[Transcriber's Note: The spelling inconsistencies of the original havebeen retained in this etext. ]

AGENERALHISTORY AND COLLECTIONOFVOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. 

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BY ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. 

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ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. 

VOL. V. 

MDCCCXXIV. 

CONTENTS

OF

VOL. V. 

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PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED. 

CHAP. VII. _Continued_. Continuation of the early history of Peru, afterthe death of Francisco Pizarro to the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, and thereestablishment of tranquillity in the country; written by AugustinoZarate, SECT. III. Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to hisdeposition and expulsion from Peru, SECT. IV. History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from theexpulsion of the Viceroy to his defeat and death, V. Continuation of the Usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, to the arrival ofGasca in Peru with full powers to restore the Colony to order, VI. History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the death of GonzaloPizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity, VII. Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, andtheir unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma, CHAP. VIII. Continuation of the early history of Peru, from therestoration of tranquillity by Gasca in 1549, to the death of the IncaTupac Amaru; extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega, SECT. I. Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca, to the appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy, II. History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza, III. Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of theViceroy Mendoza, IV. Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty of theMarquis de Cannete, V. History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del Cannete, VI. Incidents in the History of Peru, during the successive Governmentsof the Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro, and Don Francisco deToledo, CHAP IX. History of the Discovery and Conquest of Chili, SECT. I. Geographical View of the Kingdom of Chili, II. Of the Origin, Manners, and Language of the Chilese, III. State of Chili, and Conquests made in that Country by thePeruvians, before the arrival of the Spaniards, IV. First Expedition of the Spaniards into Chili under Almagro, V. Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to thecommencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, VI. Narrative of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, fromthe year 1550, to the Defeat and Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the 3d ofDecember 1553, SECT. VII. Continuation of the War between the Spaniards andAraucanians, from the death of Valdivia, to that of Caupolican, VIII. Continuation of the Araucanian War, after the Death of Caupolican, to the Reduction of the Archipelago of Chiloe by the Spaniards, IX. Continuation of the Araucanian War to the Destruction of all theSpanish Settlements in the territories of that Nation, X. Farther Narrative of the War, to the Conclusion of Peace with theAraucanians, XI. Renewal of the War with the Araucanians, and succinct Narrative ofthe History of Chili, from 1655 to 1787, XII. State of Chili towards the end of the Eighteenth Century, XIII. Account of the Archipelago of Chiloe, XIV. Account of the native tribes inhabiting the southern extremity ofSouth America, CHAP. X. Discovery of Florida, and Account of several ineffectualAttempts to Conquer and Settle that Country by the Spaniards, SECT. I. Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon, II. Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquerFlorida; together with some account of that Country, III. Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the lossof Narvaez, Sect. IV. Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinandde Soto, V. Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida, VI. Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto, [Illustration: VICEROYALTY OF NEW GRANADA]

AGENERAL HISTORYANDCOLLECTIONOFVOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

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PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED. 

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CHAPTER VII _Continued_. 

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCOPIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OFTRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE. 

SECTION III. 

_Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to hisdeposition and expulsion front Peru_. 

The viceroy received immediate intelligence of the revolt of Puelles, asmentioned in the foregoing section, which; was brought to him by aPeruvian captain named Yllatopa; and, though he considered it as a veryunfortunate incident, he took immediate measures to counteract theirintentions of joining the enemy, by sending a detachment to occupy thepasses of the valley of Jauja, through which they must necessarily marchon their way from Guanuco to join Gonzalo. For this purpose, heimmediately ordered his brother Vela Nunnez to march in all haste witha detachment of forty light armed cavalry, and thirty musqueteers underthe command of Gonzalo Diaz, besides whom ten of the friends andrelations of Nunnez went as volunteers on this expedition. On purpose toexpedite the march of this detachment as much as possible, the viceroycaused thirty-six mules to be purchased, which cost 12, 000 ducats, themoney being taken from the royal treasury. Being thus excellentlyequipped, they set out from Lima, and marched to Guadachili[1], abouttwenty leagues from Lima on their way to the valley of Jauja. At thisplace a plot was formed by the soldiers for killing Vela Nunnez anddeserting to the army of Gonzalo, which was revealed by the followingincident. Certain scouts who preceded the detachment about four leaguesbeyond Guadachili in the district of Pariacaca, met the friar Thomas deSan Martino, provincial of the Dominicans, who had been sent by theviceroy to Cuzco to try if it were possible to come to some agreementwith Gonzalo; on this occasion one of the soldiers secretly informed theprovincial of the particulars of the conspiracy, begging him to takeimmediate means of prevention, as it was to be executed on the followingnight. The provincial accordingly hastened his journey to Guadachili, taking all the scouts he could meet with along with him, as he told themtheir present expedition was entirely useless, as Puelles and his troopshad passed through Jauja two days before, and it was now impossible tointercept them. On his arrival in Guadachili, the provincial immediatelyinformed Vela Nunnez of the danger to which he was exposed, whoaccordingly consulted with some of his friends and relations on themeans of escape. In the evening, they ordered out their horses, as iffor the purpose of sending them to water, and mounting them immediately, they saved themselves by flight under the cloud of night, being guidedon their way by the provincial. 

[Footnote 1: The place mentioned in the text is probably what is nownamed Guarochiri, which is in the direction of the march, and nearly atthe distance indicated. --E. ]

When the flight of Vela Nunnez and his friends was known, Juan de laTorre, Pedro Hita, Jorge Griego, and the other soldiers who had formedthe conspiracy, went immediately to the main guard, where they compelledall the other soldiers, under threats of instant death, to promise goingoff along with them to join Gonzalo. Almost the whole of the detachmentpromised compliance, and even the captain Gonzalo Diaz was of thenumber; but he was apparently more harshly treated by the conspiratorsthan the others. They tied his hands as if fearing he might use measuresagainst them; yet he was not only believed to have been a participatorin the plot, but was even supposed to be its secret leader. Most of theinhabitants of Lima expected Diaz to act in the way he did, as he wasson-in-law to Puelles against whom he was sent, and it was not to besupposed he would give his aid to arrest his father-in-law. The wholeparty therefore, immediately set out in search of Gonzalo, mounted onthe mules which had cost so high a price, and joined him near the cityof Guamanga, where Puelles had arrived, two days before them. At thattime of their junction, the adherents of Gonzalo were so muchdiscouraged by the lukewarmness of Gaspard Rodriguez and his friends, that in all probability the whole army under Gonzalo would havedispersed if they had been three days later in arriving. But the arrivalof Puelles gave the insurgents great encouragement, both by thereinforcement which he brought of forty horse and twenty musketeers, andby his exhortations; as he declared himself ready to proceed against theviceroy even with his own troops, and had no doubt of being able to takehim prisoner or to drive him out of the country, he was so universallyhated. The encouragements derived by the insurgents from the junction ofPuelles, was still farther strengthened by the arrival of Diaz and hiscompanions. 

Vela Nunnez got safe to Lima, where he informed the viceroy of theunfortunate result of his expedition, who was very much cast down on theoccasion, as his affairs seemed to assume a very unpromising aspect. Next day Rodrigo Ninno, and three or four others who refused to followthe example of Diaz, arrived at Lima in a wretched condition, havingsuffered a thousand insults from the conspirators, who deprived them oftheir horses and arms, and even stripped them of their clothes. Ninnowas dressed in an old doublet and breeches, without stockings, havingonly a pair of miserable pack-thread sandals, and had walked all the waywith a stick in his hand. The viceroy received him very graciously, praising his loyalty, and told him that he appeared more nobly in hisrags than if clothed in the most costly attire. 

When Balthasar de Loyasa had procured the safe conduct from the viceroyfor his employers, he set out without loss of time for the army ofGonzalo Pizarro. As his departure and the nature of his dispatches weresoon known in Lima, it was universally believed there that the troopsunder Pizarro would soon disperse of their own accord, leaving theviceroy in peaceable and absolute command of the whole colony, uponwhich he would assuredly put the ordinances in force with the utmostrigour to the utter ruin of every one: For this reason, several of theinhabitants, and some even of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy, came to the resolution of following Loyasa and taking his dispatchesfrom him. Loyasa left Lima in the evening of a Saturday, in the month ofSeptember 1545, accompanied by Captain Ferdinand de Zavallos. They weremounted on mules, without any attendants, and had no baggage to delaytheir journey. Next night, twenty-five persons set out from Lima onhorseback in pursuit of them, determined to use every possibleexpedition to get up with Loyasa that they might take away hisdispatches. The chiefs in this enterprize were, Don Balthasar de Castro, son of the Conde de la Gomera, Lorenzo Mexia, Rodrigo de Salazar, Diegode Carvajal usually called the gallant, Francisco de Escovedo, Jerom deCarvajal, and Pedro Martin de Cecilia, with eighteen others in theircompany. Using every effort to expedite their journey, they got up withLoyasa and Zavallos about forty leagues from Lima, and found them asleepin a _tambo_ of palace of the Incas. Taking from them the letters anddispatches with which they were entrusted, they forwarded theseimmediately to Gonzalo Pizarro by means of a soldier, who used theutmost diligence in travelling through bye ways and short cuts throughthe mountains, with all of which he was well acquainted. After this, deCastro and the rest of the malecontents continued their journey towardsthe camp of Gonzalo, taking Loyasa and Zavallos along with them understrict custody. 

Upon receiving the intercepted dispatches which were brought to him bythe soldier, Gonzalo Pizarro secretly communicated them to CaptainCarvajal, whom he had recently appointed his lieutenant-general, ormaestre de campo, in consequence of the sickness of Alfonzo de Toro, whoheld that commission on commencing the march from Cuzco. Afterconsulting with Carvajal, he communicated the whole matter to thecaptains and those other chiefs of the insurgent-army who had shewn nointentions of abandoning him, as they had not participated in applyingfor the safe conduct from the viceroy. Some of these, from motives ofenmity against individuals, others from envy, and others again from thehope of profiting by the forfeiture of the lands and Indians belongingto the accused, advised Gonzalo to punish these persons with rigor, as awarning to others not to venture upon similar conduct. In this secretconsultation, it was determined to select the following from among thosewho were clearly implicated in taking part with the viceroy, by theirnames being contained in the safe conduct taken from Loyasa: CaptainGaspard Rodriguez; Philip Gutierrez, the son of Alfonso Gutierrez ofMadrid who was treasurer to his majesty; and Arias Maldonado, agentleman of Galicia, who had remained along with Gutierrez at Guamanga, two or three days march in the rear of the army, under pretence ofhaving some preparations to make for the journey. Accordingly, Gonzalosent off Pedro de Puelles to Guamanga accompanied by an escort ofcavalry, who arrested these two latter gentlemen and caused them to bebeheaded. 

Gaspar Rodriguez was in the camp, where he commanded a body of near twohundred pikemen; and as Gonzalo and his advisers dared not to put him todeath openly, as he was a very rich man of considerable influence andmuch beloved, they had to employ a stratagem for his arrestment. Gonzaloordered a hundred and fifty musqueteers of the company commanded byCeremeno to hold themselves in readiness around his tent, near whichlikewise he caused his train of artillery to be drawn up ready forservice, and then convened all the captains belonging to his troops inhis tent, under pretence of communicating some dispatches which he hadreceived from Lima. When the whole were assembled, and Rodriguez amongthem, he became alarmed on seeing that the tent was surrounded by armedmen and artillery, and wished to have retired under pretext of urgentbusiness. At this time, and in presence of the whole assembled officers, the lieutenant-general Carvajal, came up to Rodriguez as if without anypremeditated intention, caught hold of the guard of his sword, and drewit from the scabbard. Carvajal then desired him to make confession ofhis sins to a priest, who was in attendance for that express purpose, ashe was to be immediately put to death. Rodriguez used every effort toavoid this sudden and unlooked for catastrophe, and offered to justifyhimself from every accusation which could be brought against him; butevery thing he could allege was of no avail, as his death was resolvedupon, and he was accordingly beheaded. 

The execution of these three leaders astonished every one, being thefirst which were ventured upon since the usurpation of Gonzalo; but theymore especially terrified those other persons who were conscious ofhaving participated in the same plot for which their chiefs were now putto death. A few days afterwards, De Castro and his companions arrived atthe camp of the insurgents, with their prisoners Loyasa and Zavallos. Ithas been reported that, on the very day of their arrival, Gonzalo sentoff his lieutenant-general Carvajal to meet them on the road by whichthey were expected, with orders to have Loyasa and Zavallos strangled:But, fortunately for them, their conductors had left the ordinary road, taking a circuitous and unfrequented path, so that Carvajal did not fallin with them; and, when they were brought before Gonzalo, so many of hisfriends and accomplices interceded for their pardon, that he agreed tospare their lives. Loyasa was commanded immediately to quit the camp, onfoot and without any provisions. Zavallos was detained in the camp as aprisoner; and, rather more than a year afterwards, was appointedsuperintendent of those who were employed in digging for gold in theprovince of Quito. While in that employment, it was represented toGonzalo that Zavallos had become so exceedingly rich, that he must havepurloined a great proportion of the gold which was drawn from the mines. Being predisposed against him by his former conduct in the service ofthe viceroy, Gonzalo was easily persuaded to believe him guilty, andordered him to be hanged. 

The departure of De Castro and his companions from Lima, as alreadymentioned, though conducted in great secrecy, was soon discovered. Onthe same night, as Diego de Urbina, the major general of the armybelonging to the viceroy, was going the rounds of the city, he happenedto visit the dwellings of several of those who had accompanied DeCastro; and finding that they were absent, and that their horses, arms, servants, and Indians were all removed, he immediately suspected thatthey were gone off to join Gonzalo. Urbina went directly to the viceroy, who was already in bed, and assured him that most of the inhabitants hadfled from the city, as he believed that the defection was more generalthan it turned out to be. The viceroy was very justly alarmed by thisintelligence, and ordered the drums to beat to arms. When, inconsequence of this measure, all the captains and other officers in hisservice were assembled, he gave them orders to visit the whole houses ofthe city, by which means it was soon known who had deserted. As Diegoand Jerom de Carvajal, and Francisco Escovedo, nephews of the commissaryYllan Suarez de Carvajal were among the absentees, the viceroyimmediately suspected Yllan Suarez of being a partisan of GonzaloPizarro, believing that his nephews had acted by his orders, moreespecially as they dwelt in his house, and could not therefore have goneaway without his knowledge; though assuredly they might easily haveescaped by a different door at a distance from the principal entrance. Actuated by these suspicions, the viceroy sent his brother, Vela Nunnez, with a detachment of musqueteers, to bring Suarez immediately to thepalace for examination. On arriving at his house, Suarez was in bed, butwas brought immediately before the viceroy, who was now dressed is hisarmour, and reposing on a couch. It is reported by some who werepresent, that the viceroy addressed Suarez on entering the followingwords. "Traitor! you have sent off your nephews to join GonzaloPizarro. " "Call me not traitor, my lord, " replied Suarez, "I am asfaithful a subject to his majesty as you are. " The viceroy was so muchirritated by the insolent behaviour of Suarez, that he drew his swordand advanced towards him, and some even allege that he stabbed him inthe breast. The viceroy, however, constantly asserted that he did notuse his sword against Suarez; but that the servants and halberdiers whowere in attendance, on noticing the insolent behaviour of the commissaryto their master, had put him to death, without allowing him time forconfession, or even for speaking a single word in his own defence. Thebody was immediately carried away for interment; and as the commissarywas very universally beloved, it was thought dangerous to take his deadbody through the great court of the viceregal palace, where there werealways a hundred soldiers on guard during the night, lest it mightoccasion some disturbance. For this reason, it was let down from agallery which overlooked the great square, whence some Indians andnegroes carried it to a neighbouring church, and buried it without anyceremony in his ordinary scarlet cloak. 

Three days after this tragical event, when the judges of the royalaudience made the viceroy a prisoner, as shall be presently related, among their first transactions, they made a judicial examinationrespecting the circumstances attendant upon the death of Suarez. It wasascertained in the first place, that he had disappeared since the timewhen he was carried before the viceroy at midnight; after which, thebody was dug up, and the wounds examined[2]. When the intelligence ofthe death of Suarez spread through Lima, it gave occasion to muchdissatisfaction, as every one knew that he had been always, favourableto the interest and authority of the viceroy, and had even exerted hiswhole influence in procuring him to be received at Lima, in oppositionto the sentiments of the majority of the magistrates of that city. Hisdeath happened on the night of Sunday the 13th of September 1544. Earlynext morning, Don Alfonzo de Montemayor was sent by the viceroy with aparty of thirty horse, in pursuit of De Castro and the others who hadgone after Loyasa and Zavallos. When Montemayor had travelled two orthree days in the pursuit, he learnt that De Castro and his companionswere already so far advanced in their journey that it would be utterlyimpossible to get up with them. He accordingly turned back, andreceiving information on his return towards Lima, that Jerom de Carvajalhad lost his companions during the night, and, being unable to discoverthe road by which they were gone, had concealed himself in a marsh amongsome tall reeds, where Montemayor found him out, and carried himprisoner to Lima, on purpose to give him up to the viceroy. Fortunatelyfor Carvajal, the viceroy was himself a prisoner when Montemayorreturned to Lima. 

[Footnote 2: This judicial examination, so formally announced, is leftquite inconclusive by Zarate. --E. ]

When the anger of the viceroy had somewhat subsided, he used great painsto justify himself, in regard to the death of Suarez, explaining thereasons of his conduct in that affair to all who visited him, andendeavouring to convince them that he had just reasons of suspicion, giving a detailed account of all the circumstances respecting the arrestand death of Suarez. He even procured some judicial informations to bedrawn up by the licentiate Cepeda, respecting the crimes which he laidto the charge of the commissary, of which the following is an abstract. 

"It appeared reasonable to suppose that Suarez must have been privy tothe desertion of his nephews, as they lived in his house and could nothave gone off without his knowledge. He alleged that Suaraz had notexerted all the care and diligence that were necessary and proper, inseveral affairs connected with the present troubles which had beenconfided to him. It was objected to him, that he was particularlyinterested in opposing the execution of the obnoxious regulations;since he would have been obliged, along with the rest, to give up thelands and Indians he then held as an officer of the crown, which he hadnot done hitherto on account of the subsisting disturbances in thecountry. Lastly, the viceroy charged against him, that having entrustedSuarez at the very beginning of the troubles with certain dispatches forhis brother, the licentiate Carvajal, who then dwelt at Cuzco, intendedfor procuring intelligence by his means of what was going on in thatcity, he had never given or procured any answer on that subject;although it must certainly have been easy for him to have procuredintelligence from his brother, by means of the Indian vassals of both, and by those belonging to the king who were at his disposal officially, all of whom dwelt on the road between Lima and Cuzco. " Besides that allthese allegations carry very little weight in themselves, as evidencesof the presumptive guilt of Suarez, none of them were eversatisfactorily established by legal proof. 

As the viceroy found that all his affairs had turned out unfortunate, and that every person seemed much discontented in consequence of thedeath of Suarez, he changed his intention of waiting for Gonzalo Pizarroat Lima, which he had caused fortify in that view with ramparts andbastions. He now resolved to retire to the city of Truxillo, abouteighty leagues from Lima, and entirely to abandon and even to dispeoplethe city of Lima; in the execution of this project he meant to send theinvalids, old persons, women, children, and all the valuable effects andbaggage belonging to the inhabitants by sea to Truxillo, for whichpurpose he had sufficient shipping, and to march all who were able tocarry arms by land, taking along with him all the European inhabitantsof every settlement in the plain between Lima and Truxillo; and sendingoff all the Indian population of the plain to the mountainous region. Bythese decisive measures, he hoped to reduce the adherents of GonzaloPizarro to such straits, by depriving them of every possible succour andrefreshment, after the fatigues of a long and painful march, encumberedwith baggage and artillery, as might constrain them to disband theirarmy, when they might find the whole way between Lima and Truxilloreduced to a desert entirely devoid of provisions. The viceroyconsidered himself under the necessity of employing these strongmeasures, as some of his people deserted from him almost daily to theenemy, in proportion as the insurgents approached towards Lima. 

In pursuance of this resolution, on Tuesday the 15th of September, twodays after the slaughter of the commissary Suarez, the viceroy gaveorders to Diego Alvarez de Cueto, with a party of horse, to convey thechildren of the late Marquis Pizarro on board ship, and to remain incharge of them and the licentiate Vaca de Castro. On this occasion, hegave the command of the fleet to Cueto, being afraid lest Don Antonio deRibera and his wife, who then had the charge of young Don Gonzalo andhis brothers, children of the late marquis, might conceal them and givethem up to their uncle. This measure occasioned much emotion among theinhabitants of Lima, and gave great offence to the oydors or judges ofthe royal audience, particularly to the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate, whomade strong remonstrances to the viceroy against sending Donna FranciscoPizarro among the sailors and soldiers, where she could not reside indecent comfort. This young lady, who was both beautiful and rich, wasnow almost grown a woman, and the conduct of the viceroy towards her onthis occasion was considered as harsh, tyrannical, and unnecessary. Ortiz was unable to prevail on the viceroy to recall his ordersrespecting the children of the late marquis; and he even openly declaredthat he had come to the resolution of abandoning Lima in the way alreadymentioned. All the oydors considered these intended steps as highlyimproper and ruinous to the colony; and declared, that as they had beenordered by his majesty to take up their residence in Lima, they weredetermined not to quit that place without a new royal order for theexpress purpose. As the viceroy found that every thing he could say wasquite ineffectual to bring over the oydors to his sentiments, heresolved to gain possession of the _royal seal_, and to carry it offwith himself to Truxillo, by which measure the oydors would be reducedto the state of private persons in Lima, and unable to hold any sittingof the royal audience, unless they chose to accompany him to Truxillo. When this resolution of the viceroy was communicated to the oydors, theycalled the chancellor before them, from whom they took the seal, whichthey committed to the custody of the licentiate Cepeda, the senioroydor. This was done by three of the oydors, Cepeda, Texada, andAlvarez, Ortiz being absent at the time. 

On the same evening, all the four oydors assembled in the house ofCepeda, and agreed to present a formal requisition to the viceroy tobring back the family of the late marquis from the fleet in which he hadembarked them. After this resolution had been engrossed in the register, the licentiate Ortiz retired to his own house, being indisposed. Theother three oydors continued in consultation on the measures which wereproper to be adopted, for defending themselves against the power of theviceroy, in case he should persist in his plans, and endeavour to makethem embark by force, which they publickly asserted was his intention. On this occasion, they drew up an ordinance or public act, by which, inthe name and authority of the king "they commanded all the inhabitantsof the city of Lima, captains, soldiers, and others, civil and military, in case the viceroy should give orders to remove them, the oydors of theroyal audience, by force and violence from Lima, that they should aid, assist, and defend them, in opposition to such a measure, as illegal andunjust, and contrary to the orders of his majesty, clearly expressed inthe new regulations, and in the commission granted to them as oydors ofthe royal audience. "

Having formally extended and authenticated this _act_, they communicatedit in secret to Captain Martin de Robles, whom they desired to holdhimself and his soldiers in readiness to defend them in case of need. DeRobles engaged to stand by them; for though one of the captains in thetroops, he was not on good terms with the viceroy. Several other personsof importance in the city, to whom the oydors communicated theresolutions which they had formed, promised likewise to stand by themagainst the tyranny of the viceroy. That same evening, all who were inconcert with the oydors held themselves in readiness, anxiously waitingthe event of an open breach between the viceroy and the judges of theroyal audience. However secret the steps taken by the oydors might havebeen, they became known to the viceroy, or at least he entertainedviolent suspicions of their nature and tendency. At night-fall, Martinde Robles went privately to the house of the oydor Cepeda, to whom hecommunicated his opinion that the viceroy was already informed of alltheir proceedings, and that, unless prompt measures were taken for theirsecurity, they would all be put to death. Cepeda sent immediately forAlvarez and Texada, two others of the oydors; and these three cameimmediately to the determination of openly defending themselves againstthe viceroy, if he should attempt their arrest. For this purpose, several of their friends, and some of the soldiers of the company, commanded by De Robles, assembled in arms at their residence. While thiswas going on, Urbina the maestre de campo or major-general, when goinghis rounds met several of these soldiers in the street, and immediatelysuspected the truth. He went, therefore, straight to the viceroy, towhom he communicated the suspicious circumstances he had observed, thatsome prompt measures might be concerted for counteracting themachinations of the oydors. The viceroy desired him to fear nothing, asthey had only civilians to deal with, who had not sufficient courage toconcert any enterprize against his authority. Urbina went awayaccordingly to continue his round; but as he still continued to meetseveral armed horsemen in the streets, all of whom were going towardsthe house of Cepeda, he returned again to the palace, and remonstratedwith the viceroy on the absolute necessity of taking instant measures ofdefence. The viceroy immediately put on his armour and ordered to soundan alarm, after which he went out into the great square before thepalace, accompanied by his nightly guard of a hundred soldiers and allhis domestic establishment, meaning to have proceeded to the house ofCepeda, to arrest the oydors, to chastise the mutineers, and tore-establish order in the city. While in the great square near the gateof the palace, he noticed that it was impossible to prevent the soldiersfrom going to join the oydors, as the horsemen who filled all thestreets constrained them to take that direction. If, however, theviceroy had persisted in his first design, he could hardly have foundmuch difficulty or considerable resistance, as he then had a greatlysuperior force to what had assembled with Cepeda and the other judges. He was disuaded from executing these intentions by Alfonzo Palomino, alcalde or police-judge of Lima, who asserted that a great majority ofthe troops were assembled at the house of Cepeda, and were about toattack him; for which reason, the best measure was to fortify himself inthe palace, which could easily be defended; whereas he had not asufficient force to assail the oydors and their adherents. Influenced bythis advice, the viceroy retired into the palace, accompanied by hisbrother Vela Nunnez, Paul de Meneses, Jerom de la Cerna, Alfonso deCaceres, Diego de Urbina, and others of his friends and followers, withall his relations and servants. The hundred soldiers of the nightlyguard were posted at the great gate of the palace, with orders toprevent any one from going in. 

While these vacillatory measures were going on at the viceregal palace, information was brought to the oydors, that the viceroy had drawn outhis troops in the great square, with the intention of attacking them. Having as yet collected only a small force for their protection, theyresolved to go out into the street; believing, if the viceroy shouldcome to blockade them, and should occupy the streets leading to thehouse of Cepeda, that all those who were disposed to aid them would beintercepted. They advanced therefore by the streets which led towardsthe great square, and were soon joined by others of their adherents, tothe number of about two hundred men. To justify their conduct on thisoccasion, they caused the act which they had drawn up to be publicklyread; but so great was the noise and confusion, that very few of thosepresent were able to hear its tenor. On the arrival of the judges andtheir partizans in the great square, day began to dawn. At this time, the troops attached to the viceroy fired a few musket-shots, from thecorridore of the palace, and began to extend themselves in front of themain gate. The soldiers who accompanied the oydors were much displeasedat this procedure, and proposed to assault the palace, and to slay allthat resisted them; but the oydors restrained and appeased them. Theoydors then deputed Gaspard de Carvajal, the superior of the Dominicans, and Antonio de Robles, to inform the viceroy, that their only demandfrom him was an assurance that they should not be compelled to embarkagainst their will and contrary to the express orders of his majesty, which fixed their residence at Lima. They farther required, that, without proceeding to hostilities, the viceroy should come to the greatchurch, where they proposed, going to meet him, and where all theirdifferences might be amicably settled; as otherwise he would put bothhimself and all who were with him in extreme danger. While these envoyswere in the palace in the execution of their commission, the hundredsoldiers who formed the guard of the viceroy went over in a body to theoydors; by which, as the entrance to the palace was left entirelyunguarded, several of the malecontents got admission to the chambersbelonging to the officers of the viceroy in the outer court, which theypillaged. At this time, the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate went from hishouse towards the palace, meaning to have joined the viceroy; butmeeting the other oydors on his way, and seeing that it was impossiblefor him to prosecute his original design, he accompanied them to thechurch. 

When the viceroy received the message of the oydors from Carvajal andAntonio de Robles, considering at the same time that his palace wasalready in possession of the insurgents, and that his own troops hadabandoned him, he determined to proceed to the church, and to givehimself up to the oydors who there waited for him. They carried himdirectly, in his coat of mail and cuirass, to the house of Cepeda;where, seeing Ortiz along with the other judges, he exclaimed: "Is itpossible that you, in whom I had so much confidence as one of my bestfriends, have joined with the rest in making me a prisoner. " To this thelicentiate replied, "Whoever has told you so spoke falsely, as it isknown to every one who those are that have caused you to be arrested, and that I have no share in the matter. " The three other judges gaveimmediate orders to convey the viceroy on board ship, that he might besent to Spain; justly fearing, if Gonzalo Pizarro should find him incustody on his arrival at Limn, that he would put him to death, or thatthe relations and friends of the commissary Suarez might kill him inrevenge for the murder of that officer; as in either of which cases theblame might be imputed to them, the judges were much embarrassed howbest to act in this delicate emergency, considering that if they merelysent the viceroy on board the fleet which lay at anchor off the harbourof Calao, he might be soon in condition to return in force against them. In this dilemma, they appointed Cepeda, one of their number, to act ascaptain-general of the colony; who, with a strong guard, conducted thedeposed viceroy to the sea side on purpose to put him on board one ofthe ships. They found some difficulty in executing this measure, asDiego Alvarez de Cueto, who commanded the fleet, on seeing theassemblage of people on the shore, and learning that they had theviceroy among them as a prisoner, sent Jerom de Zurbano, one of hiscaptains in an armed boat to collect all the boats of the fleet, withwhich, accompaniment he approached the shore and demanded the liberationof the viceroy from the judges. This measure was altogether ineffectual, as the judges refused to listen to the demands of Cueto; who, afterexchanging a few shots with those on shore, went back to his ships. 

After this, the judges sent off a message to Cueto, by means of FriarGaspard de Carvajal, in which the deposed viceroy concurred, orderinghim to surrender the command of the fleet, and to give up the childrenof the late marquis, in return for which they would place the viceroyunder his charge, who would otherwise be in great peril of his life. Ongetting aboard ship, Friar Gaspard presented his commission to Cueto andgave him a full account of the state of affairs, in presence of thelicentiate Vaca de Castro, who still remained a prisoner in that vessel. In consideration of the danger to which the viceroy was exposed, Cuetosent the children of the marquis on shore together with Don Antonio deRibera and his wife who had the care of them. The judges still insistedthat Cueto should surrender the fleet to their command, threatening tobehead the viceroy if he refused; and though Vela Nunnez, brother to theviceroy, went several times with messages to induce compliance, thecaptains of the ships would not consent to that measure, so that thejudges were constrained to return to Lima with the viceroy still incustody. 

Two days afterwards, the commanders of the ships were informed that thejudges and their partizans had come to the resolution of sending astrong force of musqueteers in boats to make themselves masters of theships by force. They might perhaps have easily persuaded Cueto to giveup the fleet, of which in reality Jerom de Zurbano had more the commandthan he, as all the soldiers and sailors who were attached to thedeposed viceroy were at his disposal; but Zurbano, to whom the judgesmade great offers, was quite inflexible. The captains of the fleet cameeven to the resolution of quitting the port of Lima, to cruise upon thecoast of Peru, till such time as they might receive orders from hismajesty how to conduct themselves in the present crisis. They believedthat the viceroy had many friends and adherents in Lima and other partsof Peru; as many persons who had not taken any share in the depositionand imprisonment of the viceroy, and several of those who were bestdisposed to the royal service continued almost daily to make theirescape on board the fleet. The ships were tolerably well armed andappointed, having ten or twelve iron cannon, and three or four of brass, besides forty quintals of powder. As to provisions, they had above fourhundred quintals of biscuit, five hundred bags of maize, and a largestore of salt meat; so that they were victualled sufficiently for aconsiderable time, and they could easily procure water on any part ofthe coast. Their force however was very small, as they had only twentyfive soldiers, and by no means a sufficient number of mariners for theten ships which composed their fleet. They resolved therefore to abandonfour of the smallest vessels, which they were unable to man; and notthinking it right to leave these behind, lest they might have beenemployed against themselves by the partizans of the judges, they setthese small vessels on fire the day after the imprisonment of theviceroy, as likewise two fishing barks which were in the harbour, andthen set sail. The four small ships were entirely destroyed, but the twofishing vessels were saved after sustaining very little damage. 

The fleet went into the harbour of Guavra, which is eighteen leagues_below_[3] the port of Lima, where they took in a supply of wood andwater. They carried the licentiate Vaca de Castro along with them, andresolved to wait at Guavra to see what consequences might follow fromthe imprisonment of the viceroy. When this came to the knowledge of thejudges, who believed the ships might not go to any considerable distancefrom Guavra, on account of the attachment of their commanders to theviceroy whose life was in danger, they determined to send a force bothby sea and land to attempt acquiring possession of the ships almost atany risk. For this purpose, they gave orders to Diego Garcias de Alfaro, an inhabitant of Lima who was versant in maritime affairs, to repair andfit out the two barks which had drifted on shore. When that was done, Alfaro embarked in them with thirty musqueteers, and set sail towardsGuavra. At the same time, Don Juan de Mendoza and Ventura Beltran, [4]were sent off by land with a party of soldiers in the same direction. Oncoming to Guavra in the night, Garcias de Alfaro concealed his two barksbehind a light house[5], in the harbour very near the ships, where hecould not be seen. At the same time, the party which went by land beganto fire off their muskets, and the people in the ships believed theywere some friends of the viceroy who wished to embark. Vela Nunnez wassent accordingly in a boat to the shore, to learn what was meant by thefiring, on which Diego Garcias pushed on his barks between Vela Nunnezand the ships, firing upon him and obliged him to surrender. Intelligence of this event was immediately sent to Cueto, with a messageassuring him that both the viceroy and his brother would be immediatelyput to death unless he surrendered his ships to the judges. Cueto[6]accordingly submitted, being afraid lest the threat might be executed;but had certainly not been allowed to do so if Zurbano had been present, who had sailed from Guavra with his ships, two days before the arrivalof Diego Garcias, with the intention of going all along the coastbetween Lima and Tierra Firma to take possession of every ship he mightfall in with, to prevent them from being employed by the oydors. 

[Footnote 3: The expression in the text _below_, is probably an error inthe French translator in rendering _barlovento_ which signifies toleeward. Accordingly, to the north of Lima, and about the indicateddistance, there is a sea-port or coast town named Huaura, certainly theplace meant by Zarate. _Hua_ and _Gua_ are often inchanged by theSpaniards in the names of places in America, probably from the g havinga guttural sound, or strong aspiration. --E. ]

[Footnote 4: Garcilasso names this person Ventura Veltran. --E. ]

[Footnote 5: In Garcilasso de la Vega, obviously copying this part ofthe story from Zarate, Garcias is said to have concealed his barksbehind a rock. --E. ]

[Footnote 6: This person is always named Cuero, by Garcilasso; wholikewise informs us that he was brother-in-law to the viceroy. --E. ]

Immediately after the departure of the fleet under Cueto from the portof Lima, the judges became apprehensive lest the relations of thecommissary might put the viceroy to death, which they actuallythreatened; on which account they came to a resolution, to transport himto an island about two leagues from the coast. For this purpose he wasembarked along with a guard of twenty men in one of those barks orfloats made of dried reeds which the Indians call _henea_. When thejudges learnt the surrender of the fleet under Cueto, they determinedupon sending him as a prisoner to Spain, with a formal memorial of allthat had passed, and deputed the licenciate Alvarez, one of their numberto take charge of him thither, and to support their memorial at thecourt of Spain, giving him 8000 crowns to defray the expences of thevoyage. For this purpose all the necessary dispatches were prepared, which were signed by all the judges of the royal audience, exceptingOrtiz de Zarate, who refused his concurrence. Alvarez went by land toGuavra, to which place the viceroy was transported in one of the barksfitted out by Diego Garcias, and given into the custody of Alvarez, whoimmediately set sail with three ships that had been placed at hisdisposal, without waiting even for the dispatches from his brotherjudges. At this time, Vaca de Castro was carried back to the port ofLima, still a prisoner. 

SECTION IV. 

_History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the expulsion of theViceroy to his defeat and death_. 

While the viceroy remained in the small island, as formerly mentioned, Alfonso de Montemayor and those who had gone along with him to succourLoyasa and Zavallos, returned to Lima, upon which the judges caused themto be arrested and disarmed, ordering them, and several of the captainswho were attached to the viceroy, to be detained as prisoners in thehouse of Martin de Robles, and in the houses of several of the citizensof Lima. These prisoners were persuaded, if the viceroy could regain hisliberty, that he would still be able to prevent the arrival of GonzaloPizarro at Lima, and to avert the disorders and evils which must flowfrom his successful usurpation, prejudicial to the rights of the crownand the interest of the colony. With this view, therefore, theyconcerted to unite together under arms, to bring back the viceroy fromthe place of his confinement, and to reinstate him in his authority;resolving in the execution of this project, to make the judgesprisoners, or even to kill them if necessary, and to take possession ofthe city in the name of his majesty. They had assuredly executed theirproject, had they not been betrayed by a soldier, who discovered thewhole plot to Cepeda. Immediately on receiving notice of thisconspiracy, Cepeda in concert with the other judges apprehended all theleaders, namely Alfonso de Montemayor, Paolo de Meneses, Alfonso deCaceres, Alfonso de Barrionuevo, and some others. Several of these whenput to the torture, had sufficient resolution to refuse confession; butBarrionuevo confessed partly, in hopes of satisfying the judges, andthat they might not continue his torments. Upon his confession, he wasat first condemned to lose his head; but in the sequel the judgessatisfied themselves with causing his right hand to be cut off; and allthe other leaders of the conspiracy, who persisted in refusing toconfess, were banished from Peru. 

After all these revolutionary events, information of every thing thathad occurred in Lima, was transmitted to Gonzalo Pizarro, the judges andtheir friends being in hopes that, he would now be induced to dismisshis army. They were however quite mistaken in this expectation; for hebelieved that every thing, even the imprisonment of the viceroy, was afalse rumour, or a mere concerted trick to force him to lay down hisarms, and that they would put him to death when left without support. 

In the mean time the licentiate Alvarez, as already mentioned, set sailfrom Guavra having charge of the viceroy and his brothers. Notwithstanding that this judge had been the chief promoter of everything that had been done against the viceroy, having even especiallycontributed to make him a prisoner, and been most active in punishingthose who had conspired to restore him to the government; yet, on thevery first day of the voyage, he went into the cabin which had beenappointed for the captive viceroy, declaring his repentance for all thathe had done against him, and his earnest desire for a reconcilement. Heassured him, that, in accepting the charge of his conveyance as aprisoner, he had been entirely actuated by the desire of serving him, that he might get him from under the power of Cepeda, and prevent himfrom falling into the hands of Gonzalo Pizarro, who was expected toarrive shortly at Lima. To satisfy the viceroy of his sincerity, Alvarezassured him that he was from that moment at full and perfect liberty, and that he now surrendered the command of the vessel into his hands;humbly beseeching him to forgive all that was passed, and declaringhimself ready to obey his commands in all things. Alvarez then gaveorders to the ten men who had been given him as guards over the viceroy, that they were now to obey the viceroy and not him. The viceroyexpressed his entire satisfaction at this conduct in Alvarez, and tookthe command accordingly; yet in a very short time he treated Alvarezvery ill, often calling him villain, traitor, mutineer, and otheropprobrious names, and threatening that, though he spared his life forthe present because he had occasion for his service, he would certainlyhave him hanged in the sequel. Yet they continued together till theirarrival at Truxillo, as shall be related in the sequel. 

It was soon suspected at Lima that Alvarez had entered into terms withthe viceroy, from certain circumstances which had transpired before heembarked, but more especially from his having set sail without waitingfor the dispatches of the royal court of audience, which had beendelayed a day in waiting for the consent of Ortiz. While they were stillin some degree of uncertainty on this subject, and waiting anxiously toknow the whole truth, they judged proper to send a representation onthe state of affairs to Gonzalo Pizarro, of which the following was thetenor. "That, in consequence of their commissions, and of the expresspowers confided to them by his majesty of doing every thing which mightbe necessary for the due administration of justice, and to place thecountry in good order, they had suspended the execution of the obnoxiousregulations, as demanded by the colonists, and had even sent off theviceroy to Spain, which was more than had been required or could havebeen reasonably asked. As, therefore, there now remained no call orpretence for the military preparations which he had set on foot, theycommanded him immediately to dismiss his troops: But, if he wereinclined to come to Lima, he must come there as a man of peace, withoutwarlike array; yet, if he considered it necessary to his safety to havean escort, they granted him permission to bring fifteen or twentyhorsemen along with him. "

When these orders were prepared, the judges were desirous of sendingsome of the inhabitants of Lima to carry them to Gonzalo Pizarro; but noone would undertake the commission, which they considered as extremelyhazardous. They represented to the judges, that Gonzalo and his officerswould reproach them for opposing the just measures in which they wereengaged; as they had associated for the general interest of the colony. On this refusal of the inhabitants, the judges gave orders to Augustino, the royal treasurer of Peru[7], and Don Antonio de Ribeta, one of thecitizens of Lima, to carry this order to Gonzalo. To these messengersthey gave formal letters of credence, with which they set out upon theirjourney for the valley of Jauja, in which Gonzalo Pizarro was thenencamped with his army. Gonzalo had already received notice of thisintended embassy; and was afraid, if the envoys should give a publicnotification of the message with which they were entrusted, that histroops might mutiny; as he knew they were exceedingly desirous ofmarching to Lima in full force, that they might be in condition topillage that city on the first pretext that offered. To prevent this, hesent Jerom de Villegas with thirty mounted musqueteers to intercept thetwo messengers now on their way to the army. According to hisinstructions, Villegas allowed Ribera to continue his journey to thecamp; but made Augustino de Zarate a prisoner, and deprived him of hisdispatches. Zarate was carried back by Villegas to the province ofPariacaca[8], where he was detained a prisoner for ten days, and everymeans were employed to intimidate him that he might not execute thecommission with which he was entrusted. 

[Footnote 7: The author of the History of the Discovery and Conquest ofPeru, which forms the subject of the present article; who accordingly, might justly say of these events, _quorum pars magna fui_. His associateon this occasion was the person who had charge of the family of the latemarquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and had married the widow of FranciscoMartin de Alcantara, as we learn from Garcilasso. --E. ]

[Footnote 8: No such province is now to be found in the best maps ofPeru; but seventy or eighty miles to the north of Jauja, there is adistrict called the valley of Pari, with a town of the same name on the_Chinchay Cocha_, or lake of Chinchay, which may then have been calledPari-cocha, or Pari on the lake. From this circumstance, it appears themessengers had been obliged to make a great circuit towards the north, on purpose to get a passage across the main western ridge of theAndes. --E. ]

At the end of that period Gonzalo Pizarro arrived with his army atPariacaca, and called Zarate into his presence to give an account of thesubject of his mission: Zarate had been already made to understand thathis life would be in danger if he attempted to execute the orders he hadreceived literally: For which reason, after having explained the wholedistinctly to Gonzalo in private, on being taken into the tent where allthe insurgent captains were assembled, he proceeded, as instructed byGonzalo, to discharge his commission with prudent reserve. Gonzalodesired him to repeat all that he had already communicated to him, butZarate, understanding distinctly what was expected of him by Gonzalo, inaddressing the assembled officers in the name of the judges of the royalaudience, used considerable address, and availed himself of the fullpowers contained in his credentials. He was silent therefore regardingthe dismissal of the troops, which was the point of delicacy, andconfined himself to such other matters as seemed proper for the serviceof his majesty and the good of the colony. In this view, he representedto them, "that, since the viceroy was deported, and their demand forsuspending the obnoxious ordinances was granted, it seemed just thatthey should repay the sums which Blasco Nunnez Vela had taken from theroyal treasury, as they had promised. That they should forgive thoseinhabitants of Cuzco who had deserted from their camp to join the lateviceroy, since it could not be denied that these men had substantialreasons for what they had done; and that they ought to send a humbledeputation to his majesty, to excuse and exculpate themselves from themeasures in which they had been engaged. " Zarate added several things ofa similar nature; to all of which the only answer given by the councilof officers, which he was directed to carry back to the judges was, "that it was indispensably necessary for the well being of the colony, that they should appoint Gonzalo Pizarro governor of Peru. After whichevery thing that was required should be done: But if this were refused, the military council was determined to give up Lima to be plundered bythe soldiers. "

Zarate would willingly have excused himself from bearing this answer;but as no other could be procured, he was obliged to return to Lima, where he reported it to the judges, to whom it gave much uneasiness anddissatisfaction. Gonzalo Pizarro had not hitherto carried hispretensions so high, having only insisted for the departure of theviceroy from Peru, and the suspension of the obnoxious regulations, andthe judges were much at a loss how to conduct themselves under this newand unexpected demand. After mature deliberation, they sent to informthe insurgent officers, "that they were unable to grant their demand, oreven to take it into consideration, unless some person should appearbefore them authorised to present the request according to theaccustomed forms. " Upon this message, all the procurators or deputies ofthe cities who were in the insurgent army repaired to Lima; where, inconjunction with such other deputies of the cities as were resident inthat place, they presented a formal request in writing, demanding thesame thing which had been formerly done by a verbal message. Theauditors, considering this affair as exceedingly delicate, and that theyneither had any right to grant what was now demanded, nor sufficientpower to refuse it, as Gonzalo was now very near Lima which he heldstrictly blockaded; they resolved to submit the whole to theconsideration of the principal persons of the city, that they mightreceive their sentiments and advice in the present crisis. For thispurpose, they drew up a formal instrument of the whole matter, which wascommunicated to Don Jerom de Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Don Juan Solanoarchbishop of Cuzco, Don Garcia Diaz bishop of Quito, Fray Thomas de SanMartino provincial of the Dominicans, Augustino de Zarate the treasurer, and to the royal accountant and controller general[9]. Thisextraordinary council was desired to consider maturely the demands ofthe deputies, and to give their opinion freely on what was proper to bedone in consequence. In this instrument, the judges explained at fulllength the reasons which induced them to require advice on thisimportant subject, openly avowing that this measure was not resorted toin the view of following what the council might judge best, sinceneither the judges nor the council had any power in the presentsituation of affairs to act otherwise than as prescribed by GonzaloPizarro and his officers; but that the judges had called in this manneron the members of this extraordinary council, as recorded witnesses ofthe constraint and oppression under which they all now acted. 

[Footnote 9: By Garcilasso, Zarate is represented as holding all thethree offices, Treasurer, accountant, and controller. --E. ]

While these deliberations were going on in Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro drewnigh with his army and encamped about a quarter of a league from thecity, drawing up his numerous train of artillery in readiness forservice. As a whole day elapsed without the formal appointment asgovernor being transmitted to him, he became impatient; and dispatchedthirty musqueteers into the city under the command of hislieutenant-general, who made prisoners of twenty-eight persons, amongwhom were those who had formerly deserted him at Cuzco, and others whowere most obnoxious for having taken part with the viceroy. Among thesewere Gabriel de Roias, Garcilasso de la Vega, Melchior Verdugo, thelicentiate Carvajal, Pedro de Barco, Martin de Florencia, Alfonso deCaceres, Pedro de Manjares, Luis de Leon, Antonio Ruys de Guevara, andsome others of highest consideration in the colony. These were committedto the common prison, of which the lieutenant-general took possession, taking away the keys from the alcalde or keeper. The judges were utterlyunable to make the smallest opposition to this strong measure, and darednot even to express their disapprobation, as there did not now remainfifty soldiers in the city; all those who had been formerly attached tothem or to the viceroy having gone over to the camp of Gonzalo, who hadnow a force of twelve hundred men completely armed, including hisoriginal troops and those who deserted to him on this occasion. 

Next morning, several of the insurgent officers came into the city, andrequired the judges to make out the commission for Gonzalo, and toproclaim him governor-general of Peru without delay, otherwaysthreatening to give up the city to plunder, and to massacre theinhabitants, in which case they would begin by putting the judges todeath. The judges endeavoured to excuse themselves, alleging that theyhad neither right nor authority to do what was desired. WhereuponCarvajal, the lieutenant-general under Pizarro, caused four of hisprisoners to be brought from the prison, and ordered three of them to behanged on a tree near the city. These unfortunate men were Pedro deBarco, Martin de Florencia, and Juan de Saavedra. Carvajal only allowedthem a short half hour to confess their sins and to prepare for death, adding insult and mockery to his cruelty. He particularly indulged inraillery against Pedro de Barco, who was last executed; saying, as hewas a brave commander who had made several conquests, and was one of themost considerable and richest men in Peru, he was inclined to allow himsome distinction in his death, and that he therefore granted him thehigh and honourable privilege of choosing which branch of the tree hepreferred for being hanged upon. Luis de Leon escaped at theintercession of his brother who served under Gonzalo. 

On seeing these arbitrary proceedings, and being threatened by Carvajalwith a similar treatment of all the other prisoners, and that the cityshould be given up to pillage if they did not execute the requiredcommission without delay, the judges sent to the members of theextraordinary council formerly mentioned, desiring them to give theirundisguised sentiments: upon what was proper to be done. Theyaccordingly agreed unanimously that it was necessary to comply with thedemands of Gonzalo; and the judges immediately made out a commissionappointing Gonzalo Pizarro governor-general of Peru, until his majestymight give orders to the contrary, and without prejudice to the rightsand authority of the royal audience, to which Gonzalo was required tomake oath that he would renounce his authority whenever it might pleasehis majesty or the audience to demand it from him, and likewise engagingto submit to their authority in the event of any complaints against him, either as an individual, or in the execution of his high office. 

On receiving his commission, Gonzalo Pizarro made his public entry intoLima, with all his troops in martial order. Captain Bachicao marched atthe head of the vanguard with the artillery, consisting of twenty fieldpieces, which with all their ammunition, carriages, and otherequipments, were carried on the shoulders of six thousand Indians, whocompletely filled all the streets through which they had to pass. Theartillery was accompanied by a guard of thirty musqueteers and fiftycanoneers. The company of two hundred pikemen commanded by Diego deGumiel followed next. Then two companies of musqueteers, commanded bythe Captains Guevara and Pedro Cermeno, the former consisting of 150, and the latter of 200 men. After these followed three companies ofinfantry who preceded Gonzalo Pizarro as his body guards, who followedon horseback in his coat of mail, over which he wore a robe of cloth ofgold. He was followed by three captains of cavalry: Don Pedro de PortoCarrero in the middle carrying the royal standard belonging to histroop, having Antonio de Altamirano on his right with the standard ofCuzco, and Pedro de Puelles on his left with a standard of the arms ofGonzalo Pizarro. The whole cavalry of the army brought up the rear inregular order. In this array, the whole column of march moved towardsthe house of the oydor Ortiz de Zarate, where the other judges wereassembled. Ortiz had feigned sickness, on purpose to avoid attending theroyal court of audience at the reception of Gonzalo, but his brethrenadjourned the sitting to his house on the occasion. 

Leaving his cavalry drawn up in the great square, Gonzalo made hisappearance before the assembled judges, who received him in form, andadministered to him the oath as governor. From thence he proceeded tothe town house, where all the magistrates of the city were assembled, and where he was received with all the usual solemnities. Having gonethrough all the ceremonies, he retired to his own house, and thelieutenant-general Carvajal dismissed the army to its quarters upon thecitizens, who were ordered to entertain them at free quarters. GonzaloPizarro continued to reside in Lima, exercising his authority asgovernor in all things pertaining to military affairs, withoutinterfering in the administration of justice, which he confided entirelyto the oydors, who held their sittings for that purpose in the house ofthe treasurer Alfonso Riquelme. Immediately after assuming the office ofgovernor, Gonzalo sent Alfonso de Toro as his lieutenant to Cuzco, Pedrode Fuentes to Arequipa, Francisco de Almendras to La Plata, and othersin the same quality to the other cities of Peru[10]. 

