. 

_Arrival at Aden, where the Sheikh and four others are hanged. Sequelof the Voyage to Diu_. 

On the 2d of August, leaving the shoal of Alontrakin, we sailed 10 milesE. By S. And got through the straits; whence proceeding till sunrisenext morning we went 80 miles farther. On the 3d sailing 80 miles E. ByN. We arrived at the city of _Adem_ or Aden. This city is stronglyfortified, standing close to the sea, and surrounded by lofty mountains, on the top of which are several little forts or castles. It isencompassed also on every side with _ravelins_[222], except an openingof 300 paces wide leading from the shore to the country; and has stronggates and towers and well-built walls. Besides all these, there is afort built on a shoal before the city, having a tower on one side todefend the port, which is to the south, and has two fathoms water. Tothe north there is a large port with good anchorage, being safe in allwinds. Though there is plenty of good water here, the soil is dry andproduces nothing. The water is all from rain, and is preserved incisterns and pits 100 fathoms deep; and is so hot when first drawn upthat it cannot be used till it stands to cool. This city is providedwith provisions, wood, and every other necessary from other places, andhas abundance of Jews[223]. 

[Footnote 222: Perhaps redoubts or detached towers are here meant; orthe word here translated ravelins may signify shoals, reefs, orsand-banks, encompassing the harbour. --E. ]

[Footnote 223: This circumstance is not in the least improbable; yet itis possible that the author of this journal may have mistaken _Banians_for Jews, as we know that all the trade in the ports of Arabia and theRed Sea is now conducted by Banian factors--E. ]

Immediately on the arrival of the fleet, the Pacha was waited upon byfour principal persons of the city, who brought refreshments. Hereceived them courteously, and talked with them a while in private;after which he gave each of them two vests of figured velvet, and sentthem back with letters of safe conduct for the sheikh, signifying thathe might come freely on board and fear nothing. The sheikh sent backword that he would not come in person, but would readily supply whateverwas wanted. On the 5th of August, the Pacha ordered the janizaries toland with their arms, and all the gallies to man and arm their boats. He then sent his Kiahya to summon the sheikh to come before him, and dohomage to the sultan. The sheikh answered, "I swear by your head that Iam the humble slave of the sultan;" and came immediately to the galliesattended by many of his principal officers. The Kiahya presented himwith a handkerchief round his neck to the Pacha, who embraced andentertained him with much courtesy. After a long conference, the Pachacaused two vests of figured velvet to be brought, which he put with hisown hands on the sheikh, and made all the lords of his retinue beclothed in a similar manner. They conferred together afterwards for along time, and the sheikh was dismissed with leave to return to thecity. What happened afterwards it is not proper for me to relate[224];suffice it to say, that Solyman suddenly gave orders to a sanjack with500 janizaries to take possession of the city, the inhabitants of which, like those of _Kharabaia_[225], are swarthy, lean, and of small stature. Aden is a place of considerable trade, particularly with India, at whichthere arrive every year three or four ships laden with various kind ofspices, which are afterwards sent to Cairo. In these parts grow _gingerof Mecca_, but no other sort. 

[Footnote 224: In the edition of Ramusio, the author is made to relatethe story openly, in the following manner: "That same instant afterdismissing the sheikh, the Pacha, caused him to be hanged by the neck atthe yard-arm, together with four of his principal officers orfavourites. "--Ast. I. 92. A. ]

[Footnote 225: By Ramusio this word is given _Arabia_. --Ast. I. 92. B. ]

On the 8th of August, the fleet removed to the north port of Aden, whereit remained eleven days, taking in a supply of water. On the 19th wedeparted, being 74 sail in all, reckoning gallies, foists, ships, andlesser vessels; the Pacha leaving three foists behind to guard the port. This day our course was 40 miles E. By N. On the 20th we went 50 mileseast with a fair wind at west; and during the night we went other 20miles E. By N. The 21st we ran 30 miles, east in a calm, and by sunrise30 more. The 22d it was quite calm till noon, when a gentle breeze arosewhich carried us 20 miles east before night, and 50 more during thenight in the same direction. During the 23d, we steered 60 miles E. ByN. And 40 miles in the night N. E. The 24th 40 miles N. E. And other 40miles in the night in the same direction. The 25th 90 miles N. E. By E. And 100 miles in the night the same course. The 26th 90 miles N. E. And80 in the night. The 27th 90 miles, and in the night 100, both N. E. The28th 90 miles during the day, and 90 more during the night, still N. E. The 29th still keeping the same course, 90 miles in the day, and 90 moreat night. On the 30th, we sailed 86 miles E. By N. During the day, and90 miles N. E. By E. During the night. Still holding N. E. By E. On the31st we sailed 70 miles by day and 80 by night. Proceeding in the samecourse on the 1st September we went 70 miles in the day and 50 in thenight. Holding on the same course on the 2d we ran 30 miles; by noon wewere in 35 fathoms water, and at night in 20 fathoms, being within 100miles of Diu, but 400 miles from the nearest land on the north. Whilebetween 100 and 150 miles from the land, we saw several snakes in thesea, the water often having a green colour, which are sure signs ofapproaching the land on this coast. 

On the 3d the fleet proceeded with calm weather along the shore, and atnine in the morning the Pacha was informed by a boat from the land thatthere were 600 Portuguese in the castle of Diu, and six armed gallies inthe port. The Pacha made the bearers of this intelligence a present ofsix _kaftans_ or vests, and dismissed them. A Jew was afterwards takenon shore by some of the Turkish sailors, and confirmed this account. This day our course along shore was 30 miles, and we made 30 more duringthe night. On the 4th of September at sunrise, we proceeded 30 miles, and cast anchor within three miles of Diu. Before anchoring, aPortuguese foist was seen coming out of the harbour, which was chased bya half galley all day, but made her escape in the night. 

SECTION IV. 

_The Castle of Diu is besieged by the Moors. The Turks plunder the City, and the Indian Generals withdraw in resentment. The Pacha lands. A man300 years old. Women burn themselves. The Fleet removes_. 

The same day on which we anchored near Diu, one Khojah Zaffer came onboard in a galley. This man was a native of Otranto in Italy, but hadturned Turk and was captain of a galley in the former fleet sent toIndia by the sultan. When that fleet was defeated and destroyed, Zafferentered into the service of the king of Diu or Kambachia, who gave himlands and made him chief governor of his kingdom. Zaffer had alsoinsinuated himself into the confidence of the Portuguese; but when helearnt that the Turkish fleet was coming, he and the vizier or viceroyof the kingdom came with 8000 Indians, took the city of Diu from thePortuguese, and besieged them in the castle which was now closely begirtby their troops, not a day passing without a skirmish. Zaffer wasaccompanied on this visit to the Pacha by the prime vizier of Cambaya, and both were received with much honour. They informed the Pacha thatthere were 500 soldiers and 300 others in the castle, which they hadbesieged for 26 days, and had no doubt of being able to reduce it withtheir Indian troops, if the Pacha would furnish them with artillery andammunition. The Pacha presented each of them with two vests; but whilethey remained on board, the Turkish troops landed with their arms andplundered the city of Diu, doing infinite injury to the Indianinhabitants, and not even sparing the palace of the viceroy, whence theytook three fine horses, together with, some treasure and furniture, carrying away every thing they could lay hands upon. They likewiseadvanced towards the castle, and skirmished with the Portuguesegarrison. When the viceroy returned and was made acquainted with theoutrages committed by the Turks, he gave immediate orders to hisofficers to have every thing in readiness, and retired from Diu with6000 men, going immediately to the king who was about two days journeyup the country. That same night a foist came from the city to our fleetwith a supply of fresh bread, nuts, flesh, boiled rice, and otherthings, sent in the name of the king of Cambaya, all of which were takeninto the Pachas galley. On the 5th of September, the Pacha sent theMoorish captain and his Kiahya to join these on shore; and all thegallies sent their boats filled with janizaries to assist the nativetroops who were encamped round the castle, these being now reduced tonot more than 2000 men, as all the rest had departed along with theviceroy and Khojah Zaffer. On the 7th, the fleet removed to a very goodport, thirty miles from Diu, called _Muda Burack_[226], where we gotabundance of water. 

[Footnote 226: This place is afterwards called Mudafar-aba, and perhapsought to be written Madaffer-abad. --Ast. I. 93. E. ]

On the 8th the Pacha went on shore at Diu, where the besiegers had beganto batter the castle, having placed some cannons for that purpose onfour _maons_. He sent also three pieces of artillery on shore, whichwere planted on[227] a tower standing by the water side about acannon-shot from the great fortress, being the place where the Indianofficers used to receive the customs. It had thick walls and wasdefended by four brass guns and a hundred men, but had no ditch. On the9th, a ship and galley which were laden with biscuit, powder, and otherstores for the siege, struck on a sand bank while entering the harbour. The goods and the galley were saved, but the ship was totally lost. 

[Footnote 227: Perhaps we ought here to read _against_ the tower by thewater side. --E. ]

A half galley belonging to our fleet arrived at Diu on the 19th in badcondition. She had fallen behind the fleet, and had been driven to aport belonging to a people of the Pagans called _Samori_[228], where shesent a boat on shore with some janizaries, who were all cut to pieces. After which the natives in our barge and some of their own barks, attacked the galley and slew other sixty men of her crew, so that shehad much ado to escape. The Pacha sent for the pilot of this galley, andcaused him to be hanged for his bad management. 

[Footnote 228: Probably meaning the dominions of the zamorin ofCalicut--E. ]

On the 25th an Indian who had turned Christian and belonged to thegarrison in the castle, was made prisoner in a sally, and being broughtbefore the Pacha, but refusing to answer any questions, was condemned tobe cut in two. On the same day an old man presented himself before thePacha, who said that he was upwards of 300 years old, which wasconfirmed by the people of the country, who asserted that there wereseveral very old men in that neighbourhood. The natives of this countryare very lean and live sparingly. They eat no beef, but use their oxenfor riding upon. Their oxen are small and handsome, very tractable, andhave an easy pace. Instead of a bridle, they use a cord passed through ahole in the nostrils of the ox. Their horns are long and straight, andthey are used as beasts of burden, like mules in Italy. These animalsare held in much veneration, especially the cows, and they even makegreat rejoicings on the birth of a calf, on which account these peopleare reckoned idolaters. When any of the men of this country happens todie, the widow makes a great feast for the relations; after which theygo in procession with music and dancing to a place where a great fireis prepared, into which the corpse is thrown, carrying along with themmany large pots full of scalding hot grease. The widow then dances roundthe fire, singing the praises of her husband, after which shedistributes her entire dress and ornaments among her relations, till shehas nothing left but a small apron. Immediately after this, havingthrown a pot of the scalding grease into the fire, she leaps into themidst of the flames, and the assistants throw in all the other pots ofgrease to increase the flames, so that she is dead in an instant. Allwomen who would be esteemed virtuous observe this custom, and such as donot are accounted wicked, nor will any one marry them. The country ofGuzerat is rich and fertile, producing excellent ginger of all sorts, and cocoa nuts. Of these last the natives make oil, vinegar, flour, cordage, and mats. The cocoa-nut tree resembles the date palm in everything except the fruit and leaves, those of the palm being broader. 

On the 28th the fleet removed from the port of _Mudaferaba_, which hasfrom 2 to 4 fathoms water; and having sailed six hours on the 29th, castanchor about 15 miles from Diu. Having remained at anchor all night, thefleet made sail on the 30th with a north wind from shore, and camebehind the castle of Diu, where all the gallies discharged theirartillery in succession, after which they cast anchor about three milesfrom the castle. 

SECTION V. 

_A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks, who make Galley-slaves of thePortuguese Garrison; with several other incidents of the siege. _

On the 1st of October, a messenger came from the lesser castle offeringto capitulate, being no longer able to hold out. The Turks had plantedthree pieces of cannon against that fort which carried balls of iron of150 pounds weight, and pierced the tower through and through, so thatthe stones flew about and had slain twenty men out of an hundred in thegarrison. Yet these men had slain many of the Turks with their musquetsand four pieces of cannon, the fire having continued incessantly foreighteen or twenty days. On delivering his message, the person sent fromthe fort received a rich vest, and had a safe conduct written in themost ample form for himself and all the garrison. When the messengerreturned to the tower, he persuaded the captain and two other persons towait upon the Pacha, who gave the captain a vest and confirmed the safeconduct, only under the express condition that they should not go intothe castle. The captain, whose name was _Juan Francisco Paduano_[229], returning to the tower which was called _Gogole_, brought off his men tothe number of eighty, all of whom the Pacha ordered to be disarmed andconfined in a house under a strong guard. 

[Footnote 229: It ought to be _Pacheco_. --E. ]

On the 3d of October, the Pacha ordered the four _slave_ gunners of thelarge gallies on shore, and gave them in charge to batter the principalcastle. He likewise ordered all the Portuguese who had surrendered to bedistributed among the gallies and chained to the oar, captain and all. The same day, three Portuguese gallies entered the harbour of Diuwithout opposition, for the Pacha did not send a single vessel to hinderthem. The 8th a ship arrived with provisions and was wrecked in theroad. On board were fifteen men belonging to the large gallies, togetherwith the admiral, and sixty sailors with many galley-slaves. The 13th, the fleet removed from the west to the east side of Diu, where theyanchored two miles from the castle; but during this change of position, the cannon of the fortress sunk one galley and broke the main-yard ofanother. On the 15th, the Pacha removed from the _maon_ where he residedhitherto into his half galley, but ordered a _white_ sail to be takenfrom another galley, his own being distinguished by colours. The reasonof this was that he expected the Portuguese fleet, and did not wish theyshould know what ship he was in. Being also afraid of the shot he causeda great ring of cables and such things to be formed on the poop, sufficient to repel cannon-shot, for he was fearful and cowardly. Helikewise ordered all the Christians to be put in irons. On the 17th, being the eve of St Luke, he caused the head of one of the peoplebelonging to the Venetian gallies to be cut off, merely for saying, _thesignory of Venice is not dead_. 

On the 22d the Pacha gave out in orders to the gunners on shore, about400 in number, some of whom were slain daily, that whoever shot down thegreat standard of the castle should have a reward of 1000 maydins andreceive his freedom. This was chiefly occasioned by a desire ofrevenge, as his own standard had been given to the Portuguese by a_Sanjak_. Upon this, one of these Christian gunners at the third shotbroke down the standard, which stood on the top of a great tower, onwhich the Turks made great rejoicings and published the news with muchexultation throughout the fleet. The gunner was rewarded with a silkenvest. 

The artillery belonging to the Turks was planted against the castle allin one line, but in six separate batteries. In the first was an iron_culverine_ carrying a ball of 150 pounds, and a _paderero_ of 200pounds. At a small distance was an iron _passe-volant_ of 16 pounds, which discharged cartridge shot. In another place was a _paderero_ of300 pounds, and a _culverine_ of 150; and in this second post was a_passe-volant_ like the former, both belonging to the great gallies. Inanother place was an iron _saker_ of 12 pounds, a small _cannon_ of 16pounds, a _falcon_ of 6 pounds, and a mortar throwing a ball of 400pounds. In another post was a culverine of 100 pounds. By thisprodigious train of artillery, the Turks had battered down one tower, sothat they could easily mount the breach, the tower not being very high, and the ditch not having been dug to a sufficient depth: But as fast asthe Turks ruined the defences of this tower, the besieged repaired thebreach as well as they could with earth and rubbish. It must also beobserved that this fortress had no flanks; and being built upon a rock, they had made no _casemates_, only erecting embrasures on the top of thewall, which were all ruined and shaken. The main safety of the besiegedconsisted in their bravery. Every day fifteen or twenty of them used tosally forth like so many furious lions, killing all they met, whichstruck such terror into the Turkish soldiers that they fled in confusionas soon as they saw the Portuguese. 

On the 25th of October, the Turks caused a great number of cotton sacksto be got ready, covered with skins and bound with ropes, all of whichwere thrown into the ditch, which they completely filled, reaching ashigh as the wall. This being noticed by the besieged early in themorning, before the Turks put themselves in order for the assault, sixtyof the Portuguese made a sally from the castle, forty of whom fought theenemy with great gallantry, while the other twenty remained in theditch, each of whom carried a small leather bag full of powder and alighted match. These men cut open the cotton bales, into each of whichthey put a handful of powder, which they fired, so that in a short timeseveral of the bags were set on fire; and the whole continued burningfor two days. Those who sallied out upon the enemy maintained the fightfor more than three hours, during which time they killed 190 Turks andwounded as many more, losing only two of their own number. 

SECTION VI. 

_Farther particulars of the siege, to the retreat of the Turks, and thecommencement of their Voyage back to Suez. _

On the 27th of October five Portuguese _foists_ arrived at Diu, whichtook a Turkish vessel of the same kind, and landed succours for thebesieged, but were unable to get into the harbour, as some of the cannonformerly mentioned commanded its entrance, by ranging past the end ofthe castle. The 29th the Pacha ordered out forty boats filled withTurks, having some small cannon in each, in order to assault a smallfort or bulwark on the water side in the harbour at some distance fromthe castle, the whole defences of which had been mined by the Turkishartillery, and in which there were only five or six men, who wererelieved daily from the castle by water, the distance being less than afalcon shot. On the approach of the Turkish boats, the men in this smallfort or bulwark lay down that they might not be seen. On coming to theplace, the Turks ran the bows of their boats on shore, where every thinglay in ruins to the very edge of the water, and instantly leapt onshore. The small but gallant party of defenders immediately met themwith two _fire-horns_, and the cannon from the castle played against theassailants so furiously, that the Turks soon fled. Several of theirboats were sunk, many of the men were drowned, and the garrison of thecastle took a considerable number of prisoners, coming out in one oftheir barks and killing or taking them while in confusion on the water. All those who were taken were hanged next day on the battlements of thecastle. 

The whole Turkish forces were drawn out in order of battle on the 30th, and advanced to that side of the castle next the harbour to make ageneral assault, for which purpose they carried a great number ofscaling-ladders. Another party of the Turks mounted the breach on theland side of the castle, which they could do at pleasure as the placewas entirely opened by the fire of the batteries. But after remainingthere three hours without sufficient courage to enter the place, thebesieged leapt upon the breach and pushed the Turks into the ditch, killing four hundred of them. On the 31st the _Moorish_ captain[230]went with eleven gallies to attack the little castle, but was forced todesist by the cannon from the great castle, which sunk some of hisvessels. 

[Footnote 230: This person has been several times mentioned under thistitle, as a principal officer under Solyman Pacha, but we have noindications by which to conjecture who he was. --E. ]

On the 2d of November, the _Sanjak_ with the janizaries and all therest of the Turks embarked, leaving all their artillery behind, whichthey had not time to carry off. This was occasioned by receiving newsthat the Portuguese fleet was advancing in order of battle. The 5th, twenty sail of Portuguese vessels appeared in sight, and came to anchortwenty miles distance from the Turkish fleet. In the morning only threeof these ships were seen at a distance, at which time the Turks put offfrom the land: But at sunrise many ships were seen, which shot off agreat number of guns, though nothing could be perceived but the flash ofthe powder. Upon this the Pacha gave orders for each of his gallies tofire three guns; after which, the trumpets were sounded, all the shipshoisting their foresails and plying their oars. This was done at oneo'clock at night, and at four the whole fleet departed with hardly anywind, and by day-break had run 30 miles, shaping their course S. S. W. 

The 7th, we sailed forty miles in the same direction, the weather beingstill calm. The 8th, we proceeded 30 miles W. During the day, and 20 inthe night. The 9th, we went 20 miles W. And this day the Christians hadtheir irons taken off. The 10th, we made no way, the weather being adead calm. The 11th, the wind blew from the W. S. W. We stood to N. W. Advancing 30 miles in the day and night. The 12th, the wind being N. W. By N. We entered the gulf of Ormuz[231] and then sailed W. S. W. Advancingall that day and night only 30 miles. The 13th, we proceeded W. 70 milesby day and 90 during the night. The 14th, 100 miles during the day andas much in the night. The 15th, 80 by day and 80 by night. The 16th, 80by day and 70 in the night. The 17th, 90 in the day and 80 in the night. The 18th, 100 in the day and 70 in the night. The 19th, 70 by day and 80by night; all this time the course being due west. The 20th, we sailedW. By S. 90 miles, and saw land to windward, and proceeded 100 miles inthe night. The 21st, we sailed W. By S. 80 miles by day and 50 in thenight. The 22d, continuing the same course, we went only 10 miles duringthe day, and 20 in the night. The 23d it fell a calm, and we proceededalong the coast of Arabia, 30 miles in the day and 20 in the night. Onthe 24th, the calm continued and we had adverse currents, yet proceededalong the coast of Arabia 30 miles, and came to the islands of _CuriaMuria_[232], which are very desert and thinly inhabited. We staid hereone day and took in a supply of water. The fleet departed from theseislands on the 26th, sailing along the coast of Arabia towards the RedSea, 30 miles in the day and 30 at night. 

[Footnote 231: That part of the gulf may be here understood which is onthe outside of the Straits of Ormuz, or the bay between Cape Ras-al-gat, or the coast of Muscat, and the Persian shore: Yet, from the after partof the voyage this could hardly be the case, and we ought perhaps toread in this part of the text the _Arabian Sea_, or that part of theIndian ocean which stretches across the mouths of the Indus, from thewestern coast of Guzerat towards the coast of Arabia. --E. ]

[Footnote 232: In the text of the Aldus this place is called by mistakethe town of Khamaran, which is a very different place within the RedSea, but in Ramusio it is rightly named Curia Muria. These islands, arein lat. 17° 30' on the oceanic coast of Yemen or Yaman, and are likewisenamed the islands of Chartan and Martan. --E. ]

SECTION VII. 

_Continuation of the Voyage back to Suez, from the Portuguese factory atAser, to Khamaran and Kubit Sharif_. 

At the second hour of the night on the 27th of November, the fleet castanchor in six fathoms water off a town on the coast of Arabia named_Aser_[233], a barren desert place, where both men and cattle are forcedto live on fish. At this place was found forty Portuguese with a consulor factor, who resided here for trade, besides other merchants who comefrequently with spice and other things. But their chief trade was inhorses, which are here excellent; being to be had at about 100 ducatseach, and sell in India for 1000 ducats. As soon as the sheikh of thisplace understood that Solyman Pacha was coming there with his fleet, hecaused all the Portuguese at the factory to be seized, and presentedthem to the Pacha, who made them all be chained to the oars. We herefound a ship which had staid there by the way, being unable to proceedto India. We remained here three days, and the Pacha seized all thebiscuit which could be procured for the use of the fleet. It may beproper to notice, that in every place at which the fleet touched in thisreturn voyage, the Turks gave out that they had conquered the wholecountry of India, and had cut all the Christians to pieces. The 1stDecember, the fleet departed, holding a courses W. S. W. Along the coastof Arabia, and sailing 40 miles cast anchor before night at a placecalled _Mikaiya_, and took in water. The 2d, continuing along the coastof Arabia, we proceeded W. S. W. 30 miles in the day, and 10 in the night. The 3d, 40 miles by day and 50 in the night. The 4th, 70 in the day and30 in the night. The 5th, we went 60 miles farther, and by nine o'clockin the night cast anchor off the town of _Adem_ or _Aden_. 

[Footnote 233: About the distance rather vaguely indicated in the text, is a place called _Dhofar_ on the coast of Yemen, and perhaps the textought to have been _D'Afer_. --E. ]

On the 6th, the Pacha sent in the morning for a renegado Turk, formerlya Christian and a person of some note, and without assigning any causeordered his head to be cut off. The reason was they all murmured, andthe Pacha feared this man might accuse him of negligence or cowardice, and was therefore determined to be beforehand with him. This man hadformerly been in the service of the sheikh of Aden, and was afterwards acaptain at Diu, when the former king Badur was slain by the Portuguese. The widow of Badur being possessed of a great treasure and desirous ofretiring to Mecca, was persuaded by this man to embark with him in agalleon, with which he treacherously sailed to Egypt, whence he carriedthe treasure to Constantinople and presented it to the sultan; who, because of his conversance in the affairs of India, made him commanderof a galley, and ordered him to return to India with the fleet underSolyman Pacha: And as the expedition succeeded so ill it now cost himhis life. Being desirous to secure Aden, the Pacha caused 100 pieces ofcannon of different sizes to be landed from the fleet, among which weretwo _passe-volants_ that had been taken out of the Venetian gallies atAlexandria. He likewise landed an ample supply of powder and ball, andleft a Sanjak with 500 Turks and five _foists_[234]. Thinking himselfnow out of danger from the pursuit of the Portuguese fleet, the Pacharemoved from the half galley and returned to the _maon_. On the 19th, every thing being arranged at Aden, the fleet took in water, whichoccupied them during three days; and on the 23d we sailed from Aden witha good wind, steering W. By S. And between the evening and morningproceeded 100 miles. The 24th at the 5th hour of the day, the fleetentered the straits of the Red Sea, and lay all night at anchor. On the25th, being Christmas, we departed three hours before day, and sailingto the N. W. With a scant wind, we ran 50 miles and came to a castlecalled _Mokha_. The same day, an old Turk who was governor of the castlecame to wait upon Solyman, who received him with great honour and gavehim a caftan. In return the governor sent every kind of refreshment thatthe place could supply to the Pacha; and came a few days afterwards onboard with all his riches, which were very great, besides many slaves ofboth sexes. 

[Footnote 234: These _fouts_, so often mentioned in this chapter, wereprobably _grabs_ or _jerbs_, a large species of barks employed in theirnavigations by the Arabs of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. --E. ]

From Mokha the Pacha sent a messenger to the sheikh or king of Zabid, who was a Turk named _Nokoda Hamet_, commanding him to come immediatelyto the sea-side and pay his obeisance to the sultan. The sheikh sentback for answer, that he was ready to pay the tribute due to the sultan, and would willingly accept a Sanjak or banner if sent to him; but thathe did not know the Pacha and would not come to the sea-side. The Pachawas much displeased at this, yet sent his Kiahya and some janizaries toZabid, which is three days journey inland, to carry a standard to thesheikh. In return the sheikh made him a rich present, in which was asplendid scymeter and dagger, with some beautiful pearls of six caratsforming a string above a foot in length, besides one fine pearl ofeighteen carats: for a great deal of fine oriental pearls are found inthis coast of Arabia. He likewise gave each of the Turks two rich-vestsor caftans, and a young black slave. The Kiahya made him manycompliments, and entreated him to wait upon the Pacha; but the sheikhwould on no account consent. Finding that he could not prevail upon him, the Kiahya said, "Since you will not go to the Pacha, he will come toyou:" And so took his leave and returned to Mokha. 

We remained twenty-nine days at Mokha, which we left at sunrise on the23d of January 1539 with a brisk gale, and sailed W. By N. Till noon;when the wind altered and we proceeded N. W. Going in all 100 miles thatday. The 24th we continued to the N. W. Under easy sail with a fair wind30 miles during the day; and by the sixth hour of the night, we castanchor at the island of _Khamaran_, 20 miles farther. The Pacha landedon the 29th, and gave pay to all the janizaries who were willing tofight, but nothing was given to the slaves and mariners. The 2d ofFebruary, the weather being calm, we left Khamaran by the help of ouroars, and came about six o'clock to a place on the coast called _KubitSarif_[235], 20 miles from Khamaran. 

[Footnote 235: In the edition of Aldus, this place is here named_Khebiccairf_; but afterwards Kubit Sarif as in the text. In Ramusio itis named _Kobbat Sharif_, signifying the noble dome, which is probablythe right name. --Astl. I. 98. A. ]

SECTION VIII

_Transactions of the Pacha at Zabid, and continuation of the Voyage fromKubit Sarif_. 

On the 3d of February, the day after our arrival at Kubit Sarif, a Turkin the service of the sheikh of Zabid[236] revolted with fifty horse andcame to the Pacha, who received him kindly and gave him presents. Thisman encamped with his followers on the shore, and we noticed that inthis country they had their horses in armour, to defend them againstdarts and arrows which are their chief weapons. The Pacha landed on thefourth, ordering his men to be got ready with provisions and ammunition, in order to march for Zabid, and directed some light pieces of artilleryto be put on carriages to accompany him. The Pacha set out on his marchon the 19th, three hours before day on horseback, and was joined on theroad by another Turk with fifty horse, who had deserted from the sheikh. Him the Pacha made free, and continued his march. He encamped on the20th on the outside of the city of Zabid, and sent a message to orderthe sheikh to wait upon him. Seeing himself betrayed by many of his ownpeople, and distrusting the fidelity of the rest, the sheikh came forthwith a cord about his neck, as the slave of the grand signior, andpresented himself before the Pacha, who immediately commanded his headto be cut off. On this the people of the city, to the number of threehundred men, fled to the mountains, among whom were three chiefs withall their riches, which were very considerable, yet knew not where togo. The Pacha sent to tell those who had escaped, that they ought toreturn and join him, promising to enroll them among his troops and togive them good pay. Accordingly there came back 200 _blackAbissins_[237], who had been soldiers in the service of the sheikh. These were valiant desperate fellows almost naked, who did not valuetheir lives, and were almost as swift as horses. For arms, some carriedclubs of the cornel tree headed with iron, others had pointed stakeswhich they used like darts, others again had short swords, a spanshorter than those used by the Christians, and everyone had a dagger athis girdle, bent like those used, by the Moors and Arabs. The Pachaasked every one his name, which he caused to be written down, and withhigher pay than they had received before. He then dismissed them, withorders to return next morning without arms to receive their pay, whenthey were all to be admitted to kiss his hand, on which occasion theywould have no use for their arms. The Abissins accordingly presentedthemselves at the time appointed, and being ordered to lay down theirarms, they went to wait upon the Pacha who was sitting near his tent onthe plain, surrounded by his Turks under arms. They were no soonerwithin the circle, than a previously concerted signal was given, andthey were all instantly cut to pieces. 

[Footnote 236: This name is differently written Zibit, Zebit, andZebeyd. It is a town of the Tehamah on the western coast of Arabia, inlat. 15° 2O', about 30 miles from the Red Sea, inland from the large bayformed by the isle of Khamaran. --E. ]

[Footnote 237: Probably negroes, imported from the coast of Abyssinia, Massua and Arkike, the gates or entry into that country being on theopposite coast of the Red Sea. --E. ]

After this bloody scene, the Pacha placed a Sanjak with 1000 soldiers inZabid to retain it under subjection. The city is well built, and thecountry round is pleasant and fertile, abounding in running water, delightful gardens, and abundance of productions that are not to befound in any other part of Arabia; particularly Zibibs like those ofDamascus, which have no stones, and other excellent fruits, such asdates. Flesh, is to be had in plenty, and corn is not scarce. 

On the 8th of March 1539, the Pacha returned to the coast, whence heordered ammunition to be sent to Zabid to secure his acquisition, andappointed foot _foists_ to remain as a guard for that part of the coast. The 10th the Pacha ordered the Portuguese prisoners, to the number of146 in all, reckoning some Indian converts, to be brought bound onshore; and having distributed them among his troops, all their headswere cut off by his command. The head of the chief[238] was flayed, andthe skin was salted and filled with straw. The noses and ears of all therest were cut off, and put into bags, to be sent to the sultan. On the13th the Kiahya departed in company with another galley for_Zadem_[239], whence he was to go to Constantinople by way of Mecca, with an account of the expedition to India, carrying with him the heads, noses, and ears, besides magnificent presents for the sultan, to make itappear that the Pacha had performed great exploits and mighty services. 

[Footnote 238: Pacheco most probably, formerly mentioned, whosurrendered in a cowardly manner at Diu. --E. ]

[Footnote 239: Formerly called Zidem, but it ought to be Jiddah, Joddah, or Juddah, as differently pronounced: Yet Barthema, Corsali, Barbosa, and other travellers of those times call it Zidem or Ziden; doubtless bycorruption. Thus likewise _Yamboa, Yembo_, or _Al Yambo_, the sea portof Medinah, is named _Elioban_ by Barbosa, transposing the lettersinstead of _El Jambo_. --Astl. I. 99. A. ]

On the 15th of March we departed from Kubit Sarif, and cast anchor atsunset at a place called _Kor_, five miles from the land and 100 milesfrom Kubit Sarif. We departed from the island of Kor on the 16th an hourbefore day with a fair wind and pleasant breeze, and sailing along thecoast of Arabia came to anchor at sunset in 8 fathoms water at _Zerzer_, 70 miles from Kor, a place subject to Mecca. At this place the threepersons who had fled from Zabid with their riches were brought to thePacha, who caused their heads to be cut off, and seized their treasure, which filled six large sacks, each of which was a sufficient load forany single man. 

The 17th we sailed along the coast with a pleasant gale, which becamecontrary an hour before sunset, when we cast anchor in 8 fathom-water, at a place called _Adiudi_, 50 miles from Zerzer. We departed fromthence on the 18th two hours before day, and coasted along the landtill noon, when we anchored in a good port named _Mugora_, in 4 fathomswater, 50 miles from Adiudi, where we got wood and water. An hour beforeday on the 19th, we departed by means of our oars, the wind beingcontrary; but at sunrise the wind became fair, and we sailed 50 milesalong shore to a place called _Darboni_, where we came to anchor in 7fathoms water. Being calm, we coasted along by rowing till noon, when abreeze sprang up, and then using our sails, we came to anchor in 10fathoms water by sunset at a place called _Yasuf_, belonging to Mecca. On the 21st we proceeded 60 miles, and anchored in 40 fathoms, at aplace called _Khofadan_, in the dominions, of Mecca. The 22d thenavigation being much encumbered with sand banks, so thick together andintricate that it was hardly possible to sail in the day, the Pachaordered six gallies to lead-the way, and we came to a shelf or shoalcalled _Turakh_. The 23d we coasted along, still among shoals, thechannel being so narrow that only one galley could pass at a time; andcast anchor at a place named _Salta_ in 4 fathoms, having ran fiftymiles. Sailing 30 miles farther along the coast on the 24th, we anchoredat noon in the port of _Mazabraiti_ in 6 fathoms, near a place called_Ariadan_ inhabited by peasants who are subject to Mecca. On the 25th weweighed anchor early, and endeavoured to proceed along the coast; butthe wind getting up at sunrise and proving contrary, we had to stand outto sea till noon, when we again made for the land, off which we castanchor early in the evening. 

SECTION IX. 

_Continuation of the Voyage to Suez, along the Arabian Shore of the RedSea_. 

We remained at anchor during the whole of the 26th and proceeded twohours before day of the 27th, in very pleasant weather, and at eighto'clock, having sailed 30 miles, we anchored in 4 fathoms at a placecalled _Yusuma_. The 28th we coasted along the land till noon with afair wind, and then entered among certain banks two miles from theshore, where we could not let go our anchors for fear of losing them, being off a place named _Mukare_, 30 miles from Yusuma. The 29th, stillcoasting along, we came among other shoals called _Balir_, thirty-fivemiles farther on. The 30th continuing along shore till evening, weanchored in 12 fathoms at a place called _Mukhi_, having proceeded 35miles. Departing on the 31st with a calm two hours before day, the windspringing up at sunrise, and in the evening we came to _Ziden_ or_Jiddah_ the sea-port of Mecca. The Pacha landed on the 1st of April, and pitched his tents on the outside of the town, where he rested fourdays. On the 7th he rode away for Mecca, on pilgrimage, leaving ordersfor the fleet to proceed to Suez[240]. On the 8th the fleet was driventwo miles out to sea by a contrary wind, and was obliged to come toanchor among the shoals. Remaining here till the 11th, we made sail witha fair wind, and at the _twentieth_ hour came into the port of _ControrAbehin_, where one of our gallies was sunk in attempting to double apoint of land. At this place a carpenter belonging to the Venetiangallies of Alexandria, named Mark, turned Mahometan and remained behind. Having staid here two days, we proceeded again with a fair wind alongshore, and cast anchor in 12 fathoms at a place called _Amomuskhi_, 70miles farther. Setting sail on the 15th two hours before day, the_Moorish captains_ galley got aground on a bank, but was towed off bythe boats belonging to the other ships, without having received anydamage. We then coasted along the land 30 miles, to a place called_Raban_ or _Robon_, where we cast anchor in 13 fathoms. From the 16th tothe 20th both inclusive, we left this place every day, and were alwaysforced to return by contrary winds. The 21st we departed with an offshore wind; but at the sixth hour of the day were again driven towardsthe coast by a contrary wind, and obliged to put in among certain bankswhere we remained all night. 

[Footnote 240: It does not appear that the Pacha ever rejoined hisfleet. It has been already mentioned from De Faria, that on his returnto Turkey he was reduced to the necessity of killing himself. "Cruel andtyrannical men like him, says De Faria, should always be their ownexecutioners. "--E. ]

The 22d we coasted along by favour of a land breeze; but the wind comingcontrary were obliged to anchor at a place called _Farsi_, having onlyadvanced 16 miles. The 23d we continued along the coast till noon, whenthe wind changed full in our teeth, and we had to come to anchor at aplace named _Sathan_, having sailed 25 miles that day. The 24th weproceeded along the coast till noon, when the wind became againcontrary, and we were driven to the coast, and came to _Lorma_, 30 milesbeyond Sathan. We rowed along shore against the wind on the 25th, andcame at evening to _Yamboa_[241]. This place affords provisions, particularly fish and dates. Their water is kept in cisterns, and has tobe brought on camels from a place a days journey distant, as there areno wells or springs. A days journey[242] inland from this place is alarge town named _Medinah_, or _Medinat al Nubi_, where is the sepulchreof Mahomet, though commonly said to be at Mecca[243]. We remained atYamboa six days, and set sail at four o'clock on the 1st of May; butafter proceeding only 10 miles the wind became contrary, and we had toanchor among some shoals, where we staid two days. During the 3d and4th, we had to stand off and on, beating up against a contrary wind; andso continued for _six_ days, advancing only eight miles in all thattime. The 10th and 11th, the wind being still contrary, we made only 10miles, and anchored in a different place. Proceeding along the coast onthe 13th, we came up with a galleon which left _Zabid_ before the restof the fleet. The pilots name was _Mikali_, and some of those on boardbelonged to the Venetian gallies of Alexandria. 

[Footnote 241: Called _Jombu_ in the edition of Aldus, and _Jambut_ byRarmusio. This is Yembo, Yambo, or Yamboa, the Italians using the _J_instead of the _Y_. Yamboa is the port of _Medina, Medinah_, or _Medinatal Nubi_, signifying _the city_, or the city of the prophet. --Astl. I. 100. C. ]

[Footnote 242: Medina is at least 90 miles inland from Yamboa, whichcannot be less than _three_ ordinary days journeys. --E. ]

[Footnote 243: This error has been long since corrected, yet manytravellers still persist in placing the tomb of Mahomet at Mecca. --Astl. I. 100. D. --Christian travellers are debarred from visiting the holycities of Mecca and Medina. At Mecca the grand object of pilgrimage isthe _Caaba_ or holy house, containing _a black stone_, the remains ofthe ancient Pagan superstition of the Arabians: Perhaps the same withthe _Lingam_ or _Priapus_ of the Hindoos. --E. ]

The 14th, we sailed 10 miles[244] along the coast, and cast anchor in 7fathoms at a place named _Sikhabo_. The 15th we sailed 70 miles N. W. Andcame to anchor in the open sea. The 16th, we sailed along the coast 30miles, and anchored at a place named _Buducktor_ or _Bubuktor_. The 17thsailing 30 miles along the coast, we anchored in 20 fathoms in the opensea, near an island called _Yenamani_. Going 20 miles along shore on the18th, we anchored for the night off _Khifate_. We proceeded 50 milesalong shore on the 19th, and anchored at _Molin_. The 20th, we anchoredat sea 25 miles farther. Proceeding 48[245] miles on the 21st alongshore, we anchored in the evening out at sea. The 22d, after sailing 10miles, we anchored again at sea. Being in a very bad anchorage, weproceeded again on the 24th with a tolerably good wind. The half galleyleft an anchor and three cables at this last anchorage, and one galleyran aground but was got off. After advancing only 10 miles, we came toanchor in 8 fathoms with good ground, and remained two days. Proceeding85 miles along the coast on the 26th, we came to anchor in a road-stead. 

[Footnote 244: In Ramusio this distance is made 60 miles. --Astl. I. 100. E. ]

[Footnote 245: Only 40 miles, in the copy published by Ramusio. --Astl. I. 100. F. ]

SECTION X. 

_Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez, and return of the Venetians toCairo_. 

On the 27th of May we proceeded on our voyage, sailing W. N. W. At noon wewere abreast of _Tor_ or _Al Tor_, and continued our course for twohours after night-fall, when the wind came foul, on which we lay tootill day-light, when the _Moorish captain_ set sail again, and the othergallies weighed anchor and hoisted their foresails. After running 100miles we came to shoal water where we cast anchor in 6 fathoms, andremained five days waiting for a fair wind. Leaving the bank on the 3dof June, and holding on our course, we cast anchor sometimes on thewestern coast[246] and sometimes on the eastern, having contrary winds, and on the 15th we arrived at _Korondol_, where Pharaoh and his hostwere drowned, and where are the baths of Moses as they are called. Wetook in water at this place, where we staid two days. The 16th, thefleet sailed from Korondol, and continuing its course for two daystogether, we arrival at Suez on the 17th of May 1589, whence we had setout on the 27th of June in the former year. 

[Footnote 246: In the original called the _Abyssinian_ coast, butcertainly that of Egypt. --E. ]

On the day of our arrival, we began to draw the barks on shore. The 2dof June we began to haul up the large galley, and next the half galleyof the Pacha, all the rest being unrigged and drawn up successively. Onthis occasion the whole labour rested on the Christians, who acted asporters and worked all the tackle for unloading, cleaning and unriggingall the vessels: In short the entire fatigue lay upon their shoulders. On the 16th, the _Lemin_[247] came and paid off all the seamen, Christians as well as Turks, giving 180 maidans to each. The 19th ofAugust, the _Emin_, accompanied by seven boats, went to Tor to pay offthe gallies which remained behind, taking with him all the best andstrongest of the Christian mariners to navigate these gallies to Suez, as they were in a manner disarmed, many of their crews having died andothers run off. At Tor all were paid off, and the Christians weredistributed among the gallies, which they brought up to Suez on the 20thof October, and were all drawn up by the Christians, who worked hardboth day and night. On the 26th, all the gallies being hauled up, thecables, rigging, tackle, iron work, planks, small cannon, and all theother stores were carried into the castle of Suez. 

[Footnote 247: In Ramusio the _Emin_, who is an officer of the treasury, or the pay-master. --Astley, I. 101. A. --Probably _Al Emin_, andoriginally written in _Italian L'Emin_. --E. ]

The Red Sea, from Suez to its mouth extends 1800 miles in length; thecoast running all the way from N. W. To S. E. [248] This gulf is 200 milesbroad, and in some places more. In its whole length it is full of banks, shoals, and shelves, towards the land on both sides, so that it cannotbe navigated by night, except in the middle. These obstructions are sointricately disposed that the channels can only be discovered by theeye, nor can the proper course be taken except by means of anexperienced pilot standing constantly on the _prow_, and calling out_starboard_ or _larboard_[249] according to circumstances. Owing tothis, the return voyage does not admit of being described so accuratelyas the outward bound. There are two distinct kinds of pilots for thissea; the one being acquainted with the middle of the gulf, which is thepassage outwards; and the others, called _Rubani_, are for shipsreturning from the ocean, and navigating within the shoals. These aresuch excellent swimmers, that in many places where they cannot castanchor on account of foul ground, they will swim under water and fix thegallies within the shoals, and will often even fasten the prows underwater, according to the nature of the place[250]. 

[Footnote 248: From Suez to the Straits of _Bab-al-Mandub_, the directdistance is about 1590 statute English miles, or 1200 geographicalmiles, 60 to the degree. From the Straits to _Cape Guardafu_ is about433 English miles farther, or 375 geographical: Making in all 1825 ofthe former and 1575 of the latter. The direction is S. S. E. --E. ]

[Footnote 249: In the original Italian, _Orza_ and _Poggia_, being thenames of the ropes at the yard-arms which are hauled when these wordsare pronounced. --Astl. I. 101. B. ]

[Footnote 250: The expression in the text is not very obvious, but seemsto indicate that these _Rubani_ are such excellent divers as to be ableto fasten ropes or hausers to the rocks below water. --E. ]

On the 28th. Of November 1539, the Christians belonging to the Venetiangallies left Suez, and arrived at Cairo on the 1st of December, wherethey were lodged in the same house that they had formerly occupied. Eachof them was allowed half a _maidan_ daily for subsistence, which isequal to about twopence of Venice. They here suffered great afflictionand fatigue, as whatever laborious work was to be performed was devolvedupon them. Clearing out the water-cisterns, levelling hills, puttinggardens in order, new buildings, and such like, all fell to their share. On the 25th of March 1540, many of the Christians went from Cairo with aguard of Turks to a hill or mount two miles from the Nile, which seemedto have been a burying-place like the _Campo Santo_, where every year, on the Friday before our _Lady of August_[251], a vast number of peopleassemble to see dead bodies rise out of the ground. This resurrectionbegins on Thursday evening, and lasts till Saturday at six o'clock, during which time great numbers rise; but after that no more appear. When they do rise, some are rolled about with linen bandages in themanner in which the ancients swathed their dead. It must not be imaginedthat these dead bodies move, and still less that they walk about. But, one instant you may observe and touch the arm or the leg of one, or someother part, and going away for a moment, you will find at your returnthe part you had formerly seen and touched still more exposed, orfarther out of the ground than at first; and this will happen as oftenas you make the experiment. On that day, many tents are pitched aboutthis mount, and thither many persons repair, sick as well as healthy;and near this place there is a pond in which the people bathe on theFriday night, in order to get cured of their infirmities. _For my ownpart, I did not see these miracles_. 

[Footnote 251: The 15th of August, the Assumption of the Virgin. --E. ]

CHAPTER III. 

THE VOYAGE OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM GOA TO SUEZ, IN 1540, WITH THEINTENTION OF BURNING THE TURKISH GALLIES AT THAT PORT. WRITTEN BY DONJUAN DE CASTRO, THEN A CAPTAIN IN THE FLEET; AFTERWARDS GOVERNOR-GENERALOF PORTUGUESE INDIA[252]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Don Juan or Joam De Castro, the author of the following journal, was aPortuguese nobleman born in 1500; being the son of Don Alvaro de Castro, governor of the Chancery, and Donna Leonora de Noronha, daughter of DonJoam de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes. In his youth, Don Juan de Castroserved with reputation at Tangier, and on his return home had acommandery of 500 ducats of yearly revenue conferred upon him, which wasall he was ever worth, though a man of high birth and rare merit. Heafterwards served under the Emperor Charles V. In his expedition againstTunis, and refused his share of a pecuniary reward from that prince tothe Portuguese officers on the expedition, saying that he served theking of Portugal, and accepted rewards only from his own sovereign. After this he commanded a fleet on the coast of Barbary, and was sent tojoin the fleet of Spain for the relief of Ceuta. On hearing that theMoors were approaching, the Spaniards wished to draw off, on pretence ofconsulting upon the manner of giving battle, but Don Juan refused toquit his post; and the Moors retired, not knowing that the fleets hadseparated, so that he had all the honour of relieving Ceuta. 

[Footnote 252: Astley, I. 107. Purchas, II. 1422. ]

When Don Garcia de Noronha went viceroy to India, Don John was captainof one of the ships in his fleet; and when about to embark, the kingsent him a commission by which he was appointed governor of Ormuz, and agift of 1000 ducats to bear his charges till he obtained possession. Heaccepted the latter, because he was poor; but refused the government, saying that he had not yet deserved it. After the expedition toSuez[253], contained in the present chapter, he returned into Portugal, and lived for some time in retirement in a country house near Cintra, giving himself up entirely to study. He was recalled from this retreatby the advice of the infant Don _Luys_, and sent out governor-general toIndia in 1545; where he died with the title of viceroy in 1548, when 48years of age. We shall hereafter have occasion to speak farther of thisgreat man, who made himself illustrious in the _second_ siege of Diu bythe forces of the king of Guzerat. In his life, written by _JacintoFreire de Andrada_, there is a particular account of this siege, with amap to illustrate its operations. The author also treats of theDiscoveries, Government, Commerce, and affairs of the Portuguese inIndia. This book was translated into English, and published in folio atLondon in 1664. 

[Footnote 253: De Faria in his Portuguese Asia, says that Don Juan wentup to Mount Sinai, where his son Don Alvaro was knighted. But this doesnot appear in his journal. --Astl. I. 107. A. ]

Such was the illustrious author of the following journal, which wasnever published in Portuguese; but having been found, if we are rightlyinformed, on board a Portuguese ship taken by the English, wasafterwards translated and published by Purchas. Purchas tells us thatthe original was reported to have been purchased by Sir Walter Raleighfor sixty pounds; that Sir Walter got it translated, and afterwards, ashe thinks, amended the diction and added many marginal notes. Purchashimself reformed the style, but with caution as he had not the originalto consult, and abbreviated the whole, in which we hope he used equalcircumspection: For, as it stands in Purchas[254] it still is mostintolerably verbose, and at the same time scarcely intelligible in manyplaces; owing, we apprehend, to the translator being not thoroughlyacquainted with the meaning of the original, if not to the fault of theabbreviator. These two inconveniences we have endeavoured to remedy thebest we could, and though we have not been always able to clear up thesense, we presume to have succeeded for the most part; and by entirelychanging the language, except where the places were obscure, we havemade the journal more fit for being read, and we hope without doing itany manner of injury[255]. 

[Footnote 254: Pilgrims, Vol. II. P. 1122, under the title of _ARutter_, or Journal, &c. From India to Suez, dedicated to the Infant Don_Luys_. --Astl. I. 107. B. ]

[Footnote 255: On the present occasion we have followed the example ofthe Editor of Astleys Collection, having employed the originalabbreviated translation by Purchas modernized in the language andendeavouring to elucidate obscurities; using as our assistance theversion in Astley. --E. ]

This expedition was undertaken for two important purposes. _One_, tocarry succours to the emperor of _Habash_ or Abyssinia; and the _other_, to endeavour to destroy the Turkish ships at Suez. For, soon after theretreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu, it was rumoured that another fleet ofthe _Rumes_ or Turks was on its way to India; but as Don Stefano de Gamawas afterwards informed that the Turks could not set out during the year1540, he determined to be before hand with them, in some measure to berevenged for the late siege of Diu, and to prevent a second attack byburning the fleet they had prepared for that purpose. The governorsliberality brought more men to inlist under his banners than he desired, so that he was enabled to select the best. The fleet consisted of 80sail of different sorts and sizes, and carried 2000 soldiers besidesmariners and rowers. On coming into the Red Sea, he found most of thecities and islands abandoned, the inhabitants having notice of hiscoming. At Suakem, the sheikh or king, who had retired a league up thecountry, amused De Gama with pretences of peace, that he might notdestroy the town and island. In consequence of this delay, De Gama wasprevented from carrying his design into execution of destroying theships at Suez; as it afforded time for the Turks to receive intelligenceof the expedition. This is the account given by De Faria; but Bermudasgives a different reason for the want of success in that design, as DeGama could not get at the ships, which were all drawn up on the land, which we have already seen to have been the case, in the journal of thevoyage of Solyman Pacha, in the immediately preceding chapter. 

In revenge for the duplicity and delay of the sheikh of Suakem, De Gamamarched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother DonChristopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter. He thenplundered the city of Suakem, where many of the private men got booty tothe value of four or five thousand ducats, and then burnt it to theground. From thence, he went towards Suez with only sixteen, _Katurs_or Malabar barges, and sent back the fleet to Massua under the commandof Lionel de Lima. On this occasion, there was a great dispute, as everyone strove to go on this expedition; whence the bay got the name of_Angra de los Aggraviadas_, or _bay of the offended_. Many gentlemenwent in the barges as private soldiers or volunteers, willing to go inany capacity if only they were admitted. The number of men on thisfruitless expedition was 250. They plundered and burnt _Cossier_ or _AlKossir_; whence crossing to _Tor_ or _Al Tur_, they took some vesselsbelonging to the enemy. At first the Turks opposed their landing; butsome of them being slain, the rest abandoned the city, in which nothingwas found of value. De Gama did not burn this town, in reverence for therelics of St Catharine and the monastery and religious men there, whichhe visited at their request. He was the first European commander who hadtaken that city, where he knighted several of his followers, an honourmuch prized by those who received it, and which was envied; afterwardseven by the emperor Charles V. From thence De Gama proceeded to Suez;and after many brave but fruitless attempts to sound the harbour, DeGama determined to go himself in open day to view the gallies. Heaccordingly landed and saw the enemies but endeavouring to force his waytowards them, the enemies shot poured thick from the town, and 2000Turkish horse broke out from an ambush, by which the Portuguese werereduced to great straits. Though the Portuguese cannon slew a good manyof the enemy, their numbers were so much superior that the Portuguesewere obliged to retreat with some loss, and much grieved that the objectof their expedition was frustrated. Thus far we have deemed necessary topremise, relative to the design and success of the expedition, from DeFaria and other authors; because the journal of Don Juan de Castro isalmost entirely confined to observations respecting the places visitedin the voyage, and gives little or no information respecting theseparticulars. 

The _rutter_ or journal must be allowed to be very curious. --The author, like an exact and diligent navigator, has not only given the course anddistance from one place to another, with the latitudes of the principalports and head-lands; but has noticed the minute windings of the coast, and the situations of islands, with observations on the tides, currents, shoals, sand-banks, and other particulars respecting the Red Sea. Yet, far from confining himself to mere nautical remarks, he has given anaccount of all the places at which he touched, together with accounts ofthe countries and the inhabitants, so far as he was able to collect fromhis own observations, or the accounts of such as he was able to conversewith, particularly the natives. Don John hath gone farther yet, and haseven attempted to draw a parallel between the ancient and moderngeography of this sea. If in all points of this last he may not havesucceeded, the great difficulty of the task, owing to the obscurity ofthe subject, is to be considered: most of the ancient places having beendestroyed; the ancient names of others long since out of use andforgotten; and that very little is known of these coasts by Europeans, even at this day. For these reasons, as the conjectures of the authorare often erroneous respecting the ancient geography, and as at bestthey are very uncertain, we shall for the most part _insert them by wayof notes_, with our own remarks respecting them[256]. Whether the_altitudes_ have been taken by Don Juan with that precision whichgeography requires, may also be in some measure questioned; since wefind there was a _crack in the instrument employed_, the size of whichis not mentioned; neither were all the observations repeated. Even ifthey had been, it is well known that the observations of those timeswere by no means so accurate as those made of late years. After all, however, the observations in this journal appear to have been made witha good deal of care, and they cannot fail to be of great service togeography. 

[Footnote 256: In this edition, which has been taken from that byPurchas, these conjectures of Don Juan de Castro are restored to thetext: but the remarks by the Editor of Astleys Collection are allretained in notes. --E. ]

It is alone by the observations contained in this journal thatgeographers are able to determine the extent of the Arabian Gulf or RedSea from north to south[257], as well as the situation of its principalports on the west side. The latitude of the straits was verified by theobservations of Don Juans pilot. But as most maps and charts give thesituation of Suez, at the northern end of the Red Sea, very differentfrom that marked in this journal, which is 29° 45' N. It may not beamiss to examine this point. 

[Footnote 257: The modern knowledge of the Red Sea has been muchaugmented by the labours of Bruce, Nieubur, Lord Valentia, and others, which will be given in a future division of our work. --E. ]

By several very accurate observations made in 1694, M. Chazelles of theRoyal Academy of Paris found the latitude of Cairo to be 80° 2' 20". Thedifference of latitude therefore between Cairo and Suez, will be 17minutes; which we conceive cannot be very far from the truth, if notquite exact, since the map published by Dr Pocock makes the differenceabout 20 minutes. It is true that in Sicards map of Egypt, and in a_late_[258] French chart of the _eastern ocean_, Suez is placed only twoor three minutes to the southward of Cairo. But as these authors had nonew observations made at Suez to go by, and seem to have beenunacquainted with those of Don Juan de Castro, their authority can weighvery little against an express observation, and against Dr Pococks map, which, among other helps, was constructed upon one made by the natives. Besides this, in his later maps _De L'isle_ regulates the situation ofSuez according to the latitude found by Don Juan. Indeed Sicard placesSuez nearly in that parallel, but egregiously mistakes the latitude ofCairo, so that he seems to have given it that position more by chancethan design. 

[Footnote 258: It is proper to remark here that the collection of Astleywas published in 1745, _sixty-seven_ years ago. --E. ]

This may suffice to support the credit of the observations of latitudeas made by Don Juan, till new and better ones can be made, which we arenot to expect in haste, as European ships now seldom sail any fartherinto the Red Sea than _Mokha_ or _Zabid_, for which reason this journalis the more to be prized. In other respects it is full of variety; andif some parts of it be dry and unamusing, these make amends by theirusefulness to geographers and navigators, while other parts arecalculated to instruct and give pleasure on other accounts. --_Astley_. 

 * * * * *

So far the foregoing introduction is taken from Astleys collection. Inour edition of the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, we have used theearliest known copy as given by Purchas, Vol. II. P. 1122-1148, under thetitle of _A Rutter or Journal of Don John of Castro, of the Voyage whichthe_ Portugals _made from_ India _to_ Zoes, _&c. And here abbreviated. The original of which is reported to have been bought by_ Sir WalterRaleigh, _at sixtie pounds, and by him caused to be done into_ English_out of the_ Portugal. 

Of this Journal Purchas gives the following account in a marginal note, which is inserted in his own words: "This voyage being occasioned bysending the Patriarch _Bermudez_ to _Ethiopia_, and relating how thatstate decayed, invaded by the _Moores_, and embroiled with civildiscontents, contayning also a more full intelligence of the _Red Sea_, than any other _Rutter_ which I have seene, I have here added; and nextto it, _Bermudez_ own report, translated, it seemeth, by the same hand(not the most refined in his _English_ phrase, which yet I durst not betoo busie with, wanting the original) and reduced to our method; hereand there amending, the _English_, which yet in part was done, as Ithinke, and many marginall notes added, by _Sir Walter Raleigh_himselfe. "--In the present edition, while we have adhered closely tothat of Purchas, with the assistance of that in Astleys Collection, wehave endeavoured, _little more busy_ than Purchas, to reduce thelanguage to a more intelligible modern standard; and have divided itinto _Sections_, in imitation of the editor of Astleys Collection ofVoyages and Travels. On purpose to carry on the series of events, wehave inserted as a necessary introduction, an account of the PortugueseTransactions in India, from the discontinuance of the siege of Diu andretreat of Solyman Pacha in November 1538, to the commencement of theexpedition of Don Stefano de Gama to the Red Sea in December 1540, whenthe journal of Don Juan de Castro begins; which _first section_ of thischapter is taken from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria. --E. 

SECTION I. 

_Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege Diu by the Turks, tothe Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez_[259]. 

Soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu in November 1538, butin the beginning of the subsequent year 1539, when the new viceroy DonGarcia de Noronha had returned from his tardy expedition to relieve Diu, _Don Gonzalo Vaz Confino_[260] came with five small vessels from_Onore_, where he had been sent by the former governor Nuno de Cuna onthe following occasion. One of the gallies belonging to the fleet ofSolyman Pacha had been forced into the port of Onore[261], and it wasthought the queen of that province, then a widow, had violated thetreaty subsisting between her government and the Portuguese, by givingprotection to that vessel. Gonzalo Vaz called her to account on thissubject, when she declared that the vessel was there against her will, as she was not in condition to prevent it, but would be glad that itwere taken by the Portuguese. Gonzalo Vaz accordingly made the attempt, but was repulsed after a sharp engagement, in which he lost fifteen ofhis men, and among these his own son Diego Vaz. Gonzalo suspected thequeen of having secretly assisted the enemy, and refused somerefreshments she had sent for the wounded men, returning a rash andresentful answer mingled with threats. The queen cleared herself of theimputation, and again offered a treaty of peace with the Portuguese, which was concluded, and some Portuguese were left by Gonzalo at Onore, to observe what conduct was pursued by the queen for expelling theTurks. 

[Footnote 259: This section is added from the Portuguese Asia of DeFaria, II. S. Et seq. To connect the history of events. --E. ]

[Footnote 260: The name of this commander is probably erroneous in thetext, from an error of the press, and ought to have been_Coutinho_. --E. ]

[Footnote 261: Probably the galley already mentioned in the VenetianJournal, as having separated from the Turkish fleet on the voyage toDiu, and for which the pilot was executed by command of Solyman. --E. ]

Before leaving Diu, and having repaired the fortifications of thecastle, the command of which was given to Diego Lopez de Sousa, pursuantto a commission from the king of Portugal, a treaty of pacification withthe king of Guzerat was set on foot and concluded, very little to theadvantage of the Portuguese, owing as was generally believed to thecovetousness of Noronha. 

The late success of the Portuguese terrified all the princes of Indiawho had been their enemies. Nizam-al-Mulk and Adel Khan sent ambassadorsto the viceroy to renew the former treaties of peace; and the zamorin, to obtain the more favourable reception from the viceroy, employed themediation of Emanuel de Brito, commandant of the fort at _Chale_. Britoaccordingly promised his interest, and the zamorin sent _Cutiale_ as hisambassador to Goa accompanied by a splendid retinue, where he wasreceived by the viceroy with much courtesy and great pomp. Had not theviceroy fallen sick, he intended to have gone to Calicut, to performthe ceremony of swearing to the observance of the articles ofpacification and amity which were agreed to upon this occasion; but hesent his son Don Alvaro on this errand, under the discretion of somediscreet men, as Alvaro was very young. They came to Paniany with anumerous fleet, where they were met by the zamorin, accompanied by thekings of Chale and Tanor. The peace was confirmed and ratified withgreat demonstrations of joy on both sides, and lasted thirty years tothe great advantage of the Portuguese. 

The illness of the viceroy became serious and threatened to end fatally, insomuch that he could not attend to the affairs of government; forwhich reason he proposed that some worthy person might be chosen tosupply his place, and even desired that the choice might fall upon hisson Don Alvaro. This surprised all men as violating the public libertyof choice, and might have proved of dangerous consequence, had not thedeath of the viceroy prevented its adoption. On the death of theviceroy, the _first_ patent of succession was opened in which MartinAlfonso de Sousa was named; but he had gone a short while before toPortugal. On the _second_ being opened, Don Stefano de Gama was thereinnamed, who then lived in retirement a short way from Goa. 