[Footnote 10: According to Garcilasso, the entry of Gonzalo Pizarro intoLima was in October 1544, forty days after the deposition andimprisonment of the viceroy. In the History of America, II. 373, thisevent is dated on the 28th October. --E. ]

As in the sequel of this history we shall have much to say respectingGonzalo Pizarro and his lieutenant-general Francisco de Carvajal, it maybe proper in this place to give a short account of the age, qualities, and characters of these two men. At this period, Gonzalo Pizarro wasabout forty years of age, large made and tall, well proportioned, of adark brown complexion, with a long black beard. He was well versant inmilitary affairs and took great delight in war, of which he endured thelabours and privations with much patient fortitude. He was an excellenthorseman; and though his genius was rather confined, and his languagevulgar, he could express his sentiments with sufficient clearness. Hewas exceedingly remiss in keeping his secrets to himself, by whichweakness he often suffered much prejudice in his affairs and militarytransactions. He was rather avaricious, and disliked much to give awaymoney; owing to which want of liberality his affairs frequently sufferedmaterial injury. He was exceedingly amorous, not confining himself likehis brother the marquis to the native women, but gave much offence byhis intrigues among the Spanish ladies in Peru. 

Francisco de Carvajal was a man of low descent, the son of a personemployed in collecting the tax on salt, and was born in the village ofRagama near Arevala. He had served long in the wars of Italy under CountPedro de Navarre, having been in the battle of Pavia, where the king ofFrance was taken prisoner. On his return to Spain he was accompanied bya lady of a good family, Donna Catalina de Leyton, to whom he was saidto be married; though most people believed otherwise, and some evenalleged she had been a nun. After his return to Spain, he lived for sometime at the commandry of Heliche, in the capacity of a steward; and wentafterwards into New Spain with the lady who passed for his wife. He wasfor some time employed in Mexico, where he held some office; whence hewas sent by the viceroy of that kingdom to Peru, along withreinforcements to the marquis Pizarro, at the time when the Indiansrevolted, as formerly related. On this occasion, the marquis gave himsome lands and Indians at Cuzco, where he resided till the arrival ofthe viceroy; when he was about to have returned into Spain with aconsiderable sum which he had amassed from the Indians of hisrepartimiento; but not being able to procure an opportunity, he hadremained in the country. When Gonzalo Pizarro assumed the government ofPeru, Carvajal was said to be eighty years of age. He was of the middlestature, but very gross, full-faced, and high-complexioned. He wasskilled in warlike affairs, having had long experience, and was able toundergo fatigue infinitely better than could have been expected at hisadvanced age. He hardly ever quitted his armour, either by day or night;and scarcely ever slept, except on a chair, leaning his head on hishand. He was so much addicted to wine, that when he could not procuresuch as was brought from Spain, he used to content himself with thestrong liquors made by the Indians, of which he drank more freely thanany other Spaniard. His disposition was addicted to cruelty, insomuchthat he frequently put people to death upon very slight grounds, sometimes even without any reason at all, except merely under pretenceof keeping up proper military discipline. Even when ordering anyunfortunate persons to condign punishment, he was wont to crack hisjokes, and to pay them ironical compliments. He was a bad Christian, andmuch addicted to impiety, as was manifest in all his words and actions;and was prodigiously avaricious in the acquisition of money, for whichpurpose he pillaged many of their wealth, by threatening to put them todeath, and then letting them free for a good round sum. He ended hisdays in a miserable manner, with small hope of salvation, as will appearin the sequel. 

To return to the incidents of our history: Our readers may recollectthat Luis de Ribera, lieutenant governor in La Plata, and AntonioAlvares alcalde or judge ordinary of that city, with most of itsinhabitants, had taken the field with the purpose of joining theviceroy. After journeying a long way in the deserts without receivingany intelligence of the events which were passing at Lima, they atlength learnt that the viceroy was deposed and that Gonzalo Pizarro hadusurped the government of Peru. As Ribera and Alvarez were the chiefleaders and instigators of the citizens of La Plata, they did not dareto return to that city in the present situation of affairs, and tooktherefore the resolution of seeking refuge among the Indians in theinaccessible mountains. Some of their associates, however, ventured toreturn to their city, while others went to Lima, where they obtainedpardon from Gonzalo; but he forfeited their lands and Indians, and sentFrancisco de Almendras to take possession of their repartimientos in hisname, as funds for reimbursing the expences of the war. 

We must now advert to the deposed viceroy. After he had been set atliberty by the oydor Alvarez, as has been already related, and the twoother vessels which carried his brother, friends, and servants, hadlikewise submitted to his authority, he continued his voyage with allthe three ships to the port of Tumbez, where he and Alvarez landed, leaving proper persons to take charge of the ships. Immediately onlanding, the viceroy and oydor began to exercise their respectiveauthorities, by constituting a royal audience, and proclamations weredispersed through every part of the country, giving an account of theillegal deposition and imprisonment of the viceroy and the usurpation ofGonzalo, and commanding all faithful subjects of his majesty to join thestandard of the viceroy. He issued these orders to the cities of Quito, San Miguel, Puerto Viejo, and Truxillo; and commissioned captains to goto different places to raise troops; sending, among others, Jerom dePereira on this errand into the province of Bracamoras. In consequenceof these proceedings, many persons came to Tumbez to join his standard. He applied himself likewise to collect provisions and ammunition, strengthening his party as much as possible; and issued orders totransmit to him all the money which was contained in the royal coffers, which was obeyed in many places. Some of the inhabitants however, fledinto the mountains, being unwilling to attach themselves to either ofthe parties which now divided the unhappy colony, while others went tojoin Gonzalo Pizarro. Intelligence was soon carried to Gonzalo of thearrival of the viceroy at Tumbez, and of his preparations for recoveringhis authority, and some even of the proclamations and orders of theviceroy were brought to him at Lima. Gonzalo was by no means negligentin endeavouring to counteract the proceedings of the viceroy; for whichpurpose he sent orders to Ferdinand de Alvarado, his lieutenant atTruxillo, and the captains. Gonzalo Diaz and Jerom Villegas, to collectas many soldiers as possible in that part of the country, lest theymight have gone to Tumbez to join the party of the viceroy. He commandedthese officers to give every possible interruption to the preparationsof the viceroy, yet ordered them on no account to risk coming to abattle with the royalists, however powerful and numerous they mightconceive their troops to be in comparison with those of the viceroy. 

It had been long proposed to send a deputation from Gonzalo and thecommunities of Peru into Spain, to lay an account before his majesty ofall that had occurred in the colony; and many of the principalinsurgents insisted on the necessity of this measure, to justify theirconduct. Others again, among whom the principal persons were thelieutenant-general Carvajal and Captain Bachicao, were of an oppositeopinion; insisting that it were better to wait till his majesty mightthink proper to send out persons to inquire into the cause of hisrevenues being detained. They alleged that the viceroy must have alreadyfully informed his majesty upon all the late transactions, and woulddoubtless be listened to in preference to any thing which they could sayin defence of their conduct. On this account, the leaders of theinsurgents regretted that they had not at the first sent over the judgesof the royal audience into Spain, to give an account of their reasonsfor having made the viceroy a prisoner. And, after many deliberations onthis subject, it was at length determined to send home the DoctorTexada, one of the oydors, in the name of the royal audience, to lay anaccount of the whole before the king. It was at the same time resolved, that Francisco Maldonado, who was master of the household of GonzaloPizarro, should accompany Texada, carrying justificatory letters fromhis master; but without any title, credence, or powers whatever. Bythese measures, two purposes were served at the same time, both of whichwere deemed useful: In sending a deputation to the king to justify theirproceeding, those of their party who pressed that measure weresatisfied; and by employing Texada on this errand, the court of royalaudience was virtually broken up, as Ortiz de Zarate could not then holdsittings by himself[11]. When this proposal was communicated to Texada, he readily consented to undertake the office, on condition that he werefurnished with 6000 crowns to defray the expences of his voyage. Accordingly, Cepeda and he composed all the memorials and dispatcheswhich were deemed necessary, which were signed by these two judges only, as Ortiz refused his concurrence. 

[Footnote 11: Zarate seems to forget the existence of Cepeda, one of thejudges; but he seems to have entirely devoted himself to the party ofthe usurper, while Ortiz affected at least to retain a sense ofloyalty. --E. ]

When all was in readiness for the dispatch of Texada and Maldonado, aship which lay in the harbour of Lima was ordered to be fitted out fortheir reception, of which Captain Bachicao was to have taken thecommand, with a sufficient number of cannon, and twenty soldiers; havingorders to take possession of all the ships he might fall in with alongthe coast. At this time, Vaca de Castro, the ex-president, who stillremained a prisoner in this ship, contrived to gain over a majority ofthe seamen belonging to the vessel, with the assistance of his friendGarcia de Montalva who occasionally visited him. By these means heacquired the command of the vessel, which was already provided withevery thing needful for the voyage, and immediately set sail. Thisuntoward incident gave much uneasiness to Gonzalo Pizarro, both becauseit delayed the departure of Texada, and because he judged that it couldnot have happened without the concurrence of several concealed enemiesto the present state of affairs. On this the troops were ordered underarms, and all the principal persons who were suspected of disaffectionto the party of Pizarro were taken into custody and committed to thecommon prison of the city, both those who had fled from Cuzco, and thosebelonging to other cities who had not joined his party. One of thepersons committed to prison on this occasion was the licentiateCarvajal, to whom the lieutenant-general Carvajal sent a message, desiring him to confess and make his will, as he was immediately to beput to death. The licentiate did accordingly what he was desired, andprepared himself to die with much firmness and resolution; yet he wasurged to be more expeditious, and the executioner was present, providedwith cords for tying his hands and strangling him. Every one believedthe last hour of the licentiate was come; more especially as, considering his rank and quality, it was not thought possible that hecould be treated in this manner merely to frighten him. It was likewiseuniversally believed, that the execution of the licentiate would bespeedily followed by that of all the other prisoners; which it wasconceived would prove of material detriment to the colony, as theyconsisted of the very principal people of the country, and of those whohad always evinced the most zealous loyalty to the service of hismajesty. 

While matters seemed fast tending to this extremity, several of the mostjudicious persons went to Gonzalo Pizarro, and requested of him toreflect that the licentiate Carvajal was one of the principal persons inthe country, and that his brother had been already unjustly put todeath by the viceroy, under pretence of the licentiate having joined theparty of Pizarro. They urged that it was exceedingly imprudent at thistime to put the licentiate to death, as that would necessarily renew thediscontents which had formerly taken place on the death of his brotherthe commissary. They even added, that much good service might beexpected from the licentiate, were it only in pursuit of revenge for thedeath of his brother. They insisted that neither the licentiate nor anyof the other prisoners had any hand in the flight of Vaca de Castro; butthat it might easily be seen that the slightest pretexts were resortedto on purpose to accuse them, who were already under suspicion asdisaffected to the ruling party. Teased and fatigued by thesesolicitations, Gonzalo Pizarro refused to be spoken to on the subject;so that the licentiate and his friends were induced to try anotherexpedient for his release. They conveyed to the lieutenant-general aningot of gold weighing forty marks[12], with a promise of a much largerpresent if he would save the life of the licentiate. Thelieutenant-general accepted their offers, delayed the execution of thelicentiate, and prevailed on Gonzalo Pizarro to set him and all theother suspected persons at liberty. 

[Footnote 12: The weight of this is 820 ounces, which at L. 4 an ouncecomes to L. 1280, and was then worth as much as L. 7680 is in efficientvalue. --E]

After the conclusion of this business, measures were taken for thedispatch of Texada and Maldonado; and at this time there happened toarrive a brigantine from Arequipa, which was fitted out along with someother vessels, and armed with a part of the artillery which had beenbrought down from Cuzco. In these vessels Bachicao embarked along withthe deputies, accompanied by sixty musqueteers, who were all that couldbe prevailed upon to undertake the voyage. They proceeded on theirvoyage along the coast to the northwards, and arrived one morning earlyat Tumbez, where they understood the viceroy then resided. Immediatelyon their being perceived making for the coast, the adherents of theviceroy gave the alarm and stood on their defence: But as the viceroybelieved that Gonzalo Pizarro was on board in person accompanied by aformidable body of troops, he retired in all haste from Tumbezaccompanied by an hundred and fifty men, taking the road for Quito. Several of his people however did not think fit to accompany his flight, and preferred giving themselves up to Bachicao, who likewise tookpossession of two ships which happened to be in the port of Tumbez. Fromthence, Bachicao went to Puerto Viejo and other places, where he drewtogether about an hundred and fifty men, all of whom he took along withhim in the ships of his squadron. Among these were Bartholomew Perez, and Juan Delmos, respectable inhabitants of Puerto Viejo. 

Continuing his voyage towards Panama, Bachicao put in at the Isle ofPearls, about twenty leagues from Panama to procure refreshments. Whileat that place, the inhabitants of Panama received notice of his arrival, and sent two deputies to learn his intentions, requesting at the sametime that he would not come into their boundaries with his troops. Bachicao sent back word, that although he happened to be accompanied byarmed men, it was merely on purpose to defend himself against theviceroy, and that he had not the most distant intention of injuring oreven displeasing the inhabitants of Panama. He informed them, that hewas entrusted with the transport of the Doctor Texada, one of the royaljudges, who was charged with a commission from the court of audience togive an account to his majesty of the events which had occurred in Peru. He farther declared that he should only land in Panama to providenecessaries for his voyage back to Peru, and would reimbark withoutdelay. Lulled into security by these assurances, the inhabitants ofPanama took no measures for defence. On coming into the port, two shipswhich happened to be there, made sail to go away; one of which was takenpossession of by one of the brigantines belonging to Bachicao, andbrought back to the harbour, with the master and chief mate hanging fromthe yard arms. This sad spectacle gave great uneasiness to theinhabitants, who judged from this tragical event, that the purposes ofBachicao were very different from his words and promises. But it was notnow time to think of defence, and they were constrained to submit, though filled with terror and dismay, leaving their lives and propertiesentirely at the discretion of Bachicao, who was no less cruel than thelieutenant-general Carvajal, or even more so if possible; being at thesame time exceedingly addicted to cursing and blasphemy, and among allhis vices not a single spark of virtue could be found to relieve thepicture. 

At this time Captain Juan de Gusman was in Panama raising soldiers forthe service of the viceroy; but he found it advisable to retire on thearrival of Bachicao, with whom all these soldiers now inlisted. Bachicaolikewise got possession of the artillery which had belonged to thevessel in which Vaca de Castro escaped from Lima. Seeing himself masterof Panama, Bachicao who was a brutal passionate fellow, exercised thecommand there in a cruel and tyrannical manner, disposing at his will ofthe goods and properties of every one, violating every rule of law andjustice, oppressing the liberties of the community, and holding everyindividual under such slavish constraint, that no one dared to actotherwise than as he pleased to dictate. Learning or suspecting that twoof his captains had formed the design of putting him to death, heordered them both to be beheaded without any form of trial; and insimilar acts of injustice, and in every transaction, he used no otherformality than ordering it to be intimated by the public crier, "ThatCaptain Ferdinand Bachicao had ordained such and such to be done. " Hethus usurped supreme and absolute authority, paying not the smallestregard to the laws, or even to the external forms of justice. 

The licentiate Vaca de Castro, who was at Panama when Bachicao arrived, fled immediately across the isthmus to Nombre de Dios on the Atlantic, where he embarked accompanied by Diego Alvarez de Cueto and JeromZurbano. Doctor Texada and Francisco Maldonado escaped likewise to thesame port, where they all embarked together for Spain. Texada died onthe voyage while passing the Bahamas. On their arrival in Spain, Moldonado and Cueto went directly to Germany, where the emperor DonCarlos then was, where each gave an account of the business with whichthey were entrusted. Vaca de Castro remained for some time at Tercera inthe Azores; whence he went to Lisbon, and afterwards to the court ofSpain; alleging that he did not dare to go by way of Seville, on accountof the influence in that place of the brothers relations and friends ofJuan Tello, whom he had put to death after the defeat of the youngerAlmagro. On his arrival at court, De Castro was put under arrest in hisown house by order of the council of the Indies. He was afterwardsbrought to trial on a variety of accusations, in the course of which hewas kept prisoner for five years in the citadel of Arevalo. He wasafterwards removed to a private house in Simanca, from which he was notpermitted to go out: And in consequence of a subsequent revolution inthe court of Spain, he was allowed to remain a prisoner at large in thecity and territory of Valladolid, till his cause was finally adjuged[13]. 

[Footnote 13: We learn from Garcilasso, that Vara de Castro was in theend honourably acquitted, and that in the year 1461, when Garcilasso wasat Madrid, De Castro was senior member of the council of the Indies. Hisson, Don Antonio, was made knight of St. Jago, and had a grant of landsand Indians in Peru to the extent of 20, 000 pieces of eight yearly. --E. ]

On the flight of the viceroy from Tumbez with an hundred and fifty men, as before related, in consequence of the arrival of Bachicao, he retiredto Quito, where he was honourably received. In this place he increasedhis force to two hundred men, and finding the country fertile andabounding in provisions, he determined to remain there till he mightreceive ulterior orders from his majesty, in reply to the informationshe had transmitted by Diego Alvarez de Cueto. In the mean time heappointed strong guards to defend the passes in the mountains, andstationed spies on the different roads, that he might have earlyintimation of the procedure of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, which is threehundred leagues from Quito. About this time four soldiers belonging toGonzalo deserted on account of some injurious treatment, and seized asmall bark in the port of Lima, in which they sailed northwards to aplace where they landed, and whence they travelled by land to Quito. Ontheir arrival, they represented to the viceroy, that the inhabitants ofLima and other places were exceedingly discontented by the conduct ofGonzalo, who subjected them to the most harassing and vexatious tyranny, driving them from their houses, and despoiling them of their goods, sothat many of the colonists were reduced to depend on other persons fortheir subsistence. That Gonzalo imposed such burthensome contributionson the whole inhabitants, that they were unable to endure them; and thatall were so weary of his tyranny, that they would gladly join any personwho might come among them in the name of the king, to relieve them fromthe cruel oppression and tyrannous violence of the usurper. Inconsequence of this statement, the viceroy was induced to march fromQuito towards San Miguel, appointing to the command of his troops oneDiego de Occampo, an inhabitant of Quito, who had joined him on hisarrival at Tumbez, and had expended large sums in his service from hisown private fortune. 

The licentiate Alvarez always accompanied the viceroy, and these twoestablished themselves as the court of royal audience, in virtue of acommission from his majesty which the viceroy still held. By this royalorder, the viceroy was authorised after his arrival at Lima, to holdaudience in conjunction with two or one of the oydors who might firstarrive, or even in case that any two or three of them should chance todie. In pursuance of this authority, the viceroy ordered a new seal tobe made, which he committed to the custody of Juan de Leon, alcalde orpolice judge of Lima, who had been nominated by the Marquis of Camarosa, grand-chancellor of the Indies, as his deputy or chancellor of theaudience of Lima. De Leon had fled from Gonzalo Pizarro, and had joinedthe viceroy at Quito. In consequence of this arrangement, the viceroyissued such orders and proclamations as seemed needful or expedient, inthe name of the emperor Don Carlos; authenticating them with the royalseal, and by the signatures of himself and the licentiate Alvarez. Bythese means there were two royal audiences in Peru, one at the city ofLima, and the other wherever the viceroy happened to reside; so that itfrequently happened that two opposite and contradictory decrees werepronounced and promulgated, in one and the same cause. 

On taking the resolution of marching from Quito, the viceroy sent hisbrother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto, to inform his majesty of thestate of affairs, and to solicit such reinforcements as might enable himto re-establish his authority in Peru, by waging war against GonzaloPizarro. Cueto went accordingly to Spain in the same fleet with Vaca deCastro and Texada, as already related. The viceroy advanced southwardsto San Miguel, which is an hundred and fifty leagues from Quito, determining to remain at that place till he might receive farther ordersfrom his majesty. The inhabitants of San Miguel gave him the bestreception in their power, and furnished him as far as they were ablewith every thing he was in want of. He continually kept his small armyon foot, to preserve the honour and reputation of his character asviceroy, and that he might be in a convenient situation for receivingsuch reinforcements as might come from Spain or from any of the Americancolonies; as every one coming by land from these quarters mustnecessarily pass by the way of San Miguel, especially if accompanied byhorses or beasts of burthen. He expected therefore to be able in thisplace to collect reinforcements to his army, so as to be in condition torenew the war, and employed himself to collect men, horses, and arms, sothat he was soon at the head of five hundred men, tolerably equipped. Some of these indeed were in want of defensive armour, which theyendeavoured to supply by fabricating cuirasses of iron, and of hardleather. 

At the time when Gonzalo Pizarro sent Bachicao with the brigantines toget possession of the ships belonging to the viceroy, he dispatchedGonzalo Diaz de Pinera and Jerom de Villegas to collect the soldiers whodwelt in Truxillo and San Miguel, that they might make head against theviceroy in the north of Peru. These officers remained in San Miguel withabout eighty men whom they had drawn to their party, till they heard ofthe approach of the viceroy; on which, not being in sufficient force tooppose him, they retreated towards Truxillo, and established themselvesin the province of _Collique_, about forty leagues[14] from San Miguel. From thence they sent intimation to Gonzalo of the advance of theviceroy, and that his army increased daily in numbers, insomuch that itbehoved him to think of some appropriate measures to avert thethreatened danger. Diaz and Villegas were likewise informed that theviceroy had sent Juan de Pereira, one of his officers, into the provinceof Chachapoyas, in which there were very few Spanish settlers, toendeavour to collect reinforcements. As they believed that Pereira andhis followers entertained no suspicions of their being in theneighbourhood, Diaz and Villegas determined on attempting to surprizethem, which they did so effectually one night, that they made the wholeparty prisoners without resistance. Having beheaded Pereira and two ofhis principal followers, they obliged the rest of the party, about sixtyhorsemen, to enter into the service of Gonzalo, by threats of puttingthem all to death if they refused; after which they returned to theirpost. 

[Footnote 14: The distance in the text is probably a mistake for_fourteen_ leagues, as about that distance to the S. E. Of San Miguelthere is a river named _Chola_, which may have given name to thedistrict or valley in which it runs. --E. ]

The viceroy was greatly incensed by this untoward event, and determinedto seek an opportunity of revenge. With this view he departed secretlyfrom San Miguel with a body of an hundred and fifty horse, and took suchjudicious measures that he arrived one night undiscovered at _Collique, _where he surprized the enemy, and obliged them to fly in all directions. Diaz made his escape almost alone into a district inhabited by hostileIndians, who assailed him and put him to death. Villegas and FerdinandAlvarado were more fortunate in their escape, as they were able tocollect some of their dispersed troops, with whom they took up a new andmore secure position not far from Truxillo, and at a safer distance fromSan Miguel. 

As Gonzalo Pizarro was informed that the viceroy augmented his armyfrom time to time, more especially after this successful enterprize, heresolved to march against him without delay; as hardly a day passed inwhich the viceroy was not joined by soldiers, horses, and arms fromSpain, or some of the American colonies, all of which were landed at theport of Tumbez. He was likewise in dread lest some dispatch might arrivefrom the emperor, favourable to the viceroy, by which his own adherentsmight be intimidated, and numbers might be induced to change sides. Withthis view he assembled his army, determined to march in person againstthe viceroy, and if possible to bring him to action. He issued thereforethe proper orders to all his officers, reviewed and mustered his troops, advanced them the necessary funds for taking the field, and sent off thebaggage, artillery, ammunition and provisions, with the main body of thearmy towards Truxillo, remaining behind at Lima with some of hisprincipal officers, to follow in proper time. About this time a vesselarrived from Arequipa with a very seasonable supply of 100, 000 crowns;and another vessel from Tierra Firma, belonging to Gonzalo Martel, sentby his wife to enable him to return home. The arrival of these twovessels was very opportune for Gonzalo Pizarro, as they served totransport great quantities of musquets, pikes, ammunition, and otherimplements of war, together with a guard of an hundred and fifty men, and greatly facilitated the intended expedition against the viceroy. 

On quitting Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro thought proper to take the oydorCepeda and Juan de Caceres the accountant-general along with him, bothto give the more eclat and appearance of legal authority to hismeasures, and on purpose to break up the court of royal audience, asOrtiz de Zarate would then be the only judge remaining at Lima, who wasnot thought of much importance, as he was in bad health. Besides, Blasde Soto, his brother, had married the daughter of that judge; andalthough that marriage had been effected contrary to the wish of Ortiz, it was considered as some tie upon his conduct. For greater security, however, Gonzalo used the precaution of carrying the royal seal alongwith him. Gonzalo Pizarro chose to go by sea; and on leaving Lima, heappointed Lorenzo de Aldana as lieutenant-governor of that city, with agarrison of eighty soldiers, to preserve tranquillity during hisabsence. This small number was considered sufficient to prevent anyattempt towards a revolutionary movement, as most of the inhabitants ofLima accompanied the expedition. Gonzalo embarked in March 1545, andlanded at the port of Santa, fifteen leagues south from Truxillo, atwhich city he arrived on Palm Sunday. He remained at this place for sometime, waiting the junction of his troops, sending messages in variousdirections to expedite their march. After some time, he marched fromTruxillo into the province of Collique, where the whole of his armyassembled. At this place he reviewed his army, which amounted to abovesix hundred horse and foot. The troops under the viceroy were nearly asnumerous; but those under Gonzalo were much better armed, and bettersupplied with every thing requisite for war, as well as being allveteran soldiers, accustomed to war and discipline, and well acquaintedwith all the difficult passes of the country. The troops of the viceroyon the contrary, had for the most part come recently from Spain, werequite unaccustomed to war, and ill armed; besides which their powder wasbad in quality. 

Gonzalo used every effort to collect provisions and all kinds ofnecessaries for his army, more especially as he had to pass through adesert country which intervened between the province of Motupe[15] andthe city of San Miguel, a distance of twenty-two leagues without anyinhabitants, and entirely destitute of water or other means ofrefreshment, consisting every where of burning sands without shelterfrom the heat of the sun and almost under the equinoctial line. As thismarch was necessarily attended with much inconvenience and difficulty, Gonzalo used every proper precaution that his troops might be suppliedabundantly with water and other necessaries. For this purpose all theneighbouring Indians were ordered to bring a prodigious quantity of jarsand other vessels calculated to contain water. The soldiers were orderedto leave at Motupe all their clothes and baggage of which they were notin immediate want, which were to be brought forward by the Indians. Above all things, it was taken care that a sufficiency of water shouldaccompany the army, both for the troops, and for the horses and otheranimals. Every thing being in readiness, Gonzalo sent forwards a partyof twenty-five horsemen by the ordinary road through the desert, thatthey might be observed by the scouts belonging to the viceroy, and thathe might be led to believe the army came in that direction. He then tooka different route through the same desert with the army, marching asexpeditiously as possible, every soldier being ordered to carry hisprovisions along with him on his horse. By these precautions, and therapidity of the march, the viceroy was not informed of the approach ofGonzalo and his army, till they were very near San Miguel. Immediatelyon learning their approach, he sounded the alarm, giving out that heintended to meet and give battle to the insurgents; but as soon as hisarmy was drawn out from the city, he took a quite opposite course, directing his march with all possible expedition towards the mountain ofCaxas. 

[Footnote 15: Named Morrope in modern maps. The desert in the text is ofgreat extent, reaching from the river Leche to the Piura, a distance ofabove eighty English miles. ]

Gonzalo Pizarro got notice of the retreat of the viceroy about fourhours afterwards, in consequence of which he made no halt at San Miguel, except to procure guides to direct him in the road which the viceroy hadtaken. In the first night of this pursuit, the army of Gonzalo marchedeight Spanish leagues, or near thirty English miles, and several of theroyalists who had lagged behind the rest, together with the wholebaggage belonging to the retreating army fell into his hands. Gonzalohanged such of his prisoners as were most obnoxious to him, andcontinued the pursuit of the flying royalists with the utmost diligence, through difficult and almost impracticable roads, where no provisionscould be procured, always coming up with some of the hindmost of theenemy. Gonzalo likewise sent on several Indians with letters to theprincipal officers who served under the viceroy, urging them to put himto death, and offering them their pardons for the past and to give themhigh rewards. He continued the pursuit above fifty leagues or twohundred miles, till at length the horses were no longer able to carrytheir riders, and the men were incapable of proceeding, both fromexcessive fatigue and by the failure of provisions. The insurgent armyat length arrived at Ayabaca[16], where the hot pursuit of the viceroywas discontinued, and the troops of Gonzalo halted for rest andrefreshment. Besides the difficulty of overtaking the royalists, Gonzalohad received assurances from some of the principal followers of theviceroy that they would either put him to death, or deliver him up as aprisoner; and, as this came afterwards to the knowledge of the viceroy, he put several of these officers and gentlemen of his army to death. After Gonzalo had supplied his army with such provisions as could befurnished at Ayabaca, he resumed the pursuit, but with less rapiditythan before, and keeping his army always in compact order; yet at thistime some of his troops remained behind, partly owing to extremefatigue, and partly from discontent. Leaving the viceroy to continuehis retreat to Quito, and Gonzalo in pursuit, it is proper to mentionsome events that occurred at this time in other parts of Peru. 

[Footnote 16: Notwithstanding the distance mentioned in the text, Ayabaca is only about 60 miles, or fifteen Spanish leagues in a straightline N. N. E. From San Miguel. --E. ]

In this march, Gonzalo did not think proper to carry along with his armyany of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy whom he had taken duringthe pursuit, both because he could not confide in them, because he hadalready a sufficient force in proportion to the enemy, and becauseprovisions were very difficult to be procured, as the viceroy hadstripped every place through which he passed as much as possible. Forthis reason, Gonzalo Pizarro sent back all his prisoners to Truxillo, Lima, or such other places as they thought proper, having in the firstplace put to death such of their chiefs as he considered most stronglyattached to the viceroy. As these soldiers were dispersed over severalparts of the country, they began to declaim in favour of the viceroy andagainst the tyrannical conduct of Gonzalo, and found many personsabundantly disposed to listen to their harangues; both because what theyalleged was true in itself, and because most of the Spanish inhabitantsof Peru were much inclined to revolution and change of party, especiallythe soldiery and those who were lazy and unoccupied. The real settlersand principal inhabitants of the cities were quite of an oppositedescription, being friends of peace and order, as most conducive totheir interest and happiness, and necessary to the preservation of theirproperties, and being more exposed in time of civil war than even thesoldiers to be harassed and tormented in many ways, as the ruling partywas apt on the slightest pretexts to put them to death on purpose toseize their effects, with which to gratify and reward the partizans oftheir tyranny and injustice. These seditious discourses were so openlyindulged in, that they reached the knowledge of the lieutenants ofGonzalo; who, each in his peculiar jurisdiction, punished the authors asthey deemed right. At Lima, to which most of these prisoners had gone, Pedro Martin de Cecilia the provost marshal was a violent partizan ofGonzalo, and caused several of these malecontents to be hanged. Lorenzode Aldana, who had been left by Gonzalo as lieutenant-governor of Lima, was a prudent man, and conducted himself in a quite different manner, being disinclined from acting with such violence as might occasiondispleasure to either party in the sequel; for which reason he used allhis influence to prevent putting any one to death, or from injuring anyperson in any manner. Although he held his office from Gonzalo, he neverexerted himself zealously in his service, so that the partizans of thatusurper considered him as secretly gained by the other party, moreespecially as he always behaved well to the known friends of theviceroy. On this account, all these men flocked to Lima, where theybelieved themselves in greater security than anywhere else. Thepartizans of Gonzalo, on the other hand, made loud complaints againstthe favourable behaviour of Aldana to the royalists; and in particularone of the alcaldes of Lima, named Christopher de Burgos, spoke of it soopenly that Aldana thought it necessary to give him a public reprimand, and even committed him to prison for some time. Several even went so faras to communicate their suspicions of the fidelity of Aldana to GonzaloPizarro by letters, and even persuaded him of the truth of theirallegations: But he refrained from manifesting his want of confidence inthe lieutenant-governor, considering it dangerous to deprive him of hisoffice while the army was at so great a distance, more especially asAldana had a respectable military force, and was much esteemed by thecitizens of Lima. 

We have formerly mentioned that several inhabitants of the city of LaPlata in the province of Las Charcas, on receiving orders to that effectfrom the viceroy, had set out from that city on purpose to offer himtheir services against Gonzalo; but having learnt his imprisonment whileon their way to Lima, they returned to their habitations. GonzaloPizarro was particularly displeased with these men, as he expected tohave been especially favoured by the inhabitants of his own peculiardistrict, and sent therefore a person named Francisco de Almendras aslieutenant-governor to La Plata, a coarse brutal fellow without feelingor humanity, and one of the most cruel satellites of his tyrannicalusurpation; whom he instructed to be peculiarly watchful of thebehaviour of those who had shewn an intention of joining the viceroy, and to make them feel on every opportunity how much he was dissatisfiedwith their conduct on that occasion. In pursuance of his instructions, Almendras deprived the principal persons among these loyalists of theirlands and Indians, and exacted heavy contributions from them towardsdefraying the expences of the war. He likewise affronted and used themill on all occasions, and even on very frivolous pretences. One DonGomez de Luna, a principal person among the loyalists of La Plata, happened one day to observe in conversation at his own house, that theemperor Don Carlos must assuredly at length recover the command overPeru. This loyal sentiment was reported to Almendras, who immediatelyordered De Luna to be arrested and thrown into the common prison. Themagistrates of the city went in a body to supplicate Almendras either toliberate De Luna, or at least to confine him in a place more conformableto his rank; and as Almendras refused to give a satisfactory answer totheir representation, one of the magistrates declared publicly, that, ifhe would not liberate de Luna, they would do so in spite of him. Almendras dissembled his sentiments at the time, but went next night tothe prison, whence he caused De Luna to be taken out to the publicsquare and beheaded. 

The inhabitants of the city were exceedingly disgusted by this cruel actof tyranny, which they considered as an outrage against the wholecommunity; and particularly one Diego Centeno was most sensiblyaffected, as he and De Luna had been extremely intimate. At thecommencement of the troubles respecting the obnoxious regulations, Centeno had attached himself to Gonzalo Pizarro, whom he had accompaniedto Cuzco, in the capacity of procurator from the province of LasCharcas, being one of the principal persons of his party. Having noticedthe bad intentions of Pizarro, and that he did not limit his designs tothose objects which he at first proposed, Centeno abandoned the party ofGonzalo and returned to his own house. He now determined to use hisutmost endeavours to revenge the cruel death of his friend De Luna, thathe might save himself and others from the tyrannous rule of Almendras, and on purpose to restore the country to obedience to its legitimatesovereign. With this view, he communicated his sentiments to some of theprincipal settlers, among whom were Lopez de Mendoza, Alfonso Perez deEsquivel, Alfonzo de Camargo, Fernando Nunnez de Segura, Lopez deMendiera, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and several others whom he believed tohave loyal intentions, all of whom he found disposed to second him inexecuting the enterprize which he had in view. In the prosecution ofthis purpose, they all assembled one Sunday morning, according tocustom, at the house of Almendras, under pretence of accompanying himto church. When all were assembled, although Almendras had aconsiderable guard, Ceuteno went up to him as if to converse on someaffair of moment, and stabbed him repeatedly with his dagger. Theconspirators then dragged him out to the public square and cut off hishead, declaring him a traitor, and proclaiming that they had done so forthe service of the king. 

Considering that Almendras was universally detested, the conspiratorshad not thought it necessary to use any precautions for conciliating thepeople; yet all the inhabitants declared for the king, and tookimmediate measures to support his authority and to defend themselvesagainst the resentment of Gonzalo and the insurgents. For this purpose, they elected Centeno as commander in chief of the province; in whichcapacity he appointed proper persons to be captains of cavalry andinfantry under his authority, and used every effort to inlist a body oftroops, which he paid out of his own funds, being one of the richest menin the country; but in this he was assisted by the other inhabitants ofthe province, who contributed towards the expence. Centeno was of anhonourable family, being descended from Hernan Centeno who had madehimself illustrious in the wars of Castillo. He was about thirty-fiveyears of age, of very agreeable manners, of a liberal disposition, personally brave, of an excellent character and universally respected. At this time he enjoyed a revenue exceeding 80, 000 crowns; but about twoyears afterwards, on the discovery of the famous mines of Potosi, hebecame possessed of above 100, 000 crowns of annual rent by means of hisIndians, as his estate lay very near these mines. 

Having assembled a body of troops, Centeno used every effort to providethem with arms and all other necessary equipments. He placed guards atall the passes, to prevent any intelligence from being conveyed to theenemy till his affairs were in proper order. He sent likewise Lopez deMendoza one of his captains, first to Porco and thence to Arequipa tocollect as many men as possible, and to endeavour to arrest Pedro doPuentes the lieutenant of Gonzalo at Arequipa. But Puentes fledimmediately from Arequipa on receiving intelligence of the events whichhad occurred at Las Charcas. Mendoza therefore took possession ofArequipa without resistance; whence he reinforced himself with all themen, arms, and horses, he could procure, and carried off all the moneyhe could find, with which and his reinforcement he returned to Centenoat La Plata. 

On the return of Mendoza, Centeno found himself at the head of twohundred and fifty men well equipped for war, to whom he explained hissentiments and views, and gave an account of the criminal usurpation ofGonzalo Pizarro, in the following terms. "You know that Gonzalo, onleaving Cuzco, pretended merely to present the humble remonstrances ofthe colonists respecting the obnoxious regulations; and you have beeninformed that, even at the outset, he put to death Gaspard de Roias, Philip Gutierrez, and Arias Maldonado. You have learnt how he conspiredwith the judges of the royal audience and other inhabitants of Lima, toarrest and depose the viceroy, both of which were done accordingly. After this, while at the very gates of Lima, and before his public entryinto that city, he sent in his lieutenant-general, who arrested many ofthe most considerable and richest inhabitants of the country, under theeyes of the judges, merely because these men had joined the viceroy, andeven hanged three of them without any form of trial, Pedro de Barco, Martin de Florencia, and Juan Saavedra. He in the next place has brokenup the royal court of audience, sending off its judges to differentplaces, having in the first place obliged them to appoint him to thegovernment. He has since, as you well know, caused many others to be putto death, merely on suspicion that they were favourable to the viceroy, and intended to join his party. Not satisfied with all this, he hasseized all the treasure belonging to his majesty in the differentreceipts of the colony, and has imposed excessive contributions on theinhabitants, from whom he has exacted above 150, 000 ducats by means oftaxes imposed at his own pleasure. Adding crime to crime, he has againlevied forces against the authority of his majesty, with which he hasmarched against the viceroy, and has carried insubordination andconfusion into every part of the country; permitting and encouragingmany to hold public discourse contrary to the respect and obediencewhich is due to his majesty. They were likewise aware, that Gonzalo hadtoken away the repartimientos, or allotments of lands and Indians frommany persons, and had converted them to his own emolument. Finally, helaid before them the strong obligations by which they were all bound, asfaithful subjects, to exert their utmost endeavours in the service oftheir sovereign, lest they should draw upon themselves the imputation ofbeing rebels and traitors. " By these representations, and others whichit were tedious to repeat, he disposed his auditors to concur in hisloyal sentiments, and willingly to obey his orders. After this, Centenosent one of his captains with a detachment to Chicuito, a placebelonging particularly to the king, between Orcaza and Las Charcas, withorders to guard the passes with the utmost vigilance, till he and theroyalists were in full readiness to execute their principal enterprize, as will be related in the sequel. 

Notwithstanding every precaution employed by Centeno to conceal hisoperations and intentions, it was impossible to prevent intelligencefrom spreading in various directions, more especially after theexpedition of Mendoza to Arequipa. Every thing he had already done, eventhe number of his troops, and of the musquets and horses he hadcollected, was fully known, by means of Indians and Spaniards who hadescaped from La Plata, in spite of the guards which had been set, towatch the passes of the mountains. Alfonso de Toro, who acted aslieutenant governor of Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, happened at thistime to be a hundred leagues to the northward of that city, keepingguard in one of the passes of the mountains, as by letters from Gonzalothe viceroy was reported to have gone into the mountainous country, andwas supposed to have directed his march by that road toward the south ofPeru. On receiving notice of the late revolution at La Plata, De Tororeturned in all diligence to Cuzco, where he levied forces to opposeCenteno; and, having assembled the magistrates and principal inhabitantsof Cuzco, he informed them of what had occurred at Las Charcas, and asthere was a sufficient force in Cuzco to suppress the royalists, hethought it incumbent on him to march to La Plata for that purpose. Togain them over to his purpose, he represented that Centeno had revoltedwithout any just cause, and had usurped authority in Las Charcas for hisown private ends, under pretence of serving the king; whereas GonzaloPizarro, being actual governor of the kingdom of Peru, ought to beobeyed as such till his majesty sent orders to the contrary. That therevolt of Centeno, being both criminal in itself and contrary to thelaw, every one was bound to resist him, and to punish his temerity. Herecalled to their remembrance, that Gonzalo Pizarro was engaged inserving the general interest of the colonists, to procure the revocationof the obnoxious ordinances, in which common cause he had exposed hisfortune and personal safety to every hazard, as it was well known thatevery inhabitant of Peru would be stripped of his property if theregulations were put in force. That besides the general advantageprocured by Gonzalo in setting aside the obnoxious regulations, forwhich all were infinitely indebted to him, it was obvious that he hadnot in any respect conducted himself contrary to the royal orders, andhad not in any manner set himself against the authority of thesovereign; since, on his arrival at Lima for the purpose of presentingtheir remonstrances, the judges of the royal audience had alreadyarrested the viceroy and sent him out of the kingdom, of which thesejudges had appointed Gonzalo interim governor; and that in marching in awarlike manner against the viceroy, he had acted at the request and bythe orders of the royal audience; as was manifest by his beingaccompanied by Cepeda, one of the royal judges and chairman of theaudience. He asserted that no person in Peru could take upon him todetermine whether the audience had acted right or otherwise inconferring the government on Gonzalo; and that it was the duty of all tosupport him in that office, till they received the ulterior orders ofthe sovereign. 

At the close of this discourse, every one acknowledged the justice ofwhat he had represented, and voluntarily offered to support Gonzalo withtheir lives and fortunes; although in reality most of them did so morefrom fear than good will, as they stood in great awe of De Toro, who hadhanged several persons in a summary manner, and had made himselfuniversally dreaded by his cruel and ferocious disposition and conduct, so that no one dared to oppose or contradict him in any thing. After ashort deliberation, a set of resolutions were entered into, in which thetransactions of Centeno in Las Charcas were recited as seditious andunlawful, and he was declared to have assassinated Francisco deAlmendras, the lieutenant governor, to have levied forces in rebellionagainst the legitimate government, and to have passed the boundaries ofthe province of Las Charcas in hostile manner; for all which reasons itwas just and proper to make war upon him, and to reduce him toobedience. All this was done principally to satisfy or to amuse thepeople, and to make them believe that the partizans of Gonzalo actedreasonably and lawfully, as all those who signed these resolutions wereperfectly aware of the real state of affairs. In reality, althoughmatters were thus represented in the popular assemblages, injustification of the measures of the insurgent party, or at least toexcuse their actions under specious pretences, those who took an activepart on the present occasion, used often to declare, both in thepresence and absence of Gonzalo, that the king would certainly give, orought to give him the government of Peru, as they were resolved not toreceive any other person in that capacity, such being the resolution ofGonzalo in which they all concurred. 

Alfonso de Toro now proceeded to levy an army, of which he declaredhimself captain general and commander in chief, and appointed captainsand other officers to command under his authority. In all hisproceedings he carried himself with a high hand, employing force andviolence, instead of persuasion and good treatment. He protestedpublickly and with many oaths, that he would hang up every one who didnot assist and contribute to the cause; and even had several personscarried to the foot of the gallows, whose lives he was induced to spareby dint of solicitations. He abused and maltreated others, usingeveryone in the most outrageous manner who did not give way to him inall things. By this violent procedure he completed his warlikepreparations at very small expence; insomuch that it appeared afterwardsby his accounts, that he had not expended above twenty thousand crownsin this expedition, as he took away gratuitously all the horses thatwere to be found in Cuzco, and constrained all the inhabitants who wereable to carry arms to accompany him in the expedition against Centeno. By these means De Toro collected three hundred men, tolerably armed andequipped, with which he marched from Cuzco to a place named Urcos, aboutsix leagues from that city, where he remained three weeks in anxiousexpectation of intelligence from Las Charcas: But all the roads andpasses between and La Plata, were so well guarded by the Indians, whowere entirely disposed to favour Centeno, that he was unable to learnany thing of the movements or intentions of the royalists in LasCharcas, so that he was constrained to remain continually on the alertlest he might have been surprized. Besides these military precautions, he rigorously punished all who presumed to show the slightestdisinclination towards the interest of the Pizarrian faction, or toexpress their sentiments in any respect in disapprobation of his owndesigns; insomuch that all were constrained from dread of punishment toappear heartily attached to the cause in which he was engaged. 

After remaining three weeks encamped at Urcos, he determined to march insearch of Centeno, and advanced for that purpose to the village namedDel Rey. As the troops of Centeno happened to be a good deal scatteredat this time, he was under the necessity of retreating on the approachof De Toro. These hostile chiefs being encamped at the distance of abouttwelve leagues, entered into a negotiation to endeavour to form anaccommodation; but, as they were unable to agree upon any terms, De Toroadvanced for the purpose of attacking Centeno; who, on the other hand, was unwilling to risk the chance of an engagement, owing to theinferiority of his force, and because a defeat might have dispirited hisown party and have been of great advantage to the cause of theinsurgents. On this account he retired in proportion as De Toroadvanced, accompanied by a great number of large Peruvian sheep loadedwith provisions and ammunition, and carrying along with him all theprincipal _curacas_ or native chiefs, to prevent De Toro from being ableto avail himself of the assistance of the Indians. In this mannerCenteno continued to retreat across a desert and uninhabited country offorty leagues extent, till he arrived at a place named _Casabindo_, through which Diego de Roias had formerly descended from the elevatedregion of Peru into the eastern plain of the Rio de la Plata. Alfonso deToro continued the pursuit as far as the city of La Plata, which is anhundred and eighty leagues to the south of Cuzca. Finding that placeabandoned and entirely stript of every thing which might contribute tothe subsistence of his troops, and being unable to procure provisions onaccount of the absence of all the curacas or caciques, he was under thenecessity to discontinue his pursuit of Centeno, and even found himselfcompelled to return towards Cuzco. In this retreat, De Toro took thecommand of the advanced guard of fifty men, ordering the main body tomarch at leisure, and left a rear-guard of thirty of his best mountedcavalry under Alfonso de Mendoza, with orders to use every possiblemeans of procuring intelligence of the motions of Centeno; that, in caseof his following, the troops might be collected together in good orderto rejoin the van. 

The departure of De Toro from La-Plata on his return to Cuzco was sooncommunicated to Centeno by means of the Indians. He was astonished atthis sudden alteration of affairs; and, as he understood that De Toromarched in great hast, without keeping his troops in close array, hesupposed that circumstance to have been occasioned by De Toroentertaining suspicions of the fidelity of his followers, and that hehad found them ill-disposed towards the party of the Pizarrians. Onthese considerations, Centeno resolved to pursue in his turn, in hope ofdrawing some advantage to the cause in which he was engaged from thismeasure, and even expecting that several of the followers of Toro mightcome over to his side. He sent off therefore the captain Lope de Mendozawith fifty light armed cavalry in pursuit of the enemy. Mendoza got in ashort time to Collao; and, although de Toro and most of his troops hadalready passed beyond that place, he made prisoners of about fifty whoremained behind, whom at first he deprived of their horses and arms. Soon afterwards, however, he returned these to his prisoners, and evendistributed some money among them, receiving their engagements upon oathto join him when required; but he hanged a few of them who weresuspected of being particulary attached to De Toro. After thissuccessful exploit, Lope returned in great haste to La Plata, in hope ofbeing able to cut off Alfonzo de Mendoza and his small party, who stilloccupied that place. But Alfonzo had received intelligence of what hadhappened at Collao, and had already quitted La Plata in great haste, taking a different road from that pursued by Lope, by which means he gotsafe to Cuzco. 

Centeno arrived soon afterwards at La Plata with the remainder of histroops, where he assembled all the force under his command, and where hemade every possible preparation for continuing the war to advantage, andin particular caused a number of musquets to be made. De Toro continuedhis retreat to Cuzco, dreading much to be pursued, and lest Centenomight have acquired possession of Cuzco, which he might easily haveaccomplished in the present situation of affairs; but Centeno thought itmore prudent to remain at La Plata, where he augmented the number of histroops and collected treasure which was found in great plenty in theprovince of Las Charcas. 

The events which had taken place in Las Charcas were soon known atLima; and as several of the soldiers in that city were attached to theparty of the viceroy, they spoke almost openly of going away to joinCenteno; and, from the small attention paid by Lorenzo de Aldana torepress these men, he was even suspected of favouring the same cause. Antonio de Ribera likewise, although the brother-in-law of Pizarro, wasstrongly suspected of being secretly devoted to the royal interest, asindeed his conduct in the sequel evinced; and several other persons ofconsideration lay under suspicions of the same nature. All this gavemuch uneasiness to the friends of Pizarro: Yet those persons at Lima whowished well to the interests of his majesty, did not think it prudent atthis time to make any open attempt, being satisfied that it was betterto wait a more favourable opportunity, and that De Aldana would preparematters for that purpose, as he seemed clearly favourable to the samecause. His abilities were universally acknowledged, and his goodintentions were not doubted, so that all were satisfied that he wouldconduct matters with much prudence to a favourable issue. 

At this time it became known at Lima that the viceroy had retreated witha small body of troops into the province of Popayan; and that during hisretreat he had put to death several of the officers and other persons ofconsideration in his army; among whom were Rodrigo de Ocampo, Jerom dela Cerna, Gaspard Gil Olivarez and Gomez Estacio; some of these becausethey were inclined to abandon him, and others for corresponding withGonzalo Pizarro, and conspiring to put the viceroy to death. On thecommunication of this intelligence at Lima, it produced differenteffects according to the different inclinations and views of theinhabitants. It occasioned more reserve among those who were of loyaldispositions; whereas the partizans of the Pizarrian tyranny consideredthemselves more at liberty to avow their sentiments to Aldana. They wenttherefore to him in a body, and represented that there were many personsin Lima who were strongly suspected of being hostile to Gonzalo Pizarro, and only waited a favourable opportunity to take up arms against him;and that it was incumbent therefore on the lieutenant governor to punishthese men for the scandalous freedoms in which they had indulged, or atleast to banish them from the city. They offered to furnish sufficientproof of these facts, and urged him to exert his authority on theoccasion. Aldana assured them that none of these things had ever cometo his knowledge; and that if he knew who those were against whom theycomplained, he would take such measures as were necessary on theoccasion. 

The partizans of Pizarro became at length so bold that they arrestedfifteen of those whom they most strongly suspected of attachment to thedeposed viceroy, among whom was Diego Lopez de Zuniga. Having thrownthese men into prison, the Pizarrians were inclined to have given themthe torture to extort confession, and afterwards to have procured theircondemnation by Pedro Martin the provost marshal of the city; so thatthey were in imminent danger of being put to death, if Lorenzo de Aldanahad not exerted himself promptly and effectually to take them out of thehands of the Pizarrians. For this purpose, he caused them all to bebrought to his own residence, on pretence that they would be there inmore safe custody, and provided them with every thing of which theystood in need, even secretly furnishing them with a vessel in which theyembarked and saved themselves from their enemies. This transaction gavemuch dissatisfaction to the friends of Pizarro, both on account of theescape of the prisoners, and because Aldana refused to allow of anyformal investigation into the circumstances of their escape; on whichaccount the Pizarrians firmly believed that Aldana was in secret leaguewith the opposite party. They wrote therefore to Gonzalo Pizarro, givinghim an account of all these events, and urging him to give proper orderson the occasion. But Gonzalo did not think it prudent at this time tomake any change in affairs at Lima, or to attempt any thing againstAldana; because, as it has been reported, he was afraid of matterstaking an unfavourable issue while he was at so great a distance. 

When Gonzalo Pizarro was informed of what had been done by Centeno inthe province of Las Charcas against his interest and authority, hebelieved it necessary to use prompt measures for reducing that countryto subjection, and not to give his enemies time and opportunity forstrengthening themselves and increasing the number of their partizans;as he flattered himself that he would become absolute master of thewhole kingdom of Peru, if he were able to get rid of Centeno. Afterseveral consultations with the principal officers of his army, on themeasures necessary to be pursued on this emergency, in which Gonzalocould not act in person as he had still to oppose the viceroy in thenorth, it was determined to confide the care of an expedition againstCenteno to the lieutenant-general Carvajal. For this purpose all thenecessary orders and commissions were made out immediately in the nameof Gonzalo Pizarro, by which Carvajal was authorized to levy what menand money he might deem necessary. This employment was very acceptableto Carvajal, as he believed he might derive considerable profit tohimself in its execution; and he set out from Quito accompanied only bytwenty persons, in whom he had great confidence. The council of GonzaloPizarro had other and secret motives for recommending the employment ofCarvajal on this occasion, besides those which they publickly avowed. Some were desirous of acquiring by his absence a greater share in themanagement of affairs; while others were anxious to send him to adistance, from the terror inspired by his cruel and ferocious conduct, and his passionate temper, owing to which he used often to put people todeath on the most trifling offences or the slightest suspicions. But allthe leaders in the army disguised their real sentiments on thisoccasion, pretending that the importance of the affair required thetalents and experience of Carvajal to bring it to a successful issue. 

Leaving Quito, Carvajal went, directly to San Miguel, where theprincipal inhabitants went out to meet him, and conducted him with muchrespect to the house which was prepared for his reception. On arrivingthere, he desired six of the most considerable persons belonging to thecity to dismount and accompany him into the house, under pretence thathe had something of importance to communicate to them from the governor. Having caused the doors to be shut, and posted centinels to prevent anycommunication with the rest of the inhabitants, he represented to thesemen, that Gonzalo was much incensed against them for having always takenpart with his enemies, and more especially on account of having receivedand favoured the deposed viceroy, and of having readily supplied hisarmy with every thing of which they stood in need. On this account ithad been his first intention to have destroyed the city with fire andsword, without sparing a single inhabitant. But, on reflecting that themagistrates and principal inhabitants only were to blame, the people atlarge having been constrained by force or fear, he was now determined topunish only the most guilty and to pardon the rest. Yet, having certainprivate reasons for dissembling for the present with some of theprincipal persons of the place, he had selected the six who were nowpresent, as principal inhabitants, to punish them as they richlydeserved, that they might serve as a warning to all Peru. For thisreason, therefore, he desired them to confess their sins in preparationfor death, as he was resolved to have them all executed immediately. 

They used every argument to exculpate themselves from the crimes kid totheir charge, but all they could say was without avail; and Carvajaleven caused one of them to be strangled, against whom he wasparticularly incensed, as he had been principally instrumental inconstructing the royal seal which the viceroy employed in hisdispatches. In the mean time, a rumour of what was going forward at theresidence of Carvajal spread over the city, and came to the knowledge ofthe wives of the prisoners. These ladies immediately implored thepriests and monks who dwelt in San Miguel to accompany them to the placewhere their husbands were in so great danger. They all went thereaccordingly, and got in by a private door which had not been noticed bythe people belonging to Carvajal, and which had consequently beenomitted to be guarded. Coming into the presence of Carvajal, the wivesof the prisoners threw themselves at his feet, and implored mercy fortheir husbands. He pretended to be softened, and granted pardon to theprisoners, so far as their lives; yet reserving to himself to punishthem in such other manner as he might see fit. Accordingly, he banishedthem from the province, depriving them of their lands and Indians, andcondemned them in the payment of heavy fines towards defraying theexpences of the war. 

From San Miguel Carvajal went to Truxillo, collecting every where on hisroute all the soldiers, horses, arms, and money he could find. Carvajalhad resolved to have put one Melchior Verdugo to death, who dwelt inTruxillo; but as Verdugo got intimation of this intention, he fled tothe province of Caxamarca, where his repartimiento of Indians wassituated. The bussiness on which Carvajal was engaged was of too greatimportance to admit of pursuing Verdugo; wherefore, after having gotpossession of as much money as possible under pretence of a loan, hewent on to Lima, always collecting all the soldiers he could procure. Hegave no money to his recruits, only supplying them with horses and arms, which he took wherever they could be found. He kept all the money hecould find for his own use, every where pillaging the royal coffers andpublic funds, and even searching for treasure among the ancient tombs. After arriving at Lima, he completed his military preparations, anddeparted for Cuzco by way of the mountain and the city of Guamanga, atthe head of two hundred men well equipped, and carrying with him a greatsum of money which he had collected during his march; and at Guamanga heconducted himself in the same rapacious manner as in other places. 

Seven or eight days after the departure of Carvajal from Lima, aconspiracy was detected among those who were well affected to the royalcause, in consequence of which fifteen of the principal persons of thatcity were committed to prison. Among these were, Juan Velasquez, VelaNunnez nephew to the viceroy, Francisco Giron another gentlemen of hishousehold, and Francisco Rodriguez. By means of the torture, theseunhappy persons were made to confess that they had concerted with PedroManxarres, an inhabitant of Las Charcas, to kill the lieutenant-governorAldana, the provost marshall Pedro Martin, and other friends andpartizans of Gonzalo Pizarro, after which they proposed to induce thecitizens of Lima to declare for his majesty, confidently expecting thatall those who now followed Carvajal by constraint would join theirparty; and they intended finally to have gone off with all the strengththey could muster to join Centeno. Upon this forced confession, Gironand one other of these prisoners were strangled. By the intercession ofseveral respectable persons the life of Juan Velasquez was spared, buthis right hand was cut off. All the rest of these prisoners were soseverely tortured that they continued lame for the rest of their lives. Manxarres saved himself by flight, and continued to conceal himselfamong the mountains for more than a year; but fell at last into thehands of one of the officers in the interest of Gonzalo, who caused himto be hanged. 

As Pedro Martin, the provost-marshal, strongly suspected that some ofthose who accompanied Carvajal had participated in this plot; heendeavoured to discover this by torturing Francisco de Guzman, one ofthe prisoners. Finding that Guzman made no confession on this head, heinterrogated him particularly respecting a soldier along with Carvajalnamed Perucho de Aguira, and some of his friends, demanding to knowwhether these men were in the secret. On purpose to free himself fromthe torture, Guzman said they were. After this confession, Guzman wasformally condemned to become a monk in the convent belonging to theorder of mercy, in which he accordingly assumed the habit. After this, Martin demanded from the registrar a certificate of the confession ofGuzman, by which Aguira and others were implicated in the plot, andMartin immediately sent off this writing by an Indian messenger toCarvajal who was then at Guamanga. On the receipt of this paper, Carvajal ordered Aguira and five others to be hanged, without anyfurther proof or examination. A short time afterwards, the registrarbeing sensible of the error he had committed in supplying thecertificate, sent off a full copy of the confession made by Guzman, inwhich was an ample revocation of all he had said under torture, declaring that he had falsely charged Aguira and the others, merely toget free from torture. This was however of no avail, as it arrived toolate, Aguira and the others having been already executed, although theyasserted their innocence to the last moment of their lives, as wascertified by the confessors who attended them at their execution; butCarvajal was inexorable. 

Learning while at Guamanga, that Centeno had retired through the desertto Casabindo as he was unable to cope with Toro, Carvajal was satisfiedthat the affaire of the insurgent party were in a fair train in LasCharcas, where his presence was not now needed, and determined thereforeto return to Lima. He was besides induced to take this step inconsequence of a difference which subsisted between Toro and himself, occasioned by the charge of lieutenant general under Gonzalo havingoriginally belonged to Toro, of which he had been deprived in favour ofCarvajal. He feared therefore, lest Toro, on his victorious return fromLas Charcas, being at the head of a much stronger force, might renewtheir former quarrel. Carvajal had likewise received letters from someinhabitants of Lima, remarking the lukewarmness of Aldana to the causeof Gonzalo Pizarro, and requesting his presence to place affairs at thatcity on a more secure footing. He returned therefore to Lima; butlearning shortly afterwards the successful return of Centeno against DeToro, he again collected his troops and prepared to march againstCenteno. With this view, he had his standards solemnly consecrated, notforgetting to impose fresh exactions on the inhabitants of Lima. On thisoccasion, he designated his army, _The happy army of Liberty, againstthe Tyrant Centeno. _

Before leaving Lima, he sent off messengers to Cuzco by way of themountain, but chose to march by the route of the plain or low country ofPeru to Arequipa, exacting money from the inhabitants wherever hepassed. At Arequipa he received letters from the magistrates of Cuzcoand De Toro, earnestly requesting his immediate presence in that city;whence, as being the capital of the kingdom, it was proper that the armyshould march against the rebels. They assured him of being thereprovided with considerable reinforcements of men arms and horses, andthat all the principal persons of the city were ready to accompany himon the expedition: adding, that being himself a citizen of Cuzco itseemed reasonable he should honour that city by his presence. By theseand other considerations he was induced to march for Cuzco, though stillentertaining some distrust and even fear of Toro, who he was informedhad often spoken against him in his absence. When De Toro was informedof the approach of Carvajal to Cuzco, he made every necessarypreparation for reinforcing the army, and providing for the intendedexpedition against Centeno; yet could not conceal his dissatisfaction, that he who had begun the war, and had already suffered great fatigues, and even had gained material advantages, should be superseded by anothercommander whom he must now obey, and more especially that it should beCarvajal who was put over him, with whom he had been already engaged indisputes. He dissembled however as much as possible, and concealed hisresentment, saying publickly that his only wish was for the fortunatemanagement of affairs, whoever might command. Yet with all his caution, he could not so carefully conceal his sentiments, but that heoccasionally dropped expressions of resentment. 

The discontent of De Toro was well known to the inhabitants of Cuzco, yet they were in hopes that Carvajal would set every thing to rights onhis arrival. Carvajal having arrived in the neighbourhood of the city, which he was to enter next day at the head of two hundred men, partcavalry and part musqueteers, De Toro was very anxious to muster allthat were able to carry arms; and from this measure, and the precautionshe took that every one should be in the most perfect equipment, and thetroops steady in their ranks, it was suspected that he entertained someevil design. De Toro was thus posted with his troops, as if in ambush, in the way by which Carvajal had to march into the city. As thesecircumstances were made known to Carvajal, he ordered his troops tomarch in close array, and even ordered their arms to be loaded withball, prepared for whatever might happen. On entering the city, De Toroand his troops were seen on one side, as if ready to dispute thepassage. Carvajal halted his men, and the two parties remained for sometime observing each other with mutual distrust. At length, as neitherside seemed inclined to commence hostilities, both parties broke theirranks, and intermingled as friends. 

Carvajal was exceedingly irritated against De Toro for his conduct onthis occasion, but dissembled till he had entered into Cuzco, where hewas received in the most honourable manner. A few days afterwards, hecaused four of the principal inhabitants to be arrested, and orderedthem to instant execution, without consulting De Toro, or even assigningany reason for this cruel and arbitrary proceeding. Some of those whomhe put to death were among the most intimate friends of De Toro, whodeemed it prudent and necessary to be silent on the occasion. Theunexpected cruelty of Carvajal occasioned much astonishment andconsternation among the inhabitants of Cuzco, insomuch that none of themdared to refuse accompanying him on the expedition, and he was enabledto leave Cuzco at the head of three hundred well appointed soldiers withwhich he marched by Collao in the way towards the province of LasCharcas in search of Centeno. As the latter had a considerably strongerforce, it was believed by many that Carvajal would be unsuccessful inthis expedition, more especially as most of his followers acted morefrom force than good will, because he allowed them no pay and treatedthem with much severity. In his whole conduct and deportment Carvajalacted in a brutal and passionate manner, evincing himself on alloccasions the enemy of good men; for he was a bad Christian, constantlyaddicted to blasphemy, and of a cruel and tyrannical disposition, insomuch that it was generally expected his own people would put him todeath to rid themselves of his tyrannous and oppressive conduct. Besidesall this, it was obvious to many, that right and justice were on theside of Centeno, who was a man of honour and probity, and, beingexceedingly rich, had both the power and inclination to reward hisfollowers. It is necessary to quit Carvajal and his expedition for thepresent, that we may relate the events which took place at Quito. 

We have already mentioned that Gonzalo Pizarro pursued the viceroy fromSan Miguel to Quito, a distance of 150 leagues or 600 miles, with muchperseverance and rapidity, insomuch that almost every day the lightarmed men belonging to the two armies had opportunities of speaking witheach other. During the whole of that long march, neither party had anopportunity to unsaddle their horses. Those belonging to the viceroy, owing to the necessity they were under of escaping from a force so muchsuperior, were even more alert than their pursuers. When at any timethey stopped to take a short rest during the night, they slept on theground in their clothes, holding their horses by the halters, withoutwasting time in fixing up piquets, or making any of the usualpreparations for accommodating themselves and horses during the night. It is true that piquets are seldom used in the sands of Peru for thehorses, as it would be necessary to drive these very deep to takesufficient hold; and as there are no trees to be met with in many partsof that country for making piquets, necessity has introduced asubstitute in some measure equivalent: For this purpose each horsemanhas a small bag, which he fills with sand and burries in a hole ofsufficient depth, having one end of the halter fixed to the bag, thehole being afterwards filled up and pressed well down to prevent the bagfrom being drawn up by the efforts of the horse. But on this urgentoccasion, the troops of the viceroy did not take time for this measure, but held the halters in their hands, that they might be ready to mountand set out the moment it was necessary by the approach of theirpursuers. 

In this long march, both the pursuers and the pursued sufferedexceedingly from want of provisions; more especially the Pizarrians, asthe viceroy used the precaution of removing the curacas and Indians fromall the country through which he passed, that his enemy might find everypart of the country deserted and unprovided with any means ofsubsistence. During this precipitate retreat, the viceroy carried alongwith him eight or ten of the best horses he had been able to procure, which were led by Indians for his own particular use; and when any ofthese became so tired as to be unable to proceed, he ordered them to behamstrung, to prevent them from being useful to the enemy. While on thismarch in pursuit of the viceroy, Gonzalo Pizarro was joined by CaptainBachicao, who now returned from Tierra Firma with a reinforcement ofthree hundred and fifty men and a large quantity of artillery, havingdisembarked, from twenty vessels which he had procured, on a part ofthe coast as near as possible to Quito, and had made his way in such amanner across the mountains that he got to Quito rather before Gonzalo. On the junction of Bachicao, Gonzalo found himself at the head of morethan eight hundred men, among whom were many of the principal people inSouth America, both townsmen or burgesses, planters, and soldiers. Owingto this large reinforcement, Gonzalo Pizarro found himself in such astate of tranquil security at Quito as hardly any usurper or tyrant hadever before enjoyed; as besides that this province abounded inprovisions of every kind, several rich mines of gold had been recentlydiscovered; and as most of the principal people of the province wereeither now along with the viceroy, or had attached themselves to himwhile at Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro appropriated all their Indians tohimself, employing them in the collection of gold. From the Indiansbelonging to the treasurer, Rodrigo Nunnez de Bonilla, he procured about800 marks [17] of gold in the course of eight months; besides that therewere other repartimientos of greater value, and that he appropriated allthe revenues and rights belonging to the crown, and even pillaged thetombs of the ancient sovereigns of Quito in search of treasure. 

[Footnote 17: Eight hundred marks of gold, or 6400 ounces, at L. 4 anounce; are worth L. 25, 600: and at six for one, the value put uponbullion in those days by the Historian of America, are now worth atleast L. 153, 600, perhaps a quarter of a million. As there were otherrepartimientos of more value than those of the treasurer, besides othersnot so valuable, it is not beyond bounds to suppose that Gonzalo mayhave acquired as much treasure at Quito as was equal to a million of ourpresent money: A prodigious sum, considering that his army did notexceed 800 men; being equal to L. 1250 for each soldier. --E. ]

After a short stay at Quito, Gonzalo learnt that the viceroy had haltedat the city of Parto, about forty leagues from thence, at the frontiersof the government of Benalcazar. Resolving to follow him, Gonzalo pushedon as he had done from San Miguel, and the light troops of the hostileparties had some interference at a place called Rio Caliente. When theviceroy was informed of the approach of Gonzalo, he hastily quittedParto and retired to the city of Popayan at a greater distance fromQuito, and was pursued by Gonzalo for twenty leagues beyond Parto. AsGonzalo found that he would have to march through a desert country, altogether destitute of provisions, he here discontinued the pursuit, and returned to Quito. Perhaps this was the longest and hottest pursuitever made in war; as, counting from La Plata whence Gonzalo first setout, to Parto where the pursuit was discontinued, the distance is notless than 700 large Spanish leagues, or 2800 miles. 

On his return to Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro was so puffed up with thesuccess which had hitherto attended him, that he frequently spoke of hismajesty with much disrespect; alleging that the king would be reduced tothe necessity of granting him the government of Peru, and even went sofar as to say, if this favour were denied him, he would throw off hisallegiance. For the most part indeed, he concealed these ambitioussentiments, pretending that he was always ready to submit to the ordersof his majesty; but all his officers were satisfied that he meant toassert an independent dominion, and publickly avowed these absurd andcriminal pretensions. On returning from Parto, he remained a long whileat Quito, continually feasting and rejoicing; he and his adherentsabandoning themselves to every degree of licence and debauchery, particularly in regard to the sex. It is even asserted that Gonzalocaused a citizen of Quito to be assassinated, whose wife he publicklylived with, and that he hired a Hungarian soldier, named Vincente Pabloto execute this infamous deed. This man was afterwards hanged atValladolid, in the year 1551, by a sentence of the royal council of theIndies. 

As Pizarro found himself in the command of a strong body of excellenttroops, which appeared entirely attached to his service, some of theirown accord and others by constraint, he persuaded himself that no onecould oppose him, or prevent him from enjoying his present elevation inpeace and tranquillity. He was even convinced that the emperor would beobliged to treat him with cautious respect, and must find himself underthe necessity of entering into a compromise. It was at this time, whenGonzalo considered himself as unresisted master of all Peru, thatCenteno revolted from his tyrannical usurpation in the province of LasCharcas, and that he dispatched Carvajal for the reduction of that loyalofficer, as has been already mentioned. 

Having continued a long time at Quito without receiving any intelligenceof the measures which were taken by the viceroy, Gonzalo became anxiousto learn what was become of him. Some alleged that he would return toSpain by way of Carthagena, while others gave it as their opinion thathe would retire to Tierra Firma, to keep possession of the isthmus, toassemble troops, arms, ammunition, and provisions, and to wait fororders from his majesty; and a third opinion was that he would wait forthese orders in Popayan, where he now was. No one suspected that hewould be able to collect a sufficient number of troops in that place toenable him to undertake any enterprise for recovering his authority inPeru; yet it seemed advisable to Gonzalo and his officers to takepossession of the Tierra Firma, on purpose to occupy the only directpassage between Spain and Peru. For this purpose, Gonzalo Pizarroappointed Pedro Alfonzo De Hinojosa to command the fleet which Bachicaohad collected, giving him a detachment of two hundred and fifty men toenable him to occupy the isthmus, and directed him while on his voyageto Panama to coast along the province of Buenaventura and the mouth ofthe river of San Juan. 

Hinojosa set out immediately on this expedition, dispatching a singlevessel, commanded by Captain Rodrigo de Carvajal direct for Panama, withletters from Gonzalo to some of the principal inhabitants of that cityurging them to favour his designs. In these letters, he pretended thathe was exceedingly displeased on hearing of the violence and rapacitywith which Bachicao had conducted himself towards the inhabitants ofPanama, in direct contradiction to his orders, which were to land theDoctor Texada without doing injury to any one. He informed them thatHinojosa was now on his way to their city, for the express purpose ofindemnifying all those who had been injured by Bachicao; and desiredthem not to be under any apprehension of Hinojosa, although accompaniedby a considerable force, as it was necessary for him to be on his guardagainst the viceroy and some of his officers, who were understood to bethen in the Tierra Firma levying soldiers for their master. On thearrival of Rodrigo Carvajal at a place named Ancona about three leaguesfrom Panama, he learnt that two officers belonging to the viceroy, Juande Guzman and Juan Yllanez, were then in Panama, having been sent tothat place to procure recruits and to purchase arms, with which theywere to have gone to Popayan. They had already enrolled above an hundredsoldiers, and had procured a considerable quantity of arms, among whichwere five or six small field-pieces; but, instead of going with these tojoin the viceroy, they remained to defend Panama against GonzaloPizarro, who they expected might send a force to occupy that importantstation. 

As Rodrigo Carvajal had only fifteen men along with him, he did notthink it prudent to land in person; but sent secretly by night one ofhis soldiers to deliver the letters with which he was entrusted. Thesoldier accordingly delivered them to the inhabitants for whom they wereaddressed, who immediately communicated them to the magistrates and theofficers of the viceroy. The soldier was taken into custody, from whomthey learnt the coming of Hinojosa, and the orders with which he wasentrusted. Upon this intelligence, they armed the whole population ofPanama, and fitted out two brigantines which were sent off on purpose tocapture Rodrigo Carvajal; but, as his messenger did not return, Carvajalsuspected what had actually taken place, and set sail for the PearlIslands to wait the arrival of Hinojosa, by which means he escaped fromthe brigantines. Pedro de Casaos was then governor of the Tierra Firma;and to be in readiness to defend his province against Hinojosa, he wentimmediately to Nombre de Dios, where he collected all the musquets andother arms he could procure, arming all the inhabitants of that placewho were fit for service, whom he carried along with him to Panama, making every preparation in his power for defence. The two captainsbelonging to the viceroy, Guzman and Yllanez, likewise put their troopsin order for resistance, and at first there was some jealousy betweenthem and Casaos as to the supreme command; but it was at length agreedthat Casaos should command in chief, as governor of the province, whilethey retained the immediate authority over their own men, and bore theirown standards. Differences had subsisted for some time between theseofficers and the governor, because he had repressed some disorderlyconduct in which they had indulged, and had advised them to set off withtheir men to the assistance of the viceroy for whom they were employedto levy troops; while they were averse from that measure, and findingthemselves at the head of a respectable force, they made light of theorders of Casaos, and refused to obey him: But the necessity they werenow under of providing for their mutual defence, occasioned them toenter into an accommodation of their disputes. 

After the dispatch of Carvajal to Panama, as already mentioned, Hinojosaset sail with ten vessels, and continued along the coast to the northtill he arrived at Buenaventura, a small sea port at the mouth of theriver San Juan which forms the southern boundary of Popayan, thegovernment of Benalcazar. He proposed to learn at this place thesituation and intentions of the viceroy, and to have seized any vesselsthat might be at this harbour, to prevent them from being employed bythe viceroy for returning to Peru. On arriving at Buenaventura, Hinojosasent some soldiers on shore, who brought off eight or ten of theinhabitants, from whom he learnt that the viceroy remained at Popayan, engaged in assembling troops and military stores for attempting toreturn into Peru; and that finding Yllanez and Guzman delayed theirreturn from Panama, he had sent off his brother Vela Nunnez with severalcorporals on their way to Panama, to expedite the transmission of suchreinforcements as could be procured, and had supplied him for thatpurpose with all the money belonging to the king at Popayan. Hinojosawas likewise informed that Vela Nunnez had the charge of a bastard sonof Gonzalo Pizarro of twelve years old, who was found by the viceroy atQuito, and was now sent away to Panama, in the hope that the merchantsof Panama might ransom him at a high price to acquire the good will ofGonzalo. The individual who communicated all this information added thatthe viceroy had employed a number of Indians to cut down a quantity oftimber, which was to be conveyed to Buenaventura, on purpose to build asmall vessel for the accommodation of Vela Nunnez; who must now bewithin a short distance of Buenaventura, and had sent this person beforeto inquire if he might come in safety to that place. 

On receiving this intelligence, Hinojosa landed two confidentialofficers with a party of soldiers, giving them orders to take twoseveral routes into the interior, as pointed out by the informant, onpurpose to take Vela Nunnez. Accordingly, one of these officers came upwith Vela Nunnez, and the other got hold of Rodrigo Mexia and Saavedrawith the son of Gonzalo Pizarro [18]. Both of these parties carriedconsiderable sums of money, which was pillaged by the soldiers ofHinojosa; and the prisoners were brought on board the vessels, wheregreat rejoicings were made for the happy success of this enterprize, bywhich their acquisition of Panama must be facilitated, and because theyhad done especial good service to Gonzalo by the liberation of his son. 

[Footnote 18: By Garcilasso de la Vega, this son of Gonzalo Pizarro isnamed Rodrigo Mexia; but Zarate could hardly be mistaken in giving thatname to one of his conductors. --E. ]. 

Hinojosa now resumed his voyage, in the course of which he fell in withRodrigo de Carvajal, who gave him an account of the situation of affairsat Panama, and recommended the propriety of using judicious measuresagainst that place, as it was provided for defence. Hinojosa accordinglyappeared before Panama with eleven ships and two hundred and fiftysoldiers. At this time there were more than five hundred men in Panama, all tolerably well armed, who were drawn, out under the command ofCasaos to oppose the landing of the Pizarrians. But among these therewere many merchants and tradesmen, little adapted for war, who hardlyknew how to use their weapons, and many of whom were even unable to fireoff a musquet. Many among them had no intention of fighting or ofopposing the descent of the insurgents of Peru, whose arrival they weredisposed to consider as more advantageous than prejudicial. Themerchants expected to be able to sell their commodities, and thetradesmen were in hope of procuring profitable employment, eachaccording to his occupation. Besides, the rich merchants had partners orfactors who resided in Peru, and had charge of their most valuableeffects; and were afraid, if they concurred in opposing Hinojosa, thatGonzalo Pizarro might revenge himself by seizing their goods andmaltreating their partners and factors. Those who were principallyinclined to oppose the landing of Hinojosa, were Pedro Casaos thegovernor, Guzman and Yllanez the captains belonging to the viceroy, Arias de Azevedo, Juan Fernandez de Rebollido, Andrew de Arayza, Juan deZabala, Juan Vendrel, and some other considerable inhabitants of Panama;some from principles of loyalty, others from fear of future evils, lestHinojosa might act with the same violence as had been done by Bachicao. 

Finding himself resisted, Hinojosa landed with two hundred men about twoleagues from Panama, towards which place he marched close along theshore, being, protected on one flank by a range of rocks from the attackof cavalry, and on the other by the boats of his squadron armed withsome pieces of artillery. Fifty of his soldiers were left on board forthe defence of the ships, and orders were given to hang up Vela Nunnezand the other prisoners whenever the enemy were seen to attack him. Casaos marched with all his troops from Panama to meet Hinojosa, withthe determination of giving battle: But when the hostile parties werealmost within musquet shot and ready to engage, the whole priests andmonks of Panama interposed between in procession, having theircrucifixes veiled and every other demonstration of mourning, andprevailed on both sides to agree to a truce for that day, thatendeavours might be used to bring about an accommodation. For thispurpose negotiators were appointed on both sides; Don Balthasar deCastilia, son of the Conde de Gomera, was named by Hinojosa, and DonPedro de Cabrera on the part of Casaos, and hostages were mutuallyinterchanged. 

The deputy of Hinojosa affected to be astonished at the opposition ofthe governor and inhabitants of Panama, since he not only meant no harmto any one, but had come expressly to repair the injuries which hadformerly been done by Bachicao, to purchase such provisions and clothingas they wanted, and to repair their ships; declaring that their onlyobject was to oblige the deposed viceroy to return to Spain, pursuant tothe orders of the royal audience, as his continuance in the countryoccasioned perpetual discord in Peru. But, as the viceroy was not there, Hinojosa intended to make only a short stay in the place, having ordersfrom Gonzalo to offer no injury to any one unless attacked, in whichcase he must defend himself as he best could. The opposite party allegedthat the presence of Hinojosa in warlike guise was sufficient to excitesuspicion; since, even allowing the government of Gonzalo in Peru to belegitimate as they pretended, he had no jurisdiction in Panama, and hadno right to direct the proceedings of any one at that place. ThatBachicao had formerly come among them under pretence of peace, yet hadcommitted all those violences and injuries, which Hinojosa now pretendedhe was come to repair. After a long conference, it was at length agreedthat Hinojosa should be permitted to take up his residence in Panama forthirty days, accompanied by fifty soldiers to serve as a guard for hispersonal safety; but that the fleet and all the other soldiers of hisparty should repair to the Pearl Islands, where workmen and allnecessaries for the reparation of the ships could be procured; and thatat the expiry of these thirty days, Hinojosa and his armament were toreturn to Peru. 

On the conclusion of this convention, which was confirmed by mutualoaths and the interchange of hostages, Hinojosa took up his residence inPanama with a guard of fifty picked men, and hired a house in which hekept open table for every one who pleased to visit him, all of whom heallowed to divert themselves in play or otherwise as they pleased. Bythis procedure, he gained over most of the soldiers of Yllanez in a fewdays, and many other idle fellows joined themselves secretly to hisparty. It was even said that all these men had previously engaged byletter to have gone over to him if he and the governor had come to abattle on the former occasion. Indeed the governor and other principalpersons of Panama had been chiefly induced to agree to the presentaccommodation by distrust of their soldiers, who were all eager for anopportunity of getting to Peru. By the above-mentioned means, Hinojosasoon saw himself at the head of a considerable body of troops, while thecaptains Yllanez and Guzman were almost deserted by all their men. Asthey saw likewise that the convention was in other respects illobserved, they secretly withdrew with fifteen men who yet remained, andendeavoured to get to Carthagena. Yllanez was taken soon afterwards byone of Hinojosas officers; on which he entered into the service ofGonzalo Pizarro, and was afterwards engaged on that side in theengagement at Nombre de Dios against Verdugo, to be afterwards related. Hinojosa continued to reside in Panama, where no one dared to opposehim. He increased the number of his troops from day to day, and keptthem under excellent discipline, without allowing them to do injury toany of the inhabitants; neither did he intermeddle in any thing whateverexcept what concerned his troops. At this time Don Pedro de Cabrera andhis son-in-law Hernan Mexia de Guzman, who had been banished from Peruby the viceroy, resided in Panama; and these two gentlemen were sent byHinojosa, with a party of soldiers, to keep possession of the port ofNombre de Dios, which was of great importance to his security, andwhence he might receive early intelligence from Spain and other places. 

Melchior Verdugo, an inhabitant of the city of Truxillo, was one of therichest men in Peru, being proprietor of the entire province ofCaxamarca. On the arrival of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela, Verdugo, who was originally from the same city in Spain, engaged heartily in hisservice, and continued in his suite at Lima, till the time when theviceroy proposed to dismantle that city and retire to Truxillo. At thatperiod he commanded Verdugo to go before, that he might securepossession of Truxillo, with orders to levy soldiers and provide arms;and Verdugo accordingly embarked all his baggage and effects, intendingto have set sail on the very day when the viceroy was imprisoned. As allthe vessels at the port of Lima were then detained, Verdugo was unableto proceed; and, as Verdugo was particularly obnoxious to Gonzalo andhis partizans, on account of his known attachment to the viceroy, he wasone of the twenty-five who were committed to prison by Carvajal on hisarrival at Lima, when De Baro and several others were hanged, asformerly related. For a long while afterwards he was in continual dangerof being put to death; but at length Gonzalo granted him a pardon, though he still entertained suspicions of his conduct, but had noconvenient opportunity of getting rid of him, till the departure ofCarvajal against Centeno, when it was proposed by the lieutenant-generalto have surprised him while at Truxillo, as formerly mentioned: Buthaving some suspicions of his intention, Verdugo saved himself byflight, and concealed himself among his Indians in the province ofCaxamarca. 

After Carvajal quitted Truxillo, Verdugo returned to that city; but ashe expected Gonzalo might soon become master of that place, and wouldmake him feel the effects of his displeasure, he resolved to abandon thecountry, yet wished to do it in such a manner as might distress Gonzaloas much as possible. While waiting a favourable opportunity for this, hemade every preparation in his power for his intended enterprize, collecting as many men in his service as he possibly could, and employedworkmen secretly to construct musquets, iron chains, fetters, andmanacles. At this time a vessel arrived from Lima in the harbour ofTruxillo, on which Verdugo sent for the master and pilot, under pretenceof purchasing some of their commodities; and on their arrival at hishouse he confined them in a deep dungeon which he had previouslyprepared. After this, he returned to his chamber, causing his legs to beswathed with bandages, under pretence of certain malignant warts orulcers to which he was subject, and sat down at one of his windows whichlooked towards the public square in which the magistrates and principalinhabitants used to assemble every day. When the magistrates came asusual to the square, he requested them to come into his house, as hewished to execute certain deeds in their presence, and the disorder inhis legs rendered him unable to go out. Immediately on entering, hecaused them to be carried into the dungeon, where they were deprived oftheir badges of office and put in chains. Leaving them under the guardof six musqueteers, he returned to the window of his chamber, whence hegradually enticed about twenty of the principal citizens into his house, all of whom he put in chains and fetters. He then went out into the cityaccompanied by a guard of soldiers, and proclaimed the king with muchloyal solemnity, making prisoners of all who presumed to oppose him;which were very few, as Gonzalo had carried off most of the inhabitantson his expedition to Quito. Having thus made himself master of the city, and returned to his house, he addressed his prisoners, whom he reviledfor having embraced the party of Gonzalo, and declared that he wasresolved to withdraw from under the usurpation of the tyrant to join theviceroy, and meant to take along with him all the men and arms he wasable to procure. For this purpose, he demanded that all his prisonersshould contribute in proportion to their abilities, as it was quitereasonable they should give assistance to the royal cause, havingfrequently made large contributions to the usurper. He insistedtherefore that every one of them should instantly subscribe for suchsums as they were able to furnish, all of which were to be paidimmediately, as he was otherwise resolved to carry them all along withhim as prisoners. Every one of them accordingly agreed to advance suchsums of money as they were able to procure, which were all instantlypaid. 

Having brought this contrivance to a favourable issue, Verdugo made anagreement with the master and pilot of the vessel, and had every thingthat could be useful or necessary carried on board. He then carried allhis prisoners in irons in carts or waggons to the shore, and embarkedwith about twenty soldiers, and a considerable sum of money, partlyexacted from the inhabitant, partly from the royal funds belonging tothe city, and partly, from his own extensive revenues. Leaving hisprisoners still in fetters on the carriages, to be liberated as theybest might, he set sail along the coast to the northwards. In the courseof his voyage he fell in with and captured a vessel belonging toBachicao, containing a great deal of valuable articles which thatofficer had acquired by plunder in Tierra Firma, all of which Verdugodivided among his soldiers. He at first inclined to have landed atBuenaventura, on purpose to join the viceroy; but considering the smallamount of his force, and the danger of falling in with the fleet ofGonzalo Pizarro, he directed his course for the province of Nicaragua, where he landed and applied to the principal persons there forassistance against the usurper. Finding small encouragement in thatquarter, he addressed himself to the royal audience, which wasestablished on the frontiers of Nicaragua, who promised him protectionand aid, and sent for that purpose one of their number, the oydorRamirez de Alarcon to Nicaragua, with orders to the inhabitants of thatcity to hold themselves in readiness to march with their arms andhorses. 

Intelligence was soon received at Panama of the exploit of Verdugo atTruxillo, and his having gone to Nicaragua; and as Hinojosa suspected hemight increase his force in that province so as to be enabled to disturbhim in the possession of the Tierra Firma, he sent Alfonso Palamino withtwo ships and an hundred and eighty musqueteers to endeavour to dislodgeVerdugo. Palamino easily took possession of the ship belonging toVerdugo; but as the inhabitants of Grenada and Leon, the two principalcities in the province of Nicaragua assembled in arms, under Verdugo andthe licentiate Ramirez, to oppose his landing, and were much superior innumber to his troops and provided with cavalry, he found himself unableto land with any prospect of success. After waiting some time in vain, he was obliged to sail back to Panama, taking several vessels along withhim which he had captured on the coast, and burning several others whichhe could not carry away. 

On the departure of Palomino, Verdugo levied about an hundred well armedmen, with whom he resolved to give as much interruption as possible tothe schemes of the insurgents in the Tierra Firma. With this view hedetermined to make an attempt on Nombre de Dios, which he learnt wasoccupied only by a small detachment, which had no suspicion of beingattacked. For this purpose, he fitted out three or four small vessels, in which he embarked his troops on the lake of Nicaragua, whence hedescended into the gulf of Mexico by the river Chagre, which dischargesthe waters of that lake into the Atlantic. Finding some trading vesselsat the mouth of that river, he received accurate information from theircommanders of the state of affairs in Nombre de Dios, the number of thesoldiers which occupied that place, and the different quarters in whichthey were lodged. Taking some of these mariners along with him asguides, he contrived to arrive at Nombre de Dios undiscovered aboutmidnight, and went immediately to the house of Juan de Zabala, in whichthe captains Pedro de Cabrera and Hernan Mexia were quartered with somesoldiers; who, roused by the noise, put themselves in a state ofdefence. Verdugo and his people set the house on fire, so that Mexia andhis soldiers, who defended the staircase, were constrained to rush fromthe house to save themselves from the flames; and as the night wasexceedingly dark, they escaped unseen, and saved themselves in the woodsnear Nombre de Dios, whence they escaped across the isthmus to Panama. 

Hinojosa was much chagrined at this exploit, and determined on revenge;but as he wished to give his conduct on the occasion some appearance ofjustice, he directed some of the inhabitants of Nombre de Dios to entera regular accusation before the Doctor Ribera, the governor of thatplace, giving an exaggerated account of the insolent invasion of hisgovernment by Verdugo, who without any just pretence, had leviedcontributions, imprisoned the magistrates, and invaded the town ofNombre de Dios on his own private authority. They were likewiseinstructed to request Ribera to march in person to chastise theinsolence of Verdugo, and Hinojosa offered to accompany him on thisexpedition with his troops. Ribera, who appears to have been thenresident in Panama, agreed to all that was desired, and, accepted theproffered military aid to drive Verdugo from his government; on whichHinojosa and his officers swore to obey his orders as their commander onthis expedition, and the troops were put in motion to march across theisthmus. On receiving notice of the approach of Hinojosa, Verdugodisposed his troops to defend the place, and caused the inhabitants ofNombre de Dios to take up arms, in addition to his own men. But as itwas obvious that the inhabitants shewed no inclination for fighting, Verdugo suspected they might abandon him while engaged, and cametherefore to the resolution of abandoning the town, and took post on theshore near his small barks. He waited for Hinojosa in that situation, having some boats in his rear, which he had seized to enable him tosecure his retreat in case of necessity. Immediately on his arrival, Hinojosa attacked Verdugo, and several persons were killed at the firstbrunt. As the inhabitants of Nombre de Dios who were along with Verdugo, observed their governor acting as commander of the adverse party, theywithdrew on one side from the engagement into an adjoining wood; bywhich the soldiers belonging to Verdugo were thrown into disorder, andthey were forced to take to their boats and retreat on board theirbarks. 

After this repulse, Verdugo took possession of several ships that lay atanchor near Nombre de Dios, the largest of which he armed with somepieces of artillery and endeavoured to cannonade the town. But findingthat he could do very little injury to the place, which was situated ina bottom, and as he was in want of provisions, and most of his soldiershad been left on shore, he retired with his small vessels and the shiphe had seized to Carthagena, to await a more favourable opportunity ofannoying the insurgents. Having restored Nombre de Dios to order, Riberaand Hinojosa left a sufficient garrison in the place, under the commandof Don Pedro de Cabrera and Hernan Mexia, and returned to Panama, wherethey proposed to wait for such orders as might be sent from Spainrespecting the troubles in Peru. 

On arriving at Popayan, as formerly related, the viceroy collected allthe iron which could be procured in the province, erected forges, andprocured workmen, so that in a short time he got two hundred musquetsconstructed, besides other arms both offensive and defensive, andprovided every other species of warlike stores. Learning that thegovernor, Benalcazar, had detached a brave and experienced officer, named Juan Cabrera, to reduce some refractory Indians, with an hundredand fifty soldiers; the viceroy wrote a letter to Cabrera, in which hegave a detailed account of the insurrection and usurpation of GonzaloPizarro, and of his own determination to restore the kingdom of Peru toallegiance whenever he could collect a sufficient number of troops forthat purpose. He earnestly intreated therefore, that Cabrera wouldimmediately join him at Popayan with all his men, that they mightcommence their march together for Quito, to punish the rebellioususurper. To induce compliance, he represented in strong colours toCabrera, the great and signal service which he had in his power toperform for the sovereign on this occasion; which likewise would be farmore advantageous to his own personal interests, than any which couldaccrue from the expedition in which he was now engaged; as, on thedefeat of Pizarro, he would be entitled to partake in the distributionof the lands belonging to Gonzalo and his partizans, and he mightdepend on being gratified with ample possessions for himself and hisfollowers in the best districts of Peru. Farther to encourage Cabrera, the viceroy informed him of the events which had lately occurred in thesouth of Peru, where Centeno had erected the royal standard at the headof a respectable force; so that the present conjuncture was extremelyfavourable for an attack on Gonzalo, who could hardly resist whenpressed from both extremities of the kingdom at once; and besides, thatthe inhabitants of Peru were now quite weary of the tyrannical violenceand extortion of Gonzalo, and would doubtless revolt against him on thefirst favourable opportunity. As an additional inducement to Cabrera tojoin him, the viceroy sent him an order by which he was authorized totake from the royal coffers at Carthagena, Encelme, Cali, Antiochia, andother places, to the extent of 30, 000 pesos for the pay and equipment ofhis troops; and as Cabrera acted under the orders of Benalcazar, heprocured letters to him from that governor by which he was commandedimmediately to obey the requisition of the viceroy. On receiving thesedispatches, Cabrera immediately secured the funds which he wasauthorized to take, which he divided among his men, and set out with allpossible expedition to join the viceroy at Popayan with an hundred wellappointed soldiers. The viceroy had likewise sent orders forreinforcements from the new kingdom of Grenada, the province ofCarthagena, and other places, so that his troops daily increased; andhaving learnt the capture of his brother Vela Nunnez, and the loss ofYllanez and his troops, he had no expectation of procuring anyadditional reinforcements. 

At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was very anxious to devise some stratagemfor inveigling the viceroy into his hands, as he considered hisusurpation unsafe so long as that officer remained alive and at the headof a military force. With this view, that the viceroy might return intoPeru where he might have it in his power to bring him to action, Gonzalogave out that he intended to proceed to Las Charcas at the southernextremity of Peru, to repress the disorders occasioned by Centeno, leaving Captain Pedro de Puelles at Quito with three hundred men tooppose the viceroy. He proceeded even ostensibly to take such measuresas were proper for executing this design; selecting such troops as wereto accompany himself to the south, and those who were to remain atQuito; even distributing money to both divisions, and set off on hismarch for the south after a general muster and review of his army. Gonzalo contrived that intelligence of these proceedings should beconveyed to the viceroy, by means of a spy in the employment of thatofficer, who had betrayed his trust, and had even communicated toGonzalo the cypher which he used in corresponding with his employer. Gonzalo made this person send intelligence to the viceroy of thesepretended motions; and Puelles wrote likewise to some friends inPopayan, as if privately to inform them that he was left in the commandat Quito with three hundred men, with which he believed himself able toresist all the force the viceroy might be able to bring against him; andthese letters were sent purposely in such a manner that they might fallinto the hands of the viceroy. Gonzalo likewise took care to spreadthese reports among the Indians who were present at the review, and who, having seen Gonzalo set off on his march to the south, were perfectlyacquainted with the number of troops which accompanied him on the march, and of those which remained under Puelles at Quito. To give the greaterappearance of truth to these reports, Gonzalo actually set out on hismarch; but halted at two or three days journey from Quito, underpretence of falling sick. 

On receiving intelligence of these circumstances, which he implicitlybelieved, the viceroy determined to march from Popayan to Quito, satisfied that he should be easily able to overpower the small forceleft there under Puelles, who had no means of being reinforced. Heaccordingly began his march, during which he was unable to procure anyintelligence whatever respecting Gonzalo and his troops, so carefullywere all the passes guarded to prevent either Christians or Indians fromconveying advices on the road towards Popayan. While, on the contrary, Gonzalo procured regular notice of every step taken by the viceroy, bymeans of the Indians called _Cagnares_, a cunning and intelligent race. Accordingly, when the viceroy was arrived within a few days march ofQuito, Gonzalo returned thither with his troops to join Puelles, andthey marched together to meet the viceroy, who was then at Oravalo abouttwelve leagues from Quito. Although the viceroy was at the head of eighthundred men, and his force increased daily on his approach to Quito, Gonzalo confided in the valour and experience of his troops, amongwhich were many of the principal persons in Peru, his soldiers beinginured to war, accustomed to hardships and fatigue, and full ofconfidence in themselves from the many victories they had gained. Gonzalo did every thing in his power to satisfy his troops of thejustice of the cause in which he and they were engaged; representing tothem that Peru had been conquered by him and his brothers; recalling totheir remembrance the cruelties which had been exercised by the viceroy, particularly in putting to death the commissary Yllan Suarez and severalof his own captains. In the next place, he gave an exaggerated pictureof the tyrannical conduct of the viceroy during the whole period of hisgovernment, owing to which he had been deposed by the royal audience, and sent out of the country to give an account to the king of hisconduct: Instead of which, he now endeavoured to disturb the colony bysowing dissensions and encouraging insurrections, and had even levied anarmy in other provinces, with which he intended to reduce the countryunder his tyrannous rule, and to ruin all its inhabitants. After a longspeech, by which he endeavoured to animate his troops with resentmentagainst the viceroy, they all declared their readiness to march againsthim and bring him to battle. Some were actuated by interested motives, to prevent the enforcement of the obnoxious regulations; others by adesire of avenging private injuries; and others again by the fear ofpunishment for having taken up arms. But it is not to be concealed, thatthe majority acted from dread of the severity of Gonzalo and hisofficers, who had already put several persons to death, merely forhaving shewn some degree of coldness or disinclination towards the causeof the insurgents. 

On reviewing and mustering his force, Gonzalo found himself at the headof 130 well mounted cavalry, 200 musqueteers, and 350 armed with pikes, or near 700 in all, with abundance of excellent gun-powder[19]. Learningthat the viceroy had encamped on the banks of the river about twoleagues from Quito, Gonzalo advanced to meet him. Juan de Acosta andJuan Velez de Guevara were his captains of musqueteers, HernandoBachicao commanded the pikemen, and the horse were led by Pedro dePuelles and Gomez de Alvarado. On this occasion there was no personappointed to the office of major-general, the duties of which Gonzalochose to execute in person. He detached seventy of his cavalry to occupya ford of the river, by which he meant to cross over towards the campof the viceroy, over whom he expected to gain an easy victory. It wasnow Saturday the 15th of January 1546, and the two armies remained allnight so near each other that the advanced posts were able to converse, each calling the other rebels and traitors, those on each sidepretending that they only were loyal subjects to the king. 

[Footnote 19: According to Garcilasso, the army of Gonzalo on thisoccasion amounted to 700 men, 200 of whom were armed with firelocks, 350with pikes, and 150 were cavalry. In the History of America, II. 375, the force under the viceroy is only stated at 400; but both in Zarateand Garcilasso the royalists are mentioned as 800 strong. --E. ]

At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was accompanied by the licentiate BenedictSuarez de Carvajal brother to the commissary Yllan Suarez de Carvajalwho had formerly been put to death at Lima in presence of the viceroy. At that former period Benedict was on his journey from Cuzco to Lima, intending to have joined the viceroy against Gonzalo, and had arrivedwithin twenty leagues of Lima when he learnt the murder of his brother, after which he dared not to trust himself in that city until the viceroyhad been deposed and sent on board ship. He was afterwards made prisonerby Gonzalo, who was even on the point of putting him to death; but onsetting out for Quito, Gonzalo took him into favour. Carvajal nowfollowed him with good will against the viceroy, upon whom he was eagerto take signal vengeance for the unmerited death of his brother; and waseven followed on this occasion by about thirty of his friends andrelations, who formed a separate company under his immediate command. 

The viceroy had arrived at a village called Tuza, about twenty leaguesfrom Quito, when he learnt that Gonzalo Pizarro was returned to thatcity, and was now at the head of about seven hundred men. Believinghimself however in sufficient force to attempt the recovery of hisauthority in Peru, the viceroy communicated this intelligence to hisprincipal officers, whom he commanded to have every thing in readinessfor battle. On his arrival at the river within two leagues of Quito, andin presence of the enemy who occupied the slope of a hill on the otherside, he determined to endeavour to get into their rear, for whichpurpose he advanced with his troops by a road in a different directionfrom that on which the insurgents were posted, expecting to derive greatadvantages from this measure, as the whole infantry of Gonzalo, whichformed his principal force, were posted on the slope of the hilldirectly in front, and his rear-guard of cavalry could have nosuspicion of being liable to attack. The viceroy accordingly began hismarch on the night of the 15th January, leaving his camp standing withall his Indians and dogs, and with fires burning in many places, todeceive the enemy into a belief that he still remained in the camp. Marching therefore in perfect silence by the road which had been pointedout to him for gaining the rear of the insurgents, he expected to haveattained his object before day: But as the road, had not been frequentedfor a long time, he encountered so many obstructions and difficulties, in consequence of the road being broken up in many places, that when daybroke he was still a league from the enemy, by which all hope oropportunity of surprizing them was entirely lost. In this dilemma, hecame to the resolution of marching straight upon Quito, in which therewere very few to oppose him, and which was in no situation to give anyresistance. He was in hopes of finding several loyal subjects in thatplace, who might have contrived to elude following the usurper to thefield, and might now join his army, and he expected to find some armsand military stores left there by Gonzalo. On arriving at Quito, thesoldiers of the viceroy learnt that Gonzalo was present with all histroops, which circumstance had hitherto been carefully concealed fromtheir knowledge. 

In the morning of the 16th, the scouts of Gonzalo were surprised to hearso little noise in the camp of the viceroy; and having cautiouslyadvanced, they learnt from the Indian followers of the royalist army inwhat manner the viceroy had passed the insurgents during the night. Thescouts therefore made haste to apprize Gonzalo of this event, who learntsoon afterwards by messengers from Quito that the viceroy had takenpossession of that city. Gonzalo therefore immediately marched forQuito, determined to give battle to the viceroy without delay; andalthough the viceroy was perfectly aware of the advantages possessed byPizarro in the superior discipline and equipment of his troops, hecourageously resolved to run the risk of battle, and even to exposehimself personally to all its dangers. In this determination, he boldlymarched from the city of Quito directly towards the enemy, as if assuredof gaining a victory. To Don Alfonzo de Montemayor, who commanded hisfirst company with the royal standard, he assigned the office oflieutenant-general, commanding every one to obey him in that capacity. Cepeda and Bazan led the cavalry, and Ahumada carried the greatstandard. Sancho Sanchez de Avila, Hernandez Giron, Pedro Heredia, andRodrigo Nunnez de Bonilla were captains of infantry, over which Juan deCabrera commanded as major-general. The viceroy was earnestly requestedby all his officers not to engage in the front of battle as he intended, but to take post in the rear with fifteen horsemen, whence he might sendsuccours to wherever they might be required; yet, when the engagementwas about to commence, the viceroy rode up to the vanguard, and took hisplace beside the lieutenant-general, Don Alfonzo, in front of the royalstandard. On this occasion the viceroy was mounted on a grey horse, dressed in an upper garment of white muslin, with large slashes, shewingan under vest of crimson satin fringed with gold. Just before beginningthe engagement, he addressed his troops to the following effect: "I donot pretend, my loyal friends, to encourage you by my words and example, as I rather look for an example of bravery from your courageous efforts, and am fully convinced you will do your duty as brave and faithfulsubjects of our gracious sovereign. Knowing therefore your inviolablefidelity to the king our common master, I have only to say that we areengaged in the cause of God. " These last words he repeated severaltimes, exclaiming, "It is the cause of God! It is the cause of God!"