Don Stefano de Gama, who was the son of Don Vasco de Gama the discovererof India, entered upon the government in the beginning of April 1540. The first thing he did was to have his whole property publicly valued, that it might not be afterwards laid to his charge that he had acquiredriches during his government; and indeed at his death, his fortune wasfound considerably diminished. Finding the public treasury very muchexhausted, he advanced a large sum to it from his own funds. In the nextplace he refitted the fleet, which had been laid up by his predecessorafter his return from Diu. He likewise founded the college of _SantaFe_, or St Faith, at Goa for the education of the heathen youth who wereconverted, appointing the vicar-general Michael Vaz as first rector. Hesent his brother Christopher de Gama, to attend to the repair of theships at Cochin, and gave notice to several commanders to holdthemselves in readiness to oppose the _Rumes_ or Turks, whose fleet wasreported to be again proceeding towards the western coast of India. Butbeing afterwards credibly informed that the Turks would not set outthis year, he attended to other affairs. 

SECTION II. 

_Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-al-Mandab_. [262]

Having expedited all the affairs of his government, and collected anarmament of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, on board which 2000soldiers were embarked, besides mariners and rowers. Don Stefano de Gamaset sail from the bar of Goa, at sunrise of the 31st December 1540, onhis expedition to Suez. The wind was easterly, blowing from the land, and they advanced under an easy sail, coming to anchor about ten o'clockat the mouth of the river _Chaparoa_. Proceeding on their voyage tillthe 13th of January 1541, they saw in the morning of that day greatquantities of weeds which grow on the rocks of the sea coast, and soonafterwards a sea-snake, being indications of the neighbourhood of land;and when the sun was completely risen, they descried the island ofSocotora, whither they were bound in the first place, bearing due south. 

[Footnote 262: We now take up the Rutter or Journal of Don Juan deCastro, but Purchas has chosen to omit the navigation from the Malabarcoast to the Island of Socotora, _to avoid prolixity_. --E. ]

After coming to anchor at this island, I inquired at the principalpilots of the fleet how far they had reckoned themselves from the landwhen we first came in sight. The chief pilot was 90 leagues short; thepilot of the _Bufora_ galleon 100 and odd; those who made the least were70 leagues short; and my own pilot, being only 65 leagues, was nearestin his reckoning. They were all astonished at this difference, and allaffirmed in excuse for their short reckoning, that the way was actuallyshorter than was expressed on the charts; with them the Moorish pilotsconcurred in opinion, affirming that it was only 300 leagues from Goa toSocotora[263]. The island of Socotora is 20 leagues in length from eastto west, and 9 leagues broad, being in lat. 12° 40' N. On its northside. This northern side runs east and west, somewhat inclined towardsthe north-west and south-east The coast is all very clear without rocksand shoals, or any other hinderance to navigation. The anchoring groundin the road is sand, stony in some places, but not of such a nature asto cut the cables. On this side the north wind blows with such force asto raise up great heaps of sand over the hills, even beyond theirhighest craggy summits. In the whole circuit of the island there is noother place or harbour where a ship may winter in safety. The sea coastall around is very high, and girt with great and high mountains, havingmany pyramidal peaks, and having a grand appearance. The tides on thecoast of this island are quite contrary to those on the opposite shoreof India, being flood when the moon rises in the horizon, and as themoon ascends the tide of ebb begins, and it is dead low water when themoon comes to the meridian of the island; after which, as the moondescends, the tide begins to flow; and when set it is full sea. I madethis observation for many days by the sea side, and always found itthus. 

[Footnote 263: The real distance is 430 marine leagues, and thedifference may be easily accounted for by the operation of an easterncurrent, not observed or not sufficiently allowed for. --E. ]

If I am not deceived, this island of Socotora was in ancient times named_Dioscorides_, and had a city of the same name, as appears in the_sixth_ table of Asia by Ptolemy: But by the situation which he hasgiven it, he appears to have had bad information from navigators[264]. The Socotorians are Christians, their ancestors as they say having beenconverted by the holy apostle Thomas. The island has many churches, inwhich there is _no oracle_[265] except the cross of Christ. They pray inthe _Chaldean_ tongue; and are very ignorant, but as I was informed theyare desirous of being instructed in the doctrines and ceremonies of theRomish church, which they confess to be alone good and worthy of beingfollowed. The men have names like us, as John, Peter, Andrew, &c. Thatof the women being generally Mary. The manner of life of these people issingular, as they have no king, governor, prelate, or other person inauthority, but live in a manner like wild beasts, without any rule, ororder of justice or policy[266]. 

[Footnote 264: Don Juan omits all mention of the island of _AbdalKuria_, about nine leagues E. S. E. Of Socotora, with two intersposedsmall islands, called _Las Duas Hermanas_ or the Two Sisters. --E. ]

[Footnote 265: Probably meaning no images or Christian idols. --E. ]

[Footnote 266: Since then they have been subdued by the Arabs. --Astl. ]

In the whole island there is no city or great town, and most of thepeople dwell in caves, though some have small thatched cottages, separated from each other, more savage than pastoral. Their food isflesh and wild dates, and their drink chiefly milk, as they taste waterbut seldom. They are much devoted to the cross, and you will hardly meeta single individual without one hanging from the neck. Theirdispositions are good; their persons tall and straight, their facescomely but swarthy, the women being somewhat fairer, and of very honestbehaviour. They have no arms either of defence or offence, except veryshort swords of dead iron. The men go entirely naked, except a clout ofa certain cloth called _Cambolis_, a considerable quantity of which ismanufactured in the island. The country is very poor, and produces noother merchandise than _verdigris_[267] and _sanguis draconis_; but the_verdigris_ is in great abundance, and is esteemed above all. All theisland is mountainous, and breeds abundance of all kinds of cattle likethose of Europe. There is no wheat or rice or other provisions of thatkind, which I believe is not the fault of the ground, but owing to wantof skill and industry in the people; as the land within the externalmountains is fresh, and hath many vallies and plains, very convenientfor culture. They have no manner of navigation, neither do they catchany fish, though the sea around their coast has an infinite quantity. They have very few fruit trees, among which the palm tree is chieflyesteemed, and produces a principal part of their food. The land producesall kind of garden and medicinal plants, and the mountains are coveredwith the herb _Basil_ and other odoriferous herbs. 

[Footnote 267: By verdigris is probably meant the Socotorinealoes. --Purch. ]

Leaving Socotora, we were very near Aden in the morning of the 27th ofJanuary 1541, which was to the north-west, distant from us about 6leagues. The wind being from the east and fair, we sailed W. S. W. Andthen knew that the land we had seen the evening before, thinking it anisland, was the mountain of Aden. This mountain is very high and is fullof crags on every side, with some very high peaks, like the hill ofCintra, having a noble appearance. This hill descends to the sea, intowhich it projects a very great and long cape or promontory; on each sideof which there is a deep harbour or bay, the strong city of Aden beingsituated on that which is to the east of the cape. In ancient times thehill was called _Cabubarra_, famous among navigators, and the city of_Aden_ was then known by the name of _Madoca_. Within these three years, this city of Aden has fallen under the power of the Turks, being takenby the treachery of Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo, in the followingmanner. At the request of the king of Cambaya and all the inhabitants ofthe _Straits of Mecca_[268], the grand Turk sent the governor of Cairo, Solyman Pacha eunuch, with a great fleet of ships and gallies for India. On coming to Aden, the king and inhabitants, fearing the treachery ofthe Turks, refused to allow them to come into their city, but suppliedthem, with all kinds of provisions and necessaries. As Solyman and hissoldiers shewed no resentment, the king became reassured, and after manymessages and declarations of friendship on both sides, consented to aninterview with the Pacha on board his galley, that they might treatrespecting the conquest on which the Pacha was bound. But the king wasmade prisoner by Solyman on board the galley; and the Turks landingpossessed themselves of the city, before the gates of which the king washanged next day. Whereupon Solyman left a garrison to keep possession ofthe city, and proceeded on his voyage to Diu. 

[Footnote 268: This singular expression certainly means the Red Sea, which the Arabs often call the Straits of Mecca, or more properly theGulf of Mecca; sometimes Bahr-hejaz, or the Sea of Hejaz, one of theprovinces of Arabia. --E. ]

From the Cape of _Guardafu_ on the coast of Africa, anciently called_Aromata_, and from the opposite promontory of _Siagros_ or Cape_Fartak_ in Asia, all the sea to the city of _the heroes_, now _Suez_, is called the _Arabian Gulf_, vulgarly the Red Sea. The distance betweenthese two promontories may be 58 leagues. From these promontories thecoast on both sides of this sea extends towards the west, nearly at thesame distance, till they come to the two cities of _Aden_ in Arabia; and_Zeyla_ in Ethiopia or _Abexi_[269]; and from thence the two shoresbegin to approximate rapidly, with desert coasts and little winding, till they almost meet in the straits which are formed by two capes orpromontories; that on the Arabian side being named _Possidium_ by theancients, but I could never learn either the ancient or modern name ofthat on the side of Ethiopia[270]. This strait between the promontoriesis called by the neighbouring people and those who inhabit the coasts ofthe Indian ocean _Albabo_[271], which signifies the gates or mouths inthe Arabic language. This strait is _six_ leagues across, in which spacethere are so many islands, little islets, and rocks, as to occasion asuspicion that it was once stopped up. By those straits, sluices, andchannels, there entereth so great a quantity of water, which produces somany and great creeks, bays, gulfs, and ports, and so many islands, thatwe do not seem to sail between two lands, but in the deepest and mosttempestuous lake of the great ocean. Now returning to the mouths of thestrait, which is the object of our description, we are to note that theland of Arabia at this place stretches out into the sea with a long andlarge point or promontory; and as there is a great nook or bay, itappears on coming from sea as if this cape were an island separate fromthe continent. This is what was named the promontory of _Possidium_ byPtolemy. Not more than a stones throw from this promontory is a smallislet called the Isle of the _Robones_. For _Roboan_[272]in Arabicsignifies a pilot, and in this isle dwell the pilots who are in use todirect ships coming from sea to the ports for which they are boundwithin the straits. This islet is round and quite flat, about the sixthpart of a league in circuit, and the channel between it and the mainland of Arabia may be crossed on foot at low water; but at onequarter-flood it becomes too deep for being waded. To seawards from thislittle island about a league from the coast is an island about a leagueand a half in length, which has a large haven on the side towardsEthiopia secure in all winds, where a large fleet of gallies may besafely harboured; but the side of this island towards Arabia has neitherharbour nor landing-place[273]. This channel is easily sailed in themiddle, steering N. W. And by W. From S. E. And by E. Having 11 fathomsall through. It is all clean in every place, without flats, shoals, orany other obstruction, so that it may be passed on either side or in themiddle. The whole ground is a soft coral rock, with hardly any sand. Being far within the channel, and going to seek the road or haven forshelter from the east winds which are here very strong, the depthsomewhat diminishes, but is never less than 9 fathoms. 

[Footnote 269: Meaning Abassi, Abyssinia, or Habash. --E. ]

[Footnote 270: The cape on the Arabian shore is called Arrah-morah, orof St Anthony, and that on the African _Jebul al Mondub_, or _Mandab_, which signifies the Mountain of Lamentation, as formerly explainedrespecting _Bab-al-Mandub_, the name of the straits--E. ]

[Footnote 271: In Arabic _Al Bab_ is the gate, and _Al Abwah_ the gates. By the Turks it is called _Bab Bogazi_, a general name for all straits;and _the babs_ by the English sailors. --Ast. ]

[Footnote 272: Rather Roban or Ruban. --Ast. ]

[Footnote 273: The island of Prin. --E. ]

Besides this channel of the Arabians[274], there are many others bywhich we may safely enter the straits; but we shall only mention oneother, which they called the channel of Abyssinia, between the _Islandof the Gates_, or _Prin_, and the promontory opposite to _Possidium_, which is on the Abyssinian shore, and is about five leagues broad; butin this space there are six great high islands, which being seen bysailors while without the straits are apt to put them in fear that thereis no passage that way; but between all these islands there are largechannels of great depth all of which may be taken without danger, orleaving them all on the right hand, we may pass in safety between themand the coast of Abyssinia. At noon on the 29th of January 1541, I tookthe altitude of the sun, which at its great height rose 62-3/4 degreesabove the horizon, the declination of this day being 15 degrees, whencethe latitude of the promontory _Possidium_ and mouth of the straits is12° 15' N. The pilot took the same altitude with me, and being taken onthe land, it cannot but be accurate. 

[Footnote 274: From this expression it is probable that Don Juan haddescribed the channel between the island of Pria and the shore ofArabia, or rather the pilot island. --E. ]

SECTION III. 

_Continuation of the Voyage, from the Straits of Bab-el-Man-dub, toMassua_. 

On the same night, two hours after midnight, we set sail from the mouthof the straits, and by day-light on the 30th we saw the land of both theArabian and African coasts, being nearer to the latter. The wind blewhard at E. S. E. Till noon, and we sailed to the N. W. And by W. Making ourway by a channel between the first islands and the coast of Abyssinia, till that day unknown to the Portuguese, being about 4 leagues distantfrom that coast. An hour after sunrise, we saw a range of islands alongthe coast, most of them low, stretching from S. E. To N. W. And whichextended about 60 leagues. Continuing our course in this channel with afair wind, we saw many little islands on either side, at whatsoever partwe cast our eyes. In this channel of the _Abyssins_, as it is called, it is not proper to sail by night, nor unless the wind is in the poop, as if the wind should change there is not room to turn to windward, neither can we come to anchor till so far forward _as the first of thefirst islands_, when we shall observe to seawards nine little islands, and from thence forwards the sea remains free and open to seaward, buttowards the land there still are many islands. Some of these islands areabout two leagues distant from the coast, but the greatest part of themare close to the land. The length of this channel, between the threefirst islands and the coast of Abyssinia is about 8 leagues, and thesafest navigation is nearer the continent than the islands: But in myopinion no one ought to venture upon this passage without a pilot of thecountry. 

On the 31st day of January we came to a shoal with six fathoms water, and to seawards of which, over against certain islands called the SevenSisters, there is a very dangerous rock as I was told by the Moorishpilots; so that the safe navigations in this part is to go between theshoal and the land, and in no case to pass to seawards of the shoal. Atnight we came to anchor in a haven named _Sarbo_, or _Sorbo_, in 9-1/2fathoms water; having all this day seen many little islands close to thecoast. On the 1st of February I landed at the port in this island of_Sarbo_ taking the pilot and master along with me, that we might allthree take the altitude of the sun. At its greatest height it was scarce71° above the horizon, and the declination of that day being 13° 56', the latitude was 15° 7' N. About 24 leagues short of Massua, and 4leagues from the Abyssinian coast, in lat. 15° N. There is a greatcluster or archipelago of islands, some of which hardly rise above thesurface of the sea, while others are so lofty that they seem to touchthe clouds; and between these there are so many bays, ports, andharbours, that no wind can annoy us. All of these islands want water, except one very high island, called _Whale_ Island by the Portuguese, because it very much resembles one, in which there is water and plentyof cattle, with a large haven in which ships may winter. Of all theseislands, that which is most out to sea is called in Arabic _Sarbo_, where we now lay at anchor. The island of Sarbo is about a league inlength and half a league broad, all low land with many low barren trees, and covered with grass. In every place we found the marks of men andcattle, but we only saw one camel, for which reason our men called itthe Island of the Camel. Though we sought the whole island with muchdiligence we could find no water, except in one well dug in a stonewhich seemed intended to contain rain water. Between these islands thereare numerous arms of the sea, reaches, and channels. At sunrise on the4th of February, we set sail from the port of _Sarbo_. February 7th wesailed along many islands about three or four leagues distant from themain land, most of them very low, almost even with the sea. We passed toseaward of them all about a league, and about even-song time, we saw toseawards of us a very long range of islands about 5 leagues in extentand about four leagues from us, which lay N. W. And S. W. As far as Icould discern. The coast all this day trended N. W. And by W. And S. E. And by E. So that the channel in which we sailed this day was about 5leagues broad. The greatest part of this day I caused the lead to beconstantly thrown, always having 25 fathoms on an ouze bottom. 

Two hours after sunrise on the 8th of February we set sail, steeringmostly to the N. W. And at sunset we were nearly entered into the channelbetween that point of _Dallac_ which looks to the continent, and anisland called _Shamoa_[275]. But as night was coming on, and many of thegalleons were far astern, so that it might be difficult for them to hitthe channel, and as besides the wind was now scarce, we took in oursails, and with our foresails only _we went rummore_[276], sailing tothe south-east, and two hours after night-fall we cast anchor in 40fathoms water the ground ouzing. All this day we saw many islands alongthe coast, so low and flat that they seemed to have no surface abovewater. The coast stretched N. W. And S. E. To a low point which is as farforward as the island of _Dallac_. On doubling this point, a great bayor creek penetrates ten or twelve leagues into the land. 

[Footnote 275: In Purchas these two last mentioned places are namedDalaqua and Xamea, the Portuguese expressing our _k_ by _qu_, and our_sh_ by _x_; but we have preferred the more ordinary mode of spelling inmodern geography. --E. ]

[Footnote 276: This expression is absolutely unintelligible, but in thecontext the ship is said to have returned to the south-east. It is usedon a subsequent occasion apparently in the same sense, and perhaps meansbeating to windwards or drifting to leeward. --E. ]

The Island of Dallac is very low land, almost level with the sea, havingno mountain or any other height. In the common opinion it is 25 leagueslong by 12 in breadth. The side of the island opposite to the southstretches E. S. E. And W. N. W. Being all the coast which I could see, andalong the coast lay great numbers of little islands, all very low, andhaving the same direction with the coast. I only went along this coastof the island seven leagues, at two leagues from the land, and thoughthe lead was often cast I never found ground. The metropolitan city orchief town is situated almost on the point of the island which lieth onthe west side, and is a frontier to Abyssinia. It is called _Dallaca_, whence the island took its name. _Dallac_, in the Arabic languagesignifies _ten lacs_, because in former times the custom-house of thiscity yielded that sum yearly to the king. Every Arabian _lac_ is 10, 000Xerephines; so that _ten lacs_ are worth 40, 000 crusadoes[277]. The westpoint of the island, opposite to Abyssinia, is distant from thecontinent about 6 or 7 leagues, and in this space there are five veryflat islands. The first of these, one league from the point, called_Shamoa_, is two leagues in circuit, and contains some springs andwells. Between this island of _Shamoa_ and the western point of Dallac, is the principal and most frequented channel for going to _Massua_. Inthis channel the water is 70 fathoms deep. The land of this island isred, and produces few trees, but plenty of grass. The king of it and allhis people are Moors. He resides most part of the year at Massua, because of the trade which he carries on with the Abyssinians. Atpresent this island and Dallac yields very little profit; for since therise of Suakem, Massua, Aden, and Jiddah, it has lost its trade andreputation. 

[Footnote 277: A Xerephine being 3s. 9d. , a lac is L. 1875 sterling, andten lacs are consequently L. 18, 750. --E. ]

The 12th of February the whole of our fleet came into the harbour ofMassua. Massua is a small island very low and flat, in which ancientlystood the city of _Ptolomaida of the wild beasts_. This island is inlength about the fifth part of a league, and a caliver-shot in breadth, being situated in a large crooked nook or bay of the sea, and near thenorth-west head-land of the bay. The channel which divides it from themain land is about a falcon-shot across, and in some parts not so much, in which channel the harbour is situated, which is safe in all weathers, as all the winds that blow must come over the land, and it has not muchcurrent. The depth of water is eight or nine fathom with an ouze bottom. The proper entrance into this port is on the north-east by the middle ofthe channel, between the island and the main; because from the pointwhich runneth to the E. N. E. A shoal projects towards the land, and thecontinental point of the bay hath another projecting towards the pointof the island, both of which make it necessary for ships to avoid theland and to keep the mid-channel, which is very narrow and runs N. E. AndS. W. Very near this island of Massua, towards the south and thesouth-west, there are two other islands, that nearest the main landbeing the larger, and that more out to sea being smaller and very round. These three islands form a triangle, being all very flat and barren, having no wells or springs; but in Massua are many cisterns for the useof the inhabitants. There are many shoals interspersed among theseislands, but there is a channel through among them, through whichgallies and rowing vessels may pass at full sea. This island of Massua, with all the coast from Cape _Guardafu_ to _Swakem_, was only a shorttime before under the dominion of _Prester John_; but within these fewyears the king or sheikh of _Dallac_ hath usurped it, and resides therethe greater part of the year, because of the trade which he carries onwith the Abyssinians, from whom he procures great quantities of gold andivory. In the months of May and June, in consequence of excessive calmweather, the air of this island is exceedingly intemperate andunhealthy; at which season the sheikh and the other inhabitants go allto Dallac, leaving Massua entirely empty. All the coast of the bay ofMassua on the main-land is extremely mountainous, till you come to aplace called _Arkiko_[278] by the sea-side, where there are many wellsof water, where the coast is more clear and open, with many fields andplains. Arkiko is about a league from Massua to the south, and throughall these mountains and fields there are many wild beasts, as elephants, tygers, wolves, wild boars, stags, and elks, besides others not known tous; whence Massua was called _Ptolomaida of the wild beasts_, which isfarther confirmed, as the latitude of Massua is the same as thatassigned to _Ptolomaida_[279]. 

[Footnote 278: Arkiko, Arkoko, or Erkoko, by some erroneously calledErocco, and by De L'Isle, Arcua. In the edition of this journal byPurchas it is called Arquito. --Ast. ]

[Footnote 279: These are no proofs that Massua is on the spot formerlyoccupied by Ptolomaida; for the whole coast of Abyssinia is full of wildbeasts, and since Ptolomy fixed the latitude solely by computeddistances, it is next to impossible that these should exactly agree withreal observations. --Ast. ]

SECTION IV. 

_Digression respecting the History, Customs, and State of Abyssinia_. 

_Presbyter_ or _Prester John_, otherwise called _Prete Jani_, who is theking or emperor of the Abyssinians, is lord of all the land calledanciently _Ethiopia sub Egypto_[280], or Lower Ethiopia; which is one ofthe most extensive dominions we know of in the world. This empire beginsat Cape _Guardafu_, called anciently _Aromata_, whence running along theRed Sea, with desert and not very crooked coasts, it reaches to theboundaries of the rich city of _Swakem_. On the north side it borders onthe warlike people of the _Nubys_, _Nuba_, or Nubians, who intervenebetween Abyssinia and the _Theabaid_ or Upper Egypt. From thence itreaches a great way inland to the kingdom of _Manicongo_, including partof _Lybia Inferior_, and other interior parts of Africa towards thewest; whence turning behind the springs and lakes of the Nile throughburning and unknown regions, it endeth in the south upon the _BarbarianGulf_, now known to the Portuguese who navigate that gulf, as the coastsof _Melinda_ and _Magadoxa_. The Nile is still known by its ancientname, being called _Nil_ by the Abyssinians, Egyptians, Arabians, andIndians. The springs and lakes of this river are on the confines whichseparate the land of the Abyssinians from the Cafres that inhabit thecontinent behind Melinda and Mozambique, as I was informed by some greatlords and other persons of Abyssinia, whence it appears that theancients had little knowledge respecting the origin of this river. Inquiring from these people, if it were true that this river did sink inmany places into the earth, and came out again at the distance of manydays journey, I was assured there was no such thing, but that during itswhole course it was seen on the surface, having great breadth and depth, notwithstanding of what we read in the fifth book of the NaturalHistory of Pliny. I made many inquiries respecting the causes ofincrease and overflowings of this river, which has been so much disputedby all the ancient philosophers, and received the most satisfactorysolution of this question never before determined. Thus almostjestingly, and by means of very simple questions, I came to learn thatwhich the greatest philosophers of antiquity were ignorant of. 

[Footnote 280: That is Ethiopia _below_ Egypt, or more properly to the_south_ of Egypt. The expression _below_ seems ridiculous, as Abyssiniaor Ethiopia containing the sources of the Nile must be _higher_ thanEgypt at its mouth. But among Greek and Roman geographers, _above_ and_below_ meant respectively to the north and to the south. --E. ]

The principal lords of Abyssinia informed me, that in their country thewinter began in May, and lasted all June and July and part of August, inwhich latter month the weather becomes mild and pleasant. In June andJuly it is a great wonder if the sun ever make his appearance; and inthese two months so great and continual are the rains that the fieldsand low grounds are entirely overflown, so that the people cannot gofrom one place to another. That this prodigious quantity of water hathno other issue or gathering-place excepting the Nile; as towards the RedSea the country is entirely skirted by very high mountains. Hence thatriver must necessarily swell prodigiously and go beyond its ordinarybounds, as unable to contain such vast quantities of water, andoverflows therefore both in Egypt and the other lands through which itpasses. And as the territories of Egypt are the most plain of these, ofnecessity the overflowing there must be the more copious, as the riverhas there more scope and freedom to spread out its waters than in thehigh and mountainous lands of Abyssinia. Now, it is manifest that theinundations of the Nile in Egypt always begin when the sun is in thesummer solstice, which is in June, while in July the river increases ingreater abundance, and in August, when the rains diminish in Abyssinia, the river decreases by similar degrees to its former increase. Hence themanifest cause of the increase of the Nile is from the great andcontinual rains that fall in Abyssinia during the months of June andJuly. I was myself in Massua in the month of June and part of July, where I saw great storms of thunder and rain; and we saw within thecontinent great and constant black clouds; though the Abyssinians saidwhat we saw was little in comparison of what it was in the inlandcountry. We likewise know that the months of June and July are thewinter season at the Cape of Good Hope and all the coast of Africa, where the rains are continual. I was likewise told that the Nile formedmany islands, especially one exceedingly large, in which was a greatand rich city; which on due consideration must be the Island of _Meroe_. They told me also that on this great island, and all through the river, there were great numbers of fierce and pestiferous animals, whichdoubtless must be crocodiles. Enquiring if the river in a certain placefell from such a height, that with the noise of the fall those whoinhabited the neighbouring towns were born deaf; they said thatcertainly in one place the river did fall over a great rock with aprodigious noise, but had no such effects. 

As an extended account of the manners and customs of the Abyssinianswould interfere with this journal, I must touch them only shortly, though most worthy of being known; more especially the causes of theoverthrow and ruin of this empire in these our own days. 

_Atini Tingill_, afterwards named David, _Prete Jani_ or Emperor ofEthiopia, reigning in the year 1530, became so cruel and tyrannized somuch over his subjects that he incurred their universal hatred. At thattime _Gradamet_, king of Zeyla, made war on Abyssinia, encouraged by thegreat enmity of the people against their sovereign, and perhaps secretlyinvited by some of the great lords of the kingdom. On entering intoAbyssinia, and having reduced some towns and districts, Gradamet dividedliberally the spoils among his warriors, among whom he had 300 Turkisharquebusseers, who formed the main strength of his army. He likewiseenfranchised all the inhabitants of the towns through which he passed, exempting the inhabitants from the taxes and impositions they had to payto their sovereign, by which he gained to his party all the commonpeople, and even many of the principal nobles of the kingdom[281]. 

[Footnote 281: Of the cruelties of David, several examples are given inthe journal of Alvarez, such as the death of two _Betudetes_, the chiefjustice, two _Tigre mahons_ or governors of Tigre, and four_Barnagassoes_ or governors of the maritime country, in six years. Thisdisposition increased with his years, and perhaps he intended to forcesome alteration in the religion of the country; which indeedsufficiently appears by his sending Alvarez and Bermudez as hisambassadors to the Pope. --_Purchas_. ]

King David sent an army against the king of Zeyla; but when the Turksbegan to shoot their calivers or arquebusses, among the Abyssinians, bywhich some of them were slain, they were seized with an universal panicand took flight. Proud of this victory, the king of Zeyla overrun thecountry, accompanied by a great number of Abyssinians, and advancedinto that part of the south, towards Magadoxa and Melinda, where thevast treasures of the former kings of Abyssinia were secured on the topof an almost inaccessible mountain. Seeing every day the Abyssiniansrevolting to the Moors, David gathered a new army with which be marchedagainst _Gradamet_ and joined battle, but was again completely defeated, chiefly, by means of the Turkish musqueteers: On which David withdrew toa strong post on a mountain, where in a few days he died, in the year1539. After this great victory Gradamet marched immediately to themountain where the treasure was deposited, which he assaulted and took, gaining possession of the largest treasure that ever was known in theworld. On the death of David, those of the nobles who had continued toadhere to him, elected his eldest son in his stead, who was a young manunder age; and that nothing might be wanting to assist the ruin of thekingdom, already almost irrecoverably reduced by the Moors, anotherparty of the nobles appointed a different son of the late king tosucceed to the throne. In this hopeless condition of his affairs, theunfortunate youth, having to contend at the same time against foreigninvasion and domestic division, withdrew for personal safety to themountain of the Jews. 

In the interior of Abyssinia there is a very large and high mountainwhich can only be ascended by one very difficult path, and on its summitthere is a large plain, having abundance of springs, with numerouscattle, and even some cultivation. The inhabitants of this mountainobserve the law of Moses. Though I have carefully inquired, I couldnever learn how this people came into Abyssinia, and wherefore they havenever descended from their mountain to mix with the other inhabitants ofthe country. The young king received a friendly entertainment from theseJews, who acknowledged him as their sovereign, and defended him againstthe king of Zeyla, who was unable to force his way up the mountain, andhad to retire. About this time we arrived at Massua, which put the Moorsin great fear, and inspired new courage into the hearts of theAbyssinians, insomuch that the young king left the mountain of the Jewsand took up his quarters with his adherents in other mountains towardsthe sea coast and nearer to Massua, whence he wrote many pitiful andimploring letters for assistance, to which favourable answers werereturned giving him hopes of succour. We proceeded on our expedition toSuez; and being returned again to Massua, it was ordained to send anauxiliary force of 500 men under a captain, which was accordingly doneand we set sail on our way back to India. Since that time, I have notlearnt any intelligence whatever respecting the affairs ofEthiopia[282]. 

[Footnote 282: The circumstances and fate of this Portuguese expeditioninto Abyssinia will be found in the next chapter of this work. --E. ]

The Abyssinians are naturally ceremonious men, and full of points ofhonour. Their only weapons are darts, in which they figure to themselvesthe lance with which our Saviour was wounded, and the cross on which hedied, though some wear short swords. They are very expert horsemen, butbadly apparelled; and are much given to lying and theft. Among themriches are not computed by money, but by the possession of cattle andcamels, yet gold is much valued. In their own country they are dastardlycowards, but in other countries valiant; insomuch that in India they saythat a good _Lascarin_, or what we call a soldier, must be anAbyssinian; and they are so much esteemed in Ballagayat, Cambaya, Bengal, and other places, that they are always made captains andprincipal officers in the army. Their clothing is vile and poor. Theywear linen shirts, and the great personages have a kind of upper garmentcalled _Beden_. The vulgar people are almost quite naked. They eat_bollemus_ and raw flesh; or if held to the fire, it is so little donethat the blood runs from it. In the whole land there are no cities ortowns, so that they live in the field under tents and pavilions like theArabs[283]. They pride themselves on believing that the queen of _Sheba_was of their country, alleging that she took shipping at _Massua_, though others say at _Swakem_, carrying with her jewels of great valuewhen she went to Jerusalem to visit Solomon, making him great gifts, andreturned with child by him. 

[Footnote 283: The word used here in the edition of Purchas is_Alarbes_. --E. ]

It is alleged in the history of Abyssinia, that when one of the Soldansof _Babylon_ in Egypt made war many years ago upon their emperor, hegathered a multitude of people and turned the course of the Nile, sothat it might not run into Egypt[284]. The Soldan, amazed at this vastenterprize, which he believed would entirely ruin the land of Egypt, sent ambassadors with great gifts, and made peace with the emperor, giving a privilege to the Abyssinians to pass through his countrywithout paying tribute, when on their way to visit the holy sepulchre atJerusalem, and the shrine of St Catharine on Mount Sinai. Some learnedMoors whom I conversed with while in the Red Sea confirmed the truth ofthis relation. 

[Footnote 284: According to Bermudez, this attempt was begun by _AleBeale_, predecessor to _Onadinguel_ or _Atine-tingil_. --Astl. ]

SECTION V. 

_Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to Swakem_. 

We set sail at sun-rising on the 19th of February from the bay which ishalf a league beyond Massua and half a league from the land. This daywas very close and rainy, and numbering our fleet I found 64 rowingvessels; that is 3 galliots, eight small gallies, and 35 foists[285]. Bynight our north-west wind lulled, and it blew a little from the west. Inthe second watch it came on to rain; and in the middle of the morningwatch we weighed anchor and rowed along shore till morning, during whichtime it rained hard. By evening of the 20th we were as far as theextreme point of the range of islands on the north side, about 14leagues from Massua. The coast from Massua hither stretched N. N. W. AndS. S. E. For these 14 leagues, and in some of the islands which lay toseaward we knew that there were cattle and water, with some few poordwellings. The distance from these islands to the African coast might beabout four leagues. The islands in this range having cattle and waterare _Harate_, _Dohull_, and _Damanill_, which are all low and surroundedwith shoals and flats. All the first watch of the night, having the windfair at east, we sailed N. N. W. At the beginning of the second watch wecame suddenly to certain very white spots, which threw out flames likelightning. Wondering at this strange event, we took in our sailsbelieving we were upon some banks or shoals; but on casting the lead Ifound 26 fathoms. As this great novelty to us made no impression on thenative pilots, and being in deep water, we made sail again. On the 21stat day light, we saw off to seawards a low island of which the Moorishpilot had been afraid in the night. At day light on the 22nd we againset sail, and at noon my pilot took the altitude of the sun, and foundour latitude 18° 30' N. At this time we were abreast of a very longpoint of sand projecting from the main-land. After doubling this point, we found the sea very free, and sailed N. W. And by W. One hour afternoon we came to a haven called _Marate_. All the coast on our left handduring this day stretched N. N. W. And S. S. E. The land by the sea shorebeing very low with not even a hillock; but within the land themountains rise to such a height that they seem to reach the clouds. _Marate_ is a very low desert island and without water, 66 leaguesbeyond Massua, of a roundish figure, and a league and a half in circuit. It is about three leagues from the main, and on the S. W. Side whichfronts the Ethiopean coast it has a very good harbour, safe in allwinds, especially those from the eastern points; as on this side twolong points stretch out from the island east and west, one quarter N. W. And S. E. Between which the land straitens much on both sides, forming avery great and hollow bosom or bay, in the mouth and front of whichthere is a long and very low island, and some sands and shoals, so thatno sea can come in. This haven has two entries, one to the east and theother to the west, both near the points of the island which form theharbour. The channel on the _east_ stretches N. And S. One quarter N. W. And S. E. Having three fathoms water in the shallowest place, after whichit immediately deepens, and within the haven we have four and fivefathoms near the shore, with a mud bottom. During the night the wind wasfrom the east, but less than in the day, and we rode at anchor allnight. 

[Footnote 285: The particular enumeration comes only to 46 vessels, sothat the number of 64 in the text seems an oversight ortransposition. --E. ]

At sunrise on the 23d of February, we set sail from the island and portof _Marate_, finding seven fathom water and a sandy bottom[286]. Ateleven o'clock we came to two small islands far to seawards, one called_Darata_ and the other _Dolcofallar_[287], from whence to _Swakem_ is adays sail. From noon we sailed N. W. By W. Till even-song time, when weentered the channel of _Swakem_, in which, after sailing a league N. W. We had certain shoals a-head, on which account we altered our course toW. One quarter N. W. And sometimes W. To keep free of these shoals. Wecontinued in this course about three leagues, till we saw a great islanda-head of us, when we immediately tacked towards the land, and came toan anchor between certain great _shoals of stone_ or sunken rocks, forming a good harbour named _Xabaque_[288], which in the Arabic means anet. It might be an hour before sunset when we came to anchor. This daymy pilot took the sun at noon, and found our latitude _scarce_ 19°N[289]. The shoals of Swakem are so many and so intermingled, that nopicture or information were sufficient to understand them, much less tosail through among them; the islands, shoals, banks, rocks, and channelsare so numerous and intricate. At the entrance among these shoals, thereis to seaward a shoal under water on which the sea breaks very much, andto landward a small island, these two ranging N. E. And S. W. A quartermore E. And W. The distance between being three quarters of a league. Immediately on entering, the channel seemed large and spacious, and thefarther we advanced so much more to seaward there appeared to us aninfinite number of very flat islands, shoals, sand-banks and rocks, thatthey could not be reckoned. Towards the land side these were not sonumerous; but it is the foulest and most unnavigable channel that everwas seen, in comparison with any other sea. What ought chiefly to beattended to in this channel, is always to keep nearer to the shoals thatare to seawards, and as far as possible from those to landward. Thebreadth of this channel in some places is about half a league, in othersa quarter, and in others less than a gun-shot. In the entry to thischannel we had six fathoms, and from thence to the port of _Shabak_never less, and never more than 12. From the beginning of the shoals to_Shabak_ may be about five leagues, and their whole length eight ornine. We have then another channel, more secure for ships and greatvessels; and we may likewise pass these shoals leaving them all toseaward, going very close to the main-land, which is the best and mostpleasant way. 

[Footnote 286: Perhaps this refers to the _west_ channel of the harbour, though not so expressed in the text. --E. ]

[Footnote 287: Named Daratata and Dolkefallar in Astley. ]

[Footnote 288: More properly Shabak. --Ast. ]

[Footnote 289: Purchas in a side-note makes this the latitude of theharbour of _Xabaque_; but it is obvious that they had sailed a long waybetween noon, when the altitude was taken, and an hour before sunset, when they entered the harbour. --E. ]

On the 24th, at sunrise, we set sail from the port of _Shabak_, androwed by so narrow a channel that our fleet had to follow each other insingle line a-head, being only about a cross-bow shot over in the widestparts. In this narrow channel we were never more than a cannon shot fromthe main-land, and sometimes little more than a cross-bow shot; havingshoals, rocks and banks on every side of us, all under water, yet we hadalways sufficient indications to avoid them; as wherever they lay, thewater over them appeared very red or very green, and where neither ofthese colours appeared we were sure of the clearest channel, the water, being there dark. Continuing by this channel among so many difficulties, we came to anchor at half an hour past eleven at a little low roundisland, in lat. 19° N. In this latitude Ptolomy places the mountain ofthe _Satyrs_[290]. Of this mountain the native pilots had no knowledge;but going about half a league into the land, I found the footsteps of somany kind of beasts, and such great flocks of _pianets_[291] as waswonderful. All these tracks came till they set their feet in the sea, and they occupied, the greatest part of the field. I believe the fableof the _Satyrs_ to have arisen from thence, and that they were said toinhabit these hills and mountains. It is to be noted that in the channelof four leagues from the harbour of _Shabak_ to this island, the wateris never less than two and a half fathoms nor deeper than eleven, andalso that the tide at this island does not ebb and flow above half ayard. It begins to flow as soon as the moon begins to ascend towards thehorizon, in the same order as already mentioned respecting Socotora. 

[Footnote 290: This mountain of the Satyrs may more properly begenerally referred to the high range of mountains on this part of thecoast, perhaps from abounding in the baboon called Simia Satyrus, or theMandrill. --E. ]

[Footnote 291: I know not what to make of the _pianets_; but thefootsteps of beasts reaching to the edge of the water may probably referto amphibious animals, while the flocks of pianets may have beenwater-fowl of some kind. --E. ]

The 26th at sunrise we departed from the island, rowing along a reef ofrocks that ran between us and the land to which it was almost parallel, all the sea between it and the land being full of shoals and banks; butto seawards there were neither shoals nor banks nor any otherimpediment. At nine o'clock we came to anchor at a small islandencompassed by many flats and shoals, where there was a good haven. Thisisland was a league and a half from that we left in the morning, and 5leagues short of _Swakem_. The 27th at sunrise, we set sail from thissecond island, and two hours within the night we came to anchor a leagueand a half farther on in 28 fathoms water. The 28th we _bridled_ ouroars and set sail. At nine o'clock we anchored about two leagues fromthe land in 23 fathoms, on soft sand, like ouze or mud. This morning wefound some shoals under water, but the sea always shewed itself verygreen or red over them. Two hours after noon we set sail again, andanchored at night in 37 fathoms on a sandy bottom, hard by an island aleague and a half short of Swakem. The coast runs N. N. W. And S. S. E. Having all along a shoal which extends near half a league into the sea. This land differs in nothing from that formerly described. The 1st March1541, departing from this anchorage, and having doubled a point of landmade by the shoal, we approached the land inwards by a channel, and cameto anchor in the haven of the city of _Swakem_. 

_Swakem_ was called by the ancients the port of _Aspi_, as may be seenin the _third_ table of Africa by Ptolemy. At this day it is one of therichest cities in the East[292]. It is situated within the Arabian Gulfor Red Sea, on the coast of _Ethiopia sub Egypto_, now called the landand coast of the _Abexii_ or Abyssinians. Among famous places, this maybe reckoned equal or superior to them all in _four_ things. The _first_is the goodness and safety of the haven. The _second_ in the facilityand good service for lading and unlading ships. The _third_ in itstraffic with very strange and remote people of various manners andcustoms. The _fourth_ in the strength and situation of the city. Astouching the goodness and security of the port I shall first speak. Nature hath so formed this port that no storm from the sea can enter itin any direction. Within the haven the sea is so quiet, and runs soinsensibly, that scarcely can we perceive it to have any tide. Theground is mud. The road in all places has five or six fathoms, and sevenin some places; and is so large that two hundred ships may ridecommodiously at anchor, besides rowing-vessels without number. The wateris so clear that you may plainly perceive the bottom; and where that isnot seen the depth is at least ten or twelve fathoms. The ships can beladen or unladen all round the city, merely by laying a plank from theminto the warehouses of the merchants; while gallies fasten themselves tostones at the doors of the houses, laying their prows over the quays asso many bridges. Now touching the trade and navigation of this portwith many sorts of people, and with strange and remote countries, I knownot what city can compare with it except Lisbon: as this city tradeswith all India, both on this side and beyond the Ganges; with _Cambaya_, _Tanacerim_, _Pegu_, _Malacca_; and within the Straits with _Jiddah_, _Cairo_, and _Alexandria_. From all Ethiopia and Abyssinia it procuresgreat quantities of gold and ivory. As to the strength and situation ofthis city enough can hardly be said; since to come to it, theinconveniences, difficulties, and dangers are so great, that it seemsalmost impossible: as for fifteen leagues about, the shoals, flats, islands, channels, rocks, banks, and sands, and surges of the sea, areso many and intricate that they put the sailors in great fear and almostin despair. The situation of the city is this: In the middle of a greatnook or bay, is a perfectly flat island almost level with the sea andexactly round, being about a quarter, of a league in circuit, upon whichthe city of _Swakem_ is built; not one foot of ground on the wholeisland but is replenished with houses and inhabitants, so that the wholeisland, is a city. On two sides this insular city comes within abow-shot of the main land, that is on the E. S. E. And S. W. Sides, but allthe rest is farther from the land. The road, haven, or bay surrounds thecity on every side to the distance of a cross-bow shot, in all of whichspace, ships may anchor in six or seven fathoms on a mud bottom. Allaround this bay there is a great shoal; so that the deep water is fromthe edge of the city all round to the distance of a bow-shot, and allbeyond is full of shoals. In this bay there are three other islands onthe land side to the north-west. The two which lie farthest in aresmall, but that nearest to the channel is about as large as the city. Between this island and the main sea, there is a large and very longchannel, having seven fathoms water, all along which a great navy mightsafely ride at anchor, without any danger of annoyance from the city, whence only their masts could be seen. When the moon appears in thehorizon it is full sea, and as the moon advances it ebbs till the mooncomes to the meridian, when it is dead low water; and thence it beginsagain to flow till the moon sets, when it is again full sea. The entireebb and flow of the sea at this city does not exceed a quarter of ayard. The most that it rises along the coast is a yard and a half, andin some places less than three quarters of a yard. But when I made thisobservation it was neap tide. 

[Footnote 292: This is to be understood of 1541, when visited by DeCastro. Since the Turkish conquest, Mokha and other places have greatertrade. --_Purch_. ]

SECTION VI. 

_Continuation of the Voyage from Swakem to Comol_. 

We remained in the haven of Swakem from the 1st to the 9th of March1541, when an hour before sunset we weighed from before the city, andanchored for the night at the mouth of the channel. We weighed again onthe 10th, and came again to anchor at night, when the dew waswonderfully great. On the 11th it blew a storm from the north, soviolent that it raised great mountains of sand along the sea coast, after which it dispersed them, and the air remained obscured by the sandas if it had been a great mist or smoke. We remained at anchor all thisday, and on the 12th we left this channel two leagues beyond _Swakem_, and being without the channel we made sail. About a league and a halffrom the coast there were so many rocks, shoals, and flats, on which thesea continually broke, that we had to take in our sails and row forthree hours, till we got beyond these shoals, after which we again madesail. At evening we came to anchor within the bank by a very narrowchannel, a league beyond that we had been last in, and three leaguesfrom Swakem, but the channel within the entrance was large, with cleanground, and perfectly secure in all winds. 

The 13th we went out of this channel an hour before day, and about acannon-shot to seaward we saw a long range of shoals with broken water, seeming to stretch in the same direction with the coast. At eleveno'clock the wind turned to the N. N. W. And as our course was N. W. We wereunable to make way, and had to fasten our vessels to the rocks on theseshoals, where we lay about three hours. About two o'clock afternoon thewind freshened at N. N. E. And we made sail N. W. But coming to the banklandward, we took in our sails and rowed into a channel within the bank, where we came to anchor. This channel is very narrow and winding, beingabout seven leagues beyond Swakem, whence the coast to this place runsN. And S. And then N. By W. And S. By E. I went ashore on the 15th toobserve the order and flowing of the tide, and found it was full seawhen the moon was two hours past the meridian, and was dead ebb twohours after the moon set. I found likewise that the ebb and flow of thetide at this place was 22 cubits[293]. The 16th we left this channel, with the wind at north, and cast anchor half a league out at sea. The17th we entered a very good harbour named _Dradate_ or _Tradate_, thecoast from Swakem here winding N. By W. And S. By E. Distance 10leagues. The land behind the shore is all very low in that space, butthree leagues back from the coast it rises into great and highmountains. This harbour of _Tradate_, in lat. 19° 50' N. 10 leaguesbeyond Swakem, is one of the best in the world. The entrance is about afalcon-shot across, and grows narrower inwards, but has 20 fathoms waterin its whole length with a mud bottom; and a quarter of a league withinthe land there is a famous watering-place at certain wells, where is thebest water and in greatest plenty of any place on all these coasts. The19th we sailed at day-light, and advanced 3-1/2 leagues that day, havingmany shoals to seaward of us, and the coast for these 3-1/2 leaguestrended N. And S. On the 20th at sunrise the wind blew from the N. Andthe sea was rough, for which reason we had to seek shelter within theshoal, entering by a very narrow and difficult channel. After we werein, the wind came N. N. E. And we remained all day at anchor. The 21st weleft the shoal with fine weather, the wind being at W. N. W. And sailed N. Keeping about half a league from the land; and an hour after sunrise wecame to a long and fair point of land called by Ptolomy the _promontoryof Diogenes_. On the north side of this point is a large fine bay named_Doroo_, and at the extremity of this long bare point there is a largeround tower like a pillar. At the entrance of this harbour or channelthere are six fathoms water, which diminishes gradually inwards tothree. The ground is hard clay, and the bay is very large with manycreeks and nooks within, and many islands; many of these creekspenetrating deep into the main-land, so that in every place there may bemany vessels hidden without being observed from the other branches ofthe harbour. A quarter of a league off to sea from the mouth of thisharbour there is a shoal which defends it completely from the admissionof any sea, as this shoal is above water, and has no passage except bythe entrance already mentioned, which trends E. By N. And W. By S. Acannon-shot from this bay there is a great well, but the water is verybrackish. 

[Footnote 293: Considering the very small rise and fall of the tide atSwakem, the text in this place ought perhaps only to have been_inches_. --E. ]

On the 22d we left this harbour of Doroo at day light, proceeding bymeans of our oars, and found the sea very full of rocks, so thatescaping from some we got foul of others, and at half past ten o'clockwe had to fasten our vessels to the rocks. Proceeding onwards, we gottowards evening in with the land, and having doubled a point we entereda very large bay named _Fuxaa_, or _Fushaa_, three leagues and a halfbeyond _Doroo_, the coast between stretching N. And E. With a tendencytowards N. W. And S. E. This bay of _Fushaa_ is remarkable by a very highsharp peaked hill, in lat. 20 15' N. In the very mouth of the harbourthere are two very low points, lying N. By E. And S. By W. From eachother, distant a league and half. As no great sea can enter here it is avery good harbour, having 10 and 12 fathoms water on a mud bottom, diminishing inwards to five fathoms. Along the land within the bay onthe south side there are nine small islands in a row, and in otherplaces there are some scattered islets, all very low and encompassed byshoals. The land at this bay is very dry and barren, and it has nowater. 

On the 25th we continued along the coast, having many rocks to seawardsabout a league off; and at ten o'clock we entered a very large harbournamed _Arekea_, four leagues beyond _Fushaa_, the coast between runningN. And S. With some tendence to N. W. And S. E. _Arekea_, the strongestand most defensible harbour I have ever seen, is 22 leagues beyond_Swakem_. In ancient times it was called _Dioscori_ according to Pliny. In the middle of the entry to this port there is a considerable island, about a cross-bow shot in length and breadth, having a bank or shoalrunning from it on the south side to the main land, so shallow thatnothing can pass over it. But on the north side of this island thechannel is about a cross-bow shot in breadth and 15 fathoms deep, running N. W. And S. E. And on both sides this channel is very shallow andfull of rocks, the fair way being in the middle. This channel is about agun-shot in length, after which the coasts on both sides recede and formwithin a large fine and secure harbour, about a league long and half aleague broad, deep in the middle but full of shoals near the land, andit hath no fresh water. At this place it was agreed to send back all theships to Massua, and to proceed with only sixteen small gallies or rowboats. 

Arrangements being accordingly formed, we set sail from _Arekea_ on the30th at noon, and came to an anchor in a port called _Salaka_ fourleagues beyond _Arekea_ and 96 from _Swakem_, the coast trending N. AndS. With a slight deviation to N. E. And S. W. The land next the sea hasmany risings or hillocks, behind which there are high mountains. It mustbe noted that all the land from Arekea onwards close behind the shoreputs on this uneven appearance, whereas before that it was all plain, till in the inland it rises in both into high mountains. The 31st wesailed from _Salaka_, and an hour before sunset we made fast to therocks of a shoal a league from the land and 17 leagues from _Salaka_, being 43 leagues from Swakem. From the port of _Salaka_ the coast beginsto wind very much; and from _Raseldoaer_ or _Ras al Dwaer_, it runs verylow to the N. N. E. Ending in a sandy point where there are 13 littlehillocks or knobs of stone, which the Moorish pilots said were graves. From this _point of the Calmes_[294] about two leagues, the coastrunneth N. N. W. To a shoal which is 43 leagues from _Swakem_. This pointis the most noted in all these seas, as whoever sails from _Massua_, _Swakem_, and other places for _Jiddah_, _Al Cossir_, and _Toro_, mustnecessarily make this point. The sea for the last seventeen leagues isof such a nature that no rules or experience can suffice for sailing itin safety, so that the skilful as well as the unskilful must pass it atall hazards, and save themselves as it were by chance, for it is so fullof numerous and great shoals, so interspersed everywhere with rocks, andso many and continual banks, that it seems better fitted for beingtravelled on foot than sailed even in small boats. In the space between_Salaka_ and _Ras-al-Dwaer_, but nearer to the latter, there are threeislands forming a triangle, the largest of which is called _Magarzawn_, about two leagues long and very high ground, but has no water. Thisisland bears N. And S. With _Ras-al-Dwaer_ distant three leagues. Thesecond island lies considerably out to sea, and is called _Al Mante_, and is high land without water; the third island is all sand and quitelow, being four leagues from _Salaka_ towards _Ras-al-Dwaer_, but I didnot learn its name. 

[Footnote 294: Meaning perhaps the sandy point near Ras-al-Dwaer. Thisparagraph is very obscure, and seems to want something, omitted perhapsby the abbreviator. --Astl. ]

On the 2d of April 1541, casting loose from the before-mentioned shoal, which is 43 leagues beyond _Swakem_, we rowed along the coast, andentered a river called _Farate_, about four leagues from the shoal;whence setting our sails we got into a fine haven a league from thencecalled _Kilfit_. All this day we saw no rocks to landward, but there wasa shoal to seaward. _Farate_ is a large and fair river, the mouth ofwhich is in lat. 21°40' N. Its mouth is formed by two low points about agun-shot apart, from each of which a shoal stretches towards the middle, where only there is any passage. The river runs from the west to theeast, having very low land on both sides, without either tree or shrubor bush of any kind. At the entrance it is 30 fathoms deep, and fromthence diminishes to 18 fathoms. _Kilfit_ is a fine harbour and verysafe, as when once in, no wind whatever need be feared. There are at theentry two very low points bearing N. W. 1/4 N. And S. E. 1/4 S. Distantnear a quarter of a league. It is rather more than three leagues incircuit, and every part of it is safe anchorage, having 12 fathoms waterthroughout; the shore is however rocky. This harbour is rather more thana league from the river of _Farate_, between which is a range ofmountains, one of which is higher than the others. We left _Kilfit_ onthe 3d, an hour before day, and rowed along the coast till an hourbefore sunset, when we anchored in a haven called _Ras al Jidid_, or thenew cape, about nine leagues from _Kilfit_. This day we saw a few shoalsto seawards, but fewer than before. Two leagues from _Kilfit_ there is avery good haven named _Moamaa_; and from the _point of the shrubs_ toanother very long sandy point, about two leagues distant, before theport of _Ras-al-Jidid_, the coast runs N. And S. With a small deviationto the N. W. And S. E. The distance being about three and a halfleagues[295]. _Ras-al-Jidid_[296] is a small but very pleasant haven, 57leagues beyond Swakem, and so exactly circular that it resembles a greatcauldron. There are two points at its entrance bearing N. And S. And onthe inside the eastern winds only can do harm. All the ground is veryclean, having 18 fathoms at the mouth and 13 within; and half a leagueinland there is a well of water, though not very plentiful, andbitterish. This port is a large half league in circuit. It is asingularity in all the rivers or harbours which I have seen on thiscoast, that they have no bars or banks at their mouths, which aregenerally deeper than within. On the land round this port, I foundcertain trees which in their trunk and bark resembled cork-trees, butvery different in all other respects. Their leaves were very large, wonderfully thick, and of a deep green, crossed with large veins. Theywere then in flower, and their flowers in the bud resembled the flowersof the mallow when in that state: But such as were opened were white, and like the white cockle. On cutting a bough or leaf there run out agreat stream of milk, as from the dug of a goat. On all this coast I sawno other trees, except a grove a little beyond Massua, in some marshyground near the sea. Besides these trees, there are some valleys inlandproducing a few capers, the leaves of which are eaten by the Moors, _whosay they be appropriate to the joynts_. On the 4th of April, fromsunrise till eleven o'clock, the wind blew a storm from the N. W. Afterwhich there was much and loud thunder, accompanied with hail, the stonesbeing the largest I ever saw. With the thunder the wind veered about toevery point of the compass, and at last it settled in the north. Thisday I carried my instruments on shore, when I found the variation 1-1/4degree north-east[297], and the latitude by many observations 22° N. Though these observations were made on shore with great care, so that Inever stirred the instrument when once set till the end of myobservations, I am satisfied there must be some error; because the greatheat cracked the plate of ivory in the middle, so that there remained agreat cleft as thick as a _gold portague_. On the 6th, an hour beforeday, we weighed from the port of _Ras-al-Jidid_, and advanced aboutthree and a half leagues. The 7th in the morning, the wind blew fresh atN. W. And we rowed to the shore, where at eight o'clock we fastened ourbarks to certain stones of a shoal or reef, lying before a long pointwhich hereafter I shall name _Starta_. We went in this space about threeleagues. About noon we made sail and proceeded in our voyage, but in nosmall doubts, as we saw on both sides of our course a prodigious numberof shelves; we were therefore obliged to take in our sails and use ouroars, by means of which we came about sunset to a good haven named_Comol_, in which we anchored. 

[Footnote 295: This paragraph is likewise obscurely worded, and isperhaps left imperfect by the abbreviator. --Astl. ]

[Footnote 296: In some subsequent passages this harbour is calledIgidid, probably to distinguish it from the point of Ras-al-Jidid. --Astl. ]

[Footnote 297: It is therefore probable that in all the bearings setdown in this voyage, when applied to practice, either for the uses ofgeography or navigation, this allowance of 1-1/4 too much to the eastought to be deducted. --E. ]

From a point two leagues beyond the harbour of _Igidid_, or_Ras-al-Jidid_, to another very long and flat point may be about fourleagues, these two points bearing N. W. And S. E. Between which there is alarge bay; within which towards the long point at the N. W. Is a deephaven so close on all sides that it is safe from every wind. This pointis an island; from which circumstance and its latitude it seemscertainly the island named _Starta_ by Ptolomy. From thence to a greatpoint of land over the harbour of _Comol_ the distance may be fiveleagues; these two points bearing N. W. By W. And S. E. By E. And betweenthem is a large fair bay. From the port of _Igidid_ till half a leagueshort of the harbour of _Comol_, the land close to the shore is allraised in small hills very close together, behind which, about a leaguefarther inland, are very high mountains rising into many high and sharppeaks; and as we come nearer to _Comol_ these hills approach the sea, and in coming within half a league of _Comol_ they are close to theshore. Comol is eleven leagues beyond _Igidid_, and 68 from Swakem, andis in lat. 22° 30' N. This port is in the second bay, very near the faceof the point which juts out from the coast on the north-west side ofthis second bay. Though not large, the port of _Comol_ is very secure, as towards the seaward it has certain reefs or shoals above water whicheffectually defend it from all winds. The land around it is very plainand pleasant, and is inhabited by many _Badwis_[298]. The north-westpoint which ends the bay and covers this port is very long and fair, being all low and level, being what was named by Ptolomy the promontoryof _Prionoto_ in his _third_ table of Africa, since the great mountainswhich range along the whole of this coast end here. 

[Footnote 298: Named _Badois_ in the edition of Purchas, but certainlythe _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_, signifying the _People of the Desert_, beingthe name by which the Arabs who dwell in tents are distinguished fromthose who inhabit towns. --Astl. ]. 

SECTION VII. 

_Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to Toro or AlTor. _

Three hours after midnight of the 7th April 1541[299], we left theharbour of _Comol_, using our oars for a small way, and then hoistingsail we proceeded along the coast; but an hour before day-light some ofour barks struck upon certain rocks and shoals, on which we again strucksails and took to our oars till day-light. At day-light, being then the8th, we came to a spacious bay, of which to the north and north-west wecould see no termination, neither any cape or head-land in thatdirection. We accordingly sailed forwards in that open sea or bay, butwhich had so many shoals on each side that it was wonderful we couldmake _any profit of a large wind;_ for, _now going roamour, and now upona tack_, sometimes in the way and sometimes out of it, there was no wayfor us to take certain and quiet[300]. About sunset we came to a verygreat shelf or reef, and fastening our barks to its rocks we remainedthere for the night. The morning of the 9th being clear, we set sailfrom this shelf, and took harbour within a great shelf called_Shaab-al-Yadayn_[301]. After coming to anchor, we noticed an island toseaward, called _Zemorjete_. This port and shelf trend N. E. By E. AndS. W. By W. From the _cape of the mountains_[302], to another cape beyondit on which there are a quantity of shrubs or furzes; the coast runsN. E. By N. And S. W. By S. The distance between these capes being aboutthree and a half or four leagues. From this last point the coast of thegreat bay or nook winds inwards to the west, and afterwards turns outagain, making a great circuit with many windings, and ends in a greatand notable point called _Ras-al-Nashef_, or the dry cape, called byPtolomy the promontory _Pentadactilus_ in his _third_ table of Africa. The island _Zemorjete_ is about eight leagues E. From this cape; andfrom that island, according to the Moorish pilots, the two shores of thegulf are first seen at one time, but that of Arabia is a great dealfarther off than the African coast. This island, which is very high andbarren, is named _Agathon_ by Ptolomy. It has another very small islandclose to it, which is not mentioned in Ptolomy. Now respecting the shelf_Shaab-al-Yadayn_, it is to be noted that it is a great shelf far toseaward of the northern end of the great bay, all of it above water, like two extended arms with their hands wide open, whence its Arabicname which signifies _shelf of the hands_. The port of this shelf is tolandward, as on that side it winds very much, so as to shut up the havenfrom all winds from the sea. This haven and cape _Ras-al-Nashef_ bearfrom each other E. S. E. And W. S. W. Distant about four leagues. 

[Footnote 299: In our mode of counting time, three in the morning of the8th. --E. ]

[Footnote 300: This nautical language is so different from that of thepresent day as to be almost unintelligible. They appear to have sailedin a winding channel, in which the wind was sometimes scant, sometimeslarge and sometimes contrary; so that occasionally they had to tack orturn to windward. The strange word _roamour_, which has occurred oncebefore, may be conjectured to mean that operation in beating towindward, in which the vessel sails contrary to the direction of hervoyage, called in ordinary nautical language the short leg of thetack. --E. ]

[Footnote 301: Signifying in Arabic the shelf of the two hands. --Astl. ]

[Footnote 302: Probably that just before named _Prionoto_ from Ptolomy, and called cape of the mountains, because the Abyssinian mountains thereend. --E. ]

At sunrise on the 10th we set sail to the N. N. E. The wind being freshand the sea appearing clear and navigable. When about half a league fromthe point we saw, as every one thought, a ship under sail, but ondrawing nearer it was a white rock in the sea, which we were tolddeceives all navigators as it did us. After this we stood N. By E. Bynine o'clock we reached an island named _Connaka_, and passed between itand the main-land of Africa. This island is small and barren, about halfa league in circuit, and is about a league and a half from the main. Itresembles a vast crocodile with its legs stretched out, and is a notedland-mark among navigators. _Connaka_ and _Zamorjete_ bear from eachother N. W. By W. And S. E. By E. Distant about six small leagues. Abouthalf an hour past ten, we reached a very long point of sand stretchingfar out to sea, called _Ras-al-nef_, which signifies in Arabic the pointor cape of the nose. There is no nigh land whatever about this cape, buta vast plain field without tree or any green thing, and in the very faceof the point stands a great temple without any other buildings, and oneach side of it is a very clear sandy coast in manner of a bay. Thiscape of _Ras-al-nef_ is famous among navigators, as all their troubleand danger ends on reaching it, when they consider themselves at homeand secure. We continued our course from this cape along the coast withthe wind at S. E. At noon my pilot took the altitude, and found ourlatitude 24° 10' N. At which time we were beyond _Ras-al-nef_ aboutthree leagues, whence the latitude of that cape is 24° N. From this itappears that the ancient city of _Berenice_ was built upon this cape_Ras-al-nef_ as Ptolomy places it on this coast under the tropic of_Cancer_, making the greatest declination of the sun at this placealmost 23° 50'. Likewise Pliny says that at Berenice the sun at noon inthe summer solstice gives no shadow to the _gnomon_, by which that cityappears to have stood under the tropic. [303]

[Footnote 303: It may be presumed that the position given by Ptolomy ismerely accidental, resulting from computed distances; and Pliny onlyspeaks from the authority of Ptolomy. In all probability _Al Kossir_, tobe afterwards mentioned, is the _Berenice_ of the ancients. --Astl. ]

Half an hour before sunset, we came to an island called _Shwarit_, butpassing onwards a quarter of a league we came to some shelves of sandand others of rock, and anchored between them in a good harbour called_Sial_. These shelves and this port are 103 leagues beyond _Swakem_. Onthese shelves we saw a much greater quantity of sea-fowl than had beenseen in any part of the Red Sea. From _Ras-al-Nashef_ to the island of_Shwarit_ may be between 16 and 17 leagues. After passing Cape_Ras-al-Nashef_, or the N. W. Point of the great bay, the coast windsvery much, running into the land, and pushing out again a very longpoint of land called _Ras-al-nef_, which two points bear from each otherN. E. And S. W. Almost 1/4 more N. And S. Distant about six leagues large. From _Ras-al-nef_ forwards, the coast winds directly to the N. W. Till wecome to _Swarit_, the distance being between 10 and 11 leagues. In thisdistance the sea is only in three places foul with shoals; _first_ toseaward of the island of _Connaka_, where there is a large fair shoalrising above water in a great ridge of large rocks; and running a longway toward the land; the _second_ place is at the island of _Shwarit_, as both to the east and west of this island great shoals and flatsstretch towards the main-land, so as apparently to shut up the seaentirely between that island and the main; the _third_ is at thisharbour of _Sial_ where we anchored, where the sea is studded thick withinnumerable shoals and flats, so that no part remains free. The islandof Shwarit is a gun-shot in length and nearly as much in breadth, alllow land, with a great green bush in the middle, and opposite to itseast side there is a great rock like an island. _Shwarit_ is little morethan half a league from the main-land. 

From _Swakem_ all the way to _Ras-al-nef_, the countries are allinhabited by _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_, who follow the law of Mahomet, andfrom _Ras-al-nef_, upwards to _Suez_ and the end of this sea, the coastall belongs to Egypt, the inhabitants of which dwell between the coastof the Red Sea and the river Nile. Cosmographers in general call theinhabitants of both these regions _Ethiopians_. Ptolomy calls themEgyptian Arabs: Pomponius Mela and other cosmographers name them ingeneral Arabs; but we ought to follow Ptolomy, as he was the prince ofcosmographers. These Egyptian Arabs, who inhabit the whole country fromthe mountains to the sea, are commonly called _Bedwis_ or _Bedouins_, ofwhose customs and manner of life we shall treat in another place. 

We took in our sails on the 11th of April, and proceeded on our way byrowing. At nine o'clock we entered a great bay called _Gadenauhi_[304], about 4 leagues from _Sial_, the coast between trending N. W. And S. E. Rather more to the N. And S. The land over the sea, which for someway had the appearance of a wall or trench, becomes now very mountainousand _doubled_, shewing so many mountains and so close that it waswonderful. The port or bay of _Gadenauhi_ is 107 leagues beyond_Swakem_, in lat. 24° 40' N. It was low water _one hour after highnoon_[305], and full sea when the moon rose above the horizon; and asthe moon ascended it began to ebb, till the moon was an hour past themeridian, when it began to flow, and was full sea an hour after the moonset. By night the wind was N. W. Two or three hours after midnight wedeparted from _Gadenauhi_ prosecuting our voyage. In passing between theshoal which comes from the N. W. Point of the bay and the island of_Bahuto_, we stuck fast upon the shoal, and were much troubled, believing ourselves in a net or cul-de-sac; but we had no hurt ordanger, and presently got into the right channel and rowed along shore, against the wind at N. W. Till day. The 12th we rowed along shore, andcame an hour after sunrise into a haven called _Xarmeelquiman_ or_Skarm-al-Kiman_, meaning in the Arabic a cleft or opening in themountains. This is a small but excellent harbour, 1-1/2 league beyond_Gadenauhi_, and 108 leagues beyond _Swakem_, very much like the port of_Igidid_. 

[Footnote 304: Perhaps _Wad-annawi_. --Astl. ]

[Footnote 305: This strange expression, as connected with the tide whichis dependent on the moon, may possibly mean when the moon was inopposition to the north; or mid-way between her setting and rising. --]

The 12th of April we set sail along shore, the wind being fresher, andmore large, at E. S. E. About noon it blew very hard with such impetuousgusts that it drove the sands of the coast very high, raising them upto the heavens in vast whirls like great smokes. About evening when thebarks draw together, the wind was entirely calm to some, while others alittle behind or before, or more towards the land or the sea, had itstill so violent that they could not carry sail, the distance betweenthose becalmed and those having the wind very fresh, being often no morethan a stones throw. Presently after, the wind would assail those beforebecalmed, while those that went very swift were left in a calm. Beingall close together, this seemed as if done in sport. Some of these galescame from the E. And E. N. E. So hot and scorching that they seemed likeflames of fire. The sand raised by these winds went sometimes one wayand sometimes another; and we could sometimes see one cloud or pillar ofsand driven in three or four different directions before it fell down. These singular changes would not have been wonderful among hills; butwere very singular where we were at such a distance from the coast. Whenthese winds assailed us in this manner we were at a port named _Shaona_, or _Shawna_; and going on in this manner, sometimes hoisting and atother times striking our sails, sometimes laughing at what we saw, andother times in dread, we went on till near sunset, when we entered aport named _Gualibo_, [306] signifying in Arabic the port of trouble, having advanced this day and part of the former night about 13 leagues. 

[Footnote 306: Perhaps _Kalabon_. --Astl. ]

From _Gadenauhi_ to a port named _Shakara_ which is encompassed by avery red hill, the coast trends N. W. By N. And S. E. By S. The distanceabout 10 leagues; and from this red hill to a point about a leaguebeyond _Gualibo_, the coast runs N. N. W. And S. S. E. Distance about 6leagues. In these 16 leagues, the coast is very clear, only that aleague beyond the Red Hill there is a shoal half a large league from theland. In these 16 leagues there are many excellent ports, more numerousthan I have ever seen in so short a space. At one of these named_Shawna_, which is very large, the Moors and native inhabitants saythere formerly stood a famous city of the gentiles, which I believe tohave been that named _Nechesia_ by Ptolomy in his third book of Africa. Along the sea there runs a long range of great hills very close togetherand doubling on each other, and far inland behind these great mountainsare seen to rise above them. In this range there are two mountainslarger than the rest, or even than any on the whole coast, one of whichis black as though it had been burnt, and the other is yellow, andbetween them are great heaps of sand. From the black mountain inwards Isaw an open field in which were many large and tall trees with spreadingtops, being the first I had seen on the coast that seemed planted byman; for those a little beyond Massua are of the kind pertaining tomarshes on the borders of the sea or of rivers; as those at the port of_Sharm-al-Kiman_ and at the harbour of _Igidid_ are wild and pitiful, naked and dry, without boughs or fruit. These two mountains are abouttwo leagues short of the port of _Sharm-al-Kiman_. _Gualibo_, which is122 leagues beyond Swakem, is very like the port of _Sharm-al-Kiman_;except that the one is environed by many mountains, while the land roundthe other is an extensive plain. The entry to this port is betweencertain rocks or shoals on which the sea breaks with much force, but theentry is deep and large. After sunrise on the 13th we left the port of_Gualibo_, and as the wind was strong at N. W. Making a heavy sea, werowed along shore, and at ten in the morning went into a port named_Tuna_, a league and half beyond _Gualibo_. _Tuna_ is a small foulhaven, beyond Swakem 123 leagues and a half, in lat. 25° 30' N. Theentrance is between rocks, and within it is so much encumbered withshoals and rocks that it is a small and sorry harbour; but round thepoint forming the north side of this harbour, there is a good haven androad-stead against the wind at N. W. The land round it being barren sand. To the N. W. Of this there are three sharp mountains of rock, as if toindicate the situation of the harbour. One hour before sunset wefastened ourselves to a shoal a league beyond _Tuna_. This coast, from aleague beyond _Gualibo_, to another point a league and a half beyondthis shoal, trends N. N. W. And S. S. E distance four leagues. 

The 14th April we rowed along shore, the sea running very high so as todistress the rowers; but beating up against wind and sea till past noon, we came into a fine bay, in the bottom of which we came to anchor in anexcellent haven. This day and night we went about 5 leagues, and werenow about 129 leagues beyond Swakem. For these five leagues the coastextends N. W. And S. E. The land within the coast being in some places lowand plain, while it is mountainous in others. By day-light on the 15thwe were a league short of _Al Kossir_, which we reached an hour andhalf after sunrise, and cast anchor in the harbour. During the pastnight and the short part of this day we had advanced about sevenleagues, the coast extending N. N. W. And S. S. E. According to Pliny, inthe sixth book of his Natural History, and Ptolomy in his third book ofAfrica, this place of _Al Kossir_ was anciently named _Phioteras_[307]. All the land from hence to _Arsinoe_, at the northern extremity of theRed Sea, was anciently called _Enco_. This place is about 15 or 16 daysjourney from the nearest part of the Nile, directly west. This is theonly port on all this coast to which provisions are brought from theland of Egypt, now called _Riffa_; and from this port of _Kossir_ allthe towns on the coast of the Red Sea are provided. In old times, thetown of _Kossir_ was built two leagues farther up the coast; but beingfound incommodious, especially as the harbour at that place was toosmall, it was removed to this place. To this day the ruins of old_Kossir_ are still visible, and there I believe was _Philoteras_. New_Kossir_ by observations twice verified is in lat. 26°15' N. Being 136leagues beyond _Swakem_. The port is a large bay quite open to theeastern winds, which on this coast blow with great force. Right overagainst the town there are some small shoals on which the sea breaks, between which and the shore is the anchorage for frigates and shipscoming here for a loading. The town is very small and perhaps in themost miserable and barren spot in the world. The houses are more likehovels for cattle, some built of stone and clay, and others of sod, having no roofs except a few matts which defend the inhabitants from thesun, and from rain if any happen now and then to fall as it were bychance, as in this place it so seldom rains as to be looked upon as awonder. In the whole neighbouring country on the coast, fields, mountains, or hills, there groweth no kind of herb, grass, tree, orbush; and nothing is to be seen but black scorched mountains and anumber of bare hillocks, which environ the whole place from sea to sea, like an amphitheatre of barrenness and sterility, most melancholy tobehold. Any flat ground there is, is a mere dry barren sand mixed withgravel. The port even is the worst I have seen on all this coast, andhas no fish, though all the other ports and channels through which wecame have abundance and variety. It has no kind of cattle; and thepeople are supplied from three wells near the town, the water of whichdiffers very little from that of the sea. 

[Footnote 307: In Purchas, Al Kossir is named Alcocer. Don John thinksthis place to be the _Philoteras_ of Ptolomy; but Dr Pocock places it2°40' more to the north, making Kossir _Berenice_, which is highlyprobable, as it is still the port of _Kept_, anciently Coptos, or of_Kus_ near it, both on the Nile, as well as the nearest port to the Nileon all that coast, which _Berenice_ was. Dr Pocock supposes old Kossirto have been _Myos Hormos_: but we rather believe it to have beenBerenice. --Ast. ]

The most experienced of the Moors had never heard of the name ofEgypt[308], but call the whole land from _Al Kossir_ to Alexandria bythe name of _Riffa_[309], which abounds in all kinds of victuals andprovisions more than any other part of the world, together with greatabundance of cattle, horses, and camels, there not being a single footof waste land in the whole country. According to the information Ireceived; their language and customs are entirely Arabic. The land, as Iwas told, is entirely plain, on which it never rains except for awonder; but God hath provided a remedy by ordaining that the Nile shouldtwice a year[310] overflow its natural bounds to water the fields. Theysaid likewise that the Nile from opposite to _Al Kossir_, and far abovethat towards the bounds of Abyssinia, was navigable all the way toAlexandria; but having many islands and rocks, either it was necessaryto have good pilots or to sail only by day. They told me likewise thatthe natives inhabited this barren spot of _Al Kossir_, as being thenearest harbour on the coast of the Red Sea to the Nile, whenceprovisions were transported; and that the inhabitants were satisfiedwith slight matts instead of roofs to their houses because not troubledwith rain, and the matts were a sufficient protection from the sun: butmade their walls of stone to defend themselves against the malignity andrapaciousness of the _Badwis_, a perverse people, void of all goodness, who often suddenly assaulted the place in hope of plunder, andfrequently pillaged the caravans coming across from the Nile withprovisions and other commodities. 

[Footnote 308: No wonder, as _Messr_ is the name by which Egypt is knownto the Arabs. --E. ]

[Footnote 309: More properly _Al Rif_, which name more particularlybelongs to part of Lower Egypt. --Ast. ]

[Footnote 310: This is erroneous, as the Nile only overflows onceyearly. --E. ]

The 18th of April we fastened ourselves to a shoal about four leaguespast _Kossir_, and set sail from thence at noon. The 19th, about halfan hour past eight o'clock, while proceeding with fine weather, we weresuddenly taken aback by a fierce gust at N. N. W. Which obliged us to takeshelter in an island called _Suffange-al-bahar_[311] or_Saffanj-al-bahr_, losing 4 or 5 leagues of way that we had alreadyadvanced. The name given to this island means in the Arabic a_sea-sponge_. It is 13 leagues beyond _Al Kossir_, in lat. 27° N. Beingin length about two leagues by about a quarter in breadth, all of sandwithout trees or water. Its harbour is good in all weathers; but uponthe main land the number of bays, ports, and harbours about this placeare wonderful. The best channel here is between the island, and themain, along the coast of the continent, as on the side next the islandthere are some shoals. Likewise in the northern entry to this port thereare other shoals which need not be feared in coming in by day, and inthe southern entrance there is a large rock in the very middle. The 20that sunset we were about six leagues beyond this island ofSafanj-al-bahr. From which island to a sandy, point about 1-1/2 leaguebeyond, the coast trends N. N. W. And S. S. E. And from this point forwardsto the end of the six leagues, the coast winds inwards to landwardsforming a large bay, within which are many islands, ports, creeks, bays, and notable harbours. The 21st by day we were fast to the shore of anisland called Sheduam, and the wind being calm, we rowed along the coastof the island, which, opposite to Arabia or the east side, is high andcraggy, all of hard rock, three leagues long and two broad. This islandis 20 leagues beyond _Al Kossir_, having no water nor any trees. It isbetween the two coasts of Arabia and Egypt, being five leagues fromeither. Beyond it to the north-west are three small low islands withshoals among them. An hour after sunset, we were upon the north cape orpoint of this island, whence we crossed towards the Arabian coast[312], and having no wind we took to our oars. Within a little it began to blowfair from the S. E. And we set sail steering N. W. At eleven next morning, we were upon the coast of the Stony Arabia, and soon sailed along itsshore, entering two hours before sunset into the port _Toro_ or _AlTor_, which may be seen front the island of Sheduam, distant 12 leagues, bearing N. By W. And S. By E. 

[Footnote 311: _Safanj-al-Bahr_. In Arabic _Safanj, Sofinj_ and_Isfanj_, all signify _Sponge_, which is obviously derived from theArabic word. --Ast. ]

[Footnote 312: Probably meaning that part of Arabia between the Gulf ofSuez and the Bahr-akkaba, called the promontory of Tor, of which CapeMahomed forms the S. W. Extremity, --E. ]

_Toro_ or _Al Tor_ was of old called _Elana_, as may be seen in thewritings of Ptolomy, Strabo, and other ancient writers, although ourobservation of the latitude differs materially from theirs. But theyshew that _Elana_ was situated in the most inward part of a very greatgulf, called _Sinus Elaniticus_[313], from the name of this place_Elana_, and in lat. 29°15' N. Now we know that _Toro_ is in lat. 28°10'N. [314] and lies upon a very long and straight coast. The cause of thisgreat difference, if these places be the same, may have proceeded fromerroneous information given to Ptolomy and the other ancientcosmographers. But that ancient _Elana_ and modern _Toro_ are the same, appears from this, that from thence to Suez both on the Arabian andEgyptian coasts of the Elanitic Gulf, not only is there no memorial orremains of any other ancient town, and the barrenness of the country, want of water, and rough craggy mountains, make it evident that in noother place could there be any habitation. Hence, considering thatPtolomy places Elana on the coast of _Arabia Petrea_, near adjoining tomount Sinai, and makes no mention of any town between it and the _Cityof Heroes_ on the upmost extremity of the Elanitic Gulf where the seaends; and as on this shore of Arabia there is neither town, village, norhabitation, coming so near the position assigned to _Elana_ as _Toro_, and as it is impossible to inhabit between _Toro_ and _Suez_, it seemsjust to conclude that _Toro_ and _Elana_ are the same place. The port of_Toro_ seems likewise that mentioned in holy writ under the name of_Ailan_, where Solomon, king of Israel, caused the ships to be builtwhich sailed to _Tarsis_ and _Ophir_ to bring gold and silver for thetemple of Jerusalem: for taking away the second letter from _Ailan_, theancient names are almost the same. Nor is it reasonable that it shouldbe in any other place, as the timber for the navy of Solomon was broughtfrom Lebanon and Antelibanus; and to avoid expences they wouldnecessarily carry it to the nearest port, especially as the Jews thenpossessed the region of Idumea, and that part of the coast of ArabiaPetrea which is between Toro and Suez. Strabo holds that _Elana_ and_Ailan_ are the same city; and when treating of this city in anotherplace, he says, that from the port of _Gaza_ it is 1260 furlongs to thecity of Ailan, which is situated on the _inwardest_ part of the ArabicGulf[315]; "and there are two, one towards Gaza and Arabia, called theSinus Elaniticus, from the city Elana which stands upon it; the other onthe Egyptian side towards the _City of Heroes_ and the way from_Pelusium_ to this gulf is very small. " This is what I would pick outfrom ancient authors. 

[Footnote 313: Don Juan entirely mistakes this point of antiquity, inconsequence of not having learnt that there was another and eastern gulfat the head of the Red Sea; the _Bahr-akkaba_ or real _SinusElaniticus_, on which is the town of _Ayla_, assuredly the ancient_Elana_ or _Aylan_. --E. ]

[Footnote 314: If this observation be exact, the great promontory orpeninsula between the gulfs at the head of the Red Sea must be extendedtoo far south in the map constructed by Dr Pocock. --Ast. ]

[Footnote 315: Had Don Juan de Castro been acquainted with the easterngulf at the head of the Red Sea, called the _Bahr-akkaba_, he would havemore readily chosen _Ayla_ for the seat of _Ailan_, and the dock-yard ofthe navy of Solomon, being at the _inwardest_ part of the Red Sea, andthe port nearest to Gaza. Besides, the portion of the text marked withinverted commas, seems a quotation by Don Juan from Strabo, whichdistinctly indicates the eastern or Elanitic Gulf, and points to _Ayla_as the seat of Elana and _Ailan_, and distinctly marks the other orwestern gulf, now that of Suez. --E. ]

"As this is a point of great moment in geography, it deserves to beexamined[316]. It is observable that Don Juan admits that both Ptolemyand Strabo make the Red Sea terminate to the north in two large gulfs, one towards Egypt and the other towards Arabia, at the end of whichlatter they place _Elana_. Yet here he rejects the authority of bothgeographers, alleging that both were mistaken, because Tor is situatedon a very long and straight coast. He likewise cites Ptolomy as makingthe latitude of Elana 29°15' N. [317] yet accounts the difference betweenthat position and the altitude found at Al Tor, 20°10', as of nosignificance here, though in former instances he had held the tables ofPtolomy as infallible. It is still stranger that Don Juan should afterall admit of a gulf of _Elana_, as will be seen presently, and yet placeit at a great distance, and at the opposite side of the sea from that onwhich Elana stands. However this may be, it is certain that Don Juan, and not the ancients, has been misinformed on this matter; for not onlythe _Arab_ geographers give a particular account of this eastern gulf, as will appear from the description of the Red Sea by _Abulfeda_, butits existence has been proved, by two English travellers, Dr Shaw and DrPocock. The errors which Don Juan has here fallen into, has been owingto not having examined the coast on the side of Arabia; for until thefleet came to the island of Sheduam, it had sailed entirely along theAfrican shore; and then, leaving the north part of that island, itpassed over to the coast of Arabia[318] for the first time, where it maybe presumed that they fell in with the land some way to the north of theS. W. Point of the great peninsula between the two gulfs. This cape inthe maps by De L'Isle and Dr Pocock is called _Cape Mahomet_. Stillhowever as the island of Sheduam seems to lie nearer the eastern gulf;its north end being at least eighteen or twenty miles to the southwardof Cape Mahomet, it is surprising that Don Juan and the whole fleetshould overlook that gulf, which indeed was done before by the Venetianwho sailed along the Arabian shore in the fleet of Solyman Pacha. WhatDon Juan says about the identity of _Elana_ and _Ailan_ or _Aylan_ weshall not contend about, as the authority of Strabo, and the similarityof names are strong proofs. But we shall presently see that the Arabsplace _Aylan_ at the head of a great gulf; and the distance he citesfrom Strabo, 1260 stadia from Gaza to Aylan, supposing it to be exact, is a proof that _Aylan_ cannot be the same with _Toro_. We shall onlyobserve farther, that the positive denial by Don Juan of there being anysuch gulf as the _Elanitic_ on the east or side of Arabia, may have beenthe reason why it was not laid down in the maps of _Sanson_, or by anygeographer before _De L'Isle_. "--Ast. I. 124. A. 

[Footnote 316: This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is adissertation by the editor of Astleys Collection, too important to beomitted, and too long for a note. --E. ]

[Footnote 317: The latitude of Ayla in modern maps is about 29°10' N. Having a very near coincidence. --E. ]

[Footnote 318: Properly speaking only to the Arabian coast of the Gulfof Suez, not at all to the Arabian coast of the Red Sea. --E. ]

The city of _Toro_ or _Al Tor_ is built on the sea-side along anextensive and fair strand or beach, and about a cannon-shot beforecoming to it we saw twelve palm-trees close together very near the sea;and from these a plain field extends to the foot of some high hills. These hills are part of a chain which extends from the straits of Ormuzor Persian Gulf, and which extend hither along the coast very high abovethe sea as far as Toro, where they leave the coast, "and with a greatand sudden violence return from thence to the main towards thenorth-east, as angry and wearied by so long neighbourhood of thewaters. " _Arabia Petrea_ is divided by three mountains from _ArabiaFelix, _ and on the highest tops of them some Christians lead holy andquiet lives. A little way beyond Toro, on the borders of the sea, amountain begins to rise by little and little; and thrusting out a largehigh cape or promontory, seems to those in the town like three great andmighty separate mountains. This town of Tor is small but well situated, all its inhabitants being Christians who speak Arabic. It has amonastery of friars of the order of _Monserrat_, in which is the oracleor image of _Santa Catalina_ of Mount Sinai or St Catharine. Thesefriars are all Greeks. The harbour of Toro is not large, but verysecure, having opposite to the shore a long stony bank, between whichand the shore is the harbour. At this place both the coasts of the gulfare only about three leagues distant. 

Being desirous to learn some particulars concerning this country, I mademyself acquainted with the friars, from whom I had the followinginformation. They told me that Mount Sinai was _thirteen_ small daysjourney into the land, or about 18 leagues[319]. The mountain is veryhigh, the country around being plain and open, having on its borders agreat town inhabited by Christians, into which no Mahometan can enterexcept he who gathers the rents and duties belonging to the Turks. Onthe top of the mountain is a monastery having many friars, where thebody of the blessed Virgin St Catharine lay buried. According to Anthonybishop of Florence, the body of this Holy Virgin was carried away by theangels from the city of Alexandria and buried on Mount Sinai. They toldme farther that about four months before our arrival this most blessedand holy body was carried from the mountain with great pomp, on atriumphal chariot all gilt, to the city of Cairo, where the Christiansof that city, which are the bulk of the inhabitants, came out to receiveit in solemn procession, and set it with great honour in a monastery. The cause of this strange removal was the many insults which themonastery on Mount Sinai suffered from the Arabs, from whom the friarsand pilgrims had often to redeem themselves with money; of which theChristians of Cairo complained to the Turkish governor, and receivedpermission to bring the blessed and holy body to their city, which wasdone accordingly, in spite of a strenuous opposition from the friars ofMount Sinai. I am somewhat doubtful of the truth of thistransportation, suspecting that the friars may have trumped up thisstory lest we might have taken the holy body from them, as they expectedus with an army of 10, 000 men. Yet they affirmed it for truth, expressing great sorrow for the removal. These friars told me likewisethat several hermits lead a solitary and holy life in these mountainsover against the town; and that all through the Stony Arabia, there aremany towns of Christians. I asked if they knew where the Jews had passedthe Red Sea; but they knew of no certain place, only that it must havebeen somewhere between _Toro_ and _Suez_. They said likewise, that onthe Arabian coast of the Gulf, two or three leagues short of Suez, wasthe fountain which Moses caused to spring from the rock by striking itwith his rod, being still called by the Arabs the fountain of Moses, thewater of which is purer and more pleasant than any other. They said thatfrom _Toro_ to _Cairo_ by land was seven ordinary days journey, in whichthe best and most direct way was through Suez: But that since theTurkish gallies came to Suez they had changed the road, going twoleagues round to avoid Suez, after which they turned to the west. 

[Footnote 319: Surely this passage should be only _three_ short daysjourney. --E. ]

I afterwards conversed with a very honest, learned and curiousMahometan, whom I asked if he could tell where the Jews crossed the RedSea; on which he told me that both in tradition and in some old writingsit was said that the Jews, fleeing from the Egyptians, arrived on thecoast of Egypt directly opposite to _Toro_, where Moses prayed to Godfor deliverance, and struck the sea twelve times with his rod, on whichit opened in twelve several paths, by which the Jews passed over to theother side to where _Toro_ now stands; after which the Egyptiansentering into these paths were all destroyed to the number of about600, 000 men. That from _Toro_ Moses led the Israelites to Mount Sinai, where Moses spake many times with God. I approved much of this opinion;for if the passage had been at Suez, as some insist, the Egyptians hadno occasion to have entered into the sea for persecuting the Jews, asthey could have gone round the bay and got before them, more especiallyas they were horsemen and the Jews all on foot. For though all thesethings came about by a miracle, we see always on like occasions there isa shew and manner of reason. I asked of this Moor if it were true thatthe Christians of Cairo had carried away the body of St Catharine fromMount Sinai; but he said he had never heard of it, neither did hebelieve the story; and that only four months before he had been inCairo, which city they call _Mecara_[320], where he heard of no suchthing. He thought likewise that the Christians about Mount Sinai wouldnever have permitted such a thing, as they all considered that woman asa saint, and held her body in great reverence. He told me also that twoor three leagues before coming to _Suez_ there is a fountain which wasgiven to the Jews at the intercession of Moses, whom they call _Muzau_, the water of which surpasses all others in goodness. On inquiring whatkind of a place was the town of _Suez_, he said he had never been there, as no person could enter that town except those appointed by thegovernor of Cairo for taking care of the gallies, nor come nearer thantwo leagues under pain of death. 

[Footnote 320: Mecara, perhaps by mistake for Meçara or Mezara, which isvery near Mesr as it is called by the Turks. Cairo is an Italiancorruption of Kahera or al Kahira--Astl. ]

SECTION VIII. 

_Continuation of the Voyage from Taro or al Tor to Suez. _

We set sail the day after our arrival at Toro, being the 23d of April1541, and on the 24th we were in the lat. Of 27° 17' N. At this place, which is 20 leagues beyond Toro and 52 leagues from _al Kossir_, theland of Egypt, or that coast of the Red Sea which continueth all the wayfrom Abyssinia, comes out into the sea with a very long and low point, which winds a great way inwards to the land and more crooked than anyother I have seen. After forming a large fine bay, it juts out into alarge high cape or point, which is three short leagues from _Suez_, atthe other extremity of this bay, and from that first promontory to_Suez_ the land bears N. W. By N. And S. E. By S. The shore of this bay isvery high and rough, and at the same time entirely parched and barren. The whole of this large bay, except very near the shore, is so deep thatwe had no ground with fifty fathom, and the bottom is a soft sand lakeouze. This bay I hold to have been undoubtedly the _Sinus Elaniticus_ ofthe ancients, though Strabo and Ptolemy, being both deceived in regardto its situation, placed it on the coast of Stony Arabia at _Toro_. This I mentioned before, when describing _Toro_, that Strabo says theArabian Gulf ends in two bays, one called _Elaniticus_ on the Arabianside, and the other on the Egyptian side where stands the _City ofHeroes_[321]. Ptolemy evidently fixes the _elanitic sinus_ on the coastof Arabia, where Toro now stands; which is very wonderful, consideringthat Ptolemy Was born in Alexandria, where he wrote his Cosmography andresided all his life, and which city is so very near these places. 

[Footnote 321: No description can be more explicit: but Don Johnunfortunately knew not of the eastern _sinus_, and found himselfconstrained to find both _sinuses_ in one gulf. --E. ]

The 26th of April we set sail, and at eleven o'clock we lowered oursails, rowing along shore, where we cast anchor. Two hours before sunsetwe weighed again with the wind at north and rowed along shore; andbefore the sun set we anchored behind a point of land on the Arabianshore, which sheltered us effectually from the north wind, havingadvanced only a league and a half this day. This point is three _small_leagues short of _Suez_, and is directly east of the N. W. Point of theGreat Gulf, distance about a league. From this point, about half aleague inland, is the fountain of Moses already mentioned. As soon as wehad cast anchor we went on shore, whence we saw the end of this sea, which we had hitherto thought without end, and could plainly see themasts of the Turkish ships. All this gave us much satisfaction, yetmixed with much anxiety. As the wind blew hard all night from the north, we remained at anchor behind the point till day. 

On the morning of the 27th, the wind blowing hard at N. N. W. We remainedat anchor till ten, when we departed from the point and made for Suezwith our oars. When about a league from the end of the sea, I wentbefore with two _catures_ to examine the situation of Suez and to lookout for a proper landing-place. We got close up to Suez about threeo'clock in the afternoon, where we saw many troops of horse in thefield, and two great bands of foot-soldiers in the town, who made manyshots at us from a blockhouse. The Turkish navy at this place consistedof forty-one large gallies, and nine great ships. Having completed theexamination, and returned to our fleet, we all went to the point of landto the west of the bay, and came to anchor near the shore in fivefathoms water, in an excellent harbour, the bottom a fine soft sand. 

It is certain that in ancient times Suez was called the _City ofHeroes_, for it differs in nothing as to latitude situation and bearingsfrom what is said in Ptolomy, Table III. Of Africa. More especially asSuez is seated on the uttermost coast of the nook or bay where the seaof Mecca ends, on which the City of Heroes was situated, as Strabowrites in his XVII book thus: "The city of _Heroes_, or of _Cleopatra_, by some called _Arsinoe_, is in the uttermost bounds of the _SinusArabicus_, which is towards Egypt. ". Pliny, in the VI. Book of hisNatural History, seems to call the port of Suez _Danao_, on account ofthe trench or canal opened between the Nile and the Red Sea. Thelatitude of Suez is 29° 45' N. Being the nearest town and port of theRed Sea to the great city of Cairo, called anciently _Babylon_ of Egypt. From Suez to the _Levant Sea_ or Mediterranean, at that mouth of one ofthe seven branches of the Nile which is called _Pelusium_, is about 40leagues by land, which space is called the _isthmus_, or narrow neck ofland between the two seas. On this subject Strabo writes in his XVII. Book, "The isthmus between Pelusium and the extreme point of the ArabianGulf where stands the _City of Heroes_, is 900 stadia. " This is the portof the Red Sea to which Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, after the victoryobtained by Augustus over Antony, commanded ships to be carried by landfrom the Nile, that they might flee to the Indians. 

Sesostris King of Egypt and Darius King of Persia undertook at differentperiods to dig a canal between the Nile and the Red Sea, on purpose toopen a navigable communication between the Mediterranean and the Indianocean; but as neither of them completed the work, Ptolomy made a trench100 feet broad and 30 feet deep, which being nearly finished, hediscontinued lest the sea-water from the Arabian Gulf might render thewater of the Nile salt and unfit for use. Others say that, on taking thelevel, the architects and masters of the work found that the Sea ofArabia was _three cubits_ higher than the land of Egypt, whence it wasfeared that all the country would be inundated and destroyed. Theancient authors on this subject are Diodorus Siculus, Pliny, PomponiusMela, Strabo, and many other cosmographers[322]. 

[Footnote 322: This communication was actually opened about A. D. 685, by _Amru_, who conquered Egypt for _Moawiah_, the first _OmmiyanKhalifah_ of Damascus. It was called _al Khalij al Amir al Momenein_, orthe canal of the commander of the faithful, the title of the Caliphs. Itwas shut up about 140 years afterwards by _Abu Jafar al Mansur_. --Astl. ]

Although the town of Suez had a great name of old, it is small enough atthis time, and I believe had been utterly ruined and abandoned if theTurkish navy had not been stationed here. In the front of the land whichfaces the south where this sea ends there is the mouth of a small creekor arm of the sea entering a short way into the land, which extendstowards the west till stopped by a hillock, the only one that rises inthese parts: Between which creek and the bay or ending of the sea is avery long and narrow tongue or spit of sand, on which the gallies andships of the Turks lie aground; and on which the ancient and warlikeCity of the Heroes is seated[323]. There still remains a small castle, without which are two high ancient towers, the remains of the City ofHeroes which stood here in old times. But on the point of land where thecreek enters there is a great and mighty bulwark of modern structure, which defends the entry of the creek, and scours the coast behind thesterns of the gallies if any one should attempt to land in that place. Besides this, there runs between the gallies and the strand, anentrenchment like a ridge or long hill, making the place very strong anddefensible. Having considered this place attentively, it seemed to meimpossible to land in any part except behind the little mountain on thewest at the head of the creek, as we should be there free from theTurkish artillery, and likewise the possession of this hillock mightcontribute to our success against the enemy. But it is necessary toconsider that all along this strand the water is shoaly for the breadthof a bow-shot, and the ground a soft sticking clay or sinking sand, as Iperceived by examining the ground from the foist or cature, which wouldbe very prejudicial to the men in landing. 

[Footnote 323: This description does not agree with the map or relationof Dr Pocock; which makes the sea terminate in two bays, divided by thetongue of land on which Suez stands. That to the N. W. Is very wide atthe mouth, and is properly the termination of the western gulf of theRed Sea. The other on the N. E. Is narrow at the entrance; and is dividedby another tongue of land into two parts. --Astl. ]

In regard to the particulars which I learnt concerning Suez, as told meby some of the men I met with, especially the Moor formerly mentionedwhom I conversed with at Toro, I was informed that at the fountain ofMoses, formerly mentioned as three leagues from Suez towards _Toro_, there had been a great city in old times, of which they say domebuildings or ruins are still to be seen; but they could not say what hadbeen its name. They told me also that the remains of the canal attemptedto be made in old times from the Nile at the city of Cairo to Suez werestill to be seen, though much defaced and filled by length of time, andthat those who travel from Suez to Cairo have necessarily to pass theseremains. Some alleged that this trench was not intended for navigationbetween the Nile and the Red sea, but merely to bring water from theNile for the supply of Suez. They told me that the whole country fromSuez to Cairo was a sandy plain, quite barren and without water, beingthree days journey going at leisure, or about 15 leagues. That in Suezand the country round it seldom rained, but when it did at any time itwas very heavy; and that the north-wind blew at Suez the whole year withgreat force. 

From _Toro_ to _Suez_ it is 28 leagues, without any island bank or shoalin the whole way that can impede the navigation. Departing from Toro bythe middle of the channel, the ran for the first 16 leagues is N. W. ByN. From S. E. By S. In all of which space the two coasts are about anequal distance from each other, or about three leagues asunder. At theend of these 16 or 17 leagues, the coasts begin to close very much, sothat the opposite shores are only one league distant, which narrownesscontinues for two leagues; after which the Egyptian coast withdraws verymuch towards the west, making the large fine bay formerly mentioned. Themid channel from the end of the before mentioned 16 or 17 leagues, tillwe come to the N. W. Point of this bay trends N. N. W. And S. S. E. Thedistance being 8 leagues. In this place the lands again approach verymuch, as the Arabian shore thrusts out a very long low point, and theEgyptian coast sends out a very large and high point at the end of thebay on the N. W. Side, these points being only a little more than oneleague asunder. From these points to Suez and the end of this sea, thecoasts wind inwards on each side, making another bay somewhat more thantwo leagues and a half long and one league and a half broad, where thissea, so celebrated in holy scripture and by profane authors, has itsend. The middle of this bay extends N. And S. With some deflection toW. And E. Respectively, distance two leagues and a half. On the coastbetween Toro and Suez, on the Arabian side, a hill rises about agun-shot above Toro very near the sea, which is all bespotted with redstreaks from side to side, giving it a curious appearance. This hillcontinues along the coast for 15 or 16 leagues, but the red streaks donot continue more than six leagues beyond Toro. At the end of the 15 or16 leagues this ridge rises into a great and high knoll, after which theridge gradually recedes from the sea, and ends about a league short ofSuez. Between the high knoll and Suez along the sea there is a very lowplain, in some places a league in breadth, and in others nearer Suez aleague and half. Beside this hill towards Toro I saw great heaps ofsand, reaching in some places to the top of the hill, yet were there nosands between the hill and the sea: "Likewise by the clefts and breachesmany broken sands were driven, " whence may be understood how violent thecross winds blow here, as they snatch up and drive the sand from out ofthe sea and lift it to the tops of the hills. These cross winds, as Inoticed by the lying of the sands, were from the W. And the W. N. W. 

On the other or Egyptian side of this gulf, between Toro and Suez, thererun certain great and very high hills or mountains appearing over thesea coast; which about 17 leagues above Toro open in the middle as lowas the plain field, after which they rise as high as before, andcontinue along the shore to within a league of Suez, where they entirelycease. I found the ebb and flow of the sea between Toro and Suez quiteconformable with what has been already said respecting other parts ofthe coast, and neither higher nor lower: Whence appears the falsehood ofsome writers, who pretend that no path was opened through this sea forthe Israelites by miracle; but merely that the sea ebbed so much in thisplace that they waited the ebb and passed over dry. I observed thatthere were only two places in which it could have been possible forSesostris and Ptolomy kings of Egypt, to have dug canals from the Nileto the Red-Sea: One of these by the breach of the mountains on theEgyptian coast 17 leagues above Toro, and 11 short of Suez; and theother by the end of the nook or bay on which Suez stands; as at thisplace the hills on both sides end, and all the land remains quite plainand low, without hillocks or any other impediment. This second appearsto me to be much more convenient for so great a work than the other, because the land is very low, the distance shorter, and there is a havenat Suez. All the rest of the coast is lined by great and high mountainsof hard rock. Hence Suez must be the place to which Cleopatra commandedthe ships to be brought across the isthmus, a thing of such great labourthat shortness was of most material importance: Here likewise for thesame reason must have been the trench or canal from the Nile to the RedSea; more especially as all the coast from Toro upwards is waste, andwithout any port till we come to Suez. 

During all the time which we spent between Toro and Suez, the heaven wasconstantly overcast with thick black clouds, which seemed contrary tothe usual nature of Egypt; as all concur in saying that it never rainsin that country, and that the heavens are never obscured by clouds orvapours: But perhaps the sea raises these clouds at this place, andfarther inland the sky might be clear; as we often see in Portugal thatwe have clear pleasant weather at Lisbon, while at Cintra only fourleagues distant, there are great clouds mists and rain. The sea betweenToro and Suez is subject to sudden and violent tempests; as when thewind blows from the north, which is the prevailing wind here, althoughnot very great, the sea is wonderfully raised, the waves beingeverywhere so coupled together and broken that they are very dangerous. This is not occasioned by shallow water, as this channel is very deep, only that on the Egyptian side it is somewhat shoaly close to the shore. "About this place I saw certain _sea foams_ otherwise called _evilwaters_, the largest I had ever seen, being as large as a target, of awhitish dun colour. These do not pass lower than Toro; but below thatthere are infinite small ones, which like the other are bred in and goabout the sea[324]. " While between Toro and Suez, though the days wereinsufferably hot, the nights were colder than any I ever met with. 

[Footnote 324: This passage respecting _sea foams_ or _evil waters_ isaltogether unintelligible, unless perhaps some obscure allusion to_water-spouts_ maybe supposed. --E. ]

SECTION IX. 

_Return Voyage from Suez to Massua. _

In the morning of the 28th of April 1541 we departed from before Suez onour return to Massua[325]. At sunset we were one league short of a sharpred peak on the coast, 20 leagues from Suez. At night we took in oursails and continued along shore under our foresails only, the windblowing hard at N. N. W. Two hours within the night, we came to anchornear the shore in 3 fathoms, the heavens being very dark and covered bymany thick black clouds. The 29th we weighed in the morning, and cameinto the port of Toro at nine o'clock, but soon weighed again, and cameto anchor a league farther on, in a haven called _Solymans wateringplace_, where we took in water, digging pits in the sand a stones throwfrom the sea, where we got abundance of brackish water. Leaving thisplace in the morning of the 30th, we anchored at 10 in the morning atthe first of the three islands, which are two leagues N. W. Of the islandof _Sheduam_. I went on shore here with my pilot, when we took the sunsaltitude a little less than 80°; and as the declination that day was17°36' the latitude of this island is 27°40' N. At sunset on the 1st ofMay we set sail, and by even-song time we came to an island, two leagueslong, which thrusts out a point very close to the main land, betweenwhich and the island is a singularly good harbour for all weathers, fitfor all the ships in the world. The 2d at sunset we came to anchor inthe port of _Goelma_[326], which is safe from N. And N. W. Winds, butonly fit for small vessels. A short space within the land is the dry bedof a brook, having water during the floods of winter descending from themountains. Digging a little way we found fresh water. There is a wellhere also, but not abundant in water. This port, the name of whichsignifies in Arabic _the port of water_, is N. N. W. Of _al Kessir_, distant 4 leagues. 

[Footnote 325: The fleet seems only to have been before Suez from 3o'clock on the afternoon of the 27th of April till the morning of nextday the 28th, or rather Don Juan only went forwards to examine thepossibility of landing. Yet De Faria says, II. 23. "That after manybrave attempts made by several to view and sound the harbour, DonStefano landed with his men, and being repulsed, chiefly by means of anambush of 2000 horse, was obliged to retire. " The silence of Don Johnrespecting any military operations, and the shortness of time, leaveshardly room to suppose that any were attempted. --E. ]

[Footnote 326: Rather Kallama or Kalla'lma, --Astl. ]

The 4th of May we rowed along shore, and came to anchor near sunset, ina small but excellent harbour named _Azallaihe_, two leagues S. E. Beyond_Shakara_ between that place and the _black hillock_. We lay at anchorall night, the wind at N. N. W. _Bohalel Shame_ is a deep, safe, andcapacious port, in which many ships may ride at anchor. It was namedfrom one Bohalel, a rich chief of the _Badwis_ who dwelt in the inlandcountry, and used to sell cattle to the ships frequenting this port. _Shame_ signifies land or country; so that _Bohalel Shame_ signifies theLand of Bohalel[327]. At this place we found an honourable tomb within ahouse like a chapel, in which hung a silk flag or standard, with manyarrows or darts round the grave, and the walls were hung round with manybulls[328]. On an upright slab or table at the head of the grave therewas a long inscription or epitaph, and about the house there were manysweet-scented waters and other perfumes. From the Moors and Arabs I wasinformed that an Arabian of high rank of the lineage of Mahomet was hereburied; and that the _Sharifs_ of Jiddah and other great prelates gaveindulgences and pardons to all who visited his sepulchre: But thePortuguese sacked the house and afterwards burnt it, so that no vestigewas left. On the shore of this harbour we saw many footsteps of tigersand goats, as if they had come here in search of water. 

[Footnote 327: Rather perhaps _Bohalel Shomeh_, meaning the lot orportion of Bohalel. --Astl. ]

[Footnote 328: Perhaps _Bells_. --E. ]

Having often occasion to mention the _Badwis_ or _Bedouins_ whilevoyaging along the coasts of their country, it may be proper to givesome account of that people. These _Badwis_ are properly the_Troglodites ophiofagi_, of whom Ptolemy, Pomponius Mela, and otherancient writers make mention. These _Badwis_ or _Troglodites_ live onthe mountains and sea-coasts from _Melinda_ and _Magadoxa_ to Cape_Guardafu_, and thence all along the coasts of the Red Sea on bothsides, and along the outer coast of Arabia through the whole coast ofthe Persian Gulf; all of which land they may be more properly said tooccupy than to inhabit. In Good Arabic, _Badwi_ signifies one who livesonly by cattle[329]. Those who dwell along the Red Sea from _Zeyla_ to_Swakem_, and thence to _al Kossir_, are continually at war with the_Nubii_ or _Nubians_; while those from _Kossir_ to _Suez_ perpetuallymolest the Egyptians. On the eastern coast of the Red Sea the _Badwis_have incessant contests with the Arabians. They are wild men, among whomthere is no king or great lord, but they live in tribes or factions, allowing of no towns in their country, neither have they any fixedhabitations, but live a vagabond life, wandering from place to placewith their cattle. They abhor all laws and ordinances, neither will theyadmit of their differences being judged of by any permanent customs ortraditions, but rather that their sheiks or chiefs shall determineaccording to their pleasure. They dwell in caves and holes, but most ofthem in tents or huts. In colour they are very black, and their languageis Arabic. They worship Mahomet, but are very bad Mahometans, beingaddicted beyond all other people on earth to thievery and rapine. Theyeat raw flesh, and milk is their usual drink. Their habits are vile andfilthy; but they run with wonderful swiftness. They fight afoot or onhorseback, darts being their chief weapons, and are almost continuallyat war with their neighbours. 

[Footnote 329: _Badwi_, or more properly _Badawi_, signifies a dwellerin the field or in the desert; corruptly called by us Bedouin. --Astl. ]

By day-light of the 10th May we weighed anchor from the port of_Igidid_[330], and an hour before sunset we fastened our barks to ashoal about four leagues south of _Farate_. In this shoal there is anexcellent harbour, lying almost E. S. E. And W. N. W. But very crooked andwinding, so large that we could not see to the other end. The 22d ofMay[331], by day-break, we were a league short of the grove which standsfour leagues north of _Massua_, having the wind from the land. At nineo'clock it began to blow fair from the N. N. E. And we entered the port ofMassua at noon, where we were joyfully received by the fleet and army. From the 22d of May, when we entered Massua, the winds were always fromthe easterly points, either E. Or S. E. Or E. S. E. Often with greatstorms. On the last day of June we had so violent a gale from S. E. Thatthe galleons drifted and were in great danger of grounding. This stormwas attended by heavy rain and fearful thunders, and a thunderboltstruck the mast of one of our galleons, which furrowed it in its wholelength. On the 2d of July we had another great storm from the east whichlasted most of the day, and drove many of our vessels from theiranchors. From thence to the 7th of July we had other storms, but smallin comparison. On the 8th and 9th we had two desperate gales from theland. 

[Footnote 330: Either Don Juan or his abbreviator has omitted part ofthe Journal at this place, from the port of _Azallaihe_ to that of_Igidid_--E. ]

[Footnote 331: Here again a considerable portion of the Journal isemitted. --E. ]

SECTION X. 

_Return of the Expedition from Massua to India_. 

Having remained 48 days at Massua, we set sail from thence on our returnto India on the 9th of July 1541, one hour before sunrise, and byday-break we were two or three leagues short of the north point of_Dallak_, and among some flat islands that have some woods, whichislands are scattered in the sea to the north of Dallak. We sailedthrough a channel between two of these islands, having a fair windalmost N. W. Our course being N. E. By N. After doubling a shoal we cameto anchor, and at two in the afternoon we sailed again with a fair windat N. N. E. Coasting the island of Dallak. An hour before sunset we cameto a very flat sandy island, called _Dorat Melkuna_, from which on allsides extended great shoals. When the sun set we were a league short ofthe island of _Shamoa_, between which and the west side of Dallak, opposite the Abyssinian coast, is the most frequented channel for suchas sail to Massua. All the coast of Dallak which we sailed along thisday trends N. N. W. And S. S. E. And is very low. The 18th of July by daybreak we saw the mouth of the straits[332], about three leagues distant, "and we saw all the fleet _lye at hull_, and presently we set sailaltogether[333]. "

[Footnote 332: A large portion of the Journal is again omitted at thisplace, either by Don Juan or his abbreviator, Purchas. --E. ]

[Footnote 333: Perhaps in coming in sight of the Strait, the ship of DonJuan was so much in advance as barely to see the hulls of the rest; andlay to till the rest came up. --E. ]

Before leaving the Gulf of Arabia or of Mecca, it may be proper toconsider the reason why the ancients called this Gulf the _Red Sea_, andto give my own opinion founded on what I actually saw, whether it differin colour from the great ocean. In the _sixth_ book of his NaturalHistory, Pliny quotes several opinions as the origin of the name_Erythros_ given to this sea by the ancients[334]. The first is, that ittook its name from _Erythra_, a king who once reigned on its borders, whence came _Erythros_ which signifies _red_ in the Greek. Anotheropinion was that the reflexion of the sun-beams gave a red colour tothis sea. Some hold that the red colour proceeds from the sand andground along the sea coast, and others that the water was red itself. Ofthese opinions every writer chose that he liked best. The Portuguese whoformerly navigated this sea affirmed that it was spotted or streakedwith red, arising as they alleged from the following circumstances. Theysay that the coast of Arabia is naturally very red, and as there aremany great storms in this country, which raise great clouds of dusttowards the skies, which are driven by the wind into the sea, and thedust being _red_ tinges the water of that colour, whence it got the nameof the Red Sea. 

[Footnote 334: By Dr. Hyde, in his notes on _Peritsol_, and Dr. Cumberland, in his remarks on Sanchoniatho, and by other writers, _Erythros_ or _Red_ is supposed to be a translation of _Edom_, the nameof _Esau_; whence it is conjectured that this sea, as well as thecountry of _Idumea_, took their denominations from _Edom_. But this doesnot seem probable for two reasons: _First_, because the Jews do not callit the _Red Sea_ but _Tam Suf_, or the _Sea of Weeds_; and, _second_, the ancients included all the ocean between the coasts of Arabia andIndia under the name of the _Erythrean_ or _Red Sea_, of which the_Persian_ and the _Arabian Gulfs_ were reckoned branches. --Ast. I. 129. C. ]

From leaving _Socotora_, till I had coasted the whole of this sea allthe way to _Suez_, I continually and carefully observed this sea; andthe colour and appearance of its shores, the result of which I shall nowstate. First then, it is altogether false that the colour of this sea isred, as it does not differ in any respect from the colour of other seas. As to the dust driven by the winds from the land to the sea staining thewater; we saw many storms raise great clouds of dust and drive them tothe sea, but the colour of its water was never changed by these. Thosewho have said that the land on the coast is red, have not well observedthe coats and strands: for generally on both, sides the land by the seais brown and very dark, as if scorched. In some places it appears blackand in others white, and the sands are of these colours. In three placesonly there are certain parts of the mountains having veins or streaks ofa red colour; and at these places the Portuguese had never been beforethe present voyage. These three places are all far beyond _Swakem_towards Suez, and the three hills having these red streaks or veins areall of very hard rock, and all the land round about that we could seeare of the ordinary colour and appearance. Now, although substantiallythe water of this sea has no difference in colour from that of otherseas, yet in many places its waves by accident seem very red, from thefollowing cause. From _Swakem_ to _Kossir_, which is 136 leagues, thesea is thickly beset with shoals and shelves or reefs, composed of_coral stone_, which grows like clustered trees spreading its brancheson all sides as is done by real _coral_, to which this stone bears sostrong resemblance that it deceives many who are not very skilfulrespecting the growth and nature of coral. 

This _coral stone_ is of two sorts, one of which is a very pure white, and the other very _red_. In some places this _coral stone_ is coveredby great quantities of green ouze or sleech, and in other places it isfree from this growth. In some places this ouze or sleech is very brightgreen, and in others of an orange-tawny colour. From _Swakem_ upwards, the water of this sea is so exceedingly clear, that in many places thebottom may be distinctly seen at the depth of 20 fathoms. Hence, where-ever these shoals and shelves are, the water over them is of threeseveral colours, according to the colour of these rocks or shelves, red, green, or white, proceeding from the colour of the ground below, as Ihave many times experienced. Thus when the ground of the shoals is sand, the sea over it appears _white_; where the coral-stone is covered with_green_ ouze or sleech, the water above is greener even than the weeds;but where the shoals are of _red_ coral, or coral-stone covered by _red_weeds, all the sea over them appears very _red_. And, as this _red_colour comprehends larger spaces of the sea than either the _green_ orthe _white_, because the stone of the shoals is mostly of _red coral_, Iam convinced that on this account it has got the name of the _Red Sea_, and not the green sea or the white sea, though these latter colours arelikewise to be seen in perfection. 

The means I used for ascertaining this secret of nature were these. Ioftentimes fastened my bark upon shoals where the sea appeared red, andcommanded divers to bring me up stones from the bottom. Mostly it was soshallow over these shoals, that the bark touched; and in other placesthe mariners could wade for half a league with the water only breasthigh. On these occasions most of the stones brought up were of redcoral, and others were covered by orange-tawny weeds. Whether the seaappeared _green_, I found the stones at the bottom were white coralcovered with green weeds; and where the sea was white I found a verywhite sand. I have conversed often with the Moorish pilots, and withpersons curious in antiquities, who dwelt on this sea, who assured methat it was never stained red by the dust brought from the land by thewinds: I do not, however reprove the opinion of former Portuguesenavigators; but I affirm, that having gone through this sea oftener thanthey, and having seen its whole extent, while they only saw smallportions, I never saw any such thing. Every person with whom I conversedwondered much at our calling it the Red Sea, as they knew no other namefor it than the sea of Mecca[335]. On the 9th of August 1541, we enteredthe port of _Anchediva_, where we remained till the 21st of that month, when we went in foists or barks and entered the port of Goa, whence weset out on this expedition on the 31st of December 1540, almost eightmonths before. 

[Footnote 335: This might have been the case among the pilots at thistime; but among Arabic geographers it is likewise called the Sea ofHejaz, the Sea of Yaman, and the Sea of Kolzum. --Astl. ]

 _Table of Latitudes observed in the Journal of Don Juan[336]. _

 Deg. Min. Socotora, 12 40 Bab-al-Mondub[A] 12 15 Sarbo port, [B] 15 76[337] Shaback, scarcely 19 0 _A nameless island _, 19 0 Tradate, harbour 19 50 Fushaa, bay 20 15 Farate, river 21 40 Ras-al-Jidid, port[B] 22 0 Comol, port 22 30 Ras-al-Nef, Cape 24 0 Swairt island 24 10 Gaudenauchi, port 24 40 Tuna, haven 25 30 Kossir[A] 26 15 Safanj-al-bahr, island 27 0 Island, 2 leagues N. W. From Sheduan 27 40 Toro, town 28 10 Anchorage, 20 leagues farther 29 17 Suez 29 45

[Footnote 336: In this Table [A] denotes _two_ observations having beenmade at the place; [B] indicates more observations than two; and all therest only one. All of course north. --E. ]

[Footnote 337: In the enumeration of latitudes in Astleys Collectionthis is set down as 15 deg. 17 min. But in the text of Purchas it isstated as here. --E. ]

SECTION XI. 

_Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf, or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda_[338]. 

The following description of the Red Sea was written by _IsmaelAbulfeda_ prince of _Hamah_ in Syria, the ancient _Epiphania_, who diedin the 733d year of the _Hejirah_ or Mahometan era, corresponding withthe year 1332 of the Christian computation, after having lived sixty-oneyears, twenty two of which he was sovereign of that principality. Greaves has mistaken both the length of his reign, which he makes onlythree years, and the time of his death[339]. Abulfeda was much addictedto the study of geography and history, and wrote books on both of thesesubjects, which are in great estimation in the East. His geographywritten in 721, A. D. 1321, consists of tables of the latitudes andlongitudes of places, in imitation of Ptolemy, with descriptions, underthe title of _Takwin al Boldan_. No fewer than five or six translationshave been made of this work, but by some accident or other none of thesehave ever been published. The only parts of this work that have beenprinted are the tables of _Send_ and _Hend_, or India, published in theFrench collection of Voyages and Travels by Thevenot; and those of_Khowarazm_ or _Karazm, Mawara'l-nahar_, or Great Bukharia, and Arabia. The two former were published in 1650, with a Latin translation by DrGreaves; and all the three by Hudson, in the third volume of the _LesserGreek Geographers_, in 1712; from which latter work this description ofthe Red Sea is extracted, on purpose to illustrate the two precedingjournals, and to shew that there really is such a gulf on the coast ofArabia as that mentioned by the ancients, that geographers may not bemisled by the mistake of Don Juan de Castro. In this edition, the wordsinserted between parenthesis are added on purpose to accommodate thenames to the English orthography, or to make the description morestrictly conformable to the Arabic. The situations or geographicalpositions are here thrown out of the text, to avoid embarrassment, andformed into a table at the end. We cannot however warrant any of them, as those which may have been settled by actual observation are notdistinguished from such as may not have had that advantage; which indeedis the general fault of oriental tables of latitude and longitude. Thelatitude of _Al Kossir_ comes pretty near that formed by Don Juan deCastro; but that of _Al Kolzum_ must err above one degree, while that ofSwakem is more than two degrees erroneous. --Ast. 

[Footnote 338: Astley, I. 130. We have adopted this article from AstleysCollection, that nothing useful or curious may be omitted. In thepresent time, when the trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope is about to bethrown open, it might be highly useful to publish a series of Charts ofall the coasts and islands of the great Eastern Ocean; and among others, a Chart of the Red Sea, with a dissertation on its geography andnavigation, might be made of singular interest and utility. --E. ]

[Footnote 339: See Gagnier's preface to the life of Mahomet byAbu'lfeda; and the preface of Shulten to that of Saladin--Astl. I. 130. D. ]

The author begins his description of the sea of _Kolzum_ or of _Yaman_at _Al Kolzum_[340], a small city at the north end of this sea; whichfrom thence runs south, inclining a little towards the east, as far as_al Kasir_ (_al Kossir_) the port of _Kus_[341]. Hence it continues itscourse south, bending somewhat westward to about _Aidab_ (Aydhab[342]. )The coast passes afterwards directly south to _Sawakan_ (Swakem), asmall city in the land of the blacks, (or _al Sudan_). Proceeding thencesouth, it encompasses the island of _Dahlak_, which is not far from thewestern shore. Afterwards advancing in the same direction, it washes theshores of _al Habash_ (_Ethiopia_ or _Abyssinia_), as far as the cape ormountain of _al Mandab_ (or _al Mondub_), at the mouth of the _Bahr alKolzum_ or Red Sea, which here terminates; the _Bahr al Hind_, or IndianSea flowing into it at this place. The cape or mountain of _al Mandub_and the desert of _Aden_ approach very near, being separated only by sonarrow a strait that two persons on the opposite sides may see eachother across. These Straits are named _Bab al Mandab_. By sometravellers the author was informed that these Straits lie _on this side_of Aden to the north-west, a day and nights sail. The mountains of _alMandab_ are in the country of the negroes, and may be seen from themountains of _Aden_, though at a great distance. Thus much for thewestern side of this sea. Let us now pass over to the eastern coast. 

[Footnote 340: Or _al Kolzom_, which signifies _the swallowing up_. Here, according to Albufeda in his description of _Mesr_ or Egypt, Pharaoh was drowned, and the town and the sea took this name from thatevent. _Kolzum_ is doubtless the ancient _Clysma_, as indicated both bythe similarity of names, and the agreement of situation. It was in theroad of the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca, but is now destroyed. DrPocock places Clysma on his map about 15 min. South from Suez. --Ast. I. 131. B. ]

[Footnote 341: _Kus_ is a town near the Nile, a little way south of_Kept_, the ancient _Koptos_; which shews that Kossir must be theancient Berenice, as formerly observed in a note on the Journal of deCastro. --Astl. I. 131. C. ]

[Footnote 342: In this name of _Aydhab_, the _dh_ is pronounced with akind of lisp, like the English _th_ in the words _the_, _then_, &c. About 1150, in the time of _al Edrisi_, this was a famous port, andcarried on a great trade. Both the king of _Bejah_ or _Bajah_, a port ofNubia, and the Soldan of Egypt, had officers here to receive thecustoms, which were divided between these sovereigns. There was aregular ferry here to _Jiddah_, the port of Mecca, which lies opposite, the passage occupying a day and a night, through a sea full of shoalsand rocks. In his description of Egypt, Abulfeda says Aydhab belonged toEgypt, and was frequented by the merchants of Yaman, and by the pilgrimsfrom Egypt to Mecca. --Astl. I. 131. D. ]

The coast of _Bahr al Kolzum_ runs northward from _Aden_[343], andproceeds thence round the coast of _al Yaman_ (or Arabia Felix), till itcomes to the borders thereof. Thence it runs north to _Joddah_. From_Joddah_ it declines a little to the west, as far as _Jahafah_, astation of the people of _Mesr_ (Egypt), when on pilgrimage to Mecca. Thence advancing north, with a small inclination towards the west, itwashes the coast of _Yanbaak_ (_Yamboa_). Here it turns offnorth-westwards, and having passed _Madyan_ it comes to _Aylah_. Thencedescending southwards it comes to the mountain _al Tur_[344], whichthrusting forwards separates two arms of the sea. Thence returning tothe north, it passes on to _al Kolzum_, where the description began, which is situated to the west of _Aylah_, and almost in the samelatitude. 