After this short exhortation, the viceroy with Don Alfonzo and Bazanadvanced to the charge, being opposed on the other side by thelicentiate Carvajal. Gonzalo Pizarro had likewise intended to have takenpost in the front of battle, but his officers insisted upon hisremaining in the rear with eight or ten horsemen. In the first chargethe cavalry shivered their lances, after which they continued to fightobstinately with swords, battle-axes and war-clubs or maces. In thispart of the battle the cavalry of the viceroy were much galled by a lineof musqueteers of the adverse army which plied them in flank. Whilefighting bravely, the viceroy beat down one of the insurgents namedMontalva; but immediately afterwards received so severe a blow on thehead with a battle-axe from Ferdinand de Torres, that he fell stunnedfrom his horse. Indeed, both he and his horse had been so excessivelyfatigued by the difficult march of the preceding night, in which theyhad neither been able to take food or rest, that they were both easilyoverthrown. While this was passing with the cavalry of the van, theinfantry on both sides advanced to engage, setting up such loud shouts, that one would have believed them much more numerous than they were inreality. Juan de Cabrera was slain at the very commencement of this partof the battle. Sancho de Avilla, advanced boldly at the head of hiscompany to attack the enemy, brandishing a two-handed sword, which heemployed with so much strength and address that he soon broke throughand defeated half of the company by which he was opposed. But as thesoldiers of Pizarro were more numerous in this part of the field thanthose who followed Avilla, he was surrounded on all sides, and he andmost of his men slain. Until the death of the viceroy was known, thebattle was very bravely contested by his infantry; but as soon as theknowledge of that unfortunate event had spread through their ranks, theylost heart and relaxed in their efforts, and were soon entirely defeatedwith considerable slaughter. At this time, the licentiate Carvajalobserved Pedro de Puelles about to end the life of the unfortunateviceroy, already insensible and almost dead in consequence of the blowhe had received from De Torres and a wound from a musquet ball: Carvajalimmediately dismounted and cut off his head, saying, "That his onlyobject in joining the party of Gonzalo was to take vengeance for thedeath of his brother. "

When the victory was completely decided, Gonzalo Pizarro ordered aretreat to be sounded to recal his troops who were engaged in pursuit ofthe enemy. In this battle, the royalists lost about two hundred men, while only seven were slain on the side of the victors. Pizarro orderedthe slain to be buried on the field of battle, and caused the bodies ofthe viceroy and Sancho de Avilla to be carried to Quito, where they wereburied with much solemn pomp, attending himself at the funeral and inmourning[20]. He soon afterwards ordered ten or twelve of the principalroyalists to be hanged, who had taken shelter in the churches of Quito, or had concealed themselves in other places. The oydor Alvarez, Benalcazar governor of Popayan, and Don Alfonzo de Montemayor, werewounded and made prisoners in the battle. Gonzalo intended to haveordered Don Alfonzo to be beheaded; but as he had many friends among theinsurgents who interceded for his life, and who assured Gonzalo that hecould not possibly recover from his wounds, he was spared. Some timeafterwards, Gomez de Alvarado sent notice to Benalcazar that it wasintended to administer poison to these three prisoners in the dressingsapplied to their wounds or in their food; and accordingly he and DonAlfonzo took great precautions to avoid this treachery. As the oydorAlvarez was lodged in the same house with his brother judge Cepeda, hehad not in his power to use similar precautions, and died soon after;and every one believed that he was poisoned in some almond soup. 

[Footnote 20: This authentic circumstance by no means agrees with theassertion in the History of America, II. 376, that the head of theviceroy was affixed on the public gibbet in Quito. From the text ofZarate, this battle appears to have been fought on the 16th January1546. In the History of America, it is dated on the 18th; but thedifference is quite immaterial. --E. ]

Finding that he could not get secretly rid of Don Alfonzo as he wished, and having no hope of gaining him over to his party, Pizarro resolved tobanish him into Chili, above a thousand leagues from Quito, and to sendto the same place Rodrigo de Bonilla the treasurer of Quito, and sevenor eight other persons of importance, who had always faithfullyaccompanied the viceroy under every change of fortune. Gonzalo did notput these men to death, as several of his own partizans interceded fortheir lives; and he did not deem it prudent to keep them near hisperson, or to permit them to remain in Peru. These exiles wereaccordingly sent off for Chili, under the charge of Antonio de Ulloawith a party of soldiers. After a march of more than four hundredleagues, mostly on foot, although their wounds were not entirely healed, these prisoners determined to make an effort to recover their liberty, or to lose their lives in the attempt. They accordingly rose againstUlloa and his men with so much courage and resolution that theysucceeded in making him and most of his men prisoners. Being near asea-port, they contrived by great address to gain possession of avessel, in which were several soldiers and others of the insurgent partywhom they overpowered; and leaving all their prisoners, they embarkedwithout either sailors or pilot, and though none of them were in theleast acquainted with navigation, they had the good fortune to reach NewSpain. 

Not satisfied with wreaking his vengeance on those of his enemies whohad fallen into his hands in consequence of the victory of Quito, Gonzalo sent Guevara to the city of Parto to apprehend some of hisenemies who resided in that place, one of whom only was put to death, and all the rest sent into exile. He pardoned Benalcazar, who promisedfaithfully to become attached to his party, and sent him back to hisgovernment of Popayan, with part of the troops he had brought fromthence in the service of the viceroy. He likewise assembled all thefugitive troops of the viceroy, to whom he in the first place urged themany causes of displeasure which he had for their past conduct, yetpardoned them as he knew they had either been misled or forced to actagainst him, and promised, if they served him faithfully in the sequel, that he would treat them as well as those who had been on his side fromthe beginning, and would reward them equally when the country wasrestored to peace. He sent off messengers in every direction, toannounce the victory he had obtained, and to encourage his partizans, sothat his usurpation seemed established in greater security than ever. Captain Alarcon was sent to Panama, to communicate the intelligence toHinojosa, with orders to bring back along with him Vela Nunnez and theothers who had been made prisoners in that quarter. 

SECTION V. 

_Continuation of the Usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, to the arrival ofGasca in Peru with full powers to restore the Colony to order. _

At this period, some of Gonzalo's adherents advised him to send hisfleet to scour the coasts of Nicaragua and New Spain, on purpose to takeor burn all the vessels which might be found in these parts, by which hewould effectually secure himself from any attack by sea. By this means, they alleged, when the dispatches and orders from his majesty shouldarrive in the Tierra Firma, finding no means of sending these into Peru, the ministers of the crown would be under the necessity of granting himfavourable terms of accommodation almost equal to his wishes. Pizarrohowever had great confidence in the fidelity and attachment of Hinojosaand those who were with him, believing that he might trust implicitly totheir vigilance, and refused to follow the measures proposed, as tendingto evince too much weakness and want of confidence in the goodness ofthe cause in which he was engaged. He was besides so puffed up by thevictory which he had gained over the viceroy, that he believed himselfable to resist any power which could now be brought against him. 

Alarcon went accordingly to Panama, whence he brought back to Peru theprisoners who had been taken at that place by Hinojosa, and wasaccompanied on his return by the son of Gonzalo. When near Puerto Viejoon his voyage back, Alarcon ordered Saavedra and Lerma, two of his chiefprisoners, to be hanged on account of some words they were said to havespoken against the insurgents. He was disposed to have put RodrigoMexia, another of these prisoners, to death at the same time; but theson of Gonzalo pleaded strongly to save his life, by representing howkindly he had been used by Mexia while in his custody. Vela Nunnez wasconducted to Quito, where he was pardoned by Gonzalo, yet admonished tobehave very carefully for the future, as the slightest suspicion wouldbe fatal. Cepeda, one of the oydors of the royal audience, alwayscontinued to accompany Gonzalo, so that Ortiz de Zarate, the only judgewho remained in Lima was unable to act in the absence of all the otherjudges. Indeed he was now less feared, ever since Gonzalo Pizarro hadalmost by force procured a marriage between one of the daughters of thatjudge and his brother Blas Soto[21]. Still however this judge retainedevery proper sentiment of loyalty to the king, although constrained bythe exigency of the times to conceal his principles, and to seem in somemeasure reconciled to the usurper. 

[Footnote 21: Of this brother of the Pizarro family, no other noticeoccurs in Zarate. --E. ]

While these transactions were going on in the north of Peru, thelieutenant-general Carvajal continued his operations in the southagainst Centeno. As formerly related, he departed from Cuzeo with threehundred men, well provided with horses, musquets and other arms, marching by way of the Collao for the province of Paria, in whichCenteno then was with about two hundred and fifty men, determined toawait the arrival of the enemy and to run the chance of battle. WhenCarvajal was come within about two leagues of that place, Centenoretired a short space to the other side of the city, taking post on theside of a river in what appeared to him strong ground, and Carvajal tookpossession of the _tambo_ of Paria, about a league from the camp ofCenteno. Next day, Centeno sent fifteen well mounted musqueteers to biddefiance to Carvajal, and to challenge him to battle. On arriving withina stones throw of the tambo, they required a conference with Carvajal, to whom they delivered the following message: "That Centeno was ready togive battle in the cause of his majesty; but if Carvajal, who had grownold in the royal service, would return to his duty and abandon theservice of the usurper, Centeno and all his followers would be happy toserve under his command. " To this message Carvajal only returned abusivelanguage, and the two parties mutually reproached each other as rebelsand traitors. After some time spent in this manner, the fifteenroyalists discharged their musquets and returned to Centeno, to whomthey gave an account of the number and disposition of the enemy. Thisoccurrence took place on Holy Friday in the year 1546. 

Immediately after this defiance, Carvajal put his troops in motion toattack the royalists, but Centeno thought proper to retire to a moreadvantageous post, not deeming it prudent to run the risk of a pitchedbattle, and meaning rather to harass the enemy by means of skirmishesand night attacks. He was likewise in hopes that a good many of thosewho followed Carvajal might come over to his side as opportunityoffered, as he understood many of them were much discontented with theharsh and brutal behaviour of the lieutenant-general, whom they servedfrom fear and constraint, not from attachment. Besides, Centeno wasunwilling to run the risk of battle, as Carvajal though inferior incavalry to the royalist party was greatly superior in point of firearms. In fact this resolution of retreating was much against theinclination of Centeno, who wished to have given battle to Carvajal; butas all the inhabitants of La Plata on his side opposed that measure, hewas obliged to conform to their wishes, yet always determined to givebattle on the first favourable opportunity. Centeno accordinglyretreated fifteen leagues that day, and was followed by Carvajal withgreat diligence, insomuch that the hostile parties encamped at nightvery near each other, on which occasion Carvajal confided the guard ofhis camp to such of his followers as he could most surely depend upon. Towards midnight, Centeno detached eighty horsemen to assault the campof the insurgents, which they did accordingly with much spirit, makingseveral discharges of their fire arms, but without any favourableimpression; as Carvajal drew up his troops in order of battle, and keptthem all night in their ranks, strictly forbidding any one to quit theirpost on any pretence, lest some might desert over to the enemy. At breakof day, Centeno decamped and resumed his march, and was followed byCarvajal with equal diligence always very near. In this second day ofthe retreat the two parties marched ten leagues, or near forty miles;and towards evening Camijal came up with one of the soldiers belongingto Centeno, who had lagged behind owing to extreme fatigue. Carvajalordered him immediately to be hanged, swearing that he would treat everyone of the enemy who fell into his hands in the same manner. 

Centeno continued always to retreat, and Carvajal to pursue close in hisrear, both parties using the utmost possible diligence, insomuch thatthey every day marched twelve or fifteen long leagues, almost alwayswithin sight of each other. After some days, Centeno made a countermarchupon Paria by taking a different road, and even directed his march, towards the Collao, always followed by Carvajal. At Hayohayo[22]Carvajal came up with twelve soldiers belonging to Centeno, who hadfallen behind, all of whom he ordered to be hanged. In consequence ofthese continued rapid marches, several of the soldiers of both sidesused daily to lag behind from excessive fatigue, all of whom endeavouredto hide themselves as well as they could to avoid being made prisoners. Finding his force daily diminishing, Centeno complained loudly of hisofficers and followers for having prevented him from fighting; and as hefound the whole country through which he now marched attached to theenemy, he determined to direct his march towards the coast intending toescape if possible by sea. For this purpose he took the direction ofArequipa, and sent off one of his officers named Ribadeneyra toendeavour to procure a ship somewhere on the coast, which he was tobring to Arequipa, that it might be in readiness to embark the wholeremnant of the retreating party immediately on their arrival[23]. Ribadeneyra fell in with a ship on the coast which was ready to sail forChili, of which he easily took possession, and found it well adapted forhis purpose. 

[Footnote 22: The Callao is a district at the north end of the greatlake of Titicaca. Paria and Hayohayo are two towns on the east side ofthe Rio Desaguadero, which flows from the south into the lake ofTiticaca. --E. ]

[Footnote 23: Arequipa is not less than twenty-five miles from thenearest coast, at which place there is a bay or port named LaGuata. --E. ]

"In the course of this pursuit, it happened, one day that Centeno had topass a deep dell or narrow valley between two mountains, as oftenhappens in that country, the descent to which was about a league fromthe top to a stream of water in the bottom, yet the hills were soprecipitous and close together that their tops hardly exceeded a musquetshot. As Carvajal was well acquainted with this pass, he was confidentof catching his enemy at this place as in a trap; believing that whileCenteno was descending to the bottom, he should be able to gain the topof the hill, whence he might greatly annoy Centeno and his men whileclambering up the opposite hill. Centeno was however fully aware of hisdanger, and was accordingly very careful to provide against the mischiefwhich he foresaw might occur. He therefore placed six of his bestmounted cavalry in ambush near the top of the first mountain, withdirections to assail the rear of Carvajal's troops after the van andmain body were past, so as to make a diversion and oblige Carvajal toreturn to succour his people, by which he and his men would be enabled, to get beyond the pass in safety. The ambush accordingly remainedconcealed until Carvajal and the best part of his troops were gone past;after which they sallied forth, and fell with great resolution on therear which was marching on in disorder, consisting of a mixed multitudeof Indians, Negroes, and straggling Spaniards, with horses mules andother beasts of burden, all in confusion and disorder, among whom theydid great execution. Although he heard the noise occasioned by thisunexpected assault, Carvajal continued his march for some time, believing it only a false alarm. The six horsemen therefore continuedtheir assault almost unopposed, carrying all before them, and doingincredible mischief. Among the rest they overthrew a loaded mule whichcarried several quintals of gun-powder, which they blew up with soviolent a noise that Carvajal was convinced of the serious nature of theassault, and found it necessary to desist from the pursuit of Centeno, and to return for the protection of his rear. When the six horsemenbelonging to Centeno observed the approach of the troops of Carvajal, they immediately fled by cross ways and bye paths, under the guidance ofsome friendly Indians, and rejoined Centeno six or seven daysafterwards. By this successful stratagem Centeno was enabled to escapeacross the dangerous pass, and even gained considerably in the retreat, as Carvajal was obliged to remain on the top of the first mountain allthe rest of that day and the following night. Carvajal was muchdispleased at being thus foiled by one so much less experienced than hein the art of war, and observed to his officers, that during forty yearsservice in the wars of Italy, where he had seen many fine retreats, accomplished by the king of France, by Antonio de Leyva, Count Pedro deNavarro, Mark Antony Colona, and other famous captains, he had neverseen one so excellently contrived as this by Centeno[24]. "

[Footnote 24: This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is insertedfrom Garcilasso de la Vega in the text, as too long for a note. --E. ]

Centeno arrived soon afterwards at Arequipa, and in less than two daysCarvajal arrived there in pursuit. As the vessel procured by Ribadeneyrawas not come to that part of the coast, and Centeno had not evenreceived notice of its capture, he determined to dismiss his followers, now reduced to eighty men, that they might endeavour to escapeseparately, being utterly unable to make head against the enemy who wasfast approaching. Centeno, accompanied only by two friends, withdrew, into the mountains, where he remained concealed in a cave till thearrival of the licentiate Gasca, being all the time supplied withprovisions by a friendly cacique. On arriving at the coast of Arequipa, Carvajal was informed that Centeno and his people were dispersed; andhearing that Lope de Mendoza was at no great distance with eight or tenof the royalists, he detached one of his officers with twenty mountedmusqueteers in pursuit. Mendoza however fled with so much diligence, that although followed for more than eighty leagues, his pursuers wereunable to overtake him, and were at last obliged to return. Mendozacontinued his retreat beyond the ridge of the Andes, into the easternplain of the Rio Plata, where we must leave him for the present tocontinue the narrative of events in Peru. 

Soon after the arrival of Carvajal in Arequipa, the ship which, had beenseized by Ribadeneyra appeared on the coast, and Carvajal was informedby some of the soldiers of Centeno who remained at Arequipa of theintention of this vessel, and of the signal which had been agreed, uponbetween Centeno and Ribadeneyra. Wishing to gain possession of thevessel, Carvajal concealed twenty musqueteers near the coast, and madethe appointed signal. Ribadeneyra at first believed that the signal wasmade by order of Centeno and sent the boat on shore; but having somesuspicions of the actual state of affairs, he directed the people in theboat to be extremely cautious against surprize before venturing onshore. They accordingly, refused to land, unless Centeno himself madehis appearance; and as this of course could not be complied with, theyreturned to the ship, with which Ribadeneyra immediately set sail forNicaragua. As no part of the late force under Centeno remained in thefield, Carvajal resolved to take up his residence for some time in thecity of La Plata, as he was informed that Centeno and his friends hadconcealed a large quantity of treasure at that place, and that he mightboth endeavour to discover that deposit, and might draw as large a sumas possible from the rich mines in that neighbourhood. Carvajal waswilling to communicate to Gonzalo a portion of the wealth he expected toacquire in that district, for defraying the expences of the war; but heproposed especially to enrich himself on this occasion, beingexceedingly covetous, as has been already remarked. He accordingly wentto La Plata, which submitted without resistance, and remained there fora considerable time amassing wealth, till obliged to take the fieldagainst Mendoza. 

Lope de Mendoza, as already mentioned, made his escape from Arequipawith a small number of followers, and was pursued for a long way. He forsome time followed the line of the coast, and after he had eluded thepursuit of the party sent after him by Carvajal, he and his companionsresolved so endeavour to penetrate into the government of Diego de Roiason the Rio Plata, as all the country of Peru had universally submittedto the domination of Gonzalo. For this purpose Mendoza followed the sameroute which Centeno had formerly taken when retreating from Alfonso deToro; both because he thought his enemies would not pursue him by thatroad and because the Indians belonging to Centeno and himself dwelt inthat part of the country, and he expected to procure provisions andother assistance from them. While travelling across these deserts, Mendoza met with Gabriel Bermudez, who had accompanied Diego de Roias onhis expedition into the country on the Rio Plata. From this personMendoza was informed of the events which had occurred to the expeditionunder De Roias, of which the following is an abstract:

Diego de Roias, Philip Gutierrez and Pedro de Heredia, who went uponthis expedition, had to fight their way among hostile Indians, in thecourse of which De Roias was slain. After his death, violent disputesarose between Francisco de Mendoza who succeeded in the command and theother officers engaged in the expedition, in the course of whichGutierrez was cashiered and banished. They continued after this toprosecute their discoveries all the way to the Rio Plata, receivinginformation that great riches were to be found in some districts in theneighbourhood, in which there were certain Spaniards who had penetratedinto the country by ascending the Rio Plata from the Atlantic, and hadformed establishments in the interior. In prosecuting the exploration, of that great river, they had fallen in with some forts which were builtby Sebastian Gabota; and reported many other surprizing and wonderfulthings which they had seen in that country. In the course of theirproceedings, Francisco de Mendoza was assassinated by Pedro Heredia, owing to which violent disputes had taken place among them, by which andthe smallness of their force they had been rendered unable to proceed inconquering the country, so that at length they had come to theresolution of returning into Peru, that his majesty or the viceroy ofthat kingdom might nominate a new commander. They were likewisepersuaded, when the riches of the country in which they had been came tobe known, that they would be able to procure a considerable accession ofnew adventurers, so as to enable them to atchieve the conquest. 

In the course of their expedition they asserted that they had penetratedsix hundred leagues to the eastwards of La Plata, through a champaigncountry of very easy access, and tolerably abounding in provisions andwater. Bermudez added, that within a very few days they had learnt, fromsome Indians who occasionally traded into the province of Las Charcas, of the revolt which had taken place in Peru, but had been unable toprocure information respecting the causes of this insurrection or as towho were chiefly engaged in it; for which reason he had been sent onbefore to inquire into these circumstances, and had received orders fromthe captains and other principal persons in the expedition, to offertheir services to the party that acted for the royal interests, in whichcause they might be of material importance, as they had a considerablenumber of excellent horses and plenty of arms. After the conclusion ofthis narrative, Mendoza gave Bermudez an account of all the late eventsin Peru; on which, in, virtue of the commission with which he had beenentrusted, Bermudez promised in the name of all his companions to marchagainst the lieutenant-general. 

Lope Mendoza and Bermudez went after this to meet the troops which werereturning from the Rio Plata, which were at no great distance. When theywere informed of the situation of affairs in Peru, they received Lopewith every demonstration of respect, and confirmed the offers ofassistance which Bermudez had already made in their name, declaringtheir resolution to devote themselves heartily to the service of theking. Lope de Mendoza gave them hearty commendations for their loyalty, and represented to them how honourable and praiseworthy it was to exerttheir utmost endeavours in the cause of their lawful sovereign; assuringthem that they might all depend upon being amply provided for, when thecountry was restored to obedience. Lope de Mendoza was unanimouslyreceived as their chief, and conducted them to the village of Pocona, about forty leagues to the north-east of La Plata; whence he sent someconfidential persons to certain secret places where he and Centeno hadhidden above a thousand marks of silver under ground. On recovering thistreasure, he proposed to divide it among those persons who had so noblyoffered to follow his orders; but most of them refused his preferredbounty, either because they were already sufficiently rich, or becausehitherto the soldiers who had been engaged in the wars of Peru had beenunused to any regular pay, and only accepted money to answer theirimmediate wants, and to provide themselves with horses and arms. Eventhe lowest soldier, in those days expected, when the enterprizes oftheir leaders succeeded, to be rewarded for his services in repartitionsor advantageous establishments in the country, by which they flatteredthemselves to acquire riches, so great was the reputation of therichness of Peru. By means of these men from the Rio Plata, Lope Mendozafound himself unexpectedly at the head of an hundred and fifty wellmounted cavalry; all excellently armed and equipped for service. It wasa great misfortune to the royal cause, that Centeno was now concealed, instead of having retreated into the interior along with Mendoza as hehad done formerly; as if he had now been at the head of the royalists, with this important reinforcement, affairs might have taken a betterturn than they actually did. 

While Carvajal was on his way from Arequipa for the city of La Plata, hereceived intelligence of the success of Gonzalo Pizarro at Quito, andthat all Peru was entirely reduced under his command. He resolvedtherefore to repair to La Plata, as formerly mentioned, intending toregulate the affairs of the province of Las Charcas, and to collecttreasure. On his arrival however at Paria on his way to La Plata hereceived intelligence of the arrival of the troops from the Rio Plataand of their junction with Lope Mendoza. Being informed at the same timethat these unexpected opponents were by no means united amongthemselves, and that they marched very carelessly in separate andunconnected detachments, most of which refused to acknowledge any one astheir commander, he determined to set out against them with the utmostdiligence, that he might fall upon them in their present divided state. Being rejoined by the detachment which had pursued Lope Mendoza, andhaving put his men in order for a fresh expedition, Carvajal set outfrom La Plata and marched towards the enemy with the utmost possiblespeed, encouraging his troops by the assurance of an easy and bloodlessvictory, even asserting that he had received letters from the principalofficers among the enemy in which they offered their services to him, sothat they would only have the trouble of marching, without any danger offighting. 

During this march Carvajal was joined by thirty men in addition to hisformer force, so that he was now at the head of two hundred and fiftymen. At length he came in sight of Pocona, which is eighty leagues fromParia, about four o'clock of an afternoon, and made his appearance ingood order, on the top of a rising ground within view of Lope deMendoza, who was then making a distribution of money among such of hisnew companions as were willing to accept his bounty: Mendoza had alreadygot some intimation of the approach of Carvajal; and as his own forceconsisted entirely of cavalry, most of whom were persons of someconsideration, remarkably well mounted and armed, he drew up his men ingood order in a plain at some distance from the village, in which heleft the baggage and his money; saying, that he trusted through theirbravery to be soon able to recover both, and even to increase theirstore by that belonging to their enemies. Carvajal immediately descendedfrom the hill he had first taken possession of, and took post in theplace which Mendoza had just quitted, which was an inclosare ofconsiderable extent surrounded with walls, in which there were openingsin several places. Carvajal chose this as a convenient post for thenight, in which the enemy would not be able to attack with theircavalry. On learning that Lope de Mendoza and his men had left theirbaggage in the town of Pocona, the troops of Carvajal immediatelyquitted their ranks to go in search of plunder, insomuch that Carvajalwas left in his camp with hardly eight men. If Mendoza had availedhimself of this opportunity to attack Carvajal, he might have gained aneasy victory, and might have boasted of having left his baggage exposedto plunder as a stratagem of war, which on similar occasions had oftenbeen the cause of signal victories. On purpose to recall his troops totheir duty, Carvajal ordered a false alarm to be sounded, whichoccasioned the return of the greater part of his men; but so strong wastheir avidity for spoil that most part of the night was spent beforethey all returned to the camp. 

At this time there was a secret conspiracy entered into by many ofCarvajal's followers, with the intention of putting him to death out ofrevenge for his harsh and tyrannical conduct towards them, and one Pedrode Avendano, his secretary, in whom he reposed entire confidence was theprincipal ringleader of the conspirators. To facilitate the execution ofthis enterprize, Avendano, sent a message by a clever fellow of anIndian to give Mendoza notice of the intentions of the conspirators, andto request he would make an attack upon Carvajal's camp in the course ofthe night, in the confusion attendant upon which he and the otherconspirators might have an opportunity of executing their intended plot. Mendoza had previously determined upon withdrawing about four or fiveleagues from Pocona, to a level plain in which his cavalry would be ableto act with much advantage. But on receiving the message of Avendano, heordered his men to hold themselves in readiness to attack the camp ofCarvajal at the going down of the moon, preferring the obscurity ofnight in order to avoid the danger of the more numerous firearms of theenemy. At that time he advanced in good order towards the enemy, sendingsome scouts in advance, who made prisoner of one of Carvajal's soldiers. After interrogating this man, they advanced to the openings of the wallwhich surrounded the camp, which they found guarded by some musqueteersand pikemen. Mendoza made a brisk attack, but was bravely resisted bythe enemy, and so great was the confusion and noise that it wasimpossible to enter upon any parley, as no one could be heard by reasonof the continual firing and the shouts of the combatants. 

Immediately on the alarm, Carvajal used his utmost efforts to get histroops into order and to animate and encourage them to exert themselvesagainst the enemy. At this period, Avendano pointed out Carvajal to amusqueteer who was one of the conspirators, and encouraged him to take asteady aim at the lieutenant-general; but owing to the darkness, theshot missed of its intended effect; and only wounded him in one of histhighs. Finding himself wounded, and being satisfied it had been done byone of his own people, Carvajal deemed it prudent to conceal thecircumstance for the present; and retired along with Avendano, of whosefidelity he had no suspicion, on purpose to disguise himself in an oldbrown coat-and a shabby hat, that he might not be conspicuous, afterwhich he returned to animate his men to defend the camp. Avendano againpointed him out to another conspirator, who fired a second time atCarvajal, but entirely missed his aim. In the meantime the assailantsfrequently called out to know if Carvajal were dead; but receiving noanswer, and finding that all the avenues to the camp were bravelydefended, Lope de Mendoza drew off his men. In this night engagementabout fourteen were slain on both sides, and several wounded. Carvajalgot his wound secretly dressed, so that none of his people knew thatsuch a thing had happened. 

After the cessation of the engagement, one Placentia deserted fromCarvajal's camp, and informed Mendoza that all the baggage belonging toCarvajal and his troops had been left at a place which he describedabout five or six leagues from Pocona, among which was a large quantityof gold and silver, several horses, and some musquets and powder. Onthis information, Meodoza set off immediately with his troops for thatplace, guided by the deserter; and marching diligently all the remainderof the night, he arrived quite unexpectedly at the place where Carvajalhad secured his baggage; but as the night was exceedingly dark, aboveseventy of his men lost their way and fell behind. Yet, with such of hispeople as had kept up with him, Mendoza took possession of the wholewithout any resistance. After this, being sensible that he was not insufficient force to cope with Carvajal, Mendoza resolved to retreat byway of the desert in which Centeno had formerly taken shelter, which hedid accordingly with about fifty men, all the rest of his troops havingfallen behind during the night, as already mentioned. In the prosecutionof this plan of retreat, Mendoza and his people reached a certain riverabout two leagues and a half from Pocona, where they halted to take somerest and refreshment after the excessive fatigues of the past night. Carvajal was soon apprised of the capture of his baggage and the routewhich Mendoza had taken, and immediately set off in pursuit with aboutfifty of his best mounted troops; and, using every possible diligence, he came to the place where Mendoza had halted, about noon of the nextday, and immediately attacked the royalists, some of whom were asleep, while others were taking food. Thus unexpectedly assailed, and believingthat Carvajal was followed by his whole force, the royalists made afeeble resistance, and very soon took to flight, dispersing themselvesin every direction. Lope de Mendoza and Pedro de Heredia, with a goodmany others, were made prisoners and Carvajal immediately ordered thesetwo chiefs, and six or seven other principal persons among the royaliststo be beheaded. 

On this occasion Carvajal recovered the whole of his own baggage, andgot possession of all that had belonged to the enemy, with all of whichand the prisoners he had made, he returned to Pocona, engaging to do noinjury to those who had escaped from the soldiers in the late attack, and even restored their horses arms and baggage to his prisoners, mostof whom he sent off to join Gonzalo Pizarro. On leaving Pocona, he tookAlfonso de Camargo and Luis Pardamo along with him, who had formerlyfled along with Mendoza, and whose lives he now spared, as they gave himinformation respecting a considerable treasure which Centeno hadconcealed under ground near Paria, and where in fact he discovered above50, 000 crowns. After this, he went with his troops to the city of LaPlata, where he proposed to reside for some time. At this place heappointed persons in whom he could confide to the offices of judges andmagistrates, and dispatched intelligence of the success of his arms overthe whole kingdom of Peru. He remained for some time at La Plata, wherehe collected treasure from all the surrounding country, under pretenceof supplying Gonzalo Pizarro, but in reality he retained much the largershare for himself. 

Having thus succeeded, in all his enterprizes and established hisauthority in the south of Peru on such firm foundations that noopposition remained in the whole country, fortune seemed to determine toexalt him to the summit of his desires by the discovery of the richestmines which had ever been known. Some Indians who belonged to Juan deVillareal, an inhabitant of La Plata, happening to pass over a very highisolated mountain in the middle of a plain, about eighteen leagues fromthat city, named Potosi, noticed by some indications that it containedmines of silver. They accordingly took away some specimens of the orefor trial, from which they found that the mineral was exceedingly richin pure silver; insomuch that the poorest of the ore produced eightymarks of pure silver from the quintal of native mineral[25], being amore abundant production than any that ever had been heard of before. When this discovery became known in the city of La Plata, themagistrates went to the mountain of Potosi, which they divided among theinhabitants of their city, setting up boundary marks to distinguish theallotments or each person in those places which appeared eligible forworkings. So great was the resort to these new mines, that in a shorttime there were above seven thousand _Yanaconas_, or Indian labourers, established in the neighbourhood, who were employed by their Christianmasters in the various operations of these mines. These men labouredwith so much industry, that each Indian, by agreement, furnished twomarks or sixteen ounces of silver weekly to their respective masters;and so rich was the mine, that they were able to do this and to retainan equal quantity to themselves[26]. Such is the nature of the oreextracted from the mineral veins of this mountain, that it cannot bereduced in the ordinary manner by means of bellows, as is customary inother places. It is here smelted in certain small furnaces, called_guairas_ by the Indians, which are supplied with a mixed fuel ofcharcoal and sheeps dung, and are blown up by the wind only, without theuse of any mechanical contrivance. 

[Footnote 25: This produce is most extraordinarily large, being equal to_four_ parts of pure silver from _ten_ of ore, or 640 ounces of silverfrom the quintal or 1600 ounces of ore. At the present time, the silvermines in Mexico, which are the most productive of any that have everbeen known, are remarkable for the poverty of the mineral they contain. A quintal or 1600 ounces of ore affording only at an average 3 or 4ounces of pure silver. The profit therefore of these must depend uponthe abundance of ore, and the facility with which it is procured andsmelted. --E. ]

[Footnote 26: The gross amount of this production of silver, on the datain the text, is 11, 648, 000 ounces yearly; worth, at 5s. 6d. Per ounce, L. 3, 203, 200 sterling; and, estimating silver in those days, at sixtimes its present efficacy, worth L. 19, 219, 200 of modern value. In thepresent day before the revolutionary troubles, Humboldt estimates theentire production of gold and silver from Spanish and Portuguese Americaat L. 9, 787, 500; only about three times the quantity said to have beenat first extracted from Potosi alone, and only about half the effectivevalue. --E. ]

These rich mines are known by the name of Potosi, which is that of thedistrict, or province in which the mountain is situated. Owing to theeasy labour and great profit experienced by the Indians at these mines, when any of the Yanaconas was once established at this place it wasfound almost impossible to induce them to leave it or to work elsewhere;and indeed, they were here so entirely concealed from all dangers, andso much exempted from their usual severe drudgery and the unwholesomevapours they had been subjected to in other mines, that they preferredworking at Potosi to any other situation. So great was the concourse ofinhabitants to Potosi, and the consequent demand for provisions, _thatthe sack of maize was sold for twenty crowns, the sack of wheat forforty, and a small bag of _coca_ for thirty dollars; and these articlesrose afterwards to a higher price. Owing to the astonishingproductiveness of these new mines, all the others in that part of Peruwere speedily abandoned. Even those of Porco, whence Ferdinand Pizarrohad formerly procured great riches, were left unwrought. All theYanaconas who had been employed in searching for gold in the province ofCarabaya, and in the auriferous rivers in different parts of southernPeru, flocked to Potosi, where they were able to make vastly more profitby their labour than in any other place. From various indications, thosewho are most experienced in mining believe that Potosi will alwayscontinue productive and cannot be easily exhausted[27]. 

[Footnote 27: It has however become very much exhausted, and has been ina great measure abandoned. The mines of Lauricocha, in a different partof Peru, are now in greater estimation. But those of Guanaxuato andZacatecas in Mexico, notwithstanding the poverty of their ore, have beenlong the most productive of the American mines. --E. ]

Carvajal did not fail to take advantage of this favourable discovery, and immediately set about the acquisition of treasure for himself byevery means which his present uncontroulable power afforded. In thefirst place, he appropriated to his own use all the Yanaconas, or Indianlabourers in the mines, which had belonged, to such of the inhabitantsas had opposed him, or to those who had died or fled from the province. He likewise appropriated to his own use above 10, 000 Peruvian sheep, belonging to the Yanaconas of the crown or to individuals, which wereemployed in transporting provisions for the miners. By these means, heamassed in a short time near 200, 000 crowns, all of which he retained tohis own use. His soldiers were so much dissatisfied with his conduct, ashe gave them no share of his exactions, that they plotted togetheragainst him. Luis Pardamo, Alfonso de Comargo, Diego de Balsameda, andDiego de Luxan, with thirty others, who had entered into thisconspiracy, had determined to put him to death about a month after hisarrival in La Plata from his expedition against Mendoza; but, owing tosome obstacles, they had been induced to deter the execution of theirenterprize to a future period. By some unknown means the circumstancesof this plot came to the knowledge of Carvajal, who put to death thebefore-mentioned leaders of the conspiracy, and ten or twelve others, and banished all the rest. By these merciless executions, in which heindulged on all occasions, Carvajal inspired so much terror that no onedared in future to make any similar attempt; as he not only punished inthe severest manner all who evinced any intention of revolt, but putpeople to death on the slightest suspicion. Owing to this the loyalservants of his majesty may assuredly be exculpated from the blame whichhas been imputed to them, for not putting Carvajal to death: In reality, there were many persons sufficiently anxious to have done so, on purposeto escape from the cruel tyranny under which they groaned in secret; andfour or five conspiracies were entered into for the purpose, which wereall discovered, and occasioned the destruction of at least fiftyindividuals. By these means every one was terrified from attempting anything against him, more especially as he gave high rewards to all whocommunicated any intelligence of the kind, so that all were forced totemporize and to wait in anxious hope of some favourable opportunity todeliver them from his cruel tyranny. Carvajal continued to remain at LaPlata, frequently publishing accounts of the successes of GonzaloPizarro, to whom he often sent large remittances; derived from his ownresources, from the royal fifths which he appropriated, and from theconfiscated estates of those whom he put to death, all of which heseized upon, under pretence of supplying funds for prosecuting the war. 

From the 18th of January 1546, the day on which he defeated the viceroy, Gonzalo Pizarro continued to reside at Quito till the middle of July ofthat year, accompanied by a force of about five hundred men, occupied inalmost continual feastings and revelry. Various reasons were assignedfor his long residence in that place; some alleging that it was onpurpose to be more at hand for receiving early intelligence from Spain;while others attribute it to the great profits he derived from the goldmines which had been recently discovered in that neighbourhood; andothers again alleged that he was detained by attachment to the ladyformerly mentioned, whose husband he had procured to be assassinated byVincente Pablo. That woman was delivered, after the death of herhusband, of a child which was put to death by her father; for whichinhuman action he was ordered to be hanged by Pedro de Puelles. 

During his residence in Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro sent off severaldetachments of soldiers to different places, giving commissions andinstructions to their commanders in his own name as governor of Peru. Among these, the lieutenant Benalcazar was sent back to his formergovernment; having been pardoned and even taken into favour by Gonzalo. A reinforcement was also sent to Pedro de Valdivia who commanded inChili, under the command of Captain Ulloa, whom he had sent to askassistance to enable him to continue and maintain his conquests in thatcountry. Other officers and soldiers were sent to other parts, which areunnecessary to be particularized. At length Gonzalo determined to leaveQuito, and to establish his residence in Lima; and it has been allegedthat he was principally induced to take this step from suspicion of thefidelity of Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieutenant at Lima, who was so muchbeloved by all the inhabitants of that city as to be almost in conditionto have revolted to the royal cause. Gonzalo is said likewise to havebeen somewhat suspicious of his lieutenant-general Carvajal, beingafraid lest he might be so puffed up by the many victories he hadgained, and by his immense distance, as to be induced to set up forhimself. He accordingly left Quito under the command of Pedro dePuelles, whom he appointed his lieutenant and captain-general in thatprovince, with a force of three hundred men, having great confidence inhis attachment ever since he had succoured him when in straits on hismarch from Cuzco to Lima, and when his army was on the point ofabandoning him. He reposed so entirely on Puelles, that he believed, ifthe king were to send any force against him by the route of the provincein which Benalcazar commanded, that Puelles would prevent them frombeing able to penetrate into Peru. 

While on his progress from Quito towards Lima, Gonzalo assumed ineverything the deportment and authority of governor of Peru, and wastreated in every respect as such by all the inhabitants of the country. He seemed to believe that his authority was so well and firmlyestablished that he had nothing to fear from the attempts of hisenemies, and that even the king would be obliged to grant him any termshe might require. All his officers soldiers and dependents obeyed andrespected him entirely, as if satisfied that they were always to besubject to his authority, and to depend upon him alone for advancementand reward. In the exercise of his usurped authority, he made manygrants or repartitions of lands and Indians, all of them for longperiods, which every one considered as secure of being continued. He andhis principal officers pretended that they frequently received lettersfrom some of the highest of the nobles in Spain, praising his conductand approving of every thing he had done, which these pretended lettersjustified on account of the infringements which had been made on therights and privileges of the colonists. In these letters likewise, thepretended Spanish grandees were made to engage their favour and creditat court to support his interest and authority with the sovereign. Thewell informed among the followers of Gonzalo Pizarro saw clearly thatthese letters were mere fabrications to impose upon the vulgar, and hadno foundation whatever in truth. 

On his arrival at the city of San Miguel, Gonzalo learned that therewere a considerable number of Indians in that neighbourhood who had notbeen reduced under subjection; for which reason he gave orders toestablish a military post in the province of _Garrochamba[28]_, thecommand of which he conferred on Captain Mercadillo, with a force of anhundred and thirty men, and gave him instructions for completing theconquest of that district, and for dividing the lands and Indians intorepartitions like the rest of the country. At this time likewise, hedetached Captain Porcel with sixty soldiers to complete the conquest ofthe Bracamoros. In these proceedings, he wished it to be believed thathis sole object was for the advantage of the colony; but his realpurpose was to keep his troops on foot and in employ, in case of needingthem at a future period for his own defence in support of hisusurpation. Before leaving Quito, Gonzalo sent off the licentiateCarvajal by sea with a party of soldiers, in the ships which Juan AlonzoPalomino had brought from Nicaragua after his pursuit of Verdugo. Carvajal was ordered to proceed along the coast towards Lima, and tosettle all the maritime towns in his way in good order. 

[Footnote 28: No such province or district is now found in the maps ofPeru; but it appears to have been on the confines between the northernpart of Peru Proper and the southern extremity of Quito, whereValladolid now stands. --E. ]

The licentiate Carvajal after executing the before-mentioned orders, came to Truxillo to meet Gonzalo Pizarro, whence they went together toLima, accompanied by a force of two hundred men. On approaching Lima, there was a diversity of opinions among the followers of Pizarro, respecting the ceremonies with which he should be received into thecapital of Peru. Some of his officers were desirous that the magistracyshould come out to meet him with a canopy, under which he should makehis entry after the manner usually practised with kings. Some evenproposed that a breach should be made in the walls, and some of thehouses of the city thrown down, so as to make a new entrance on purposein memory of his victory over the viceroy, as used to be done ancientlyin Rome for the reception of triumphant generals. In this, as in allother important affairs, Gonzalo was guided by the advice of thelicentiate Carvajal, and entered the city on horseback, preceded by allhis captains on foot leading their horses by the bridles. On thisoccasion he was accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, the bishops ofCuzco and Quito, and the bishop of Bogota, who had come into Peru by wayof Carthagena on purpose to receive consecration. He was likewiseaccompanied by Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieutenant-governor of Lima, andby all the magistrates and inhabitants of the city; no one daring toremain at home lest they might be suspected of disaffection. The streetswere all ornamented with green herbs and flowers; all the bells of thechurches and monasteries were kept ringing; and the cavalcade waspreceded by a numerous band of trumpets kettle-drums and other warlikeinstruments of music. In this pompous manner, Pizarro was conducted inthe first place to the great church, and thence to his own residence. 

From this time, Gonzalo Pizarro conducted himself with much more prideand haughtiness than formerly, conceiving high ideas of his ownimportance from these public ceremonials of respect, as usually happensto men of feeble minds on any sudden elevation. He had a guard for hisperson of eighty halberdiers, besides several horsemen, who acompaniedhim wherever he went. No person whatever was permitted to be seated inhis presence; and there were very few persons whom he designed to honourso far as to return their salute. By these haughty manners, and stillmore by his frequent disobliging and even abusive manner of speaking, hedispleased every one and became universally disliked. It must likewisebe mentioned, that the soldiery, to whom he owed everything, becameexceedingly discontented with him, as he gave them no pay. All this hada powerful influence on his downfall in the sequel; though for thepresent every one concealed their real sentiments, waiting for a morefavourable opportunity. 

 * * * * *

"Following Garcilasso de la Vega and other authors, the Historian ofAmerica[29] alleges that Gonzalo Pizarro was urged by several of hisadherents, and in particular by Carvajal, to assume the sovereignty ofPeru; to attach the Spaniards to his interest by liberal grants of landsand Indians, and by the creation of titles of nobility similar to thosein Europe; to establish military orders of knighthood, with privilegesdistinctions and pensions, resembling those in Spain, as gratificationsto the officers in his service; and to gain the whole body of natives tohis service, by marrying the Coya, or Peruvian princess next in relationto the reigning Inca. Thus at the head of the ancient inhabitants of thecountry and of the colonists, he might set the power of Spain atdefiance, and could easily repel any force that might be sent from Spainto such a distance. These counsellors who urged Pizarro to adopt thisplan, insisted that he had already gone too far to expect pardon fromthe emperor; and endeavoured to convince him that all the founders ofgreat monarchies had risen by their personal merit and their own valour, without any pretensions to ancient lineage or valid rights ofsovereignty; and that, besides, his family had a strong title to thedominion of Peru, founded on the rights of discovery and conquest. Butthe inferior talents of Gonzalo circumscribed his ambition within morenarrow bounds, and confined his views to the obtaining a confirmation ofthe authority which he now possessed from the emperor; for which purposehe sent an officer of distinction to Spain, to give such arepresentation of his conduct and the state of the country, as mightinduce the court, from inclination or necessity, to continue him asgovernor of Peru for life. Although Garcilasso de la Vega gives fullwarrant for this account of the proposals of the insurgents, Zarate, whowas then resident in a public character in Peru, makes no mention of anysuch plan having been agitated, which could hardly have happenedwithout his knowledge: It is probable therefore that these additionalcircumstances were invented by the enemies of Gonzalo after his fall, onpurpose to blacken his memory by the imputation of even deeper crimesthan those he was actually guilty of. "--E. 

[Footnote 29: History of America, II. 378. ]

SECTION VI. 

_History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the Death of GonzaloPizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity. _

While these things were transacting in Peru, the emperor Charles V. Wasresiding in Germany, where he had gone on purpose to overthrow the partyof the Lutherans and others who had separated from the church of Rome. The emperor was desirous to receive an account of the disturbances inthat distant and valuable colony from Diego Alvarez Cueto, thebrother-in-law of the late viceroy, and Francisco Maldonado themessenger of Gonzalo Pizarro, both of whom went into Germany for thatpurpose. At this time, however, though acquainted with the revolt ofPeru, the imprisonment of the viceroy, and the usurpation of thegovernment by Pizarro, the court necessarily remained ignorant of thedeath of the viceroy. Frequent deliberations were held for devisingproper remedies to restore tranquillity to Peru; but the matter lay overfor some considerable time, in consequence of the absence of the emperorfrom Spain, and because he was at this time frequently attacked byillness. At length it was determined to send over into Peru thelicentiate Pedro de la Gasca, at that time a counsellor of inquisition. The prudent and intelligent character of this man was already wellknown, from the skill and success with which he had already conductedseveral affairs of consequence with which he had been entrusted, andparticularly by the excellent dispositions and preparations which he hadmade, only a few years before, to defend the kingdom of Valencia againstan expected invasion of the Turks and Moors, and in various mattersrespecting the new converts in that kingdom, which he took themanagement of while occupied in some of the affairs of the holy officeon which he had been sent thither by the emperor. 

The title granted to Gasca on occasion of going into Peru, was only thatof president of the royal court of audience. But, by his commision, hewas invested with full powers in every thing respecting the governmentof the country; to pacify the troubles and restore peace; and to pardonas he might see proper all crimes, whether committed before his arrivalor during his residence in the country. Along with Gasca, thelicentiates Ganas and Renteria went out to Peru, as judges or oydors ofthe supreme tribunal or royal court of audience. Gasca was likewisefurnished with full powers to raise troops in case of necessity, and todo every thing that the exigency of affairs might require, withoutwaiting for orders or instructions from Spain. His powers and ordershowever were kept secret, as it was wished to attempt the restoration oforder by gentle means; for which reason nothing was spoken of but pardonand indemnity, and he was desired to endeavour to restore the colony topeace and tranquillity by means of clemency if possible. 

Gasca embarked from Spain in the month of May 1546, on purpose to quellthe formidable rebellion which had long subsisted in Peru, withouteither money or troops, and merely accompanied by such servants andofficers of his household as were requisite to support the dignity ofhis office as president of the high court of audience. On arriving at StMartha, he received information of the defeat of Melchior Verdugo, formerly mentioned, and that Verdugo waited for him at Carthagena withthe small remnant of his men who had escaped on that occasion. Knowingthat Hinojosa and his people were exceedingly irritated against Verdugo, Gasca resolved to go by way of Nombre de Dios, to prevent the insurgentsfrom entertaining any suspicions of his pacific intentions, as hebelieved they would prevent him from having any access into the countryif he held any intercourse with Verdugo, and still more if he werejoined by that obnoxious person. Gasca cast anchor in the harbour ofNombre de Dios on the 27th of July 1546, where Hernan Mexia had beenposted by Hinojosa with an hundred and eighty men, to protect that placeand neighbourhood against Melchior Verdugo. The president sent on shoreAlfonzo de Alvarado, who had accompanied him from Spain, to notify hisarrival and the purposes of his mission to Mexia. After some conference, they separated without communicating their real sentiments to eachother, as both were suspicious and kept up much reserve. On the returnof Alvarado to the ship, Mexia sent to request the president todisembark, which he did accordingly. On this occasion Mexia went to meethim, in a barge attended by twenty musqueteers, leaving the rest of histroops drawn up on the beach. Mexia immediately left his own barge, andaccompanied the president in his boat to the shore, where he caused himto be received with every mark of respect, under a salute from thetroops. 

After landing, the president, in a private conference, gave Mexia anaccount of the object of his voyage to Peru; on which Mexia expressedhis determined resolution to yield implicit obedience to the royalorders, and to devote his services accordingly to the president. Hedeclared, that he had long and anxiously waited the arrival of someperson possessing authority to put an end to the troubles; and that, fortunately, circumstances were now extremely favourable for thispurpose, without any one to oppose, as he was now the sole commander ofmost of the troops belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro in that neighbourhood, the greater part of which were now in Nombre de Dios. Mexia said fartherthat, Hinojosa and the other captains having gone to Panama, he foundhimself at liberty to declare himself openly for his majesty, if thatwere judged proper by the president; and that they might then go incompany to Panama, where they would easily become masters of the fleetin that port, by means which he explained; and that he was likewiseconvinced that, when Hinojosa and the other captains were informed ofthe powers and intentions of the president, they would receive him withall submission. The president thanked Mexia for his good intentions, observing that it was necessary to use lenient measures on thisoccasion, as his majesty was very desirous to restore the country topeace and good order, without having recourse to warlike measures, if itcould possibly be accomplished. As it was obvious to every one, that thechief cause of the disturbances was owing to the inflexible rigour ofthe late viceroy, he wished, therefore, that it might be known by all, that his majesty wished to remedy all grievances in the most graciousmanner; and he trusted, therefore, when it was publickly known that allmight expect safety and pardon by returning to their duty, that all thecolonists would evince their respectful loyalty by tendering theirservices, rather than continue in rebellion against the sovereign. Thepresident concluded by declaring his resolution to refrain from anyendeavour to use force, till all the colonists were apprized of hisintentions as now expressed. 

Mexia assured the president, that he was ready to obey his orders inall things; yet considered it proper for him to observe, that althoughhe was now able to command the soldiers then at Nombre de Dios; mattersmight assume a very different aspect on proceeding to Panama, where thesoldiers would be under the orders of Hinojosa. The president expressedhis determination, however, to proceed in his enterprize, to which Mexiaconsented; and they mutually agreed to keep their intentions secret tillaffairs should take a favourable turn, as will be seen in the sequel. 

When Hinojosa, who acted as general under Pizarro in the Tierra Firma, learnt the reception which the president had met with from Mexia, he wasmuch dissatisfied, both because he was ignorant of the orders andinstructions under which the president acted, and because Mexia had notcommunicated his intentions. Hinojosa wrote therefore to Mexia in aharsh and peremptory manner, reflecting bitterly on his conduct, and, atthe same time, some friends of Mexia, who were then resident in Panama, wrote to dissuade him from coming to that place, as Hinojosa was muchirritated against him for the friendly reception he had given to thepresident. Notwithstanding this, it was agreed upon in a conferencebetween the president and Mexia, that the latter should go immediatelyto Panama to confer with Hinojosa, lest the minds of the soldiery shouldtake any adverse turn by delay. Despising the dangers with which he wasthreatened, and the suspicions that had been endeavoured to be instilledinto his mind, Mexia set out for Panama, confiding in the friendshipwhich subsisted between him and Hinojosa, and in his knowledge of thecharacter and dispositions of that officer. In an interview withHinojosa, he fully explained the reasons of his conduct in receiving thepresident; adding, that whatever party they might choose ultimately tofavour, all that had hitherto been done could do no harm. Hinojosa wasentirely satisfied with this explanation, and allowed Mexia to return toNombre de Dios. 

After the return of Mexia, the president went across the isthmus toPanama, where he held separate conferences with Hinojosa and thedifferent captains, which he conducted with so much prudence andsecrecy, that he gained them all over to the royal cause, without any ofthem having any communication with the others on the subject, so that hewas soon in condition to speak with them publickly on the objects ofhis mission, having brought them all over to his sentiments and engagedthem to second his intentions. By supplying the soldiers with everything of which they were in need, he brought them all easily into hismeasures, believing that the most effectual means of succeeding in hismission, was by acting gently and in a conciliating manner with everyone: yet in all this he acted without meanness or servility, constantlypreserving the dignity becoming his rank and authority. In all hisnegociations, the president was ably and faithfully seconded by hismajor-general Alfonzo de Alvarado, who was exceedingly serviceable onevery occasion, both in consequence of having many friends among theofficers, and because those even who were not among the number were muchinfluenced by his authority and character. At first Hinojosa hesitatedabout declaring for the president, and even notified his arrival toGonzalo Pizarro. Some of the captains and other principal persons atPanama had likewise written to Gonzalo, even before the arrival of thepresident at Panama, giving it as their advice that he ought not to beallowed to enter Peru; but in the sequel these persons changed theiropinion by the persuasion of Gasca. During his residence at Panama, thepresident contrived to manage so judiciously with Hinojosa, whom hefrequently visited, that he procured his consent to send Pedro HernandezPaniagua, a gentleman who had accompanied him from Spain, with lettersto Gonzalo Pizarro apprizing him of his arrival in Tierra Firma, and theobject of his mission. Among these letters was one from the king, to thefollowing effect:

THE KING, TO GONZALO PIZARRO. 

"Gonzalo Pizarro, from your letters and the information of otherpersons, we have been informed of the commotions and disorders whichhave arisen in all the provinces of Peru, since the arrival of theviceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela and the judges of the royal audience. We areconvinced that these troubles have been produced by endeavouring toestablish and enforce, in their utmost rigour, the new laws andregulations which we had judged proper for the government of thatcountry, and for insuring good treatment to the native inhabitants. Weare satisfied that you, and those who have acted along with you duringthese troubles, have not been actuated by any disinclination to yourobedience and loyalty towards us, but merely in opposition to theextreme rigour and inexorable obstinacy of the viceroy, who refused tolisten to the supplications and remonstrances which were made to him onthe new regulations. "

"Being well informed in regard to all these affairs, and having heardevery thing that Francisco Maldonado had in charge to say on the subjectfrom you and the inhabitants of these provinces, we have thought properto send over as our president the licentiate De la Gasca, a member ofour council of the holy inquisition, to whom we have given full powerand authority to do every thing that he may deem proper and necessaryfor restoring tranquillity and good order in the country, to replace itsaffairs on a proper footing, and to introduce such regulations as maytend to the good of our service and the glory of God, and the advantageof the country and its inhabitants, both such as are our naturalsubjects and the original inhabitants. For this reason we will andcommand, and expressly desire, that you may be punctually obedient toevery thing which the said Gasca shall order you in our name, in thesame manner as if his commands were from ourselves; and that you givehim every assistance in your power in every thing which he may require, and which may be necessary for executing the orders which we have givenhim, according as he may inform you, or shall require in our name, conform to the confidence we repose in your fidelity. On our part, weassure you that we entertain a just estimation of the services which youand your brother the marquis have done, and that we shall reward thesame in time and place convenient to his children and brothers byeffective marks of our good will. Given at Venlo, this sixteenth ofFebruary in the year of grace one thousand five hundred and forty-six. "

I THE KING. _By order of his Majesty, _ FRANCISCO DE ERASO. 

Along with this letter from the emperor, the president wrote to GonzaloPizarro, dated on the 26th of September 1546 from Panama, and addressedto the illustrious senior Gonzalo Pizarro, in the city of Lima, of whichthe following is the substance. 

"I have delayed sending the letter of his imperial majesty, whichaccompanies this present communication, till now, in the hope of beingable to set out for Peru immediately after my arrival in this country, and because it appeared more conformable to the respect and obediencewhich I owe to his majesty to have delivered his royal letter in personthan to allow it to be preceded by any writing from myself. Finding, however, that my voyage is necessarily delayed, and being informed thatyou have called a meeting of the colonists at Lima to consult upon thepast transactions, and on what may be proper in the present situation ofaffairs, I have thought it improper any longer to delay sending hismajestys letter, together with this from myself which I transmit byPedro Hernandez Paniagua, a person of honour and merit, who professes tobe your friend and servant. "

"After the most mature and careful deliberations respecting all that hasoccurred in Peru, since the arrival of the late viceroy in that country, his majesty is satisfied that the commotions have not been excited by aspirit of rebellion and disobedience in the Spanish inhabitants, butthrough the inflexible rigour with which the viceroy endeavoured toenforce the regulations, in spite of the supplications of the colonistsand their appeal to his majesty, by which they were justified indefending themselves against so great severity, at least until theyshould learn the royal will on the subject in answer to theirremonstrances. All this appears from the letter which you addressed tohis majesty, in which you declared that the principal reason which hadinduced you to accept the situation of governor of Peru, was that it hadbeen given to you by the royal audience, in the name and under the sealof his majesty; by the acceptance of which employment you were enabledto do good service to the royal interests, which might otherwise havesuffered much prejudice; and as you have declared these to be yourmotives for assuming the government, until his majesty might thinkproper to issue his commands, which you were ready to obey like a goodand loyal subject. "

"Therefore, his majesty, having seen and duly considered all thesethings, and heard the opinions of his councillors thereupon, has sent mefor the express purpose of restoring peace, tranquillity, and good orderto the country, by the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, withfull power to extend his royal pardon for all that has alreadyoccurred, and to take the opinion and advice of the colonists upon thosemeasures that may be most proper and advantageous for the royal service, the glory of God, the good of the country, and the benefit of itsinhabitants. In respect to such Spaniards as cannot be provided in thecountry with repartitions of lands and Indians, I have orders to employthem in new discoveries, where they may acquire honour and riches, ashas already been done by so many other persons. I earnestly entreat youtherefore, as a Christian, and a wise and prudent gentleman of honour, to reflect seriously on all these things. As you have hitherto alwaysevinced much affection and attachment to the welfare of the country andits inhabitants, you certainly have great reason of thankfulness to theAlmighty, that in so important and delicate an affair, neither hismajesty nor his councillors have been disposed to consider your pastconduct in the light of revolt and rebellion against the legitimateauthority of the sovereign, but have rather been pleased to view it inthe light of a just and necessary defence of your own rights, and thoseof the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, until the decision of his majestyupon your supplications and remonstrances might be made manifest. Therefore, since his majesty has been graciously pleased to grant to youand the other colonists all that you required by your supplications, byabrogating the obnoxious regulations, it is incumbent upon you, as anobedient and loyal subject, to evince a respectful and prompt obedienceto the royal orders[30]. "

[Footnote 30: In translating this letter the substance has beenmaterially compressed; omitting much loose and declamatoryargumentation, with several instances of the irresistible power of theemperor, to convince Pizarro of the absolute necessity of submission. Among other arguments, Gasca quotes with approbation an instance of aSpaniard who had assassinated his brother in the midst of the GermanLutherans for deserting the religion of his country; and threatens himwith the vengeance of his brother Ferdinand if he should persist inrebellion against his sovereign. --E. ]

"I have represented all these things to you, that you may not flatteryourself by a false confidence of being able to resist the power of hismajesty, who is able if it should so please him to employ irresistibleforce in repressing the commotions and disorders of Peru, instead ofthose measures of clemency, which it has pleased God that he should nowresort to; and that if reduced to the necessity of using force, it willbe necessary for his majesty to take care not to ruin the country bysending too great a number of troops, instead of being under anydifficulty as to sending a sufficient power to overcome all possibilityof resistance. You ought likewise to reflect that matters willnecessarily take a quite different turn than they have hitherto done. Hitherto your followers have been influenced by their own self-interest, not only considering the late viceroy as your enemy and your cause asgood, but all of them looked upon him as their personal enemy, whowished to deprive them of their properties, and to put to death everyone who opposed his designs. Under these circumstances your followerswere necessarily impelled to adhere to your party in the defence oftheir own lives and properties. But as both are now secured, by therevocation of the obnoxious regulations, and the amnesty granted by hismajesty, the Spanish inhabitants of Peru have now their legitimatesovereign as their friend and protector, to whom we all owe the mostentire loyalty and obedience. I entreat you to reflect seriously onthese things, and to consider that, in the present situation of affairs, and the turn which they must assuredly take in the sequel, you cannotcount upon the adherence of any one, if you unfortunately choose tofollow wrong measures. By contributing your assistance to put an end tothe commotions which have distracted the kingdom of Peru, the wholeinhabitants of that country will remain indebted to your exertions forthe maintenance of their rights and privileges, in having opposed theexecution of the obnoxious regulations, and having procured a favourableattention to their supplications and remonstrances; insomuch that hismajesty has been pleased to send me with an express commission to listento and redress all grievances. Should you unfortunately resolve uponrefusing submission to the royal authority, you will obliterate all themerit you derive from your past conduct; as by endeavouring to continuethe troubles and commotions, you will shew yourself actuated by motivesof personal interest and ambition, instead of any regard for the good ofthe public. Instead of serving the interests of the Spanish inhabitantsof Peru, you will become the cause of infinite injury to all, and willbe considered as the enemy of the kingdom, by perpetuating the troubles, and occasioning the destruction of the lives and fortunes of yourfriends and adherents. You ought likewise to consider that, bycontinuing the war, you will render it necessary to bring over anumerous army into Peru, so that you will become accountable to God andman for all the miseries and disorders which may follow, and for theentire ruin of the country and its inhabitants, by which you will incurthe hatred of all the principal colonists, merchants, and other richpersons. "

"To conclude, I pray God to take you and all your followers under hismost holy protection, and that he may inspire you with proper sentimentson this occasion, for the good service of his majesty, the eternalwelfare of your souls, and the preservation of your lives, honours, andestates; and I remain; illustrious Sir, yours, &c. 

PEDRO DE LA GASCA. "

Gonzalo had only been a few days in Lima on his return from Quito, whenhe received letters from Hinojosa informing him of the arrival of thepresident. He was much disturbed by this intelligence, which heimmediately communicated to the captains and other principal persons ofhis party, and with whom he consulted upon the steps necessary to betaken in this conjuncture of affairs. Some were of opinion that it wasnecessary to get rid of the president, either openly or by secretassassination; while others recommended that he should be invited intoPeru, where it would be easy to oblige him to agree to all theirdemands; or where at least they could draw their negociations with himto a great length, by insisting on convening an assembly of deputies andprocurators from all the cities of the kingdom at Lima, to deliberate onthe subject of his reception, and to determine whether he should bereceived or not; and, as Peru was of vast extent, it would be easy toput off the meeting of that assembly for two years, during which periodthe president might be kept in the isle of Puna under a confidentialguard, by which he might be prevented from writing to Spain that thecountry was in rebellion; more especially as they could keep him incontinual suspense, by representing that the general assembly could notmeet sooner on account of the vast distance of some of the cities. Eventhe most moderate were for obliging the president to return into Spain. 

In this council of the leaders of the insurrection, it was likewiseproposed to send deputies from all parts of Peru to his majesty, toexplain the state of the colony, and the events which had occurred; andparticularly to exculpate their conduct in regard to the battle of Quitoin which the viceroy was slain, by throwing the whole blame upon him asthe aggressor. It was likewise proposed that these deputies shouldhumbly implore his majesty to invest Gonzalo Pizarro in the governmentof Peru, for which especial purpose they should be so instructed andempowered by all the cities. They were also to be instructed, duringtheir residence at Panama on their way into Spain, carefully to learnwhat were the powers and instructions of the president; and to endeavourto prevail upon him to delay proceeding to Peru, until they had informedhis majesty of the true state of the kingdom, that ulterior orders mightbe issued in consequence. It was proposed at the same time, if thepresident persisted in coming into the country, to take him intocustody. Some even proposed to put him to death during the journey, while others proposed to have him poisoned at Panama and likewise to putAlonzo de Alvarado to death. Many other proposals of a similar natureand tendency are said to have been made at this time; but as all thesetransactions took place in the secret meetings of the chief of theinsurgents, it is difficult or impossible to ascertain the precisenature of their deliberations. It was besides resolved, that themessengers who were to be sent to the president should be charged todeliver him letters from the principal inhabitants of Lima, stronglyurging him to refrain from coming into Peru, even in terms of insolenceand implied threatening. 

After long deliberations respecting the persons who should be sent intoSpain to lay their representations before the emperor, Don Jerom deLoyasa archbishop of Lima, Lorenzo de Aldana, Friar Thomas de SanMartino provincial of the Dominicans, and Gomez de Solis were chosen forthat purpose. The provincial was much suspected by the insurgents ofbeing inimical to their party, by several expressions of his opinion, both in his sermons and in private conversations: Yet they thoughtproper to employ him and the others in this commission, although theywere almost equally suspicious of the rest; both to give weight to theirrepresentations through the respectability of their messengers, andbecause no other persons of any consequence in the country dared toappear before his majesty on this occasion, being afraid of punishmentfor the share they had taken in the past commotions. They consideredlikewise, if these deputies should declare against them while in Spain, as they actually suspected, that it was better to have them out of thecountry; as, if matters should assume an unfavourable aspect for Gonzaloand his adherents, these persons might have done them much injury byremaining, as they were much respected in Peru, both on account of theirrank and character. Gomez de Solis, who was major domo to GonzaloPizarro, was the only one of these commisioners in whom he reposedconfidence; though indeed some alleged that he was only intended toproceed to Panama with a supply of money and provisions for Hinojosa andhis troops, while others believed he was to have accompanied the otherdeputies into Spain. Besides these persons, the bishop of St Martha waslikewise requested to accompany the deputation; and they were allsupplied with the necessary funds for the expences of their voyage. 

Lorenzo de Aldana set off by sea for Panama in all haste, while theother deputies were making preparations for their voyage, beingcommissioned by Gonzalo to send him intelligence as quickly as possibleas to the true state of affairs in the Tierra Firma. As Lorenzo set outfrom the port of Lima in October 1546, Gonzalo confidently expected toreceive dispatches from him from Panama by the ensuing Christmas, orearly in January 1547; and for this purpose, he appointed a set ofcouriers to remain in waiting all along the coast of Peru to thenorthward of Lima, to be in readiness to forward the dispatches asquickly as possible. The two bishops and the provincial embarked a fewdays after Aldana, and all of them arrived safely at Panama. 

Vela Nunnez, the brother of the late viceroy, who had long remained aprisoner at large, being allowed to go out on hunting parties, and toride about unarmed, yet under strict injunctions to take care of hisconduct, was drawn about this time into a private engagement with asoldier named Juan de la Torre, by means of which he lost his life. Dela Torre was one of those who had deserted from the viceroy to Gonzalo, along with Gonzalo Diaz and others, when on the expedition against Pedrode Puelles and the inhabitants of Guanuco. He had afterwards the goodfortune to discover a concealed treasure of gold and silver in thevalley of Hica, which had been consecrated by the Indians to theiridols, and which was said to have contained to the value of 60, 000crowns in the precious metals, besides a great quantity of emeralds andturquoises. De la Torre placed all this treasure in the hands of thefather guardian of the Franciscans; to whom he one day revealed inconfession that he wished to return into Spain, that he might enjoy hisriches in quiet; but, having followed the party of Gonzalo, andconsequently incurred the displeasure of his majesty, he wished to beable to perform some acceptable service to the king before hisdeparture, on purpose to merit pardon for his past offences. For thispurpose, he intended to embark with his treasure from the port of Limafor Nicaragua, where he proposed to enlist a party of soldiers, and tofit out one or two vessels with which to cruize for some time along thecoast of Peru against Gonzalo and his confederates, by landing, andpillaging in such places as were unprovided with troops: But, as he hadnot sufficient knowledge or experience for conducting such anenterprize, he wished to find a person properly qualified to act ascommander on this occasion, and had a strong desire to induce VelaNunnez to undertake the direction of the enterprize, as a gentlemanexperienced in war, and who was besides in a great measure bound to seekan opportunity of being revenged upon Gonzalo for the death of hisbrother the viceroy and many others of his friends and relations. Withthis view, therefore, it was his intention to place himself and histreasure at the disposal of Vela Nunnez, whom he wished to consult onthis subject with some adherents of the late viceroy who dwelt in Lima, that these persons might likewise be induced to join in the enterprize. De la Torre, therefore, requested the father guardian to converse on thesubject with Vela Nunnez. 

At first Vela Nunnez was on his guard, lest it might be a falseconfidence devised for his ruin. But De la Torre satisfied his doubts inpresence of the father guardian, by a solemn oath on a consecratedaltar, and Vela Nunnez agreed to take charge of the enterprize, immediately using his endeavours to engage the adherents of the lateviceroy in the plot. It is not known how this affair came to bedivulged, which it certainly was to Gonzalo, who immediately caused VelaNunnez to be arrested and brought to trial as a traitor and rebelagainst the king, and had him publickly beheaded. Vela Nunnez was abrave and honourable gentleman, much esteemed by all, and wasexceedingly regretted by the whole inhabitants of Peru. [31]

[Footnote 31: From the sequel, it would appear that Juan de la Torreescaped entirely on this occasion; at least a person of exactly the samename appears afterwards as an officer in the service of Gonzalo. --E]

About this time likewise, Alfonzo de Toro, who was lieutenant-governorof Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, was assassinated by his ownfather-in-law, in consequence of some dispute. Gonzalo was much grievedby the death of this person, from whom he expected to have derivedimportant services in the approaching crisis. He appointed Alfonzo deHinojosa to succeed as lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, who had in factbeen elected to the vacant charge by the magistrates of that city. Underhis administration some tumults were excited in Cuzco by Lope Sanchez deValenzuela and Diego Perez Bezerra; but by the exertions of Hinojosa andPedro de Villacastin the tumults were happily quelled; Valenzuela andBezerra were put to death as the ringleaders, and some others who hadbeen particularly active on the occasion were banished. 

It is well known that Lorenzo de Aldana, who has been already mentionedas dispatched by Gonzalo to Panama, carried several letters from Gonzaloand the other leaders of the insurrection which were couched in verydisrespectful terms: But Aldana, anxious to prevent the present troublesfrom becoming even more serious than they were, prudently destroyedthese letters, so that they were not delivered. On his arrival atPanama, he went to lodge with Hinojosa, with whom he was extremelyintimate, there being likewise some relationship between them. He wentlikewise without delay to pay his respects to the president; but at thisfirst visit they both confined themselves to conversation on generaltopics, so that Aldana did not reveal his sentiments for some days, wishing, like a prudent person, to learn in the first place what werethe sentiments and intentions of the officers who then resided atPanama. When he found that they were disposed to act for the service ofhis majesty, he revealed his real sentiments to the president, offeringhis best services in any manner that might be most conducive to theroyal interest. From the confidence which was reposed in Aldana, it wasat length resolved to treat openly with Hinojosa, with whom hitherto thepresident and Mexia had acted with much reserve. Accordingly, Mexiarepresented to him, that the affairs of Peru were now in such asituation that it was requisite to restore them to order, which mighteasily be done by agreeing to offer the services of all the faithfulsubjects of his majesty resident in Panama to the president; and if thepresent favourable opportunity for this purpose were neglected, anothermight not occur for a long time. Hinojosa replied, that he was entirelydisposed to serve the president, to whom, he had already declared, ifhis majesty were not disposed to grant the demands of Gonzalo, he wasready in all things to yield obedience to the commands of thesovereign, being resolved to give no just cause of reproach as arebellious subject. 

In reality Hinojosa, although an excellent soldier and experienced inevery thing relative to warlike affairs was exceedingly ignorant inpolitical matters. He had always believed that every thing which hadbeen done by the insurgents was founded in justice, and that the authorsof the supplications and remonstrances had a right to use their utmostefforts to succeed in procuring all that they had demanded; having evenbeen so assured by several learned men. Yet in all the pasttransactions, he had conducted his own actions with much prudentreserve, so as not to go beyond the original and avowed purposes of theremonstrants, having never put any one to death or confiscated thewealth of any of the royalists, as had been done by the other insurgentcommanders. On perceiving the erroneous sentiments by which he wasdeluded, Mexia strongly represented to him, that, as the pleasure of hismajesty had been clearly expressed, by means of the commission andinstructions given to the president, there was no room now to wait forany new declaration of the royal will. That all the officers andsoldiers in the Tierra Firma Were resolved to obey the president, andthat Hinojosa must determine without delay on the part he chose toembrace as a loyal subject, without allowing himself to be misled bythese ridiculous sentiments of pretended men of learning. Hinojosarequested to be allowed one day to consider what answer he should giveto these representations; and accordingly the very next day hedetermined to follow the advice of his friend Mexia, whom he accompaniedto the president, and engaged to obey him in all things conformable tothe royal orders. After this, all the captains of the troops and otherprincipal persons in Panama were convened; who all pledged theirobedience to the president, engaging to keep the matter a profoundsecret till farther orders. Yet the soldiers began to suspect the realsituation of affairs, as they noticed that the president gave orders onevery affair of importance that occurred, and that all their officersvisited him very frequently, and always behaved to him in public astheir superior. 

As president considered that any farther delay might be prejudicial tothe royal cause, he resolved to dispatch Aldana with the command ofabout three hundred men in three or four vessels, with orders to proceedto the port of Lima, to assemble at that place all who were wellaffected to his majesty. By this measure, he wished to prevent Gonzalofrom having time to learn the actual situation of matters in the TierraFirma, and from placing his own affairs in perfect order; and was inhopes likewise by these means to prevent him from putting several of theprincipal loyalists to death, as had been often threatened by theinsurgents. Accordingly, four vessels were fitted out with allexpedition, of which the command was given to Aldana, having under hisorders the captains Mexia, Palomino, and Yllanez. On this occasion, in ageneral review of the troops, all the colours were publickly resignedinto the hands of the president; who immediately restored them to therespective officers, in his majestys name, and reappointed Hinojosa asgeneral of the army. After this, the three hundred men above mentionedwere embarked under Aldana, pay and equipments, being advanced to suchof the soldiers as were in need. Aldana immediately set sail on hisexpedition, being accompanied by the provincial of the Dominicans, aperson of merit and influence, whose authority and example were expectedto confirm those who might be indetermined to follow the party which heespoused. Aidaria carried along with him several copies of the amnestyand of the royal orders for restoring peace and order to Peru; and wasexpressly enjoined not to land on any part of the coast if possible, till he got to the port of Lima, that he might endeavour to surpriseGonzalo. 

About this time, the archbishop of Lima and Gomez de Solis arrived atPanama; both of whom expressed their satisfaction on learning the turnwhich affairs had taken at that place, and openly declared themselvesfor the royal party, offering their best services to the president. Atthis, time likewise, the president sent Don Juan de Mendoza to Mexico, with letters for the viceroy of that kingdom, Don Antonio de Mendoza, requiring the aid of all the soldiers that could be spared from thatcountry. Don Balthazar de Castille was sent at the same time toGuatimala and Nicaragua on a similar mission; and other persons weredispatched to San Domingo, to procure every possible assistance forprosecuting the war in Peru, if that measure should ultimately benecessary. 

It has been already mentioned that Pedro Hernandez Paniagua wasdispatched by the president with letters for Gonzalo Pizarro. Paniaguaarrived at Tumbez about the middle of January 1547, whence he went toSan Miguel, where Villalobos then commanded for Gonzalo. Paniagua wasimmediately arrested by Villalobos, who took from him his dispatches andforwarded them with all speed to Gonzalo at Lima, by means of Diego deMora the commandant of Truxillo. On learning the arrest of Paniagua, Gonzalo sent a confidential person to conduct him to Lima, with strictorders not to permit any person to converse with him by the way. On hisarrival at Lima, Gonzalo, in presence of all his confederate officers, restored to Paniagua his credentials and dispatches, desiring him todeclare every thing that had been confided to him by his employer, andassuring him of entire personal safety in regard to every thingconnected with his commission: But, if he should presume to converseeither publickly or privately with any other person on any subjectconnected with the president, he might rest assured of losing his head. Accordingly, Paniagua boldly explained the subject of his mission. Whenhe had withdrawn from the council of officers, some were for putting himto death, alleging that he had previously communicated his sentiments tosome confidential persons. Gonzalo Pizarro did not communicate to hisofficers either of the two letters formerly mentioned, which wereaddressed to himself, by the king and the president. In thisconsultation, it was the universal opinion of the insurgent leaders, that they ought on no account to admit the president into Peru; many ofthe officers, in expressing their sentiments on this occasion, spoke ofthe president in a very abusive manner, and even mentioned his majestywith very little respect, at which Gonzalo seemed well pleased. 

At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro wrote to his lieutenant-general Carvajal, who still remained in La Plata, directing him to come immediately toLima, and bring thither along with him all the treasure he couldprocure, and all the musquets and other arms that were in that place. These orders did not proceed from any idea that these were necessary fordefence, as the transactions at Panama were still unknown in Peru; buton account of the many complaints which had been made of the continualmurders and confiscations which were perpetrated by Carvajal. Somealleged that he was summoned to the capital to receive deservedpunishment for his cruel and tyrannical conduct; while others said itwas on purpose to strip him of more than 150, 000 crowns which he hadamassed by pillage. At this time Lima was so entirely occupied withsuspicions, that no one dared to confide in any other, or to speak asingle word respecting the present state of affairs; as the slightestmisplaced word, or the most trifling pretext or suspicion, wassufficient to place the life of any one in imminent danger. Gonzalo tookthe greatest possible precautions for his safety, of which the followingis a remarkable instance. He had noticed on many occasions that theoydor Zarate was by no means attached to his interests, although hisdaughter was married to the brother of Pizarro: And though Zarate wassick, it was confidently asserted that Gonzalo procured him to bepoisoned, by means of certain powders which he sent him under pretenceof a remedy. In the sequel this rumour was confirmed by the testimony ofseveral persons who were in the service of Pizarro at the time. WhetherPizarro were really guilty of this crime or innocent, it is a certainfact that he expressed much satisfaction on learning the death ofZarate. 

In the mean time, Paniagua procured permission, through theintermediation of the licentiate Carvajal, to return to Panama, thoughcontrary to the opinion of the other insurgent officers, who were clearfor detaining him; and he may assuredly be reckoned fortunate in havinggot away from Lima before intelligence arrived there that the fleet andarmy at Panama had submitted to the president. Although thiscircumstance had not reached the knowledge of the insurgents, it beganto be vehemently suspected, in consequence of receiving no reports fromthat place for so long a time; insomuch that Gonzalo sent off orders toPedro de Puelles, who commanded in Quito, and all his other captains, tokeep themselves vigilantly on their guard, and to hold all their troopsin continual readiness for taking the field. 

At this period the lieutenant-general Carvajal arrived at Lima from LasCharcas accompanied by an hundred and fifty soldiers, and bringing withhim three hundred musquets and treasure to the value of more than800, 000 crowns. He was received at Lima with extraordinary pomp, Gonzalogoing out to meet him with all the inhabitants of the city, accompaniedwith bands of music and every demonstration of rejoicing. Just at thistime intelligence was received from Puerto Viejo, that four ships hadbeen seen near the coast, as if reconnoitering, which had stood outagain to sea without coming to anchor or sending on shore for water orprovisions, as was usual with ships navigating in these seas. This waslooked upon as a sign of hostile intentions. It was a considerable timeafter this, before Gonzalo was entirely certified of the intention ofthese four ships, which in fact were those under Aldana, both becausethey were exceedingly cautious of coming near the land, and becauseDiego de Mora, his lieutenant at Truxillo, detained certain letterswhich had been sent through his hands on the subject. Yet theirsuspicious appearance on the coast gave great uneasiness to Gonzalo, andoccasioned him to take every means of precaution for his security;ordering continual watch to be kept up day and night, both by thesoldiers and the inhabitants, all of whom appeared to do so with muchcare and satisfaction. Some time after the appearance of the ships offPuerto Viego, they arrived at the harbour of Malabrigo, five or sixleagues to the northwards of Truxillo, and Diego de Mora learnt theirarrival by the same messenger who was charged with the news of theirappearance at Puerto Viejo. As he was quite ignorant of the persons whowere embarked in these ships, and of their intentions, he went on boarda vessel in the harbour of Truxillo, accompanied by several inhabitantsof that city, intending to seek for these four vessels wherever theymight happen to be, and carried along with him a considerable supply ofprovisions and warlike stores. He considered it quite safe to boardthese strange vessels; as, if they belonged to the partisans of Gonzalo, it was easy for him to allege that he came in quest of news, and tosupply them with refreshments; whereas if they should be of the royalparty, so much the better, as he was resolved to join them with all hisfollowers. He fortunately came up with Aldana on the very day in whichhe left the harbour of Truxillo; and, having entered into mutualexplanations, joined company to the reciprocal satisfaction of both, supplying Aldana with such refreshments as were needed for his ships. 

Next night, Aldana and De Mora with all the ships came to anchor in theharbour of Truxillo, where it was not deemed proper to land the troops;but it was agreed that De Mora and all the inhabitants of Truxilloshould retire into the province of Caxamarca, in which place they couldremain in safety till their assistance might be required, and where theymight endeavour to assemble all that were favourable to the royal cause. At the same time messengers were dispatched with letters and orders fromthe president in the kings name, to Chachapoyas, Guanuco, and Quito, andto the frontier posts commanded by Mercadillo and Porcel, inviting allwho were inclined to serve his majesty to declare themselves. Intelligence of these proceedings at Truxillo were speedily carried toGonzalo by a monk of the order of Mercy, who had always favoured thePizarrian faction; but who could only relate the departure of De Moraand the inhabitants of Truxillo, without being able to give any distinctaccount of their intercourse and agreement with those on board thefleet. Accordingly, Gonzalo concluded, from the information brought bythe monk, that De Mora and the inhabitants of Truxillo had gone off forPanama to join the president. Gonzalo therefore sent off the licentiateGarcias de Leon, who had always accompanied him hitherto, with thecommission of lieutenant-governor of Truxillo, accompanied by fifteen ortwenty soldiers, to whom he gave grants of the lands and Indians whichhad belonged to the citizens of Truxillo who had gone off with De Mora. Along with De Leon, Gonzalo sent the superior of the order of Mercy, with orders to embark the wives of all the inhabitants of Truxillo whohad gone off, and to carry them to their husbands at Panama, whither hesupposed they were gone; and he sent at the same time proper persons tobe married to the widows who remained in Truxillo, commanding that suchof these widows as refused compliance should be deported along with themarried women to Panama. Various and specious pretexts were alleged forthis procedure; but the true reason was, that Gonzalo wished to beentire master of the country, and to dispose at his pleasure of thelands, Indians, houses, and properties of all who had fled from hisusurped power. 

As Garcias de Leon was sent on this expedition by sea, he fell in, a fewdays after his departure, with the four ships commanded by Aldana, andjoined himself to them with all his followers, embracing the party ofhis majesty. On this occasion, the superior of the order of Mercy wassent by land to Lima, with directions to inform Gonzalo of what hadhappened, and the purpose of these four ships making their appearance onthe coast. He was likewise desired to communicate the intelligence toseveral of the loyal inhabitants of Lima; and to tell them, if they wereat any time able to go to the port belonging to that city, they wouldfind boats ready to carry them on board the ships. On receiving thisnews, Gonzalo sent orders to the superior to keep out of the way, and onno account to have intercourse with any person whatever, eitherpublickly or privately, as he valued his life. Gonzalo complainedloudly against Aldana for deserting him; saying that if he had followedthe advice of his principal officers, he would have put him to deathlong before. 

When the arrival and intention of the fleet was certainly known andunderstood, by which it appeared necessary to prepare for war, Gonzalobegan immediately to put every thing in proper order, and to assemblehis troops; having hitherto believed himself in perfect security againstany hostile attack. He appointed the licentiates Carvajal and Cepeda tobe captains of cavalry, as persons in whose attachment he could confide, considering the weighty obligations they had received from him. Juan deAcosta, Juan Velez de Guevara, and Juan de la Torre were made captainsof musqueteers; and Ferdinand Bachicao, Martin de Robles, and Martin deAlmendras captains of pikemen. Francisco de Carvajal, who had hithertoenjoyed that office, was nominated lieutenant-general, having an hundredof the musqueteers he had brought with him from Las Charcas appointedfor his guard. It was proclaimed by beat of drum, that all theinhabitants of Lima, and all strangers residing there, of whateverquality or condition, were to enrol themselves among the troops underpain of death; and money was issued to the several captains for the payand equipment of their companies. The two captains of horse received50, 000 crowns, with which they were each ordered to levy and equip fiftyhorsemen; besides which, several merchants and others, very unfit forwarfare, enrolled themselves. It was well known that these men werequite unfit for being soldiers; but they were constrained to enlist onpurpose to exact money from them for their discharge, which in fact theypurchased by furnishing horses, arms, and money to such as were in want. Martin de Robles received 25, 000 crowns with which he was to enlist andequip a company of 130 pikemen. Ferdinand Bachicao had 20, 000 to raise120 pikemen; and Juan d'Acosta a similar sum for an equal number. Martinde Almendras had 12, 000 crowns to raise 45 pikemen; and Juan de la Torre12, 000, to levy 50 musqueteers, who were to form the ordinary guard ofGonzalo. Antonio Altamirano, one of the principal inhabitants of Cuzcowas appointed to carry the grand standard, with a troop of 80 horse; andhe received 12, 000 crowns for some particular purpose, as his men had noneed of pay or equipments, being all chosen from among the richinhabitants of the country. 

On this occasion the several captains had standards or colours paintedaccording to their respective fancies, the grand standard alone carryingthe royal arms. Among these, Bachicao had the letters G. P. Or the cypherof Gonzalo Pizarro, interlaced upon his colours, surmounted by a royalcrown. Every thing being in order, posts were assigned to each officer, of which they were to take especial care by day and night. GonzaloPizarro made liberal donations to several soldiers who were unfit forservice, as well as to those who took the field; giving them, besideswhat they were entitled to for their equipment, considerable sumsaccording to their respective merits and occasions. In a general review, he mustered a thousand men, as well armed and equipped and furnishedwith all necessaries, as any that had been seen in the most prosperouscampaigns in the Italian war. Besides their arms, which were allexcellent, most of the soldiers were clothed in silken hose anddoublets, and many had theirs of cloth of gold, or embroidery of goldsilver or silk, with gold embroidery on their hats, their ammunitionpouches, and the covers of their musquets. The army was well suppliedwith excellent powder; and Gonzalo gave orders that every soldier shouldhave either a horse or a mule to ride upon during a march. In theequipment of this army, Gonzalo expended above half a million of crowns. 

Besides these preparations, Gonzalo sent Martin Silveira to the city ofLa Plata, to bring from thence all the men and money that could beprocured in that quarter. Antonio de Robles was sent to Cuzco, toconduct to Lima all the troops that were there under the charge ofAlfonzo de Hinojosa, the lieutenant-governor of that city. He wrote toLucas Martinez, his lieutenant at Arequipa, desiring him to join himimmediately with all the soldiers he could raise. He sent orders toPedro de Puelles, his lieutenant at Quito, to join him as soon aspossible with all the troops from that province; and likewise orderedMercadillo and Percel to abandon the passes of which they had thecharge, bringing all their men along with them to Lima, and sent similarorders to Saavedra the lieutenant-governor of Guamanga. By these meansGonzalo exerted himself to the uttermost to collect a respectable force;and he particularly enjoined all his officers not to leave behind themany horses or arms, or any other conveniencies for those who remained toenable them to join the president. He endeavoured to justify his presentconduct, by representing that Aldana, whom he had sent to give anaccount to the king of all that had occurred in Peru, had leagued withthe president, and now employed against himself and the colony thosevessels which had been confided to his charge, and which had cost morethan 80, 000 crowns in their equipment. He alleged that the president, who had been sent expressly by his majesty to restore peace andtranquillity to the kingdom, had raised troops of his own authority, andnow proposed to come in arms into Peru, to punish all who had taken partin the late commotions, so that all were equally interested in opposinghim. That no one ought therefore to reckon upon the pardon and amnestywith which the president was said to be entrusted, and which it wasreported he was to extend to all who joined him; but rather that thisought to be considered as a fraudulent contrivance to divide and ruinthe colonists. Even admitting the truth of the reported amnesty; itcould only refer to the original opposition to the obnoxious regulationsand tyrannical conduct of the viceroy, and could have no reference tothose who were engaged in the battle of Quito, and the consequent deathof the viceroy; as these transactions could only be known in Spain afterthe departure of the president, and nothing respecting them couldtherefore be included in his instructions and powers. Therefore, untilhis majesty were fully informed of the whole series of events, and hadissued new orders on the subject, it became necessary to prevent thepresident from coming into Peru, more especially as Gonzalo Pizarro wasinformed by letters from Spain, that the president was not authorized byhis majesty to deprive Gonzalo of the government, but merely to presidein the royal court of audience. He pretended to be perfectly assured ofthis circumstance, by letters from Francisco Maldonado, whom he had sentto the king, and that the president had even in some measureacknowledged this in the letter which was brought from him by Paniagua. He alleged farther, that the captains in his own employment, who hadbeen sent into the Tierra Firma for the defence of Peru, having revoltedto the president, had now persuaded him to change his tone and to invadePeru by force of arms; at which procedure his majesty would be assuredlymuch displeased, when informed. By these and other arguments of asimilar nature, Gonzalo endeavoured to demonstrate that the presidentwas highly to blame in detaining those persons whom he, Gonzalo, hadsent to Spain, and that it was justifiable on these grounds to opposehim by force of arms. 

Gonzalo, by the advice of his lieutenant-general and other confidentialofficers, took additional measures to justify their conduct, and tosatisfy the soldiers and inhabitants in the goodness of their cause. Inan assembly of all the men learned in the law who were then in Lima, they arraigned the president as having acted criminally, in takingpossession of the ships belonging to the colony, and by invading thecountry in a warlike manner, contrary to the tenor of the commission andinstructions he had received from the king; endeavouring at the sametime to convince the assembly, that it was just and proper to proceedjudicially against the president, and those captains and others whoadhered to him and abetted him in these proceedings, and that they oughtto be proceeded against in a formal manner, by legal process. Thepersons composing this assembly of men of learning, dared not tocontradict Gonzalo on this occasion or to oppose his will in anyrespect: A process was accordingly instituted in due form, informationstaken and recorded, and judgment pronounced in the following tenor:"Considering the crimes established by the judicial informations givenagainst the licentiate De la Gasca and those captains who adhere to him;they are found guilty and deserving of condemnation; wherefore, the saidlicentiate De la Gasca is hereby adjudged to be beheaded, and thecaptains Aldana and Hinojosa to be quartered. " The other captains andofficers serving under the president, were at the same time condemned tovarious punishments, according to the measure of guilt which Gonzalo andthe leaders of his faction were pleased to charge against them; and thesentences were ordered to be signed in due form by the oydor Cepeda, andother men of letters at Lima. 

Among these persons of the law who were desired to sign on the presentoccasion, was a licentiate from Valladolid named Polo Hondegardo, whohad the boldness to wait upon Gonzalo, and to represent to him, that thepromulgation of such a sentence was by no means advisable or politic; asit might possibly happen hereafter that those officers who were now inthe service of the president might incline to revert to his party, whichthey would not dare to do when once this cruel sentence was pronouncedagainst them. He represented farther, that it was necessary to keep inmind the sacred character of the president as a priest; in consequenceof which circumstance all who might sign a sentence of death againsthim would incur the pains and penalties of the greater excommunication. By this remonstrance, these strong measures were arrested in theirprogress, and the intended sentence was not promulgated. 

About this time, intelligence was brought to Pizarro, that the squadronunder Lorenzo de Aldana had quitted the port of Truxillo and wasapproaching along the coast towards Lima. On this intelligence, Gonzalosent off Juan d'Acosta with fifty mounted musqueteers, with orders tokeep in view of the ships, to prevent the royalists from being able toland for provisions or water. On arriving at Truxillo, Acosta onlyventured to remain one day at that place, being afraid that Diego deMora might bring a superior force against him from Caxamarca. He learntlikewise, that the royalists squadron had gone to the port of Santa, towhich place he accordingly marched. Aldana got notice of his coming fromsome Spanish inhabitants of that place, and laid an ambuscade for him, consisting of an hundred and fifty musqueteers, in a place overgrownwith tall reeds on the side of the road by which Acosta had to march inhis way to Santa. Acosta had certainly fallen into the snare, if he hadnot fortunately made prisoners of some spies who had been sent on shorefrom the squadron, whom he was about to have hanged, when they prevailedon him to save their lives by giving him notice of the ambushment, andby farther informing him that he might make prisoners of some sailorswho were taking in fresh water for the ships, by quitting the commonroad and going nearer the shore. He accordingly took that road and madethe sailors prisoners, whom he sent to Gonzalo at Lima. Those belongingto Aldana, who were in ambush, learnt this transaction; but, being allon foot, and the insurgent party all horsemen, they could not attempt torescue the prisoners from Acosta, as that part of the country consistedof very deep sands. Acosta returned to the port of Guavera, where hewaited fresh orders from Lima. 

Gonzalo treated the prisoners sent to him by Acosta with much kindness, supplying them with clothes and arms, and gave them their choice of anyof the companies of his troops in which they might think proper toserve. From these men, he received exact information of all the lateevents which had occurred at Panama, of the succours which the presidentexpected to receive from different parts of America, and of the forcewhich accompanied Aldana on the present expedition. They informed himlikewise that Aldana had set on shore Pedro de Ulloa, a Dominican friar, disguised in a secular habit, who had orders to distribute copies of theamnesty in every direction. In consequence of this information, he wassought for and soon found; and Gonzalo had him confined in a dungeonnear the fish-ponds in his garden, which was infested with toads andvipers, where he remained till he recovered his liberty on the arrivalof the fleet some time afterwards. 

About this time, it was determined to dispatch the licentiate Carvajalwith three hundred mounted musqueteers, together with the detachmentunder Juan d'Acosta, to scour the coast to the northwards, and to attackDiego de Mora who had withdrawn into the province of Caxamarca. Whenevery thing was in readiness for this expedition, the lieutenant-generalCarvajal went one morning early to Gonzalo, and represented to him, thatit was by no means safe to entrust so important a command to thelicentiate, as a person in whom they could not repose implicitconfidence. That although he had hitherto attached himself to theirparty, it was obviously for the sole purpose of being revenged of thelate viceroy; and, as that purpose was now accomplished, it did notappear that his fidelity could be depended upon. It was proper torecollect, he added, that all the brothers of the licentiate weregreatly attached to his majesty, particularly the bishop of Lugo whoenjoyed several high employments; so that it was not to be imagined thelicentiate would act cordially in the interest of a party which wasdiametrically opposed to that in which all his nearest relations wereengaged. Besides all which, this person had formerly been made aprisoner by themselves, without any just foundation, and had even beenso nearly punished capitally, that he had been ordered to make histestament and to confess himself in preparation for death, whichinjurious treatment he could not be supposed to have forgotten. Gonzalowas so much convinced by these arguments, that he countermanded theorder given to the licentiate Carvajal, and sent off Juan d'Acosta onthe expedition to Caxamarca, with a force of two hundred and eighty men. D'Acosta accordingly set out on this intended service, taking the roadfor Truxillo; but on arriving at Baranza, about twenty four leagues fromLima, he halted at that place for reasons which will appear in thesequel. 

At this period, the Captain Saavedra, who was lieutenant-governor ofGuanuco for Gonzalo, received letters from Aldana urging him to quit theinsurgent party and to declare for his majesty. He accordinglydetermined to do so; and under pretence of obeying the orders he hadreceived from Gonzalo of joining his army at Lima, along with HernandoAlonzo, he assembled all the soldiers he could procure in that province, with whose assistance he fortified the city of Guanuco, and informedthem of his resolution to exert his best endeavours in the service ofthe king. All his soldiers agreed to follow his example, except three orfour who fled and informed Gonzalo of the defection of their governor. Saavedra retired immediately to Caxamarca, with forty horsemen, where hejoined Diego de Mora and those who had withdrawn along with him fromTruxillo, where both declared themselves for the royalist party. Onlearning the defection of Saavedra and the principal inhabitants ofGuanuco, Gonzalo sent an officer to that place at the head of thirtysoldiers; with orders to pillage and destroy the city: But the Indiansof the neighbourhood, having armed themselves and taken possession ofthe place by the orders of their masters, made so resolute a defencethat the insurgent detachment was beaten off, and constrained to returnto Lima, being unable to procure any other plunder except some marescattle and other animals belonging to the settlers. 

On the arrival of Antonio de Robles at Cuzco, whom Gonzalo had sent totake the command in that city and province, Alfonso de Hinojosa, who hadhitherto been lieutenant-governor there, resigned the command of thecity and troops, but as was believed with much dissatisfaction. DeRobles immediately collected as much money as he could procure, andenlisted all the soldiers that were to be found in that neighbourhood, with whom he marched to Xaquixaguana, about four leagues from Cuzco. Atthat place he learned that Diego Centeno; who had concealed himself formore than a year in a cave among the mountains, had recently left hisconcealment, on learning the arrival of the president, and had collectedseveral of his former partisans, who had hidden themselves from the furyof Gonzalo in various parts of the woods and mountains. By this timeCenteno had collected about forty men, mostly on foot, though some ofthem still had the horses with which they had made their escape. Although these men were neither so well armed or equipped as they couldhave wished, Centeno resolved to make an attempt upon Cuzco, shewing asmuch confidence as if he had been at the head of five hundred well armedtroops. His principal followers were Luis de Ribera, Alfonso Perez deEsquival, Diego Alvarez, Francisco Negral, Pedro Ortiz de Zarate, andFriar Dominic Ruiz, commonly called Father Viscayno. With this smallband of followers, Centeno drew nigh to Cuzco, being doubtless invitedto that step by some of the principal inhabitants, for the purpose offreeing them from the tyranny of De Robles, a young man of low originand little ability. It was even said that Alfonso de Hinojosa, fromresentment against Gonzalo for superseding him in the government, hadsent privately to offer his assistance to Centeno. Both of these reportsare highly probable; as otherwise it would have been a most inexcusablerashness in Centeno, to call it no worse, to have presumed uponattacking Cuzco with the small number of men he had collected; as, besides the inhabitants of the city, there were more than five hundredsoldiers there and in the environs, while he had only forty ill armedmen, most of whom had swords or daggers fastened to poles, instead ofpikes or lances. 

On learning the approach of Centeno, De Robles returned to Cuzco, wherehe made such preparations as seemed necessary; and, on hearing thatCenteno was within a days march, he took the field with three hundredmen, sending forwards Francisco de Aguira to procure intelligence. Thisperson was brother to one Peruchio de Aguira who had formerly been putto death by the lieutenant-general Carvajal, and was consequently asecret enemy to the insurgent party. Instead therefore of executing thecommission confided to him by De Robles, he went immediately to joinCenteno, whom he informed of every thing that was going on at Cuzco andof the state of affairs in that city. In the night before the festivalof Corpus Christi of the year 1547, Centeno advanced toward the city ofCuzco, by a different road from that in which De Robles and his troopswere posted; and, having turned one of his flanks, made an unexpectedassault with great resolution, as resolved to conquer or die. Completelysurprised and thrown into confusion, the troops of De Robles were unableto get into any order for defence, and even in several instances turnedtheir arms against each other, insomuch that a good many of them wereslain by their own comrades. On this occasion Centeno used thefollowing stratagem, which succeeded admirably: Having taken off thesaddles and bridles from the horses belonging to his small band offollowers, he ordered them to be driven by his attendant Indians alongthe road which led to the front of the enemies camp, to call off theirattention from his real attack on their flank and rear. By this means, as the horses were urged on by the Indians behind, they threw the troopsof De Robles into confusion, and enabled Centeno to penetrate into thecamp unperceived and unopposed, where he and his men exerted themselvesso courageously that the insurgents were completely defeated and put toflight. 

[Illustration: Map: VICEROYALTY OF PERU]

By this successful exploit Centeno acquired great honour; it having beenseldom seen that so small a number had defeated so disproportioned aforce of infinitely better armed troops. It has been reported that, onthis occasion, some men belonging to Alfonso de Hinojosa were the firstto fly, in consequence of secret orders for that purpose: But these mennever acknowledged the truth of this allegation, as disgraceful tothemselves; and Centeno denied the story, as detracting from the gloryof his victory. 

After the derout of De Robles, Centeno took possession of Cuzco, wherehe was immediately elected captain-general of that city and province forhis majesty. Next day, he caused Antonio de Robles to be beheaded, anddistributed 100, 000 crowns, which he found in that city belonging toGonzalo, among his followers. He in the next place took measures forraising a respectable force; appointing Pedro de Rios and Juan deVargas, the brother of Garcilasso de la Vega, captains of infantry, andFrancisco Negral captain of Cavalry; Luis de Ribera being namedmajor-general. Having armed and equipped about four hundred men, he setout for La Plata, with the intention of persuading Alfonso de Mendoza, who commanded at that place for Gonzalo, to declare for the king, orotherwise to take possession of that place by force. 

About this time, Lucas Martin, who had been sent by Gonzalo to conductthe troops of Arequipa to Lima, set out from Arequipa with 130 men forthat purpose; but when he had proceeded about four leagues on his march, his people mutinied and made him prisoner, electing Jerom de Villegasas their commander, and immediately marched off to join Centeno, whowas then in the Collao waiting the issue of some negotiations in whichhe had employed Pedro Gonzalo de Zarate, schoolmaster at Cuzco. While inthe Collao, Centeno was informed that Juan de Silveira, the Serjeantmajor of the army of the insurgents, had been sent by Gonzalo to conductthe troops of that province to Lima, and had made prisoners of five orsix of the royalists whom he met with on his march. Silveira hadcollected about three hundred men on this occasion, and we shall relatewhat befel them in the sequel. 

On learning the success of Centeno at Cuzco and the death of De Robles, and being likewise informed that the people of San Miguel had declaredfor his majesty, and that the captains Mercadillo and Porcel had joinedDiego de Mora at Caxamarca; Gonzalo Pizarro saw that he had now only todepend on the force which was along with himself at Lima, and thoseunder Pedro de Puelles, on whose fidelity he reposed entire confidence. In this predicament, he determined to alter the destination of Juand'Acosta and to send him against Centeno with a respectable force, resolving to follow d'Acosta in person with all his army if necessary, then amounting to nine hundred men, among whom were many of theprincipal inhabitants of Peru. In forming this new resolution, hisobject was in the first place to reduce all the upper or mountainousprovinces to subjection, and afterwards to make war on every other partof the country which had withdrawn from his authority. It has likewisebeen conjectured, that Gonzalo proposed to himself, in case of anyreverse, to endeavour to make some new discovery and conquest, towardsthe Rio Plata, or Chili, or in some other place to the south and east ofPeru. He certainly never avowed this intention openly, nor is it allegedthat he communicated it to any of his confidents, as this would haveindicated a want of confidence in his cause; so that this idea restsonly on conjecture. In consequence of this new plan, Gonzalo recalledD'Acosta to Lima with all his troops, to the great mortification of thatperson and his followers; insomuch that seven or eight of them deserted, choosing Jerome de Soria as their commander. Many others would certainlyhave followed this example, if it had not been for the severeprecautions exercised by D'Acosta on the occasion, who put to deathLorenza Mexia, son-in-law to the Conde de Gomera, and another soldier, whom he suspected of intending to desert. He likewise arrested severalothers who were suspected of similar intentions, whom he carriedprisoners to Lima. 