[Footnote 343: From Aden the coast leading to the Straits of Bab alMandab runs almost due west, with a slight northern inclination, about115 statute miles, or 1 deg. 45 min. Of longitude to Cape _Arah_, whichwith Cape _al Mandab_ from the two sides of the Straits of Mecca or Babal Mandab, having the island of Prin interposed, considerably nearer tothe Arabian than the African shore. --E. ]

[Footnote 344: A mountain so called near Sinai, which likewise goes bythat name. --Ast. I. 151. H. --This mountain of _al Tur_ forms theseparation between the Gulf of _Suez_ and that of Akkaba, its westernextremity forming Cape Mahomed. --E. ]

_Al Kolzum_ and _Aylah_ are situated on two arms or gulfs of the sea, between which the land interposes, running to the South; which land isthe mountain _al Tur_ almost in the same longitude with _Aylah_, whichstands at the northern extremity of the eastern bay, while _al Kolzum_is at the northern extremity of the western gulf, so that _Aylah_ ismore to the east, and mount _al Tur_ more to the south than _al Kolzum_. _Aylah_ is situated on the inmost part of the promontory which extendsinto the sea. Between _al Tur_ and the coast of _Mesr_ (Egypt), thatarm of the sea or gulf extends on which _al Kolzum_ stands. In likemanner that arm of the sea on which _Aylah_ is situated extends between_al Tur_ and _Hejaz_. From this mountain of _al Tur_ the distance toeither of the opposite coasts is small by sea, but longer about by thedesert of _Fakiyah_, as those who travel by land from _al Tur_ to _Mesr_are under the necessity of going round by _al Kolzum_, and those who goby land from _al Tur_ to _Hejaz_ must go round by way of Aylah. _Al Tur_joins the continent on the north, but its other three sides are washedby the sea. The sea of _al Kolzum_, after passing some way to thesouth-east from _al Tur_ begins to widen on either side, till it becomes_seventy_[345] miles broad. This wider part is called _Barkah alGorondal_. 

[Footnote 345: These are to be understood as Arabian miles, 56-2/3 tothe degree, or each equal to 1-1/4 English miles according to Norwoodsmeasure, 69-1/2 to the degree. --Astl. I. 132. B. 

This would only give 80 English miles for the breadth of the Red Sea;whereas, immediately below the junction of the two northern guffs, it is104 miles broad, and its greatest breadth for a long way is 208miles. --E. ]

_Table of Situations, from Abulfeda_[346]. 

 Lat. Deg. Min. Deg. Min Kolzum, 28 20 N. 54 15 E. -------by some 56 30 Al Kossir, 26 0 59 0 Aydhab 21 0 58 0 Swakem, 17 0 58 0 Aden, 11 0 66 0 Borders of Yaman, 19 0 67 0 Jiddah, 21 0 66 0 Jahafah, 22 0 65 0 Yamboa, 26 0 64 0 Aylah, 29 0 55 0 ---- 28 50 56 40

[Footnote 346: The longitude is reckoned by _Abulfeda_ from the mostwestern shores on the Atlantic Ocean, at the _pillars of Hercules_;supposed to be 10 deg. E. Of the _Fuzair al Khaladat_, or the FortunateIslands. --Ast. I. 134. 

These latitudes and longitudes are so exceedingly erroneous as to defyall useful criticism, and are therefore left as in the collection ofAstley without any commentary; indeed the whole of this extract fromAbulfeda is of no manner of use, except as a curiosity. --E. ]

POSTSCRIPT. -_Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under DonChristopher de Gama[347]. _

While the Portuguese fleet was at Massua, between the 22d of May and9th of July 1541, a considerable detachment of soldiers was landed atArkiko on the coast of Abyssinia under the command of Don Christopher deGama, brother to the governor-general, for the assistance of theChristian sovereign of the Abyssinians against Grada Hamed king of Adelor Zeyla, an Arab sovereignty at the north-eastern point of Africa, without the Red Sea, and to the south of Abyssinia. In the journal ofDon Juan de Castro; this force is stated at 500 men, while in thefollowing notices from De Faria, 400 men are said to have formed thewhole number of auxiliaries furnished by the Portuguese[348]. Thisaccount of the first interference of the Portuguese in the affairs ofAbyssinia by De Faria, is rather meagre and unsatisfactory, and thenames of places are often so disguised by faulty orthography as to bescarcely intelligible. In a future division of our work more ampleaccounts will be given both of this Portuguese expedition, and of othermatters respecting Abyssinia. --E. 

[Footnote 347: From the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 24. ]

[Footnote 348: In an account of this expedition of the Portuguese intoAbyssinia, by the Catholic Patriarch, Juan Bermudez, who accompaniedthem, this difference of the number of men is partly accounted for. According to Bermudez, the force was 400 men, among whom were manygentlemen and persons of note, who carried servants along with them, which increased the number considerably. --E. ]

 * * * * *

Some time before the expedition of De Gama into the Red Sea, Grada Hamedthe Mahometan king of Adel or Zeyla, the country called _Trogloditis_ bysome geographers, submitted himself to the supremacy of the Turkishempire in order to obtain some assistance of men, and throwing off hisallegiance to the Christian emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, immediately invaded that country with a numerous and powerful army. Onthis occasion he took advantage offered by the sovereign of Abyssinia, to whom he owed allegiance, being in extreme youth, and made suchprogress in the country that the emperor _Atanad Sagad_, otherwise named_Claudius_, was obliged to retire into the kingdom or province of Gojam, while his mother, _Saban_ or _Elizabeth_, who administered thegovernment in his minority, took refuge with the _Baharnagash_ in therugged mountains of _Dama_, a place naturally impregnable, which risingto a prodigious height from a large plain, has a plain on its summitabout a league in diameter, on which is an indifferent town withsufficient cattle and other provisions for its scanty population. On oneside of this mountain there is a road of difficult ascent to near thetop; but at the last part of the ascent people have to be drawn up andlet down on planks by means of ropes. 

While in this helpless condition, the queen got notice that Don Stefanode Gama was in the Red Sea, and sent the Baharnagash to him, desiringhis assistance against the tyrant, who had overrun the country, destroyed many ancient churches, and carried off numbers of priests andmonks into slavery. The embassador was favourably listened to; and itwas resolved by the governor-general, in a council of his officers, togrant the assistance required. Accordingly Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, was named to the command on thisoccasion, who was landed with 400 men and eight field-pieces, with manyfirelocks and abundance of ammunition. He was accompanied by Don JuanBermudez, Patriarch of Ethiopia, whose presence was much desired by theAbyssinian emperor, on purpose to introduce the ceremonies of the Romanchurch. 

Don Christopher de Gama and his men set out on their march from Arkikounder the guidance of the Baharnagash for the interior of Abyssinia, andthe men endured incredible fatigue from the excessive heat, though theyrested by day and marched only in the night. A whole week was spent inpassing over a rugged mountain, whence they descended into a verypleasant flat country, watered by many rivulets, through which theymarched for two days to the city of _Barua_, the metropolis or residenceof the Baharnagash. Though much damaged in the late invasion, yet thisplace had several sightly buildings, divided by a large river, withgoodly villages and country houses in the environs. The Portuguese werereceived at the gates by a procession of several monks singing a litany, one of whom made a speech to welcome them, extoling their generosity incoming to the aid of their distressed country: After which thePortuguese visited the church and encamped. 

Don Christopher sent immediate notice of his arrival to the Emperor, whowas at a great distance, and to the queen mother who was near, upon themountain of Dama already mentioned. The Baharnagash was sent to conducther from the mountain, having along with him two companies of thePortuguese as an escort, and brought her to Barua attended by a greatretinue of women and servants. On her arrival, the Portuguese troopsreceived her under arms, and the cannon were fired off to do her honour. The queen was seated on a mule, whose trappings reached to the ground, and she was hidden from view by curtains fixed to the saddle. She wasclothed in white, having a short black cloak or mantle with gold fringeson her shoulders. From her white head dress a flowing white veil felldown that concealed her face. The Baharnagash led her mule by thebridle, having his arms bare in token of respect, while his shoulderswere covered by a tigers skin; and on each side of her walked a noblemanin similar attire. She opened the curtains that surrounded her that shemight see the Portuguese troops; and on Don Christopher going up to payhis compliments, she lifted her veil that he might see her. Thereception on both sides was courteous. Don Christopher went afterwardsto visit her and consult with her, when it was resolved by the advice ofthe Abyssinians to winter at that place, and to wait an answer from theEmperor. The answer came accordingly, expressing his joy for the arrivalof the Portuguese succours, and desiring Don Christopher to march in thebeginning of summer. 

The Portuguese accordingly marched at the time appointed, and in thefollowing order. Some light horse led the van, to explore the road: Thenfollowed the artillery and baggage: After which came the queen and herattendants, with a guard of fifty Portuguese musqueteers: DonChristopher brought up the rear with the remainder of the Portuguesetroops; and the Baharnagash with his officers secured the flanks. Ineight days, the army came to the mountain of _Gané_ of most difficultascent, on the top of which was a city, and on the highest cliff achapel, near which was a house hung round with three hundred embalmedbodies sewed up in hides. These external coverings were much rent withage, and discovered the bodies within still white and uncorrupted. Somesupposed these were the _Roman_ conquerors of the country; while others, and among them the patriarch, supposed them to have been martyrs. Encouraged by the presence of the Portuguese auxiliaries, many of thenatives resorted to the queen. Don Christopher marched on to themountain of Canete, well watered and having abundance of cattle, which, almost impregnable by nature was still farther strengthened byartificial fortifications. The emperors of Abyssinia used formerly to becrowned at this place, which was now held for the tyrant by a thousandmen, who used often to come down from the mountain and ravage the opencountry. 

Contrary to the advice of the queen and her councillors, Don Christopherdetermined to commence his military operations by assaulting this den ofthieves. For this purpose he divided his force into three bodies, one ofwhich he led in person, and courageously endeavoured to force his way bythe three several passes which led to the summit. But after the mostvaliant efforts, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack, in consequence of great numbers of large stones being rolled down uponthem by the enemy. After hearing mass on Candlemas day, the 2d ofFebruary 1542, the Portuguese returned to the attack, playing theircannon against the enemy; and though they lost some men by the greatstones rolled down among them from the mountain, they at length madetheir way to the first gates which they broke open, and forced their wayto the second gates with great slaughter of the enemy, and the loss ofthree Portuguese. The enemy within the second and third gates, seeingonly a few men of the vanguard, opened their gates, on which thePortuguese rushed in and maintained a hot contest with the enemy tillDon Christopher came up with the main body, and pressed the enemy sohard that many of them threw themselves headlong from the rocks. Manywomen and children were made prisoners, and much plunder was taken. Thequeen and her retinue went up to the mountain, expressing greatadmiration of the Portuguese prowess, as the fortress had always beendeemed impregnable by the Ethiopians. The patriarch purified a mosque, which he dedicated to the blessed virgin, and in which mass wascelebrated to the great joy both of the Portuguese and Abyssinians. 

Placing a garrison of Abyssinians in this place under a native officer, the army marched on into the country of a rebel named _Jarse_, who nowsubmitted to the queen and brought his men to her service, thinkingnothing could withstand men who had conquered nature, so highly did theyesteem the conquest of the mountain _Canete_. The king of Zeyla came onnow with his army, covering the plains and mountains with his numbers, and exulting in the hopes of an easy victory over so small a number ofmen. Don Christopher encamped in good order near a mountain in fullsight of the enemy. Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in skirmishing, with nearly equal loss on both sides, but the Portuguese had so far theadvantage as to compel the enemy to retreat to their camp. DonChristopher found it necessary to remove his camp, being in want of somenecessaries, particularly water; and on the king of Zeyla observing thePortuguese in motion from his position on the high grounds, he came downand surrounded the Portuguese in the plain, who marched in good order, keeping off the enemy by continual discharges of their artillery andsmall arms. The enemy still pressing on, Don Christopher ordered Emanuelde Cuna to face about with his company, which he did so effectually, that he obliged a body of Turks to retire after losing many of theirmen. The Turks rallied and renewed their attack, in which theydistressed De Cuna considerably, so that Don Christopher was obliged tocome in person to his relief, and fought with so much resolution that hewas for a considerable time unconscious of being wounded in the leg. Atthis time the king of Zeyla came on in person, thinking to put afavourable end to the action, but it turned to his own loss, as many ofhis men were cut off by the Portuguese cannon. Don Christopher was ingreat danger of being slain, yet continued the action with greatresolution, till at length the tyrant was struck down by a shot whichpierced his thigh. His men immediately furled their colours and fled, carrying him off whom they believed slain though he was still alive. This victory cost the Portuguese eleven men, two of whom were of note. After the battle, the queen herself attended Don Christopher and all thewounded men with the utmost alacrity and attention. 

After the respite of a week, the Portuguese army marched towards theenemy, who came to meet them, the king of Zeyla being carried in an openchair or litter. This battle was resolutely contested on both sides. ATurkish captain, thinking to recover the honour which had been lost inthe former action, made a charge with the men he commanded into thevery middle of the Portuguese, and was entirely cut off with all hisfollowers. Don Christopher on horseback, led his men with such fury intothe heat of the action, that at length he compelled the enemy to turntheir backs and seek safety in flight. The king of Zeyla had infalliblybeen taken in the pursuit, had there been a sufficient body of horse topursue and follow up the victory. In this battle the Portuguese losteight men. After the victory, the allied army of the Portuguese andAbyssinians, on marching down to a pleasant river found it possessed bythe enemy, who immediately fled with their king. At this time the kingof Zeyla sent an embassy to the Pacha of Zabit acquainting him with thedistress to which he was reduced, and prevailed upon him by a largesubsidy to send him a reinforcement of almost 1000 Turkish musqueteers. 

Don Christopher wintered in the city of _Ofar_, waiting the arrival ofthe Abyssinian emperor. While there a Jew proposed to him, if he were inwant of horses and mules, to shew him a mountain at no great distance, inhabited by Jews, where he might find a large supply of both. On thatmountain the king of Zeyla had a garrison of 400 men. Having inquiredinto the truth of this information, and found that it was to be dependedupon, Don Christopher marched thither with two companies of Portugueseand some Abyssinians, and came to the foot of the mountain which istwelve leagues in compass. Some Moors who guarded the passes were slainin the ascent, and on the top the Moorish commander met him with all hismen, but Don Christopher running at him with his lance thrust himthrough the body. The shot of the Portuguese soon constrained the Moorsto make a precipitate flight, after losing a great number of men, andthe mountain was completely reduced. Great numbers of horses and muleswere found in this place, which was inhabited by about 800 Jews in sixor seven villages, who were reduced to obedience. According totradition, these Jews, and many others who are dispersed over Ethiopiaand Nubia, are descended from some part of the dispersion of the tentribes. The Jew who acted as guide to the Portuguese on this occasion, was so astonished at their valour that he was converted and baptised, and by common consent was appointed governor of this mountain. Beforethis it had the name of _Caloa_, but was ever afterwards known by thename of _the Jews mountain_. 

On the second day after the return of Don Christopher to the army, theking of Zeyla began to shew himself more bold than usual, trusting tothe great reinforcement of Turkish musqueteers he had procured fromZabid. The youth and inexperience of Don Christopher allowed his valourto transport him far beyond the bounds of prudence. He ought to haveretired to some strong position on the mountains, till joined by theemperor with the military power of Abyssinia, as it was impossible forhim to contend against such great superiority, now that the king ofZeyla had so strong a body of musqueteers: But he never permittedhimself to consider of these circumstances, till too late. On the 29thof August, the Turks made an attack upon the camp, and were repulsed, onwhich occasion Don Christopher was wounded in the leg and lost four men. In that part of the entrenchments defended by Emanuel de Cuna, the Turkswere likewise repelled, with the loss of three men on the side of thePortuguese. In another part Francisco de Abreu was killed while fightinglike a lion, and his brother Humphrey going to fetch off his body wasslain and fell beside that he went to rescue. On this Don Christophercame up to relieve his men and performed wonders, till his arm wasbroken by a musquet-ball and he was carried off by a brave soldier. Hewas scarcely dressed when news was brought that the enemy had enteredthe entrenchments, and had slain Fonseca and Vello, two of his officers, on which he ordered himself to be carried to the place of danger. As theenemy were now decidedly victorious, some of the Portuguese abandonedtheir ranks and fled, as did the queen and the patriarch, both beingmounted on fleet mares, each taking a different way, he from fear notknowing where he went, but she from choice as being well acquainted withthe country. Don Christopher sent immediately to bring back the queen, as her flight was entirely ruinous, occasioning the disbanding of allthe Abyssinian troops. But at length, seeing that all was lost, hegrasped in despair a sword in his left hand, saying, _Let who willfollow me to die like heroes in the midst of the enemy_. He was carriedhowever from the field by mere force, with only fourteen men, accompanied by the queen and Baharnagash, seeking some place of safety. The night being excessively dark they lost their way and separated, thequeen and Baharnagash being fortunate enough to get up a mountain asthey were better acquainted with the country; but Don Christopherwandering with some companions, fell into the hands of the enemy, whocarried him to the tyrant who was quite elated with his prize. Thevictors used their good fortune with the utmost barbarity, cruellycutting down every one who fell in their way, which occasioned one toset a quantity of powder on fire that was in one of the tents belongingto the queen, by which all who were in or near it were blown up. 

The king of Zeyla was quite elated by the capture of Don Christopher, whom he caused to be brought into his presence, and questioned him as towhat he would have done with him, if defeated and made prisoner. "Iwould have cut off your head, " answered Don Christopher, "and dividingyour body into quarters, would have exposed them as a terror and warningto other tyrants. " The king caused him to be buffeted with the buskinsof his slaves; his body to be immersed in melted wax, and his beardinterwoven with waxed threads, which were set on fire, and in thismanner he was led through the army as a spectacle. Being brought back, the king cut off his head with his own hand, and caused the body to bequartered and exposed on poles. Where the head fell, it is said thatthere gushed out a spring of water which cured many diseases. On thesame hour, a tree was torn out by the roots in the garden of a certainconvent of monks, though the air was at the time perfectly calm. Afterwards, at the same hour, the emperor of Abyssinia having vanquishedthe tyrant and caused his head to be struck off, the tree which was thendry replanted itself in the former place, and became covered withleaves. 

Most of the Portuguese who were taken on occasion of this defeat, perished in slavery. Alfonso Chaldeira followed the queen with thirtymen. Emanuel de Cuna with forty got away to the Baharnagash and was wellreceived. Sixty more followed the Patriarch Bermudez, making in all 130men. Ninety of these went to the emperor, who was then near at hand, andvery much lamented the slaughter among that valiant body of auxiliaries, and the loss of their brave commander. De Cuna with his forty men weretoo far off to join the Abyssinian emperor at this time. The emperormarched soon afterwards against the king of Zeyla, accompanied by ninetyof the Portuguese who had joined him after the former defeat, to whom hegave the vanguard of his army, in consideration of the high opinion hehad of their valour. At the foot of the mountain of _Oenadias_ in theprovince of _Ambea_, they met a body of 700 horse and 2000 foot going tojoin the king of Zeyla. Fifty Portuguese horse went immediately toattack them, and Antonio Cardoso who was foremost killed the commanderof the enemy at the first thrust of his lance. The rest of thePortuguese followed this brave example, and slew many of the enemy, andbeing seconded by the Abyssinians, first under the Baharnagash andafterwards by the king in person, eight hundred of the enemy were slainand the rest put to flight, when they went rather to terrify the tyrantwith an account of their defeat, than to reinforce him by theirremaining numbers. 

The king of Zeyla was only at the distance of a league with his army inorder of battle, consisting of two bodies of foot of three thousand menin each, while he was himself stationed in the front at the head of fivehundred horse. The emperor of Abyssinia met him with a similar number, and in the same order. The ninety Portuguese, being the forlorn hope, made a furious charge on the advanced five hundred of the enemy, of whomthey slew many, with the loss of two only on their own side. The emperorin person behaved with the utmost bravery, and at length the horse ofthe enemy being defeated fled to the wings of their infantry. The kingof Zeyla acted with the utmost resolution, even shewing his son to thearmy, a boy of only ten years old, to stir up his men to fight valiantlyagainst the Christians. The battle was renewed, and continued for longin doubt, the emperor being even in great danger of suffering a defeat;but at length a Portuguese shot the king of Zeyla in the belly by whichhe died, but his horse carried him dangling about the field, as he wastied to the saddle, and his army took to flight. Only a few Turks stoodfirm, determined rather to die honourably than seek safety in flight, and made great slaughter among the Abyssinians: But Juan Fernandez, pageto the unfortunate Don Christopher, slew the Turkish commander with hislance. In fine, few of the enemy escaped by flight. The head of the kingof Zeyla was cut off, and his son made prisoner. Being highly sensibleof the great merit of the Portuguese to whom he chiefly owed this andthe former victories over his enemies, the emperor conferred greatfavours upon them. De Cuna returned to Goa with only fifty men; and theother survivors of the Portuguese remained in Abyssinia, where theyintermarried with women of that country, and where their progeny stillremains. 

CHAPTER IV. 

CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURNOF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1341, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGALUNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581. 

In our remaining account of the early Transactions of the Portuguese inIndia, taken chiefly from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, we have notdeemed it necessary or proper to confine ourselves rigidly to thearrangement of that author, nor to give his entire narrative, whichoften contains a number of trifling incidents confusedly related. Wehave therefore selected such incidents only from that work as appearedimportant or curious: And, as has been already done in the twoimmediately preceding chapters, containing the Voyages of Solyman Pacha, and Don Stefano de Gama, we propose in the sequel to make such additionsfrom other authentic and original sources, as may appear proper andconsistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will be founddistinctly referred to their respective authors as we proceed. --E. 

SECTION I. 

_Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea. _

During the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the Red Sea, somecircumstances are related by De Faria which are not noticed in theJournal of Don Juan de Castro, who either thought proper to confine hisnarrative to nautical affairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omittedsuch as were military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found mostof the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had received noticeof the expedition. The chief island was Massua, and the principal citySwakem, in about 19° of north latitude[349], which was well built andrich. The sheikh or king had withdrawn a league into the interior, andendeavoured to amuse De Gama with proposals of peace and amity, that hemight save his insular city from being destroyed. The greatest injuryoccasioned by this delay was that it prevented De Gama from destroyingthe ships at Suez, the main object of his expedition, as so much timewas gained that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and theTurks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De Gama marchedinto the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother DonChristopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter, making aconsiderable booty. Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered;on which occasion many of the private men got to the value of five orsix thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt to the ground. 

[Footnote 349: Lat. 19° 40'. ]

Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under the command ofLionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his expedition to Suez with 250 menin 16 catures or barks. At Al-Kossir, in lat. 25° N. [350] that place wasdestroyed. Crossing over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemywere taken. The Turks first opposed their landing; but some of thembeing slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in which nothing ofvalue was found; but De Gama refrained from burning the city fromreverence to St Catharine, as there was a monastery at that placededicated to her, which he visited at the instance of the friars. Beingto his great glory the first European commander who took that city, heknighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in greatesteem, which was even envied afterwards by the emperor Charles V. Thefriars of this monastery of St Catharines at Toro are of the Greekchurch, and of the order of St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28°N. [351] and is thought by learned cosmographers to be the ancient_Elana_. 

[Footnote 350: Lat. 26° 15'. ]

[Footnote 351: Lat. 28° 15'. ]

Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to sound andexamine the harbour, all of which failed, De Gama resolved in person andin open day to view the Turkish gallies. He accordingly landed with hissoldiers; but the enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000Turkish horse broke out from an ambush; and, though some of the enemywere slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama and his men were forced toretire, much grieved in being unable to accomplish the great object ofthe expedition. 

On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that owing to theseverity of _Emanual de Gama_[352] a mutiny had taken place, and that 80men had run away with a ship, designing to go into Ethiopia. They weremet however by a captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most ofthem slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were foundhanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel de Gama, for havingconcealed the design of the other 80 who deserted. At their execution, these men cited De Gama to answer before _the great tribunal_, andwithin a month De Gama died raving mad. 

[Footnote 352: In preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned ascommanding the fleet; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to havecommanded the ship that mutinied. --E. ]

About July 1541, while on its return from Massua to India, the fleetcommanded by the governor Don Stefano de Gama encountered so severe astorm that one of the galliots sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all theother vessels dispersed. During the continuance of this dreadfultempest, many religious vows were made by the people; but that made byone of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He vowed, if hesurvived the tempest, that he would marry Donna Isabel de Sa, daughterto Don Garcia de Sa afterwards governor of India, which lady was one ofthe most celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama arrived atGoa; and as the ships from Portugal did not arrive at the expected time, and the public treasure was much exhausted by the late charges, heloaded the goods provided for the home voyage in four galleons, anddispatched them, for Lisbon. 

About this time _Nizamoxa_[353] wished to gain possession of the fortsof _Sangaza_ and _Carnala_, held by two subjects of Cambaya, on thefrontiers of that kingdom, which were formidable from their strength andsituation; and took them by assault in the absence of their commanders, who applied to Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen toassist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portuguese. Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and a party of nativetroops, accompanied by the two proprietors, each of whom had 200 men. The fort of Carnala was taken by assault, and the garrison of Sangazaabandoned it on the approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored bothcommanders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons withboth for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately 5000 men who ruinedboth districts, and the owners in despair resigned their titles to thePortuguese, and withdrew to Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies tothe two forts, meaning to defend them. Nizamoxa sent an additional forceof 6000, men, of which 1000 were musqueteers and 800 well equippedhorse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to which they gave twoassaults in one day, and were repulsed with great slaughter. Menezeswent immediately to relieve the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whomwere horse, together with several _naigs_ and 2000 Indians. After asharp encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the enemyfled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the fort strewed witharms and ammunition. In this engagement the enemy lost 500 men and thePortuguese 20. During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigiousstrength, named _Trancoso_, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a largeveil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his breast, receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies weapons, andcontinued to use this strange shield to the end of the battle. 

[Footnote 353: In Portuguese _x_ has the power of _sh_ in Englishorthography; hence the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, andmay be the same prince called in other places of De Faria _Nazamaluco orNizam al Mulk. --E. ]

The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this time to be in _Chual_, visiting the northern forts; and considering that the maintenance ofSangaza and Carnala cost more than they produced, and besides thatNizamoxa was in alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to thatprince for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to thegreat regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet arrived fromPortugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who was sent to succeed DonStephano de Gama in the government. This fleet had the honour to bringout to India the famous _St Francisco Xaviar_, one of the first fathersof the society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. Hewas the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of _Apostolic Legate_ ofall Asia, and was very successful in converting the infidels: But weshall afterwards have occasion to enlarge upon his great virtues andwonderful actions. 

On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent noticeto Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the night, which induced DeGama to return an answer unworthy of them both. Martin Alfonso foundnothing to lay to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired whoinstigated him to seek for offences; for Alfonso was a gentleman of muchhonour, and could never have thought of any such thing of himself. But, though he ought now to have checked himself, finding nothing against DeGama, he became the more inveterate; as it is natural for men when theyare in the wrong to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice byrefusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which so disgustedhim that he never waited upon Alfonso after resigning to him the swordof command. 

Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was received with muchhonour by the court, and with favour by the king; but refusing a wifeoffered by his majesty, he was disgraced, on which he went to reside atVenice. The Emperor Charles V. Persuaded him to return to Portugal, assuring him of the kings favour; but he found none; for princes aremore fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in rewardingmuch done for their service. On assuming the government of India, DonStefano made an inventory of all he was worth, being 200, 000 crowns; andwhen he left the government his fortune was found 40, 000 crownsdiminished. He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with athick beard and black hair, and a ruddy completion. On his tomb wasinscribed at his own desire, _He who made knights on Mount Sinai endedhere_. 

SECTION II. 

_Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India_[354]. 

We have placed these exploits in a separate Section, because, althoughthey appear in the Portuguese Asia as having taken place during thegovernment of Don Stefano de Gama, yet is their chronology by no meanswell defined: and likewise because their authenticity is even more thanproblematical. In themselves they appear to carry evidence ofoverstepping the modest bounds of history; and there is reason tobelieve that they rest principally, if not altogether, on the authorityof Fernan Mendez de Pinto, of notorious character. Yet they seemsufficiently curious to warrant insertion in this work; and it is not atall improbable that Antonio de Faria may have been a successfulfreebooter in the Chinese seas, and that he may have actually performedmany of the exploits here recorded, though exaggerated, and mixed insome places with palpable romance. --E. 

[Footnote 354: De Faria, II. 29 & seq. ]

About this time Pedro de Faria, who was governor of Malacca, sent hisfactor MENDEZ DE PINTO with a letter and a present to the king of_Patane_, desiring him to procure the liberty of five Portuguese whowere then slaves to his brother-in-law at Siam. Pinto was also entrustedwith goods to the value of 10, 000 ducats, to be delivered to the factorof De Faria at _Pam_. Having at that place made up a valuable cargo ofdiamonds pearls and gold, to the extent of 50, 000 crowns, it was alllost one night in a tumult, occasioned by the following circumstance. There resided in Pam an ambassador from the king of Borneo, who onenight detected the king of Pam in bed with his wife, and immediatelyslew him. On the death of the king becoming public, the people rose incommotion, more for the purpose of plunder than revenge. In this tumultabout 4000 men were slain, and the Portuguese factors were robbed, andsome of their companions slain. They made their escape to _Patane_, where they and other Portuguese asked leave of the king to makereprisals on three vessels belonging to merchants of Pam, which werethen riding at anchor in the river _Calantam_ 18 leagues off, richlyladen from China. Getting the kings permission, they set out to thenumber of 80 persons in three vessels, and after a sharp engagement tookand brought in these ships to Patane, where their cargoes were valued at300, 000 ducats. The people of Patane urged the king to take these shipsfrom the Portuguese; but he decided that the 50, 000 crowns should bemade good to them of which they had been plundered at Pam; on which themerchants paid that sum and were allowed to continue their voyage. 

About the same period, _Pedro de Faria y Sousa_ sent his kinsman _Antoniode Faria y Sousa_ to treat of important affairs with the king of_Patane_, and in particular to preserve peace with that prince. Antoniocarried goods with him to the value of 12, 000 ducats, and finding nosale for them at that place, he sent them to the port of _Lugor_ in thekingdom of Siam, a place of great trade, where he was informed theywould sell to great advantage. He intrusted the charge of this valuablecargo to _Christopher Borallo_, who was surprised while at anchor in themouth of the Lugor river by, Khodjah Husseyn, a Moor of Guzerat, whocommanded a vessel well stored with artillery, and manned with 80 Turksand Moors. Borallo thought himself happy in escaping from these piratesby swimming on shore, and brought the news of this disaster to Antoniode Faria at Patane, who vowed that he would never desist till he haddestroyed Husseyn, in revenge for this loss. Husseyn was equallyinveterate against the Portuguese, ever since Hector de Silveyra hadtaken a ship belonging to him in the sea of Guzerat, killing his fatherand two brothers, and had continually exerted himself in robbing andmurdering the Portuguese. Owing to this loss and his determination ofrevenge, Antonio de Faria was led to the performance of those braveactions which I now mean to relate with all my usual sincerity, withoutaffection for my kindred. 

Antonio accordingly fitted out a small vessel with 50 men, in which hesailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th May 1540, and steered north-easttowards the kingdom of _Champa_ or _Tsiompa_, to examine that coast. Hehere saw the island of _Pulo Condor_, in lat. 3° 20' N[355]. And then tothe eastwards rounded one six leagues from the coast of Cambodia. Entering the port of _Bralapisam_, he found there a vessel of the_Lequii_, having on board an ambassador from the prince of the island of_Lossa_[356] in 36° of north latitude, for the king of Siam. As soon asthis vessel espied the Portuguese ship, it weighed anchor and sailedaway. Faria sent after them a Chinese pilot with a civil message, whobrought back this remarkable answer, "We return thanks: The time willcome when our nation shall have commerce with that captain in realfriendship, through the law of the supreme God, whose clemency isboundless, since by his death he gave life to all mankind, and remainsan everlasting faith in the house of the good. We confidently hold thatthis will be when half the times are past[357]. " The pilot also broughtback a rich cymeter in a scabbard of beaten gold, with a handle of thesame, splendidly ornamented with pearls of great value. Antonio wouldhave made a return, but the vessel could not be overtaken. From thenceAntonio proceeded to the river _Pulo Cambier_, which divides thekingdoms of _Cambodia_ and _Tsiompa_. At the town of _Catimparu_, he wasinformed that great river took its rise in the lake of _Pinator_, 260leagues westwards in the kingdom of _Quitirvam_, encompassed with highmountains, around which lake there are 38 towns, 13 of which areconsiderable, where was a gold mine that yielded 22 millions of crownsyearly. It belonged to _four_ lords, who were engaged in continual warsfor its possession. At _Bauquerim_ likewise there is a mine of thefinest diamonds: and from the disposition of the people they mighteasily be conquered by the Portuguese. 

[Footnote 355: Pulo Condor, off the mouths of the Japanese river, is inlat. 8° 40' N. Perhaps the figure 3 in the text is a typographicalerror. --E. ]

[Footnote 356: Possibly Luzon in lat. 16° N. May be here meant. Unlesswe can suppose some part of Japan may be intended, which is in thelatitude of the text--E. ]

[Footnote 357: This strange oracular message, and indeed most of thewonderful deeds of Antonio de Faria, smells strongly of _Mendez dePinto_, the factor of Pedro de Faria, who has been characterised as the_prince of liars_. Indeed the editor of Astleys Collection says that hisname ought to be _Mendax_ de Pinto. --E. ]

Coasting along, Antonio came to anchor in the mouth of the river_Toobasoy_, fearing to go up. At this place he espied a large vessel towhich he made signs of peace, but received a rude answer. As night drewon, it was thought proper to wait for day; but in the dark first onevessel and then three more were descried coming towards them, and fortymen from the first vessel boarded them, but were all slain, their vesseltaken and the others burnt. A black, who was taken on this occasion, declared himself a Christian, saying he had been slave to Gaspar deMelo, who had been taken by the pirate _Similau_ along with 26 otherPortuguese, all of whom he had barbarously put to death. The black saidthat Similau had another vessel in the port richly laden, having only afew men on board. Similau with the other prisoners were put to the samedeath they had used to inflict on others. As soon as day appeared thatother vessel was taken, and the booty in silver only amounted to 60, 000ducats, besides other goods. Thus enriched, Antonio went on to the river_Tinacoreu_ or _Varela_, where the ships of Siam and Malacca, tradingwith China, barter their goods for gold, _calamba_, and ivory, withwhich that country abounds. He anchored off a small town called_Tayquileu_, the inhabitants of which called the Portuguese the _beardedpeople_; for though these people had beards, theirs were short and thin, whereas those of the Portuguese were at their full growth, many of themreaching to their girdles. By the inhabitants of this place, Antonio wasinformed that their river was formerly called _Tauralachim_ or the GreatStock, to express its greatness: That it is deep and navigable for 80leagues, up to a town named _Moncalor_, and then becomes wide andshallow, coming from the great country of _Chintaleuho_, where thecountry for eight days journey had been depopulated 40 years before _bya multitude of birds!_ In the middle of that country is the great lakeof _Cunabetee_ or _Chiamay_, whence spring four great rivers. That lakeis 180 leagues in circumference, and the country round abounds in minesof silver, copper, tin, and lead. 

From thence Antonio proceeded to the island of _Hainan_, passing insight of _Champiloo_, in lat. 18° N. At the entrance of the bay ofCochin China. Farther on he discovered the promontory of _Pulocampas_, whence the island of Hainan may be seen. To the west of this they founda river, up which Borallo was sent in a small vessel with 16 men, whodiscovered at least 2000 sail of vessels and a large walled town. Ontheir return they saw a large vessel at anchor. The captain supposingthis might be Husseyn took it; but learnt from an ancient Christian ofMount Sinai, who was among the prisoners, that it belonged to a piratenamed _Quioy Tayjam_, who had killed above an hundred Portuguese, andnow lay hid in the forecastle with six or seven others, all of whom weredrawn from their hiding place and slain. In this vessel were found60, 000 quintals[358] of pepper, with a great deal of other spices, besides ivory, tin, wax, and powder, the whole valued at 60, 000 crowns;besides several good cannon, some valuable baggage, and silver. In thehold were nine children, the biggest only about nine years old, allloaded with irons, and starving of hunger. 

[Footnote 358: This is either an enormous exaggeration, or a grosserror. The quantity in the text is equal to 3500 tons. --E. ]

Coasting along the island of Hainan, Antonio met some fishers of pearls, whom he used courteously. They told him that the island belonged toChina. Hence he went to the river _Tananquir_, where he was suddenlyattacked by two large vessels, both of which were taken, after a longstruggle, in which 80 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of 14 menbelonging to Antonio, only one of whom was a Portuguese. After a whilethey heard lamentable cries in the hold of one of these ships, in which17 prisoners were found, two of whom were Portuguese. From one of theseAntonio was informed that these vessels had belonged to _NecodaXicaulem_, who, after becoming a Christian at Malacca and marrying aPortuguese woman, had killed her and many more of her nation. The bootyin these two ships was valued at 50, 000 crowns. One of the vessels wasburnt, as Antonio had not a sufficient number of men to navigate her. Inboth vessels there were seventeen brass guns, most of which had the armsof Portugal. Antonio anchored at Cape _Tilaumere_, where four vesselscame up to his squadron likewise now consisting of four vessels, and inone of these was the bride of a young nobleman, who had engaged to meether at that place with a like number of ships, owing to which they hadcome up to the Portuguese vessels. Three of these ships were taken, inone of which was the bride. Some of the seamen were retained, and allthe others were set on shore. Antonio then went to _Mutipinam_, as aconvenient place for selling his prizes; but as the governor of thatcity somewhat obstructed the sale, Antonio was obliged to hasten it, andreceived in payment of the goods he had to dispose of to the value of200, 000 crowns in uncoined silver. 

In the beginning of the year 1541, Antonio sailed in search of the portof _Madel_ in the island of _Hainan_, and by the way took some prizes. Here he met with _Hinymilau_, a bold pirate and a great enemy to theChristians, whom he delighted to put to cruel deaths. With him they hada desperate engagement, and at last took him. He gave a bold account ofthe many cruelties he had practised upon the Portuguese, and wastherefore immediately slain with four more. The prize was valued at70, 000 ducats. This action struck such terror into all who were in thatriver, that they sent a message to Antonio, calling him _King of theSeas_, offering him 30, 000 crowns to take them under his protection, anddesiring to have passes for their safe trading. He accepted the moneyand gave the passes, only for writing which his servant received 6000crowns in the space of twelve days. So great a reputation had heacquired in these parts, that the governor of the city offered to makehim admiral of those seas for the emperor of China, with a salary of9000 crowns yearly. Antonio ran all along this coast without anyremarkable occurrence, only that he saw many towns, none of which werelarge, and a fruitful country, and was informed that there were minesof silver, tin, saltpetre, and brimstone. 

Being now weary of looking out for the pirate _Husseyn_, the soldiersdemanded their shares of the prizes and to be discharged. This wasagreed to, and their course was directed towards Siam; but by a furiousstorm they were cast away upon the _Ladrones_, where out of 500 men, only 86 got on shore naked, 28 of whom were Portuguese. At this placethey were fifteen days with hardly any thing to eat. While in utterdespair, as the island was uninhabited, they discovered a small vesselmaking for the shore where it cast anchor, and presently thirty Chineselanded, some of whom went to procure wood and water, while the othersdiverted themselves. Our men ran furiously and possessed themselves ofthe vessel and put to sea as quickly as possible. In this vessel theyfound only an old man and a child, but were quite delighted upon findingplenty of provisions and much silk. Sailing for _Xamoy_ in _Liampo_, they took another Chinese vessel and went to the island of_Luxitay_[359], where they remained fifteen days refitting both vessels, and then proceeded on their voyage. On the coast of _Lamau_ theydiscovered a large vessel having fifteen guns, which began to fire uponthem as soon as within range; but on coming close it was observed tohave several crosses and some men in Portuguese habits, on which theyhailed each other, and the vessel was found to belong to _Quiay Panjau_a Chinese and a great friend of the Portuguese, having thirty soldiersof that nation on board. He came on board of Antonios vessel, bringing apresent of amber, pearls, gold, and silver, worth 2000 ducats. Amongother discourse, Antonio told him that he was bound for _Liampo_ tofurnish himself with necessaries, meaning to attempt the mines of_Quamjaparu_, where he was told he might get much treasure. _QuiayPanjau_ offered to accompany him, demanding only a third part of whatmight be taken, which was agreed to. 

[Footnote 359: The names in this strange relation of the adventures ofAntonio de Faria are so extremely corrupt as to defy even conjecturalcommentary. --E. ]

They refitted at the river Ainay, and going from there to _Chincheo_, Faria hired 35 Portuguese whom he found at that place. Soon afterputting again to sea he found eight Portuguese, almost naked and allwounded in a fishing-boat, who told him that the pirate Khojah Husseynhad taken their ship, worth 200, 000 ducats, in the harbour of the isleof _Cumbor_, and that they had escaped with difficulty in that miserablecondition. Faria was quite rejoiced to hear of that pirate, andimmediately turned back eight leagues to _Layloo_ to prepare forengaging him. He there changed his old vessels for new ones, andprovided men arms and ammunition, paying generously for every thing. Infour vessels which he there fitted out, he had 40 pieces of cannon, 160muskets, 6000 darts, with abundance of other arms and ammunition, and aforce of 500 men, 95 of whom were Portuguese. In a day and a half sailfrom _Layloo_ he came to the fisheries where those Portuguese had beenrobbed, and was informed by some fishermen that Husseyn was only at thedistance of two leagues in the river _Tinlau_. To make quite sure, hesent a person to see if that were the case, and finding the informationaccurate he proceeded immediately to the place. The engagement beganbefore day-light upon four ships belonging to the pirate, which weresoon reduced to great straits, when four small vessels came up to theirassistance. One of the Portuguese cannon was so well pointed that itsank the first of these at the first fire, and killed several men inanother vessel. At length Antonio boarded Husseyns vessel, and gave himsuch a cut over the head as struck him down on the deck, and by anotherstroke cut his hamstrings so that he could not rise. The pirates woundedAntonio in three places; but being succoured by his men the victory wascomplete, almost 400 of the enemy being slain or drowned by leapingoverboard, while it cost 43 men on the side of Antonio, 8 of whom werePortuguese. Antonio immediately landed to bury his dead, and finding 96men belonging to Husseyn in a house where they were left to be cured, heset the house on fire, and destroyed them all. He here restored thePortuguese ship to her owners, and gave liberty to all the slaves, as hevowed on going upon this enterprise, paying their masters the value. After all this generosity, the remaining booty was worth 100, 000 crowns. 

On the night after sailing from _Tinlau_ so violent a storm arose thattwo of the ships were cast away, and most of the goods in the others hadto be thrown overboard, to the value of 200, 000 ducats. One hundred andeleven men were lost, eleven of whom were Portuguese. Thirteen men whoescaped the shipwreck were carried prisoners to _Nauday_, where Fariacame with the five remaining ships to anchor. He immediately offered3000 crowns to the governor of the city for the liberty of theprisoners, and meeting with an unfavourable answer, he determined toliberate them by force. His men were fearful of the issue of sodangerous an enterprise; but he so encouraged them, that they agreed. Hehad at this time, which was in the beginning of the year 1542, a forceof 470 men in all, 60 of whom were Portuguese. Of these he chose 300 mento accompany him on shore. After sending another civil message to thegovernor, who answered by hanging the messenger, he landed with hissmall but resolute band. While marching towards the city, 12, 000 footand 100 horse came out to meet him. His musqueteers killed at least 300of them, and pursued the rest to a bridge which led into the city. Thegovernor was on the inside with 600 men, and defended the passage of thebridge till he was slain by a musquet shot, immediately on which his menfled, and were pursued with great slaughter till they ran out at theopposite side of the city. The city was plundered, on which occasion hewho even got least was enriched, after which the place was reduced toashes. Having thus gloriously redeemed his prisoners, Antonio returnedto his ships with many beautiful female captives, having only lost eightmen, one of whom was a Portuguese. 

Antonio now resumed his intended expedition for the mines, but in thefirst place went to pass the winter at _Pulo Hindor_, an inhabitedisland fifteen leagues from _Nauday_. When near the islands of_Commolem_, he was attacked by two large ships in which were 200resolute men commanded by a pirate named _Premata Gundel_, a mortalenemy to the Portuguese, to whom he had done much harm, but thought nowhe had only to encounter Chinese merchant ships. One of the pirate shipscame up to board one of those belonging to Antonio, but _Qiay Panjau_came up against her in full sail and ran so furiously upon the pirateship that both went down instantly, but _Quiay_ and most of his men weresaved. The other pirate ship commanded by _Premata_ in person boardedFaria, who was in great danger of being taken, but was at lengthvictorious and slew 90 of the enemy; then boarding in his turn, he putthe whole to the sword. This action cost Antonio 17 men, 5 of whom werePortuguese, and above 40 were wounded, among whom Antonio himself hadtwo great cuts and a thrust of a spear. The prize was valued at 120, 000ducats. After staying 20 days in the island of _Buncalen_ to cure thewounded men, they steered for the gates of _Liampo_, which are twoislands three leagues from the city of that name which was built by thePortuguese who there governed in the nature of a commonwealth. 

Anchoring at the gates of _Liampo_, Antonio sent to ask leave to comeinto the port, when he received a courteous answer, praying him to waitsix days till the inhabitants had prepared a house for his reception. OnSunday morning, the time being expired, he hoisted sail and went up theriver accompanied by many boats sent to receive him, in which were 3000of the citizens, who saluted him with the sound of musical instruments. About 200 ships then in the port were ranged in two lines forming a lanethrough which de Faria passed, all the cannons in the vessels and onshore firing a salute. Some Chinese who saw this magnificent receptionasked whether this was a brother or near kinsman to the king ofPortugal, and being answered he was only his smiths son, they concludedthat Portugal must be the greatest kingdom in the world. From his ship, Antonio was received into a barge shaded by a natural chestnut tree fullof ripe fruit, and was seated on a silver chair raised on six stepsadorned with gold, six beautiful maids richly clad standing on eachside, who played and sang melodiously. When he landed on the quay, hewas placed in a still richer chair on mens shoulders under a canopy, guarded by 60 halberdiers, and preceded by 16 men on fine horses, andbefore these eight with silver maces, all in splendid attire. In thismanner he was conducted to a large scaffold covered with fine tapestry, where being placed in his chair of state, he received the compliments ofthe magistracy and principal inhabitants of the city. From the quay tothe city, which was a considerable distance, there was a closely coveredlane formed of chestnut, pine, and laurel trees, and the ground wasstrewed with flowers. And all the way, at regular distances, there werecompanies of dancers, and perfumes burning, with astonishing multitudesof people the whole way. 

At the entrance into the city, a temporary castle was built for theoccasion, having the arms of the Faria family in front, being _Sanguin, a tower argent; in base, a man torn in pieces_. At this place he wasreceived by a reverend old man, attended by four mace-bearers, and aftersome ceremonies the old man made a long speech in praise of the family, concluding with a panegyric on his own actions, and bidding him welcometo the city. The orator then offered him, in the name of the city, fivechests full of silver in bars, worth twenty thousand pieces of eight, which he refused, saying he would endeavour to deserve in some measurethe honours which wore heaped on him. From thence he walked on foot, passing through many splendid arches, to the church of our Lady, wherehe assisted at mass under a canopy, and heard a sermon full of his ownpraises. After this he was conducted by above 1000 Portuguese to a largeopen space before the house in which he was to reside, shaded by avariety of fine trees, the ground strewed with flowers and sweet herbs, where three long tables were splendidly decorated and richly coveredwith a sumptuous entertainment. When Antonio was seated, the wholemultitude departed, except about 80 of the principal citizens who wereto dine along with him, and 50 soldiers who attended, while thehalberdiers stood at a distance to keep off the people. As soon as thecompany was seated, the music began to play, and eight beautiful maidscame forwards playing on instruments and dancing, eight others beingplaced beside Antonio singing. The dishes were brought in by a number offine women, and set upon the tables by men, the abundance and costlinessof the entertainment being wonderful. After dinner the company adjournedto another place, where there was a bull-feast, with several wild horsesamong them, and at the death of each animal there followed dancing musicand other entertainments. 

De Faria continued here five months, entertained in great splendour, having dogs and horses to go a hunting, as the environs abounded ingame. The time being come for going to the mines of _Quamgiparu_, QuiayPanjau who was to have accompanied him thither was carried off bysickness. After this another Chinese named _Similau_ dissuaded Antoniofrom attempting the adventure of the mines, as attended with too muchdifficulty and danger, and proposed to him to undertake an expedition tothe island of _Calempluy_, in which were the tombs of the ancient kingsof China, which were said to contain great treasures. To this Antoniogave ear, as covetousness had great sway even upon his generous mind. Happy had it been for him if he had returned to India, satisfied withthe victories he had already achieved. About the middle of May 1542, heset sail accompanied by _Similau_ in two galliots with 146 men, 52 ofwhom were Portuguese, and among these the priest _Diego Lubato_. Nextday they discovered the islands of _Nangnitur_, and then entered uponseas till then unknown by the Portuguese. Having crossed a gulf of 40leagues, they discovered the high mountain, of _Nangalaci_, and held ontheir course northwards. At the end of ten days they anchored in a riverwhere they saw white people like the Chinese, but differing in language, and could never prevail to have any intercourse with them. After eightdays sailing they entered the strait of _Silcapaquim_, in which theyspent five days in sight of many populous towns. But this courseappearing dangerous, they steered up the river _Humbepadam_ by theadvice of _Similau_, passing to the east of the mountain _Fangus_, andcame thirteen days afterwards to the bay of _Buxipalem_ in the latitudeof 30°, which produces fish, serpents, and crocodiles of wonderous size, and many sea-horses. Farther on they came to the bay of _Calinclam_, surrounded with high mountains, whence four great rivers fall into thesea. They next sailed under the great mountain _Botinasora_, aboundingin lions, rhinoceroses, tigers, ounces, and other wild beasts, and thenpast _Gangitanu_, inhabited by the _Gigahui_, a wild gigantic people, some _ten_ and some _eleven spans_ high, of whom they saw fourteen ofboth sexes. They have good complexions, being white and red, but veryill-favoured features. Antonio gave them some procelain dishes and silk, for which they seemed thankful, and brought some cows and deer inreturn, but their language could not be understood. 

At length they arrived in the bay of _Nanking_, and six days afterwardsto the great city of _Pamor_, whose bay was almost hid under threethousand vessels. Fearing danger here they stood off and came to_Tanquilem_, where Similau and 36 Chinese seamen ran away for fear;because Antonio, weary of the voyage, and finding that Similau couldgive no good account of where they were, threatened to kill him. Similauwas not indeed ignorant, but he was so terrified by the ill usage of thePortuguese that he knew not what he said, and they were afraid thateither he knew not the coast or meant to betray them. It was a greaterror to believe him at _Liampo_, and to use him ill at _Nanking_ wherethey had most need of him. In fine the Portuguese gave themselves up forlost, not knowing where they were till some of the natives informed themthat they were only ten leagues from the island of _Calempluy_, on whichthey sore repented the ill usage they had given to _Similau_. DoublingCape _Guinaytarau_, after a tedious voyage of two months and a half, they discovered the island of which they were in search in the middle ofthe river. This island is quite plain and seemed four miles round. Nextmorning Antonio sailed round it in his galliots, and found it surroundedby a wall of jasper so closely built that it seemed all one stone. Thewall rose 19 feet above the surface of the water, and was terrassed onthe inside. On the top of the wall was a _massy twist_, on which was abrass rail, having little columns at regular distances, on which werethe statues of women having balls in their hands, all likewise of brass. At some distance from these were figures of iron, of monstrous shapes, that seemed to give each other their hands; and further on were severalcurious arches of stones of various colours. On the inside there wereafterwards seen a delightful assemblage of small groves of orange trees, among which were 366 chapels dedicated to the gods of the year. On oneside was a great building, not all of a piece, but divided into sevenparts, all over splendidly ornamented with gold. 

In the evening Antonio entered the island by one of its eight gates, accompanied by sixty men, four of whom were Portuguese. On entering oneof the chapels, they saw a man who seemed an hundred years of age, whofell down with fear; but, on recovering, rebuked the soldiers for takingthe bars of silver from the tombs. Having received information of whatwas in the other chapels, Antonio went on board with a considerablequantity of silver taken from the first chapel, meaning to return nextday to plunder them all. About midnight, lights were seen on the top ofthe great building, and numbers of bell were heard all over the island. Antonio went again on shore, though advised to make off as the alarm wasgiven. He brought away two old men with some candlesticks and a silveridol, and was informed that the island would soon be relieved, as thefirst hermit had given the alarm; on which Antonio found that he haderred in not bringing away that old man as he was advised. He departedtherefore from the island, much dissatisfied at having missed theacquisition of so much treasure by his own fault. After sailing a month, there arose so great a storm on the 5th of August, that his galliot wasswallowed up. The other galliot perished a few days afterwards, and onlyfourteen of the crew escaped. Thus perished the brave Antonio de Faria;a just judgment, doubtless, for the sacrilegious robbery he intended tohave committed. 

No less unfortunate was the end of the city of _Liampo_, where Antoniohad been so nobly received, falling a sacrifice to the base andinsatiable avarice of its inhabitants. Lancelot Pereyra, judge of thatcity, having lost a thousand ducats by some Chinese, went out with abody of troops to rob and plunder others in satisfaction of the debt. This unadvised and barbarous procedure brought the governor of theprovince against the city with 80, 000 men, and in four hours burnt it tothe ground, together with 80 ships that were in the port. Twelvethousand men were slain, among whom were 1000 Portuguese, and threemillions of gold were lost. Thus scarce any thing was left of _Liampo_but the name; and thus what the Portuguese gained by their valour waslost by their covetousness. _Liampo_ had above three thousand catholicinhabitants, almost the half of whom were Portuguese. Those who survivedthis cruel execution, obtained leave in 1547, by great presents, tosettle in the province of _Chincheo_, in a village which began toflourish in consequence of a rich trade, but it came to the same endwith the other. 

SECTION III. 

_Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from1542 to 1543_. 

In the year 1542, but whether under the government of De Gama or DeSousa is uncertain, Antonio de Mota, Francisco Zeymoto, and AntonioPeixoto, while on a voyage to China, were driven by a storm among theislands of _Nipongi_ or _Nijon_, called _Gipon_ by the Chinese, andknown in Europe by the name of _Japan_. They were well received in oneof these islands, of which they had the honour to be the firstdiscoverers, though accidentally. These islands of Japan are far to theeastward of all India, being even beyond China, and lie between thelatitudes of 30° and 40° N[360]. These islands are numerous, theprincipal and largest island being that peculiarly called _Niphon_, _Nifon_, _Nipongi_, or _Japan_, which gives name to the group, and inwhich is the city of _Meaco_ the imperial residence. According to thenatives this principal island is 366 leagues in length, but by ourcomputation only 266[361]. The chief islands around the large one, are_Cikoko_, _Toksosi_, _Sando_, _Sisime Bacasa_, _Vuoki_, _Taquixima_, or_Takishima_, and _Firando_[362]. Fernan Mendez Pinto in his travelsassumes the merit of this discovery to himself; pretending that he cameto the island of _Tanixima_, by which I suppose he meant _Taquixima_, not by stress of weather, but by design, in the service of a pirate whohad relieved him and his companions when cast away, naming ChristopherBorallo and Diego Zeymoto as those who accompanied him. In bothrelations _three_ names are mentioned as the discoverers of Japan, oneonly, _Zeymoto_, being the same in both, and both agree in the date ofthe discovery being in 1542. According to Pinto, the prince of theisland of _Tanixima_ was named _Nautaquim_ who stood amazed on seeingthe three Portuguese strangers, and uttered the following mysteriouswords: "These are certainly the _Chinchicogies_, spoken of in ourrecords; who, flying over the waters, shall come to be lords of thelands where God has placed the greatest riches of the world. It will befortunate for us if they come as friends!"

[Footnote 360: More rigidly from lat. 31° 28' to 40° 80' N. And betweenthe longitudes of 127° 47' and 142° 33' E. From Greenwich. --E. ]

[Footnote 361: Meaning probably a different denomination of measure. Theisland of Niphon measures 824 English miles in extreme length, from S. W. To N. E. In a somewhat bent line. Its breadth varies from 55 to 240miles, averaging about 100; but it is extremely irregular, owing to manydeep bays and considerable peninsulae. _Jedo_ is now the capital andresidence of the temporal sovereign, _Meaco_ of the once spiritualsovereign, now reduced to chief priest of the national religion. --E. ]

[Footnote 362: The only islands of magnitude besides Niphon, are_Kiusiu_, which does not appear to have any representative in the text, and _Sicocf_, probably the _Cikoko_ of De Faria. The other numerousislands are of little importance, and several of the names in the textcannot be referred to any of the islands. _Firando_ and _Taquixima_remain unchanged, and the others cannot be traced. --E. ]

The first action of the new governor De Sousa was to diminish the pay ofthe soldiers. The saving of charges is a great means of gaining thefavour of princes; _yet ministers never express their zeal byretrenching their own large allowances_, but by cutting off the smallones from the poor; and, as was natural, this alteration occasioned muchdiscontent among the troops. At this time the queen of _Batecala_, awell-built city on the banks of a river, on the coast of Canara, in afertile country, refused to pay her tribute, and entertained pirates inher port to the great prejudice of trade; on which account De Sousawent with 2000 men in 60 vessels of different kinds to reduce her toobedience. On entering the port of Batecala where he demanded payment ofthe tribute, and that the pirate ships should be delivered up, the queenendeavoured to procrastinate till such time as she knew it would benecessary for the governor to retire with his armament to Cochin. Butbeing aware of this artifice, the governor landed with 1200 men in twobattalions, and ordered twenty light vessels to go up the river toattack the city on that side, while he assailed it on the land side. While marching through a wood, the governor was opposed by a body ofmusqueteers; but his troops drove them to the gates of the city, whichthey entered along with the fugitives, in spite of every opposition fromthe enemy who were encouraged by the queen in person. It was night whenthe Portuguese got possession of the city; and in the morning they beganto plunder, not even sparing the Portuguese who were settled there. Theyeven fell out among themselves, and came to blows, in which all werehurt and none enriched. The enemy noticed this contention among thePortuguese from a neighbouring hill to which they had retired, andendeavoured to take advantage of this circumstance, by dischargingincessant flights of arrows into the town. On receiving orders from DeSousa to march against the enemy, the discontented troops exclaimed, "That the rich gentry might march if they would; but that they only cameto make up by plunder for the pay of which they had been unjustlydeprived. " Gracia de Sa went out against the enemy with a few lances;but after several charges, almost the whole of the Portuguese shamefullytook to flight, endeavouring in such haste to reimbark that several weredrowned in the confusion. Indignant at this cowardice, the governorreproached them as not being the same brave men he had left in Indiaonly two years before. To this they answered, thinking he meant it as areflection on his predecessor, "That the men were the same, but thegovernor was changed; and that this was the fruit of lessening theirpay, to enable him to give gratuities to those who knew better how tobeg favours than to deserve them. " De Sousa retired to the ships for thenight, but landed next day, when he utterly destroyed the city andsurrounding country with fire and sword, and made all the woods be cutdown[363]. Unable any longer to resist, the queen purchased peace bysubmitting to a heavier subjection than before. 

[Footnote 363: The cutting down of the woods mentioned in the text, probably refers to cocoa nut trees, on which the natives of the coast ofIndia appear to have greatly depended for food. --E. ]

The king of Ormuz had fallen into arrears of life tribute, and was due500, 000 ducats, which he was unable to pay; for the tribute had beensuccessively raised from 12, 000 ducats originally imposed byAlbuquerque, to 100, 000, so that from a tributary he became a slave, nothaving even a competent maintenance remaining. Finding him unable todischarge the debt, De Sousa proposed to him to make over the customs ofOrmuz to the Portuguese, which he agreed to, that he might get rid ofthe oppression. But the Persians soon afterwards deprived them of thissource of revenue, which they had unjustly appropriated to themselves. 