A few days before the arrival of D'Acosta at Lima, Gonzalo took somesuspicion of the fidelity of Antonio Altamarino, his standard bearer, who appeared to conduct himself with a degree of coldness in the presentemergency; and, without any direct proof or even any strong suspiciouscircumstances being alleged against him, he caused him to be arrestedand put in irons as a criminal, had him strangled in prison during thenight, and ordered his dead body to be suspended upon the public gibbet. Altamarino was one of the richest colonists in Peru, and Gonzalo, havingconfiscated all his wealth, distributed it among his most attachedfollowers. After this, he gave the charge of the royal standard to DonAntonio de Ribera, who had just joined with thirty men from Guamanga, whence also he had brought some arms and cattle which he had taken fromthe inhabitants of that place. At this time Gonzalo found his affairsmuch embarrassed and growing every day worse, insomuch that he couldonly count upon the force which accompanied him in Lima; whereas a shorttime before he seemed absolute master of the whole kingdom of Peru. Hewas in great fear, if the new royal orders, the general amnesty, and therevocation of the obnoxious regulations, all of which had been broughtout from Spain by the president, should come to the knowledge of hisremaining followers, that they would all abandon him. In this state ofuncertainty and dread, he assembled all the principal inhabitants andcitizens of Lima at his house, to whom he represented, "That he hadbrought himself into a very embarrassing and even dangerous situation byhis exertions in their service, during which he had endured much labourand danger in the wars he had carried on for their benefit, and for theprotection of their property and rights, for all which they wereindebted to the genius and valour of his brother the marquis. That, inthe present situation of affairs, the whole colonists ought to considertheir honour and interests as identified with his own, the conduct ofboth being sufficiently justified in sending deputies to inform the kingof all that had occurred during the troubles and commotions. That thepresident had arrested these deputies at Panama, had seduced hisofficers, and had taken possession of his ships. That the presidentcertainly had done all these things to advance his own private interest;as, if he had received orders from his majesty to make war against thekingdom, he would assuredly have given intelligence of this circumstancethrough Paniagua. That not satisfied with these outrages, the presidentnow invaded the government to which he, Gonzalo, had been lawfullyappointed, and disseminated numerous libels against him throughout thekingdom, as was well known to them all. That consequently, he wasdetermined to use his utmost efforts to oppose the president, whotreated him as an enemy without any legitimate cause. That the generalinterests of all the colonists and his own were obviously identified;as, should the president carry matters to extremity as every thingseemed to indicate, they would all be brought to a severe account forthe consequences of the late wars and disorders, and would be heldresponsible for the murders and plunders which had been perpetratedduring their continuance. He requested them therefore to reflectmaturely on all these things; and, as he had hitherto exerted his utmostefforts in defence of their rights, it still remained not only tocontinue to defend the same, but even to preserve their lives andhonours. For these purposes, therefore, he had now assembled them, andto lay before them a clear state of the present situation of affairs;and he requested of them to declare freely and openly their undisguisedsentiments; engaging, on the faith and honour of a gentleman and aknight, which he was ready to confirm by a solemn oath, that he wouldnot injure any one in person or estate for the opinion or advice theymight now give; but should leave every one at full liberty to declarefor either party in the present troubles, and even to retire whereverthey might judge proper. Therefore, he expected that all who weredisposed to adhere to him on the present occasion should declarethemselves without reserve, as he would demand of them to confirm theirpromise by a written and signed engagement. He advised them accordinglyto look well to their promises when once made; as if any one shouldviolate the same, or should appear lukewarm or feeble in their effortsin the approaching crisis, he would immediately order them to be put todeath even upon very slight circumstances of suspicion. "

Every person in the assembly answered unhesitatingly, that they wereready to obey his orders in every thing to the utmost of their power andabilities, and to devote their lives and fortunes in his cause. Someeven went so far in their pretended attachment, as to say that theywould willingly risk their eternal salvation in his service. Many ofthem emulously strove to find out arguments for justifying the warwhich was now about to commence, and to enhance the obligations whichthe whole country lay under to Gonzalo for undertaking the management ofthe enterprize. Some even carried their base and scandalous flattery tosuch a pitch of extravagance, to conciliate the tyrant, that it wereimproper to contaminate our pages with a repetition of their words. After they had all expressed their attachment to the cause, Gonzalo drewout a paper in which the proposed engagement was already engrossed atfull length; at the bottom of which he caused the licentiate Cepeda towrite a solemn promise of executing all which that paper contained, andto obey Gonzalo in every thing he should command; after which, he madeCepeda sign that promise, and take a solemn oath to observe all itsconditions. After Cepeda, all who were present in the assembly were madeto sign and swear to the engagement in a similar manner. 

After the conclusion of this affair, Juan d'Acosta was ordered toprepare for marching to Cuzco by way of the mountain, at the head ofthree hundred men. Paez de Sotomayor was appointed his major-general onthis expedition, Martin d'Olmos captain of cavalry, Diego de Gumielcaptain of musqueteers, Martin de Almendras captain of pikemen, andMartin de Alarzon standard-bearer. The whole of this detachment beingwell provided with arms and all necessary equipments, left Lima takingthe mountain road for Cuzco, on purpose to recover that important cityfrom Centeno. At the same time Gonzalo received notice that the squadroncommanded by Lorenzo de Aldana had been seen at the distance of aboutfifteen leagues from the port of Lima. It was determined therefore in acouncil of war, to encamp the whole insurgent army between Lima and thesea; as it was feared, if the ships got possession of the port, it mightoccasion great confusion and disturbance in the city, especially as inthat case the necessary orders would have to be hastily issued andexecuted; by which means the malcontents might have an opportunity ofwithdrawing during the battle, and might even escape on board the shipsto join the enemy; while, at the same time, there would be no leisure towatch the behaviour of the wavering, and to compel them to join thearmy. Orders were issued accordingly for the army to take the field, andit was publickly proclaimed throughout the city, that every one fit tocarry arms, of every age and condition, was to join the troops, on painof death. Pizarro gave notice that he would behead every person whoacted contrary to these orders; and, while he marched in person at thehead of the troops, he should leave the lieutenant-general in charge ofthe city, to execute rigorous punishment on all who lagged behind. Allthe inhabitants were so confounded and terrified by these threats, thatno one dared to converse with another, and none had the courage eitherto fly or to determine what was best to be done in this emergency. Somehowever contrived to conceal themselves in places overgrown with tallreeds, or in caves, and many concealed their valuable effects underground. 

On the day preceding that which had been fixed upon by Gonzalo formarching from Lima, news was brought that three ships had entered theport of Lima, which occasioned universal consternation. The alarm wassounded, and Gonzalo marched out with all the men who could be collectedon a sudden, taking up his encampment about midway between the city andthe port, at the distance of about a league or four miles from each, that he might at the same time make head against his enemies if theyattempted to land, and might prevent the inhabitants of Lima from havingany communication with the vessels. He was at the same time unwilling toabandon the city, and wished to know exactly the intentions of Aldana, before going to a greater distance, and if possible to gain possessionof the vessels by some contrivance or negociation, having no means ofpreventing them from gaining possession of the port, as one of his owncaptains, contrary to the opinion of the other officers, had lately sunkfive vessels in the harbour. On this occasion Gonzalo mustered fivehundred and fifty men, cavalry and infantry included; and, afterencamping in the situation already mentioned, he placed eight horsemenin ambush close to the sea, with orders to prevent any person landingfrom the vessels to deliver or to receive letters, or to converse withany one. Next day, Gonzalo sent Juan Hernandez, an inhabitant of Lima, in a boat on board the ships, with orders to say in his name, if Aldanachose to send any of his people on shore to explain the object of hiscoming into Peru, that Hernandez would remain on board as an hostage forthe safety of his messenger. Hernandez was conducted on board theadmiral where Aldana retained him as proposed, and sent on shore thecaptain Penna to wait upon Gonzalo. 

Penna was not conducted to camp till night, that he might have noopportunity of conversing with any one; and on being introduced toGonzalo in his tent, he delivered to him a writing, containing theorders and instructions which the president had received from hismajesty, the general amnesty granted by his majesty to all the colonistsof Peru, and the revocation of the obnoxious regulations. He thenexpatiated, as instructed by Aldana, on the universal and greatadvantages which would accrue to all by giving a prompt and entireobedience to the commands of his majesty, who had not judged itconvenient to continue Gonzalo in the government of Peru. That hismajesty, being fully informed of all that had occurred in that country, had sent out De la Gasca as president, with instructions and full powersto provide a remedy for all the existing evils. Gonzalo proudlyanswered, that he would severely punish all who were on board the fleet, and would chastise the audacity of the president for the outrage he hadcommitted in detaining his envoys and seizing his ships. He complainedloudly against Aldana, for coming now against him as an enemy, afterreceiving his money, and accepting his commission to go into Spain onpurpose to give an account of his conduct to the king. 

After some farther discourse, all the officers belonging to Gonzalo leftthe tent, leaving him and Penna alone together. Gonzalo made him a longdiscourse, endeavouring to justify his conduct in regard to his past andpresent conduct; and concluded by making him an offer of 100, 000 crowns, if he would contrive to put him in possession of the galleon commandedby Aldana, which composed the principal force of the hostile fleet. Penna rejected his proposal with disdain, declaring himself dishonouredby the offer, and that nothing whatever would induce him to be guilty ofsuch treacherous conduct. At the conclusion of this conference, Pennawas committed to the custody of Antonio de Ribeira, with strictinjunctions that he should not be allowed to have the smallestintercourse with any individual whomsoever; and was sent back next dayto the fleet, when Juan Fernandez returned to camp, having in theinterval promised and resolved to use his utmost efforts in the serviceof his majesty on every favourable opportunity. 

Aldana had rightly judged, that the surest means for succeeding in themission on which he had been entrusted by the president, was tocommunicate the knowledge of the general pardon among the soldiers. Forthis purpose, therefore, he devised exceedingly proper measures todiffuse the intelligence among the troops, but which were at the sametime exceedingly dangerous for Juan Hernandez. Aldana gave him copies ofall his dispatches in duplicate, and entrusted him with letters forseveral principal persons in the camp of Gonzalo. Fernandez concealedsuch of these papers as he judged necessary in his boots, giving all therest to Pizarro. Taking Gonzalo afterwards aside, he told him secretlythat Aldana had endeavoured to prevail upon him to publish the royalpardon in the camp; and that accordingly he had thought it prudent topretend compliance, and had taken charge of that general amnesty amonghis other dispatches, both to blind Aldana by the expectation of, doingwhat he wished, and on purpose to get these from him for the informationof Gonzalo; pretending to be ignorant that Gonzalo knew of any suchthing existing. Gonzalo thanked him for his prudent conduct, andconsidered him as a person worthy of entire confidence and much attachedto the cause. He then received the papers which Fernandez offered, threatening the severest punishment against Aldana. Having thus craftilydeceived Gonzalo, Fernandez contrived to deliver some of the letters hehad in charge, and allowed some of them to fall on the ground, as iflost, yet so as they might be found by those to whom they wereaddressed. 

When Gonzalo quitted Lima to encamp on the road towards the sea-port ofCalao, he left Pedro Martin de Cicilia in charge of the city asprovost-marshal. This man, who had attached himself to Gonzalo with muchzeal from the very commencement of the troubles, was now about seventyyears of age, yet healthy and vigorous, of a rough and crueldisposition, and entirely destitute of piety towards God or of loyaltyto the sovereign. Gonzalo had given him orders to hang up every personhe might find loitering in the city with out a written permission, orwho might return thither from camp without a pass. Martin executed theserigorous orders with so much exactitude, that, meeting a person who cameunder the foregoing predicament, he had not sufficient patience to havehim hanged, but dispatched him directly with his poignard. He generallywent about the streets followed by the hangman, carrying a parcel ofropes, and loudly declared that he would hang up every one whom he foundin the city without permission from Ganzalo. 

One day several of the citizens came from the camp to the city, underthe authority of a pass, to procure such provisions and other articlesas they stood in need of, the principal persons among whom were Nicolasde Ribeira, who was alcalde or police judge of the city, Vasco deGuevara, Hernando Bravo de Lagunas, Francisco de Ampuero, Diego Tinoco, Alfonzo Ramirez de Sosa, Francisco de Barrionueva, Alfonzo deBarrionuevo, Martin de Menezes, Diego d'Escobar, and some others. Afterthey had collected the articles of which they were in want, they leftthe city with their horses arms and servants; but, instead of returningtowards the camp, they went off in the road for Truxillo. Being noticedby some spies, who gave immediate notice to Gonzalo, he caused them tobe pursued by Juan de la Torre with a party of mounted musqueteers. Atthe distance of eight leagues from Lima, De la Torre came up with Vascode Guevara and Francisco Ampuero, who had fallen behind with theintention of acting as a kind of rear guard, to give notice to the restin case of a pursuit. They defended themselves courageously, and astheir enemies could not take any certain aim, it being under night, theycontrived to make their escape unwounded. De la Torre and his men foundthemselves unable to continue the pursuit with any chance of success, astheir horses were already completely tired with their rapid march fromcamp. They returned, therefore, believing that, even if they were to getup with the fugitives, they would be unable to take them by force, asthey were all men of quality, who would rather be slain than surrender. On their way back to camp, they fell in with Hernando Bravo, who hadfallen behind his companions, and on bringing him a prisoner to Gonzalohe was ordered to immediate execution. Donna Ynez Bravo, who was sisterto the prisoner and wife to Nicolas de Ribeira, one of the fugitives, onhearing the situation of her brother, hastened to the camp accompaniedby her father, and threw herself at the feet of Gonzalo, whom sheearnestly implored to spare the life of her brother. Being one of themost beautiful women of the country, and of the highest rank, and beingseconded by most of the officers who served under Gonzalo, he at lengthallowed himself to be prevailed on to pardon her brother, who was theonly person, during the whole subsistence of his usurpation, whom heforgave for a similar offence. On granting this pardon, Alfonzo deCaceres, one of the captains under Gonzalo, kissed his hand saying:"Illustrious prince! accursed be he who abandons you, or hesitates tosacrifice his life in your service. " Yet, within three hours afterwards, Hernando Bravo and several others made their escape from the camp. Amongthese who now deserted were several persons of consideration who hadattached themselves to Gonzalo from the very commencement of thetroubles, so that their defection gave him infinite vexation and alarm, insomuch that hardly any one dared to speak to him, and he issuedperemptory orders to put to death every person who might be found beyondthe precincts of the camp. 

On the same night, Captain Martin de Robles sent a message to DiegoMaldonado, who had been alcalde of Cuzco, usually called the rich, intimating that Gonzalo had resolved in a consultation with his officersto put him to death. Maldonado very readily believed this information, as he had formerly been one of the inhabitants of Cuzco who made offerof their services to the late viceroy. Likewise, although then pardonedby Gonzalo, whom he accompanied in the march to Quito against theviceroy, he had fallen under new suspicions, and had even been put tothe torture, on account of a letter which was dropt near Gonzalo, containing some very unpleasant truths; and although the real authors ofthat letter had been afterwards discovered, Maldonado could never forgetthe treatment he had suffered at that time. Besides this, he was theintimate friend of Antonio Altamirano, whom Gonzalo had recently put todeath. Considering all these circumstances, Maldonado was so thoroughlyconvinced of the imminent danger in which he stood, that he immediatelyquitted his tent with only his sword and cloak, not even taking time tosaddle a horse, though he had several good ones, or speaking to any ofhis servants. Though a very old man, he walked as fast as possible allnight in a direction towards the sea, and concealed himself in themorning among some tall reeds near the shore about three leagues fromwhere the ships of Aldana lay at anchor. As he was much afraid of beingpursued, he revealed his situation to an Indian who happened to be near;and whom he prevailed upon to construct a float of reeds and straw, onwhich the Indian carried him on board one of the ships. 

In the morning, Martin de Robles went to the tent of Maldonado; andfinding him withdrawn as he expected, he immediately waited on Gonzalo, whom he informed of the circumstance, adding, "As the army wasdiminishing daily by the number and quality of the fugitives, he beggedleave to advise that they should quit the present camp, and march intothe interior provinces, as formerly agreed upon, without grantingpermission to any one to go into the city of Lima, lest many more mightuse that pretence for an opportunity to desert. Several of his owncompany, he said, had applied for leave to go into the city, to procureprovisions; but he considered it better for himself to go therewith adetachment of soldiers to collect the provisions and necessariesrequired, that he might keep all his men in sight, and that he proposedon this occasion to take Maldonado from the Dominican convent, where heunderstood he had taken refuge, and to bring him a prisoner to the camp, where he ought to undergo condign punishment, as a warning to others. "Gonzalo approved all that was said on this occasion by De Robles, inwhom he had great confidence as a person who had taken part with him inall the past troubles, and desired him to act in the way he proposed. DeRobles accordingly, taking all his own horses and attendants and thosebelonging to Maldonado, took along with him to Lima all the soldiers ofhis company in whom he could confide. After collecting such provisionsand other necessaries as might serve his purpose, he set off forTruxillo with thirty armed horsemen, declaring publickly that Gonzalowas a tyrant and usurper, that all good subjects were bound to obey theorders of his majesty, and that he was resolved to join the president. 

When this serious defection became known in the camp, it was universallybelieved that the army would soon disperse, and that Gonzalo would bemassacred. Gonzalo endeavoured to restore order and confidence among histroops, pretending to care little for those who had deserted him; yetresolved to decamp next morning. That very night, Lope Martin, aninhabitant of Cuzco, deserted almost in sight of the whole army. Nextmorning Gonzalo quitted his present camp, and marched about two leaguesto a new camp near an aqueduct, taking every precaution to prevent hispeople from deserting; believing that his principal danger on thataccount would be got over if he were once ten or twelve leagues fromLima. The licentiate Carvajal was appointed to take charge of the nightguard, with strict injunctions to prevent desertion: But even he, in themiddle of the night, quitted the camp accompanied by Paulo Hondegardo, Marco de Retamoso, Pedro Suarez d'Escovedo, Francisco de Miranda, Hernando de Vargas, and several others belonging to his company. Thesemen went in the first place to Lima, whence they took the road towardsTruxillo. A few hours afterwards, Gabriel de Roias left the camp, accompanied by his nephews Gabriel Bermudez and Gomez de Roias andseveral other persons of quality. These men left the camp unseen by anyone, as they went through the quarter which had been confided to thecharge of the licentiate Carvajal. 

In the morning, Gonzalo was much distressed on learning the events ofthe past night, and more especially by the desertion of the licentiateCarvajal, whom he had disobliged by superseding him in the command whichhad been conferred on Juan d'Acosta, and by refusing him his niece DonnaFrancisca in marriage. The departure of the licentiate had a very badeffect on the minds of the troops; as they knew he was entrusted withall Gonzalos secrets, and had been greatly in his confidence ever sincethe death of the viceroy whom he had slain in the battle of Quito. Carvajal left to the value of more than 15, 000 crowns in the camp, ingold silver and horses, all of which was immediately confiscated anddivided among the soldiers: But the army was convinced he would not haveabandoned so much valuable property, unless he had been satisfied thatthe affairs of Gonzalo were in a very bad condition, both in regard topower of resisting the president, and in respect of the right andjustice of his pretensions. So great was the defection in the camp, thatthe greater part of the troops had resolved to disperse; and nextmorning, when the army had begun its march, two cavaliers, named Lopezand Villadente, quitting the ranks and causing their horses to vault insight of the whole army, they cried, out aloud, "Long live the king, andlet the tyrant die!" These men trusted, to the speed of their horses;and Gonzalo was so exceedingly suspicious of every one, that heexpressly forbid these men to be pursued, being afraid that many mightuse that pretence for joining them. He continued his march accordingly, in all haste by the road of the plain country, leading towards Arequipa;in which march several of his musqueteers and others deserted, althoughhe hanged ten or twelve persons of consideration in the course of threeor four days. At length his force was reduced to two hundred men, and hewas in continual dread that in some false alarm all his remaining menmight disperse. Continuing his march, he at length came to the provinceof Nasca, about fifty leagues from Lima. 

After Gonzalo had gone to a considerable distance from Lima, Don Antoniode Ribeira, Martin Pizarro, Antonio de Leon, and some other inhabitantsof Lima, who as old and infirm had been allowed by Gonzalo to remainbehind the army on giving up all their horses and arms, erected thestandard of the city, and, assembling the small number of inhabitantsthat remained in the great square, they publickly declared for hismajesty in their own names and in the names of all the loyal citizens ofthe city. After proclaiming the new regulations and orders of thepresident, the general amnesty granted by the king, and the abrogationof the obnoxious regulations, they sent notice of all the recent eventsto Aldana, who still remained on the coast to receive and protect allwho were inclined to quit the party of the insurgents. At the same time, and for the same purpose, Juan Alfonso Palamino had landed with fiftymen, yet keeping his boats always in readiness to reimbark, in case ofthe return of Gonzalo. Aldana likewise placed an advanced picket oftwelve horsemen, of those who had deserted from the insurgents, on theroad towards Arequipa, to bring him timely notice of any thing thatmight occur in that quarter, with orders to return with all speed incase of the enemy making a countermarch, or of any important event. Aldana likewise gave orders to Captain Alfonzo de Caceres to remain atLima, to collect any of the deserters from Pizarro that might comethere; and he dispatched Juan Yllanez in one of his vessels along thecoast, with orders to land a monk and a soldier in some secure place, tocarry dispatches to Centeno, announcing the events that had occurred atlima, and to furnish him with copies of the royal orders and generalamnesty, and to communicate similar intelligence at Arequipa. He sentlikewise several intelligent persons by land to Arequipa, with lettersto different persons of consideration, and to carry orders andinstructions to the captains Alfonzo de Mendoza and Juan de Silveira atLa Plata. By means of the Indians of Jauja, who belonged to him, Aldanatransmitted letters and copies of the amnesty to several of thosepersons who accompanied Juan d'Acosta, that the royal clemency might bemade known in all parts of Peru. Most of these measures succeeded, andproduced material advantages as will appear in the sequel. In the meantime, Lorenzo de Aldana remained on board ship, with about an hundredand fifty men, issuing such orders as seemed necessary in the presentstate of affairs. 

It was soon learnt that Gonzalo received regular advices of ever thingthat occurred, and great care was likewise taken by Aldana to procureintelligence of all that passed in the camp of the insurgents; so thatevery day messengers went and came between both parties, and both werecontinually endeavouring to mislead each other by false reports. Accordingly it was reported one day that Gonzalo and his troops Were infull march for Lima, which occasioned much confusion and dismay in thatcity; but it was known afterwards that this rumour had been purposelyspread by Gonzalo and his lieutenant-general, on purpose to preventAldana from pursuing them, a measure of which they were much afraid. Inthis unpromising state of his affairs, great numbers of the adherents ofGonzalo abandoned him, believing that he could not resist the power ofhis enemies. Such of them as had horses took the road to Truxillo; andall the rest endeavoured to reach the ships of Aldana, concealingthemselves as well as they could in retired places till they mightascertain that Gonzalo had proceeded farther on his march, which indeedhe continued to do with much precipitation. When he had proceeded to aconsiderable distance from Lima, all those who had abandoned him flockedto that city, and every day some fresh deserters came there, by whichmeans Aldana got accurate intelligence of the proceedings of Gonzalo, who was reported to be in continual dread of being put to death by hisown men. After the flight of the licentiate Carvajal and Gabriel deRoias, Gonzalo made no farther use of the royal standard, onlydisplaying that which contained his own arms. His cruelty increased withhis disappointment, insomuch that not a day passed in which he did notput some one to death. He took extraordinary precautions for his ownpersonal safety, which were so far effectual, but every effort toprevent desertion was unavailing. 

Lorenzo de Aldana sent intelligence of all these matters to thepresident, by means of messengers dispatched both by sea and land, earnestly urging him to come into Peru as quickly as possible, as theinsurgent party seemed at so low an ebb that nothing was wanting but hispresence to make it fall entirely in pieces and submit without astruggle. On the 9th. Of September 1547, when assured that Gonzalo hadretreated eighty leagues from Lima, Aldana landed with all his officersand all the inhabitants of Lima that had taken shelter on board hisships. He was received on shore with every demonstration of joy andrespect, every one who was able appearing in arms to do him honour. Having appointed Juan Fernandez to the command of the ships, he tookcharge of the vacant government of Lima, where he made every possiblepreparation for carrying on the war, collecting arms ammunition and allother necessaries. 

Some time after the departure of Juan d'Acosta from Lima for Cuzco bythe mountain road, as already mentioned, at the head of three hundredmen well armed and equipped, he got notice that Gonzalo Pizarro hadabandoned that city; on which he sent Fra Pedro, a monk of the order ofMercy, to Gonzalo, to demand instructions for his ulterior proceedings. Pizarro sent back the monk with directions for Acosta to join him at acertain place. On his return to Acosta, accompanied by a person namedGonzalo Muquos, after delivering his dispatches, Friar Pedro gave him anaccount of all that had happened in the army of Gonzalo, and inparticular of the great number of men that had deserted from him; whichAcosta had not before learnt, though several of his soldiers hadreceived the intelligence by letters brought to them by the Indians whofrequented the camp, but which they dared not to communicate to eachother. On the present occasion, the messengers from Gonzalo recommendedto Acosta to keep this matter as secret as possible till such time as heshould join Gonzalo. Acosta therefore, gave out that he had receivedfavourable intelligence from the monk, and that Gonzalo had beensuccessful on several occasions, being daily joined by many additionalsoldiers; and, as he had found it convenient and necessary to send offmany confidential persons in various directions, these persons pretendedto have deserted from Gonzalo by way of stratagem, on purpose, to gainpossession of the ships commanded by Aldana. All this however wasinsufficient to disguise the truth from many of the followers of Aldana, particularly Paëz de Sotomayor, his major-general, and Martin d'Olmosone of his captains; who, coming to a knowledge of the real state ofaffairs, entered into a resolution of putting D'Acosta to death. Theyformed this resolution unknown to each other, as no one at this timedared to avow his sentiments to any other person, for fear of being putto death; yet, from certain indications, they began to suspect eachother of entertaining similar sentiments, and at length openedthemselves reciprocally, and communicated their purposes to severalsoldiers in whom they confided. Just when they were about to have puttheir enterprize into execution, Sotomayor got notice that D'Acosta washolding a secret conference in his tent with two of his captains, andthat he had doubled his ordinary guard. From these circumstances, Sotomayor concluded that their conspiracy, having been revealed toseveral persons, had been betrayed to Acosta. He took therefore promptmeasures to inform all his confederates, and both he and they took horsewithout delay, and left the camp in sight of all the army, to the numberof thirty-five in all; among whom, besides Sotomayor and D'Olmos, theprincipal persons were Martin d'Alarzon who carried the grand standard, Hernando de Alvarado, Alfonzo Regel, Antonio de Avila, Garcias Gutierrezd'Escovedo, and Martin Monje; who, with all who went off on thisoccasion, were men of consideration and of much experience in theaffairs of Peru. These men took immediately the road for Guamanga, andused such expedition that, though Acosta sent off sixty mountedmusqueteers to pursue them, they made their escape in safety. 

Acosta caused immediate investigations to be made in regard to such ashad participated in this plot, and ordered several persons to be hangedwho were proved to have known its circumstances: some others in the samepredicament he detained prisoners, and dissembled with the rest who hadbeen implicated, pretending not to know that they had participated inthe conspiracy: Yet, during his march towards Cuzco, he put to deathseveral of those of whom he was suspicious, and others who endeavouredto desert. On his arrival at Cuzco, he displaced all the magistrates whohad been appointed by Centeno, nominating others in their stead in whomhe thought he could confide, and appointed Juan Velasquez de Tapia totake the chief direction of affairs in that city and province; andhaving regulated every thing to his mind, he resumed his march forArequipa to join Gonzalo, according to his directions. In this latterpart of his march, about thirty of his men deserted from him, by two orthree at a time, all of whom went directly to Lima where they joinedLorenzo de Aldana. Besides these, when Acosta had got about ten leaguesbeyond Cuzco, Martin de Almandras abandoned him with twenty of the bestsoldiers of his small army, and returned to Cuzco, where he found asufficient number of the inhabitants disposed to join him in returningto their duty, and in concurrence with whom he deposed the magistracyappointed by Acosta, one of whom he sent away prisoner to Lima, andestablished a new set in the name of his majesty. Finding that thenumber of his followers diminished from day to day, Acosta acceleratedhis march as much as possible, both for his own security and to servethe insurgent cause in which he was engaged. Out of three hundred wellarmed and excellently equipped men, with whom he had set out from Lima, only one hundred remained with him on his arrival at Arequipa. He foundGonzalo Pizarro at that place, with only about three hundred and fiftymen, who a very short while before had a fine army of fifteen hundred, besides all those who were dispersed in different parts of Peru undervarious captains, all of whom were then under his orders. Gonzalo wasnow exceedingly irresolute as to his future proceedings; being too weakto wait the attack of the royalists, who continually augmented in theirnumbers, and yet deeming it dishonourable to fly or to endeavour toconceal himself. 

In the mean time Centeno remained in the Collao, waiting an answer fromCaptain Mendoza to the message he had sent by Gonzalo de Zarate asformerly mentioned. While there he received dispatches from thepresident, which were forwarded by Aldana, and accounts of the eventswhich had occurred at Lima, particularly the flight of Gonzalo Pizarroto Arequipa, and the junction of Acosta with the insurgents at thatplace. On receiving this intelligence he sent a new message to Mendozaby means of Luis Garcias, giving him an account of all these events, andparticularly informing him of the orders and instructions given to thepresident, the general amnesty, the revocation of the obnoxiousregulations, and the determination of his majesty that Gonzalo Pizarrowas not to continue in the government of Peru. He apprized him likewise, that most of the gentlemen and persons of consideration, who hadhitherto followed Gonzalo, had now abandoned him on account of histyrannical conduct, in murdering and plundering all the principalcolonists, and more especially because of his rebellion against thesovereign, and refusal to submit to his royal orders, and to theauthority of him who had been appointed to regulate the affairs of thekingdom. Wherefore, although all that had been done hitherto might insome measure be excused, he urged Mendoza to consider that in continuingto obey Gonzalo he could no longer avoid the reproach of acting as arebel against the king. It was now necessary and proper therefore, toforget all individual interests or past disputes, and to devote himselfentirely to his majesty, to whom he was enabled by his present situationto render important service. 

Alfonzo de Mendoza was already well disposed to act the part of a loyalsubject in the present situation of affairs, yet uncertain how best toconduct himself for that purpose; but by this message from Centeno, hewas completely determined as to the regulation of his conduct on thepresent emergency, and immediately declared for his majesty. Byagreement between him and Centeno, each was to retain the chief commandof the troops now under their orders, and Mendoza departed from La Platawith his men to join Centeno in the Collao. The union of these leadersand their troops occasioned great joy to all their followers, nowexceeding a thousand men; and they resolved to march immediately againstGonzalo, taking up a position at a certain pass to prevent him fromescaping, and were likewise induced to remain at that place for theconvenience of procuring provisions. 

At this time the whole extent of Peru from Quito to Lima had declaredfor his majesty. Juan d'Olmos, who commanded under Gonzalo at PuertoViejo, on observing the vessels under Aldana passing the port of Mantain that province, had sent an express to Gonzalo giving his opinion thatthese vessels seemed hostile, as they had not called at the port forrefreshments. He at the same time sent some Indians on board, in theirordinary rafts or flat boats, to inquire the purpose of their voyage; bymeans of which Indians Aldana transmitted letters to D'Olmos, urging himto quit the insurgent party, with copies of all the papers connectedwith the mission of the president. After perusing these papers, D'Olmostransmitted them to Gomez Estacio who was lieutenant-governor of theprovince for Gonzalo at St Jago de Guyaquil, usually called Culata. Onlearning that his majesty did not approve of continuing Gonzalo in thegovernment, and had sent out Gasca as president, Gomez wrote back toD'Olmos, that when the president arrived in the country he should knowbetter how to act, and might probably join him; but in the presentsituation of affairs, he thought it best for both to remain quiet. Juand'Olmos went immediately to visit Gomez, accompanied by seven or eightfriends, under pretence of communing with him on the state of affairs;but, taking his opportunity, one day when Gomez was off his guard, hestabbed him with his poniard, and immediately got the people to declarefor his majesty, after which he did the same at his own government ofPuerto Viejo. 

When Pedro de Puelles, the governor of Quito, became acquainted withthese proceedings of D'Olmos, and that the fleet and army at Panama haddeclared for the president, he became exceedingly anxious as to themeasures proper for him to pursue. At this time D'Olmos sent Diego deUrbina to Quito to endeavour to prevail on Puelles to declare for theroyal party. Puelles declared he was ready to receive and obey theperson sent out by the king, when once he was satisfied that his majestyhad no intention of continuing Gonzalo in the government, but would makeno alteration in the mean time; and with this indecisive answer Urbinareturned to D'Olmos. A few days afterwards, Rodrigo de Salazar, in whomPuelles reposed entire confidence, entered into a conspiracy withseveral soldiers at Quito, assassinated Puelles, and declared for hismajesty. After this exploit, Salazar set out from Quito for Tumbez withthree hundred men, with the intention of joining the president. By theseseveral events, and others which have been formerly related, almost thewhole of Peru had already returned to obedience before the arrival ofthe president in the kingdom. 

While these favourable events were going on in Peru, the presidentembarked at Panama with about five hundred men, and arrived safely atthe port of Tumbez; one of his ships, commanded by Don Pedro de Cabrera, being under the necessity of stopping at Buenaventura, whence Cabreraand his men marched by land to Tumbez. On his arrival in Peru, thepresident received letters from all parts of the kingdom, by which thewriters offered him their services and assistance, besides communicatingtheir sentiments on the situation of the colony, and giving their advicehow best to proceed in reducing it to order; to all of which letters hereplied with great condescension. So many flocked to his standard fromall quarters, that he considered himself sufficiently strong to overcomeall resistance from the remnant of the insurgents, without drawing anyreinforcements from the other Spanish colonies in America; on whichaccount he sent off messengers to New Spain, Guatimala, Nicaragua, andSt Domingo, informing the governors of these colonies of the favourableturn of affairs in Peru, and that he should now have no occasion forthe reinforcements which he had formerly thought necessary. Soon afterhis arrival, he gave orders to his lieutenant-general, Pedro Alfonzo deHinojosa, to march with the troops to form a junction with the royalistsin Caxamarca. In the mean time Polo de Menzes remained in charge of thefleet, with which he advanced along the coast to the southwards, whilethe president, with a sufficient escort, went by the road of the plainto Truxillo, at which place he received intelligence from all parts ofthe country, stating that every thing went on well. 

The president had resolved that he would not go to Lima till he hadcompleted the purposes of his mission, by the final conquest of Gonzaloand his adherents, and the restoration of peace and order in the kingdomof Peru; on which account he transmitted orders to all quarters, thatall who had declared for his majesty should meet him in the valley ofJauja, which he considered to be a convenient situation in which toassemble the whole loyal force of the kingdom, as in that placeabundance of provisions could easily be procured. For this purpose, hesent orders to Lorenzo de Aldana, then at Lima, to march with all hisforce for Jauja; and joining the army under Hinojosa, now exceeding athousand men, he marched for Jauja, all the army expressing the utmostsatisfaction at the prospect of being freed from the tyranny of Gonzalo. Many of the principal persons who had joined with Gonzalo at thebeginning of the troubles, were now exceedingly offended and displeasedby the cruel murders of so many of their friends and neighbours; abovefive hundred men having been put to death, many of whom were persons ofconsideration and importance; insomuch that those who still remainedalong with him were continually in fear of their lives. 

On his arrival at Arequipa, Gonzalo found that city entirely deserted, as most of the inhabitants had gone to join Diego Centeno after thatofficer got possession of Cuzco. Hearing that Centeno was in the Collao, near the lake of Titicaca, where after his junction with Mendoza, he hadan army of near a thousand men, composed of the troops of Cuzco LasCharcas and Arequipa, and with which they occupied all the passestowards the interior, Gonzalo believed it almost impossible to attackthese officers with any probability of success. He waited therefore atArequipa about three weeks, expecting the junction of D'Acosta, who atlength arrived, but with very diminished numbers, as already related, many having abandoned him, and having put many of his followers to deathon suspicion that they intended to desert. After the junction ofD'Acosta, Gonzalo found himself at the head of five hundred men. He nowwrote to Centeno, giving a recital of all the events which had occurredduring the troubles, and dwelt particularly on the favour he had alwaysshewn him, and particularly instanced the pardon he had granted him whenGaspard Rodriguez and Philip Guttierrez were executed, though equallyguilty with them, and although all his officers had urged him to putCenteno to death. In addition, Gonzalo made high offers to Centeno, promising to accede to every demand he might choose to make, if he wouldnow join him. He sent this letter to Centeno by a person named FranciscoVaso, who immediately offered his services to Centeno, to whom heintimated that Diego Alvarez his standard-bearer was in correspondencewith Gonzalo. Centeno was already informed of this circumstance byAlvarez himself, who assured him he had entered into this correspondencefor a quite different purpose than that of betraying him or the royalcause. 

Centeno thought proper to send a civil answer to Gonzalo, giving himmany thanks for his offers, and freely acknowledging the favour he hadformerly experienced. That as a mark of his gratitude, therefore, he nowearnestly entreated him to reflect seriously on the present situation ofaffairs, to consider the gracious clemency of the king, who had granteda free pardon to him and all those who had taken any part in the pasttroubles. He assured Gonzalo, if he would abandon the insurrection, nowevidently hopeless, and submit to the royal orders, that he would usehis utmost endeavours to procure him an honourable and advantageoussituation, and at the same time endeavoured to convince him that hewould run no risk either in his person or property by following thepresent advice. On his return to Gonzalo with this letter, Vaso was metby the lieutenant-general Carvajal, who made minute inquiry respectingevery thing he had seen and learnt, and gave him strict injunctions notto let it be known to the followers of Gonzalo that the force of Centenoexceeded seven hundred men. On being informed that Centeno refused tojoin him, Gonzalo disdained to read his letter, and ordered itimmediately to be burnt in presence of several of his officers. 

Immediately after this, Gonzalo determined to march into the provinceof Las Charcas, and accordingly took the direct road towards the passoccupied by Centeno and Mendoza. In this march the van-guard wascommanded by the lieutenant-general, who took and hanged more thantwenty persons whom he fell in with during the march. Among these was apriest named Pantaleon, who carried some letters for Centeno, and whomCarvajal ordered to be hung up, with his breviary and ink-horn suspendedfrom his neck. Continuing this march, the scouts of the two armies fellin with each other on Thursday the 19th of October 1547. Gonzaloimmediately sent one of his chaplains with a message to Centeno, demanding leave to continue his march through the pass, without beingobliged to give battle[32]. The chaplain was conducted by the bishop ofCuzco, who happened to be in the army of Centeno, to his tent; andCenteno gave strict charges to his troops to be on their guard andalways in good order to receive the enemy in case of an attack. Forabove a month Centeno had been afflicted by an obstinate fever, forwhich he had been six times blooded without any relief, and was notexpected to recover; so that he was quite incapable of acting on thepresent emergency, being confined constantly to bed. 

[Footnote 32: No consequences seem to have followed from this demand, which does not appear to have been acceded or even listened to. --E. ]

The illness of Centeno was known in the army of Gonzalo, and that histent was pitched at some distance from the rest, to avoid the noise andbustle of the camp. Founding on this intelligence, Juan d'Acosta wasdetached with twenty picked men, with orders to approach silently in thenight to the camp of the royalists, and to endeavour to carry offCenteno. Acosta accordingly drew near with so much caution that hesurprised the centinels that were on guard over Centeno, and had verynear reached his tent when the alarm was given by some negro servants. Being thus discovered, Acosta ordered his men to fire off theirmusquets, and immediately retreated back to the camp of Gonzalo withoutlosing a man. In the confusion occasioned by this exploit, great numbersof the royalists hastened towards the tent occupied by Centeno; but onthis occasion several of the soldiers belonging to Valdivia threw awaytheir arms and fled. Next morning the scouts of both armies approachedeach other, followed by the respective armies, which at length came insight. The army of Centeno consisted of about a thousand men, twohundred of whom were cavalry, an hundred and fifty armed with musquets, and all the rest with pikes. Of this army, Luis de Ribera wasmajor-general, Pedro de Rios, Jerom Villegas, and Pedro de Ulloa, captains of cavalry, and Diego Alvarez carried the grand-standard. Thecaptains of infantry were Juan de Vargas, Francisco Retamoso, Negral, Pantoia, and Diego Lopez de Zuniga; Luis Garcias being sergeant-major, or adjutant-general[33]. The army of Gonzalo consisted only of fivehundred men, of which three hundred were musqueteers, and eightycavalry, the remainder being armed with pikes. Of this army Carvajal waslieutenant-general; the licentiate Cepeda and Juan Velez de Guevara werecaptains of horse; and Juan d'Acosta, Ferdinand Bachicao, and Juan de laTorre captains of foot. 

[Footnote 33: It is not easy to understand how Mendoza, who had joinedCenteno some time before, happens to be omitted in this enumeration--E. ]

Both armies being drawn up in good order, the insurgents advanced, tothe sound of trumpets and other musical instruments, till within sixhundred paces of the enemy, when Carvajal ordered them to halt. Theroyalists continued to advance till within a hundred paces less, andthen halted likewise. At this time, forty musqueteers were detached fromthe army of Gonzalo, with orders to begin the engagement; and two otherparties of musqueteers, of forty men each, were posted on the wings, Pizarro taking his station between his cavalry and infantry. Thirtymusqueteers were likewise advanced from the army of Centeno, to skirmishwith those of the insurgents. As Carvajal observed that the royalistswaited the attack in good order, he ordered his troops to advance a fewsteps very slowly, in hopes of inducing the enemy to make some movementor evolution which might occasion confusion in their ranks. This had thedesired, effect, as the royalists, believing that their enemies, thoughinterior in number, wished to have the honour of making the attack, theybegan immediately to advance, and the insurgents by order of Carvajalstood firm to receive them. When tolerably near, Carvajal gave ordersfor a small number of his troops to fire their musquets, on which theroyalists made a general discharge, and marched forwards at a quick stepwith levelled pikes, during which the royalist musqueteers made a seconddischarge without occasioning any loss to the enemy, as they were stillthree hundred paces distant. Carvajal made his men reserve their firetill the enemy was within about an hundred paces; when, with a fewpieces of artillery, and the whole of his musqueteers, he threw in sodestructive a volley that above an hundred and fifty of the royalistswere slain, among whom were two of their captains. By this terribleslaughter, the whole infantry of the royalist army was thrown intodisorder, entirely defeated, and took to flight, in spite of everyeffort of Captain Retimoso to rally them, who lay wounded in the field. Notwithstanding the defeat of the infantry, the royalist cavalry made abrave charge against the insurgents, of whom they killed and wounded aconsiderable number. On this occasion Gonzalo had his horse killed andwas thrown to the ground, yet escaped unhurt. Pedro de Rios and Pedro deUlloa, captains of cavalry belonging to Centeno, wheeled with theirsquadrons round the wing of the insurgent infantry, intending to chargetheir flank; but were opposed by the detachments of musqueteers whichwere posted on the wings, on which occasion De Rios and several otherswere slain. Being thus repulsed, and seeing their own infantry entirelydefeated, the cavalry took likewise to flight and dispersed, every oneendeavouring to save himself as he best could. 

Gonzalo Pizarro, having thus gained an easy victory, marched on with hisarmy in good order to the camp of Centeno, putting every person to deaththat came in the way. A considerable number of the dispersed royalistshappened to seek safety in passing by the camp of Pizarro, which theyfound entirely deserted, insomuch that they were able to make use of thehorses and mules belonging to the insurgent infantry to facilitate theirflight, and even made a considerable booty in gold and silver. While theroyalist cavalry were engaged vigorously with the insurgents, Bachicao, one of Gonzalos captains, believing that the royalists would bevictorious, went over to them. After the victory was decided in favourof Gonzalo, Bachicao, imagining that his conduct had not been observed, and would remain unknown, or that he would be able to justify himselfunder some colourable pretence, returned to his post. But as hisdefection was known to Carvajal, he caused him to be instantly hung up, adding insulting raillery to his cruelty, calling him his dear comradeand using many other bantering expressions. 

During this unfortunate battle, Centeno was so ill that he was carriedon a kind of litter by six Indians, almost in a state of insensibility;yet, by the care and attention of some of his friends, he was savedafter the defeat of his army. In this bloody engagement, which wasfought near a place called Guarina, above three hundred and fifty menwere slain on the side of the royalists, besides thirty more who wereput to death in the pursuit by the insurgent cavalry. Among these were, the major-general Luis de Ribera, the captains Retamoso, Diego Lopez deZuniga, Negral, Pantoia, and Diego Alvarez, with Friar Gonzalo of theorder of Mercy, and several other persons of condition. The insurgentslost about an hundred men. After the battle, Carvajal pursued thefugitives at the head of the insurgent cavalry for several days, on theroad towards Cuzco. He was very anxious to take the bishop of Cuzco, against whom he was much incensed for having joined Centeno and beingpresent in the battle. The bishop however made his escape; but Carvajalgratified his revenge on several royalists whom he got up with, all ofwhom he hung up without mercy, among whom were a brother of the bishopand a Dominican friar. After the return of Carvajal from the pursuit, Gonzalo made a distribution of lands and Indians among his troops, engaging to put them into possession at a convenient opportunity. Helikewise took great care of his wounded men, and caused the slain to beburied. He then sent Bovadilla with a detachment to the city of La Plataand the mines, to collect all the gold and silver that could beprocured, and dispatched Diego de Carvajal, usually called the _Beau_, on a similar mission to Arequipa. Juan de la Torre was sent to takepossession of Cuzco, where he put to death Vasquez de Tapia and thelicentiate Martel. 

After this favourable turn of affairs, Pizarro issued a proclamation bywhich all the soldiers who had served under Centeno were commanded tojoin his standard, under pain of death; granting an amnesty for all thatpassed, with the exception only of those principal leaders who hadparticularly exerted themselves for the royal cause. He then sent Pedrode Bustincia with a detachment, to oblige the curacas of Andaguaylas andthe neighbouring districts to furnish provisions for his army. A fewdays afterwards Gonzalo repaired to Cuzco with about four hundred men, and used every effort to put himself into a situation for opposing thepresident; being so elated by the victory he had gained at Guarina oversuch superior numbers, that he and his followers believed themselvesalmost invincible. 

While these things were going on in the south of Peru, the presidentmarched by the mountain road for the valley of Jauja, accompanied bythe troops which he had brought from the Tierra Firma, and those of thecaptains Diego de Mora, Gomez de Alvarado, Juan de Saavedra, Porcel, andthe others that had assembled in Caxamarca. He sent orders likewise toSalazar, who now commanded at Quito, to join him with all his men; andordered Lorenzo de Aldana to join him from Lima with all the soldiersfrom the fleet and those he had drawn together after the flight ofGonzalo to Arequipa. The president arrived first of all at Jauja with anescort of an hundred men, where he immediately took the proper measuresfor collecting arms and military stores, and provisions. On the same dayhe was joined by the licentiate Carvajal and Gabriel de Royas; and soonafterwards Ferdinand Mexia de Guzman, and Juan Alphonzo Palamino arrivedwith their companies. Lorenzo de Aldana remained at Lima with his owncompany, it being of great importance to keep possession of that cityand its post. In a short time the president had collected an army ofabove fifteen hundred men in Jauja, and employed all the forges andartists he could procure to fabricate new musquets, to put all the oldones into good repair, and to provide abundance of pikes and all otherarms, both offensive and defensive. In these preparations he not onlyexerted the utmost diligence, but shewed a great deal of intelligenceand knowledge, far beyond what could tare been expected from a personwho had hitherto been entirely occupied in civil and religious pursuits. He carefully visited his camps, and inspected the workmen who wereemployed by his orders, taking at the same time every possible care ofsuch of his soldiers as were sick, exerting himself to the utmost inevery thing relative to the good of the service, beyond what could havebeen expected from any single person, by which means he acquired theentire confidence and affection of all who were under his command. Hisarmy had always been in hope that their services would not be required, and even at one time believed that the president would not have hadoccasion to assemble an army, as they thought that Centeno was strongenough to have conquered Gonzalo. 

Immediately on receiving intelligence of the victory which Gonzalo hadgained at Guarina, the president sent the captains Lope Martin andMercadillo, with a detachment of fifty men, to occupy the passes ofGuamanga, about thirty leagues from Jauja on the way to Cuzco, to learnthe motions of the enemy, and to collect all who might have been ableto escape from Cuzco. While at Guamanga, Lope Martin got notice thatPedro de Bustincia was in the district of Andahuaylas collectingprovisions for the army of Gonzalo, as formerly mentioned. Accompaniedby fifteen mounted musqueteers, Martin went into that district, where heunexpectedly attacked Bustincia during the night, and made him and allhis people prisoners. After hanging some of these men, he returned toGuamanga, bringing all the curacas of the neighbourhood along with him, by whose means intelligence was conveyed to all parts of the country, giving notice of the arrival of the president in the valley of Jauja, and the great preparations he was making in that place. 

From Jauja the president sent his lieutenant-general, Alfonzo deAlvarado, to bring up from Lima all the soldiers that could be sparedfrom that place, together with some pieces of artillery from the ships, and clothes and money for the supply of such of the soldiers as were inwant; all of which services were performed by Alvarado in a short time. The president now mustered his army, of which Pedro Alfonzo de Hinojosawas lieutenant-general, and the licenciate Bendicto de Carvajal carriedthe royal standard, Don Pedro de Cabrera, Gomez de Alvarado, Juan deSaavedra, Diego de Mora, Francisco Hernandez, Rodrigo de Salazar, andAlfonzo de Mendoza were captains of cavalry; Don Balthazar de Castillo, Pablo de Menezes, Hernando Mexia de Guzman, Juan Alfonzo Palomino, Gomezde Solis, Francisco Mosquera, Don Ferdinand de Cardinas, the adelantadoAndagoya, Francisco d'Olmos, Gomez d'Arias, and three other captains, Porcel, Pardaval, and Serna, commanded the infantry. Gabriel de Royaswas appointed to command the artillery. Besides the military officersalready mentioned, the president was attended by the archbishop of Lima, the bishops of Cuzco and Quito, the provincials of the Dominicans and ofthe order of Mercy, and by several other ecclesiastics, both priests andfriars. On a general muster and review of the army, it was found toconsist of seven hundred musqueteers, five hundred pikemen, and fourhundred cavalry. Afterwards, on arriving at Xaquixaguana on the marchtowards Cuzco, it was augmented to nineteen hundred men, by the junctionof several other detachments, forming the largest and best appointedarray hitherto seen in Peru. 

The president, having completed his preparations, began his march fromJauja in good order on the 19th of December 1547, taking the route ofCuzco, and especially desirous of crossing the river Abancay[34] in somesafe place. In this part of his march he was joined by Pedro deValdivia, the governor of Chili. Valdivia had come by sea to Lima, onpurpose to raise men, and to procure various stores of which he was inwant, with clothing and ammunition, on purpose to enable him to proceedin the conquest of Chili. On his arrival at Lima, and learning thesituation of affairs in Peru, he determined upon joining the president. His arrival was considered as an indication of good fortune; for, although the president had already in his army many officers of meritand capacity, and of eminent rank and fortune, there was not any one inPeru who possessed so much experience in the manner of conductingwarlike operations in that country as Valdivia, on which account he wasconsidered as a fit person to be opposed to the experience andstratagems of Carvajal, who was much dreaded by every one in thepresidents army, more especially since the late defeat of Centeno, whichwas entirely attributed to the talents of Carvajal. About the same timeCenteno joined the president with more than thirty horse, who hadaccompanied him ever since the defeat of Guarina. Continuing his marchamid considerable difficulties, owing to the scarcity of provisions, thepresident at length reached the province of Andahuaylas, where he judgedit proper to remain during the winter, on account of the violent rainswhich fell night and day almost without ceasing, by which the tents wereall rotted. The maize which they procured as food for the troops was allwet and spoiled, by which a considerable number of the soldiers wereafflicted with dysentery, of which some died, notwithstanding the caretaken of the sick by Francisco de la Rocha, a Trinitarian monk, whoacted as physician to the army. Although there were above four hundredsick at one time, so great was the care bestowed, that they were as wellattended and as plentifully supplied with medicines as if in a populouscity, insomuch that they almost all recovered. 

[Footnote 34: Rather the Pachacamac, near which the town or city ofAbancay is situated, and where probably the president proposed to passthat river. --E. ]

The arrival of Valdivia and Centeno diffused much joy through the army, which was expressed in frequent feasts and entertainments, with concertsof music, running at the ring, and similar amusements. During thecontinuance of the army in winter quarters at Andahuaylas, the generalHinojosa with Alfonzo de Alvarado and Valdivia applied themselvesindefatigably to have every thing in the best possible order for takingthe field. On the commencement of spring, and when the rains begansensibly to diminish, the army broke up from Andahuaylas and marched tothe bridge of Abancay, about twenty leagues from Cuzco, where it halteduntil bridges were constructed across the Apurimac at the distance oftwelve leagues from Cuzco[35], as the enemy had broken down all thebridges over that river, and it was necessary either to construct newones, or to make a circuit of more than seventy leagues to get to Cuzco. On purpose to distract the enemy, the president caused materials for theconstruction of bridges to be carried to three different points on theApurimac; one on the great road of the Incas[36], a second in the valleyof Cotabamba, about twelve leagues farther up the river, and a thirdstill farther up the Apurimac, at a village belonging to Don Pedro dePuertocarrero, where that officer was posted with a hundred men to guardthe passage. For the construction of these bridges cables and ropes wereprepared, after the manner of the native Peruvians as formerly describedin our general account of the country; and beams and pillars were gotready on which to fix the cables when the army should be collected atthe intended place of passing the river. Had Gonzalo been able toascertain the place at which it was intended to pass, he had assuredlyopposed the royalists, and would at least have made it exceedinglydifficult for them to construct a bridge; but as he could not ascertainthe actual point fixed on, he did not consider it safe to divide hisforce so as to oppose the royalists at the three points ofdemonstration, and satisfied himself therefore by posting spies at thedifferent places, to bring him immediate notice of the place where theroyalists might begin their operations, that he might know where tomarch to oppose them. But the secret was confined to the knowledge ofthe president, and the members of his council of war. 