In the year 1544, De Sousa fitted out a fleet of 45 sail, in which wereembarked 3000 seamen and soldiers. The design of this armament was kepta profound secret, which was to rob the pagoda of _Tremele_, 12 milesinland from St Thomas of Meliapour, in the kingdom of Bisnagar, forwhich express orders had been given by King John, under pretence thatIndia was wasted, as if any pretence could justify robbery. The designwas however discovered, or as others say it was disappointed by contrarywinds. Yet the governor was persuaded to plunder other pagodas, where itwas thought there were equal riches. By the way, he sent a message tothe king of Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, commanding him either tobecome tributary to the crown of Portugal, or to prepare for opposingthe armament. The king agreed to pay 4000 ducats yearly, glad to get offso easily. A king called _Grande_ near Cape Comorin, being in fear ofthe Portuguese, sent a present to the governor. De Sousa proceeded to apagoda named _Tebelicate_[364], near _Calecoulam_, although thePortuguese were at peace with the king of that country, and went into itwith a small number of his confidants, whence they brought out two casksso heavy that they loaded many men. These casks were reported to containwater, though some affirmed that it was gold and jewels; but the truthwas never known. It has been alleged by some writers that nothing wasfound but a golden vessel worth 4000 crowns, in which the idol used tobe bathed, and which was ordered to be restored by the king of Portugal, who was much displeased at the conduct of De Sousa on this occasion; asif it were a greater crime to rob the pagoda of _Tebilicare_ withoutorders, than that of _Tremele_ with orders. While the Portuguese werereturning to their ships, the town and pagoda were set on fire, and theywere attacked in a narrow defile by 200 Nayres, who killed 30 of them;but on getting into the open field, the Nayres were put to flight. Nodanger terrifies avarice. The Portuguese went on to another pagoda, fromwhich a chest was brought out and opened publicly, and some silver moneywhich it contained was distributed among the troops; but of so smallaccount, that many believed the liberality was owing to thatcircumstance. 

[Footnote 364: Called afterwards _Tebilicare_. ]

De Sousa was obliged to return in all haste to Goa, owing to thefollowing circumstance, communicated to him by a message from Don Garciade Castro. _Aceda Khan_, lord of the lands around Goa, intending todepose Adel Khan, prevailed on Don Garcia, by means of presents todeliver up to him _Meale Khan_ the brother of Adel Khan, pretending thathe held the kingdom wrongfully. This gave just cause of complaint toAdel Khan, and occasioned considerable danger to the Portuguese. Thegovernor listened to the arguments and offers of both sides; butinclined more to favour Aceda Khan, who offered to cede the kingdom ofConcan, giving a revenue of about a million, then possessed by Abraham, a good man and a friend of the Portuguese. As this territory was veryvaluable, particularly from its neighbourhood to Goa, the governordeclared in favour of Meale Khan, and prepared to possess himself of theConcan which was offered by Aceda Khan. This was a notorious act ofinjustice; and as De Sousa was naturally of a haughty disposition, noneof his officers dared to remonstrate; but Pedro de Faria, thenfour-score years of age, trusting to his quality and the great officeshe had held, repaired late one night to the governors tent, andprevailed upon him to desist from so unjust an undertaking. Next day thegovernor abandoned his design, pretending various reasons of delay, andreturned to Goa, carrying Meale Khan along with him. 

At this time Aceda Khan died, who was the contriver of this discord, andAdel Khan descended the gaut mountains with a powerful army to reducethe rebels, recovering possession of the Concan in a few days. But asAdel Khan was still fearful of Meale Khan, he offered the lands of_Salsete_ and _Bardez_ to De Sousa, on condition of delivering him up, which were valued at 50, 000 ducats of yearly revenue. De Sousa refusedto give up this man who had confided in him for protection; but offered, if put in possession of these districts, that he would remove Meale tosome place where he could give no disturbance to Adel Khan. Theseconditions were agreed to and performed by Adel Khan, but evaded by DeSousa, who sent Meale to Cananor and brought him back to Goa. Somealleged that this was done to overawe Adel Khan, while others said itwas meant as a bait to extort presents; and it was certain that somewere actually sent. 

In this treaty, Adel Khan had agreed that De Sousa was to be put intopossession of the vast treasures which had been left by the rebel AcedaKhan, said to amount to ten millions of ducats, and which at his deathhad fallen into the hands of Khojah Zemaz-oddin, who persuaded De Sousathat it was only one million, and delivered that sum to him. Adel Khanafterwards gave notice to De Sousa of the vast fraud which had been usedin the pretended delivery of the treasure; but all his efforts to securethe defaulter were in vain. 

Sultan Mahmud, sovereign of Cambaya or Guzerat, was desirous ofrecovering possession of the castle built by the Portuguese at Diu, andof freeing himself by that means from the trammels which had been thrownin the way of the trade of his dominions. In the late treaty between himand the Portuguese, it had been stipulated, with the consent of theviceroy Don Garcia, that the government of Cambaya might erect a wallbetween the city of Diu and the castle. This wall was accordinglycommenced; but as Emanuel de Sousa, who commanded in the castle of Diu, considered that the wall now building was of a very differentdescription from a mere boundary, as intended in the treaty, andappeared to be destined for hostile purposes, he drove away the workmen, threw down the wall, and made use of the materials for strengthening thedefences of the castle. Mahmud was highly offended at this procedure, and at the instigation of his great minister Khojah Zofar, he secretlyused every possible means to stir up enemies to the Portuguese, endeavouring to form an union of the Indian princes to expel them notonly from Diu but from all India. 

In the course of this year 1544, the great Khan of the Tartars invadedChina and besieged _Peking_ with a prodigious army, amounting tomillions of men. A large detachment from this vast army, among whichwere 60, 000 horse, was sent against the city of _Quamsi_, which wasplundered, and an immense number of the inhabitants put to the sword. While on his return with this part of the army, _Nauticor_ the Tartargeneral attempted to reduce the fortress of _Nixiancoo_, but wasrepulsed with the loss of 3000 men, on which he was disposed to desistfrom the enterprise, deeming the place impregnable. Among the prisonerstaken at Quamsi were nine Portuguese, one of whom named George Mendezmade offer to the Tartar general to put him on a plan for gaining thefortress of _Nixiancoo_, on condition that he and his companions wererestored to liberty. The general agreed to his proposal, and gained thefort by the advice of Mendez, with the slaughter of 2000 Chinese andMoguls. In pursuance of his promise, the general obtained the liberty ofthe Portuguese from his sovereign, but prevailed on Mendez to continuein his service by a pension of 6000 ducats. The Tartar emperor wasconstrained to raise the siege of Peking and retire to _Tuymican_ hisresidence in Tartary, after having closely invested the metropolis ofChina for almost seven months, with the loss of 450, 000 men, mostly cutoff by pestilence, besides 300, 000 that deserted to the Chinese. 

In 1545, Martin Alfonso de Sousa became exceedingly dissatisfied withhis situation as governor-general in India, being threatened on everyside by a combination of the native princes, and having no adequatemeans of defence either in men or money. Only a few days before thearrival of his successor, he declared to Diego Silveyra who was going tosail for Portugal, that if the king did not immediately send out asuccessor, he would open the patents of succession, and resign thegovernment to whoever he might find nominated for that purpose. He wassoon afterwards relieved by Don Juan de Castro, whose journal of theexpedition into the Red Sea we have laid before our readers in thepreceding chapter, and who arrived at Goa in August or September 1545, to assume the government of India. 

SECTION IV. 

_Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548. _

Khojah Zofar, who was now chief minister and favourite to the king ofCambaya, though he continued to keep up a fair correspondence with thePortuguese, yet, with the perfidy so natural to a Moor, never ceasedpersuading his sovereign to endeavour to shake off the yoke by a secondattempt to reduce the castle of Diu. For this purpose he collected apowerful army, yet endeavoured in the first place to attain his ends bythe most infamous means of secret policy. With this view he gained overa Portuguese of a base character, named _Ruy Freire_, to poison thegreat cistern or reservoir of water, to set the magazine of the castleon fire, and to admit him by a concerted signal into the place. But thistreacherous design was frustrated by the information of an Ethiopian, aTurk and a female slave, who revealed the plot to the commander, DonJuan Mascarenhas, who had succeeded Emanuel de Sousa. As Mascarenhasbecame aware of the storm that was gathering against him, he prepared tomeet it as well as possible, and sent notice of his danger to thegovernor-general, Don Juan de Castro, and to all the neighbouringPortuguese commanders. The garrison in the castle of Diu at this timeamounted only to 210 men: Of these Mascarenhas assigned 30 for thedefence of each of the four bastions; his lieutenant had charge of atower or bulwark over the gate with 20 men; other 20 were placed in asmall detached work; and he retained 50 men as a body of reserve underhis own immediate command, to act wherever the greatest danger mightcall for his presence. 

By this time a considerable number of men were collected by the enemy inthe city of Diu, among whom were 500 Turks sent from Mokha by the kingof Zabid, and Khojah Zofar came on with all his power, resolving toattack the sea bastion by means of three castles well stored with cannonand ammunition, which were built upon a ship of vast size; within thecastles were 200 Turks, who were intended to distract the attention ofthe defendants by continually pouring in all sorts of artificialfireworks. This device was however abortive, as Jacome Leite went bynight in two small vessels with twenty men, and though discovered hesucceeded in setting the floating castle on fire, a great part of whichblew up with all the Turks, and the remainder of the ship burnt with sogreat a flame that the enemy was seen in whole battalions running toquench the fire. Seeing the enemy in clusters, Jacome pointed his cannonamong them and killed many: After this exploit, he proceeded to themouth of the river, where he took some vessels loaded with provisionsbelonging to the enemy, with which he returned to the fort to the greatadmiration of the whole garrison, having seven of his men wounded inthis gallant and successful exploit. 

Though frustrated in this design, Khojah Zofar persisted in hisintentions of besieging the castle, for which purpose he began torebuild the wall which had been destroyed by De Sousa. [365] This couldnot be prevented, though many of the workmen were killed by the cannonof the fort, and being at last brought to perfection Zofar planted uponit sixty pieces of large cannon, besides many of a small size. One ofthese cannons was of such extraordinary magnitude that it shook thewhole island every time it was discharged, and it was managed with muchexpertness by a renegade Frenchman in the service of Zofar. At this timeDon Ferdinand de Castro, son to the governor arrived with areinforcement. Mascarenhas having expressed a desire of acquiring someintelligence from the enemys camp, one Diego de Anaya Coutinno, agentleman of note and of great strength, put on a helmet with a sword byhis side and a spear in his hand, and let himself down from the wallunder night. He soon discovered two Moors at some distance from thefort, one of whom he slew with his spear, and taking up the other in hisarms ran with him to the gate of the fort, calling out for admission, and threw him in, to the great surprise and admiration of hiscompanions. Coutinno had borrowed a helmet, which he had engaged hisword to restore or die in its defence. It happened to fall off in thescuffle, and he did not miss it till demanded, by its owner. Heimmediately let himself down again from the wall to look for the helmet, which he found and restored. 

[Footnote 365: This second siege of Diu appears to have commenced aboutthe beginning of March 1545. --E. ]

Shortly afterwards an extraordinary movement was observed in thebesieging army, of which Mascarenhas was desirous to know the cause. Onthis account six men sallied out at night from the castle, and fell uponan advanced party of sixty Moors, some of whom they killed; but the restawaking, and being joined by others, the Portuguese were forced toretreat after losing two of their number; but the remaining fourbrought in a prisoner along with them, who reported that the king ofCambaya was arrived from _Champanel_ with 10, 000 horse, on purpose tosee the capture of the castle, which he was assured by Zofar must soonfall. This exploit so incensed the king and Zofar, that they pressed thesiege with the utmost fury, and did much harm to the works of the castleby incessant discharges from their numerous artillery. But the renegadeFrenchman, who managed their greatest gun, was slain by a chance shot, and the gunner who succeeded him was so ignorant that he did more harmto his own party than to the Portuguese. All the neighbourhoodcontinually resounded with the incessant noise of the cannon, mixed withthe cries and groans of dying men; when a ball from the fort happened togo through the kings tent, and sprinkled him all over with the blood ofone of his favourites, who was torn to pieces close by him. This soterrified the king, that he immediately abandoned Diu, leaving thecommand of the horse to Juzar Khan a valiant Abyssinian. 

Khojah Zofar continued to press the siege, and there was much slaughterand destruction on both sides; but this was more evident and prejudicialin the castle, owing to the small space and the weakness of thegarrison. Mascarenhas on his part exerted every means for defence, always repairing to wherever there was most danger, as desirous ofgaining equal honour with Silveyra who had so gallantly defended thesame place only a few years before. He was no less fortunate incourageous women than Silveyra, as those now in the castle encouragedthe men to fight valiantly, and both assisted and relieved them in thelabour of repairing the walls. On one occasion that some Turks had gotwithin the walls and had taken post in a house, one of these valiantfemales ran there with a spear and fought against the enemy, tillMascarenhas came up with his reserve and put them all to the sword. Zofar used every effort and device to fill up the ditches and to batterdown the walls of the castle; but equal industry was exerted by thebesieged to repair the breaches and to clear out the ditches, the primegentry doing as much duty on those occasions as the private soldiers andmasons; repairing every night such parts of the walls and bastions ashad been ruined in the day. 

Astonished to see all the defences thus restored, and angry at theobstinate resistance of so small a garrison, Zofar made a furiousassault upon the castle, but had his head carried off by a cannon-ball. "In this violent death he fulfilled the prediction of his mother at_Otranto, _ who having in vain endeavoured to prevail upon him to returninto the bosom of the church, used to superscribe her letters to him inthe following manner. _To Khojah Zofar my son, at the gates of hell. _"He was succeeded by his son _Rumi Khan_, who inherited his fortune andcommand, and was as eager as his father to reduce the castle of Diu. Being in great straits, Mascarenhas was under the necessity of applyingto the governor-general at Goa and the commanders of the neighbouringgarrisons for reinforcements, on which occasion a priest was employed, who run great danger, as the sea was at this season scarcely navigable:But then Portugal had some _decii_ and _reguli_, while it now has onlythe grief of wanting such patriots[366]. 

[Footnote 366: It is hardly necessary to observe that this is theexpression of D. Faria in the _seventeenth_ century, when Portugalgroaned under the yoke of the Austrian sovereigns of Spain. --E. ]

In the mean time Rumi Khan and Juzar Khan gave a general assault, particularly directing their efforts against the bastions of St John andSt Thomas, where they found a vigorous resistance and lost a prodigiousnumber of men. Yet numbers at length prevailed, and the enemy gained atemporary possession of the bastion of St Thomas. The garrison addingfury to despair, made so desperate an effort to recover the bastion, that they made a wonderful slaughter of the numerous assailants who hadpenetrated their works, throwing headlong from the wall such as hadescaped the sword, insomuch that the bastion and the ditch below wereheaped with dead bodies. Rumi Khan spent the succeeding night in prayersand processions to propitiate Mahomet, and next morning renewed theassault with equal fury. But after mounting the two bastions, he was atlength forced to retreat with the loss of near 2000 men, among whom wasJuzar Khan the Abyssinian general, who was succeeded in his command byhis uncle of the same name. In this action the Portuguese lost sevenmen. Several other assaults were given with similar success. In one ofthese the fire was so close and furious that several of the Portuguesewho were clad in cotton garments had their clothes set on fire, on whichthey ran and dipt themselves in water, after which they returned totheir posts. Such as happened to have skin coats escaped this danger;and as Mascarenhas noticed this circumstance, he caused the giltleather hangings of his apartments to be made into coats for hissoldiers. 

As the enemy had raised a mount near the castle which overlooked thewalls, whence they greatly annoyed the enemy, Don Juan and Don Pedro deAlmeyda sallied out with an hundred men and destroyed that work, killing300 Moors. At another time Martin Botello went out with ten men toendeavour to make some prisoners, to procure intelligence. This partyfell upon a post of the enemy occupied by eighteen men, all of whom fledexcept one _Nubian_, who bravely endeavoured to defend himself againstthe whole eleven. Botello closed with him, and finding him hard toovercome while he touched the ground with his feet, raised him in hisarms as Hercules did Anteus, and carried him to the fort by mainstrength. The assaults were frequently renewed, and the besieged wereworn out with fatigue and reduced to the last extremity by famine, beingforced to feed even upon naseous vermin. A crow or a vulture taken whilefeeding upon the dead bodies was so great a dainty for the sick that itsold for five crowns. Even the ammunition was almost spent. In thisextremity, the enemy gave a fresh assault and forced their way into thebastion of St John, whence they were driven out. Scarcely had theyretired when the bastion blew up with a vast explosion, carrying up 73of the garrison into the air, ten of whom came down alive. Among thesewas Diego de Sotomayor, who fell into the fort with his spear still inhis hand. One soldier fell in a similar manner among the enemy, and wasimmediately slain. _It was no fable that armed men were seen in the airon this occasion_[367]. Foreseeing the danger, as he believed from theretirement of the enemy so suddenly that they had secretly caused it tobe undermined, Mascarenhas gave orders for the Portuguese soldiers toretire from the bastion; but one Reynoso prevented them from doing so, unaware of what was intended, upbraiding them for cowardice. 

[Footnote 367: This is an evident allusion of De Faria to the ridiculousreports so often propagated among the Portuguese and Spaniards of thosedays, of heavenly champions aiding them in battle against theinfidels. --E. ]

Thirteen thousand of the enemy immediately attacked the breach which wasformed by the explosion, and were at first resisted only by five men, till Mascarenhas came up with fifteen more. Even the women came forwardto assist in defending the breach: and the priest, who had returnedfrom carrying advice to the neighbouring Portuguese forts, appearedcarrying a crucifix aloft, and encouraging the men to behave themselvesmanfully. After a long and furious contest, the enemy retired on theapproach of night, after losing 300 men, and Mascarenhas employed thewhole night in repairing the breach. The enemy renewed their attacksevery day, but with no better success, trusting to their vastsuperiority in numbers, that they would at last wear out and destroy thegarrison. Rumi Khan began again to undermine the works, even piercingthrough rocks that were in the way; but Mascarenhas by means of acountermine disappointed his expectations, as the mine exploded backupon the enemy and killed many of their own men. 

Don Alvaro de Castro, son to the governor-general, was at this time sentwith supplies and reinforcements, and had to contend against the windsand waves through almost incredible storms, yet arrived at Bassenwithout loss. From thence Antonio Moniz Baretto with eight gentlemencrossed over to Diu in a boat, being the first reinforcement; who thoughfew were no small comfort to the besieged by their bravery. Next cameLuis de Melo with nine men; then Don George and Don Duarte de Menezeswith seventeen; after them Antonio de Ataide and Francisco Guillermewith fifty each; and Ruy Freyre the factor of Chaul with twenty-four. With these reinforcements Mascarenhas fell upon the enemy who thenpossessed some of the works of the castle, and had even establishedthemselves in the bastion of St James. The enemy had now lost 5000 menand the besieged 200, but having as many more left, scarcely half ofwhom were fit for duty, when Don Alvaro de Castro arrived with 400 menand a sufficient supply of ammunition, having taken by the way a shipbelonging to Cambaya richly laden. 

The joy of this relief was soon damped by the mutinous disposition ofthe soldiers brought by Don Alvaro; who fearful of the mines of theenemy, clamorously demanded to be led into the field against the enemy;and when the governor prudently refused compliance, they broke out intoopen mutiny in defiance of all discipline, then scarce known or at leastnot respected by the Portuguese. Being in danger of perishing in thecastle by his own men, Mascarenhas chose rather to die in the fieldamong the enemy, and made a sally with almost 500 men in three bodies. At the first push the advanced post of the enemy was gained, and theywere forced to retire to their main works. Those who had insolentlycompelled their commander to this extravagant measure, now stoodheartless at the foot of the trenches, while others who had taken nopart in the mutiny acted courageously. After a severe reproof fromMascarenhas they took heart and mounted the works, but the whole army ofthe enemy attacking them, the Portuguese were forced to retire indisorder. The enemy followed up the runaways, and 5000 of them underMojate Khan endeavoured to gain possession of the bastion of St Thomas, but were bravely repulsed by Luis de Sousa. In this action sixty menwere slain on the side of the Portuguese, among whom were Don Alvaro deCastro, who was mortally wounded in the head. About this time likewisethe enemy gained temporary possession of the bastion of St James andeven turned its cannon against the garrison, but were driven out byVasco de Cuna and Luis de Almeida, who had just arrived with areinforcement. The latter went out soon afterwards with Payo Rodriguezand Pedro Alfonso in three caravels, and soon returned with two greatships belonging to Mecca and several other vessels, whose cargoes wereworth 50, 000 ducats. 

In the beginning of October 1545, when the siege had lasted eightmonths, Don Juan de Castro set out from Goa with a powerful armament forits relief. As the fleet, consisting of above 90 vessels, was scatteredduring the voyage, Don Juan put in at _Baseen_ to wait for its reunion, and sent in the mean time Don Emanuel de Lima with a squadron to scourthe coast, who took several vessels. At length the Portuguese fleet madeits appearance in the sea of Diu, to the great amazement and dismay ofthe enemy, who had recently received a supply of 5000 men from the kingof Cambaya. Having landed his troops, it was resolved by Don Juan deCastro to march and attack the enemy, chiefly on the suggestion of theexperienced Don Garcia de Sa. The Portuguese army was accordinglymarshalled in the following order. Don Juan Mascarenhas, the valiantdefender of the castle, led the van consisting of 500 men. Two otherbodies of equal force were led by Don Alvaro de Castro[368], and DonEmanuel de Lima. Don Juan de Castro led the reserve, composed of 1000Portuguese and a body of Indian soldiers. Among the men were severalPortuguese women in men's clothes, who went principally to assist thosethat might be wounded. The lieutenant-governor was left in charge of thefort with 300 men. 

[Footnote 368: This gentleman has been said only a little way before, tohave been _mortally_ wounded. He must only have been _severely_ woundedon that former occasion; or perhaps it might have been Don Ferdinand, another son of the governor, who was killed. --E. ]

Having prepared for battle by the sacraments of the church, this smallarmy marched out at break of day of the 11th November 1545, to attackthe numerous forces of the enemy, who were strongly entrenched anddefended by a powerful train of artillery. At this time two Portuguesegentlemen who had challenged each other, agreed that he who firstmounted the works of the enemy should be deemed conqueror: bothhonourably strove to gain the victory, and both died gloriously in theattempt. After a severe conflict, in which the Portuguese sustained someloss, they at length mounted the works, and Mascarenhas and Don Alvarode Castro, having each gained possession of a tower or bulwark, maderoom for the army drawing up in the open field in the rear of thehostile works. Twice was the ensign carrying the royal standard throwndown from the enemy's works, and twice remounted. Rumi Khan used everyeffort, backed by his numerous army, to drive the Portuguese from hisentrenchments, but unsuccessfully. Being joined by Juzar Khan, who hadbeen worsted by Mascarenhas, they united their troops and renewed theirfight, and distressed the Portuguese exceedingly, when father Antonio deCazal appeared in the ranks carrying a crucifix aloft on the point of alance, encouraging the troops to behave courageously. By great andvaliant exertions, after covering the field with dead and wounded Moors, Rumi Khan was constrained to retreat in disorder; but having rallied histroops, the Portuguese in their turn were thrown into disorder. DonJuan, however exerted himself to admiration, and restoring his men toorder renewed the battle. At this time a stone or bullet broke off anarm from the crucifix, and the priest calling on the soldiers to avengethe sacrilege, they fell on with such fury, that after incredibleefforts they drove the enemy into the city with vast slaughter. Mascarenhas, Don Alvaro de Lima, and Don Juan de Castro, successivelyforced their way into the city with their respective battalions, byseveral avenues, making the streets and houses run with blood. Thewomen shared the fate of the men, and even children were slain at theirmothers breasts. In plundering the houses, gold, silver, and jewels werealone attended to by the soldiery, other things though of value beingslighted as cumbrous. 

Rumi Khan and the other officers of the enemy sallied with about 8000men, against whom Don Juan de Castro, with the assistance of his son andMascarenhas again engaged, and after a bloody battle gained a completevictory. In this last engagement, Gabriel Teixeyra killed thestandard-bearer of the enemy, and dragged the standard of Cambaya aboutthe field proclaiming victory. George Nunez brought out the head of RumiKhan from among the dead, and presented it to Don Juan. Juzar Khan waswounded and made prisoner. In this great battle the enemy lost 5000 men, among whom, besides Rumi Khan, Azede Khan, Lu Khan, and other men ofnote were slain. The Portuguese, according to one account, lost 100 men, while others say only 34. Many thousands were taken, with forty piecesof cannon of extraordinary size, besides 160 others, and a prodigiousquantity of ammunition. Free plunder was allowed to the troops, by whichmany acquired great riches and all were satisfied. Many of thePortuguese signalized their valour in this action. The governor-generalacted the part of a valiant soldier, as well as that of a prudentgeneral. Mascarenhas, after sustaining a siege of eight months, distinguished himself above all others. Of Don Alvaro de Castro, it issufficient to say that he acted like his father. The ensign Barbado, though several times thrown down, as often remounted the works of theenemy. Father Antonio del Cazal, by presenting to view the _image oflife_ banished the _fear of death_. Many others distinguished theirvalour, some of whom survived and others were slain. The enemy confessedthat, one day during the siege, they saw over the church in the castle abeautiful woman in the air, clothed in white, and so brilliantlyilluminated with rays of light that they could not look upon her; andthat this day there were some men in the field armed with lances who didthem much harm. The king of Cambaya was so enraged with the loss he hadsustained in this siege, that he ordered twenty-eight Portugueseprisoners to be torn in pieces in his presence. 

Great was the joy at Goa on the news being received of the events atDiu, which were carried thither by Diego Rodriguez de Azevedo, wholikewise carried a message from Don Juan de Castro requesting the cityto lend him 20, 000 pardaos for the use of the army, sending a lock ofhis whiskers in pawn for the faithful repayment of the money. The cityrespectfully returned the proposed pledge, and sent him more money thanhe wanted, and even the ladies of Goa on this occasion sent him theirearrings, necklaces, bracelets, and other jewels to be applied to thepublic service. But the governor punctually restored all exactly assent, having been amply supplied by the capture of a rich ship ofCambaya. Having restored the castle to a better condition than beforethe siege, Don Juan de Castro sailed for Goa, leaving a garrison of 500men in the castle under Don George de Menezes, with six ships to securethe coast. The city also was now better inhabited than ever, through thegood usage of the governor to the Moors. 

Don Juan de Castro returned from Diu to Goa on the 11th of April 1546, where he was received with universal demonstrations of joy, and wasconducted into the city in a splendid triumph, prepared on purpose afterthe manner of the ancient Romans. The city gates and the houses of thestreets he had to pass through were hung with silk, all the windows werethronged with women splendidly dressed, and every part of the cityresounded with music and the din of cannon, all the ships in the baybeing richly adorned with numerous flags and streamers. Don Juan enteredthe city under a splendid canopy; and at the gates his hat was takenoff, and his brows adorned by a crown of laurel, of which likewise abranch was put into his hand. Before him went the priest, carrying thecrucifix, as he had done in the late battle, and next to him was theroyal standard. Juzar Khan followed with his eyes fixed on the ground, perhaps that he might not see the standard of his sovereign trailing inthe dust, while those of the Portuguese floated triumphant in the air. After him came 600 prisoners in chains. In the front were all thecaptured cannon, and great quantities of arms of all sorts in cartsartificially disposed. The governor walked upon leaves of gold andsilver and rich silks, all the ladies as he passed sprinkling him fromtheir windows with odoriferous waters, and strewing him with flowers. Onhearing an account of this triumph, queen Catharine said "That Don Juanhad overcome like a Christian, but had triumphed like a heathen. "

Scarcely was this triumph ended when the governor found it necessary tosend a force of 120 horse, 800 foot, and 1000 Indians, to expel sometroops sent by Adel Khan to possess the districts of Salsete and Bardes, because the conditions on which he had ceded these to the Portuguese hadnot been fulfilled. Diego de Almeyda, who commanded these troops, easilyexecuted his commission, as 4000 men belonging to Adel Khan, who werestationed at _Cowlii_ fled at his approach. Adel Khan however sent themback again, with 9000 additional men, together with a company ofrenegado Portuguese, commanded by Gonzalo Vaz Coutinno, who, to avoidthe punishment due to his crimes, had deserted to the enemy. As Almeydafound himself too weak to resist this great force, he was forced toretire; on which the governor marched in person against the enemy with3000 men in five battalions, and was soon afterwards joined by Franciscode Melo with about 1500 more. On the approach of this force the enemyretired to the fort of Ponda followed by the Portuguese army, on whichoccasion Don Alvaro de Castro, who led the van, gained possession of aford defended by 2000 musqueteers. The main body of the enemy, twelve orthirteen thousand strong, were drawn up in good order about the fort, but fled at the first fire, leaving the fort entirely empty. 

The victorious are sure to find friends. _Cidoza_ king of Canara sent tocongratulate Don Juan de Castro upon this victory, and to propose a newalliance with the Portuguese, which was accordingly concluded uponadvantageous terms, as always happens upon such occasions. This kingdomof _Charnataca_, corruptly named _Canara_, had no sovereign princebefore the year 1200, when one _Boca_, a shepherd, assumed thegovernment, styling himself _Rao_ which signifies emperor, a title thathas been continued by all his successors. This king, in memorial of avictory gained by him over the king of Delhi, built the famous city ofVisajanagur, corruptly called Bisnagar. The crown continued in his linetill usurped by Narsinga, from whom the kingdom took that name, havingbeen formerly called Bisnagar from that of the city. Afterwards kingMalek sent also to confirm the peace between him and the Portuguese, more through hatred to Adel Khan who was defeated, than from love to thevictorious Portuguese. 

Hearing in 1546 that the king of Cambaya intended again to besiege Diuwith a larger army than ever, Don Juan de Castro prepared with alldiligence to relieve it, borrowing money from the city of Goa for theexpences of the expedition; and on this occasion the women of Goa senthim their jewels by the hands of their young daughters, complaining thathe had not used them before, and requesting him to do so now; but hesent all back accompanied with presents. Having fitted out 160 sail ofvarious kinds of vessels with a large military force, Don Juan sailedfor _Basseen_ and thence to Surat, where Don Alvaro had arrived beforethe fleet, and had taken a work with several cannon from the Moors. Sailing thence to Baroch, the army of the king of Cambaya was seencovering the whole plain, to the amount of 150, 000 men, with 80 largecannon in front. Don John was anxious to land with his small army of3000 men to give battle to the king, but was dissuaded from the rashattempt by his most experienced officers. He went on therefore to Diu, where he appointed Luis Falcam to command the castle, as Mascarenhas wasthen about to return to Portugal. After this he went along the coast ofthe Guzerat dominions, landing in many places, and destroying everything with fire and sword. The strong and beautiful cities of _Pate_ and_Patane_, being abandoned by the inhabitants, were utterly destroyed;two hundred vessels were destroyed in their ports, and a prodigiousbooty was obtained. Dabul also, though in the dominions of Adel Khan, was treated in a similar manner, in revenge for the ravages committed bythe orders of that sovereign in the districts of Salsete and Bardes, which were occupied by Calabate Khan at the head of 20, 000 men. 

As Calabate Khan seemed disposed to retain possession of thesedistricts, Don Juan went against him with 1500 horse and 4000 foot; butthe enemy fled in all haste to the gauts, leaving their tents andbaggage behind. The Portuguese army pursued; and being resisted byCalabate Khan in person, with 2000 horse at a ford or pass, that generalwas unhorsed and slain by a Portuguese officer named Almeyda, afterwhich the enemy were defeated with great slaughter. The cymeter, dagger, chain, and rings of the slain general were estimated at the value of80, 000 crowns. After this victory, Don Juan ravaged the whole countrybelow the gauts belonging to Adel Khan, destroying every thing beforehim, burning all the towns and woods, and carrying off the cattle andprovisions. From this destructive expedition he returned to Goa, whichhe again entered in triumph. 

About this time the king of Acheen in Sumatra, an irreconcilable enemyto the Portuguese, sent a fleet of sixty vessels against Malacca with5000 soldiers, among whom were 500 men called _Orobalones_ or _thegolden bracelets_, from wearing that ornament in distinction of theirbravery; but the principal force consisted of a regiment of Turkishjanisaries commanded by a valiant Moor. This man landed in the nightnear Malacca, and it is said that the garrison was alarmed and put ontheir guard by a flock of geese, as the capitol was in ancient times. The garrison of Malacca was then very weak, yet the enemy were forced toreimbark, after burning two Portuguese ships then ready to sail. Onreturning from their intended attack on Malacca, the enemy took sevenpoor fishermen, whose noses, ears, and feet they cut off and sent themin that mutilated condition to the commander at Malacca, George de Melo, with a letter written with their blood, challenging him to come out andfight them at sea. Melo was by no means disposed to accept thischallenge, having a very inadequate force, and because he had only eightsmall vessels which lay aground in a state unfit for service. But thegreat St Francis Xavier, who was then in Malacca, prevailed on somemerchants to be at the expence of fitting out these vessels, and uponMelo to go out against the enemy, promising that two galliots would comeby a certain time to his aid. When the time was near expired, twogalliots actually made their appearance and came into the harbour, though intended upon a different course. The saint went on board, andfound that they were commanded by Diego Suarez de Melo, commonly calledthe _Gallego_, and his son Baltazar, whom he prevailed upon to join inthe attack of the Acheenese. The ten small vessels were accordinglyfitted out and manned by 230 men, and set sail in search of the enemyunder the command of Don Francisco Deza. After ranging about for twomonths in search of the Acheen fleet, when at length about to return toMalacca, Deza found them in the river _Parles_, where he resolutelyattacked them one Sunday morning, and, after an obstinate engagement, gained a complete victory, in which 4000 of the enemy were slain. Several of the Acheen ships were sunk, and almost all the rest taken, ofwhich the Portuguese brought in twenty-five to Malacca, with 300 piecesof cannon, and about 1000 firelocks, having only lost twenty-five menaccording to one account, while some said only four. St Francis waspreaching at Malacca when this battle took place, and suddenly pausingin the middle of his discourse, he distinctly related all theparticulars of the victory to his auditors, who were in great anxietyfor the fate of their ships, having received no news of them during twomonths. His prophecy was verified a few days afterwards by theirtriumphant arrival. 

Don Juan de Castro began his operations in January 1548, by the entiredestruction of all that part of the western coast of India whichbelonged to Adel Khan. From the river _Charopa_ two leagues from Goa, tothat of _Cifardam_, which divides the dominions of Adel Khan from thatof the Nizam, he spared neither living creature, vegetable, nor dwellingof any kind. 

When the news of the glorious termination of the siege of Diu wasreceived at Lisbon, the king sent out a greater fleet than usual toIndia, and honoured Don Juan with extraordinary favours for his goodservices. Besides a present in money, he continued him in thegovernment, raising his rank from governor-general to the dignity ofviceroy, and appointed his son Don Alvaro admiral of the Indian seas. But Don Juan was almost dead when these honours reached him, being sickof a disease which now-a-days kills no one, for even diseases die! Hewas heart-broken by the cowardly behaviour of a Portuguese force thathad been sent to Aden, and the rash conduct of his son at Xael, in bothof which they had suffered severe losses. Finding himself dying, hepublicly asked pardon of many for having written against them to theking; and being unable to manage the affairs of government, he appointeda select council to supply his place. Calling the members into hispresence, he said "Though he neither hoped nor wished to live, yet itbehoved him to be at some expence while he remained alive; and having nomoney, he entreated they would order him a small supply from the royalrevenues, that he might not die for want. " Then laying his hand on amissal, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, he solemnly swore, "That hehad on no occasion converted the money belonging to the king, or to anyother person, to his own use; and that he had never engaged in trade toincrease his own fortune. " He desired that this his solemn declarationmight be recorded. He soon afterwards expired in the arms of St FrancisXavier, on the 6th of June 1548, in the 48th year of his age. All thetreasure found in his private cabinet was three _ryals_ and a _bloodyscourge_. 

Don Juan was an excellent scholar, being particularly skilled in Latinand the mathematics. During his government of India he did not allowhimself to be actuated by pride, as others had done before and afterhim, and always valued and promoted his officers for their merits. He somuch loved that every one should act becomingly, that seeing one day afine suit of clothes on passing a tailors shop, and being told that itwas intended for his son, he cut it in pieces, desiring some one to tellthe young man to provide arms, not fine clothes. 

SECTION V. 

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1548 to 1564, underseveral Governors, [369]_

Immediately on the death of Don Juan the first patent of succession wasopened, in which Don Juan Mascarenhas was named; but he had gone toLisbon to seek the reward of his gallant defence of Diu, which he nowmissed. The second named Don George Telo, who was also absent. In thethird, Gracia de Sa was nominated to the succession, an officer of muchexperience in the affairs of India. Soon afterwards, he received anembassy from Adel Khan to solicit peace, which was concluded much to theadvantage of the Portuguese. The Zamorin, Nizam-al-mulk, Kothb-al-mulkking of Golconda, the Rajah of Canara, and several other princes ofIndia sent splendid embassies to confirm the peace; and at length, Sultan Mahmud king of Guzerat or Cambaya, tired of the unfortunate warin which he had been long engaged with the Portuguese, made pacificovertures, and a treaty was concluded to the credit and advantage of thePortuguese. 

[Footnote 369: The transactions of this period are of so littleimportance, and related in so desultory a manner, that in the presentsection we have only thought it necessary to give an abbreviatedselection. --E. ]

In the course of this year, 1548, a bloody war broke out between thekings of Siam and Pegu on the following occasion: The king of Siamhappened to possess _a white elephant_, a singular curiosity, muchcoveted by all the princes of the east, and the king of Pegu demandedthat it should be given up to him in token of superiority. This wasrefused by the king of Siam, and the king of Pegu invaded Siam with anumerous army, reducing the king of Siam to such straits that he waswilling to make peace on any conditions, except delivering up the whiteelephant, even agreeing to give up one of his own daughters, and to senda woman of noble birth yearly as an acknowledgement of vassalage. But asthe terms were not performed, the king of Pegu again marched into thekingdom of Siam with a prodigious army of a million and a half of menand 4000 elephants. Above 2000 workmen preceded the king, and set upevery night for his lodgment a stately wooden palace, richly painted andadorned with gold. On this march the king of Pegu constructed aprodigious bridge of boats over the rapid river _Menam_, a full leaguein length, for the passage of his army. 

In the course of this march, the army of Pegu was obstructed by a strongentrenchment defended by 25, 000 Siamese troops. Diego Suarez de Melo, who served in the army of Pegu with 180 Portuguese, went against thisentrenchment with his own small battalion and 30, 000 Peguers; andcarried the work with a prodigious slaughter of the Siamese. The army ofPegu at length besieged the city of _Odia_, in which the king of Siamresided. Odia is eight leagues in circumference, and was surrounded by astrong wall on which 4000 cannon were mounted, and was farther defendedby a wide and deep wet ditch, and by a garrison of 60, 000 combatants, among whom were 50 Portuguese commanded by Diego Pereyra. Aftercontinuing the siege for some time, being unable to prevail on thePortuguese under Pereyra to desert the service of the king of Siam, theking of Pegu abandoned Odia, and besieged the city of _Camambee_; inwhich the treasures of Siam were deposited. That place was stronglyfortified, and defended by 20, 000 men with so much valour that thePeguers were again obliged to desist. At this time Xemindoo rebelledagainst the king of Pegu, who sent Diego Suarez against him with 200Portuguese. Suarez pursued the rebel to the city of _Cevadi_, butXemindoo slipped past him and took possession of the city of Pegu, wherehe was favoured by the inhabitants. The queen fled into the castle, where she was defended by twenty Portuguese, till the king came up withhis army and put the rebels to flight. The army then entered the city, and put all to the sword, men, women, and children, and every livingthing, sparing those only who took refuge in the house of Suarez, whichthe king had ordered to be exempted from this military execution, and inwhich above 12, 000 saved themselves. The plunder on this occasion wasimmense, of which three millions fell to the share of Suarez, who was somuch in favour with the king, that he pardoned a Portuguese at hisintercession who had supplied the rebels with ammunition. 

The king of Pegu was soon afterwards murdered in the beautiful city of_Zatan_ by the _Ximi_ or governor of that place, who immediately hadhimself proclaimed king; but was in his turn taken and beheaded by theformer rebel _Xemindoo_, who usurped the crown. One _Mandaragri_, whohad married a sister of the former king, raised an army and claimed thecrown in right of his wife; and having defeated that first rebel inbattle, he fled to the mountains, where he married the daughter of apeasant, to whom he revealed his name and rank. She communicated thisintelligence to her father, who delivered him up to the new king by whomhe was beheaded. Being much displeased with the people of Pegu, Mandaragri built a new city near that place. He soon afterwards raisedan immense army, with which he reduced many of the neighbouringprovinces. But a new rebellion broke out at Pegu in his absence, bywhich the queen was forced to take refuge in the castle, where shechiefly owed her safety to about forty Portuguese, who defended her tillthe king came up and vanquished the rebels; after which he rewarded thebrave Portuguese with riches and honour. 

About this time likewise, the inhabitants of _Chincheo_, the _second_Portuguese colony in China, being in a flourishing condition, becameforgetful of the sad fate of _Liampo_, formerly mentioned, which hadbeen destroyed through their insolence and cupidity. Ayres Coello deSousa, who was judge of the orphans and _proveditar_ for the dead, committed many villanies to get hold of 12, 000 ducats belonging to anArmenian merchant who had died there, and of 8000 ducats from someChinese merchants, under pretence that this sum was due by them to thedeceased. By these and other insolencies, the Chinese were so provokedthat they destroyed _Chincheo_, as they had formerly done Liampo, only30 Portuguese escaping out of 500 who lived there. These and some otherPortuguese went over to the island of _Lampezau_; and they afterwards, in 1557, obtained leave to settle in the island of _Goaxam_, where theybuilt the city of _Macao_. 

While endeavouring to devise means for the relief of the soldiers, whowere in great want, Gracia de Sa died suddenly in July 1549, at 70 yearsof age, being much regretted for his prudence, affability, andintegrity. On the patents of succession being opened, George Cabral wasfound first in nomination. This officer was a man of good birth andknown worth, and had gone a short while before to assume the command atBasseen. He was very unwilling to assume the government, as it deprivedhim of the command which he was to have held for four years, and wasafraid that another would soon come from Portugal to supersede him inthe supreme authority; but his lady Donna Lucretia Fiallo, prevailedupon him to accept the honour to which he seemed so averse, and whichshe ardently desired; and he accordingly returned to Goa to assume thehigh office. Cabral deserved to have long enjoyed the post ofgovernor-general, and Portuguese India was indebted to his wife for theshort period of his rule. Soon after his installation, news was broughtthat the Turks were fitting out an hundred sail at Suez to transport anarmy to India; on which Cabral diligently prepared to meet the storm, bycollecting ships from the different ports. 

At this time the zamorin and the rajah of Pimienta entered into a leagueagainst the rajah of Cochin. The rajah of Pimienta took the field with10, 000 Nayres, and was opposed by the rajah of Cochin with his men, assisted by 600 Portuguese troops under Francisco de Sylva, whocommanded in the fort at Cochin. Sylva pressed for an accommodation, which was consented to by the rajah on reasonable terms; but the treatywas broken off by the rash and violent conduct of Sylva. The armiesengaged in battle, in which the rajah of Pimienta was mortally woundedand carried off the field, upon which his troops fled and were pursuedinto their city with great slaughter, and the royal palace set on fire. This was considered as a heinous affront by the Nayres of Pimienta, whorallied and fell with such fury on the victors that they were forced toa disorderly retreat, in which Sylva and above fifty Portuguese wereslain. About 5000 of the Pimienta Nayres, who had taken an oath torevenge the death of their rajah or to die in the attempt, made anirruption into the territory of Cochin where they did much damage; andwhile engaged with the Cochin troops, Henry de Sousa marched againstthem with some Portuguese troops, and defeated them with greatslaughter. The joy occasioned by this victory was soon damped by theapproach of the zamorin at the head of 140, 000 men. The zamorinencamped with 100, 000 of these at _Chembe_, while the tributary orallied Malabar princes with the other 40, 000 took post in the island of_Bardela_. 

Upon the first advice of this invasion, Cabral collected the armamentwhich had been destined against the Turks, consisting of above 100 sailof different kinds, with 4000 soldiers. He sent on Emanuel de Sousa withfour ships, ordering him with these and the force already at Cochin touse every effort to confine the Malabar princes to the island ofBardela, till he should be able to get there with the main army, whichorders he effectually executed. Having destroyed _Tiracole, Coulete_, and _Paniane_, Cabral landed at Cochin, where his army was increased to6000 men, and where the Rajah, was ready with 40, 000 of his subjects. Being ready to attack the island, the Malabar princes hung out a whiteflag for a parley, and even agreed to put themselves into the hands ofthe governor on promise of their lives; but they delayed, and Cabralresolved to attack them next day. When next day came, he was againhindered by a violent flood. And the next day after, when on the pointof performing one of the most brilliant actions that had ever been donein India, he was stopt by the sudden arrival at Cochin of Don Alfonso deNoronha as viceroy of India; who would neither allow him to proceed, norwould he execute what was so well begun, but allowed the Malabar princesto escape with their whole army[370]. 

[Footnote 370: We only learn incidentally from De Faria that thishappened in the year 1550. --E. ]

While Cabral remained at Cochin, waiting for an opportunity to embarkfor Portugal in the homeward bound ships, there was a report one nightabout the middle of February 1550, that 8000 sworn Nayres were on theirmarch to assault the city. He hastened to the gates with Emanuel deSousa, intending to march against the enemy at day-break; but beinghindered by the council of Cochin, he remained with a competent force todefend the city, and sent Emanuel with the native troops and 1500Portuguese against the invaders, who were doing every thing that rageand malice could suggest in a neighbouring town. After a desperateengagement, the _amoucos_ or devoted Nayres were defeated with greatslaughter with the loss of 50 Portuguese. Cabral embarked well-pleasedwith this successful exploit against the sworn Nayres, and was wellreceived in Portugal, as he justly merited, though contrary to the usualcustom of that court. 

This year there was born at Goa, of Canarin parents, a hairy monsterlike a monkey, having a round head and only one eye in the forehead, over which it had horns, and its ears were like those of a kid. Whenreceived by the midwife, it cried with a loud voice, and stood up on itsfeet. The father put it into a hencoop, whence it got out and flew uponits mother; on which the father killed it by pouring scalding water onits head, and could scarcely cut off the head it was so hard. He burntit. But when the story came to be known, he was punished for the murder, and the body was exposed to public view[371]. 

[Footnote 371: This silly story has been retained, perhaps veryunnecessarily. It is perhaps an instance of embellishment founded on thelove of the marvellous, and the whole truth may lie in a very narrowcompass "_an infant coming into the world covered with hair_, " while allthe rest is fiction. --E. ]

Don Alfonso de Noronha was promoted to the viceroyalty of India frombeing governor of Ceuta, but was subjected to the control of a council, by whose advice he was ordered to conduct the government of India. Hehad orders from court to send back to Portugal all the _new Christiansor converted Jews_, many of whom had gone out to India with theirfamilies. It had been better to have banished them from both countries. The new viceroy was received at Goa with universal joy, more owingperhaps to the general dislike towards him who lays down authority thanfrom love for him who takes it up. The Arabs of _Catifa_ in the PersianGulf had admitted the Turks to take possession of the fort in that city, to the great displeasure of the King of Ormuz, on whom it had beendependent, and who therefore applied for aid to the viceroy to reducethe refractory or revolted vassals. The king of Basrah had also beenexpelled from his kingdom by the Turks, yet kept the field with an armyof 30, 000 men, and sent for assistance from the viceroy, to whom heoffered leave to erect a fort at his capital, and to grant many valuableprivileges to the Portuguese. The viceroy accordingly sent his nephew, Antonio de Norenha, to the assistance of these two kings with 1200 menin nineteen vessels. Antonio was joined at Ormuz by 3000 native troops, in conjunction with whom he besieged Catifa, which was defended by 400Turks. After a brave but unavailing resistance, the garrison fled bynight, but were pursued and routed. As the general of the troops ofOrmuz was unwilling to engage for the future defence of this fort, itwas undermined for the purpose of destroying it; but being unskilfullymanaged, the mine exploded unexpectedly, and forty of the Portuguesewere buried under its ruins. Noronha then sailed to the mouth of theEuphrates, on purpose to assist the king of Basrah; but he was inducedto believe, by a cunning Turkish pacha, that the king of Basrah meant tobetray him, on which he ingloriously returned to Ormuz, where he learntthe deceit when too late. 

The sultan of the Turks was so much displeased with the Portuguese forwhat they had done at Catifa and attempted at Basrah, that he sent anexpedition against Ormuz of 16, 000 men, commanded by an old pirate named_Pirbec_. The Turk in the first place besieged Muscat for near a month, and at length obliged the garrison to capitulate; but broke the articlesand chained the captain and sixty men to the oars. He afterwardsproceeded against Ormuz, where Don Alvaro de Noronha commanded withnine-hundred men in the fort, where he had provided ammunition andprovisions for a long siege, and into which the king with his wife andchildren and some of the chief people of the court had gone for shelter. The Turk landed his men and raised batteries against the fort, which hecannonaded incessantly for a whole month; but finding that he lost manyof his men and had no prospect of success, he plundered the city, andwent over to the island of Kishom, to which many of the principal peopleof Ormuz had withdrawn, where he got a considerable booty and thenretired to Basrah. The viceroy had been informed of the danger to whichOrmuz was exposed, and fitted out a fleet in which he embarked in personfor its relief; but hearing at Diu, on his way to the Persian Gulf, thatOrmuz was out of danger, he sailed back to Goa. On his returnunsuccessful from Ormuz, _Pirbec_ was beheaded for having acted beyondhis instructions, and _Morad-beg_ was sent in 1553 with fifteen galliesto cruise in the Persian Gulf against the Portuguese. An encounter tookplace between this Turkish squadron and one belonging to the Portugueseunder Don Diego de Noronha, which ended without material loss on eitherside; but the Turks were forced to take shelter in the Euphrates, wherethe water was too shallow to admit the Portuguese galleons. In thecourse of this year 1553, _Luis Camoens_, the admirable Portuguese poet, went out to India, to endeavour to advance his fortune by the sword, which had been so little favoured by his pen. 

About this time new troubles took place at Diu in consequence of thedeath of Sultan Mahmud, king of Guzerat or Cambaya. Like Mithridates, hehad accustomed himself to the use of poison, to guard against beingpoisoned. When any of his women happened to be near their delivery, heused to open them to take out their children. Being one day out huntingaccompanied by some of his women, he fell from his horse and was draggedby the stirrup, when one of his women boldly made up to his horse andcut the girth with a cymeter; in requital for this service he killedher, saying "that a woman of such courage had enough to kill him. " Hewas at length murdered by a page in whom he had great confidence. Fortyrants always die by the hands of those in whom they repose most trust. He was succeeded by a child who was his reputed son; but the nobility ofthe kingdom, offended by the insolence of Madrem-al-mulk who acted asgovernor of the kingdom, rebelled in several places. Abex Khan, whocommanded in the city of Diu, was one of these, and in consequence ofsome disagreement between his soldiers and the Portuguese garrison, DonDiego de Almeyda made an assault on the city with 500 men, in which manyof the Moors were slain and their houses plundered. Though late, AbexKhan saw his error, and made proper concessions. Soon afterwards, whenDon Diego de Noronha succeeded Almeyda in the command of the castle ofDiu, fresh troubles broke out at Diu, which were not appeased, till agood many men had been skin on both sides, chiefly owing to the rashnessand obstinacy of Diego de Noronha, for which he was afterwards excludedfrom the appointment to the viceroyalty of India. 

In 1554 Don Alfonso de Noronha was superseded in the government ofPortuguese India by Don Pedro de Mascarenhas, who was 70 years of agewhen appointed viceroy. Soon after his arrival at Goa, some of the greatsubjects of Adel Khan, king of Visiapour, made proposals for raisingMeale Khan, who had long resided at Goa, to the musnud, and offered tocede the Concan to the crown of Portugal, in reward for assistance inbringing about that revolution. That province, which produced a millionof yearly revenue, was so great a bait, that the enterprise was engagedin without consideration of its difficulties. Meale Khan was immediatelyproclaimed king of Visiapour, and a force of 3000 Portuguese infantrywith 200 horse and a body of Malabars and Canarins was immediately sentto reduce the fort of _Ponda_; after which, leaving his family in Goa ashostages for the faithful performance of the treaty, Meale Khan wasconducted thither by the viceroy and placed at the head of his newsubjects. Leaving Ponda under the charge of Don Antonio de Noronha, witha garrison of 600 men, the viceroy returned to Goa, where he soonafterwards died, having enjoyed the viceroyalty of India only tenmonths. 

On the death of Mascarenhas, which happened some time in 1555, Franciscode Barreto succeeded to the government by virtue of a patent ofsuccession. He immediately proceeded to Ponda to support the cause ofMeale Khan, who was soon afterwards taken prisoner, and the Portuguesewere utterly disappointed in the hopes of profiting by this intendedrevolution. 

In the beginning of 1556, Juan Peixoto sailed with two gallies for theRed Sea, to examine if the Turks were making any preparations at Suezfor attacking the Portuguese in India. Finding every thing quiet, helanded unperceived during the night in the island of Swakem, whence hecarried off a considerable booty and many prisoners, and returned to Goawith much honour. 

About this time the king of _Sinde_ sent an embassy to the governorgeneral, desiring assistance in a war against one of his neighbours, and700 men were dispatched for that purpose in 28 vessels under the commandof Pedro Barreto, who arrived safe at Tatta in the _delta_ of the Indus, the residence of the king of Sinde. The prince immediately visited thePortuguese commander, and sent notice of his arrival to the king hisfather who was absent in the field against the enemy. As the king madepeace with his enemy, Barreto desired leave to depart, and required thatthe Portuguese should be reimbursed for the expences of the expedition, as had been agreed upon, by the ambassador who solicited it. Receivingan unsatisfactory answer, Baretto landed his men and entered the city, where he slew above 8000 persons, destroyed to the value of above eightmillions in gold[372], and loaded his vessels with the richest bootythat had ever been made in India, without losing a single man. Heafterwards spent eight days destroying every thing within reach on bothsides of the river. On this occasion one Gaspar de Monterroyo, goingaccidentally into a wood, killed a monstrous serpent thirty feet inlength and of prodigious bigness, which had just devoured a bullock. Thus victorious over men and monsters, Barreto returned to Chaul, whencehe and Antonio Pereyra Brandam went and destroyed Dabul in revenge forthe injury done by Adel Khan to the Portuguese possessions on the coast. 

[Footnote 372: On many occasions, as here, De Faria, or his translator, gives no intimation of the species of coin to which he alludes. --E. ]

In the year 1557, Nazer-al-mulk, the general of Adel Khan, invaded thedistricts of Salsete and Bardes with 2000 horse and 81, 000 foot. Francisco Barreto, the governor-general, went against him with 3000Portuguese infantry, 1000 Canarins, and 200 horse, and defeated him inthe plain country near Ponda. In the district of Bardes, Juan Peixotowas opposed to another general of the enemy named Murad Khan, and beingmuch incommoded by a Portuguese renegado who had fortified himself, assaulted and routed him twice with considerable slaughter. As thegovernor-general had retired to Goa after his late victory, Nazer-al-mulk returned to the flat country and intrenched his army nearPonda. About the same time an officer of Adel Khan waded the ford of_Zacorla_ into the island of _Choram_ with 500 men, and did considerabledamage; but on the arrival of assistance from other parts was repulsedwith considerable loss, and Francisco de Mascarenhas was left for thedefence of the island with 300 men. Being desirous to secure thepromontory of Chaul, the governor asked leave to fortify that place fromNizam Shah[373], who not only refused permission, but sent 30, 000 of hisown men with orders to build there an impregnable fort. On this thegovernor went there in person with 4000 Portuguese troops besidesnatives, and a pacific arrangement was entered into, but without libertyto build the fort. A miracle was seen at this place, as the Moors hadbeen utterly unable to cut down a small wooden cross fixed upon a stone, or even to remove it by the force of elephants. Likewise about this timea Portuguese soldier bought for a trifle from a _jogue_ in Ceylon, abrown pebble about the size of an egg, on which the heavens whererepresented in several colours, and in the midst of them the image ofthe holy Virgin with the Saviour in her arms; this precious jewel fellinto the hands of Franciso Barreto, who presented it to Queen Catharine, and through its virtues God wrought many miracles both in India andPortugal. 

[Footnote 373: Named Nizamuxa in De Faria, and perhaps the same princecalled Nizamaluco on former occasions, whom we have always designatedNizam al Mulk. The Indian officers named in the text a little beforeNazer al Mulk and Murad Khan, are called Nazar Maluco and Moatecan by DeFaria, whose orthography of eastern names is continually vicious. --E. ]

About the end of the government of Franciso Barreto, Joam III, king ofPortugal died, in whom ended the good fortune of the Portuguese. In 1558the regency, during the minority of King Sebastian, sent out DonConstantin de Braganza as viceroy to India. Don Constantin was youngerbrother of Theodosius duke of Braganza, and was only 30 years of agewhen appointed to that high office. He arrived at Goa in the beginningof September 1558, with four ships and 2000 men, having performed thevoyage with unusually favourable weather; and, contrary to the usualpractice, he assumed the government without affronting in any way theperson whom he superseded. Soon after his arrival he went upon anexpedition against Daman, which had been ceded to the former governor bythe king of Guzerat, but which was still retained by Side Bofata, whowas in rebellion against his own prince. On the arrival of thePortuguese armament, Bofata abandoned the city and fort, which theviceroy took possession of, as a post of importance to secure thedistrict of Basseen, and converted the mosque into a Christian church. Bofata encamped at a place named _Parnel_, two leagues from Daman, whence with 2000 horse he infested the Portuguese in their newpossession; but was driven from his encampment by Antonio Moniz Barreto, leaving thirty-six pieces of cannon, several cart-loads of copper money, and other plunder. The viceroy behaved with such liberality anddiscretion, that he soon attracted abundance of inhabitants to this newacquisition, and reduced the neighbouring island of _Balzar_, which hedeemed necessary for the security of Daman, of which he gave the commandto Don Diego de Noronha with a garrison of 1200, appointing AlvaroGonzales Pinto to command in Balzar with 120 men and some cannon. 

In 1560, the viceroy went against Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, because the king of that place, who was likewise lord of the isle ofManar, persecuted the Christians, and had usurped the throne from hisbrother, who fled to Goa, and was there baptised by the name of Alfonso. After some considerable successes, and having even forced the king ofJafnapatam to cede the island of Manar, and to submit to the vassalageof Portugal, the viceroy was obliged to desist from the enterprise withconsiderable loss, but retained the island of Manar, where he built afort. Among the treasure belonging to the king of Jafnapatam, taken inthis expedition, was an idol, or relic rather, which was held in highestimation by all the idolaters on the coast of India, and, inparticular, by the king of Pegu, who used to send ambassadors yearlywith rich presents, merely to get a _print_ of the precious relic. Thisholy relic was nothing more than the tooth of a white monkey; and somesay that the cause of its being so much admired was owing to the rarityof the colour, like the white elephant of Siam. Others say that themonkey was held in such veneration for having discovered the wife of anancient Indian king who had eloped from her husband. Some again allegedthat it was the tooth of a man who had performed that service. Howeverthis may have been, when the king of Pegu heard that this tooth was inpossession of the viceroy, he made an offer of 300, 000 ducats for it, and it was believed his zeal would extend to a million if the bargainwas well managed. Most of the Portuguese were for taking the money, andsome wished to be employed in carrying the tooth to Pegu, expecting toderive great profit by shewing so precious a treasure by the way. But ina meeting of the principal clergy and laity of Goa, held on purpose, itwas determined that the tooth should be destroyed; and it wasaccordingly pounded in a mortar in presence of the assembly, and reducedto ashes. All men applauded this act; but, not long afterwards, _twoteeth_ were set up instead of one. 

Madrem al Mulk, king of Cambaya, desirous of recovering Daman, was readyto march against that place with a numerous army; but Don Diego deNoronha, getting intelligence of the design, contrived to persuadeCedeme Khan, lord of Surat, that the expedition was intended againsthim. Cedeme Khan, giving credit to this fiction, went to visit hisbrother-in-law, Madrem al Mulk, and persuaded him, with the principalleaders of his army, to visit him in the city of Surat, where he killedthem all, and falling upon the camp put the Guzerat army to the routwith great slaughter. Zingis Khan, the son and successor of Madrem alMulk, marched with a numerous army to Surat to revenge the death of hisfather. Cedeme Khan abandoned the city and retired into the fort, wherehe was besieged by Zingis Khan, and reduced to great extremity; buthearing that his dominions were invaded by a new enemy, Zingis Khanpatched up an agreement with Cedeme Khan, and returned to defend his owncountry. Soon afterwards, Don Diego de Noronha, commandant of Daman, died poor, having expended all his substance in the service of his kingand country. Don Antonio de Noronha, who was afterwards viceroy, used tosay "That a man must be mad who practised that kind of liberality. "Now-a-days all men are very wise in that respect. 

Some time afterwards, Cedeme Khan sent notice to the viceroy, thatZingis Khan was again marching against Surat, which he was in nocondition to defend, and offered to deliver up the fort at that place tothe Portuguese, on condition of being carried with his family andtreasure to such place as he should appoint. The viceroy accordinglysent fourteen ships under the command of Don Antonio de Noronha toSurat, accompanied by Luis de Melo, who was appointed to succeed Diegode Noronha in the command of Daman. Coming to Surat, they forced theirway up the river through showers of bullets, and landing with only 500Portuguese troops, defeated Zingis Khan, who had an army of 20, 000 men, but were unable to drive him from the city of Surat. Cedeme Khan howeverrefused to deliver up the fort of Surat according to agreement, alledging that his own men would kill him if he did so. This is verylikely; for, on the retirement of Antonio to Goa, Cedeme Khan was forcedto make his escape from his own people, and, being made prisoner byZingis Khan, was put to death. _Caracen_, who succeeded Cedeme Khan, contrived to patch up an agreement with Zingis Zhan, who left him inpossession of Surat. 

The conduct of Don Constantin de Braganza gave so much satisfaction toKing Sebastian, that he offered to continue him as viceroy of India forlife; but on his refusal, Don Francisco de Cotinho, count of Redondo, was appointed his successor. This nobleman, who was no lessdistinguished for his witty sayings than for his conduct in peace andwar, arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1561. Nothing worthrelating happened during his government of India, which lasted two yearsand five months, except the ordinary occurrences of petty wars on theMalabar coast, in Ceylon, Malacca, and the Moluccas, not worth relating. In his time, the famous poet _Camoens_ was in Goa, where he had beenfavoured by the two last viceroys. The former governor, FranciscoBarreto, had imprisoned and banished him for getting into debt, andother youthful extravagancies; and, being given up to the law by thecount towards the end of his government, he was thrown into prison. Weshall afterwards see him deceitfully carried to Sofala, and there soldas a slave. About the end of February 1564, the viceroy died suddenly, much lamented by all, being a great lover of justice, and so happy inhis witticisms that all pleasant sayings were fathered upon him. 

SECTION VI. 

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from_ 1564 _tothe year_ 1571. 

On the death of the count of Redondo, Juan de Mendoza late governor ofMalacca succeeded to the command in India with, the title of governor. Ashort while before his accession, some Malabar pirates had committedhostilities on the coast of Calicut upon the Portuguese; and whencomplaints were carried to the zamorin, he alleged that these had beendone contrary to his authority by rebels, and that the Portuguese werewelcome to punish them at their pleasure. The late viceroy hadaccordingly sent Dominic de Mosquita to make reprisals, who took abovetwenty sail of Malabar vessels, the crews of which he barbarously put todeath. Immediately after the accession of Mendoza to the government anambassador was sent to him from the zamorin, complaining of the conductof Mosquita; when the governor, in imitation of the answer given on asimilar occasion by the zamorin, said that it had probably been done byPortuguese rebels whom he might punish if taken. As Mosquita came to Goawhile the Calicut ambassadors were still there, the governor thought itexpedient to apprehend him in their presence; but as soon as they weredeparted, he released Mosquita and rewarded him. His conduct, however, soon afterwards occasioned a long war with the zamorin. Mendoza onlyenjoyed the government for six months, as, in the beginning of September1564, Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa with the title of viceroy. 

It is the received opinion in India, that the apostle St. Thomas wasslain at _Antmodur_, a mountain about a league and half from Meliapour, where were two caves into which he used to retire for prayer andmeditation. The nearest of these caves now belongs to the Jesuits, andthe other has been converted into a church dedicated to our Lady of theMount. According to the legend, the apostle being one day at prayers inthe former of these caves, opposite to a cleft which let in the light, abramin thrust in a spear at the hole and gave the saint a mortal wound, part of the spear breaking off and remaining in his body. The saint hadjust strength enough remaining to go into the other cave, where he diedembracing a stone on which a representation of the cross was engraved. His disciples removed his body, and buried it in the church which he hadbuilt, where the body was afterwards found by Emanuel de Faria and thepriest Antonio Penteado, who were sent thither on purpose by kingEmanuel. When, in the year 1547, the Portuguese were clearing out thecave or oratory in which the apostle died, a stone was found which seemsto have been that he clung to at his death. This stone is about a yardlong and three quarters broad, of a grey colour with some red spots. Onits middle there is a carved porch, having letters between two borders, and within two banisters, on which are two twisted figures resemblingdogs in a sitting posture. From their heads springs a graceful arch offive borders, between every two of which are knobs resembling heads. Inthe hollow of this arch or portal is a pedestal of two steps, from theupper of which rises a branch on each side, and over these, as if hungin the air, is a cross, said to resemble that of the military order ofAlcantara; but in the print the ends resemble three crescents with theirconvex sides outwards and their points meeting, like those in many oldchurches in Europe. Over all is a dove on the wing, as if descending totouch the cross with its beak. 

When, in the year 1551, this oratory was repaired and beautified, thisstone was solemnly set up and consecrated; and when the priest wasreading the gospel, it began to turn black and shining, then sweated, and returned to its original colour, and plainly discovered, the redspots of blood, which were before obscure. The letters on this stonecould not be understood till the year 1561, when a learned bramin saidthey consisted of 36 hieroglyphic characters, each containing asentence, and explained them to this effect: "In the time of the son ofSagad the gentile, who reigned 30 years, the _one only_ GOD came uponearth, and was incarnate in the womb of a virgin. He abolished the lawof the Jews, _whom he punished for the sins of men. _[374], after he hadbeen thirty-three years in the world, and had instructed _twelve_servants in the truth which he preached. A king of three crowns_Cheraldcone, Indalacone, Cuspindiad, and Alexander_; king of_Ertinabarad_, with _Catharine_ his daughter, and many virgins, with sixfamilies, voluntarily followed the law of _Thomas_, because the law oftruth, and he gave them the sign of the cross to adore. Going up to theplace of _Antenodur_, a bramin thrust him through with a lance, and hedied embracing this cross which was stained with his blood. Hisdisciples carried him to _Maiale_, where they buried him in his ownchurch with the lance still in his body. And as we, the above mentionedkings, saw this, we carved these letters. " Hence it may be inferred, that _Maiale_ was the ancient name of _Meliapour_, now called _StThomas_. This stone afterwards sweated sometimes, which, till the year1561, was a good omen, but has since been a bad one. 

[Footnote 374: Probably Mr Stephens may have mistranslated this passage, which might be more appropriately read, _who put him to death for thesins of men_. This clumsy legend of St Thomas may amuse our readers; butprobably derives its principal features from the contrivances of theJesuits. --E. ]

There were likewise found three brass plates, about a span long and halfa span broad, shaped like scutcheons, having rings on the top. On oneside was engraven a cross and peacock, the ancient arms of Meliapour, and on the other side certain characters which were explained by anotherlearned bramin to the following effect: "_Boca Rajah_ son of _CampulaRajah_, and grandson of _Atela Rajah_, who confesses one GOD withoutbeginning, creator of all things, who is greater than the beast_Chigsan_, and one of five kings who has conquered ninety and nine, whois strong as one of the eight elephants that support the world, and hathconquered the kingdoms of Otia, Tulcan, and Canara, cutting his enemiesto pieces with his sword. " This is the Inscription on one of theseplates. The others contain grants of lands to St Thomas, directed by theking to himself, and calling him _Abidarra Modeliar;_ whence it may beinferred, that these kings reigned at the time when Christ wascrucified. One of these grants begins thus: "After the year 1259, inthe first year called _Icarana Rachan_, and on the 12th day of the newmoon of the good year, I give in alms to the saint _Abidarra Modeliar, "_&c. The other begins in this manner: "This is a token of alms-deeds topurchase Paradise. All kings that perform them shall obtain much morethan they give; and he who disannuls them shall remain 60, 000 years withthe worms in hell, " &c. 

It has been disputed by what road St Thomas came into India. The heathenhistory says, that he and Thaddeus being in Mesopotamia, they parted atthe city of Edessa, whence St Thomas sailed with certain merchants tothe island of Socotora where he converted the people, and then passedover to Mogodover Patana, a city of Paru, in Malabar, where he built achurch. When at this place, a heathen, who had struck St Thomas in theking's presence, going to fetch water had his hand bitten off by atiger; and running to the palace to tell his misfortune, a dog followedhim with the hand in his mouth, on which the saint set on his handagain, so that no mark remained. He went afterwards to Calicut, where heconverted king _Perimal_. There is an account that he went to the Mogulscountry, where Chesitrigal then reigned, whence going into China, hereturned through Thibet into India, and went to Meliapour, where heended his days. 

In the year 800, a rich Armenian Christian, named Thomas Cananeus, arrived at Mogodover or Patana. Having acquired the favour of the kingby his presents, he received a grant of Cranganor and the city ofPatana, in which there were scarcely any vestiges remaining of thechurch there established by St Thomas. On these foundations the Armenianbuilt a new church, and another at Cranganor, which he dedicated to StThomas, and which is still standing on the outside of the Portuguesefort. He likewise built two other churches, one dedicated to the HolyVirgin, and the other to St Cyriacus. All of these have been erroneouslyascribed to St Thomas, when in fact they were the works of ThomasCananeus, the Armenian. It may reasonably be believed that the temple orpagoda, into which Vasco de Gama entered, as he went from Calicut to thepalace of the zamorin, may have been one of these churches, because theimage of the Virgin was there called Mary by the heathens. It isbelieved that one of the three kings who went to Bethlem, at thenativity of our Lord, was king of Malabar. The heathens celebrate yearlya festival in honour of St Thomas, for the preservation of their ships, because formerly, every year, many of them used to be lost while sailingto Parvi. 

From this long digression we return to the government of the viceroy DonAntonio de Noronha, who arrived in the beginning of September 1564, asformerly mentioned. In consequence of the cruelties exercised on theMoors of Malabar by Mesquita, as formerly mentioned, those of Cananorhad besieged the Portuguese fort at that place, and had destroyed abovethirty vessels which were under its protection. After a siege of someendurance, the Portuguese fleet destroyed many of the paraos belongingto the enemy, while the besieged garrison of Cananor killed greatnumbers of their assailants, besides cutting down above 40, 000 palmtrees[375] to the infinite injury of the natives, who depend upon thesetrees as their principal sustenance. The natives were so exasperated atthis that, collecting forces from all the surrounding districts, to theamount of 90, 000 men, they assaulted and even scaled the walls of thefort and city; but after fighting from day-break to sunset, during whichtime they lost about 5000 men, they were forced to retire to their camp, resolving to protract the siege, or rather to convert the siege into astrict blockade. In the farther prosecution of this war, the Portugueseutterly destroyed the city belonging to Adderajao[376], who commandedthe besieging enemy, and cut down a large wood of palm trees, makinggreat slaughter of the enemy, without any loss on their own side, sothat the natives were constrained to raise the siege. 

[Footnote 375: Assuredly cocoa-nut trees. This explains a circumstancerepeatedly mentioned on former occasions, of the Portuguese anxiouslycutting down the woods in their war with the natives on the coast ofIndia. --E. ]

[Footnote 376: From the name of the commander of the enemy, probably_Adde Rajah_, and other circumstances, they were most likely _Nagres_, and other native Malabars, though called Moors in the text of DeFaria. --E. ]

About this time the fort of Daman, towards the frontier of Guzerat, wasthreatened by a detachment of 3000 Mogul horse. Juan de Sousa stoodimmediately on his defence, and sent advice to the viceroy and theneighbouring commanders of his danger, trusting however to the strengthof his defences, and particularly to a pallisade or _bound hedge_, whichhe had made of the plant named _lechera_ or the _milk plant_, whichthrows out when cut a milky liquor which is sure to blind any one if ittouches their eyes. On receiving reinforcements, De Sousa marched outagainst the Moguls, who were encamped about three leagues from Daman;but they fled precipitately, leaving their camp and baggage, in whichthe Portuguese found a rich booty. 

During the year 1566, the trade of India was reduced to a very low ebb, owing to a desolating war in the rich and extensive kingdom of Bisnagar, which then reached from the frontiers of Bengal to that of Sinde. Thekings of the Decan, Nizam al Mulk, Adel Khan, and Cuttub Shah, enviousof the power and grandeur of the king of Bisnagar, entered into a leagueto partition his dominions among themselves, and took the field with50, 000 horse and 300, 000 foot. To repel this formidable invasion, theking of Bisnagar, who was then ninety-six years of age, met his enemieswith an army double their numbers. At first the confederates seemed tohave the worst of the war; but fortune favoured them in the end, and theancient king of Bisnagar was defeated and slain. The confederates spentfive months in plundering the capital of Bisnagar, although the nativeshad previously carried off 1550 elephants loaded with money and jewelsto the value of above an hundred millions of gold, besides the royalchair of state, which was of inestimable value. Among his share of theplunder Adel Khan got a diamond as large as an ordinary egg, withanother of extraordinary size though smaller, and other jewels ofprodigious value. The dominions of the old king were partitioned by thevictors among his sons and nephews. 

In the year 1567, the great poet Camoens being extremely poor though hehad served sixteen years in India, was prevailed upon to go to Sofalaalong with Pedro Barreto, who was going there with the command, andpromised to do great things for him; but after waiting long andreceiving nothing, Camoens resolved to return to Portugal in a shipwhich put in at Sofala, in which was Hector de Silveyra and othergentlemen. Barreto, however, opposed his departure, having promised himpromotion without any intentions of doing so, but only to procure hiscompany for his own gratification, and now detained him under pretenceof a debt of two hundred ducats. Silveyra and the other Portuguesegentlemen paid this money and brought Camoens away, so that it may besaid, that the person of Camoens and the honour of Barreto were bothsold for that money. Camoens arrived at Lisbon in 1569, at which timethe plague raged in that city; so that in flying from one plague ourgreat and famous poet fell into another. 

In 1568, Don Antonio de Noronha was succeeded as viceroy of India by DonLuis de Ataide, count of Atougaia, who arrived at Goa in the October ofthat year. At this time Itimi Khan held the administration of theKingdom of Guzerat, having by great artifice persuaded the chiefs thathis own son was son of the former king; but the kingdom was in greatconfusion. One Rustum Khan had usurped Baroch, in which he was besiegedby the Moguls, and being in alliance with the Portuguese, a force wassent to his assistance, which succeeded in obliging the Moguls to raisethe siege; but Rustum now forgot his promises, and refused to becometributary. At Surat the government had been usurped by one Agalu Khan, who was loading two large ships at that port without licence from thePortuguese viceroy; on which the commander of the Portuguese fort atDaman seized both ships, which were valued at 100, 000 ducats. NunnoVello de Pereyra, who had gone from Daman to clear the bay of Cambayafrom pirates that infested the Portuguese trade, burnt two villages andseveral vessels, and carried away many prisoners. He then landed with400 men, and went against a body of Moguls who had taken post on themountain of Parnel, about three leagues from Daman, a place almostimpregnable by its situation and the strength of its works. Althoughunacquainted with the strength of the place or the number of itsdefenders, who exceeded 8000 men, Nunno immediately began to climb upthe steep ascent, whence the enemy rolled down great stones upon theassailants. The soldiers however clambered up on their hands and knees, and reached the first entrenchment which they carried after a vigorousopposition; but were forced to retire from the fort after a desperateassault, in which the Portuguese lost seven men. In their retreat thePortuguese carried off a considerable quantity of provisions, with fiftyhorses and several camels and oxen, and were pursued on their retreat by500 of the enemy, 100 of whom were cavalry. From Daman, to which he hadretreated, Nunno marched again against the enemy, having now 100Portuguese and 50 native horse, with 650 foot, half Portuguese, and halfnative, and three pieces of cannon. In this new, attempt, they had toclimb the mountain by roads never trod before, and against considerableopposition from the enemy, who had five pieces of cannon. After threedays of severe labour and almost continual fighting, in which he losteight men, six of whom were slain and two made prisoners, Nunno atlength gained the summit of the mountain, and planted his cannon againstthe fort, which he battered with such fury, that the enemy abandoned iton the sixth night, and the fort was razed. 

In the year 1580, a dangerous war broke out in India against thePortuguese, by a confederacy which had been negotiating for five yearswith wonderful secrecy. The confederated princes were Adel Khan, Nizamal Mulk, the Zamorin, and the king of Acheen, and they flatteredthemselves in the hope of extirpating the Portuguese from India, makingthemselves so sure of success, that they agreed beforehand on thedivision of their expected conquests. Adel Khan was to have Goa, Onor, and Barcalor; Nizam al Mulk to have Chaul, Daman, and Basseen; andCananor, Mangalor, Cochin, and Chale were to become the share of theZamorin. At the same time, the king of Acheen was to attack Malacca, that the Portuguese, assailed at once on every important point, might beincapable of sending succours to the different places. Adel Khan was soconfident of success, that he had assigned the different offices at Goaamong his chiefs, and had even allotted among them certain Portugueseladies, who were celebrated for their beauty. 

In pursuance of this league, Adel Khan took the field to besiege Goa, and Nizam al Mulk marched against Chaul. In this great emergency, it wasrecommended by many to abandon Chaul for the greater security of Goa;but the viceroy undauntedly resolved to defend both. Don FranciscoMascarenhas was sent with six hundred men in four gallies and five smallvessels for the relief of Chaul, about the beginning of September, andthe viceroy took proper precautions for the defence of Goa. The pass ofBenastarim was committed to the care of Ferdinand de Sousa yCastellobranco with 120 men. Paul de Lima had charge of Rachol withsixty, and fifteen hundred native troops were distributed in differentparts of the island under approved commanders. At this time there wereonly 700 Portuguese troops in Goa, which were kept as a body of reserve, whenever their services might be most wanted. The defence of the citywas confided to the monks and clergy, to the number of 300, assisted by1000 slaves. Juan de Sousa with 50 horse was ready to give assistancewhere wanted. Don George de Menezes had the defence of the river with 25vessels; and the viceroy, having procured ammunition and provisions fromall quarters, took post about the middle of December on the bank of theriver. 

These measures of defence were hardly completed, when several bodies ofthe enemy were seen descending from the _gauts_, and taking up a camp atPonda, under the command of Nori Khan, general of the army of Adel Khan. About the end of December, Nori Khan advanced from Ponda, and encamped, facing the pass of Benastarim, where he pitched the royal tents of AdelKhan, who spent eight days in descending the gauts, so vast was the armywhich now came against Goa. At night, so many fires were lighted up toilluminate the passes of the mountain, that, though at a great distance, the multitudes of the enemy could be distinctly seen from the island. The army of Adel Khan, on this occasion, amounted to 100, 000 fightingmen, of whom 36, 000 were horse, with 2140 war-elephants, and 350 piecesof cannon, most of which were of an extraordinary size; and some barkswere brought upon mules to be launched into the river to assist ingetting into the island. The chief commanders of this vast army wereNori Khan, Rumer Khan, and Coger Khan; the former of whom commanded inchief under the king, and the other two had charge of advanced posts onthe side of the river. Their encampment was so extensive and regularlyarranged that it resembled a regularly built city. Adel Khan took up hisquarters at Ponda with 4000 horse, 6000 musqueteers, 300 elephants, and220 pieces of cannon. Rumer Khan, Coger Khan, and Mortaz Khan werestationed near the mouth of the _Ganja_ channel, with 3000 horse, 130elephants, and nine cannon. Nori Khan commanded opposite the island of_Juan Lopez_ with 7000 horse, 130 elephants, and eight large cannon. Camil Khan and Deliren Khan faced the pass of Benastarim with 9000horse, 200 elephants, and 32 pieces of battering artillery. Solyman Agatook post on a hill above Benastarim with 1500 horse and twofield-pieces. Anjoz Khan, opposite the island of _Juan Rangel_, with2500 horse, 50 elephants, and six cannon. Xatiaryiatan in sight of_Sapal_, with 1500 horse, six elephants, and six cannon. Daulate Khan, Xetiatimanaique, Chiti Khan, and Codemena Khan faced the pass of Agazaimwith 9000, 200 elephants, and 26 cannon. The rest of the army, withinnumerable followers, covered the mountains to a vast extent, sufficient to strike terror into the boldest spirits. 

Having carefully examined the dispositions of the enemy, and naturallyconsidering the means he possessed for defence, now somewhat increasedby the arrival of reinforcements from different quarters, the viceroymade a new distribution of his force to various posts, his force in allamounting to 1600 men; besides several small armed vessels, which weredirected to guard the river, and to relieve the several posts asoccasion offered or required[377]. The enemy spent their first effortsagainst the fort at the pass of Benastarim, where they did considerabledamage by the constant fire of their heavy guns; but whatever injurythey did during the day was repaired in the ensuing night. Such was theextent of their cannonade, that only in one small post, occupied byAlvaro de Mendoza with ten men, 600 bullets were picked up, some ofwhich were two spans diameter. The Portuguese were unable to answer withany thing like a correspondent fire, but, being well directed, theirshot did great execution, and the small armed vessels plied from placeto place with much diligence, doing great injury with their small guns. One night an officer of the enemy was seen with a great number oftorches passing a height opposite the fort of Benastarim, having anumber of young women dancing before him. On this occasion, Ferdinand deSousa caused a cannon to be so exactly pointed among them, that theofficer, with several of his torch-bearers and two couple of the dancerswere seen to fly into the air. As this was the time for dispatching thehomeward-bound trade to Portugal, the governor was anxiously advised tostop that fleet, as it would deprive him of 400 men, who might be ofgreat use in defending Goa; but ambitions of acquiring greater glory byconquering every difficulty, he ordered the ships to sail at their usualtime, alleging that their cargoes were much wanted in Portugal, and thathe trusted he should have a sufficient force remaining to defend theseat of government. 

[Footnote 377: In the original, there is along enumeration oftwenty-four several posts, with the names of the officers commandingeach, and the numbers in their respective detachments; all here omittedas uninteresting. --E. ]

The Portuguese had often the boldness to cross over and attack the enemyin their posts in the main-land, whence they brought away many prisonersand many heads of those they slew, with various arms and standards. Onone occasion, Don George de Menezes who commanded the armed vessels, andDon Pedro de Castro who landed with 200 Portuguese, made so greatslaughter that the viceroy sent two carts loaded with heads to the city, to animate the inhabitants with this barbarous proof of the energy ofthe defence. One night Gaspar and Lancelot Diaz penetrated four or fivemiles up the country with eighty men, burnt two villages with manydetached houses, and brought away many prisoners, many heads of theslain enemy, and much cattle. At another time these two brothers, withone hundred and thirty men, attacked the quarters of Coger Khan andRumer Khan, where they made great havock, and destroyed all thepreparations they had made for passing over into the island of JuanLopez. The enemy were astonished at the exploits performed by such smallnumbers, and still more so when they learnt that the viceroy had sentoff Don Diego de Menezes with his squadron to the Malabar coast, and DonFerdinand de Vasconcellos with four gallies and two small vessels, on anexpedition to destroy Dabul. 

Don Ferdinand burnt two large ships belonging to Mecca at that place, where he likewise landed and destroyed several villages, and would evenhave done the same to Dabul if he had not been opposed by his officers. On his return to Goa he attacked the quarters of Anjoz Khan, which werethree miles from the post of the viceroy. He forced an entrance withgreat slaughter of the enemy; but his men falling into confusion for thesake of plunder, the enemy rallied and fell upon them, so that they wereconstrained to seek their safety in flight, with some loss, while DonFerdinand was weakened with loss of blood and wearied by the weight ofhis armour, so that he was surrounded and slain. On this occasion 40 ofthe Portuguese were slain, and the ship of Don Ferdinand was taken bythe enemy; but the viceroy sent Don George de Menezes with 100 men, whoset the ship on fire, and brought away her guns. 

At this time the zamorin made proposals for renewing the peace, eitherin hopes of deriving some advantage during the present state of affairs, or of covering his real designs of hostility; but the viceroy replied, that he would not yield a single point of difference, and evenpersisted in that resolution, although the queen of _Quarcopa_ declaredwar at Onor. Even under all the difficulties of his situation, theviceroy sent succours to Onor to oppose this new enemy, to the greatastonishment of Adel Khan, who thought the force in Goa had been alreadytoo small for defence against his numerous army. At this time likewise, the viceroy sent reinforcements to the Moluccas and Mozambique, both ofwhich places were much straitened by the enemy. The grand object of theenemy was to get across into the island of Goa, for which purpose thegreat general Nori Khan began to construct a bridge, in which heemployed a vast number of workmen; but the viceroy fell upon them andmade great havock, destroying all their preparations and materials. Itwas reported that Adel Khan designed to go over into the island inperson, and that he was extremely desirous to get possession of a finehorse belonging to the viceroy, for which he had formerly offered alarge sum of money. On this being made known to the viceroy, he sent thehorse as a present to Adel Khan, with a complimentary message, saying"that it would give him much satisfaction to see his majesty on theisland. " Adel Khan accepted the horse, and caused him to be bedded withsilken quilts, under a canopy of cloth of gold, to be covered withembroidered damask, and all his caparisons to be ornamented with massygold, while his provender was mixed with preserves and other dainties. But the horse was soon afterwards killed by a cannon-ball. 

After the siege had continued above two months to the beginning ofMarch, during which time many of the buildings in the island had beenbeaten down by the cannon of the enemy, who had lost numbers of theirmen, Adel Khan began to despair of success, especially as the Portuguesewere now considerably increased in strength by the arrival of severalsquadrons from different places. He wished, therefore, for peace, yetwas loath to propose it himself; but the viceroy was acquainted with hismost secret councils, as he used all possible means to procureintelligence from the hostile camp, where he had in his pay severalrenegado Portuguese who served under Adel khan, and had even corruptedthe favourite wife of Adel Khan. He so converted these secret advices toadvantage, that he contrived to get a treaty of pacification begunwithout its appearing who was its author, and at length even Adel Khanstooped to make proposals. Still, however, the siege was continued untothe month of April, at which time considerable reinforcements arrived atGoa, under Don George de Menezes, who brought back 1500 men from theMoluccas, and Lorenzo de Barbuda from Cochin. At one time, 3000 of theenemy began to enter the island of Juan Lopez, but were repulsed withgreat slaughter by 120 men under two Portuguese commanders. In manyexpeditions from the island, the Portuguese attacked the various postsof the enemy on the main-land, mostly by night, ruining the works theyhad thrown up, burning the villages, and destroying great numbers oftheir men. Yet though Adel Khan had hardly any hopes of ultimatesuccess, he caused gardens to be laid out at his quarters, and made suchother demonstrations as if he had resolved to dwell in his present camptill Goa were reduced. 

Winter being near at hand, Adel Khan determined upon a great effort togain possession of the island; for which purpose 9000 men were broughtto the pass of _Mercantor_, which had not been fortified by thePortuguese as the river was very wide at that place. Fortunately thePortuguese heard the sound of a great drum in that direction, which isnever beat but when the king marches in person; upon which they ranthither and saw Adel Khan on the opposite side encouraging his men. Advice of this was immediately conveyed to the viceroy, who sent severalparties to defend the pass, and marched thither himself, sending ordersfor assistance to the various posts and quarters. In spite of everyopposition, five thousand of the enemy got over under the command ofSolyman Aga, a Turk who was captain of the guards of Adel Khan. By thetime the viceroy got to the place, he had collected a force of 2000 men, with which he immediately attacked the enemy. The battle continued thewhole of the 13th of April from morning to night, and from the morningof the 14th to that of the following day. During all this time, AdelKhan surveyed the engagement from the opposite side of the river, oftencursing his prophet and throwing his turban on the ground in his rage;and at length had the mortification of seeing his troops entirelydefeated, with the loss of Solyman Aga and 4000 men, while thePortuguese scarcely lost twenty. Though in public he vowed never to stirfrom before Goa still it was taken, he privately made overtures forpeace, in which he even ridiculously demanded the surrender of Goa. About this time, the viceroy secretly entered into a treaty with NoriKhan, the grand general of Adel Khan, whom he instigated to kill theking, offering to support him in assuming the crown, or at least inacquiring a preponderating influence in the government under thesuccessor. Nori Khan agreed to these proposals; but when the conspiracywas ripe for execution it was detected, and Nori Khan, with all hisadherents, were secured. 

When the siege had continued to the middle of July, the viceroyendeavoured to stir up other princes to invade the dominions of AdelKhan, that he might be constrained to abandon the siege. Both he and theking were desirous of peace, but both endeavoured to conceal theirwishes; the viceroy giving out that he cared not how long the kingcontinued the siege, and the king pretending that he would perseveretill he gained the place. At length, towards the end of August 1571, when the summer or fine weather had begun, and when the enemy mightstill better have been able to keep the field, and to recommence activeoperations, the number of the hostile tents could be seen plainly todecrease, then the cannon were drawn off from the posts of the enemy, and at last the men entirely disappeared; Adel Khan having abandoned thesiege without coming to any accommodation, after a siege of ten months, in which he lost 12, 000 men, 300 elephants, 4000 horses, and 6000draught bullocks, partly by the sword and partly by the weather. 

Exactly at the same time when Adel Khan invested Goa, Nizam al Mulk satdown before Chaul. Being suspicious of each other, the two sovereignskept time exactly in their preparations, in the commencement of theirmarch, and in all their subsequent operations. Farete Khan the generalof Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul with 8000 horse, 20 elephants and20, 000 foot, on the last day of November 1570, breaking ground with aprodigious noise of warlike instruments of music. At this time Chaul wasunder the command of Luis Fereiyra de Andrada, an officer well deservingof such a charge, who long laboured under great want of almost everynecessary for conducting the defence, supplying these defects by his owngenius and the valour of his men, till reinforced by Don FranciscoMascarenhas, who brought him 500 men in four gallies and provisions. Desirous of distinguishing himself before the arrival of Nizam hissovereign, Farete Khan resolved upon giving an assault, in which heemployed his elephants with castles on their backs, and with scythestied to their trunks. The fight lasted three hours; but the Moors wererepulsed with great slaughter, both by sea and land, and forced toretire to the church of Madre de Dios. Nothing remarkable happened afterthis till the commencement of the year 1571, when some Moors wereobserved gathering fruit in an orchard at a short distance from thegarrison, on which Nuno Vello went out against them with only fivesoldiers and killed one of the Moors. Both parties were graduallyincreased till the enemy amounted to 6000 men, and the Portuguese to200; but notwithstanding this disparity of force, the Portuguese drovethat vast multitude to flight and slew 180 of them, only losing two oftheir own number. 

In the beginning of January 1571, Nizam al Mulk came before Chaul withhis whole army, now consisting of 34, 000 horse, 100, 000 infantry, 16, 000pioneers, 4000 smiths, masons, carpenters, and other trades, and ofsundry different nations, as Turks, Chorassans, Persians, andEthiopians, with 360 elephants, an infinite number of buffaloes andbullocks, and 40 pieces of cannon, mostly of prodigious size, some ofwhich carried balls of 100, some of 200, and some even of 300 poundsweight. These cannon had all appropriate names, as the cruel, thebutcher, the devourer, the furious, and the like[378]. Thus an army of150, 000 men sat down to besiege a town that was defended merely by asingle wall, a fort not much larger than a house, and a handful of men. Farete Khan took up his quarters near the church of Madre de Dios with7000 horse and 20 elephants; Agalas Khan in, the house of Juan Lopezwith 6000 horse; Ximiri Khan between that and upper Chaul with 2000horse; so that the city was beset from sea to sea. The Nizam encampedwith the main body, of the army at the farther end of the town, wherethe ground was covered with tents for the space of two leagues; and 5000horse were detached to ravage the district of Basseen. 

[Footnote 378: These names are of course to be considered astranslations of the native or Persian names. That named _the furious_ inthe text, is called the _Orlando furioso_ in the translation of De Fariaby Stevens; but it is not easy to guess how the subjects of the Nizamshould have known any thing of that hero of Christian romance. --E. ]

At the commencement of the siege the Portuguese garrison was a merehandful of men, and the works being very slight no particular posts wereassigned, all acting wherever their services were most wanted. Soonafterwards, the news of the siege having spread abroad, many officersand gentlemen flocked thither with reinforcements, so that in a shorttime the garrison was augmented to 2000 men. It was then resolved tomaintain particular points besides the general circuit of the walls. Themonastery of St Francis was committed to the charge of Alexander deSousa; Nunno Alvarez Pereyra was entrusted to defend some houses nearthe shore; those between the Misericordia and the church of St Dominicwere confided to Gonzalo de Menezes; others in that neighbourhood toNuno Vello Perreyra; and so in other places. In the mean while it wasgenerally recommended at Goa that Chaul ought to be abandoned, but theviceroy thought otherwise, in which opinion he was only seconded byFerdinand de Castellobranco, and he immediately sent succours underFerdinand Tellez and Duarte de Lima. Before their arrival, Zimiri Khan, who had promised the Nizam that he would be the first person to enterChaul, vigorously assaulted the ports of Henry De Betancour andFerdinand de Miranda, who resisted him with great gallantry, and onreceiving reinforcements repulsed him with the slaughter of 300 of hismen, losing seven on their side. 

The enemy erected a battery against the monastery of St Francis wherethe Portuguese had some cannon; and as the gunners on both sides usedtheir utmost endeavour to burst or dismount the opposite guns, thebullets were sometimes seen to meet by the way. On the eve of StSebastian, the Portuguese made a sally upon some houses which wereoccupied by the Moors, and slew a great number of them without the lossof one man. Enraged at this affront and the late repulse, the enemy madethat same night an assault on the fort or monastery of St Francis with5000 men, expecting to surprise the Portuguese, but were soon undeceivedby losing many of their men. This assault lasted with great fury forfive hours; and as the Portuguese suspected the enemy were underminingthe wall, and could not see by reason of the darkness, one ChristopherCurvo thrust himself several times out from a window, with a torch inone hand and a buckler in the other to discover if possible what theywere doing. During this assault those in the town sent out assistanceto the garrison in the monastery, though with much hazard. When morningbroke and the assailants had retired, the monastery was all stuck fullof arrows, and the dead bodies of 300 Moors were seen around its walls, while the defenders had not lost a single man. The enemy renewed theassault on this post for five successive days, and were every timerepulsed by the Portuguese with vast slaughter, the garrison oftensallying out and strewing the field with slain enemies. It was at lengthjudged expedient to withdraw the men from this place into the town, lestits loss might occasion greater injury than its defence could doservice. Seventeen of the Portuguese were here slain. One of these usedto stand on a high place to notice when the enemy fired their cannon, and on one occasion said to the men below; "If these fellows should nowfire _Raspadillo_, a cannon 18 feet long to which that name was given, it will send me to sup with Christ, to whom I commend my soul, for itpoints directly at me. " He had hardly spoken these words when he wastorn in pieces by a ball from that very gun. On getting possession ofthe monastery of St Francis, the Moors fired a whole street in the townof Chaul, but on attempting to take post in some houses, they weredriven out with the loss of 400 men. At this time Gonzalez de Camerawent to Goa for reinforcements, as the garrison was much pressed, andbrought a relief in two galleys. 

About this period the 5000 men that had been detached by the Nizam toravage the district of Basseen attempted to get possession of some ofthe Portuguese garrisons. Being beaten off at Azarim and Daman, theyinvested Caranja, a small work between Chaul and Daman on thewater-side, and almost an island, as it is surrounded by several smallbrooks. It was at this time commanded by Stephen Perestrello with agarrison of only 40 men, but was reinforced on the reappearance of theenemy by Emanuel de Melo with 30 more. With this small band of only 70soldiers, Perestrello sallied out against the enemy, and with suchsuccess, that after covering the little island with dead bodies, therest fled leaving their cannon, and a considerable quantity ofammunition and provisions. 

In the mean time the Moors continued to batter Chaul withoutintermission for a whole month with 70 pieces of large cannon, everyday expending against its weak defences at least 160 balls. Thistremendous cannonade did much damage to the houses of the town, in whichmany of the brave defenders were slain. On one occasion six persons whowere eating together were destroyed by a single ball. This furiousbattery was commenced against the bastion of the holy cross, and wascarried on for a considerable way along the defences of that front ofthe town, levelling every thing with the ground. The besieged used everyprecaution to shelter themselves by digging trenches; but the hostilegunners were so expert[379] that they elevated their guns and made theirballs plunge among those who considered themselves in safety. Observingthat one of the enemies batteries beyond the church of St Dominic neverceased its destructive fire, Perestrello detached 120 men underAlexander de Sousa and Augustino Nunnez, who drove the enemy after avigorous resistance from the battery with great slaughter, and set theirworks on fire, and levelled them with the ground, without sustaining anyloss. Among the arms taken in this successful sortie was a cymeterinscribed, Jesus save me. 

[Footnote 379: To expert modern gunners it would be an easy matter sodischarge as many balls in _one day_, as were expended in this siege ina whole month. De Faria mentions that an expedient was fallen upon bywhich the danger from the plunging fire was avoided, but gives us nointimation of its nature. --E. ]

Having ruined the defences of the town, the enemy attacked several largehouses in which they endeavoured to establish themselves, but wererepulsed from some of these with considerable loss, while the defenderslost but one man. On attacking the house of Hector de Sampayio, whichwas undermined by the Portuguese with the intention of blowing it upwhen occupied by the enemy, some fire accidentally communicated to themine during the conflict, and blew it up while still occupied by thePortuguese, by which 42 of their soldiers were destroyed, and withoutinjury to the Moors, who planted their colours on the ruins. Ximiri Khanmade an assault by night with 600 men upon the bastion of the holycross, in which Ferdinand Pereyra was posted with 30 men, who wasreinforced by Henry de Betancourt with a few more. The assailants werebeaten off and five of their colours taken which they had planted on thework. In this action Betancourt fought with his left hand, havingpreviously lost the right; and Dominic del Alama, being lame, causedhimself to be brought out in a chair. April 1571 was now begun, and theenemy were employed in constructing new works as if determined tocontinue the siege all winter. Alexander de Sousa and Gonzalo de Menezeswere appointed to head a sally upon these new works, but their men ranout without orders to the number of 200, and made a furious assault uponthe enemy, whom they drove from the works after killing fifty of themand losing a few of their own number. The two commanders hastened tojoin their men, and then directed them to destroy the works they had sogallantly won. Perplexed with so many losses, the Nizam made a generalassault under night with his whole army, attacking all the posts at onetime, every one of which almost they penetrated; but the garrisonexerted themselves with so much vigour that they drove the Moors fromevery point of attack, and in the morning above 500 of the enemy werefound slain in and about the ruined defences, while the Portuguese hadonly lost four or five men. About this time the defenders received areinforcement of above 200 men from Goa, Diu, and Basseen, with a largesupply of ammunition and provisions; but at this time they were muchafflicted by a troublesome though not mortal disease, by which theybecame swelled all over so as to lose the use of their limbs. 

Having ineffectually endeavoured to stir up enemies against thePortuguese in Cambaya on purpose to prevent relief being sent to thebrave defenders of Chaul, the Nizam used every effort to bring hisarduous enterprize to a favourable conclusion. The house of Nuno AlvarezPereyra being used as a strong-hold by the Portuguese, was batteredduring forty-two days by the enemy, who then assaulted it with 5000 men. At first the defenders of this post were only forty in number, buttwenty more came to their assistance immediately, and several othersafterwards. The Moors were repulsed with the loss of 50 men, while thePortuguese only lost one. The house of Nuno Vello was battered forthirty days and assaulted with the same success, only the Portugueselest ten men in its defence. Judging it no longer expedient to defendthis house, it was undermined and evacuated, on which the enemy hastenedto take possession and it was blown up, doing considerable executionamong the enemy, but not so much as was expected. The summer was nowalmost spent; above 6000 cannon-balls had been thrown into the town, some of which were of prodigious size, and the Nizam seemed determinedto continue the siege during the winter. About 200 Portuguese, appalledby the dangers of the siege, had already, deserted; but instead of them300 men had come from Goa, so that the garrison was even stronger thanbefore. On the 11th of April, Gonzalez de Camara made a sortie upon 500Moors in an orchard, only fifty of whom escaped. 

Fortune could not be always favourable to the besieged. By a chance ballfrom the enemy, one of the galleys which brought relief was sunkdownright with 40 men and goods to the value of 40, 000 ducats. But, nextday, Ferdinand Tellez made a sally with 400 men, and gained a victoryequal to that of Gonzalez de Camara, and brought away one piece ofcannon with some ammunition, arms, and other booty. This action was seenby the Nizam in person, who mounted his horse and threatened to join init in person, for which purpose he seized a lance, which he soon changedfor a whip, with which he threatened to chastise his men, and upbraidedthem as cowards. The Portuguese were now so inured to danger thatnothing could terrify them, and they seemed to court death instead ofshunning it on all occasions. Some of them being employed to level someworks from which the enemy had been driven near the monastery of StFrancis, and being more handy at the sword than the spade, drew uponthemselves a large party of the enemy of whom they slew above 200, yetnot without some loss on their side. About this time Farete Khan, one ofthe Nizams generals, made some overtures towards peace, but without anyapparent authority from his sovereign, who caused him to be arrested onsuspicion of being corrupted by the Portuguese, though assuredly he hadsecret orders for what he had done. Indeed it was not wonderful that theNizam should be desirous of peace, as he had now lain seven monthsbefore Chaul to no purpose, and had lost many thousand men; neither wasit strange in the Portuguese to have the same wish, as they had lost 400men besides Indians. 

When the siege had continued to the beginning of June the attacks andbatteries were carried on by both sides with as much obstinacy andvigour as if then only begun. The house of Nunno Alvarez was at thistime taken by the enemy through the carelessness of the defenders, andon an attempt to recover it 20 of the Portuguese lost their liveswithout doing much injury to the enemy. The Moors in the next place gotpossession of the monastery of St Dominic, but not without a heavy loss;and then gained the house of Gonzalo de Menezes, in which the Portuguesesuffered severely. The hostile batteries kept up a constant fire fromthe end of May to the end of June, as the Nizam had resolved to make abreach fit for the whole army to try its fortune in a general assault. On the 28th of June, every thing being in readiness, the Nizams wholearmy was drawn out for the assault, all his elephants appearing in thefront with castles on their backs full of armed men. While the wholearmy stood in expectation of the signal of assault, an officer of notebelonging to the enemy was slain by a random shot from one of thePortuguese cannon, which the Nizam considered as an evil omen, andordered the attack to be deferred till next day. On this occasion six ofthe garrison ventured beyond the works and drew a multitude of the enemywithin reach of the Portuguese fire, which was so well bestowed that 118of the enemy were slain and 500 wounded, without any loss on the side ofthe defenders. 

About noon on the 29th of June 1571, the Nizam gave the signal ofassault, when the whole of his men and elephants moved forwards withhorrible cries and a prodigious noise of warlike instruments. ThePortuguese were drawn up in their several posts to defend the ruinedworks, and Don Francisco Mascarenhas, the commander in chief[380], placed himself opposite the Nizam with a body of reserve to relieve theposts wherever he might see necessary. The day was darkened with smoke, and alternately lighted up with flames. The slaughter and confusion wasgreat on both sides. Some of the colours of the enemy were planted onthe works, but were soon taken or thrown down along with those who hadset them up. The elephants were made drunk by the nayres who conductedthem that they might be the fiercer; but being burnt and wounded, manyof them ran madly about the field. One that was much valued by theNizam, having his housings all in flames, plunged into the sea and swamover the bar, where he was killed by a cannon ball from one of thePortuguese vessels. The Moors continued the assault till night, unableto gain possession of any of the works, and then drew off, after losingabove 3000 men, among whom were many officers of note. On the side ofthe Portuguese eight gentleman were slain and a small number of privatesoldiers. 

[Footnote 380: At the commencement of this siege, according to De Faria, Luis Ferreyra de Andrada commanded in Chaul; and Mascarenhas is said tohave brought a reinforcement of 600 men; it would now appear that he hadassumed the command. --E. ]

Next day the Moors asked leave to bury their dead, and a truce wasgranted for that purpose. While employed in removing their dead, some ofthe Moors asked the Portuguese, _What woman it was that went before themin the fight, and if she were alive?_ One of the Portuguese answered, _Certainly she was alive for she was immortal!_ On this the Moorsobserved that it must have been the _Lady Marian_, for so they call theblessed Virgin. Many of them declared that they saw her at the house ofLorenzo de Brito, and that she was so bright that she blinded them. Someof them even went to see her image in the churches of Chaul, where theywere converted and remained in the town. The Nizam was now seriouslydisposed for peace, and the Portuguese commander equally so, yet neitherwished to make the first overture. At length however advances were madeand a treaty set on foot. Farete Khan and Azaf Khan were commissionersfrom the Nizam, while Pedro de Silva and Antonio de Teyva were deputedby the Portuguese commander in chief, and Francisco Mascarenhas by thecaptain of the city. Accordingly a league offensive and defensive wasconcluded in the name of the Nizam and the king of Portugal, which wascelebrated by great rejoicings on both sides and the interchange of richpresents. This however might easily have been accomplished without theeffusion of so much blood. The Nizam now raised his camp and returned tohis own dominions. 

The zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the contracting parties in thisextensive confederacy for driving the Portuguese from India, performedhis part of the agreement very coldly. After Goa and Chaul had beenbesieged for near a month, instead of sending his fleet to sea accordingto his engagements, he sent to treat with the viceroy for a separatepeace, either on purpose to mislead him, or in expectation of gainingsome advantages for himself in the present emergency. Few princes followthe dictates of honour, when it interferes with their interest. Whenthis affair was laid before the council at Goa, it was their unanimousopinion to agree to peace with the zamorin even on hard terms; but theviceroy was determined to lose all or nothing, and declared he wouldmake no peace unless on such terms as he could expect when in the mostflourishing condition. Finding his designs fail, the zamorin sent out afleet about the end of February under the command of _Catiproca_, whomade his appearance before Chaul with 21 sail, having on board a largeland force, of which above 1000 were armed with firelocks. Though theharbour of Chaul was then occupied by a considerable number ofPortuguese galleys and galliots, Catiproca and his fleet entered theharbour under night without opposition. The Nizam was much pleased withthe arrival of this naval force, and having ordered a great number ofhis small vessels named _calemutes_ to join the Malabar fleet, heprevailed on Catiproca to attack the Portuguese ships, which werecommanded by Lionel de Sousa. They accordingly made the attempt, butwere so warmly received by De Sousa and his gallies as to be beat offwith considerable loss. The Nizam, who had witnessed this naval battlefrom an adjoining eminence, used every argument to prevail uponCatiproca to make another attempt, but to no purpose; for afterremaining twenty days in the harbour, he stole away one night, and gotaway as fortunately as he had got in. 

While on his return, Catiproca was applied to by the queen of Mangaloreto assist her in surprizing the Portuguese fort at that place, which shealleged might be easily taken. Catiproca agreed to this, in hopes ofregaining the reputation he had lost at Chaul. He accordingly landed hismen secretly, and made an attempt under night to scale the walls. Whilehis men were mounting the ladders some servants of Antonio Pereyra, whocommanded in that fort, were awakened by the noise, and seeing the enemyon the ladders threw out of a window the first thing that came to hand, which happened to be a chest of silver; with which they beat down thosewho were on the ladder. Pereyra waking with the noise, threw down thosewho had mounted, and the rest fled carrying his chest of silver on boardtheir ships. While passing Cananor, Don Diego de Menezes fell upon theMalabar squadron, which he totally routed and drove up the riverTiracole, where every one of the ships were taken or destroyed, theadmiral Catiproca slain, his nephew Cutiale made prisoner, and the chestof money belonging to Pereyra recovered. 

Even by the fitting out of this unfortunate fleet, the zamorin did notfulfil the conditions of the confederacy against the Portuguese, as eachof the high contracting parties had engaged to undertake someconsiderable enterprize against them in person; but he had been hithertodeterred by the presence of Diego de Menezes with a squadron in theirseas, who burned several of his maritime towns and took many of hisships. Towards the end of June 1571, Diego de Menezes having withdrawnfrom the coast with his squadron, and when Adel Khan and the Nizam wereboth about to desist from their enterprises upon Goa and Chaul, thezamorin took the field with an army of 100, 000 men, most of them armedwith firelocks, with which he invested the fort of _Chale_ about twoleagues from Calicut, which was then under the command of Don George deCastro. Having planted forty pieces of brass cannon against the fort andstraitly invested it with his numerous army so as to shut out allapparent hope of relief, a small reinforcement under Noronha was unableto penetrate; but soon afterwards Francisco Pereyra succeeded by aneffort of astonishing bravery to force his way into Chale with a fewmen. 

Advice being sent to the viceroy of the dangerous situation of Chale, Diego de Menezes was sent with 18 sail to carry supplies andreinforcements to the besieged. De Menezes got to Chale with greatdifficulty about the end of September, at which time the besieged werereduced to great extremity, having not above 70 men able to bear armsout of 600 persons then in the fort. The relief of the fort seemedimpracticable, as the mouth of the harbour was very narrow, and wascommanded on all sides by numbers of cannon on surrounding eminences. Diego resolved however to surmount all difficulties. A large ship wasfilled with sufficient provisions to serve the garrison for two months, and carried likewise fifty soldiers as a reinforcement. One galleypreceded to clear the way and two others followed the large ship todefend her against the enemy. By this means, but with incredibledifficulty and danger, the relief was thrown in, but it was foundimpossible to bring away the useless people from the fort as had beenintended. Thus, by the valour and good fortune of the viceroy, thisformidable confederacy was dissipated, which had threatened to subvertthe Portuguese power in India, and their reputation was restored amongthe native princes. 

SECTION VII. 

_Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576. _

At this period Sebastian king of Portugal made a great alteration in thegovernment of the Portuguese possessions in the east, which he deemedtoo extensive to be under the management of one person. He divided themtherefore into three separate governments, which were designatedrespectively, India, Monotmotapa, and Malacca. The first, or India, extended from Gape Guardafu, or the north-east extremity of Africa onthe Indian ocean, to the island of Ceylon inclusive. The second, orMonomotapa, from Cape Corrientes to Cape Guardafu; and the third, orMalacca, from Pegu to China both inclusive. To the command of the first, or India, Don Antonio de Noronha was sent with the title of viceroy. Francisco de Barreto was appointed to Monomotapa, and Antonio MonizBarreto to Malacca, both stiled governors. It will be necessarytherefore to treat of these governments separately, though by this wemust necessarily in some measure neglect the consideration of regularchronology in the distribution of events. We begin therefore with theviceroyalty of Noronha. 

Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa in the beginning of September1571, having lost 2000 men by sickness out of 4000 with whom he sailedfrom Lisbon. Don Luis de Ataine, who surrendered to him the sword ofcommand, was a nobleman of great valour and military experience, and sofree from avarice that instead of the vast riches which others broughtfrom India to Portugal, he carried over four jars of water from the fourfamous rivers, the Indus, Ganges, Tigris, and Euphrates, which were longpreserved in his castle of Peniche. After serving both in Europe andAfrica, he went out to India, where at twenty-two years of age he wasknighted on Mount Sinai by Don Stefano de Gama. Returning to Portugal, he went ambassador to the Emperor Charles V. And was present in thebattle in which that emperor defeated the Lutherans under the Landgraveand the Duke of Saxony. He behaved so bravely in that battle, that theemperor offered to knight him; but having already received that honouron Mount Sinai, he could not again accept the offer, on which theemperor declared in public that he envied that honour beyond the victoryhe had just gained. On his return to Lisbon from administering thegovernment of India with such high reputation, he was received with muchhonour by King Sebastian, yet was afterwards much slighted, as Pachecohad been formerly by King Emanuel, as will be seen afterwards, whenappointed a second time to the viceroyalty. 

The first attention of the new viceroy was bestowed for the relief ofChale, to which Diego de Menezes was sent with 1500 men; but he came toolate, as the fort had been already surrendered to the zamorin uponconditions. This surrender had been made by the commander Don George deCastro, contrary to the opinion of the majority of his officers, overcome by the tears and entreaties of his wife and other ladies, forgetting that he who was now eighty years of age ought to havepreferred an honourable death to a short and infamous addition to hislife. Neither was this his only fault, for the provisions had lastedlonger if he had not committed them to the care of his wife, whodissipated them among her slaves. Owing to this unforeseen event, Diegode Menezes could only conduct the people who had surrendered at Chale toCochin. He then divided his fleet with Matthew de Albuquerque, andcleared the seas of pirates. 

When Norhonha accepted the viceroyalty of India, now so much lessened bythe division into three governments, his great aim was to acquireriches, as he was poor, and had several children. With this view heendeavoured to prevail on Antonio Moniz Barreto, the newly appointedgovernor of Malacca, to be satisfied with a smaller force than had beenordered for him on going to assume that government, alleging that Indiawas not then in a condition to give what was promised; but Moniz refusedto go unless supplied with the force agreed on, as the posture ofMalacca was then too dangerous to admit of being governed by a personwho considered his reputation, unless supported by a considerable force. Moniz therefore wrote home to Portugal, complaining against the viceroy, and malicious whispers are for the most part gratefully received byprinces and ministers: and the Portuguese ministry, on the soleinformation of Moniz, committed the weakest act that ever was heard of, as will appear in the sequel: _Unhappy is that kingdom whose sovereignis a child. _

About this time Akbar Shah, [381] emperor of the Moguls had acquired thesovereignty of Cambaya or Guzerat. Sultan Mahmud the heir of the lateking had been left under the tuition of three great men, Ali Khan, Itimiti Khan, and Madrem-al-Mulk, each of whom envious of the othersendeavoured to acquire the entire direction of the young king. He, considering himself in danger, fled from Madrem-al-Mulk to theprotection of Itimiti Khan, the worst of all his guardians, whoimmediately offered to deliver up the king and kingdom to the greatMogul, on condition of being appointed viceroy or Soubah in reward ofhis treachery. Akbar accordingly marched to _Amedabad_, where thetraitor delivered up to him the young king, and the Mogul was seated onthe musnud or throne of Guzerat without drawing a sword. Not satisfiedwith this great acquisition, Akbar resolved to recover the town anddistricts of Basseen and Daman, which had formerly belonged to Cambaya, and were now possessed by the Portuguese; and as this intention becameknown to Luis de Almeyda who commanded at Daman, he sent notice to theviceroy, who immediately sent him succours and prepared to follow therein person, going accordingly from Goa about the end of December 1571, with nine gallies, five gallions, eight galliots, and ninety smallervessels. On his arrival with this large armament in the river of Daman, the Mogul, who was encamped at the distance of two leagues from thatplace, was so much dismayed by the power and military reputation of thePortuguese, that he sent an ambassador to the viceroy to treat of peace. The viceroy received the Mogul ambassador in his gallery with greatstate, and after listening to his proposals sent Antonio Cabral alongwith him to Akbar, on which a peace was concluded to the satisfaction ofboth parties. The viceroy then returned to Goa, and the great Mogulsettled the government of his new kingdom of Guzerat, cutting off thehead of the traitor Itimiti Khan, a just reward of his villany. 

[Footnote 381: Named by DeFaria, Gelalde Mamet Hecbar Taxa; probably acorruption of Gelal 'oddin Mahomet Akbar Shah. --E. ]

The king of Acheen was one of the Indian princes who had entered intothe grand confederacy against the Portuguese, and had agreed to laysiege to Malacca, but did not execute his part of the league till aboutthe middle of October 1571, when he appeared before Malacca with a fleetof near 100 sail, in which he had 7000 soldiers with a large train ofartillery and a vast quantity of ammunition. Landing on the night ofhis arrival, he set fire to the town of _Iller_, which was saved fromtotal destruction by a sudden and violent shower of rain. He nextendeavoured to burn the Portuguese ships in the harbour; but failing inthis and some minor enterprizes he sat down before the city, intendingto take it by a regular siege, having been disappointed in hisexpectations of carrying it by a _coup de main_. At this time Malaccawas in a miserable condition, excessively poor, having very few men andthese unhealthy and dispirited, having suffered much by shipwreck, sickness, and scarcity of provisions, not without deserving, thesecalamities; for Malacca was then _the Portuguese Nineveh in India_, Iknow not if it be so now. In this deplorable situation, incessantlybattered by the enemy, cut off from all supplies of provisions, Malaccahad no adequate means and, hardly any hopes of defence. In thisextremity Tristan Vaz accidentally entered the port with a single ship, in which he had been to Sunda for a cargo of pepper. Being earnestlyintreated by the besieged to assist them, he agreed to do every thing inhis power, though it seemed a rash attempt to engage a fleet of 100 sailwith only ten vessels, nine of which were almost rotten and destitute ofrigging. Among these he distributed 300 naked and hungry wretches; andthough confident in his own valour, he trusted only in the mercy of God, and caused all his men to prepare for battle by confession, of which heset them the example. 

He sailed from Malacca with this armament about the end of November1571, and soon discovered the formidable fleet of the enemy in the river_Fermoso_. Giving the command of his own ship to Emanuel Ferreyra, Tristam Vaz de Vega went sword in hand into a galliot, to encourage hismen to behave valiantly by exposing himself to the brunt of battle alongwith them. On the signal being given by a furious discharge of cannon, Tristan instantly boarded the admiral ship of the enemy, making greathavock in her crew of 200 men and even carried away her ensign. Ferdinand Perez with only 13 men in a small vessel took a galley of theenemy. Ferdinand de Lemos ran down and sunk one of the enemies ships. Francisco de Lima having taken another set her on fire, that he might beat liberty to continue the fight. Emanuel Ferreyra sank three vessels, unrigged several others, and slew great numbers of the enemy. In short, every one fought admirably, and the whole hostile fleet fled, exceptfour gallies and seven smaller vessels that were burnt or sunk. Sevenhundred of the enemy were taken or slain, with the loss only of fivemen on the side of the victors. The Portuguese ships waited three daysin the river to see if the enemy would return, and then carried thejoyful news to Malacca, where it could hardly be believed[382]. 

[Footnote 382: Though not mentioned by De Faria, the king of Acheenappears to Jave raised the siege of Malacca after this navalvictory. --E. ]

Sometime in the year 1578, four ships arrived at Goa from Portugal, under the command of Francisco de Sousa, who immediately on landing wentto the archbishop Don Gaspar, to whom he delivered a packet from theking. The royal orders contained in this packet were read by a cryer inthe archiepiscopal church, and announced that Don Antonio de Noronha wasdeposed from the dignity of viceroy, to whom Antonio Moniz Barreto wasimmediately to succeed with the title of governor. By another order, Gonzalo Pereyra was appointed to the government of Malacca, in defaultof whom Don Leonis Pereyra was substituted, and accordingly succeeded asthe other was dead. 

Advice was now brought to Goa that Malacca was again in danger, as theking of Acheen was before it a second time, assisted by the queen of_Japara_. On this intelligence, Moniz desired Leonis Pereyra to set outfor his government, and Leonis demanded of him to be supplied with thesame force which Moniz had formerly required from Noronha; yet Moniz, without considering what he had himself wrote on that subject to theking, and that India was now free from danger, refused his request. Leonis, to leave the new governor no excuse for his conduct, would evenhave been satisfied with a much smaller force than that formerlyrequired by Moniz, but even that was refused him, and he went away toPortugal refusing to assume the government of Malacca. About the end ofthis year 1573, orders came from Portugal for the trial and execution ofDon George de Castro for surrendering Chale to the zamorin. He wasaccordingly beheaded publicly: Yet in the year following a commissionwas sent out from Portugal for employing him in another command. 

Scarcely had India begun to enjoy some respite after the late troubles, when the queen of Japara sent her general Quiaidaman to besiege Malaccawith 15, 000 chosen natives of Java, in a fleet of 80 large galleons andabove 220 smaller vessels. Tristan Vaz de Vega happened to be then atMalacca, and was chosen by common consent to assume the command, Francisco Enriquez the former commandant being dead. Tristan Vaz sentimmediate notice to Goa of his danger; on which Moniz issued orders toall the neighbouring places to send succours, and began to fit out afleet for its relief. In the mean time the Javanese army landed andbesieged Malacca. Vaz sent Juan Pereyra and Martin Ferreyra with 150 mento drive the enemy from a post. After killing 70 of the enemy, theylevelled the work and brought off seven pieces of cannon. Pereyraafterwards burnt 50 of their galleons, and destroyed some great engineswhich they had constructed for attacking a bastion. Two other officersin a sortie burnt the pallisades which the enemy had erected forstraitening the garrison and defending their own quarters. After this, Pereyra going out of the river with the Portuguese vessels, besieged thebesiegers, and at _Jor_ took a large quantity of provisions that weregoing to the Javanese army. Upon these repeated misfortunes, theJavanese embarked in great consternation, and withdrew under night; butwere pursued by Pereyra, who cut off many of their vessels in the rear. Almost half of this great army perished by the sword or sickness in thissiege, which lasted three months. 

Hardly was the army of the queen of Japara gone from Malacca when theking of Acheen arrived before it with 40 gallies, and several ships andsmaller vessels, to the number of 100 in all, with a great train ofartillery. Tristan Vaz gave orders to Juan Pereyra in a galley, Bernardin de Silva in a caravel, and Ferdinand de Palares in a ship, having each 40 men, to go out of the harbour on purpose to protect aconvoy of provisions then in its way to Malacca, of which the city wasin great want. The fleet of the enemy immediately attacked them, andsoon battered all three ships to pieces. Seventy-five of the Portuguesewere slain or drowned on this occasion, forty were made prisoners, andonly five saved themselves by swimming. Only 150 men now remained in. Malacca, of whom 100 were sick or aged. Being in want both of men andammunition Tristan Vaz was under the necessity of remaining very quiet;but the enemy fearing he was preparing some stratagem against them, raised the siege in a panic of terror when they might easily havecarried the city, after remaining before it from the beginning to theend of January 1575. The priests, women and children of the distressedcity had implored the mercy of God with sighs and tears; and next toGod, the city owed its safety to the courage of Tristan Vaz, and to hisgenerosity likewise, as he spent above 20, 000 ducats in its defence. 

At this period Juan de Costa cruised upon the Malabar coast with twogallies and twenty-four other vessels. The town of Guipar near Bracalorebeing in rebellion, he landed there and set the town on fire afterkilling 1500 of the inhabitants. He likewise cut down the woods[383] inrevenge for the rebellion of the natives. After this he destroyed anisland belonging to the zamorin in the river of Chale, and ruined thecity of Parapangulem belonging to the same sovereign, where the heir ofthe kingdom was slain with 200 of his followers. At _Capocate_ 300 ofthe natives were slain with the loss of two only of the Portuguese. Thetown of _Nilacharim_ near mount Dely was destroyed by fire. In theintervals between these exploits on the land, several vessels belongingto the enemy were taken, by which the fleet was supplied with slaves andprovisions. 

[Footnote 383: Probably the groves of cocoa-nut trees are here alludedto. --E. ]

At this period, after long petty wars occasioned by the injustice andtyranny of the Portuguese, they were expelled from the Molucca islands, and their fort in the island of Ternate was forced to surrender to theking, who protested in presence of the Portuguese that he tookpossession of it in trust for the king of Portugal, and would deliver itup to any one having authority for that purpose as soon as the murder ofhis father was punished[384]. 

[Footnote 384: A great number of trifling incidents in the misgovernmentand tyranny of the Portuguese in the Moluccas, have been omitted at thisand other parts the history of Portuguese Asia in our version. --E. ]

In the year 1576, Antonio Moniz Barreto was succeeded in the governmentof India by Don Diego de Menezes; but it may be proper to suspend for atime our account of the affairs of India, to give some account of thetransactions in Monomotapa under the government of Francisco Barreto andhis successor Vasco Fernandez Homeiri. 

SECTION VIII. 

_Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to the end ofthat separate government[385]. _

On the return of Francisco Barreto from the government of India in 1558, as formerly mentioned, he was appointed admiral of the gallies, in whichemployment he gained great honour in the memorable action of _Pennon_;and on his return to Lisbon, king Sebastian, who had determined uponmaking the division of the Portuguese governments in the east alreadymentioned, appointed Barreto to that of Monomotapa[386], with theadditional title of _Conqueror of the Mines_. The great inducement forthis enterprise was from the large quantities of gold said to be foundin that country, and particularly at _Manica_ in the kingdom of_Mocaranga_. Francisco Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569, withthree ships and 1000 soldiers. He might easily have had more men if thevessels could have contained them, as the reports of gold banished allidea of danger, and volunteers eagerly pressed forwards for theexpedition, among whom were many gentlemen and veterans who had servedin Africa. 

[Footnote 385: In De Faria no dates are given of these transactions, except that Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569. --E. ]

[Footnote 386: In modern geography the country called Monomotapa in thetext is known by the name of Mocaranga, while Monomotapa is understoodto be the title of the sovereign. It is sometimes called _Senna_ by thePortuguese, from the name of a fort possessed by them in theinterior. --E. ]

On his arrival at Mozambique, Barreto went to subdue the king of _Pate_, who had revolted against the Portuguese authority. In his instructions, Barreto was ordered to undertake nothing of importance without theadvice and concurrence of Francisco do Monclaros, a Jesuit, which wasthe cause of the failure of this enterprise. It was a great error tosubject a soldier to the authority of a priest, and a most presumptuousfolly in the priest to undertake a commission so foreign to hisprofession. There were two roads to the mines, one of which was throughthe dominions of Monomotapa, and the other by way of Sofala. Barreto wasdisposed to have taken the latter, but Monclaros insisted upon theformer, and carried his point against the unanimous votes of the councilof war; so that the first step in this expedition led to its ruin. Butbefore entering upon the narrative of events, it may be proper to givesome account of the climate, quality, and extent of the country. 

From Cape Delgado in lat. 10° 1O' S. To Mozambique in 14° 50', the coastis somewhat bent in the form of a bow, in which space are the islands ofPujaros, Amice, Mocoloe, Matembo, Querimba, Cabras, and others, with therivers Paudagi, Menluanc, Mucutii, Mucululo, Situ, Habe, Xanga, Samoco, Veloso, Pinda, Quisimaluco and Quintagone, with the bays of Xanga andFuego, and the sands of Pinda. From Mozambique in lat. 14° 5O' S. To theport or bay of Asuca in 21° 8O', the coast falls off to the westwards, opposite to the _Pracel de Sofala_ or great bank of _Pracel_, on thecoast of Madagascar, the dangerous _Scylla_ and _Charibdis_ of thoseseas. On this coast are the rivers Mocambo, Angoxa, or Bayones, Mossige, Mojuncoale, Sangage, and others, with many islands, and the ports ofQuilimane and Luabo; the rivers Tendanculo, Quiloe, Sabam, Bagoe, Miaue, and Sofala, with the opposite islands of Inbausato, Quiloane, Mambone, Molimon, and Quilamancohi. Between Cape Bosiqua or St Sebastian in lat. 21° 40' S. And Cape Corientes in 24° S. Is the great bay of Sauca, intowhich falls the river Inhamhane, where there is a great trade for ivory. From the frequent recurrence of the soft letters _L_ and _M_ in thesenames, it may be inferred that the language of that country is by nomeans harsh. From the mouth of the Cuama or Zambeze in the east, theempire of Monomotapa extends 250 leagues into the interior of Africa, being divided by the great river Zambeze, into which falls the _Chiri_or _Chireira_, running through the country of _Bororo_[387], in whichcountry are many other large rivers, on the banks of which dwell manykings, some of whom are independent, and others are subject toMonomotapa. The most powerful of the independent kings is he of Mongas, bordering on the Cuama or Zambeze, which falls into the sea by fourmouths between Mozambique and Sofala. The first or most northerly ofthese mouths is that of _Quilimane_, ninety leagues from Mozambique; thesecond or Cuama is five leagues farther south; the third _Luabo_ fiveleagues lower; and the fourth named _Luabol_ five leagues more to thesouth. Between these mouths are three large and fertile islands; themiddle one, named _Chingoma_, is sixty leagues in circumference. Thisgreat river is navigable for sixty leagues upwards to the town of_Sena_, inhabited by the Portuguese, and as much farther to _Tete_, another Portuguese colony [388]. The richest mines are those of_Massapa_, called _Anfur_[389], the _Ophir_ whence the queen of Shebahad the riches she carried to Jerusalem. In these mines it is said, thatone lump of gold has been found worth 12, 000 ducats, and another worth40, 000. The gold is not only found among the earth and stones, but evengrows up within the bark of several trees as high as where the branchesspread out to form the tops. The mines of Manchica and Butica are notmuch inferior to those of Massapa and Fura, and there are many othersnot so considerable. There are three fairs or markets which thePortuguese frequent for this trade of gold from the castle of _Tete_ onthe river Zambeze. The first of these is _Luanze_, four days journeyinland from that place [390]. The second is Bacuto [391] farther off;and the third _Massapa_ still farther [392]. At these fairs the gold isprocured in exchange for coarse cloth, glass beads, and other articlesof small value among us. A Portuguese officer, appointed by thecommander of Mozambique, resides at Massapa with the permission of theemperor of Monomotapa, but under the express condition of not going intothe country, under pain of death. He acts as judge of the differencesthat arise there. There are churches belonging to the Dominicans atMassapa, Bacuto, and Luanze. The origin, number, and chronology of thekings of Mohomotapa are not known, though it is believed there werekings here in the time of the queen of Sheba, and that they were subjectto her, as she got her gold from thence. In the mountain of Anfur orFura, near Massapa, there are the ruins of stately buildings, supposedto be those of palaces and castles. In process of time this greatempire was divided into three kingdoms, called _Quiteve_, _Sabanda_, and_Chicanga_[393], which last is the most powerful, as possessing themines of Manica, Butua, and others. It is believed that the negroes ofButua, in the kingdom of Chicanga, are those who bring gold to Angola, as these two countries are supposed to be only one hundred leaguesdistance from each other [394]. The country of Monomotapa produces riceand maize, and has plenty of cattle and poultry, the inhabitantsaddicting themselves to pasturage and tillage, and even cultivatinggardens. It is divided into 25 kingdoms or provinces named Mongas, Baroe, Manica, Boese, Macingo, Remo, Chique, Chiria, Chidima, Boquizo, Inhanzo, Chiruvia, Condesaca, Daburia, Macurumbe, Mungussi, Antiovaza, Chove, Chungue, Dvia, Romba, Rassini, Chirao, Mocaranga andRemo-de-Beza. 

[Footnote 387: According to modern maps, the Zambeze divides the empireof Mocaranga, the sovereign of which is called Monomotapa, from theempire of the Bororos; and the river Chireira or Manzara on the south ofthe Zambeze, which it joins, is entirely confined to the country ofMocaranga. --E. ]

[Footnote 388: Sena is 220 English miles from the sea; Tete is 260 mileshigher up: so that this great river is navigable for 480 miles, probablyfor small vessels only. --E. ]

[Footnote 389: Massapa is the name of a Portuguese fort or settlement onthe river _Mocaras_, a branch of the _Chireira_, in the interior ofMocaranga. Anfur or Fura is a mountain about 100 miles from Massapa, said to contain rich gold mines. --E. ]

[Footnote 390: Luanze is about 100 miles south from Tete, on one of thebranches of the Chireira. --E. ]

[Footnote 391: Bacuto is 40 miles south of Luanze. --E. ]

[Footnote 392: Massapa is about 45 miles S. S. W. From Buento or Bacuto, or 170 miles in that direction from Tete. --E]

[Footnote 393: Quiteve is that kingdom or province of Mocaranga, nownamed Sofala from the river of that name by which it is pervaded. Sabanda is probably the kingdom or province of Sabia, on the river ofthat name, the southern province of Mocaranga. Chicanga is what is nowcalled Manica, the south-west province of Mocaranga, the king or chiefof which province is named Chicanga. --E. ]

[Footnote 394: The Butua of the text is probably the kingdom of Abutuaof modern maps, in the interior of Africa, directly west from thenorthern part of Mocaranga. The distance between Abutua and the easternconfines of Benguela, one of the provinces of Angola or Congo, is about800 or 900 miles. --E. ]

The emperor [395] has a large wooden palace, the three chief apartmentsof which are, one for himself, another for his wife, and the third forhis menial servants. It has three doors opening into a large court, oneappropriated for the queen and her attendants, one for the king and theservants attached to his person, and the third for the two head cooks, who are great men and relations of the king, and for the under-cooks whoare all men of quality below twenty years of age, as none so young aresupposed to have any commerce with women, or otherwise they are severelypunished. After serving in the palace, these young men are preferred tohigh employments. 

[Footnote 395: The chief of Mocaranga is named Monomotapa, which latteris often used as the name of the country. His residence is said to be atZimbao near the northern frontiers, between the Portuguese forts of Senaand Tete. --E. ]

The servants within the palace, and those without, are commanded by twocaptains or high officers, resembling the _Alcalde de los Douzeles_, orgovernor of the noble youths, formerly at the court of Spain. Theprincipal officers of the crown are, the _Ningomoaxa_ or governor ofthe kingdom, _Mocomoaxa_ or captain-general, _Ambuya_ or high steward, whose office it is to procure a successor, when the _Mazarira_ orprincipal wife of the king dies, who must always be chosen from amongthe sisters or nearest relations of the king. The next great officer isthe _Inbantovo_ or chief musician, who has many musicians under hischarge; the _Nurucao_, or captain, of the vanguard; _Bucurumo_, whichsignifies the king's right hand; _Magande_, or the chief conjurer;_Netambe_, or chief apothecary, who has charge of the ointments andutensils for sorcery; and lastly, the _Nehono_ or chief porter. Allthese offices are discharged by great lords. They use no delicacy incookery, having all their meats roasted or boiled; and they eat of sucharticles as are used by the Europeans, with the addition of rats andmice, which they reckon delicacies, as we do partridges and rabbits. 

The king has many wives, nine of whom only are reckoned queens, and areall his sisters or near relations; the rest being the daughters ofnoblemen. The chief wife is called _Mazarira_, or the mother of thePortuguese, who frequently make presents to her, as she solicits theiraffairs with the king, and he sends no messengers to them butaccompanied by some of her servants. The second queen is called_Inahanda_, who solicits for the Moors. The others _Nabuiza_, _Nemangore_, _Nizingoapangi_, _Navembo_, _Nemongoro_, _Nessani_, and_Necarunda_. Every one of these lives apart in as great state as theking, having certain revenues and districts appointed for theirexpenses. When any of these die, another is appointed to her place andname, and they have all the power of rewards and punishments, as well asthe king. Sometimes he goes to them, and, at other times they come tohim; all of them having many female attendants, whom the king makes useof when he thinks proper. 

The principal nation of Monomotapa is called the _Moearangi_, and ofwhich the emperor is a native. They are by no means warlike, and theironly weapons are bows, arrows, and javelins. In regard to religion, theyacknowledge one only God, and believe in a devil or evil spirit, called_Muzuco_, but they have no idols. They believe that their deceased kingsgo to heaven, and invoke these under the appellation of _Musimos_, asthe saints are invoked by the catholics. Having no letters, their onlyknowledge of past events is preserved by tradition. The lame and blindare called the king's poor, because they are charitably maintained byhim; and when any of these travel, the towns through which they pass areobliged to maintain them and furnish them with guides from place toplace, an excellent example for Christians. The months are divided intothree weeks of ten days each, and have several festivals. The first dayof each month is the festival of the new moon; and the fourth and fifthday of every week are kept as festivals. On these days all the nativesdress in their best apparel, and the king gives public audience to allwho present themselves, on which occasion he holds a truncheon aboutthree quarters of a yard long in each hand, using them to lean upon. Those who speak to him prostrate themselves on the ground, and hisaudience lasts from morning till evening. When the king is indisposed, the _Ningomoaxa_, or governor of the kingdom, stands in his place. Noone must speak to the king, or even go to the palace, on the eighth dayof the moon, as that day is reckoned unlucky. On the day of the newmoon, the king runs about the palace with two javelins in his hand, asif fighting, all the great men being present at this pastime. When thisis ended, a pot full of maize, boiled whole, is brought in, which theking scatters about, desiring the nobles to eat, and every one strivesto gather most to please him, and eat it greedily as if it were the mostsavoury dainty. Their greatest festival is held on the new moon in May, which they call _Chuavo_. On this day all the great men of the empire, who are very numerous, resort to court, where they run about withjavelins in their hand, as in a mock fight. This sport lasts the wholeday, at the end of which the king withdraws, and is not seen for eightdays afterwards, during all which time the drums beat incessantly. Hethen reappears on the ninth day, and orders the noble for whom he hasleast affection to be slain, as a sacrifice to his ancestors, or the_Muzimos_. When this is done, the drums cease, and every one goes home. The _Mumbos_[396] eat human flesh, which is publicly sold in theshambles. This may suffice for the customs of the natives in the empireof Monomotapa, as it would be endless to recount the whole. 

[Footnote 396: This savage race are said to inhabit on the north westernfrontiers of Mocaranga. --E. ]

After some stay at Mozambique, Barreto set out on his expedition for themines of Monomotapa, with men, horses, camels, and other necessaries forwar, and with proper tools for working the mines which he expected toconquer. He sailed up the river _Cuama_, called _Rio de los buenosSennales_, or river of Good Signs; by the first discoverers, and came to_Sena_ or the fort of _St Marzalis_, according to the desire of fatherMonclaros; whence he proceeded to the town of _Inaparapala_, near whichis another town belonging to the Moors, who, being always professedenemies to the Christians, began to thwart the designs of the Portugueseas they had formerly done in India. They even attempted to poison thePortuguese army, and some of the men and horses actually died inconsequence; but the cause being discovered by one of the Moors, theywere all put to the sword, their chiefs being blown from the mouths ofcannon, the informer only being pardoned. After this Barreto sent anembassy to the king, desiring permission to march against the chief ofthe _Mongas_, who was then in rebellion, and from thence to continue hismarch to the mines of _Butua_ and _Mancica_. The first of these requestswas a piece of flattery to obtain leave for the other, as the provinceof the Mongas lay between Sena and the mines, and it was necessary tomarch thither by force of arms. The king gave his consent to bothrequests, and even offered to send 100, 000 of his own men along with thePortuguese; but Barreto declined any assistance, wishing to have thewhole honour of the war to himself, and thinking by that means to gainfavour with the king. He accordingly marched with 23 horse and 560 footarmed with muskets; and after a march of ten days, mostly along therapid river Zambeze, in which the troops suffered excessively fromhunger and thirst, the enemy were descried covering the hills andvallies with armed men. Though the multitude of the enemy was so greatthat the extremity of their army could not be seen, Barreto marched ongiving the command of the van to Vasco Fernandez Homem, while he led therear in person, the baggage and a few field pieces being in the centre. On coming up to engage the cannon were removed to the front and flanks. 

The enemy were drawn up in the form of a crescent; and as the Portuguesemarched to the charge, an old woman came forward to meet them scatteringsome powder towards them, having persuaded the enemy that she alonewould gain the victory by virtue of that powder. Barreto understood themeaning of this superstitious act, having seen similar things in India, and gave orders to level a field piece at the notorious witch, which wasso well pointed that she was blown to atoms, at which the _Kafrs_ wereastonished, as they believed her immortal. The enemy however advanced, but without any order, either from ignorance or because they relied ontheir immense numbers, and discharged clouds of arrows and darts againstthe Portuguese; but finding that the musqueteers slew them by hundredsat every discharge, they took to flight, and great numbers of them wereslain in the pursuit. Barreto continued his march for the city of theMongas, and was opposed by another multitude similar to the former whichwas put to flight with equal facility, above 6000 of the Kafrs beingslain with the loss of only two Portuguese soldiers. The city wasabandoned by the enemy and taken possession of by Barreto withoutopposition, at which he entrenched his small army. Next morning amultitude of Kafrs as large as either of the former appeared to assailthe Portuguese; but being again routed with prodigious slaughter, amessenger arrived to beg for peace. Barreto answered that he would waitupon the king, when all matters might be adjusted. He accordinglymarched next day, and having encamped in a convenient place, a newembassy came from the king to solicit peace. While the Kafr ambassadorswere conferring with Barreto, one of the camels belonging to thePortuguese happened to break loose and came up to where Barreto was, whostopped it till those who were seeking for it came up. The Kaframbassadors had never before seen a camel, and were astonished to see itcome up to the governor, at whom they asked many questions concerningthe strange animal. Taking advantage of their ignorance and credulity, Barreto told them that those animals fed only on human flesh, devouringall that were slain in battle; and that this camel had come to him fromthe rest to desire that he would not make peace as they would then haveno food. Astonished at this intelligence, they intreated him to desirethe camels to be satisfied with good beef, and they would immediatelysupply him with great numbers of cattle. He granted their request andmarched on, still in much distress for provisions. 

At this time news was brought of some transactions at Mozambique whichrendered his presence there necessary, on which he assigned the commandof the army to Vasco Fermandez Homem, and departed for Mozambique. Antonio Pereyra Brandam had committed certain crimes at the Moluccas, for which on his return to Portugal he was banished into Africa, onwhich he requested Barreto to take him to Mozambique, which he didaccordingly, and even gave him the command of the fort at that place. Though eighty years of age, Brandam wished to secure himself in thecommand of the fort by sending false informations to the king againstBarreto his benefactor. By some means these papers were intercepted andsent to Barreto, who on his arrival at Mozambique immediately shewedthem to Brandam, who fell on his knees and asked pardon in the mosthumble manner. Barreto forgave him, but deprived him of the command overthe fort at Mozambique, which he committed to the charge of LorenzoGodino, and returned to prosecute the expedition in Monomotapa. 

On his arrival at Sena, where Homem had halted with the army, Monclarosaccosted him in a violent manner commanding him to desist from that wildenterprise of conquering the mines, in which he had imposed on the king, declaring that he should be held responsible for all who had died ormight die in future in this wild and impracticable design. It is certainthat Barreto was not the promoter of this intended conquest, and thatManclaros was actually to blame for the miscarriage; yet Barreto tookthe insolence of this proud priest so much to heart that he died in twodays without any other sickness. Assuredly the Jesuit had more to answerfor on account of the death of the governor, than he for the unfortunateresult of the expedition, which was all owing to the arrogant ignoranceof the Jesuit in forcing it into a wrong direction. Thus fell, by theangry words of a priest, a great man who had escaped from many bulletsamong the Indians, from numerous darts and arrows of the Mongas, andfrom the malice of a villain. King Sebastian greatly lamented hisuntimely end, which he expressed by giving an honourable reception tohis body when brought to Lisbon. 

After the death of Barreto, a royal order was found among his papers bywhich Vasco Fernandez Homem was appointed his successor. By thepersuasions of Monclaros, who was now disgusted with the expedition ofMonomotapa, Homem returned with the troops to Mozambique, abandoning theprojected conquest of the mines. At that place some judicious persons, and particularly Francisco Pinto Pimentel, urged him to resume theexecution of the orders which had been given by the king to Barreto, andhe determined upon resuming the enterprise for the conquest ofMonomotapa; but as Monclaros was now gone back to Portugal, he foundhimself at liberty to take the route for the mines through Sofala, asBarreto wished to have done originally. Landing therefore at Sofala, hemarched directly inland towards the mines of _Manica_ in the kingdom of_Chicanga_, bordering _by the inland_ with the kingdom of _Quiteve_which is next in power to Monomotapa[397]. To conciliate the king of_Quiteve_, Homem sent messengers with presents to request the liberty ofpassing through his dominions, but being jealous of his intentions, thatking received his propositions very coldly. Homem advanced however, having nearly a similar force with that which accompanied Barreto on theformer expedition into the kingdom of Monomotapa, and several bodies ofKafrs that attempted to stop his progress were easily routed with greatslaughter. Finding himself unable to defend himself against the invadersby force of arms, the king of Quiteve had recourse to policy, and causedall the people and provisions to be removed from the towns, so that thePortuguese suffered extreme distress till they arrived at _Zimbao_[398], the residence of the king, whence he had fled and taken refuge ininaccessible mountains. Homem burnt the city, and marched on to thekingdom of _Chicanga_, where he was received by the king rather throughfear than love, was supplied with provisions, and allowed a free passageto the mines. At these the Portuguese vainly expected that they would beable to gather gold in great abundance; but seeing that the nativesprocured only very small quantities in a long time and with muchdifficulty, and being themselves very inexpert in that labour, they soonabandoned the place which they had so long and anxiously sought for, andreturned towards the coast, parting from the king of Chicanga in muchfriendship. Thus, though disappointed in their main design of acquiringrich gold mines, the ease with which they had penetrated to the placeevinced how great an error had been formerly committed by subjectingBarreto to the direction of Monclaros, who had led him by a tedious anddangerous way merely to gratify his own extravagant humour. 

[Footnote 397: In modern geography, which indeed is mainly ignorant ofthe foreign possessions of the Portuguese, the dominion of Sofala onboth sides of the river of that name, extend about 520 miles from eastto west, in lat. 20° S. From the Mozambique channel, by about 100 milesin breadth. The commercial station of Sofala belonging to the Portugueseis at the mouth of the river; and about 220 miles from the sea is a towncalled Zimbao of Quiteve. Manica the kingdom of Chicanga is an inlanddistrict to the west of the kingdoms of Sofala and Sabia; all threedependent upon Monomotapa. --E. ]

[Footnote 398: This Zimbao of Quiteve is to be carefully distinguishedfrom a town of the same name in Monomotapa. The former is nearly in lat. 20° S. On the river of Sofala, the latter is about 16° 20' S. Near theriver Zambezi or Cuama. --E]

Homem returned to the kingdom of Quiteve, and the king of that countrynow permitted him to march for the mines of _Maninnas_[399], oncondition that the Portuguese should pay him twenty crowns yearly. Homemaccordingly marched for the kingdom of _Chicova[400], which borders uponthe inland frontier of Monomotapa towards the north, having heard thatthere were rich mines of silver in that country. Having penetrated toChicova, he inquired among the natives for the way to the mines; and asthey saw that it was in vain for them to resist, while they feared thediscovery of the mines would prove their ruin, they scattered some oreat a place far distant from the mines, and shewing this to thePortuguese told them that this was the place of which they were insearch. By this contrivance the Kafrs gained time to escape, as thePortuguese permitted them to go away, perhaps because they wereunwilling the natives should see what treasure they procured. Homemaccordingly caused all the environs to be carefully dug up, and after avast deal of fruitless labour was obliged to desist, as provisions grewscarce. Thus finding no advantage after all his fatigues and dangers, Homem marched away towards the coast with part of his troops, intendingto return to his government at Mozambique, and left Antonio Cardoso deAlmeyda with 200 men to continue the researches for some time for thetreasures that were said to abound in that country. Cardoso sufferedhimself to be again deceived by the Kafrs who had before imposed uponHomem, as they now offered to conduct him to where he might find a veinof silver. But they led him the way of death rather than of the mines, and killed him and all his men after defending themselves withincredible bravery. 

[Footnote 399: No such place is laid down in modern maps, but rich goldmines are mentioned in Mocaranga near mount _Fura_, which is nearly inthe route indicated in the text, between Sofala or Quiteve andChicoya. --E. ]

[Footnote 400: Chicova is a territory and town of Mocaranga orMonomotapa, in lat. 19° N. At the north-west boundary of that empire onthe Zambeze; and is said to abound in mines of silver. --E. ]

Thus ended the government and conquest of Monomotapa shortly after itscommencement, under two successive governors, who lost their objectalmost as soon as it was seen. The first killed by a few rash words, andthe second expelled by a prudent stratagem. Yet peace and tradecontinued between the Portuguese and the empire of Monomotapa. Theseactions of Barreto and Homem took place during the time when Luis deAtaide, Antonio de Noronha, and Antonio Moniz Barreto[401], weregovernors of India; but we have never been able to ascertain when theformer died and the latter abandoned the projected conquest of themines. 

[Footnote 401: The commencement of the government of Barreto has beenalready stated as having taken place in 1569. Antonio Moniz Barretogoverned India from 1573 to 1576: Hence the consecutive governments ofFrancisco Barreto and Vasco Fernandez Homem in Monomotapa could not beless than _four_ or more than _seven_ years. --E. ]

SECTION IX. 

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. Of Spain, onthe Death of the Cardinal King Henry. _

In 1576 Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora went out as viceroy of Portuguese India;but dying on the voyage, at Mozambique, Don Diego de Menezes assumed thegovernment in virtue of a royal patent of succession. Nothingextraordinary happened during his government of nearly two years, whenhe was superseded by the arrival of Don Luis de Ataide count of Atougaiaas viceroy of India for the second time. Ataide had been appointedgeneral in chief of the Portuguese forces by king Sebastian, who hadresolved to bury the glory of his kingdom in the burning sands ofAfrica; and finding his own youthful impetuosity unable to conform withthe prudent councils of the count, he constituted him viceroy of Indiaas a plausible means of removing him. The count arrived at Goa about theend of August 1577, where he immediately fitted out a mighty fleet whichstruck terror into all the neighbouring princes. After continuing thewar for some time against Adel Khan, a peace was concluded with thatprince. 

Soon afterwards news was brought to India of the melancholy catastrophewhich had befallen king Sebastian in Africa, and that the Cardinal DonHenry had succeeded to the throne; but he soon afterwards died, and thekingdom of Portugal came under the direction of a council of regencyconsisting of five members. The viceroy Don Luis died soon afterwards atGoa in the beginning of the year 1580, after governing India this secondtime for two years and seven months. He seemed to have had apresentiment of his death; for being applied to for leave to bury hiscousin Antonio Borello beside his brother Don Juan de Ataide, he refusedit, saying that he had long designed that situation for himself. He wasa man of most undaunted courage, of which the following instance may beadduced. At the attack of _Onore_, he sailed in a brigantine sitting ina chair, having a famous musician beside him playing on the harp. Whenthe balls from the enemy began to whistle past the ears of the musicianhe stopt playing, on which the count desired him to proceed as the tunewas excellent. One of the gentlemen near him, seeing hisunconcernedness, requested him to expose himself less to the danger, asif he were slain all would be lost; "No such thing, " answered he, "forif I am killed there are men enough who are fit to succeed me. "

On his death, which appears to have happened in March 1580, he wassucceeded as governor by Ferdinand Tellez de Menezes, pursuant to apatent of succession sent out by the regency in the year before. On thisoccasion the new governor was installed with as much demonstration ofjoy as if there had been no cause of sorrow among the subjects ofPortugal for the melancholy state of their country. While the affairs ofPortugal were in a miserable state of distraction, those of Visiapourwere in no better condition, in consequence of the death of Adel Khanwithout heirs, in the 23d year of his reign and 50th of his age. Beingadicted to unnatural practices, a youth of eighteen years of age who hadtoo much honour to submit to his base desires, stabbed him as he wasendeavouring to allure him to comply with his brutal purposes. IbrahimKhan, the son of Shah Tamas, one of two brothers whom Adel Khan had putto death, succeeded to the sovereignty; but was soon afterwards seizedby a powerful Omrah, named Quisbale Khan, who made himself master of thecity of Visiapour. Soon afterwards the Ethiopian guards revolted underthree leaders of their own choice, Acala Khan, Armi Khan, and DelarnaKhan, the last of whom secured the other two and usurped the wholepower. 

About this time new instructions came from the regency of Portugal, announcing that Philip II. Of Spain had been admitted as king ofPortugal, and enjoining the governor and all the Portuguese in India totake the oath of allegiance to the new sovereign. 

At this period _Mirazenam Pacha_, a native of Otranto, and born ofChristian parents, was governor of all that part of Arabia which iscalled _Yemen_ by the natives, and resided in _Sanaa_ or _Zenan_, a cityin the inland part of Yeman or Arabia Felix, 60 leagues north ofMokha[402]. Sanaa stands upon a hill encompassed with a good wall, andis thought to have been founded by Ham the son of Noah, and to have beenthe residence of the famous queen of Sheba. The fruitful province inwhich it stands was called by the ancients _Siria Muinifera_, because itproduces frankincense, myrrh, and storax. Being desirous to plunder_Maskat_ near Cape Ras-al-gat, Mirazenam sent three Turkish gallies onthat errand under Ali Beg, who took possession of Maskat, whence most ofthe Portuguese residents saved themselves by flight, leaving their goodsto be plundered by Ali Beg. The fugitives took refuge in _Mataro_, atown only a league distant, whence they went to _Bruxel_, a fort aboutfour leagues inland, belonging to _Catani_ the sheikh or chief of ahorde or tribe of Arabs. The Arab officer who commanded there receivedthe Portuguese with much kindness and hospitality, and protected themtill the departure of Ali Beg, when they returned to Maskat. On learningthe ruin of Maskat, Gonzalo de Menezes, who then commanded at Ormuz, sent Luis de Almeyda with a squadron consisting of a galleon, a galley, and six other vessels, with 400 good men, to attack Ali Beg. But Almeydaneglected the orders of his superior, and sailed to the coast of the_Naytaques_, intending to surprise and plunder the beautiful and richcity of _Pesani_[403]. But the inhabitants got notice of their dangerand fled, after which Almeyda dishonourably plundered the city, to whichhe set fire, together with near fifty sail of vessels which were in thebay. He did the same thing to _Guadel_ or _Gader_, a city not inferiorto Pesani, and to _Teis_ or _Tesse_ belonging to the barbarous tribe ofthe _Abindos_ who dwell on the river _Calamen_ in _Gedrosia_[404], andwho join with the _Naytagites_ in their piracies. 

[Footnote 402: Sanaa is about 80 marine leagues, or 278 English milesN. E. From Mokha, and 30 leagues, or about 100 miles nearly north fromMakulla, the nearest port of Arabia on the Indian ocean. --E. ]

[Footnote 403: Perhaps Posino on the oceanic coast of Makran, one of theprovinces of Persia, is here meant, nearly north from Maskat, on theopposite coast of the entrance towards the Persian Gulf. --E. ]

[Footnote 404: Gedrosia the ancient name of that province of Persia onthe Indian Ocean between the mouth of the Persian Gulf and the Indus, now called Mekran or Makran. --E. ]

SECTION X. 

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597_ [405]. 

Don Francisco Mascarenhas, count of Santa Cruz, was the first viceroysent out to India after the revolution by which Philip II of Spainacquired the sovereignty of Portugal. The honour and advantagesconferred upon him on receiving this important office were greater thanhad ever been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. He well deserved allrewards of honour and profit, having served with great reputation inIndia, particularly in the brave defence of Chaul, with an incompetentgarrison, and hardly any fortifications, against the power of the Nizam, who besieged it with 150, 000 men. Yet his advancement on this occasionproceeded more from the policy of the king of Spain than the merit ofMascarenhas, to endeavour to gain the hearts of the Portuguese in Indiaby his bounty. On his arrival at Goa in 1581, the new viceroy found thatall the Portuguese had already submitted to the government of the kingof Spain, so that he had only to attend to the usual affairs of hisviceroyalty. 

[Footnote 405: We have here omitted from de Faria several long andconfused dissertations on subjects that will be treated of moresatisfactorily in the sequel of this work, from better sources ofinformation. These are, 1. Of the religion of Hindostan. 2. Of theempire of Ethiopia, or Abyssinia. 3. Of Japan. 4. Of China. 5. Of thetraditions respecting the preaching of Christianity in India by StThomas. Likewise, in the sequel of the Portuguese transactions in Indiafrom de Faria, we have omitted a vast deal of uninteresting events, confining our attention only to such as are of some relativeimportance. --E. ]

Sultan Amodifar, the lawful king of Guzerat, after being long keptprisoner by the Mogul who had usurped his kingdom, made his escape bythe assistance of some women and came in disguise to a Banian atCambaya, by whom he was conveyed to _Jambo_, a person who hadsecured himself in a portion of the kingdom of Guzerat in the laterevolution. Jambo not only acknowledged Amodifar as his legitimatesovereign, but procured the submission of many other chiefs and greatmen, so that he was soon at the head of a large army, in which therewere above 30, 000 horse, and in a short time Amodifar recoveredpossession of almost all Guzerat, either by force or consent. In hopesof profiting by these confusions, and in particular expecting to acquirepossession of Surat, the viceroy went with 40 sail to Chaul, whence hesent some intelligent agents to Baroach, which was then besieged byAmodifar, the wife and children of Cotub oddin Khan having taken refugein that place. These agents had instructions to treat secretly both withAmodifar and the wife of Cotub, without letting either of them know thecorrespondence with the other, that the Portuguese interest might besecured with the party that ultimately prevailed. But a large Mogul armyinvaded Guzerat and recovered possession of the whole country, so thatthe negociations of the viceroy fell to nothing, and be returned to Goa. While absent from that city, the subjects of the new king of Visiapour, provoked by the insolences of Larva Khan the favourite minister, wishedto set up Cufo Khan the son of Meale Khan, who had been long keptprisoner at Goa; but on this coming to the knowledge of Larva Khan, hecontrived, by means of an infamous Portuguese, named Diego Lopez Bayam, to inveigle Cufo Khan into his power, who thinking to gain a crown wasmade prisoner by Larva Khan and deprived of his eyes. 

After Don Francisco de Mascarenhas had enjoyed the viceroyalty for threeyears, Don Duarte de Menezes came out in 1581 as his successor. Hisfirst measure was to restore peace at Cochin, where a revolt wasthreatened by the natives in consequence of the Portuguese havingusurped the management of the custom-house to the prejudice of theRajah; but an accommodation was now entered into, and the peopleappeased by restoring matters to their ancient footing. The _naik_ ofSanguicer, a place dependent upon the king of Visiapour, havingconverted his place of residence into a nest of pirates, to the greatinjury of the Portuguese trade on the coast of Canara, an agreement wasentered into with the king of Visiapour for his punishment; the governorof Ponda named Kosti Khan being to march against him by land with 40, 000men, while the Portuguese were to attack the naik by sea. This wasaccordingly executed, and the naik being driven to take refuge is thewoods, implored mercy, and was restored to his ruined district. 

Some years before the present period a prodigious inundation of Kafrsor Negro barbarians from the interior of Africa invaded the country ofMonomotapa, in multitudes that were utterly innumerable. They came fromthat part of the interior in which the great lake of _Maravi_ issituated, out of which springs the great rivers whose source wasformerly unknown. Along with this innumerable multitude, a part of whomwere of the tribes called _Macabires_ and _Ambei_, bordering uponAbyssinia, came their wives, children, and old people, as if emigratingbodily in search of new habitations, from their own being unable tocontain them. They were a rude and savage people, whose chosen food washuman flesh, only using that of beasts in defect of the other; and suchwas the direful effect of their passage through any part of the country, that they marked their way by the utter ruin of the habitations, leavingnothing behind but the bones of the inhabitants. When these failed them, they supplied their craving hunger by feeding on their own people, beginning with the sick and aged. Even their women, though ugly anddeformed, were as hardy and warlike as their husbands, carrying theirchildren and household goods on their backs, and going armed with bowsand arrows, which they used with as much courage and dexterity as themen. These barbarians used defensive armour, and even employed theprecaution of fortifying their camp wherever they happened to halt. While passing the castle of _Tete_ upon the Zambeze in the interior ofMocaranga, Jerome de Andrada who commanded the Portuguese garrison sentout against them a party of musketeers, and in two encounters killedabove 5000 of them, while the multitude fled in the utmost dismay, having never, before experienced the effects of fire arms. Passingonwards from thence, the barbarous multitude came to the neighbourhoodof Mozambique, destroying every thing in their course like an inundationof fire; and as the situation appeared inviting to one of their chiefsnamed _Mambea_, who commanded about 6000 warriors, he built a fort andsome towns on the main, about two leagues from Mozambique. As the fortof Cuama, where Nuno Vello Pereyra commanded, was much incommoded by theneighbourhood of these barbarians, he sent out Antonio Pimentel againstthem with 400 men, four only of whom were Portuguese, who fallingunexpectedly on the barbarians slew many of them and burnt the fort; butretiring in disorder, the enemy fell upon Pimentel and his men, all ofwhom they slew except three Portuguese and a small number of negroes. All the slain were devoured by the victorious Kafrs, except theirheads, hands, and feet. 

The country about Mozambique is full of orchards and fruit trees, especially citrons, lemons, and oranges, and has all kinds of wild andtame beasts like those in Europe, together with prodigious numbers ofelephants. The principal food of the people is maize. The woods mostlyconsist of ebony, being a very lofty tree with leaves like those of ourapple trees, and fruit resembling medlars, but not eatable, the wholestem and branches being thickly covered with thorns. The bark is assusceptible of fire as tinder, and when one of these trees is cut downit never springs up again. There is another sort of a yellowish colour, which is reckoned valuable. The best manna is produced in this country. Among the fish of this river is one equally voracious with thecrocodile, from which no man escapes that gets within their reach, butthey never injure women. One of these of a prodigious size was caughthaving gold rings in its ears, which was supposed to have been done assome species of witchcraft or incantation by the Kafrs to clear theriver from these dangerous animals. In confirmation of this opinion, weread in an Arabian author named _Matude_, giving an account ofprodigies, that about the year 863 a brazen crocodile was found underthe ruins of an Egyptian temple, on which certain characters orsymbolical letters were impressed, and when this image was broken inpieces the crocodiles of the Nile began again to devour men. 

During the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes fresh troubles broke outin the kingdom of Visiapour, in consequence of which the Moguls invadedthe country, and after laying it waste to a great extent possessedthemselves of many of its towns cities and districts. The occasions ofthese troubles was this: The king being ill of a contagious distemper, his two favourite ministers, Acede Khan and Calabate Khan, kept himconcealed in the palace, so that no person was allowed to see him. Theprince and the people had recourse to arms, in order to force thesetyrants to admit them into the kings presence; on which they persuadedthe infirm king that the prince wished to depose him, so that the kingwent to war against the prince, and defeated him with great slaughter, upon which the Moguls were called in to their assistance, and used theopportunity to plunder the country and appropriate it to themselves. 

Towards the close of the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes, Raju whohad usurped the sovereignty of Ceylon, determined upon making a conquestof the Portuguese fortress of Columbo, with a view of expelling themfrom that island. For this purpose he collected an immense army, inwhich were 50, 000 soldiers, 60, 000 pioneers, and nearly as manyartificers of various descriptions, with 2200 elephants, 40, 000 oxen, 150 pieces of cannon, and 50, 000 intrenching tools, axes, shovels, spades, and mattocks, with an innumerable quantity of spare arms andammunition; among which were two wooden castles built upon enormouscarriages, each of which had nine wheels. Added to all which he hadnearly 500 craft of different kinds. Before proceeding upon thisexpedition, he deemed it proper to consult the idols respecting itssuccess; and on this occasion he secretly placed men behind the idols, who answered to his supplications for a favourable termination to hisgreat design, _If you, would take Columbo you must shed innocent blood!_The people were astonished at this familiar and direct intercoursebetween their idols and their prince; and he, pretending obedience tothe divine commands which they had all heard, caused 500 children to betaken from the arms of their mothers, all of whom were sacrificed, andthe idols sprinkled with their blood. 

After all his preparations were completed, he marched with hisprodigious army and invested Columbo, choosing the ground which hedeemed most advantageous, as the garrison was not sufficiently strong tocontend with him in the field. Joam de Britto, who then commanded inColumbo, had sent intimation of his danger to the other Portuguesepossessions, and had arranged every thing for defence as well as hecould. To defend the place against the vast army by which he was nowassailed, he had only 300 Portuguese, a third of whom were useless, asbeing old men or children; besides whom he had 700 armed natives andslaves. This incompetent force he posted to the best advantage aroundthe walls, which were far too extensive, reserving 50 picked men toattend upon himself to give relief wherever it was most needed. Afterthe commencement of the siege, Raju spent a whole month in draining alake which secured one side of Columbo from being assailed, and as thePortuguese had several boats on the lake, there were frequent skirmishesin which the enemy suffered considerable loss. The side of the fortwhich had been covered by the lake was much weakened by the drawing offits water, which had been its chief defence on that side. Inconsequence of the advices sent by Brito to the commanders of theneighbouring forts, reinforcements were prepared at different quarters. The first relief, consisting of 40 men, was sent by Juan de Melo thecommander of Manaar, under the command of his nephew Ferdinand de Melo, who likewise brought a supply of ammunition; and Ferdinand was postedwith his men to strengthen the defence upon the side towards the drainedlake. 

On the 4th of August before day-light [406], Raju advanced in silence togive the first assault, but was discovered by the lighted matches of hismusqueteers. The enemy applied their scaling ladders at the same time tothe three bastions of St Michael, St Gonzalo, and St Francisco, while2000 pioneers fell to work below to undermine the works. Many of theassailants were thrown down from their ladders on the heads of theworkmen employed below, while numbers of the enemy who were drawn up inthe field before the town were destroyed by the cannons from the walls. Everywhere both within and without, the fort resounded with the cries ofwomen and children, and the groans of the wounded, joined to the noiseof the cannon and musquetry and the shrill cries of elephants, which, forced to the walls by their conductors, were driven back smarting withmany wounds, and did vast injury in the ranks of the besiegers. Such wasthe multitude of the enemy that they did not seem lessened by slaughter, fresh men still pressing on to supply the places of the killed andwounded. Brito was present in every place of danger, giving orders andconveying relief, and after a long and arduous contest, the enemy atlength gave way, leaving 400 men dead or dying at the foot of the walls. During this assault, some Chingalese who had retired into the fort toescape the tyranny of Raju, fought with as much bravery as thePortuguese. Twice afterwards, Raju made repeated attempts to carry theplace by escalade, but was both times repulsed with much slaughter. After which he repaired his entrenchments, and prepared to renew theassaults. 

[Footnote 406: The date of the year is omitted by DeTaria, who, alwaysrather negligent of dates, now; hardly ever gives any more light on thissubject than the years in which the respective viceroys and governorsassumed and laid down their authorities. The siege therefore must havehappened between 1584 and 1588, during the government of Duarte deMenezes. --E. ]

After the commencement of the siege Diego Fernandez Pessoa came fromNegapatnam with a ship of his own, and Antonio de Aguilar broughtanother ship, by means of which the besieged were much encouraged. DonJoam de Austria the _Modeliar_ of Candea[407], and the _Arache_ DonAlfonzo, did at this time eminent service against the enemy; and asoldier of vast strength, named Jose Fernandez, having broken his spear, threw several of the enemy behind him to be slain by those in his rear. On learning the danger of Colombo, the city of Cochin fitted out sixships for its relief, with a supply of men and ammunition, which wereplaced under the command of Nuno Alvarez de Atouguia. Before theirarrival, Raju gave another general assault by sea and land, in which thedanger was so pressing that even the religious were forced to act asofficers and soldiers to defend the walls, and the enemy were againrepulsed with great slaughter. Immediately after this the relief arrivedunder Atouguia from Cochin, and nearly at the same time arrived from StThomases and other places several ships brought by private individualsof their own accord; and in September six ships and a galley arrivedwith reinforcements from Goa under Bernardin de Carvallo. On the arrivalof such numerous reinforcements, Raju, giving up all hopes of carryingthe place by assault, endeavoured to undermine the walls; but thisattempt was effectually counteracted by Thomas de Sousa, who found out away of destroying the miners while engaged in the work. 

[Footnote 407: It will be afterwards seen in the particular history andtravels in Ceylon, that this person was the native sovereign of thecentral region or kingdom of Ceylon, called Candy or Candea from thename of the capital, who had acquired the same in the text inbaptism. --E. ]

Foiled in all his attempts to gain possession of Columbo, Raju nowendeavoured to attain his end by treachery, and prevailed on some of hiswizards to pretend discontent, and desert to the town, that they mightpoison the water in the garrison and _bewitch_ the defenders. Beingsuspected, these men were put to the torture; on which they confessedtheir intentions, and were put to death. "While one of the wizards wason the rack, he uttered certain mysterious words which deprived theexecutioners of their senses, and left them struggling under convulsionsfor twenty-four hours. " Treachery failing, Raju had again recourse toopen force, and ordered his fleet to attack that of the Portuguesecommanded by Thomas de Sousa; but two of the Ceylon ships were sunk andtwo taken, in which most of the men were slain, and those who survivedwere hanged at the yard-arms. In this naval battle 300 of the enemy wereslain, with the loss of two men only on the side of the Portuguese. Raju was so enraged at the bad success of the naval attack, that heordered two of his principal sea-officers to be beheaded. Soon afterthis a ship arrived with ammunition sent by the viceroy, and the enemymade another assault by night on the works, in which, as in all theothers, they were beat off with great slaughter. After this, Juan deGamboa arrived in a galley with a reinforcement of 150 men; and De Britofinding himself now confident in the strength of his garrison, sent outPedro Alfonzo with a squadron to destroy the towns on the coastbelonging to the enemy. In this expedition, the towns of Belicot, Berberii, and Beligao were plundered and burnt, and the Portuguese intheir haste to get possession of the pendents and bracelets of the womenbarbarously cut off their hands and ears. After making prodigious havockin many other places, Alfonzo returned to Columbo with mach spoil andmany prisoners. 

At this time sickness attacked the garrison of Columbo, and threatenedto do more for Raju than all his force had been able to effect. Thedisease, which began in the neighbouring towns and spread to Columbo, baffled every attempt of the physicians for its cure. On opening somewho died of it, the entrails were found impostumated, which was supposedowing to uncommon heat and drought, which had prevailed that year beyondany other in remembrance of the people. By the application of _cold anddry_ remedies the disease decreased. By the beginning of January[408]Raju made two other attempts to gain Columbo by assault, in the last ofwhich the bastions of St Sebastian, St Gonzalo, and St Jago were ingreat danger, but the enemy were repulsed in both with great slaughter. In the meanwhile the fleet was again sent out under the command ofThomas de Sousa, who ravaged the coast of Ceylon, and destroyed thevillages of Coscore, Madania, Guinderem, Gale, Beligao, Mature, andTanavar. To this last place the idolaters had imagined the Portuguesearms could never penetrate, as protected by the supposed sanctity of apagoda in its neighbourhood. This pagoda was situated on a hill near thetown, and appeared from sea like a city. It was above a league incircumference, ornamented with numerous domes, all of which were coveredwith copper splendidly gilt. In this pagoda there were above 1000 idolsin the several chapels or large cloisters; the temple being surroundedwith streets full of shops for the supply of the pilgrims and votarieswho resorted thither from all quarters. Taking possession of thistemple, Sousa cast down and destroyed all the idols, demolished all thecurious workmanship of the pagoda, and carried away every thing thatcould be removed, after which he killed some cows in its most sacredrecesses, which is the greatest possible profanation in the opinion ofthe idolaters. 

[Footnote 408: Probably of the year 1588; as the death of the viceroy, who died in that year, is soon afterwards mentioned by De Faria. --E. ]

Among the prisoners taken at Cascore was a young woman who happened tobe a bride. When the ships were about to weigh anchor, a young man camehastily to the place where the young woman was, and embraced her withmuch affection. By means of an interpreter, it was learned that this manwas her destined husband, who had been absent when the town wasattacked, and came now to offer himself for a slave rather than livefree in separation from the woman of his affections. When this was toldto Sousa, he determined not to part such true lovers, and ordered themto be both set at liberty; but they were so much affected by this act ofgenerosity, that they requested to remain in his service. They livedafterwards in Columbo, where the man faithfully served the Portuguese onmany occasions. 

Scarcely had Sousa returned to Columbo from this last expedition, whenRaju decamped, and began to march away, but the Portuguese fell upon therear of his army, and cut off many of his men. In the course of thissiege, some say that Raju lost 10, 000 men, while others restrict theloss to half of that number. Besides the destruction of many towns, villages, and ships, burnt, plundered, and destroyed, the cannon, prisoners, and booty taken during this siege from the enemy were ofconsiderable value. By these losses, and his inability to gainpossession of Columbo with so large an army, Raju lost much reputationamong the neighbouring princes, who waited the success of hispreparations to declare for either side. The loss on the side of thePortuguese during this siege, consisted of 140 men slain, 50 only ofwhom were Portuguese; but 500 died of the sickness formerly mentioned. 

On the day after the siege was raised, Don Paul de Lima came to Columbowith a powerful reinforcement from the viceroy. Eight days were spent inlevelling the works which Raju had thrown up, after which the damagedone to the fort was repaired, and it was furnished with a garrison of600 men, plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition. Soon afterreceiving the joyful news of the glorious and successful defence ofColumbo, the viceroy, Duarte de Menezes, died of a violent sickness inthe beginning of May 1588, to whom succeeded Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno, in virtue of a patent of succession, being every way well qualified forthe office by his singular bravery and thorough experience in theaffairs of India. 

In the homeward fleet of this season Don Paul de Lima embarked forPortugal in the ship called the St Thome, of which Stefano de Vega wascaptain. While off the coast of Natal the ship sprung a leak in thestern during a storm, and though all the rich commodities with which shewas freighted were thrown overboard, it was found impossible to keep herafloat. In this extremity 120 persons took to the boat, and had hardlyput off when the ship was swallowed up by the waves. Finding the boatoverloaded, it was found necessary to throw some of the people into thesea. At length the boat reached the shore, on which _ninety-eight_persons landed, several of whom were men of note with their wives, andsome friars, one of whom after confessing the people who remained in theship wished to have staid with them that he might aid their devotions tothe last. After landing, the women put themselves into mens habits, after the Indian manner, for the greater ease in travelling, and thewhole company set off on their march in good order, a friar going beforecarrying a crucifix on high. The place where they landed was on thatpart of the coast of _Natal_ called by the Portuguese the country of the_Fumos_, but by the natives the country of _Macomates_, being inhabitedby Kafirs of that name. It is in the latitude of 27° 20' S. Beyond theriver of _Semin Dote_, 50 leagues south of the bay of _LorenzoMarquez_[409]. All the lands of the Fumos belongs to the king of_Virangune_[410], and extends 30 leagues into the interior, bordering onthe south with the country of _Mocalapata_, which again extends to theriver _St Lucia_, in lat. 28° 15' S. And to the kingdom of _Vambe_, which contains a great part of the _Terra de Natal_[411]. From thenceto the Cape of Good Hope, the natives have no king, being ruled only by_ancozes_ or chiefs of villages. Next to the kingdom of _Virangune_ tothe north is that of _Innaca_, towards the N. E. To the point of the bayof _St Laurence_, in lat. 25° 45' S. Opposite to which are two islands, named _Choambone_ and _Setimuro_, the latter of which is uninhabited, and is the station of the Portuguese who resort to this bay to purchaseivory. About this bay many great rivers fall into the sea, as thosenamed _Beligane_, _Mannica_, _Spiritu Santo_, _Vumo_, _Anzate_, and_Angomane_[412]. _Anzate_ runs long the edge of vast inaccessiblemountains, covered with herds of elephants, and inhabited by a giganticrace of people[413]. In the latitude of 25° S. The river _De los Reyes_, or _Del Ouro_, likewise named the river _Inhampura_ falls into the sea, to the west of which in the interior are the kingdoms of _Innapola_ and_Mannuco_. From this place to Cape Corientes, the sea makes a great bay, along which inhabit the _Mocaranges_, a nation much addicted tothieving[414]. Opposite to Cape St Sebastian are the islands of_Bazaruto_ or _Bocica_, and not far from it the kingdom of _Innabuze_which reaches to the river _Innarigue_[415]. After which is the countryof _Pande_, bordering on _Monnibe_, which last extends to _Zavara_ inthe interior. Near these are the kingdoms of _Gamba_ and _Mocuraba_, which last is near Cape Corientes[416]. 

[Footnote 409: If the latitude in the text could be depended on, thisshipwreck seems to have taken place on the coast now occupied by the_Hambonaas_, near the small river _Bagasie_, 85 miles south from theentrance into _Delagoa_ bay. The river of Semin Dote is probably thatnow called _Mafumo_, which agrees with the country of _Fumos_ in thetext; and the bay of Lorenzo Marquez may possibly be _Delagoa_, thoughonly 28 leagues north from the latitude of the text, but there is noother bay of any importance for 400 miles farther along this coast. --E. ]

[Footnote 410: In modern maps, the country along the south side of theriver _Mafumo_, is said to be the dominions of _Capellah_. --E. ]

[Footnote 411: To the south of the _Hambonaas_ at Delagoa bay, the coastof Natal is inhabited by the _Tambookies_ and _Koussis_. The river StLucia still remains in our maps in the latitude indicated, but the othernames in the text are unknown in modern geography. --E. ]

[Footnote 412: Of these rivers only that of _Manica_, called likewise_Spiritu Santo_, retains the name in the text. That circumstance and thelatitude indicated, point out Delagoa bay as that called St Lawrence byDe Faria; unless we may suppose St Lawrence bay includes the whole bendinwards of the coast from Cape Corientes to point St Lucia on the coastof Natal, and that Delagoa bay, in the bottom of this large sweep, isthat formerly called the bay of Lorenzo Marquez. --E. ]

[Footnote 413: No trace of Anzate can be found in modern maps. --E. ]

[Footnote 414: The text in this place is assuredly erroneous, as theMocaranges have been formerly described by De Faria as the ruling nationin Monomotapa, which runs along the great bay of Sofala to _the north_of Cape Corientes. --E. ]

[Footnote 415: Probably the country and river now called Inhambane. --E. ]

[Footnote 416: These five last mentioned kingdoms, probably named fromthe barbarous chiefs of roving savage tribes, are now unknown togeography. --E. ]

After suffering much from hunger thirst and fatigue, the survivors fromthe San Thome arrived at the town of _Manica_, where they werecourteously received by the king, who offered them permission either tolive in his town or in the island where we have formerly said thePortuguese used to reside during their trade for ivory on this coast, atwhich place they might remain till the arrival of the Portuguesemerchants[417]. They preferred the island, where some of them died; andas they were ill accommodated here, they passed over in boats to thecontinent and renewed their weary pilgrimage to the northward, butseparated. Some got to the fort of _Sofala_, and others to the town ofthe king of _Innaca_, where they found some Portuguese traders who likethemselves had suffered shipwreck. After enduring great hardships, manyof them died, and among these was Don Paul de Lima. Those who survived, returned after a long time to Goa, among whom were three ladies. Two ofthese, Donna Mariana and Donna Joanna Mendoza dedicated themselves to areligious life; but Donna Beatrix, the widow of Don Paul de Lima, havingconveyed her husbands remains to Goa, returned into Portugal, and wasafterwards married at Oporto. 

[Footnote 417: Manica is far inland, but the place indicated in the textwas probably near the mouth of the river of that name, on the north, side of Delagoa bay. --E. ]

In May 1591, Matthew de Albuquerque arrived in India as viceroy. Aboutthis time the Portuguese met with a heavy loss in Monomotapa in a warwith the _Muzimbas_, a savage nation of Kafrs. _Tete_, a fort belongingto the Portuguese high up the river Zambeze, has the command of all theneighbouring district for three leagues round, which is divided amongeleven native chiefs, who are all obliged to repair with their armedfollowers to the fort when ordered by the Portuguese commandant, to thenumber of 2000 men. Pedro Fernandez de Chaves, who commanded in Tete, with these Kafrs and some Portuguese marched against _Quisura_ chief ofthe _Mumbos_ at _Chicaronga_, a town on the north of the Zambeze about30 miles from Tete. He defeated these Mumbos in battle and relieved manyprisoners who would otherwise have been slaughtered like cattle for theshambles, as the Mumbos feed on human flesh. The chief _Quisara_ wasslain, who used to pave the way to his dwelling with the skulls of thosebe had overcome. About the same time Andrew de Santiago, who commandedin _Sena_, another Portuguese fort lower down the Zambeze, marchedagainst the _Muzimbas_ a barbarous race of Kafrs on the river _Suabo_which runs into the northern side of the Zambeze; but found them sostrongly fortified that he sent to Chaves for aid. Chaves accordinglymarched from _Tete_ with some Portuguese and the Kafrs under hiscommand; but the Muzimbas fell upon him unexpectedly and slew him andall his Portuguese, being advanced a considerable way before the Kafrs, who got time to escape. The victorious Muzimbas quartered the slain forfood, and returned to their fortified post. Next day the Muzimbasmarched out against Santiago, carrying the head of Chaves on a spear. Santiago was so astonished at this sight that he endeavoured to retirein the night, but was attacked by the Muzimbas in his retreat, and heand most of his men slain. In these two unfortunate actions, above 130of the Portuguese were cut in pieces and buried in the bellies of thesesavage cannibals. 

Don Pedro de Sousa commanded at this time in Mozambique; and as Tete andSena were under his jurisdiction, he set out with 200 Portuguesesoldiers and 1500 armed Kafrs to take revenge upon the Muzimbas andsuccour the two forts on the Zambeze. He battered the entrenchments ofthe barbarians to no purpose, and was repulsed in an attempt to takethem by assault. Having nearly succeeded by raising a mount of fascinesas high as the works of the enemy, he was induced to desist by somecowards among his men, who pretended that the fort of Sena was in dangerof being taken. He drew off therefore to its relief, and was attacked bythe Muzimbas who slew many of his men, and took all his cannon andbaggage. Yet the enemy offered peace, which was concluded. Soonafterwards one of the chiefs of the Muzimbas, having gathered about15, 000 men, marched to the southwards destroying every thing in the waythat had life, and invested _Quiloa_, which he gained possession ofthrough the treachery of one of the inhabitants, and put all to thesword. After this he caused the traitor and all his family to be throwninto the river, saying that those who had betrayed their countrydeserved to die, yet were unfit to be eaten, as they were venomous, andtherefore fit food for the fishes. The Mozimba chief endeavoured todestroy Melinda in the same manner, but the sheikh was assisted by 30Portuguese, which enabled him to hold out till 3000 _Mosseguejo_ Kafrscame to his relief, when the Mozimbas were defeated with such slaughterthat only 100 of them escaped along with their chief, after they hadravaged 300 leagues of country. 

We now return to the affairs of India, where Chaul was again besieged. _Malek_[418] had erected a new city opposite to Chaul and bearing thesame name, well peopled with Moors who carried on an extensive trade, asit had an excellent port and the inhabitants were famous silk-weavers. The commander of this new city was an eunuch, who had been formerly aslave to the Portuguese and now to Malek. Immediately to the north ofthe Portuguese fortress of Chaul, from which it was divided by the riverof that name, is a noted promontory called _Morro_, on which the eunuchtook post with 4000 horse and 7000 foot, and cannonaded the Portuguesefort of Chaul from that commanding ground with 65 pieces of largecannon. These hostilities were countenanced by the Nizam, thoughcontrary to the peace which had been established when Francisco Barretowas governor, but were now justified by some complaints against theconduct of Albuquerque the present viceroy, and in addition to, thesiege of Chaul several military parties belonging to the Nizam infestedthe districts, dependent upon the Portuguese forts of Basseen and Chaul. As the Moors considered the capture of Chaul to be near at hand, seeingthat their cannon had made considerable impression on its walls, _fourteen_ Mogul chiefs came to be present at its reduction; but in asortie made by the Portuguese, _nine_ of these were slain and _two_taken. Talador the eunuch commander of the besiegers was wounded, anddied soon afterwards, as did a Turk who was next in command, on whichFarete Khan succeeded in the conduct of the siege, and gave thePortuguese no respite by day or night, continually battering their workswith his powerful artillery. The garrison in Chaul consisted of 1000men, to which place Alvaro de Abranches brought 300 from Basseen and 200from Salcete; and being now at the head of 1500 Portuguese troops and anequal number of natives, so brave and faithful that they oftenvoluntarily interposed their own bodies to protect their masters, Abranches appointed a day for making an attack upon the enemy. Havingall confessed, the Portuguese embarked in a number of small vessels andcrossed the river after which they forced their way to the plain ofMorro on the top of the promontary, where the battle was renewed. Tenelephants were turned loose by the Moors, in expectation that they wouldforce the Portuguese troops into disorder; but one of these beingseverely wounded by a Portuguese soldier, turned back and trampled downthe enemy, till falling into the ditch he made a way like a bridge forpassing over. Another of the elephants forcing his way in at a wicket inthe works of the enemy, enabled the Portuguese to enter likewise, wherethey slaughtered the enemy almost without opposition. Some accounts saythat 10, 000 men were slain on this occasion, and others say no less than60, 000. Farate Khan with his wife and daughter were made prisoners, andonly 21 Portuguese were slain in this decisive action. The principalbooty consisted of 75 pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, a vastquantity of ammunition, many horses, and five elephants. Farate Khanbecame a Christian before he died, as did his daughter, who was sent toPortugal, but his wife was ransomed. 

[Footnote 418: This unusual name seems from the context to be here givento the Nizam-al-mulk or sovereign of the Decan. --E. ]

SECTION XI. 

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to1612_. 

In May 1597, Don Francisco de Gama, count of Vidugueyra, grandson to thediscoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India, but carried himself withso much haughty state that he gained the dislike of all men. During hisgovernment the scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguesecame first into India, as in the month of September news was brought toGoa that the two first ships of the _Hollanders_ that had ventured tonavigate the Indian seas had been in the port of _Titangone_ and werebound for the island of _Sunda_. In a grand council held upon thisimportant event, it was ordered to fit out a squadron of two galleons, three gallies, and nine other vessels to attack the intruders, and thecommand was given on this occasion to Lorenzo de Brito, an ancient andexperienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small damage on thecoast of Malabar and other places, and when off Malacca fell in with sixships bound from that place for India, commanded by Francisco de Silva. They immediately engaged and fought the whole of that afternoon and partof the night. Next morning the engagement was renewed, and was repeatedfor eight successive days; till finding themselves too weak, theHollanders drew off and made for the port of Queda, many of their menbeing slain and most of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted thesmallest of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwardscast away on the coast of Pegu. 