[Footnote 35: Abancay on the Pachacamac is not above 14 Spanish leaguesfrom Cuzco in a straight line. The other bridges mentioned in the textmust have been thrown over the Apurimac Proper, somewhere near the townor village of Limatambo. --E. ]

[Footnote 36: This was probably by Limatambo, as on the great road theIncas had palaces for lodging in with their attendants, called_tambos_. --E. ]

When all the materials were in readiness, the army began its march forCotabamba, at which place it was determined to pass the river. In thismarch the army had to encounter very considerable difficulties inpassing through mountains covered with snow. Several of the captainswere of opinion that this was an improper route, and proposed anotherplace almost fifty[37], leagues higher up; but Lope Martin, who guardedthe pass of Cotabamba, always insisted that the securest passage was tobe had at that place. In consequence of this difference of opinion, thepresident sent Valdivia and three other captains to examine thedifferent places; and on their report that Cotabamba was attended by theleast difficulty and danger, that place was fixed upon. When Lope Martingot information that the army approached to Cotabamba, he set to workwith the Spaniards and Indians of his detachment, to extend and tightenthe cables and ropes across the river, of which the main support of thebridge was to be composed. Three of the cables were already fixed, whenthe spies employed by Gonzalo came to the place, and cut two of themwithout resistance. On this intelligence being communicated to the army, it gave much concern to the president and his officers, lest Gonzalomight bring up his forces to dispute the passage before the army couldbe able to get over. The president, therefore, accompanied by hisprincipal officers, Hinojosa Alvarado and Valdivia, hastened to the sciteof the bridge, where he immediately gave orders for some companies ofinfantry to pass the river on Peruvian flat boats or rafts, which wasdeemed a very hazardous enterprize, both on account of the rapidity ofthe current, and because it was believed the enemy might be in some forceon the other side. Among the first who got over was Hondegardo with afew soldiers, after whom several other captains of infantry got acrosswith their men, so that before night above four hundred men were gotover, some of whom swam over their horses along with the flat boats, holding them by the bridles, and having their musquets and other armstied to the saddles. Yet so rapid was the current, that above sixtyhorses were lost on this occasion, either drowned or dashed againstthe rocks. 

[Footnote 37: This may probably be an error of the press in the originalfor _fifteen_ leagues. Fifty leagues even from Abancay would havecarried the army almost to Arequipa, to turn the head of the Apurimac, and among the highest mountains of Peru. --E. ]

On receiving notice from his spies that a part of the royalists had gotacross the river, Gonzalo sent off Juan d'Acosta with two hundredmounted musqueteers, with orders to give no quarter to any of those whohad passed the river, excepting such as had newly come from Spain. Onthe approach of Acosta, as the royalists then on that side of the riverwere not numerous, they mounted a considerable number of Indians andnegroes on the horses which had been got over, arming them with lances, and by that means presented the appearance of a formidable squadrondrawn up on a height, the few Spanish troops who were on that side ofthe river being placed in the front rank; insomuch that, when Acostawent to reconnoitre, they appeared so numerous that he did not ventureto attack; and returned for a reinforcement. In the mean time, thebridge being got ready with the utmost possible diligence, most of theroyalists passed the river, every one expressing the utmost astonishmentat the negligence of Gonzalo in not being at hand to dispute thepassage, as a hundred men at each of the three places where preparationshad been made for passing, might have rendered the attempt exceedinglyhazardous. 

Next day, when all the army with its stores and followers had passed theriver, Don Juan de Sandoval was sent out upon discovery, who reported onhis return that he had advanced three leagues into the country withoutseeing any thing of the insurgents. Hinojosa and Valdivia were thenordered to advance with several companies of infantry to occupy thepasses in the neighbouring mountain, as Gonzalo might have given themmuch trouble if he had taken possession of these heights, which wereabove a league and a half in ascent; and this order was happily executedwithout meeting with any resistance. When Acosta retreated from theriver, in consequence of believing himself too weak to attack those whohad passed, he sent to demand a reinforcement from Gonzalo of a hundredmusqueteers, with the aid of whom he alleged he would be enabled todefeat the royalist party which had crossed. At this time one JuanNunnez de Prado deserted from him to the president, and gave him noticeof the succours which were expected by Acosta. Believing therefore thatGonzalo would advance with all his forces, the president took post onthe ridge of the mountain with above nine hundred men, both cavalry andinfantry, and remained under arms all night. Next morning, Acostaadvanced with the reinforcement he had demanded, and the scouts of thepresident brought notice of his approach. On this intelligence, believing the whole army of the insurgents at hand, the president senthis major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado back to the river, to bring upthe artillery and the rest of the army: And as the colours of Pizarrocame in sight, before the return of Alvarado, the president drew up hisnine hundred men in order of battle, giving all the necessary orders incase of being attacked. But in a short time, it was discovered thatthese precautions were unnecessary, as Acosta soon retreated with histhree hundred men, on seeing the greatly superior force of theroyalists. 

The president remained two or three days in the position he had taken onthe summit of the mountain, waiting for his artillery and the rest ofhis army. While at that place, Gonzalo sent him a message by a priest, demanding that he should dismiss his army, and refrain from making waragainst him till he should receive new orders from his majesty. On thisoccasion, the bishop of Cuzco, who was along with the president, orderedthe priest into confinement. A little time before this, Gonzalo haddispatched another priest, to endeavour to gain over Hinojosa andAlvarado to his party, But that messenger, being resolved to desert theparty of the insurgents, had taken measures in concert with his brotherto go off in company with all their effects, in which they succeeded. Atthis time likewise the president wrote to Gonzalo, as he had repeatedlydone during his march, earnestly entreating him to submit to the ordersof his majesty, and sending him at the same time a copy of the amnesty. The usual manner in which these dispatches was forwarded to Gonzalo, wasby means of the scouts of the army, who had orders to give them to thosebelonging to Gonzalo when they chanced to meet. 

When it was known at Cuzco that the president had crossed the riverApurimac with all his army, and had taken possession of the pass in thehigh mountain, Gonzalo Pizarro immediately marched out from that citywith his army and encamped at Xaquixaguana, about five leagues fromCuzco, in a plain through which the road passed by which the royalistswould have to march on their way from the mountain towards Cuzco. Hisarmy at this time consisted of five hundred and fifty musqueteers, withsix pieces of cannon, and three hundred and fifty cavalry and pikemen. Gonzalo established his camp in a very strong position, as it was onlyaccessible in front by means of a very narrow defile, one flank beingsecured by a river and morass, the other flank by the mountain, and therear by precipitous rocks. During two or three days, that the twoarmies remained near each other before the battle, Gonzalo sometimesdetached a hundred and sometimes two hundred men to skirmish withsimilar parties of the enemy. As the royalist army was now encamped onlyat a short distance from the insurgents, Gonzalo was afraid his troopsmight lose courage by noticing the vast superiority of the enemy innumber, and that many of his men might abandon him; for which reason healways drew up his men under cover of a rising ground near his camp, pretending that he did so to induce the president to attack him in hispresent advantageous post, confiding in his numbers and believing theinsurgents much fewer than they really were. 

After the president had passed the mountains and pitched his camp on thedescent towards the plain, within view of the insurgents, Gonzalo drewup his army in order of battle, and caused some discharges to be madefrom his cannon and musquetry. On that day there arose so thick a mist, that the scouts and spies of the two armies often came against eachother unexpectedly. Seeing that the insurgents were disposed to awaithis attack, or even to give battle, the president was inclined to deferbringing matters to that extremity for some time, in the hope that aconsiderable number of the enemy might come over to him if they couldfind an opportunity. Yet, as the season was exceedingly cold, evenaccompanied with strong frost, and as wood could not be procured formaking fires, and provisions were scarce, it was impossible to remainlong in a state of inaction. The army of Gonzalo was not subject to anyof these inconveniencies, having plenty of provisions brought regularlyfrom Cuzco, and being encamped in a comfortable and temperate situationin comparison with the position of the president, whose camp was on theslope of the mountain, while that of the insurgents was in the plain orvalley below. Such is the difference in the temperature of Peru at veryinconsiderable distances, that on the mountains a severe cold isexperienced, accompanied by frost and snow, while only at eight or tenmiles distance in the valley the inhabitants are obliged to useprecautions to relieve them from excessive heat. 

Gonzalo and his lieutenant-general, Carvajal, had formed an arrangementfor a night attack upon the president, intending to have assailed hiscamp in three points at the same time; but they were induced to abandonthis project, in consequence of the desertion of one of their soldiersnamed Nava, who communicated their intentions to the president. By thisperson and some others who had joined him from the army of Gonzalo, thepresident was advised to delay coming to battle as long as possible; asthey were certain that many of the followers of Gonzalo would take thefirst favourable opportunity of returning to their duty, more especiallythose soldiers who had served under Centeno, and who had beenconstrained after his defeat to enter into the ranks of the insurgentsto save their lives. In expectation of the proposed attack, thepresident kept his army the whole of that night under arms, by whichthey suffered, much distress from the extreme coldness of the weather onthe mountain, so that many of the soldiers were hardly able to keep holdof their arms, and waited impatiently for day. At daylight, a party ofmusqueteers belonging to Gonzalo was observed in march to gainpossession of a height in the neighbourhood of the royal camp. Mexia andPalomino were immediately detached, with three hundred musqueteers, todislodge them, and Valdivia and Alvarado advanced in the same direction, so that the enemy were soon forced to retire. During this skirmish, thepresident marched down from the mountain with the main body of his army, in the direction of Cuzco, under cover of the hill on which the skirmishhad taken place; and, to distract the attention of the enemy, a smalldetachment of cavalry and infantry was ordered to advance in view of theinsurgent camp from that hill. On the arrival of Valdivia and Alvaradoat the top of the hill, observing that it was possible to cannonade thecamp of the enemy from that place, they sent orders to Gabriel de Royasto bring up the artillery. On this occasion, De Royas promised a rewardof five hundred crowns for each ball that should reach the enemy: Infact he paid that sum about a year afterwards to one of his gunners, whosent a ball through the tent of Gonzalo, which was exceedinglyconspicuous, by which one of his pages was slain. In consequence of thisincident, Gonzalo ordered all the tents to be struck, that they mightnot serve as marks for the cannoneers of the president. He likewiseordered his own artillery to commence firing, and drew up his army inorder of battle, taking his own station at the head of his cavalry, which was commanded by the licentiate Cepeda and Juan d'Acosta. Carvajalwas at the head of the infantry, having under him the captains Juan dela Torre, Diego Guillen, Juan Velasquez de Guevara, FranciscoMaldonado, and Sebastian de Vergara. Pedro de Soria commanded hisartillery. When the insurgent army was drawn up in order of battle, thenumerous Indians that were attached to it quitted the camp, and postedthemselves in view of both armies on the slope of a neighbouring hill. 

While the artillery on both sides kept up a constant fire, the royalistarmy descended from the mountain without keeping any regular order, andin all possible haste, the cavalry all on foot leading their horses, both on account of the ruggedness of the ground and the better to avoidthe cannonade from the enemy, as they had no shelter from the balls. Immediately on getting down to the plain, the troops were drawn up inorder of battle; the infantry in two battalions in the centre, and thecavalry on the two wings. The cavalry of the left wing was commanded bythe captains Juan Saavedra, Diego de Mora, Rodrigo Salazar, andFrancisco Hernandez de Aldana. The royal standard was displayed by thelicentiate Carvajal in the right wing, in which likewise were posted thecaptains Don Pedro de Cabrera, Alfonso Mercadillo, and Gomez deAlvarado. The infantry marched between the wings of horse, but a littlefarther in advance, under the captains Ramirez, De Castro, De Solis, Cardenas, Menezes, Mosquera, De la Cerna, Urbina, Aliaga, De Robles, DeArias, and De Olmos. A little in advance of the infantry, Alfonso deMendoza marched with his troop of horse to commence the attack, accompanied by Centeno, who was determined to exert himself on thisoccasion in revenge for his defeat at Guarina. Pedro de Villavicentioacted as serjeant-major or adjutant-general of the army. The president, accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, was a little on one side, on theslope of the mountain, by which the major-general Alvarado and Valdiviabrought down the artillery and the three hundred musqueteers commandedby Mexia and Palomino. On getting into the plain, this body ofmusqueteers divided in two, Mexia marching to the right along the river, and Palomino keeping to the left along the skirts of the mountain. 

While the royalist artillery was coming down the mountain, thelicentiate Cepeda, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Alfonso de Piedra, withseveral other persons of rank and some private soldiers, abandonedGonzalo to surrender themselves to the president. They were closelypursued by Pedro Martin de Cicilia and some others of the insurgents, who wounded several of these deserters. The horse of Cepeda was killedunder him by the thrust of a lance, and himself wounded, and he hadassuredly been either taken or killed unless promptly succoured by orderof the president. In the mean time Gonzalo kept his troops in firmarray, waiting for the enemy, and in expectation that they might attackhim in confusion and be easily defeated, as had happened in the battleof Guarina. Hinojosa on his side, advanced with the royalists in thebest order and at a slow pace, to within musquet-shot of the insurgents, where he halted in some low ground, in such a situation that his menwere secure from the cannon-balls of the enemy, which all flew overtheir heads, although the gunners used every effort to depress theirguns so as to fire low. At this time the platoons of musquetry on thewings of both armies kept up a close fire, Alvarado and Valdivia usingevery effort to cause their men take good aim, while the president andarchbishop encouraged their gunners to fire quickly and to purpose;making them often change the direction of their guns, as circumstancesappeared to require. 

Observing that several of the soldiers of Gonzalo were endeavouring toabandon him and were hotly pursued, Centeno and Mendoza advanced withthe cavalry under their command, on purpose to protect all who wished tocome over. All those who quitted the insurgents, urged the commanders ofthe royal army not to advance to the charge, as they were certain thefar greater part of the army of Gonzalo would abandon him, so that hewould be easily defeated without any danger to the royalists, and withlittle effusion of blood. At this time, a platoon of thirty musqueteers, finding themselves near the royal army, came over in a body andsurrendered themselves. Gonzalo wished to have these men pursued andbrought back; but the attempt threw his troops into confusion, and hiswhole army began instantly to break up, some fleeing towards Cuzco, while others went over to the president and surrendered themselves. Someof the insurgent officers were so confounded by this sudden anduniversal derout, that they neither had presence of mind to flee or tofight. On seeing this hopeless turn of his affairs, Gonzalo lost allcourage, and exclaimed in despair, "Since all surrender to the king, somust I also. " It is reported, that Juan d'Acosta endeavoured toencourage him, saying, "let us rush upon the thickest of the enemy, anddie like Romans;" to which Gonzalo is reported to have answered, "It isbetter to die like Christians. "

At this time, Gonzalo observing the serjeant-major of the royalists nearhim, surrendered to him, giving up a long small sword which he had usedinstead of a lance, as he had previously broken his lance upon some ofhis own men who were running away. He was immediately conducted to thepresident, to whom he used some very imprudent expressions, and by whomhe was committed to the custody of Centeno. About the same time withGonzalo, most of his officers were made prisoners. The lieutenant-generalCarvajal endeavoured to save himself by flight, meaning to hide himselfamong some tall reeds in a marsh during the night; but his horse stuckfast in the morass, and he was brought prisoner to the president by someof his own men. In the pursuit, some of the insurgents were killed, but most of their officers were made prisoners. 

After the entire derout of the enemy, the soldiers of the royal armypillaged the camp of the insurgents, where they made a prodigiousplunder in gold, silver, horses, mules, and rich baggage, by which manyof them acquired considerable riches, some individuals having acquiredso much as five or six thousand ducats. One of the soldiers happened tofall in with a fine mule having a load on his back, which seemed toconsist only of clothes, he therefore cut the cords and threw off theload, carrying off the mule alone; immediately after which three othersoldiers, more experienced in such matters, opened up the pack, whichthey found to contain a considerable quantity of gold and silver wrappedup in Indian cloaks for better concealment, worth five or six thousandducats. 

As the army was much fatigued by the operations of that day; besidesbeing under arms all night, the president allowed the men to rest oneday, yet thought it necessary to dispatch the two Captains Mexia and DeRobles with their companies to Cuzco, to prevent those soldiers who hadpursued the fugitives towards that place from entering and plunderingthe city and killing a number of the inhabitants; more especially asmany might now feel inclined to act from particular enmity towards suchas had given them offence during the late troubles, under pretence offollowing up the victory. Those captains were likewise directed tosecure such of the officers and soldiers of the defeated army as hadfled in that direction. Next day, the president gave orders to thelicentiate Cianca, one of the new oydors, and Alfonzo de Alvarado, hismajor-general, to bring the prisoners to trial. No other proof wasrequisite against Gonzalo Pizarro than his own acknowledgment and thenotoriety of his having been in open rebellion against the sovereign. Hewas condemned to be beheaded, and that his head should be fixed in aniche or recess on the gibbet at Lima, secured by a trellis or net-workof iron through which it might be visible, with this inscription above. "The head of Gonzalo Pizarro, a traitor and rebel, who revolted againstthe royal authority in Peru, and presumed to give battle to the armyunder the royal standard in the valley of Xaquixaguana. " His wholeestates and property of every kind were confiscated; and his house inCuzco was ordered to be rased, and salt sown upon its scite, on which apillar or monument was to be erected with a suitable inscription toperpetuate the remembrance of his crime and condign punishment. Gonzalowas executed on the day of his trial, dying like a good Christian. 

While in prison and till his death, Centeno, to whose custody he hadbeen committed, treated him with much civility, and would not allow anyone to insult his fallen greatness. When about to be put to death, Gonzalo made a gift of the magnificent dress which he then wore to theexecutioner; but Centeno paid its full value to the executioner, thatthe body might not be stripped and exposed till carried away forinterment; and next day he had it carried to Cuzco and respectfullyburied. But the head, pursuant to the sentence, was carried to Lima. 

On the same day in which Pizarro was beheaded, his lieutenant-generalCarvajal was drawn and quartered, and eight or nine of the insurgentcaptains were hanged; and in the sequel several others of the principalpersons concerned in the revolt were punished when taken[38]. On the dayfollowing the president went to Cuzco with all his army, whence he sentAlfonzo de Mendoza with a detachment into Las Charcas, to make prisonersof those who had been sent into that district by Gonzalo in quest ofsilver, and such as might have fled thither from the battle. On accountof the rich mines in the province of Las Charcas, especially Potosi, itwas supposed that many of the fugitives had taken refuge in that place, to which Hondegardo was sent as lieutenant-governor and captain-general, with orders to chastise all those of the inhabitants who had been guiltyeither of favouring Gonzalo, or of neglecting to repair to the royalstandard on the summons of the president. Along with Hondegardo, Gabriel de Royas was sent as receiver of the royal fifth and othertributes belonging to the king, and of the fines which the governormight inflict on the disaffected and recusants. As De Royas soon died, Hondegardo had to discharge the united functions of governor andreceiver of the province, and in a short space of time he amassedtreasure to the amount of 3, 600, 000 livres[39], which he transmitted tothe president. 

[Footnote 38: Yet the Historian of American, II. 392. , says that "Gasca, happy in his bloodless victory, did not stain it with cruelty; Pizarro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most distinguished or notoriousoffenders being punished capitally. " The executions seem however to havebeen sufficiently numerous, considering that the whole rebel army beforethe battle was only nine hundred strong, many of whom went over to thevictor, and all the rest disbanded without fighting. --E. ]

[Footnote 39: L. 157, 000, if French livres are to be understood, andworth near a million sterling at the present value of money comparedwith that period, --E. ]

The president remained for some time at Guzco, occupied in punishing theinsurgents according to the greatness of their crimes. Those whom hedeemed most guilty, he condemned to be drawn in pieces by four horses, others he ordered to be hanged; some to be whipt, and others were sentto the galleys. He applied himself likewise with much attention torestore the kingdom to good order. In virtue of the authority confidedto him by the king, he granted pardons to all who, having been in armsin the valley of Xaquixaguana, had abandoned Gonzalo and joined theroyal standard. These pardons referred to all public crimes of whichthey had been guilty during the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, yetleaving them liable to answer in civil actions for every thingrespecting their conduct to individuals. This battle of Xaquixaguana, which will be long famous in Peru, was fought on Monday the 9th of April1548. 

When the president had dispatched the most urgent affairs connected withthe suppression of the rebellion, there yet remained an object of greatimportance for the quiet of the kingdom, which was surrounded with manydifficulties. This was with regard to the dismissal of the army, in sucha manner that so great a number of soldiers set free from the restraintsof discipline might not occasion troubles similar to those now put anend to. On purpose to succeed in this delicate affair, the utmostprudence was requisite, as almost every soldier in the army consideredhimself entitled to one of the best of the vacant repartimientos, and asthe number of the troops exceeded 2500 men, while there were only 150repartimientos to distribute. Hence it was quite obvious, that insteadof being able to gratify every claimant, far the greater part must bedissatisfied. After a serious deliberation on this important subject, the president went to a place in the province of Apurimac, about twelveleagues from Cuzco, accompanied only by the archbishop and onesecretary, on purpose to have leisure for mature reflection at adistance from the perpetual importunities of the claimants. In thisplace, they made the best distribution in their power of the vacantrepartitions, giving sufficient means of living in a respectable mannerto the captains and other persons of consideration, each in proportionto their respective merits and the services they had been of insuppressing the late rebellion, giving new repartitions to those who hadnone, and increasing those of others. On this occasion it was found thatthey had vacant repartitions to distribute to the value of a million ofgold crowns in yearly rent. The greater number of the most valuable andextensive repartitions had become vacant during the troubles, partlyfrom their former possessors having been put to death by Gonzalo, eitherunder pretence of guilt in opposing his rebellion, or in the variousengagements during the troubles. The president had likewise capitallypunished several to whom Gonzalo had given repartitions. It must howeverbe remarked, that several of these most valuable repartimientos had beenretained by Gonzalo for his own benefit, under pretence of providing forthe expences of the war. 

In making the new grants, the president retained the power of grantingpensions upon some of the most extensive repartitions, of three or fourthousand ducats from each, more or less according to their respectivevalues, on purpose to have the power of dividing the money among suchsoldiers as he could not otherwise reward, to enable them to procurearms, horses, and other necessaries, meaning to send them off in variousdirections to discover and subdue the country which was hithertounoccupied. Having thus regulated every thing to the best of his power, the president thought proper to retire to Lima, and sent the archbishopto Cuzco to publish the regulations and distribution of repartimientos, and to make payment of the several rewards in money which had beenagreed upon. The arrangement of this affair occasioned muchdissatisfaction among the soldiers, every one believing himself betterentitled to some allotments of lands and Indians than several of thosewho had acquired such grants. All the fair speeches and promises of thearchbishop and the principal officers were insufficient to quiet themurmurs and discontents of the troops, which even produced somecommotions and seditious conspiracies, in which it was proposed to seizeupon the archbishop and the chief officers of the army and government, and to send the licentiate Cienca with a remonstrance to the president, demanding of him to recal the repartition which he had decreed, and tomake a new one more favourable to their wishes. They even threatened torevolt, and to take possession by force of what they considered due totheir services. The licentiate Cienca, who had been appointed chiefjustice at Cuzco, had established so excellent a system of police thathe had immediate notice of all these plots and commotions, and was soonenabled to restore order and tranquillity by arresting and punishing theprincipal agitators of these threatened troubles, by which heeffectually checked the spirit of mutiny and insubordination, andaverted at least for the present the danger of a new civil war in thekingdom. 

Before leaving Cuzco, the president had renewed the commission ofValdivia as governor of Chili, as a reward for the services he hadrendered in the late war against Gonzalo. On purpose to provide thereinforcements of men, horses, and arms, which were necessary fordefending and extending his conquests in that province, Valdivia went toLima as the most convenient situation for procuring what he wanted. Having completed all his preparations, he embarked all his men andmilitary stores at the port of Callao, and sent them off for Chili; butchose to go himself by land to Arequipa, where he proposed to takeshipping in his way back to his government. A report was made to thepresident, that Valdivia had engaged some officers and soldiers fromamong those who had been sentenced to banishment from Peru, and evensome of those who had been condemned to the galleys, on account of theshare they had taken in the late rebellion. In consequence of thisinformation, the president sent his lieutenant-general Hinojosa withorders to bring Valdivia before him to answer for his conduct in thesethings which were laid to his charge. As Valdivia was accompanied by aconsiderable number of men he believed himself in condition to resistthis mandate, and refused the earnest solicitations of Hinojosa to goback along with him to the president. But, as Hinojosa observed thatValdivia took no precautions to prevent his arrest, and had nosuspicions that any force would be used against him, he resolved toattempt to make him prisoner with the assistance only of sixmusqueteers, in which he succeeded without opposition. In thissituation, Valdivia very properly determined to submit with a goodgrace, and so satisfactorily explained his conduct to the president, that he was allowed to resume his voyage, and to take all those peoplealong with him whom he had engaged. 

Every thing in Peru being now reduced to good order, the president gavepermission to all the citizens and other inhabitants of the country, whohad hitherto served in his army, to retire to their homes, to look afterthe re-establishment of their private affairs, which had, suffered greatinjury from the unavoidable losses experienced during the rebellion, andtheir own necessary expences in the field. He likewise sent off severalofficers with detachments upon new discoveries, and appointed thelicentiate Carvajal lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, taking up his ownresidence at Lima, which was the seat of government. About this time anhundred and fifty Spaniards arrived at the city of La Plata, havingtravelled all the way from the mouth of the Rio Plata under the commandof Domingo de Yrala to that part of the country which had formerly beendiscovered by Diego de Royas, and were now come into Peru to solicit thepresident to appoint some one to act as governor of the country on theRio Plata which they proposed to settle. He accordingly nominated Diegode Centeno to that new government, with authority to raise as many moremen as he could procure, to enable him to complete the discovery andconquest of that country. When all their preparations were completed, and they were on the point of setting out on the march, Centeno died, and the president appointed another captain in his place. 

The Rio Plata, or River of Silver, derives its source from the highmountains continually covered with snow which lie between the cities ofLima and Cuzco[40]. From these mountains four principal rivers flow, which derive their names from the provinces through which they pass. TheApurimac, Vilcas, Abancay, and Jauja. This last derives its source froma lake in the province of Bombon[41], the most level and yet the highestplain in all Peru, where accordingly it snows or hails almostcontinually. This lake is quite crowded with small islands, which arecovered with reeds, flags, and other aquatic plants, and the borders ofthe lake are inhabited by many Indians. 

[Footnote 40: Zarate is extremely erroneous in his account of thesources of the Rio Plata. All the streams which rise from the Peruvianmountains in the situation indicated, and for seven or eight degreesfarther south, and which run to the eastwards, contribute towards themighty Maranon or River of the Amazons. --E. ]

[Footnote 41: This is an egregious mistake; the Rio Jauja rises from thelake of Chinchay Cocha in the province of Tarma, and runs _south_ tojoin the Apurimac. The river Guanuco rises in the elevated plain ofBombon, and runs _north_ to form the Gualagua, which joins theLauricocha or Tanguragua. --E. ]

In the late war against Gonzalo Pizarro, the president incurred enormousexpences for the pay and equipment of his troops, for the purchase ofhorses, arms, and warlike stores, and the fitting out and provisioningof the ships which he employed. From his landing in the Tierra Firma tothe day of his final victory over Gonzalo, he had expended on thesenecessary affairs more than nine hundred thousand dollars, most of whichhe had borrowed from the merchants and other private individuals, as allthe royal revenues had been appropriated and dissipated by Gonzalo. After the re-establishment of tranquillity, he applied himself to amasstreasure with the utmost diligence, both from the fifths belonging tothe king, and by means of fines and confiscations; insomuch that afterpayment of his debts, he had a surplus of above a million and a half ofducats, chiefly derived from the province of Las Charcas. 

In his arrangements for the future government of the country, inconformity with the royal ordinance, he took much care to prevent theIndians from being oppressed. In consequence of the fatigues which theyunderwent, in the carriage of immense loads, and by numbers of theSpaniards wandering continually about the country attended by a train ofIndians to carry their baggage, vast numbers of them had perished. Having re-established the royal audience, or supreme court of justice, in Lima, he applied earnestly to regulate the tributes which were to bepaid by the Indians to the Spaniards upon fixed principles, which hadnot been hitherto done on account of the wars and revolutions which haddistracted the country ever since its discovery and conquest. Beforethis new arrangement, every Spaniard who possessed a repartimiento orallotment of lands and Indians, used to receive from the curaca orcacique of his district such tribute as he was able or willing to pay, and many of the Spaniards often exacted larger sums from their Indiansthan they were well able to afford, frequently plundering them of theirhard-earned property with lawless violence. Some even went so far as toinflict tortures on their Indians, to compel them to give up every thingthey possessed, often carrying their cruelty to such a pitch as to putthem to death in the most wanton and unjustifiable manner. To put a stopto these violent proceedings, the taxes of each province and districtwere regulated in proportion to the number of Indian and Spanishinhabitants which they respectively contained; and, in forming theirarrangements, the president and judges carefully inquired into theproductions of each province; such as its mines of gold and silver, thequantity of its cattle, and other things of a similar nature, the taxeson which were all regulated according to circumstances in the mostreasonable and equitable manner. 

Having thus reduced the affairs of the kingdom to good order, all theunemployed soldiers being sent off to different places, some to Chili, others to the new province on the Rio Plata, and others to various newdiscoveries under different commanders, and all who remained in Perubeing established in various occupations by which they might maintainthemselves, according to their inclinations and capacities, mostly inthe concerns of the mines, the president resolved to return, into Spain, pursuant to the authority he had received from his majesty to do so whenhe might see proper. One of his most powerful motives for returning toSpain proceeded from his anxiety to preserve the large treasure he hadamassed for the king: as, having no military force for its protection, he was afraid such great riches might excite fresh troubles andcommotions in the country. Having made all the necessary preparationsfor his voyage, and embarked his treasure, without communicating hisintentions hitherto to any one, he assembled the magistrates of Lima, and informed them of his intended voyage. They started many objectionsto this measure; representing the inconveniencies which might arise fromhis departure, before his majesty had sent out some other person toreplace him, either in the capacity of viceroy or president. He answeredall their objections, stating that the court of royal audience, and thegovernors of the different provinces which they were authorized tonominate, were sufficient to dispense justice and to regulate allaffairs, they at last consented; and immediately embarking, he set sailfor Panama. 

Just before he sailed and while on board ship, the president made a newpartition of such lands and Indians as had become vacant since theformer distribution which he made at Cuzco. The number of vacantrepartimientos was considerable, in consequence of the death of Centeno, De Royas, the licentiate Carvajal, and several other persons of rank;and as there were many candidates who demanded loudly to be preferred, he chose to defer the repartition till after he had embarked, as he wasunable to satisfy all the claimants, and was unwilling to expose himselfto the clamours of those whom he was unable to gratify. Having settledall these distributions, he left the different deeds signed and sealedwith the secretary of the royal audience, with strict injunctions thatthey should not be opened until eight days after his departure. Everything being finally concluded, he set sail from the port of Callao inDecember 1549, accompanied by the Provincial of the Dominicans and Jeromde Aliaga, who were appointed agents for the affairs of Peru at thecourt of Spain. He was likewise accompanied by several gentlemen andother considerable persons, who meant to return to Spain, carrying withthem all the wealth they had been able to acquire. 

The voyage to Panama was prosperous. The president and all who werealong with him immediately landed at that place, and used the utmostdiligence to transport all the wealth belonging to his majesty and toindividuals, to Nombre de Dios, to which place they all went, and madeproper preparations for returning to Spain. Every one treated thepresident with the same respect as when he resided in Peru, and hebehaved towards them with much civility and attention, keeping opentable for all who chose to visit him. This was at the royal expence; asthe president had stipulated for all his expences being defrayed by hismajesty, before leaving Spain on his mission to Peru. In this he actedwith much and prudent precaution; considering that the former governorshad been accused of living penuriously in proportion to their richappointments, and being satisfied that the administration in Spain wouldnot allow him a sufficient income to defray the great expences he mustincur in a country where every thing was enormously dear, he declinedaccepting any specified salary, but demanded and obtained authority totake from the royal funds all that was necessary for his personalexpence and the support of his household. He even used the precaution tohave this arrangement formally reduced to writing; and in the exerciseof this permission he employed a person expressly for the purpose ofkeeping an exact account of all his expences, and of every thing thatwas purchased for his table or otherwise, which were all accordinglypaid for from the royal coffers. 

SECTION VII. 

_Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, andtheir unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma. _

At this period an extraordinary attempt was made to intercept thepresident in his passage through the Tierra Firma, and to gainpossession of the royal treasure under his charge, which will requiresome elucidation for its distinct explanation. When Pedro Arias deAvilla discovered the province of Nicaragua, of which he was appointedgovernor, he married his daughter Donna Maria de Penalosa to Rodrigo deContreras, a respectable gentleman of Segovia. Some time afterwards, Pedro Arias died, after having appointed his son-in-law to succeed himin the government, and this appointment was confirmed by the court inconsideration of the merits and services of Contreras, who accordinglycontinued governor of Nicaragua for several years. On the appointment ofa royal audience on the confines of Nicaragua and Guatimala, Contreraswas displaced from his government; and, in pursuance of the ordinancewhich had occasioned so much commotion in Peru, both he and his wifewere deprived of their repartitions of lands and Indians, and the grantswhich had been made to their children were likewise recalled. Contreraswent in consequence to Spain, to solicit a reparation of the injury hehad sustained, representing the services which had been performed to thecrown by the discovery, conquest, and settlement of Nicaragua, by hisfather-in-law and himself; but his majesty and the council of the Indiesconfirmed the decision of the royal audience, as conformable with theregulations. 

On receiving information of the bad success of their father, Ferdinandand Pedro de Contreras were much chagrined, and rashly determined torevolt and seize the government of the province. They persuadedthemselves with being joined by a sufficient force for this purpose, confiding in the advice and assistance of a person named Juan deBermejo, and some other soldiers his companions, who had quitted Peru inmuch discontent against the president, for not having sufficientlyrewarded them, in their own opinions, for their services in the waragainst Gonzalo. Besides these men, several of those who had foughtunder Gonzalo had taken refuge in Nicaragua, having been banished by thepresident from Peru, all of whom joined themselves to the Contreras onthis occasion. By these people the young men were encouraged to erectthe standard of rebellion, assuring them, if they, could pass over intoPeru with two or three hundred men, sufficiently armed, that almost thewhole population of the kingdom would join their standards, as all wereexceedingly dissatisfied with the president for not rewarding theirservices sufficiently. The Contreras accordingly began secretly tocollect soldiers, and to provide arms for this enterprize; and deemingthemselves sufficiently powerful to set justice at defiance, theyresolved to commence their revolt. As they considered the bishop ofNicaragua among the most determined enemies of their father, they begantheir operations by taking vengeance on him; for which purpose they sentsome soldiers to his house, who assassinated him while playing chess. After this, they openly collected their followers and displayed theirstandard, assuming the title of the _Army of Liberty_; and seizing asufficient number of vessels, they embarked on the Pacific Ocean withthe intention of intercepting the viceroy on his voyage from Lima toPanama, intending to plunder him of all the treasure he was conveying toSpain. For this purpose they steered in the first place for Panama, bothto gain intelligence of the proceedings of the president, and becausethe navigation from thence to Peru was easier than from Nicaragua. 

Embarking therefore with about three hundred men, they made sail forPanama, and on their arrival at that place they learnt that thepresident had already disembarked with all his treasure and attendants. They now believed that every thing was favourable to their intentions, and that by good fortune their desired prey had fallen into their hands. Waiting therefore till night, they entered the port as quietly aspossible, believing that the president was still in Panama, and thatthey might easily execute their enterprize without danger or resistance. Their intelligence however was exceedingly defective, and their hopesill founded; for the president had left Panama with all his people threedays before, having previously sent off all his treasure to Nombre deDios, to which place he was likewise gone. In fact, by this diligence, the president avoided the impending danger, without having the slightestsuspicion that any such might befal. Immediately on landing, thebrothers were informed that the president had already left the place; onwhich they went to the house of Martin Ruiz de Marchena, treasurer ofthe province, where they took possession of the money in the royalcoffers, amounting to 400, 000 pesos in base silver, which had been leftthere by the president in consequence of not having sufficient means oftransporting it to Nombre de Dios along with the rest. After this theydragged Marchena, Juan de Larez, and some other respectable inhabitantsto the public square, threatening to hang them all unless they gaveimmediate notice where the arms and money belonging to the province weredeposited. But all their threats were unable to force any discovery, andthey carried on board their ships all the treasure and other valuableplunder they had procured. 

Believing that the farther success of their enterprize depended on thediligence they should exert in reaching Nombre de Dios to surprize thepresident, before he might have time to embark or prepare for hisdefence, they determined to proceed to that place without delay. Forthis purpose, it was arranged that Ferdinand de Contreras should marchto Nombre de Dios with the greater part of the troops, while Juan deBermejo was to take post with an hundred men on a height near Panama, toprotect the rear of Ferdinand, to prevent pursuit, to be in readiness toreceive the valuable booty they expected, and to intercept such of theattendants on the president as might escape in that direction fromNombre de Dios. In the mean time, Pedro de Contreras was to remain onboard with a small number of men to protect the ships. All this was doneaccordingly; but matters turned out in quite a different manner fromtheir expectations. Marchena got some information respecting their planof operations, and sent off two confidential intelligent negroes to givenotice to the president of what had occurred in Panama, and of theulterior designs of the Contreras. One of these negroes was directed totravel the whole way by land, and the other to go by way of the smallriver Chagre, which route had been taken by the president. 

This river has its source in the mountains between Panama and Nombre deDios. Its course at first seems tending towards the Pacific Ocean; butit suddenly makes a turn at a cataract, and after a farther run offourteen leagues it falls into the Atlantic; so that by means of a canalonly five leagues in length, from that river to the South Sea, anavigation might be easily established between the two seas. It is truethat it would be necessary to cut this canal through mountains, and in acountry exceedingly uneven and full of rocks, so that the design hashitherto appeared impracticable. Hence, in going from Panama to Nombrede Dios by the river Chagre, it is necessary to travel by land in thefirst place to that river below the fall, a distance of five leagues. After descending to the mouth of the river, there still remains five orsix leagues to go by sea to Nombre de Dios. The messenger who was sentby this road came up with the president before his arrival at Nombre deDios, and gave him an account of the events which had taken place atPanama. Though much alarmed by this intelligence, he communicated it tothe provincial and the officers who accompanied him without appearing tobe under any apprehensions; but, on embarking on the North Sea, it fellso dead a calm that they could make no progress, and he could not thenconceal his fears of the event. Still however preserving his presence ofmind, he sent off Hernan Nunnez de Segura by land to Nombre de Dios, accompanied by some negroes who knew the country, with orders for allthe inhabitants of that place to take up arms for the protection of thetreasure which had been sent there. Segura had a most difficult andfatiguing journey on foot, having several rivers to cross, some of themby swimming, and to pass through woods and marshes in a road throughwhich no person had travelled for a long while. On his arrival at Nombrede Dios, he found the news already communicated to that place, by theother negro, and that the inhabitants were already in arms, and hadprepared as well as they were able to defend themselves, having landedthe crews of nine or ten vessels which were in the harbour to give theirassistance in repelling the rebels. The president arrived shortlyafterwards, where he found every thing in order for defence; andimmediately marched out at the head of the armed inhabitants on the roadtowards Panama, determined to give battle to Contrera in case of hisapproach. 

When Ferdinand de Contrera marched for Nombre Dios, and Bermejo tookpost on the hill near Panama, as formerly mentioned, Marchena and DeLarez believed they might be able to defeat Bermejo in the divided stateof the rebels. For this purpose they re-assembled all the inhabitants ofPanama, most of whom had taken refuge in the mountains, with whom theyjoined a considerable number of negroes who were employed as labourersin husbandry and in driving mules with goods between Panama and Nombrede Dios. By these means they assembled a respectable force, which theyarmed as well as circumstances would allow. Having thrown up someintrenchments of earth and fascines in the streets, and leaving someconfidential persons to protect the town against the small number ofrebels left in the ships with Pedro de Contreras, they marched outboldly against Bermejo, whom they vigorously attacked. After someresistance, they gained a complete victory, killing or making prisonersof the whole of that detachment. After this complete success, Marchenadetermined immediately to march for Nombre de Dios, believing that theinhabitants of that city, on learning the late events at Panama, wouldhave armed for their defence, and would even take the field againstFerdinand de Contreras, and being more numerous than his detachment, would oblige him to retire to form a junction with Bermejo. Accordingly, when Ferdinand de Contreras had proceeded about half way to Nombre deDios, he learnt that the president had got notice of the approach of therebels, and had marched out against them with a superior force; on whichFerdinand de Contreras resolved to return to Panama. 

While on his return, he took some negroes from whom he got notice ofthe entire defeat of Bermejo, and of the advance of Marchena againsthimself. He was so disconcerted by this intelligence, that he allowedall his men to disperse, desiring them to save themselves as they bestmight, and to endeavour to get to the shore, where his brother wouldtake them on board the ships. They all separated, and Ferdinand withsome of his people struck into the woods, avoiding the public road, thatthey might escape Marchena. As the country was much intersected withrivers, and Ferdinand was little accustomed to encounter suchdifficulties, he was drowned in an endeavour to pass one of the rivers. Several of the followers of Ferdinand were made prisoners, and it wasnever known what became of the others. The prisoners were carried toPanama, where they, and those others who were taken at the defeat ofBermejo, were all put to death. 

When Pedro de Contreras, who remained on board the ships, gotintelligence of the miserable fete of his comrades, he was so muchalarmed that he would not take time to hoist anchor and make seal, butthrew himself into a boat with some of his men, leaving the ships atanchor with all the plunder untouched. He coasted along for aconsiderable way to the province of Nata; after which no fartherintelligence was ever received either of him or any of those who werealong with him, but it was supposed they were all massacred by theIndians of that country. On getting intelligence of the favourabletermination of this threatening affair, the president returned to Nombrede Dios, giving thanks to God for having delivered him from thisunforseen danger. Had the rebels arrived at Panama only a few dayssooner, they might easily have made him prisoner, and would haveacquired a much larger booty then ever fell into the hands of pirates. 

Tranquillity being entirely restored, the president embarked with histreasure, and arrived safely in Spain. One of his vessels, in which JuanGomez de Anuaya was embarked, with part of the royal treasure, wasobliged to put back to Nombre de Dios: But, having refitted at thatport, she likewise arrived in Spain. Immediately on landing at SanLucar, the president sent Captain Lope Martin into Germany, where theemperor then was, to inform his majesty of his safe arrival from Peru. This news was exceedingly agreeable to the court, and occasioned muchastonishment at the prompt and happy termination of the troubles, whichhad appeared so formidable and difficult to appease. Soon after thearrival of the president at Valladolid, he was appointed bishop ofPlacentia[42], then vacant in consequence of the death of Don LuisCabeza de Vaca; and his majesty sent orders that he should come tocourt, to give a minute account of all the affairs in which he had beenengaged. He went there accordingly, accompanied by the provincial of theDominicans, and Jerom de Aliaga, the deputies or agents of the kingdomof Peru, and by several other gentlemen and persons of consideration, who were in expectation of getting some rewards from his majesty fortheir loyal services during the late commotions. The new bishopaccordingly embarked at Barcelona, along with his companions, in somegalleys which were appointed for the purpose; taking along with him, byorder of his majesty, half a million of dollars of the treasure he hadbrought from Peru. Shortly afterwards, his majesty appointed Don Antoniode Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain, to assume that office in Peru;sending Don Luis de Velasco, commissary-general of the customs ofCastille, to succeed Mendoza in the viceroyalty of New Spain. 

[Footnote 42: In the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 876, he is said to have been first appointed to the bishopric ofPlacentia, and to have been afterwards translated to that of Ciguenza in1561 by Philip II which he enjoyed till his death in 1577. ]

END OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU, BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER VIII. 

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, FROM THE RESTORATION OFTRANQUILLITY BY GASCA IN 1549, TO THE DEATH OF THE INCA TUPAC AMARU;EXTRACTED FROM GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Having now given at considerable length the authentic histories of thediscovery and conquest of the two greatest of the European colonies inthe New World, Mexico and Peru, from original and contemporary authorswhose works had not before appeared in any English Collection of Voyagesand Travels, we now propose to give, as a kind of supplement or appendixto the excellent history of Zarate, an abridged deduction of theprincipal events in Peru for some time after the departure of thepresident De la Gasca from that kingdom, extracted from the conclusionof the Royal Commentaries of Peru by Garcilasso de la Vega Inca, PartII. Book VI. VII. And VIII. Having formerly given some account of thatwork, not very favourable to the character of that descendant of theIncas as a historian, it may only be here mentioned that the events tobe now related on his authority all occurred in his own time, and thatthe relation of them which he has left would have been greatly morevaluable if he had been pleased to favour us more frequently with theirdates. 

In the present eventful period, while Spain, once the terror of Europe, seems in danger of sinking under the tyrannical grasp of the usurper ofFrance, a vast revolution appears about to elevate the Spanish Americancolonies into extensive independent states; if the jealous collision ofrights, interests, and pretensions between the various races of theirinhabitants do not plunge them into all the horrors of civil war andanarchy. The crisis is peculiarly interesting to all the friends ofhumanity, and it is to be wished that the present commotions may soonsubside into a permanent state of peace and good government, advantageous to all the best interests of the colonists, and beneficialto the commerce and industry of the rest of the world. 

Before proceeding to the abridged history of events in Peru, subsequentto the departure of the president De la Gasca, the following reflectionson the state of manners among the early Spanish settlers in that opulentregion, during the period of which we have already given the history, asdrawn by the eloquent pen of the illustrious Historian of America, haveappeared most worthy of insertion[43]. 

[Footnote 43: Hist of America, II. P. 393. ]

"Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the lowest order insociety, and the greater part of those who afterwards joined them werepersons of desperate fortune, yet in all the bodies of troops broughtinto the field by the different leaders who contended for superiority, not one acted as a hired soldier or followed his standard for pay. Everyadventurer in Peru considered himself as a conqueror, entitled by hisservices to an establishment in that country which had been acquired byhis valour. In the contests between the rival chiefs, each chose hisside as he was directed by his own judgment or affections. He joined hiscommander as a companion of his fortune, and disdained to degradehimself by receiving the wages of a mercenary. It was to their sword, not to pre-eminence in office or nobility of birth that most of theleaders whom they followed were indebted for their elevation; and eachof their adherents hoped, by the same means, to open a way for himselfto the possession of power and wealth. "

"But though the troops in Peru served without, any regular pay, theywere raised at an immense expence. Among men accustomed to divide thespoil of an opulent country, the desire of obtaining wealth acquiredincredible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to thehope of success. Where all were intent on the same object, and under thedominion of the same passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, orof securing their attachment. Officers of name and influence, besidesthe promise of future establishments, received large gratuities in handfrom the chief with whom they engaged. Gonzalo Pizarro, in order toraise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos. Gascaexpended in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine hundredthousand pesos. The distributions of property, bestowed as the reward ofservices, were still more exorbitant. Cepeda as the reward of hisperfidy, in persuading the court of royal audience to give the sanctionof its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received agrant of lands which yielded an annual income of an hundred and fiftythousand pesos. Hinojosa, who, by his early defection from Pizarro, andsurrender of the feet to Gasca, decided the fate of Peru, obtained adistrict of country affording two hundred thousand pesos of yearlyvalue. While such rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, withmore than royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred onthose of inferior rank. "

"Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural effects. It gavebirth to new wants, and new desires. Veterans, long accustomed tohardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse andinconsiderate dissipation and indulged in all the excesses of militarylicentiousness. The riot of low debauchery occupied some; a relish forexpensive luxuries spread among others. The meanest soldier in Peruwould have thought himself degraded by marching on foot; and, at a timewhen the price of horses in that country was exorbitant, each individualinsisted on being furnished with one before he would take the field. But, though less patient under the fatigues and hardships of service, they were ready to face danger and death with as much intrepidity asever; and, animated by the hope of new rewards, they never failed, onthe day of battle, to display all their ancient valour. "

"Together with their courage, they retained all the ferocity by whichthey were originally distinguished. Civil discord never raged with amore fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the passionswhich usually envenom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, andrendered their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the valuableforfeitures expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the dooragainst mercy. To be wealthy was, of itself, sufficient to expose a manto accusation, or to subject him to punishment. On the slightestsuspicions, Pizarro condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants ofPeru to death. Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justifyhis cruelty, cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by thehand of the executioner, was not much inferior to what fell in thefield; and the greater part was condemned without the formality of anylegal trial. "

"The violence with which the contending parties treated their opponentswas not accompanied by its usual attendants, attachment and fidelity tothose with whom they acted. The ties of honour, which ought to be heldsacred among men, and the principle of integrity, interwoven asthoroughly in the Spanish character as in that of any nation, seem tohave been equally forgotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense ofshame, were totally abandoned. During these dissensions, there washardly a Spaniard in Peru who did not abandon the party which he hadoriginally espoused, betray the associates with whom he had united, andviolate the engagements under which he had come. The viceroy NunnezVela was ruined by the treachery of Cepeda and the other judges of theroyal audience, who were bound to have supported his authority. Thechief advisers and companions of Gonzalo Pizarro in his revolt were thefirst to forsake him, and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given upto Gasca, by the man whom he had singled out among his officers toentrust with that important command. On the day that was to decide hisfate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their armswithout striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often conductedthem to victory. Instances of such general and avowed contempt of theprinciples and obligations which attach man to man, and bind them insocial union, rarely occur in history. It is only where men are farremoved from the seat of government, where the restraints of law andorder are little felt, where the prospect of gain is unbounded, andwhere immense wealth may cover the crimes by which it is acquired, thatwe can find any parallel to the levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy, and corruption prevalent among the Spaniards in Peru. "

SECTION I. 

_Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca, to theappointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy. _

Among those who were dissatisfied with the distribution of therepartimientos in Peru by the president, was Francisco Hernandez Giron, to whom De la Gasca granted a commission to make a conquest of thedistrict called the Cunchos, to the north-east of Cuzco, and beyond oneof the great chains of the Andes, with the title and authority ofgovernor and captain-general of that country, which he engaged toconquer at his own expence. Giron was much gratified by this employment, as it afforded him a favourable opportunity for fomenting and exciting anew rebellion against the royal authority, which he had long meditated, and which he actually put in execution, as will be seen in the sequel. Immediately after the departure of the president from Peru, he went fromLima to Cuzco publishing the commission which he had received, andappointed several captains to raise men for his intended expedition inGuamanga, Arequipa, La Paz, and other places; while he personally beatup for volunteers in Cuzco. Being a man of popular manners and muchbeloved among the soldiers, he soon drew together above two hundred men. So great a number of the most loose and dissolute inhabitants beingcollected together at Cuzco and in arms, they took extreme liberty incanvassing the late events, and to speak with much licentiousnessrespecting the president and the officers he had left in the governmentof the kingdom. Their discourse was so open and scandalous, that themagistrates of the city deemed it necessary to interpose; and Juan deSaavedra, who was then mayor or regidor of Cuzco, requested Giron todepart upon his intended expedition without delay, that the peaceableinhabitants might no longer be scandalized by the seditious discoursesof his soldiers, as most of them were quartered upon the citizens towhom they behaved with much insolence. 