In this same year 1597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron of eightships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and provisions for threeyears, under the command of the admiral Jacob Cornelius van Nec. Theobject of this expedition, besides hostility to the king of Spain, wasthat they might purchase the spices and other commodities of Asia at acheaper rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Portugal. Thefleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of May 1598; arrived at Madeiraon the 15th, and at the Canaries on the 17th, where they both took inwine. On the 29th they were in the latitude of 6° S. And passed the lineon the 8th of June; _a wonderful swiftness, to me incredible_! On the24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three of the ships wereseparated in a violent storm and arrived at the island of _Banda_ in_April_[419]. The other four ships under the admiral discovered theisland of Madagascar on the 24th of August, coming to Cape St Julian onthe 30th of that month. On the 20th of September they came to the islandof _Cerne_ or _Cisne_, in lat. 21° S. To which they gave the name of_Mauritius_. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude that one ofthem carried two men on its back, and birds which were so tame as toallow themselves to be killed with sticks, whence they concluded thatthe island was not inhabited. At Banda they joined the other threeships, and having laded four with spices they were sent away to Holland, while the other three went on to the Moluccas. On the 21st January 1598, they discovered the _Great Java_[420], and touched at the port of_Tuban_, after which they came to _Madura_ an island in lat. 2° 30' S. On the 27th of that month. At this place they endeavoured to ransom someof their countrymen who had been cast away in their former ships, andsome others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pass falsemoney; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom, they attempted torescue them by force; but two boats full of armed men being sunk in theattempt, they were forced to comply with the terms demanded. Theysettled a trade at Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory atBanda, where they loaded with spice and returned into Holland on the20th of April 1600. Those who were left in the remaining ship at Amboinawent to Ternate in the Moluccas where they were well received by theking, and after procuring a lading of cloves returned home. 

[Footnote 419: We have no means of correcting the strange chronology ofthis voyage, _wonderful_ even in the opinion of De Faria. He names theDutch Admiral _Neque_; but as _qu_ in Portuguese is used to mark thesound of _k_ or hard _c_, we have ventured to give this first successfulrival of the Portuguese trade in India the name of _Van Nec_. --E. ]

[Footnote 420: Borneo is probably here meant, as they could not havebeen in Banda without seeing both Sumatra and Java. --E. ]

Don Alexius de Menezes archbishop of Goa went about this time to visitthe Christians of St Thomas, who lived dispersedly in the mountains ofMalabar, in _Muli_, _Turubuli_, _Maota_, _Batimena_, _Diamper_, _Pimienta_, _Tetemute_, _Porca_, _Paru_, and _Cartuti_. These Christianscontinued stedfast at the faith till about the year 750, yet with sometincture of error. About the year 810 the second _Thomas_, formerlymentioned, came to this country, where he repaired the churches that hadbeen erected by the apostle and restored the true doctrine; but aboutthe year 900 this church was overrun by the _Nestorian_ heresy. In theyear 890 two _Chaldeans_ came here from _Babylon_, named _Mar Xarsio_and _Mar Prod_, who divided the district into two bishoprics, and wereever afterwards prayed to as saints, till our archbishop ordered this tobe discontinued, as he much suspected they had not been legitimatelycanonized. After these Chaldeans came one _Mar Joanne_, who was sent bythe Greek Patriarch, and resided at _Cranganor_ where he introduced the_Chaldean_ ritual. His successor was _Mar Jacob_, who died in 1500, andwas succeeded by _Mar Joannato_. Thus the bishops and heresies continuedamong the _Thomists_ till 1536, when Pope Paul IV. Appointed JuanBermudez patriarch of _Ethiopia_, Simin Sulacca bishop of _Caheremit_the metropolis of _Mesopotamia_, _Mar Elias_ as patriarch of _Mosul_, and _Mar Joseph_ bishop of Nineveh, whom he ordered to govern theChristians of Malabar, with the bishop _Ambrose Montecelli_ for hiscoadjutor. By this interference of the Pope there were two patriarchs ofthe East, one _orthodox_ at _Mosul_, and the other _heretical_ atAntioch. Joseph and Ambrose went over to the mountains of Malabar, toassume the pastoral charge of the Thomists; but the latter separatedfrom the former and went to Goa, where after reading divinity for sometime he died at Cochin in the year 1557. As Don George Temudo bishop ofCochin perceived that Joseph _spread the poison of Nestorius_ among hisflock in Malabar, he contrived to have him apprehended and sent inchains to Portugal, were he was permitted to return to his bishopric onpromise of amendment[421]. On his return he found _Mar Abraham_officiating as bishop of the Thomists, who had chosen him in the absenceof Joseph; and as Abraham found himself persecuted, or disturbed in theexercise of his functions by Joseph, he went to Rome where he got abrief from Paul IV. Appointing him bishop of the Thomists, havingengaged to reduce that people to the orthodox faith. Yet neither he norJoseph adhered to their engagements, but continued in their heresies. After this one _Mar Simon_ came to Malabar, saying that he was sent bythe patriarch of Babylon to officiate as bishop of Malabar. He wasreceived by the queen of Pimienta and placed at _Cartuse_, where heexercised episcopal functions; till _being carried_ to Lisbon he wassent thence to Rome, where he was condemned by Pope _Sixtus Quintus_ asa mere Nestorian and not even a priest. After the death of _Mar Abraham_his archdeacon governed the diocese, _as no Babylonian prelates dared tocome to Malabar_, Don Alexius, the archbishop of Goa, using his utmostendeavours to keep out all such heretical prelates, which was theparticular occasion of his present visitation. 

[Footnote 421: Under this story we may presume without any lack ofChristian charity, that these promises were extorted by means best knownto the inquisition, that diabolical instrument of the pretendeddisciples of the Prince of Peace, and eternal opprobrium of thePeninsula. With regard to Joseph there was some shadow of excuse, as heseems to have accepted his appointment from the _orthodox_ pope, thoughsecretly attached to the _heretical_ Nestorian patriarch. --E. ]

This prelate found that, among other errors, the Thomists denied thevirginity of our blessed lady[422]: They rejected the use of images:they believed the souls of the just did not enjoy the beatific presenceof God till after the general judgment: they allowed only of threesacraments, baptism, ordination and the eucharist: instead of confessionthey used perfuming in their churches: the wine employed in thesacrament was made from cocoas: their host was a cake made with oil andsalt: their priests were ordained at seventeen years of age, and werepermitted to marry after ordination: fathers, sons, and grandsonsadministered the sacrament in the same church: the _Catatorias_ or_Caffaneras_, so they called the wives of priests, wore a distinguishingmark to be known by: in matrimony, they used no other formalities exceptthe consent of parties and consummation: the women observed the timeprescribed by the law of Moses in regard to churching: no sacramentswere administered gratuitously: holy water was mixed with some powder offrankincense, and some of the soil on which St Thomas was supposed tohave trodden: they used sorcery and witchcraft: In fine, that all waserror, confusion, and heresy. 

[Footnote 422: This probably refers to her supposed immaculate purityeven after the birth of the Saviour. --E. ]

Don Alexius with much labour and toil convinced them of their errors andconverted them to the true faith, so that whole towns were baptised andreconciled to the Roman see. He even held a provincial synod at_Diamper_, all the decrees of which were confirmed by the Pope; andFrancisco Rodriguez, a Jesuit who had assisted the archbishop on thisimportant visitation, was made bishop of that diocese. On the breakingup of the synod, Don Alexius visited all the churches in these parts. While in the country of the queen of _Changanate_, visiting the churchof _Talavecare_, one of the most ancient in those parts, they shewed himthree plates on which were engraven certain privileges and revenuesgranted by the king of Ceylon, at the time when the Babylonians _Zabro_and _Proo_[423], were in that country. At this place likewise DonAlexius met _Topamuta Pandara_, king of _Gundara_[424] in theneighbourhood of _Changanate_, to whom he presented a letter from kingPhilip giving him the _title of brother_, for having allowed liberty forthe exercise of the Christian religion in his dominions[425]. 

[Footnote 423: Only a few pages before these men are named _Xanio_ and_Prod_; but we have no means of ascertaining which are the rightnames. --E. ]

[Footnote 424: These petty kings of small districts in the South ofIndia are now known by the titles of Polygars; and the hereditary femalechiefs are stiled _Rana_. It is prostituting the dignity of king to givethat denomination to the chiefs of small villages and triflingdistricts, often not so large as parishes in Europe. They are meretemporary chiefs, occasionally hereditary by sufferance; indeed suchcould not possibly be otherwise, when all the larger dominions and evenempires have been in perpetual fluctuation from revolution and conquestfor at least 3000 years. --E. ]

[Footnote 425: The history of this ancient Christian church of Malabarhas been lately illustrated by the Christian Researches of Dr Buchannan, who seems to have opened a door for the propagation of the gospel inIndia infinitely promising, if judiciously taken advantage of. --E. ]

In the year 1596, a Moor, named _Pate Marcar_ obtained leave from thezamorin to build a fort in the peninsula of Pudepatam, 77 leagues fromGoa and 33 from Cochin, where was a most convenient station forpiratical paraos, to annoy the trade of the Malabar coast; and havingbuilt a square fort at this place, he went thither with all his kinsmenand followers, and did much injury to the Portuguese and their allies, even making incursions upon their maritime possessions, whence, onseveral occasions, he carried off much spoil. Pate Marcar soon died, andwas succeeded in the sovereignty of the fort by his nephew MahometCuneale Marcar, who added greatly to the strength of the fort; andforeseeing that the Portuguese might seek to be revenged for theinjuries they had sustained, he fortified the town both by sea, andland, which he named _Cuneale_ after himself. On the land side he made adeep ditch with a double wall above seven feet thick, flanked at regulardistances with towers called _zarames_, all of which were mounted withsmall cannon. Between the two creeks forming the peninsula, he built astrong wall with two towers to secure the town, and lined the sea-shorewith strong palisades; flanked by two bastions, one of which considerablylarger than the other, was mounted with heavy cannon to defend theentrance of the harbour, which was farther secured by a boom of mastsstrongly chained together. Having thus, as he thought, provided a secureretreat, he continued his uncle's enterprises against the Portuguesewith much success, assisting all their enemies against them, evenrobbing the Malabar traders on the coast, and filled his residence withrich plunder. The viceroy Albuquerque had endeavoured to destroy thisnest of pirates, so prejudicial to the Portuguese trade, and had evenprevailed on the zamorin to concur in the destruction of Cuneale, sothat a treaty had been entered into, by which the zamorin engaged tobesiege Cuneale by land, while the Portuguese fleet attacked him by sea. Both parties provided according to stipulation for this jointexpedition; but it was postponed for some time, in consequence of thechange in the government by the arrival of the Count of Vidigueyra asviceroy, and even by the secret concurrence of the zamorin in thepiracies of Cuneale, who communicated to him a share of the plunder. 

At length, however, the zamorin became incensed against Cuneale, whoassumed the title of king of the Malabar Moors, and lord of the IndianSea; but chiefly because he had caused the tail of one of his elephantsto be cut off, and had used one of his Nayres in a cruel and scandalousmanner. Laying hold of this favourable opportunity, the viceroy, DeGama, probably in 1598, renewed the league with the zamorin againstCuneale, and sent some light vessels under Ferdinand de Noronha toblockade the entrance into the port of Cuneale, till a larger forcecould be provided to co-operate with the zamorin, who was marching tobesiege it by land with 20, 000 men and some cannon. 

That part of the western coast of India, which is properly called thecoast of Malabar, extends from Cananor to Cochin for the space of 42leagues. From Cananor it is two leagues to the small island of_Tremapatan_, within which is a good river; thence half a league to theriver of _Sal_, thence one and a half to the river _Maim_; one to thetown of _Comena_, a small distance beyond which are the towns of_Motangue, Curiare_, and _Baregare_: thence to the river _Pudepatan_;two leagues farther the town of _Tiracole_; other two leagues the townof _Cotulete_; one league from this the river _Capocate_; one leaguefarther _Calicut_; two more to the river _Chale_; two to the city_Pananor_; two thence to _Tanor_; two more to _Paranora_; one more tothe famous river _Paniane_; thence nine to _Paliporto_; four to theriver of _Cranganor_; and five more to _Cochin_. At the mouth of theriver _Pudepatan_ the fort of _Cuneale_ is seated in a square peninsulaformed by several creeks, and joined to the land on the south side, thelength of the four sides being about a cannon shot each. Just within thebar there is sufficient water for ships of some size, which may go abouthalf way up the port; beyond that it is only fit for _almadias_ orboats. The river runs first towards the north-east, then turning to thesouth forms the peninsula in which the fort is built, the isthmus beingsecured by a strong wall about a musket-shot in length, reachingbetween the creek and the river, at the mouth of which is the smallisland Pinale. The fort was large, strongly built, well manned, and hadabundance of cannon, ammunition, and provisions. 

In this emergency, Cuneale was well provided for defence, having a forceof 1500 choice Moors, well armed, whom he distributed to the differentposts. The small vessels under Noronha cannonaded the fort, principallyon purpose to draw off the attention of the Moors, that they might notinterrupt the zamorin on the land side, who was establishing his campfor the purpose of the siege. At the same time, Noronha scoured thecoast, taking some of the piratical vessels belonging to Cuneale, andpreventing the introduction of provisions into the fort. After sometime, Don Luis de Gama, brother to the viceroy, arrived with fourgallies and 35 smaller vessels, ten more being brought by privategentlemen at their own charge, and three full of men and ammunition sentby the city of Cochin. Besides these, there were two large barks mountedwith heavy cannon to batter the fort. 

The rajah of Cochin, being apprehensive that the great power which wasnow employed against Cuneale might prove his ruin, by uniting thezamorin his ancient enemy with the Portuguese, circulated a report thatthe zamorin had entered into a secret agreement with Cuneale to cut offthe whole Portuguese when engaged in the assault on the fort. Thearchbishop of Goa, who was then at Cochin on his way to the Malabarmountains to visit the Thomist churches, was at first much alarmed bythis report, fearing it might be true; but on mature consideration wassatisfied that it was only a political contrivance of the rajah, andprudently advised the rajah to desist from the propagation of any suchfalse reports. He then assured the principal persons of Cochin thattheir ships might safely proceed against Cuneale, yet recommended thatthey should conduct themselves with much caution. All the fleet beingnow united before the fort, it was found that Cuneale had drawn up aline of armed galliots on the edge of the water under the wall of hisfort, in case of being attacked that way. It was resolved in a councilof war to force an entrance into the river, after which to draw up thePortuguese vessels in a line with their bows to the shore, that theymight cover the debarkation of the troops for the purpose of assaultingthe fort. This proposition was transmitted to Goa and approved by theviceroy, yet Don Luis was persuaded by some gentlemen who wished todisgrace him, to attack on the side of _Ariole_, under pretence that thepassage of the bar might prove fatal. At this time the zamorin wasbattering the walls of the town or _petah_, and desired that somePortuguese might be sent to his assistance. Don Luis being suspicious, demanded hostages for their safety, and accordingly six principal nayreswere sent, among whom were the rajahs of _Tanor, Chale_, and _Carnere_, and the chief judge of Calicut. Don Luis then sent 300 Portuguese underthe command of Belchior Ferreyra. 

By previous concert, a combined assault was to be made on the night ofthe 3d of May, the troops of the zamorin attacking on the land side, andthe Portuguese on the sea front, at the same time, the signal for bothto commence at once being by means of a flaming lance. But BelchiorCalaca, who was appointed to give the signal, mistook the hour, and gaveit too soon, so that every thing fell into confusion. Immediately onseeing the signal, Ferreyra, who commanded the Portuguese troops alongwith the zamorin, fell on with his men and 5000 Nayres, but lost 28 ofhis men at the first onset. Luis de Silva, who was appointed to lead thevan of the Portuguese sea attack with 600 men, though ready andobserving the concerted signal, did not move till past midnight, whichwas the appointed hour, by which the enemy were left free to resist theland attack with their forces undivided. At length when it was towardsmorning, de Silva passed the creek of _Balyzupe_ with 500 men in 60almadias or native boats. But immediately on landing de Silva was slain, and his ensign Antonio Diaz concealed his death by covering his bodywith the colours, which he stripped for that purpose from the staff. Thus landing without commander or colours, the Portuguese fell intocontusion, and the two next in command were both slain. Don Luis deGama, leaving his fleet under the next officer, had landed with areserve on the other side of the river opposite the fort, but for wantof boats was unable either to cross to assume the command, or to sendassistance. The Portuguese troops were forced to retreat disgracefullywith the loss of 300 men, most of whom were drowned; though even in thisconfusion a part of them forced their way into the fort and burnt themosque and part of the town, where, they slew 500 Moors and Malabars, above 20 of whom were men of note. After this discomfiture, Don Luis deGamu retired to Cochin with the greater part of the fleet, leavingFrancisco de Sousa to continue the blockade, who persuaded the zamorinto assault the town, as he believed the defenders had been so muchweakened by the late slaughter that it might be easily carried. Butthough the zamorin gave the assault with 2000 men, he was repulsed. 

On the receipt of these bad tidings at Goa, Don Luis de Gama was orderedback to Cuneale, to settle a treaty with the zamorin, and to continuethe siege during the winter, till the Portuguese fleet could return atthe commencement of the next fine season. A treaty to this effect wasaccordingly concluded, by one of the articles of which the zamorinconsented that the Christian religion might be preached in his dominions, and churches erected. After this Don Luis returned to Goa, whence hewent to command at Ormuz, and Ferdinand de Noronha remained beforeCuneale with twelve ships to prevent the introduction of provisions orother supplies. 

Cuneale was so much elated by his success in repelling the Portuguese, that, in addition to his former title, he stiled himself _Defender ofthe Mahometan Faith and Conqueror of the Portuguese_; but when theseason returned for maritime operations on the coast, the viceroy sentAndrew Furtado against him with three gallies, 54 other vessels, and apowerful military force. In the mean time Antonio de Noronha continuedto blockade the port all winter, taking several vessels laden withprovisions, and on different occasions slew above 100 Moors who opposedhim in taking fresh water for his ships. While on his way from Goa, Furtado dissuaded the rajah of _Banguel_ and the queen or _rana_ of_Olala_ from sending aid to Cuneale as they intended, and cut off fiveships from Mecca that were going with relief to the enemy. When Furtadocame to anchor in the port of Cuneale, he sent to treat with thezamorin, who had continued the siege on the land side all winteraccording to his engagement, and an interview took place between them onthe shore where the zamorin came to meet him. The zamorin was naked fromthe waist upwards. Round his middle a piece of cloth of gold waswrapped, hanging to his knees and fastened by a girdle of inestimablevalue, about the breadth of a hand. His arms were covered from theelbows to the wrists with golden bracelets adorned with rich jewels, andso heavily laden that two men supported his arms. He wore anextraordinarily rich chain about his neck, and so many diamonds andrubies hung from his ears that they were stretched down almost to hisshoulders by their weight. He seemed about 30 years of age, and had amajestic presence. A little on one side stood the prince, carrying anaked sword. Behind him were many of his nobles; among whom was fatherFrancisco Rodriquez, the new bishop of the Thomists in Malabar. Thezamorin and Furtado embraced in token of friendship, on which all thecannon in the fleet fired a salvo. After this friendly meeting theyretired into the tent of the zamorin, where they had a long conferenceabout their future operations; and on taking leave, Furtado put a richcollar about the neck of the zamorin, and they parted in a most amicablemanner. 

The rajah of Tanor and other great men were sent by the zamorin on boardthe admiral ship, having full powers from their sovereign to treat andconclude on all things concerning the joint interests of both parties, and every thing was settled to mutual satisfaction. There now arrivedfrom Goa and other places, a galley and galleon, with 11 ships and 21smaller vessels, bringing ammunition and 790 soldiers, upon whichFurtado commenced the active operations of the siege, raisingentrenchments and batteries, and taking absolute possession of everyavenue leading to the fort and peninsula by water. He likewise causedsome advanced works belonging to the enemy to be assaulted, on whichCuneale came in person to assist in their defence, and for a timerepulsed the assailants, till Furtado landed with a reinforcement, onwhich the Portuguese remained victorious, slaying 600 of the Moors, withthe loss of two officers and nine privates on their side. Fort _Blanco_or the white tower was next assaulted, but with more bravery thansuccess. Yet Cuneale seeing that he could not much longer hold out, offered rich presents to the zamarin to admit him to surrender uponsecurity of his own life and the safety of his garrison. But on thissecret negociation coming to the knowledge of Furtado, he made a furiousassault on the works, which were at the same time assailed on the landside by 6000 Nayres, by which joint attack the lower town or petah wastaken, plundered, and burnt. Batteries were immediately erected againstthe upper town and fort, and as their fire soon ruined the defences, Cuneale was constrained to surrender at discretion, merely bargainingthat his life should be saved. He accordingly marched out having a blackveil on his head, and carrying his sword with the point downwards, whichhe surrendered to the zamorin, who immediately delivered it to Furtado. According to one of the articles of agreement the spoil was to havebeen equally divided; but Furtado dealt generously by the zamorin, alleging that this was to be understood only in respect to theartillery, and appeased his own soldiers who expected that reward oftheir labour. The fort and all other works were levelled with theground, and Furtado returned with the fleet and army to Goa. 

Cuneale was about 50 years of age, of a low stature, but strong and wellmade. He and his nephew _Cinale_, with other forty Moors of note, weresent as prisoners on board the fleet, where they well treated; but assoon as some of them were set on shore at Goa, they were torn in piecesby the rabble; and Cuneale and his nephew were both publicly beheaded byorder of the viceroy, so that the government and the mob went hand andhand to commit murder and a flagrant breach of faith. How can those whoare guilty of such enormities give the name of barbarians to the muchmore honourable Indians!

In the year 1600, Ayres de Saldanna arrived at Goa as viceroy tosupersede the Count de Vidugueira, who was universally disliked by thePortuguese inhabitants. The marble statue of the great Vasco de Gama, his grandfather, stood over the principal gate of the city, fastened tothe wall by a strong bar of iron. At the instigation of some enemies tothe count, a _French_ engineer named Sebastian Tibao applied to the ironbar during the night _a certain herb_ that has the quality of eatingiron, so that the statue fell down next night, and its quarters werehung up in different parts of the city. On the day when the count was toembark for his return to Portugal, a party of armed men went on boardbefore him, and hung up his effigy at the yard arm, made exactly likehim both in face and habit. Just as he was going on board they returned;and on seeing the effigy he asked what it was, when someone answered, "It is your lordship, whom these men have hung up. " He made no reply, but ordered the figure to be thrown into the sea and immediately setsail; but two days afterwards had to return to port for a new stock offowls, as all these he took with him were poisoned. He was betterbeloved by the elements than by those whom he had governed; for he wentall the way from India to Lisbon without once needing to furl a sail. Bythe constant chafing of the yards on the masts, it was found impossibleto lower the yards in the usual way when the ship arrived at Lisbon, insomuch that they had to be cut down. Sailing from Goa on the 25thDecember 1600, he arrived at Lisbon on the 27th May 1601, having spentonly five months on the voyage. 

During the administration of Ayres de Saldana, _Xilimixa_ king ofAracan, who had possessed himself of the kingdom of Pegu, gave the portof _Siriam_ to the Portuguese in grateful acknowledgment of theirservices. That town and port is at the mouth of the river Siriam whichflows within a league of the city of _Bagou_, the capital of Pegu. Thisgrant was obtained by Philip Brito de Nicote, who proved false andungrateful to the king of Aracan, who had raised him from the lowestrank to his favour and esteem. By his persuasion, Xilimixa erected acustom-house at the entry to the river Siriam to increase his revenues;which Brito meant afterwards to seize, and to build a fort there, onpurpose to give a footing for the Portuguese to conquer the kingdom. Xilimixa accordingly built the custom-house, which he gave in charge toone _Bannadala_ who fortified himself and suffered no Portugeuse to enterthere, except a Dominican named Belchior de Luz. Nicote, seeing hispurposes likely to be defeated by Bannadala, determined to gainpossession by force before the works were completed. He had along withhim at this time three Portuguese officers and fifty men, whom heordered to surprize the fort and turn out Bannadala, trusting to hisgreat credit with Xilimixa to bear him out in this procedure. ThePortuguese officers accordingly executed their orders so effectually, that they used to be called the Founders of the Portuguese dominion inPegu, and Salvador Ribeyro their commander was like to have got thewhole credit of the exploit, as some even affirmed that he was itsauthor, though in reality all was due to Nicote. Bannadala beingexpelled from his fort, fortified himself with 1000 men in aneighbouring island of the river Siriam, and seized the treasures of thepagoda of Digan to maintain his troops. Xilimixa was much offended bythe conduct of the Portuguese in this affair, and resolved to supportBannadala, but was dissuaded by the contrivances of Nicote, whorepresented that he was about to favour a sacrilegious robber, andoffered to arrange matters with the Portuguese to his entiresatisfaction. He accordingly went to Siriam, where he ordered everything to his own mind; and when the fort was nearly finished, he went toGoa, where he offered to deliver up the fort to the viceroy, whence thePortuguese might easily conquer the kingdom of his master, to whom herepresented his voyage to Goa as intended to procure an auxiliary forcewhich would enable him to make a conquest of Bengal. At the same timeNicote negociated with all the princes in the provinces adjoining thedominions of Xilimixa, persuading them to confederate with thePortuguese viceroy, by which means they might easily conquer the kingdomof Pegu; and several of them sent ambassadors along with him to Goa forthis purpose. 

Hardly had Nicote set sail for Goa, when Xilimixa became sensible of hiserror in confiding in him, and sent a fleet of war boats down the riverSiriam with 6000 men under Bannadala to expell the Portuguese from theirfort. Salvador Ribeyra met this great armament with only three smallvessels and thirty men, and, without the loss of one man, took fortyvessels of the enemy and put the rest to flight. Then calling in the aidof the king of _Pram_, Xilimixa beset the fort with 1200 vessels bywater, while 40, 000 men surrounded it by land; but as Ribeyra learntthat the enemy observed no order or discipline, he boldly fell upon themwith his handful of men, and having slain their general put that army toflight. Bannadala rallied 8000 of the fugitives, with which be againbesieged the fort, lodging his men in good order, and having batteredthe place for some days, he ventured to make a fierce assault in thedead of night; but he was bravely repelled by the Portuguese, and above1000 of his men were found dead next morning in the ditch. The enemycontinued the siege however for eight months, and though some of thegarrison deserted, Ribeyra defended the place with great resolution; andto take away all hopes of escape from his men, burnt all the vesselsthat were in the port. Hearing of these proceedings, Ayres de Saldannathe viceroy, sent a considerable reinforcement, along with which came somany volunteers, ambitions either of honour or profit, that Ribeyrafound himself at the head of 800 men. With these he attacked the enemy, whom he drove from their works with great slaughter, and Bannadala hadthe mortification to see the works which he had been constructing foralmost a year destroyed in a day. After this success, the Portuguesevolunteers withdrew, only 200 that had been sent by the viceroyremaining in the fort with Ribeyra. 

The enemy returned a fourth time against the fort, which they nowassailed with many moving castles and various kinds of fire works, andsoon reduced the fort to great extremity; but were so terrified by afiery meteor, that they fled leaving their castles behind, which weresoon reduced to ashes by the garrison. Soon afterwards the Portugueseobtained a great victory over king _Massinga_ in the province of_Camelan_; after which the natives flocked to their standard to thenumber of above 20, 000 men, and proclaimed Nicote king of Pegu, callinghim _Changa_, which signifies good man. Nicote was at this time absent, but Ribeyra accepted the proffered crown in his name, on which accountit was reported in Spain that Ribeyra had been proclaimed king. Nicoteafterwards, as a loyal subject, received the kingdom in the name of hissovereign, and was the first of the Portuguese that rose to such highfortune in Asia. Rodrigo Alvarez de Sequeyra succeeded Ribeyra incommand of the fort of Siriam, and defended it bravely till it took fireby accident, only the bare walls being left standing. 

In the mean time Nicote solicited succours at Goa, where the viceroymarried him to a niece he had born in Goa of a woman of Java; afterwhich he gave him powerful succours, and sent him to Siriam with sixships, with the title of Commander of Siriam, and General for theconquest of Pegu. On his arrival at Siriam, Nicote repaired the fort, built a church, and sent a splendid present to the king of Aracan whohad sent a complimentary message on his arrival. At Siriam Nicoteregulated the custom-house pursuant to the instructions of the viceroy, obliging all vessels that traded on the coast of Pegu to make entry atSiriam, and pay certain duties. As some of the Coromandel tradersrefused obedience to these orders, Nicote sent Francisco de Mouraagainst them with six vessels, who took two ships of Acheen on the coastof Tanacerim richly laden. As the king of Aracan was desirous ofrecovering possession of the fort and custom-house of Siriam, he sent anambassador to the king of _Tangu_ with twenty _jalias_ or small ships, to prevail upon him to join in that enterprize. But Nicote sentBartholomew Ferreyra, who command the small craft, who put them toflight, and they were forced to take refuge in the dominions of the kingof Jangona. Upon this, the enemy collected 700 small vessels and 40, 000men, under the command of the son of the king of Aracan, accompanied byXimicalia and Marquetam, sons to the reigning emperor of Pegu. Paul delRego went against them with seven ships and a number of war boats, anddefeated the prince with great loss, taking all his vessels, andobliging him to make his escape by land. After this Paul took the fortof _Chinim_ with a great number of prisoners, among whom was the wife ofBannadala. 

At this time Nicote was abroad with fourteen small vessels, in whichwere 60 Portuguese, and 200 Peguers; and learning that the prince was onshore with 4000 men, 900 of whom were armed with firelocks, he landedand attacked him, gaining a complete victory, and even taking theprince. When the Peguers saw their prince carried off, they were alleager to have accompanied him into captivity, and entreated to bereceived into the Portuguese vessels, such as were refused bewailingthat they could not follow, as prisoners, him whom they had servedfaithfully while at liberty. On this occasion Nicote gave a notableexample how brave men ought to use their victories. Remembering that hehad formerly been slave to the prince who was now his prisoner, heserved him with as much respect as he had done formerly; watching himwhile asleep, and holding his baskins in his hands with his arms across, as is done by the meanest servants of princes in that country, andcontinually attended him on all occasions. 

While these transactions were going on in Pegu, Don Martin Alfonzo deCastro came to Goa as viceroy, to replace Ayres de Saldanna, in 1604. Ximilixa, king of Aracan, sent to treat with Nicote for the ransom ofthe prince, his son, and accordingly paid 50, 000 crowns on that account, although Nicote was ordered by the viceroy to set the prince freewithout any ransom. Ximilixa afterwards besieged Siriam in conjunctionwith the king of Tangu, who brought a great army against the town byland, while Ximilixa shut it up by sea with 800 sail, in which he had10, 000 men. Paul del Rego went against him with 80 small vessels; andfailing of his former success, set fire to the powder and blew up hisship, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. The siege continuedso long, that the garrison was reduced to extremity, and on the point ofsurrendering, when the king of Tangu retired one night with his armyupon some sudden suspicion, on which Ximilixa was likewise obliged todraw off with his fleet. Several of the neighbouring princes were now somuch alarmed by the success of Nicote, that they solicited hisfriendship, and to be admitted into alliance with the king of Portugal. The first of these was the king of Tangu, and afterwards the king ofMartavan, who gave one of his daughters as a wife to Simon the son ofNicote. Soon after, the king of Tangu being overcome in battle by theking of _Ova_, and rendered tributary, Nicote united with the king ofMartavan, and invaded the dominions of Tangu, though in alliance withthat prince, took him prisoner and plundered him of above a million ingold, although he protested that he was a faithful vassal to the king ofPortugal. 

About this time another low adventurer, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, raisedhimself by similar arts to great power in Aracan. In the year 1605, Gonzalez embarked from Portugal for India, and going to Bengal, listedas a soldier. By dealing in salt, which is an important article of tradein that country, he soon gained a sufficient sum to purchase a _Jalia_, or small vessel, in which he went with salt to Dianga, a great port inAracan. At this period, Nicote, who had possessed himself of Siriam, asbefore related, wishing to acquire Dianga likewise, sent his son withseveral small vessels thither on an embassy to the king of Aracan, toendeavour to procure a grant of that port. Some Portuguese who thenresided at the court of Aracan, persuaded the king that the object ofNicote in this demand; was to enable him to usurp the kingdom; uponwhich insinuation the son of Nicote; and all his attendants were slain, after which the same was done with the crews of his vessels, and all thePortuguese inhabitants at Dianga, to the number of about 600 were put todeath, except a few who escaped on board nine or ten small vessels andput out to sea. Among these was the vessel belonging to SebastianGonzalez, who assumed the command; and as the fugitives were reduced togreat distress, they subsisted by plunder on the coasts of Aracan, carrying their booty to the ports of the king of Bacala, who was infriendship with the Portuguese. 

Not long before this had died Emanuel de Mattos, who had been commanderof _Bandel_ of _Dianga_, and lord of _Sundiva_[426], an island about 70leagues in compass, the subordinate command of which he had confided toa valiant Moor named Fate Khan. On learning the death of Mattos, Fatecanmurdered all the Portuguese on the island of Sundiva, with their wivesand children, and all the Christian natives; and gathering aconsiderable force of Moors and Patans, fitted out a fleet of 40 smallvessels, which he maintained by means of the ample revenue of the islandhe had now usurped. Understanding that Sebastian Gonzalez and his smallsquadron was cruizing near Sundiva, Fatecan went out to seek them withsuch assurance of success, that he inscribed upon his colours, "FateKhan, by the grace of God, Lord of Sundiva, Shedder of Christian Blood, and Destroyer of the Portuguese Nation. " Sebastian and his companionshad put, into a river called _Xavaspur_, where they quarrelled about thedivision of their spoil, and one Pinto sailed away from the rest indisquiet; but meeting the fleet of Fatecan, who had hoped to surprizethe Christians he returned and gave his companions notice of theirdanger. After a severe conflict, the 10 small vessels in which were only80 Portuguese, proved victorious over the 40 vessels belonging toFatecan, though manned with 600 Moors, not a single vessel or manescaping. After this great victory, the Portuguese agreed to appointSebastian Gonzalez to command over the rest. Sebastian entered into atreaty with the king of Bacala for his assistance to reduce the islandof Sundiva, engaging to pay him half the revenues of that island, andaccordingly procured from him some vessels, and 200 auxiliary horse. Having likewise gathered a number of Portuguese from Bengal and otherparts, he saw himself, in March 1609, at the head of 400 Portuguesetroops, and had mustered a fleet of 40 small ships. In consequence ofthe delay necessary for making these preparations, the island of Sundivawas provided for defence, under a brother of the late Fatecan, who hadraised a respectable force of Moors. Sebastian, however, attempted itsconquest, and had nearly been forced to desist for want of provisionsand ammunition, when he was reinforced by a Spaniard named Gaspar dePina, who brought 50 men to his aid, after which they carried the fortby assault, and put all its garrison to the sword. Having formerly beensubject to the Portuguese under de Mattos, the islanders immediatelysubmitted to Gonzalez, to whom they delivered upwards of 1000 Moors whowere scattered about the country, all of whom he put to death. ThusGonzalez became absolute master of the island, and was obeyed by thenatives and Portuguese like an independent prince. 

[Footnote 426: It is highly probable, though not mentioned by De Faria, that this Portuguese was in the service of the king of Aracan, underwhom he had held these offices. Sundiva or Sundeep is a considerableisland to the south-east of the mouth of the Burrampooter, near thecoast of Chittagong, and to the east of the Sunderbunds or Delta of theGanges. --E. ]

Gonzalez having now a considerable revenue at his command, raised arespectable military force of 1000 Portuguese, 2000 well armed natives, and 200 horse, with above 80 sail of small vessels well provided withcannon. He erected a custom-house, and encouraged the resort ofmerchants to his dominions, and became so formidable that theneighbouring princes courted his alliance. Insolent and ungrateful inthe progress of his power, he not only refused to give half the revenueof the island to the king of Bacala according to agreement, but made warupon his benefactor, from whom he conquered the islands of_Xavaspur_[427] and _Patelabanga_, and other lands from otherneighbouring princes; so that he became suddenly possessed of vastriches and great power, and acted as an independent sovereign, havingmany brave men at his command. But such monsters are like comets thatthreaten extensive ruin, yet last only for a short time, or like thelightning, which no sooner expends its flash but it is gone for ever. 

[Footnote 427: Shabapour is an island to the west of Sundeep, at theprincipal mouth of the Barrampooter. --E. ]

Soon after the elevation of Gonzalez to the sovereignty of Sundiva, acivil war broke out between the king of Aracan and his brother Anaporam, because the latter refused to resign a remarkable elephant, to which allthe other elephants of the country were said to allow a kind ofsuperiority. Being unsuccessful in the contest, Anaporam fled toGonzalez for assistance and protection, who demanded his sister as anhostage. Gonzalez and Anaporam endeavoured, in conjunction, to fight theking of Aracan, who had an army of 80, 000 men, and 700 war elephants;but being unsuccessful, were obliged to retreat to Sundiva, into whichAnaporam brought his wife and family, with all his treasure, and becamea subject of Gonzalez, who soon afterwards had the sister of Anaporambaptized, and took her to wife. Anaporam soon died, not withoutsuspicion of poison; and Gonzalez immediately seized all his treasuresand effects, though he had left a wife and son. To stop the mouths ofthe people on this violent and unjust procedure, he wished to havemarried the widow of Anaporam to his brother Antonio Tibao, who wasadmiral of his fleet, but she refused to become a Christian. Sebastiancontinued the war against the king of Aracan with considerable success;insomuch that on one occasion his brother Antonio, with only five sail, defeated and captured 100 sail belonging to Aracan. At length the kingof Aracan concluded peace, and procured the restoration of his brother'swidow, whom he married to the rajah of Chittigong. 

At this time, the Moguls undertook the conquest of the kingdom of_Balua_[428], and as Gonzalez considered this conquest might provedangerous to his ill-got power, Balua being adjoining to his ownterritories, he entered into a league with the king of Aracan for thedefence of that country. Accordingly, the king of Aracan took the fieldwith an immense army, having 80, 000 of his own native subjects, mostlyarmed with firelocks, 10, 000 Peguers who fought with sword and bucklers, and 700 elephants with castles carrying armed men. Besides these, hesent 200 sail of vessels to sea, carrying 4000 men, ordering this fleetto join that of Gonzalez, and to be under his command. According to thetreaty, Gonzalez, with the combined fleet, was to prevent the Mogulsfrom passing to the kingdom of Balua, till the king of Aracan couldmarch there with his army for its protection; besides which it wasagreed, when the Moguls were expelled from Balua, that half the kingdomwas to be given up to Gonzalez; who, on this occasion, gave as hostages, for the safety of the Aracan fleet, and the faithful performance of hispart of the treaty, a nephew of his own, and the sons of some of thePortuguese inhabitants of Sundiva. 

[Footnote 428: There still is a town named _Bulloah_, to the east of theBarrampooter and directly north of Sundeep, which may then have givenname to a province or small principality, of which Comillah is now thechief town. --E. ]

According to treaty, the king of Aracan entered the kingdom of Baluawith his army, and expelled the Moguls; but Gonzalez did not perform hispart of the agreement in preventing the Moguls from penetrating intothat kingdom, some alleging that he had been bribed by the Moguls toallow them a free passage, while, according to others, he did so fromrevenge against the king of Aracan, for the Portuguese who had beenslain by that king in _Bangael_ of _Dianga_[429]. However this may havebeen, Gonzalez was guilty of a most execrable treachery, as, by leavingopen the mouth of the river _Dangatiar_, he left a free passage to theMoguls. After this he went with his fleet into a creek of the island_Desierta_[430], and assembling all the captains of the Aracan vessels onboard his ship, he murdered them all, seized all their vessels, andkilled or made slaves of all their men, after which he returned toSundiva. Soon afterwards the Moguls returned in great force to thekingdom of Balua, where they reduced the king of Aracan to such straitsthat he made his escape with great difficulty on an elephant, and camealmost alone to Chittigong. Immediately upon this discomfiture of theAracan army, which was utterly destroyed by the Moguls in Balua, Gonzalez plundered and destroyed all the forts on the coast of Aracan, which were then unprovided for defence, as depending on the peace andalliance between their king and Gonzalez; he even went against the cityof Aracan, where he burnt many merchant vessels, and acquired greatplunder, and destroyed a vessel of great size, richly adorned, andcontaining several splendid apartments like a palace, all covered withgold and ivory, which the king kept as a pleasure-yacht for his own use. Exasperated against Gonzalez for his treachery, the king ordered thenephew of that lawless ruffian, who was in his power as a hostage, to bebe impaled. But Gonzalez, being a person utterly devoid of honour, carednot at whose cost he advanced his own interests; yet the guilt of somany villanies began to prey upon his conscience, and he becameapprehensive of some heavy punishment falling upon him, which he hadlittle means to avert, as all men considered him a traitor unworthy offavour; those of Aracan, because he had betrayed them to the Moguls; andthe Moguls, because he had been false to those that trusted him. Heafterwards met his just reward under the government of Don Jerom deAzevedo[431]. 

[Footnote 429: Perhaps the island now called Balonga on the coast ofAracan. --E. ]

[Footnote 430: Probably a desert or uninhabited island among theSunderbunds, in the Delta of the Ganges. Indeed the whole geography ofthis singular story is obscure, owing to the prodigious change indominion and names that have since taken place in this part ofIndia. --E. ]

[Footnote 431: Owing to the want of interest in the transactions ofthese times, as related in the Portuguese Asia, and the confusedarrangement of De Faria, we have in this place thrown together theprincipal incidents in the extraordinary rise of these two successfuladventurers, Nicote and Gonzalez, leaving their fate to be mentioned inthe succeeding section. --E. ]

The Hollanders, becoming powerful at the Molucca islands, and forming analliance with these islanders, who were weary of the avarice and tyrannyof the Portuguese, expelled them from Amboyna and established themselvesat Ternate, whence the Portuguese had been formerly expelled by thenatives. By the aid of the king of Ternate, the Hollanders likewise, about 1604, got possession of the fort of Tidore, whence about 400Portuguese were permitted to retire by sea to the Phillipine islands, where they were hospitably received by Don Pedro de Cunna, who commandedthere for the Spaniards. In February 1605, Cunna sailed from thePhilippines with 1000 Spanish and 400 native troops, and recovered thefort of Ternate, chiefly owing to the bravery of Joam Rodriguez Camelo, who commanded a company of Portuguese in this expedition. De Cunnathence proceeded for Tidore, which he likewise reduced, by whichconquest the Molucca islands became subject to Spain. 

The viceroy, Don Alfonso de Castro, dying in 1607, was succeeded asgovernor by Alexias de Menezes, archbishop of Goa, pursuant to a patentof succession. Next year, 1608, Don Joam Pereyra Frojas, count de Feyra, was sent out from Portugal as viceroy of India, but died on the voyage. After administering the government for two years and a half, thearchbishop was succeeded as governor by Andrew Furtado de Mendoza in1609, who was soon afterwards superseded in the same year by Ruy Lorenzode Tavora, who came out from Portugal as viceroy. At this time, DonJerome de Azevedo commanded in Ceylon, who, with an army of 700Portuguese troops and 25, 000 Cingalese took and burnt the city of Candy, on which the sovereign of that central dominion made peace with thePortuguese, consenting to the ministry of the Franciscans in hisdominions, and even placed two of his sons in their hands, to beinstructed in the Christian religion. 

About this time, a large _English_ ship and a ketch had an engagementwith two Portuguese ships beyond the Cape of Good Hope, which escapedafter suffering a severe loss. These English ships went afterwards toSurat, where they were found by Nunno de Cunna, who had four well-mannedgalleons, but ill provided with gunners, who were ignorant and cowardly. On descrying these large ships, though the English had reason to beafraid of their number, they undervalued them as heavy sailors, andimmediately engaged and fought them till evening, killing 30 of thePortuguese. The engagement recommenced at day-light next morning, andtwo of the Portuguese galleons, endeavouring to run on board the largeEnglish ship, got aground, on which the pink or ketch, belonging to theenemy, kept firing its cannon upon one of the grounded galleons, till itfloated off with the evening tide. The other two galleons fought thelarge English ship all day. On the third day, all the four galleonsbeing afloat, endeavoured to board the enemy, who relied on their cannonand swiftness, and sailed away to Castelete, a bay of the pirates nearDiu. De Cunna followed them thither, and again fought them for two days, in all which time the Portuguese ships could never board them by reasonof their unwieldy bulk. At length the English stood away, shewing blackcolours in token that their captain was slain. In these long indecisiveactions, the English and Portuguese both lost a number of men. TheEnglish made for Surat, followed still by De Cunna; on which they leftthat port, and De Cunna returned to Goa. 

SECTION XII. 

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517. _

Towards the close of 1511, orders came to India for Don Jerome deAzevedo to succeed Tavora as viceroy. Azevedo had acquired a highcharacter by many years service, eighteen years of which he had spent inCeylon, where he had acquired great riches, and yet preserved a goodname. The report of his riches contributed, as much as the fame of hisvalour, to his present promotion, as it was thought that he who had somuch already, would be less inclined to covetousness; though experienceshews, that those who have much still covet more. Azevedo had likewiseoffered to serve the office of viceroy without the usual salary, butafterwards accepted it. Among the first actions of his administrationwas to send home Danish Beg, ambassador from Shah Abbas, king of Persia, who had been in Spain at the court of King Philip. Shah Abbas treated, at the same time, both with King Philip, and James king of England, endeavouring to influence both to the furtherance of his own designs;having taken the island of Bahrayn from the Portuguese, and was nowendeavouring to gain Ormuz. Along with this Persian ambassador, Antoniode Guovea, titular bishop of _Sirene_, went for the purpose ofpropagating Christianity in Persia; but, finding that the Persiangovernment was inimical to his mission, he went no farther than Ormuz. Shah Abbas was so much displeased with his ambassador for not succeedingin his negotiation for the surrender of Ormuz, that he caused him to bebeheaded; and was so much exasperated against the Christians, that heforced many of his Armenian subjects to renounce the faith. 

The fortune of Nicote in Pegu now declined as swiftly as it had risen. In 1513, the king of _Ova_, being provoked at the violence which Nicotehad been guilty of against the king of Tangu, who was under hisprotection, made a vow that he would revenge his injuries. Havingassembled an army of 120, 000 men, and 400 vessels of considerablestrength, in which were above 6000 of those Moors so noted for valour, called _Caperuzas_ from their wearing caps, he marched against Siriam, where he burnt every thing beyond the walls of the fort. Nicote made abrave resistance though taken unawares, as he had suffered most of hismen to go to India, and was very scarce of powder. In this distress, hesent a soldier to purchase powder at Bengal, who ran away with themoney; and sent likewise to San Thoma for the same commodity, but wasrefused any supply. For want of powder he was unable to fire his cannonagainst the enemy, and was reduced to the expedient of pouring boilingpitch and oil on their heads. At length, Nicote was taken and carried tothe king of Ova, who ordered him to be impaled on an eminence in view ofthe fort, where he lived two days in torment. His wife, Donna Luisa deSaldanna, was kept three days in the river to be purified, as the kingdesigned her for himself; but when brought before him, she upbraided himfor his cruelty, and he ordered _her leg to be bored_, and that sheshould be sent to Ova along with the other slaves. A native named_Banna_ who had betrayed Nicote, demanding his reward from the king ofOva, was ordered to be torn in pieces, the king alleging, that he whohad been false to his benefactor would never be true to him. The son ofNicote resided, at that time, in Martavan, having married the daughterof the king of that place; but the king of Ova caused him to be put todeath, that no one of the race might remain alive. Thus ended Nicote, who, from the lowest poverty, had raised himself to great power andprodigious riches, being worth three millions[432]. The enemy allowed ofhaving lost 30, 000 men in this siege. The viceroy on hearing of thedanger of Siriam, had dispatched Diego de Mendoza to its relief withfive galliots; but having put off his time by the way on other objects, he was too late. 

[Footnote 432: Probably ducats are here meant. ]

In the year 1614, the viceroy resolved to go in person to the sea ofGuzerate to meet the _English_ and _Hollanders_, who were then strongin these seas. He sent before him Emanuel de Azevedo with 22 sail, whowas joined at Surat by two other squadrons, after which he landed anddestroyed the lands of _Cifandam_ and _Diva_. The towns of _Baroach_ and_Goga_ were plundered, with six large ships in the bay, as was likewisethe city of _Patane_. Having completed his preparations, the viceroysailed from Goa with seven galleons, one of which was so large that iteasily carried 230 men besides mariners, 30 of them being gentlemen. Besides the galleons, there were two pinks, one galley, one caravel, andfive other vessels, on board of which were 1400 Portuguese soldiers, with a great number of cannon, but the gunners were very unskilful. AtSurat the viceroy was joined by the squadron under Emanuel de Azevedo, the chief design of this large armament being to destroy four Englishvessels then in that port. The preparations for this purpose seemeddisproportionately large, yet the event proved the contrary. Being comein sight of the English, the viceroy ordered the two pinks with thecaravel and other smaller vessels to close with one of the Englishvessels which lay at some distance from the rest. Having all grappledwith the enemy and almost carried her by boarding, the other three shipscame up and drove them all off. The first of the three vessels which hadattacked the English ship took fire, and being attempted to be steeredon board the English ship to set her on fire was destroyed without doingthe enemy any harm. In this manner the first day was expended to nopurpose, and next day, on proposing to attack the English ships, theywere found riding in a place to which the entrance was so narrow thatone galleon only could come at them at once, which might therefore havebeen disabled by the English cannon, for which reason no attempt wasmade to attack them; but some alleged that this was only a pretence setup by those who had no mind for the enterprise. A fruitless endeavourwas made to destroy them by means of fire-ships. 

Perceiving that he only lost his labour at this place, the viceroy wentto Diu, whence he dispatched relief to Ormuz; and on his return from Diutowards Goa, the four English ships were seen at a great distance fromSurat in full sail to the south. The viceroy pursued, and towardsevening came up with the sternmost, having left his own fleet farbehind. The head gunner offered to sink the English ship by means of two40 pounders; but the officers who accompanied the viceroy opposed this, alleging that the other three English ships would come upon him whilealone and the galleon might be lost. The viceroy accordingly submittedto their opinion, but neglected to make them give it under their hands;and when he was afterwards accused for having neglected to do what thegunner proposed, they denied having ever given him any such advice. TheEnglish were so thankful for this forbearance, that they fired theircannons without ball as if saluting. 

In the year 1615, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, formerly mentioned, who hadraised himself from a poor dealer in salt to be an absolute sovereign bytreachery and ingratitude, and who had neglected to submit himself tothe Portuguese viceroy in the height of his prosperity, finding himselfnow in danger of losing his ill got power, sent to request succour; buteven now proposed terms like an independent prince, and offered inreturn for assistance and protection to deliver a large ship load ofrice yearly at Goa as an acknowledgement of vassalage. He urged that allhe had done was to revenge the murder of the Portuguese in _Banguel ofDianga_ by the king of Aracan, and hinted that the vast treasures of theking might easily be taken by a very moderate effort. This blinded theviceroy, who immediately fitted out 14 of the largest galliots with afliboat and a pink, and sent them to Aracan under the command ofFrancisco de Menezes Roxo, who had formerly commanded in Ceylon. Roxosailed from Goa about the middle of September 1615. On the 2d of Octoberhe arrived at Aracan, the chief port and residence of the king, havingdetached a galleon to _Sundiva_ to give notice to Gonzalez of hisarrival and intentions. Having opened his instructions in presence ofall the captains, they directed him to proceed against Aracan withoutwaiting for Gonzalez; which was highly improper, as that man knew thecountry and was acquainted with their manner of fighting, besides thatthe force he was able to bring was of importance. But God confoundedtheir councils, having decreed the ruin of that vile wretch, and of theunjust succours that were now sent to his aid. 

On the 15th of October, the Aracan fleet was observed coming down theriver to attack, so numerous that they could not be counted. Theforemost vessel was a Dutch pink, and many of the other vessels werecommanded by Hollanders. All that could be seen appeared full of menwell armed and equipped, and seemed a prodigious overmatch for the smallnumber the Portuguese had to oppose them, as besides the galliot sent toSundiva another had been dispatched in search of the pink, so that only12 galliots remained and the fliboat. The Dutch pink fired the firstgun, and then the fight began with great fury, the Portuguese galliotsbravely advancing against the vast hostile fleet. Four of the galliotsgot before the rest, and in the very beginning of the action theircaptains and many of their men were slain, but the other eight came upto their rescue, and great execution was done among the enemy, many ofwhom were drowned by oversetting their vessels in their haste to escapefrom the destructive fire of the Portuguese. The battle raged the wholeday, but the enemy drew off in the evening, thinking that areinforcement was coming to the Portuguese, as they saw the galliotapproaching which had been sent in search of the pink. In thisengagement the Portuguese lost 25 men of note besides others. 

Next morning the pink joined the fleet, on board of which all thewounded men were put, and those that were fit for service in that vesselwere distributed among the others. Roxo now resolved to remain at anchorat the mouth of the river till Gonzalez came to join him, and then toattack the enemy. At length Gonzalez made his appearance, with 50vessels well manned and equipped, and on being told the orders of theviceroy and what had been already done, he expressed much displeasure atthe viceroy for giving such orders, and at Roxo for imprudently fightingbefore his arrival. About the middle of November: the combined fleetssailed up the river and discovered the vast fleet of Aracan at anchor ina well chosen situation, where it was resolved immediately to attackthem. Roxo took half of the ships belonging to Gonzalez under hisimmediate command, giving Gonzalez half of these he had brought fromGoa, so as to make two equal squadrons. Thus arranged they advancedagainst the enemy, firing against those vessels they could reach, butnone of the enemy ventured to advance. The king of Aracan viewed theengagement from the shore to encourage his people, and caused the headsof such as fled to be cut off and exposed on spears as a terror to therest. About noon when the heat of the sun was so great as to scorch thePortuguese; the Aracan ships came on in three numerous squadrons. Sebastian Gonzalez put to flight those of the enemy that were opposed tohim, and the Portuguese pink compelled that belonging to the Hollandersto draw off. On that side where Roxo commanded there was much slaughteron both sides without any evident superiority; but about sunset, whenthe advantage was obviously leaning to the Portuguese, Roxo was slain. Being informed by signal of this mischance, Gonzalez was obliged todiscontinue following up his good fortune; and on the tide ebbing thefleet separated, one of the Portuguese galliots being left aground amongthe enemy, who tore her to pieces and slew all her crew; The Portuguesefleet retired to the mouth of the river, where care was taken of thewounded men, and above 200 dead bodies were thrown into the sea. DonLuis de Azevedo succeeded in the command of the Portuguese squadron, andthey all retired to Sundiva, whence Don Luis sailed back to Goa, inspite of everything that Gonzalez could say to detain him. Soon afterthe departure of the Portuguese ships, the king of Aracan invaded andconquered the island of Sundiva, by which Sebastian Gonzalez was reducedto his original poverty, his sovereignty passing away like a dream, hispride humbled in the dust, and his villainous conduct deservedlypunished. 

In 1616, Don Nunno Alvarez Pereyra succeeded Emanuel Mascarennas Homemas general of the Portuguese in Ceylon, and made several successfulinroads into the kingdom of _Candy_, whence he brought off manyprisoners and great numbers of cattle. From the commencement of thePortuguese dominion in that island, they had been engaged in almostperpetual wars with the different petty sovereigns who ruled over itsvarious small maritime divisions, and with the central kingdom of Canea, most of which have been omitted in this work as not possessingsufficient interest. At this time a dangerous commotion took place inthe island, occasioned by a circumstance which, though not new in theworld, is still admired though often repeated. Some years before, _Nicapeti_ the converted king of Ceylon died without issue, and left theking of Portugal heir to his dominions. A poor fellow of the same namegot admittance to one of the queens of _Valgameme_ from whom he learntseveral particulars respecting the deceased king, taking advantage ofwhich he determined to assume the character of the late sovereign, andto endeavour to persuade the people that he was their prince who hadcome again-to-life. For this purpose he feigned himself a _jogue_, similar to a hermit among the christians; and making his appearance inthe neighbourhood of Maregnepora, he gave out that he came to free hiscountry from the tyranny of the Portuguese. Finding credit among thepeople, many of whom flocked to him, he entered the _seven corlas_during the absence of the _Dissava_ Philip de Oliveyra, and beingassisted by 2000 men sent to him by the king of Candy, he wasacknowledged as king by most of the country. Hearing of this commotion, Pereyra sent a force under Emanuel Cesar to suppress the insurrection. Cesar encountered the false _Nicapeti_ at _Gandola_, a village on theriver _Laoa_, where the insurgents had collected a force of 6000 men. Inthe heat of the battle, 1000 Chingalese troops who served under LuisGomez Pinto deserted to the enemy; but Don Constantine, a nativeChristian of the blood royal who served the Portuguese, called them backby declaring himself their lawful king, on which they immediatelyreturned and proclaimed him their sovereign. After a long engagement theenemy was defeated and fled across the river. 

Philip de Oliveyra returned at this time from Candy to his command inthe _seven corlas_, having heard of the insurrection but not of thevictory at Gandola, to which place he immediately marched with about 800Chingalese lascarins. On reaching the field of battle above 1000 menwere found slain, but no indication by which he could ascertain whichparty had gained the victory. An inscription was found on a tree, signifying that all the Portuguese were slain, none of that nationremaining in Ceylon, and that Columbo had surrendered to Nicapeti, whichstartled the Portuguese who accompanied Oliveyra, and gave greatsatisfaction to his Chingalese troops. Continuing his march he wasattacked in the rear by 300 of the enemy, but on facing about they allfled; soon after which he joined Emanuel Cesar on the river Laoa, andthe insurgents fled to the woods. Cesar and Oliveyra by way of obligingthe insurgents to return to their duty, seized above 400 of their womenand children; but it had the contrary effect, as all their Chingalesetroops immediately deserted with their arms, leaving only about 200Portuguese. In this dilemma Cesar marched to the pagoda of _Atanagala_, not far from _Maluana_ where the general resided, who sent him areinforcement of 500 men, 200 of whom were Portuguese. 

Nicapeti had so much success with the natives that he collected an armyof 24, 000 men, with which he marched against Columbo, and was so vain ofhis good fortune that he caused himself to be proclaimed emperor ofCeylon, and transmitted an order to the king of Candy to send him one ofhis two wives. The answer on this occasion was, that it should be donewhen the Portuguese were subdued. Nicapeti was so enraged at thisanswer, that he threatened to use the king of Candy like thePortuguese; and on this threat coming to the knowledge of the 2000auxiliaries from Candy, they immediately returned home. By these meansthe two enemies of the Portuguese became at variance with each other, tothe great benefit of the Portuguese interests. Emanuel Cesar beingjoined by a considerable reinforcement, marched against Nicapeti, andfound the road by which Nicapeti intended to march clean swept andstrewed with flowers. A _Chingalese_ who carried intelligence of theapproach of Cesar to Nicapeti, was ordered to be impaled, the tyrantdeclaring there were no Portuguese in Ceylon; but he was soonundeceived, as the van guards of the two armies came in sight of eachother. Nicapeti immediately took possession of a hill with 7000 men, where he entrenched himself; but his works were soon carried, 1000 ofhis men slain, and the usurper was forced to flee into the woods, layingaside his regal ornaments for better concealment. The rest of theinsurgent army immediately fled on seeing their chief defeated, and themorning after the battle 500 of the Chingalese deserted from the enemyand joined the victors. 

At this time a native Chingalese of low birth, named Antonio Barreto, who had been a Christian and in the service of the Portuguese, but hadgone over to the king of Candy, who appointed him general of his forceswith the title of prince and governor of the kingdom of Uva, tookadvantage of the revolt of Nicapeti to seize upon the Portuguese fort of_Safragan_, which he got possession of by treachery and slew thePortuguese garrison. This was a severe but just retribution upon thePortuguese, as they had slain an ambassador sent by the king of Candy totreat of an accommodation, that they might jointly carry on the waragainst Nicapeti. After this the king of Candy marched against thePortuguese fort of Balane, which he reduced; yet immediately sent amessage to the general Pereyra, offering to treat of peace. 

In 1617, the Portuguese affairs were in a dangerous situation in Ceylon, having at the same time to make war on the king of Candy, AntonioBarreto, and Nicapeti, who was still in considerable strengthnotwithstanding his late defeat. Pereyra divided his forces withconsiderable hazard, and put all to the sword in the revolted districts, sparing neither age nor sex; but neither will mercy and kind usageconciliate the Chingalese, nor cruelty terrify them into submission. Part of the forces pursued Nicapeti from _Pelandu_ to _Catugambala, Devamede_ and _Coraagal_, taking several forts, killing many of theenemy, and making 600 prisoners. The usurper retired to _Talampeti_ hisusual refuge, and the Portuguese advanced to _Polpeti_ where they camein sight of the enemys camp, and forcing their works passed on to_Balapane of Religiam_, whence they sent away the prisoners and woundedmen. At this time the Portuguese force was divided, one part marchingagainst Barreto while the other continued to follow Nicapeti, but wereable to effect very little, and after being quite spent with fatiguewent into quarters at _Botale_. 

Having received reinforcements, Pereyra marched in person with aconsiderable force to drive Barreto from _Sofragam_ and _Matura_, leaving Gomez Pinto with his regiment to-secure _Alicur_ and opposeNicapeti, while Cesar stayed to defend _Botale_ with 100 men. ThePortuguese were successful on all sides, driving the enemy from theirworks and slaughtering great numbers of them in the woods. In May thearmy advanced against Nicapeti, who was strongly entrenched at Moratena, yet fled towards Candy with such speed that he could not be got up with. He was at length overtaken in the desert of _Anorajapure_, when afterlosing 60 men his troops dispersed and fled into the woods. On thisoccasion the wives of the usurper, a grandson of _Raju_, and the nephewof _Madune_ were all made prisoners. The fame of this victory inducedthe inhabitants of the _Corlas_ to submit, and they plentifully suppliedthe army then at Malvana with rice. The news of this victory induced theking of Candy[433] to sue for peace, sending by his ambassadors 32Portuguese who had been made prisoners during the war. The terms agreedupon were, that he was to repair and restore the fort at Balane, andpermit another to be constructed at Candy, and was to deliver yearly astribute to the crown of Portugal four elephants and a certain stipulatedquantity of cinnamon. Finding afterwards that the Portuguese affairs inCeylon were less prosperous, he receded from these conditions and wouldonly agree to give two elephants as the yearly tribute, but the peacewas concluded. 

[Footnote 433: In the translation of the Portuguese Asia, this sovereignis here named _Anaras Pandar_ king of _Pandar_; but from everycircumstance in the context it appears that we ought to read _AnarasPandar_ king of _Candy_. --E. ]

END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.