I was then in Cuzco, though a boy, when Giron and his soldiers madetheir first disturbance; and I was present also about three yearsafterwards at their second mutiny; and, though I had not even thenattained the age of a young man, I was sufficiently able to notice andunderstand the observations and discourses of my father on the variousevents which occurred; and I can testify that the soldiers behaved in soproud and insolent a manner that the magistrates were forced to takenotice of their conduct. The soldiers thought proper to be much offendedon this occasion, pretending that no one ought to have any authorityover them except Giron under whose command they had inlisted; and theycarried their mutinous insolence to such a height as to assemble in armsat the house of their commander to protect themselves against themagistrates. When this mutiny was known in the city, the magistrates andcitizens found themselves obliged to arm, and being joined by manysoldiers who were not of the faction, they took post in themarket-place. The mutineers drew up likewise in the street where Giron'shouse stood, at no great distance from the market-place; and in thismanner both parties remained under arms for two days and nights, alwayson the point of coming to action; which had certainly been the case ifsome prudent persons had not interposed between them, and prevailed onthe magistrates to enter into a treaty for compromising theirdifferences. The most active persons on this occasion were Diego deSilva, Diego Maldonado the rich, Garcilasso de la Vega my father, Vascode Guevara, Antonio Quinnones, Juan de Berrio, Jeronimo de Loyasa, Martin de Meneses, and Francisco Rodriguez. By their persuasions theregidor Juan de Saavedra and Captain Francisco Hernandez Giron wereinduced to meet in the great church, on which occasion the soldiersdemanded four hostages for the security of their commander. In thisconference Giron behaved with so much insolence and audacity, thatSaavedra had assuredly arrested him if he had not been restrained fromrespect for the hostages, of whom my father was one. In a secondconference in the evening, under the same precautions, Giron agreed toremove his soldiers from the city, to give up eight of the most mutinousof his soldiers to the magistrates, and even to make compearance inperson before the court to answer for his conduct during the mutiny. 

On being made acquainted with this agreement, the soldiers wereexceedingly enraged; and if Giron had not pacified them with soothingwords and promises they had certainly attacked the loyal inhabitants, the consequences of which might have been exceedingly fatal. Themutineers amounted to two hundred effective well-armed men, of desperatefortunes, while the loyalists consisted of only eighty men of quality, all the rest being rich merchants not inured to arms. But it pleased Godto avert the threatened mischief, at the prayers and vows of thepriests, friars and devout women of the city. The mutineers were underarms all night, setting regular guards and sentinels as in the presenceof an enemy; and in the morning, when Saavedra saw that Giron had notmarched from the city according to agreement, he sent a warrant to bringhim before his tribunal. As Giron suspected that his men might notpermit him to obey the warrant, he walked out in his morning gown, as ifonly going to visit a neighbour; but went directly to the house ofSaavedra, who committed him to prison. On this intelligence beingcommunicated to the soldiers, they immediately dispersed, every oneshifting for himself as he best could. The eight men who wereparticularly obnoxious took sanctuary in the Dominican convent, andfortified themselves in the tower of the church, where they held out forseveral days, but were at last obliged to surrender. They were allpunished, but not in that exemplary manner their rebellious conductdeserved; and the tower was demolished, that it might not be used in thesame manner in future. 

After the dispersion of the mutineers and the punishment of the mostguilty, Giron was released on his solemn engagement to make hisappearance before the royal audience at Lima to answer for his conduct. He went there accordingly, and was committed to prison; but after a fewdays was permitted to go out as a prisoner at large, confining himselfto the city of Lima. He there married a young virtuous noble andbeautiful lady, with whom he went to reside at Cuzco, where heassociated with none but soldiers, avoiding all society with thecitizens as much as possible. 

About two years afterwards several soldiers residing in Cuzce, enteredinto a new plot to raise disturbances in the kingdom, and were eager tofind some proper person to choose as their leader. At length this affaircame to be so openly talked of that it reached the knowledge ofSaavedra, who was required to take cognizance of the plot and to punishthe ringleaders; but he endeavoured to excuse himself, being unwillingto create himself enemies, alleging that it more properly belonged tothe jurisdiction of the court of audience. When this affair was reportedto the oydors at Lima, they were much displeased with the conduct ofSaavedra, and immediately appointed the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado tosupersede him in the office of regidor or mayor of Cuzco, givingAlvarado an especial commission to punish the insolence and mutinousconduct of the soldiers, to prevent the evil from getting to anunsupportable height. Immediately on taking possession of his office, Alvarado arrested some of the soldiers; who, to screen themselves, impeached Don Pedro de Puertocarrero as a principal instigator of theirmutinous proceedings. After a minute examination, Francisco de Miranda, Alonzo Hernandez Melgarejo, and Alonzo de Barrienuevo were capitallypunished as chief ringleaders in the conspiracy; six or seven otherswere banished from Peru, and all the rest made their escape. Puertocarrero made an appeal to the royal audience, by whom he was setat liberty. 

These new commotions, and others of more importance which shall benoticed in the sequel, proceeded in a great measure from the imprudentconduct of the judges themselves, by enforcing the observance of theobnoxious regulations which had formerly done so much evil during thegovernment of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela. Just before his departurefrom Peru, the president Gasca had received fresh orders from hismajesty to free the Indians from services to their lords: But havingexperienced that this had occasioned the most dangerous commotions inthe country, he very wisely commanded before his departure that theexecution of this new order should be suspended. The judges however, sawthis matter in a different light, and circulated their commands over thewhole kingdom to enforce this new royal order; which gave occasion tothe mutinous and disorderly behaviour of the soldiery, who wereencouraged in their rebellious disposition by many persons ofconsideration, the possessors of allotments of lands and Indians, whoconsidered themselves aggrieved. 

SECTION II. 

_History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza. _

About this time Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of Mexico, wasappointed viceroy of Peru, and landed at Lima, where he was receivedwith great demonstration of joy and respect. He was accompanied on thisoccasion by his son, Don Francisco de Mendoza, afterwards general of thegalleys in Spain. Don Antonio was a nobleman of much sanctity, and hadgreatly impaired his health by long abstinence and frequent acts ofpenance; insomuch that his natural heat began to fail, and he wasobliged to use violent exercise to keep him warm, even in the hotclimate of Lima. In consequence of his want of health, he deputed hisson Don Francisco to make a progress through all the cities of thekingdom, from Lima to Las Charcas and Potosi, to bring him back afaithful representation of the state and condition of the kingdom andits mines, to be laid before his majesty; and, after his return to Lima, Don Francisco was sent into Spain in 1552, to communicate an account ofthe whole kingdom to the emperor. 

About four years before the appointment of the marshal Alonzo deAlvarado to the mayoralty and government of Cuzco, a party of twohundred soldiers marched from Potosi towards the province of Tucuman;most of whom, contrary to the orders of the judges, had Indians to carrytheir baggage. On this occasion, the licentiate Esquival, who wasgovernor of Potosi, seized upon one Aguira, who had two Indians tocarry his baggage; and some days afterwards sentenced him to receive twohundred lashes, as he had no money to redeem himself from corporalpunishment. After this disgrace, Aguira refused to proceed along withthe rest for the conquest of Tucuman, alleging that after the shamewhich he had suffered, death was his only relief. When the period ofEsquivals office expired, he learnt that Aguira had determined uponassassinating him in revenge for the affront he had suffered. Upon whichEsquival endeavoured to avoid Aguira, by travelling to a great distance, but all to no purpose, as Aguira followed him wherever he went, forabove three years, always travelling on foot without shoes or stockings, saying, "That it did not become a whipped rascal to ride on horseback, or to appear in the company of men of honour. " At length Esquival tookup his residence in Cuzco, believing that Aguira would not dare toattempt anything against him in that place, considering that thegovernor was an impartial and inflexible judge: Yet he took everyprecaution for his safety, constantly wearing a coat of mail, and goingalways armed with a sword and dagger, though a man of the law. At lengthAguira went one day at noon-day to the house of Esquival, whom he foundasleep, and completed his long resolved revenge by stabbing him with hisdagger. Aguira was concealed for forty day in a hog-stye by two younggentlemen; and after the hue and cry was over on account of the murder, they shaved his head and beard, and blackened his skin like a negro, bymeans of a wild fruit called _Vitoc_ by the Indians, clothing him in apoor habit, and got him away from the city and province of Cuzco in thatdisguise. This deed of revenge was greatly praised by the soldiers, whosaid, if there were many Aguiras in the world, the officers of justicewould not be so insolent and arbitrary in their proceedings. 

During a long sickness of the viceroy, in consequence of which thegovernment of the country devolved upon the judges of the royalaudience, they proclaimed in all the cities of Peru that the personalservices of the Indians should be discontinued, pursuant to the royalorders, under severe penalties. This occasioned new seditions andmutinies among the Spanish colonists, in consequence of which one Loisde Vargas, a principal promoter of the disturbances was condemned andexecuted; but as many principal persons of the country were found to beimplicated, the judges thought fit to proceed no farther in theexaminations and processes. Even Pedro de Hinojosa was suspected ofbeing concerned in these seditious proceedings, having been heard to sayto some of the discontented soldiers, that when he came to Las Charcashe would endeavour to satisfy them to the utmost of power. Though thesewords had no seditious tendency, the soldiers who were desirous ofrebellion were willing to interpret them according to their own evilinclinations. On these slight grounds, and because it was known thatHinojosa was to go as governor and chief justice of the province of LasCharcas, as many of the discontented soldiers as were able went to thatcountry, and wrote to their comrades in various parts of the kingdom tocome there also. Some even of the better sort, among whom were DonSebastian de Castilla, son to the Conde de Gomera, with five or sixothers of rank and quality went secretly from Cuzco, taking bye-pathsout of the common road to prevent them from being pursued by thegovernor of that city. They were induced to this step by Vasco Godinez aringleader among the malcontents, who informed Don Sebastian by a letterin cyphers that Hinojosa had promised to become their general. 

During these indications of tumult and rebellion, the viceroy DonAntonio de Mendoza died, to the great grief and detriment of thekingdom. On his death, the entire government of the kingdom of Perudevolved on the judges of the royal audience, who appointed Gil Ramirezde Avalos, who had been one of the gentlemen of the household to theviceroy, governor of the city of Lima; and the marshal was sent tocommand in the new city of La Paz, in which neighbourhood his lands andIndians were situated. 

SECTION III. 

_Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of theViceroy Mendoza. _. 

At this threatening period, all the soldiers and discontented persons ofPeru, flocked to Las Charcas, Potosi, and that neighbourhood, endeavouring to procure employment about the rich mines of thatdistrict. Disputes continually arose between the soldiers and principalinhabitants and merchants, and duels were fought almost daily. In someof these duels, the combatants fought naked from the waist upwards, while in others they were dressed in crimson taffety waistcoats, thatthey might not see their own blood. I shall only mention the particularsof one of these duels, between two famous soldiers, Pero Nunnez, andBalthazar Perez, with the former of whom I was acquainted in 1563 atMadrid, who was then so much disabled in both arms by the wounds hereceived in that duel, that he could scarcely use his hands to feedhimself. 

They fell out respecting some circumstances of a duel that had happeneda few days before, in which they were seconds. Balthazar Perez had Egasde Guzman for his second, one of the greatest hectors and bullies of thetime; and Hernan Mexia prevailed on Pero Nunnez to take him for hissecond, that he might have an opportunity to fight Guzman, who haddefamed and spoken lightly of Mexia. When Egas de Guzman understood thatMexia was the person who was to be opposed to him, he sent a message toPero Nunnez saying, as the principals were gentlemen of family, he oughtnot to debase himself by having a man for his second whose mother was a_Morisca_ and sold broiled sardinas in the market of Seville. PeroNunnez, knowing this to be true, endeavoured to get Mexia to release hispromise, but could not prevail. They accordingly went out to fight in afield at some distance from Potosi. At the first rencounter of theprincipals, Pero Nunnez struck his adversaries sword to one side, andclosing upon Perez threw him to the ground, where he cast dust into hiseyes, and beat him about the face with his fists, but did not stab himwith his dagger. In the mean time the seconds were engaged in anotherpart of the field. Mexia was afraid to close with Guzman, knowing him tohave great bodily strength, but kept him in play by his superioragility, leaping and skipping about, yet never coming near enough towound him. At length, wearied with this mode of fighting, Guzman dartedhis sword at Mexia, who looking anxiously to avoid it, gave anopportunity to Guzman to close with him, and to give him a wound withhis dagger in the skull, two fingers deep, where the point of thedagger broke off; Mexia became frantic with his wound, and ran about thefield like a madman; and came up to where the two principals werestruggling on the ground, where, not minding whom he struck, he gave hisown principal a slash with his sword, and ran wildly away. Guzman camehastily up to the rescue of his own principal, when he heard Nunnez saythat he had been wounded by his own second, and was still continuing topummel Perez on the face, and to throw dust in his eyes. Then Guzman, after harshly reproving Nunnez from bringing such a rascal to the fieldas his second, attacked Nunnez with his sword, who defended himself ashe best could with his arms, till he was left all hacked and hewed onthe field, streaming with blood from many wounds. Guzman then helped uphis companion, and taking all the four swords under his arm, took Perezon his back who was unable to stand, and carried him to an hospitalwhere he desired them to bury him, after which he took sanctuary in achurch. Nunnez was likewise taken to the hospital, where he recovered ofhis wounds, but Mexia died of the wound in his forehead, as the point ofthe dagger could not be extracted from his skull. 

When Pedro de Hinojosa took possession of his government of Las Charcasin place of Paulo de Meneses, he found a great number of soldiers in thecountry, who were exceedingly troublesome, as there were neithersufficient quarters nor provisions for so many; on which he tookoccasion to reprove Martin de Robles and Paulo de Menezes, alleging thattheir quarrels had drawn so many soldiers thither, for which reason theyought to provide for them, and not allow them to die of famine. So greatwas the confusion and disturbance, that many of the principalinhabitants retired from the city to their estates in the country, toavoid the violence of the soldiers, who were now come to such a pitch ofinsolence, that they held public meetings, openly avowed their cabalsand plots, and upbraided Hinojosa with his breach of promise, allegingthat he had engaged to be their general when he should arrive in LasCharcas. They even declared themselves ready for an insurrection, offering to put themselves under his command. Hinojosa endeavoured toamuse them with hopes, by telling them he expected very soon to receivea commission from the judges to enlarge their conquests by a new war, which would give them an opportunity to rise in arms. Although he hadformerly let fall some dubious expressions at Lima, which the soldierswere disposed to consider as promises of support, he was far from anyintention of complying with their turbulent and rebellions humours. Being now in possession of his government, with an estate in lands andIndians worth two hundred thousand dollars a-year, he was desirous toenjoy his fortune in peace, and not to risk the loss of these riches bya new rebellion, which he had gained in the former at the loss ofGonzalo Pizarro. 

Disappointed in their expectations from Hinojosa, the soldiers consultedhow to manage their intended rebellion under another leader, and agreedto kill Hinojosa and to elect Don Sebastian de Castilla as theircommander-in-chief; and their design was carried on with so littleregard to secrecy that it soon became publickly known in the city of LaPlata. Several persons of consideration therefore, who were interestedin the peace of the country, communicated the intelligence to Hinojosa, advising him to take precautions for his security, and to banish thesepeople from his government. One Hondegardo a lawyer was particularlyurgent on this occasion; and offered, if Hinojosa would appoint him hisdeputy for one month, that he would secure both him and the city fromthe threatened danger of insurrection; but Hinojosa had so muchconfidence in the power of his office, and the influence of his vastwealth and reputation, that he despised every thing that he did not seewith his own eyes, and neglected all their warnings. Being unable topersuade the governor to listen to him, and as the soldiers stillproceeded in their rebellious designs, and threw out many threateningsagainst the governor, Hondegardo prevailed on the guardian of theFranciscan convent to intimate to the governor that he had receivedcommunications respecting these proposed schemes of the soldiers inconfession, and to urge him to make judicial examinations into theaffair and to punish the offenders; yet even this made little impressionon Hinojosa. Notwithstanding these and other intimations of the plot, Hinojosa obstinately refused to attend to the suggestions of Hondegardoand others, proudly declaring he had only to hold up his hand to makethe soldiers tremble before him. 

Impatient of any longer delay, the conspirators came at length to thedetermination of putting the governor Hinojosa to death, and rising in ageneral insurrection. The principal ringleaders in this conspiracy wereDon Sebastian de Castilla, Egas de Gusman, Basco Godinez, BalthazarVelasquez, and Gomez Hernandez, besides several other soldiers of note, most of whom were then resident in the city of La Plata. Having arrangedtheir plan of operations, Don Sebastian and seven chosen accompliceswent one morning to the residence of the governor, as soon as his gatewas opened, to execute their vile purpose. The first person they met onentering the house was Alonzo de Castro, the deputy-governor, whoquestioned them on the reason of their present tumultuous appearance, asthey seemed extremely agitated. They immediately put De Castro to death. Then forcing their way into the apartment of Hinojosa, they wereastonished to find him gone: But after some search he was found in aretired corner, and dispatched. 

After the death of Hinojosa, the conspirators went out to themarket-place, proclaiming aloud, God save the king, the tyrant is dead!the common watchword in all the rebellions in Peru. Having collected alltheir associates, they seized on Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, the personemployed by the late president Gasca to carry his letters to GonzaloPizarro, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, Antonio Alvarez, and all the wealthycitizens they could lay hold of. Martin de Robles, Paulo de Menezes, andHondegardo the lawyer, against whom they were particularly incensed, made their escape. After this, they made proclamation by beat of drum, for all citizens and other inhabitants of La Plata, to repairimmediately to the market-place and enrol themselves under theirstandard; on which Rodrigo de Ordlana, though then sheriff of the city, and many others, to the amount of a hundred and fifty-two persons, cameforwards and inlisted, fearing for their lives in case of refusal. DonSebastian was elected captain-general and chief-justice, and some daysafterwards he got himself appointed mayor of the city: Gomez Hernandez alawyer was appointed recorder; Hernando de Guillado and Garci Tello deVega, were made captains; Juan de Huarte serjeant-major, Pedro deCastillo captain of artillery, Alvar Perez Payaz commissary-general, Diego Perez high sheriff, and Bartholomew de Santa Ana his deputy. Rodrigo de Orellana, and many of the citizens, who now joined therebels, acted merely from fear of losing their lives if they refused oreven hesitated, though loyal subjects in their hearts. 

Immediately after the murder of Hinojosa, intelligence was sent invarious directions of the insurrection, and great numbers ofmalcontents flocked to the city of La Plata to join the rebels. Amongthese was Basco Godinez, who had been a chief instigator of theconspiracy, and who seems to have promoted or permitted the elevation ofDon Sebastian to be commander-in-chief merely to use him as aninstrument of his own ambition, and to screen himself in case of failureat the commencement: For, in a very few days, Don Sebastion was put todeath by Godinez and a few confidential associates; and they immediatelyproclaimed their bloody exploit to the rest of the insurgents, byexclaiming God save the king! the tyrant is slain! He even carried hisdissimulation to such a length, as to erect a court of justice to trythose who had murdered Hinojosa, in the vain hope of covering his owntreasonable conduct, and to make himself and his abettors appear asloyal subjects. The murder of Hinojosa took place on the 6th of March1553, and the subsequent slaughter of Don Sebastian on the eleventh ofthe same month, only five days after. 

Godinez and his associates immediately liberated Juan Ortiz de Zarateand Pedro Hernandez Paniagua from prison, pretending that their greatpurpose in taking arms was to procure their liberty, to deliver the cityfrom the rebels and traitors who would have ruined it, and to evincetheir loyalty to the king. In the next place, he called together Zarate, Paniagua, Antonio Alvarez, and Martin Monge, the only citizens thenremaining in La Plata, whom he desired to elect him captain-general ofthe province, and to grant him the vacant lands and Indians which hadbelonged to Hinojosa to enable him to maintain the dignity of thatoffice. Not daring to refuse any thing in the present situation ofaffairs, they acceded to his demands, and Godinez was proclaimed lordchief-justice, governor, and captain-general of the province, andsuccessor to Hinojosa in his great estate and rich mines, producing twohundred thousand dollars of yearly revenue. After this, Gomez Hernandezthe lawyer was appointed lieutenant-general of the army; and Juan Ortizand Pedro de Castillo were made captains of foot: pretending on thisoccasion to communicate a share in the administration of government tothe citizens, which they were constrained to accept. BalthazarVelasquez, one of the conspirators, was appointed major-general. Nextday Martin de Robles, Paulo de Meneses, Diego de Almendras, and DiegoVelasquez returned to the city, having fled from some soldiers that hadbeen sent in search of them by Don Sebastian; and were immediatelyenjoined to concur with the other citizens in confirming the appointmentof Godinez. 

When intelligence of the insurrection of the soldiers in La Plataarrived at Cuzco, the citizens put themselves into a posture of defenceagainst the enemy; and, with the consent of the Cabildo, DiegoMaldonado, commonly called the rich, was elected governor andcaptain-general. Garcilasso de la Vega and Juan de Saavedra were madecaptains of horse; and Juan Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vasquez, Antonio deQuinnones, and another whose name I have forgot, were made captains offoot. So diligently did these officers apply themselves to raise men, that in five days Juan Julio de Hojeda marched into the city accompaniedby three hundred soldiers well armed and appointed. Three daysafterwards news came of the death of Don Sebastian, by which theyflattered themselves that the war was ended for the present. 

By the end of March intelligence was brought to the judges at Lima ofthe rebellion of Don Sebastian and the murder of Hinojosa: Six daysafterwards, news came that Egas de Guzman had revolted at Potosi; and infour days more advices were brought of the destruction of both theserebels; on which there were great rejoicings at Lima. On purpose toinquire into the origin of these commotions and to bring the ringleadersto condign punishment, the judges immediately appointed Alonzo deAlvarado chief-justice of Las Charcas, giving him the assistance of JuanFernandez the kings attorney-general, for proceeding against thedelinquents. By another commission, Alvarado was nominated governor andcaptain-general of Las Charcas and all the neighbouring provinces, withfull power to levy soldiers, and to defray their pay and equipment andall the necessary expences of the war, from the royal treasury. Godinezwas soon afterwards arrested and thrown into prison at La Plata under astrong guard by Alonzo Velasquez. Alvarado the new governor, began theexercise of his authority in the city of La Paz, where he tried a numberof rebel soldiers who had concealed themselves on the borders of thelake of Titicaca, whence they had been brought prisoners by Pedro deEncisco. Some of these were hanged, some beheaded, others banished, andothers condemned to the gallies. Alvarado went next to the city ofPotosi, where many of the followers of Egas de Guzman had been committedto prison, all of whom were treated according to their deserts likethose at La Paz. Among the rebels at Potosi was one Hernan Perez dePeragua, a knight of the order of St John of Malta, who had taken partin the rebellion of Don Sebastian. From respect to the order to which hebelonged, Alvarado only confiscated his lands and Indians, and sent hima prisoner to be disposed of by the grand master of the order at Malta. It would be tedious to relate the names and numbers of those who weretried, hanged, beheaded, whipt, and otherwise punished on this occasion:But, from the end of June 1553, to the end of November of the same year, the court sat daily, and every day four, five, or six were tried andcondemned, who were all punished according to their sentences next day. The unthinking people styled Alvarado a Nero, who could thus condemn somany of a day, yet amused himself afterwards with the attorney-generalin vain and light discourses, as if those whom he condemned had been somany capons or turkies to be served up at his table. In the month ofOctober, Basco Godinez was put upon his trial, for many heinousoffences, and was condemned to be drawn and quartered. But a stop wasput to farther proceedings about the end of November, by the news ofanother rebellion raised by Francisco Hernandez Giron, as shall berelated in the sequel. 

"The Indians of Cuzco prognosticated this rebellion openly and loudly inthe streets, as I heard and saw myself: For the eve before the festivalof the most holy sacrament, I being then a youth, went out to see howthe two marketplaces of the city were adorned; for at that time theprocession passed through no other streets but those, though since thattime, as I am told, the perambulation is double as far as before. Beingthen at the corner of the great chapel of our lady of the _Merceds_, about an hour or two before day, I saw a comet dart from the east sideof the city towards the mountains of the _Antis_, so great and clearthat it enlightened all places round with more splendor than a full moonat midnight. Its motion was directly downwards, its form was globular, and its dimensions as big as a large tower; and coming near the ground, it divided into several sparks and streams of fire; and was accompaniedwith a thunder so loud and near as struck many deaf with the clap, andran from east to west; which when the Indians heard and saw, they allcried out with one voice, _Auca, Auca, Auca_, which signifies in theirlanguage, _tyrant, traitor, rebel_[44], and every thing that may beattributed to a violent and bloody traitor. This happened on thenineteenth of June 1553, when the feast of our Lord was celebrated; andthis prognostication which the Indians made, was accomplished on the13th of November in the same year, when Francisco Hernandez Giron begana rebellion, which we shall now relate[45]. "

[Footnote 44: In the language of Chili at least, _Auca_ signifies_free_, or a _freeman_; it is possible however that in an absolutegovernment, the same term may signify a rebel, yet it is a singularstretch of interpretation to make it likewise signify a tyrant. --E. ]

[Footnote 45: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is given as ashort specimen of the taste of Garcilasso, and the respectable talentsof his translator, Sir Paul Rycant, in 1688. It gives an account of oneof these singular meteors or fire balls, improperly termed a comet inthe text, which some modern philosophers are pleased to derive from themoon, and to suppose that they are composed of ignited masses of ironalloyed with nickel. It were an affront to our readers to comment on theridiculous pretended prognostication so gravely believed by GarcilassoInca. --E. ]

SECTION IV. 

_Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty of the Marquisde Cannete. _

On the 13th of November 1553, a splendid wedding was celebrated atCuzco, between Alonzo de Loyasa, one of the richest inhabitants of thecity, and Donna Maria de Castilla, at which all the citizens and theirwives attended in their best apparel. After dinner an entertainment wasmade in the street, in which horsemen threw balls of clay at each other, which I saw from the top of a wall opposite the house of Alonzo deLoyasa; and I remember to have seen Francisco Hernandez Giron sitting ona chair in the hall, with his arms folded on his breast and his eyescast down, the very picture of melancholy, being then probablycontemplating the transactions in which he was to engage that night. Inthe evening, when the sports were over, the company sat down to supperin a lower hall, where at the least sixty gentlemen were at table, theladies being by themselves in an inner room, and from a smallcourt-yard between these apartments, the dishes were served to bothtables. Don Balthazar de Castillo, uncle to the bride, acted as usher ofthe hall at this entertainment. I came to the house towards the end ofsupper, to attend my father and stepmother home at night. I went to theupper end of the hall, where the governor sat, who was pleased to makeme sit down on the chair beside him, and reached me some comfits andsweet drink, with which boys are best pleased, I being then fourteenyears of age. 

At this instant some once knocked at the door, saying that FranciscoHernandez Giron was there; on which Don Balthazar de Castillo, who wasnear the door ordered the door to be opened. Giron immediately rushedin, having a drawn sword in his right hand, and a buckler on his leftarm; accompanied by a companion on each side armed with partizans. Theguests rose in great terror at this unexpected interruption, and Gironaddressed them in these words: "Gentlemen be not afraid, nor stir fromyour places, as we are all engaged in the present enterprize. " Thegovernor, Gil Ramirez, immediately retired into the apartment of theladies, by a door on the left hand. Another door led from the hall tothe kitchen and other offices; and by these two doors a considerablenumber of the guests made their escape. Juan Alonzo Palomino, who wasobnoxious to Giron for having opposed him in a late mutiny, was slain byDiego de Alvarado the lawyer. Juan de Morales, a rich merchant and veryhonest man, was slain while endeavouring to put out the candles. Myfather and a number of others, to the number in all of thirty-six, madetheir escape by means of a ladder from the court-yard of Loyasa intothat of the adjoining house, in which I accompanied them, but thegovernor could not be persuaded to follow them, and was made prisoner bythe rebels. My father and all the companions of his flight agreed toleave the town that night, and endeavour to escape to Lima. 

Having assembled about an hundred and fifty soldiers, Giron assumed theoffice of commander-in-chief of the _army of liberty_, appointing Diegode Alvarado the lawyer his lieutenant-general; Thomas Vasquez, FranciscoNunnez, and Rodrigo de Pineda captains of horse; the two last of whomaccepted more from fear than affection. Juan de Pedrahita, NunoMendiola, and Diego Gavilan were made captains of foot; Albertos deOrdunna standard-bearer, and Antonio Carillo serjeant-major; all of whomwere ordered to raise soldiers to complete their companies with everypossible expedition. It being reported through the country that thewhole citizens of Cuzco had concurred in this rebellion, the cities ofGuamanga and Arequipa sent deputies to Cuzco, desiring to be admittedinto the league, that they might jointly represent to his majesty theburdensome and oppressive nature of the ordinances imposed by the judgesin relation to the services of the Indians. But when the citizens ofGuamanga and Arequipa became rightly informed that this rebellion, instead of being the act of the Cabildo and all the inhabitants, hadbeen brought about by the contrivance of a single individual, theychanged their resolutions, and prepared to serve his majesty. About thistime, the arch rebel Giron caused the deposed governor, Gil Ramirez, tobetaken from prison and escorted forty leagues on his way towardsArequipa, and then set free. 

Fifteen days after the commencement of the rebellion, finding himself atthe head of a considerable force, he summoned a meeting of all thecitizens remaining in Cuzco, at which there appeared twenty-fivecitizens who were lords of Indians, only three of whom were intitledfrom office to sit in that assembly. By this meeting, Giron causedhimself to be elected procurator, captain-general, and chief-justice ofPeru, with full power to govern and protect the whole kingdom both inwar and peace. When news of this rebellion was brought to Lima byHernando Chacon, who was foster-brother to Giron, the judges would notcredit the intelligence, believing it only a false report, to try howthe people stood affected to the cause, and therefore ordered Chacon tobe imprisoned; but learning the truth soon afterwards, he was set atliberty, and the judges began seriously to provide for suppressing therebellion, appointing officers and commanders to raise forces for thatpurpose. They accordingly sent a commission to Alonzo de Alvarado, thenat La Plata, constituting him captain-general of the royal army againstGiron, with unlimited power to use the public treasure, and to borrowmoney for the service of the war in case the exchequer should fail tosupply sufficient for the purpose. Alvarado accordingly appointed suchofficers as he thought proper to serve under him, and gave orders toraise men, and to provide arms and ammunition for the war. 

Besides the army which they authorized Alvarado to raise and command inLas Charcas, the judges thought it necessary to raise another army atLima, of which Santillan, one of themselves and the archbishop of Limawere appointed conjunct generals. Orders were likewise transmitted toall the cities, commanding all loyal subjects to take up arms in theservice of his majesty, and a general pardon was proclaimed to all whohad been engaged in the late rebellions, under Gonzalo Pizarro, DonSebastian de Castilla, and others, provided they joined the royal armywithin a certain given time. They likewise suspended the execution ofthe decrees for freeing the Indians from personal services, during twoyears, and repealed several other regulations which had given great andgeneral offence to the soldiers and inhabitants, and had been the causeof all the commotions and rebellions which distracted the kingdom for solong a time. 

While these measures were carrying on against him, Hernandez, Giron wasnot negligent of his own concerns. He sent off officers with detachmentsof troops to Arequipa and Guamanga, to induce the inhabitants of thesecities to join him, and requiring them by solemn acts of their cabildosto confirm and acknowledge him in the offices he had usurped. He causedthe cabildo of Cuzco to write letters to the other cities of Peru toconcur in his elevation and to give assistance in the cause, and wrotemany letters himself to various individuals in Las Charcas and otherplaces, soliciting them to join him. Having collected an army of abovefour hundred men, besides the detachments sent to Guamanga and Arequipa, he resolved to march for Lima, to give battle to the army of the judges, as he called it, pretending that his own was the royal army, and that heacted in the service of his majesty. At the first he was undetermined, whether it might not be better to march previously against Alvarado, whose party he considered to be the weakest, owing to the great andcruel severity which that officer had exerted against the adherents ofthe late rebellions: And many judicious persons are of opinion that hewould have succeeded better if he had first attacked the marshal, as inall probability he would have got possession of these provinces, and hismen would not have deserted from him to a person so universally dislikedfor his cruelty, as they afterwards did when they marched towards Lima. He accordingly marched from Cuzco and crossed the river Apurimac;immediately after which Juan Vera de Mendoza and five others desertedfrom him, re-crossed the bridge, which they burnt to prevent pursuit, and returned to Cuzco, where they persuaded about forty of theinhabitants to set out for Las Charcas to join the marshal Alvarado. 

At this time Sancho Duarte who was governor of the city of La Paz, raised above two hundred men in the service of his majesty, which hedivided into two companies, one of horse and the other of foot. Givingthe command of his infantry to Martin d'Olmos, he took the command ofthe horse himself, and assumed the title of general. With this force heset out for Cuzco, intending to march against Giron, but not to join themarshal Alvarado that he might not submit to his superior command. Onhis arrival at the bridge over the Rio Desaguadero, he learnt that Gironhad left Cuzco to attack Lima, and proposed to have continued his marchfor Cuzco remaining independent of the marshal. But, in consequence ofperemptory commands from Alvarado as captain-general, who highlydisapproved of so many small armies acting separately, he returned tohis own province. 

Pursuing his march for Lima, Hernandez Giron learnt at Andahuaylas thatthe citizens of Guamanga had declared for his majesty, at whichcircumstance he was much disappointed. He proceeded however to the riverVillca[46], where his scouts and those of the royal army encountered. Heproceeded however to the city of Guamanga, whence he sent orders toThomas Vasquez to rejoin him from Arequipa. Although the inhabitants ofthat place, as formerly mentioned, had written to those of Cuzcooffering to unite in the insurrection, supposing it the general sense ofthe principal people; they were now ashamed of their conduct, when theyfound the rebellion only proceeded from a few desperate men, anddeclared for the king; so that Vasquez was obliged to return withoutsuccess. Being now at the head of above seven hundred men, thoughdisappointed in his expectations of being joined by the citizens ofGuamanga and Arequipa, Hernandez Giron pursued his march for the valleyof Jauja; during which march Salvador de Lozana, one of his officers, who was detached with forty men to scour the country, was made prisoneralong with all his party by a detachment from the army of the judges. 

[Footnote 46: The river Cangallo is probably here meant, which runsthrough the province of Vilcas to the city of Guamanga. --E. ]

Notwithstanding this unforseen misfortune, Giron continued his march tothe valley of Pachacamac, only four leagues from Lima, where it wasresolved in a council of war to endeavour to surprise the camp of theroyalists near the capital. Intelligence of this was conveyed to thejudges, who put themselves in a posture of defence. Their army at thistime consisted of 300 cavalry, 600 musqueteers, and about 450 men armedwith pikes, or 1350 in all. It may be proper to remark in this place, that, to secure the loyalty of the soldiers and inhabitants, the judgeshad proclaimed a suspension of the obnoxious edicts by which the Indianswere exempted from personal services, and the Spaniards were forbiddento make use of them to carry their baggage on journeys; and had agreedto send two procurators or deputies to implore redress from his majestyfrom these burdensome regulations. 

Two days after the arrival of Giron in the valley of Pachacamac, a partyof his army went out to skirmish with the enemy, on which occasion Diegode Selva and four others of considerable reputation deserted to thejudges. For several days afterwards his men continued to abandon him atevery opportunity, twenty or thirty of them going over at a time to theroyal army. Afraid that the greater part of his army might follow thisexample, Hernandez Giron found it necessary to retreat from the lowcountry and to return to Cuzco, which he did in such haste that hissoldiers left all their heavy baggage that they might not be encumberedin their march. On this alteration of affairs, the judges gave orders toPaulo de Meneses to pursue the rebels with six hundred select men; butthe generals of the royal army would not allow of more than a hundredbeing detached on this service. During his retreat, Giron, findinghimself not pursued by the royalists with any energy, marched withdeliberation, but so many of his men left him that by the time hereached the valley of Chincha his force was reduced to about 500 men. Paulo de Meneses, having been reinforced, proposed to follow and harassthe retreating rebels; but not having accurate intelligence, nor keepingsufficient guard, was surprised and defeated by Giron with someconsiderable loss, and obliged to retreat in great disorder. Yet Gironwas under the necessity to discontinue the pursuit, as many of his mendeserted to the royalists. 

Sensible of the detriment suffered by the royal interests in consequenceof the disagreement between the present generals, Judge Santillan andArchbishop Loyasa, to which the defeat of Meneses was obviously owing, these very unfit persons for military command were displaced, and Paulode Meneses was invested in the office of commander-in-chief, with Pedrode Puertocarrero as his lieutenant-general. This new appointmentoccasioned great discontent in the army, that a person who had lost abattle, and rather merited ignominy and punishment for his misconduct, should be raised to the chief command. The appointment was howeverpersisted in, and it was resolved to pursue the enemy with 800 menwithout baggage. 

Hernandez Giron, who retreated by way of the plain towards Arequipa, hadreached the valley of Nasca, about sixty leagues to the southwards ofLima, before the confusion and disputes in the royal camp admitted ofproper measures being taken for pursuit. At this time, the judges gavepermission to a sergeant in the royal army, who had formerly been in theconspiracy of Diego de Royas, to go into the enemys camp disguised as anIndian, under pretence of bringing them exact information of the stateof affairs. But this man went immediately to Hernandez, whom he informedof the quarrels among the officers and the discontents in the royalarmy. He likewise informed him that the city of San Miguel de Piura hadrebelled, and that one Pedro de Orosna was coming from the new kingdomof Grenada with a strong party to join the rebels in Peru. But toqualify this favourable news for the rebels, Giron received notice atthe same time that the marshal Alvarado was coming against him from LasCharcas with a force of twelve hundred men. About this time, on purposeto reinforce his army, Giron raised a company of an hundred and fiftynegroes, which he afterwards augmented to 450, regularly divided intocompanies, to which he appointed captains, and allowed them to electtheir own ensigns, sergeants, and corporals, and to make their owncolours. 

In the mean time, the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, employed himselfdiligently in Las Charcas to raise men for the royal service, and toprovide arms, ammunition, provisions, horses, and mules, and every thingnecessary for taking the field. He appointed Don Martin de Almendras, who had married his sister, lieutenant-general, Diego de Porrasstandard-bearer, and Diego de Villavicennio major-general. PeraHernandez Paniagua, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and Don Gabriel de Guzman, were captains of horse. The licentiate Polo, Diego de Almendras, Martinde Alarzon, Hernando Alvarez de Toledo, Juan Ramon, and Juan deArreynaga, were captains of foot; Gomez Hernandez the lawyer, militaryalguazil or judge-advocate, and Juan Riba Martin commissary-general. Hisforce amounted to 750 excellent soldiers, all well armed and richlyclothed, with numerous attendants, such as had never been seen before inPeru. I saw them myself a few days after their arrival in Cuzco, whenthey made a most gallant appearance. While on his march to Cuzco fromLa Plata, Alvarado was joined by several parties of ten and twentytogether, who came to join him in the service of his majesty. On his wayto Arequipa he was joined by about forty more; and after passing thatplace, Sancho Duarte and Martin d'Olmos joined him from La Paz with morethan two hundred good soldiers. Besides these, while in the province ofCuzco, he was joined by Juan de Saavedra with a squadron of eighty fivemen of the principal interest and fortune in the country. On enteringCuzco, Alvarado was above 1200 strong; having 300 horse, 350musqueteers, and about 530 armed with pikes and halberts. Not knowingwhat was become of Giron, Alvarado issued orders to repair the bridgesover the Apurimac and Abancay, intending to pass that way in quest ofthe rebels. But receiving intelligence from the judges, of the defeat ofMeneses, and that the rebels were encamped in the valley of Nasca, heordered the bridges to be destroyed, and marched by the nearest way forNasca, by way of Parinacocha, in which route he had to cross a rockydesert of sixty leagues. 

In this march four of the soldiers deserted and went over to HernandezGiron at Nasca, to whom they gave an account of the great force withwhich Alvarado was marching against him, but reported in public that theroyalists were inconsiderable in number. Giron, however, chose to lethis soldiers know the truth, and addressed his army as follows. "Gentlemen, do not flatter or deceive yourselves: There are a thousandmen coming against you from Lima, and twelve hundred from the mountains. But, with the help of God, if you stand firm, I have no doubt ofdefeating them all. " Leaving Nasca, Giron marched by way of Lucanas, bythe mountain road, intending to take post on the lake of Parinacochabefore Alvarado might be able to reach that place. He accordingly leftNasca on the 8th of May[47] for this purpose. 

[Footnote 47: Although Garcilasso omits the date of the year, itprobably was in 1554, as the rebellion of Giron commenced in theNovember immediately preceding. --E. ]

In the mean time pursuing his march, Alvarado and his army entered uponthe desert of _Parihuanacocha_, where above sixty of his best horsesdied, in consequence of the bad and craggy roads, the unhealthiness ofthe climate, and continued tempestuous weather, though led by hand andwell covered with clothes. When the two armies approached each other, Alvarado sent a detachment of an hundred and fifty select musqueteersto attack the camp of Giron, and marched forwards with the main body ofhis army to support that detachment. An engagement accordingly tookplace in rough and strong ground, encumbered with trees brushwood androcks, in which the royalists could make no impression on the rebels, and were obliged to retire with the loss of forty of their best menkilled or wounded. In the following night, Juan de Piedrahitaendeavoured ineffectually to retaliate, by assailing the camp ofAlvarado, and was obliged to retreat at daybreak. Receiving notice froma deserter that the rebel army consisted only of about four hundred men, in want of provisions, and most of them inclined to revolt from Gironand return to their duty, Alvarado determined upon giving battle, contrary to the opinion and earnest advice of all his principal officersand followers. But so strong was the position of the enemy, and theapproaches so extremely difficult, that the royal army fell intoconfusion in the attack, and were easily defeated with considerableloss, and fled in all directions, many of them being slain by theIndians during their dispersed flight. 

On receiving the afflicting news of this defeat, the judges ordered thearmy which they had drawn together at Lima to march by way of Guamangaagainst the rebels. In the mean time Giron remained for forty days inhis camp at Chuquinca, where the battle was fought, taking care of hiswounded men and of the wounded royalists, many of whom now joined hisparty. He sent off however his lieutenant-general towards Cuzco inpursuit of the royalists who had fled in that direction, and ordered hissergeant-major to go to La Plaz, Chucuito, Potosi, and La Plata, tocollect men arms and horses for the farther prosecution of the war. Atlength Giron marched into the province of Andahuaylas, which he laidwaste without mercy, whence he went towards Cuzco on receivingintelligence that the army of the judges had passed the rivers Abancayand Apurimac on their way to attack him. He immediately marched by thevalley of Yucay to within a league of Cuzco, not being sufficientlystrong to resist the royalists; but turned off from that city at thepersuasion of certain astrologers and prognosticators, who declared thathis entrance there would prove his ruin, as had already happened to manyother captains, both Spaniards and Indians. 

The army of the judges marched on from Guamanga to Cuzco unopposed bythe rebels, their chief difficulty being in the passages of the greatrivers, and the transport of eleven pieces of artillery, which werecarried on the shoulders of Indians, of whom ten thousand were requiredfor that service only. Each piece of ordinance was fastened on a beam ofwood forty feet long, under which twenty cross bars were fixed, eachabout three feet long, and to every bar were two Indians, one on eachside, who carried this load on their shoulders, on pads or cushions, andwere relieved by a fresh set every two hundred paces. After halting fivedays in the neighbourhood of Cuzco, to refresh the army from thefatigues of the march, and to procure provisions and other necessaries, the royal army set out in pursuit of the rebels to Pucara[48], where therebels had intrenched themselves in a very strong situation, environedon every side with such steep and rugged mountains as could not bepassed without extreme difficulty, more like a wall than natural rocks. The only entrance was exceedingly narrow and intricate, so that it couldeasily be defended by a handful of men against an army; but the interiorof this post was wide and convenient, and sufficient for accommodatingthe rebel army with all the cattle provisions and attendants with theutmost ease. The rebels had abundance of provisions and ammunition, having the whole country at their command since the victory ofChuquinca; besides which their negro soldiers brought in provisionsdaily from the surrounding country. The royal army encamped at no greatdistance in an open plain, fortifying the camp with an intrenchmentbreast-high all round, which was soon executed by means of the greatnumbers of Indians who attended to carry the baggage and artillery. Giron established a battery of cannon on the top of a rising ground sonear the royal camp that the balls were able to reach considerablybeyond the intrenchment: "Yet by the mysterious direction of Providence, the rebel cannon, having been cast from the consecrated metal of bellsdedicated to the service of God, did no harm to man or beast. "

[Footnote 48: Pucara is in the province of Lampa, near the north-westernextremity of the great lake Titicaca. --E. ]

After a considerable delay, during which daily skirmishes passed betweenthe adverse parties, Giron resolved to make a night attack upon the campof the royalists, confiding in the prediction of some wise old woman, that he was to gain the victory at that place. For this purpose hemarched out from his natural fortress at the head of eight hundred foot, six hundred of whom were musqueteers, and the rest pikemen, with onlyabout thirty horse. His negro soldiers, who were about two hundred andfifty in number, joined with about seventy Spaniards, were ordered toassail the front of the royal camp, while Giron with the main body wasto attack the rear. Fortunately the judges had got notice of thisintended assault from two rebel deserters, so that the whole royal armywas drawn out in order of battle on the plain before the rebels got upto the attack. The negro detachment arrived at the royal camp sometimebefore Giron, and, finding no resistance, they broke in and killed agreat number of the Indian followers, and many horses and mules, together with five or six Spanish soldiers who had deserted the ranksand hidden themselves in the camp. On arriving at the camp, Giron fireda whole volley into the fortifications without receiving any return; butwas astonished when the royal army began to play upon the flank of hisarmy from an unexpected quarter, with all their musquets and artillery. Giron, being thus disappointed in his expectations of taking the enemyby surprise, and finding their whole army drawn up to receive him, lostheart and retreated back to his strong camp in the best order he could. But on this occasion, two hundred of his men, who had formerly servedunder Alvarado, and had been constrained to enter into his service afterthe battle of Chuquinca, threw down their arms and revolted to theroyalists. 

Giron made good his retreat, as the general of the royalists would notpermit any pursuit during the darkness of the night. In this affair, five or six were killed on the side of the judges, and about thirtywounded; while the rebels, besides the two hundred who revolted, had tenmen killed and about the same number wounded. On the third day after thebattle, Giron sent several detachments to skirmish with the enemy, inhopes of provoking them to assail his strong camp; but the onlyconsequence of this was giving an opportunity to Thomas Vasquez and tenor twelve more to go over to the royalists. Heart-broken and confoundedby these untoward events, and even dreading that his own officers hadconspired against his life, Giron fled away alone from the camp onhorseback during the night after the desertion of Vasquez. On theappearance of day he found himself still near his own camp, whence hedesperately adventured to make his escape over a mountain covered withsnow, where he was nearly swallowed up, but at last got through by thegoodness of his horse. Next morning, the lieutenant-general of therebels, with about an hundred of the most guilty, went off in search oftheir late general; but several others of the leading rebels went overto the judges and claimed their pardons, which were granted under thegreat seal. 

Next day, Paulo de Meneses, with a select detachment, went in pursuit ofDiego de Alvarado, the rebel lieutenant-general, who was accompanied byabout an hundred Spaniards and twenty negroes; and came up with them ineight or nine days, when they all surrendered without resistance. Thegeneral immediately ordered Juan Henriquez de Orellana, one of theprisoners, who had been executioner in the service of the rebels, tohang and behead Diego de Alvarado and ten or twelve of the principalchiefs, after which he ordered Orellana to be strangled by two negroes. 

"I cannot omit one story to shew the impudence of the rebel soldiers, which occurred at this time. The very next day after the flight ofFrancisco Hernandez Giron, as my father Garcilasso de la Vega was atdinner with eighteen or twenty soldiers, it being the custom in time ofwar for all men of estates to be hospitable in this manner according totheir abilities; he observed among his guests a soldier who had beenwith Giron from the beginning of this rebellion. This man was by trade ablacksmith, yet crowded to the table with as much freedom and boldnessas if he had been a loyal gentleman, and was as richly clothed as themost gallant soldier of either army. Seeing him sit down with muchconfidence, my father told him to eat his dinner and welcome, but tocome no more to his table; as a person who would have cut off his headyesterday for a reward from the general of the rebels, was not fitcompany for himself or those gentlemen, his friends and wellwishers, andloyal subjects of his majesty. Abashed by this address, the poorblacksmith rose and departed without his dinner, leaving subject ofdiscourse to the guests, who admired at his impudence. "

After his flight, Hernandez Giron was rejoined by a considerable numberof his dispersed soldiers, and took the road towards Lima, in hopes ofgaining possession of that place in the absence of the judges. He waspursued by various detachments, one of which came up with him in astrong position on a mountain; where all his followers, though morenumerous than their pursuers, surrendered at discretion, and the archrebel was made prisoner and carried to Lima, where he was capitallypunished, and his head affixed to the gallows beside those of GonzaloPizarro and Francisco de Carvajal. This rebellion subsisted from the13th of November 1553, reckoning the day on which Giron was executed, thirteen months and some days; so that he received his well-meritedpunishment towards the end of December 1554. 

SECTION V. 

_History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del Cannete. _

Immediately after learning the death of Don Antonio de Mendoza, hisimperial majesty, who was then in Germany, nominated the Conde de Palmato succeed to the viceroyalty of Peru: But both he and the Conde deOlivares declined to accept. At length Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cannete, was appointed to the office. Having received hisinstructions, he departed for Peru and arrived at Nombre de Dios, wherehe resided for some time for the purpose of suppressing a band offugitive negroes, called _Cimarrones_ who lived in the mountains, androbbed and pillaged the merchants and others on the road between Nombrede Dios and Panama. Finding themselves hard pressed by a military forcesent against them under the command of Pedro de Orsua, the negroes atlength submitted to articles of accommodation, retaining their freedom, and engaging to catch and deliver up all negroes that should in futuredesert from their masters. They likewise agreed to live peaceably andquietly within a certain district, and were allowed to have free tradewith the Spanish towns. 

Having settled all things properly in the Tierra Firma, the viceroy setsail from Panama and landed at Payta on the northern confines of Peru, whence he went by land to Lima, where he was received in great pomp inthe month of July 1557. Soon after the instalment of the new viceroy, he appointed officers and governors to the several cities andjurisdictions of the kingdom; among whom Baptisto Munnoz a lawyer fromSpain was sent to supersede my father Garcilasso de la Vega in thegovernment of Cuzco. In a short time after taking possession of hisoffice, Munnoz apprehended Thomas Vasquez, Juan de Piedrahita and AlonzoDiaz, who had been ringleaders in the late rebellion, and who wereprivately strangled in prison, notwithstanding the pardons they hadreceived in due form from the royal chancery. Their plantations andlordships over Indians were confiscated and bestowed on other persons. No other processes were issued against any of the other persons who hadbeen engaged in the late rebellion. But Munnoz instituted a prosecutionagainst his predecessor in office, my father, on the four followingcharges. 1st, For sporting after the Spanish manner with darts onhorseback, as unbecoming the gravity of his office. 2d, For going onvisits without the rod of justice in his hand, by which he gave occasionto many to despise and contemn the character with which he was invested. 3d, For allowing cards and dice in his house during the Christmasholidays, and even playing himself, contrary to the dignity becoming thegovernor. 4th, For employing as his clerk one who was not a freeman ofthe city, nor qualified according to the forms of law. Some chargesequally frivolous were made against Monjaraz, the deputy-governor, notworth mentioning; but these processes were not insisted in, and no finesor other punishment were inflicted. 

Soon after the viceroy was settled in his government, he sentAltamirano, judge in the court of chancery at Lima, to supersede Martinde Robles in the government of the city of La Plata. De Robles was thenso old and bowed down with infirmities, that he was unable to have hissword girt to his side, and had it carried after him by an Indian page;yet Altamirano, almost immediately after taking possession of hisgovernment, hanged Martin de Robles in the market-place, on somepretended charge of having used certain words respecting the viceroythat had a rebellious tendency. About the same time the viceroyapprehended and deported to Spain about thirty-seven of those who hadmost eminently distinguished their loyalty in suppressing the laterebellion, chiefly because they solicited rewards for their services andremuneration for the great expences they had been at during the war, andrefused to marry certain women who had been brought from Spain by theviceroy as wives to the colonists, many of whom were known to be commonstrumpets. 

The next object which occupied the attention of the viceroy was toendeavour to prevail upon Sayri Tupac, the nominal Inca or king of thePeruvians, to quit the mountains in which he had taken refuge, and tolive among the Spaniards, under promise of a sufficient allowance tomaintain his family and equipage. Sayri Tupac was the son and heir ofManco Capac, otherwise called Menco Saca, who had been killed by theSpaniards after delivering them out of the hands of their enemies. Aftera long negociation, the Inca Sayri Tupac came to Lima where he washonourably received and entertained by the viceroy, who settled aninsignificant pension upon him according to promise. After remaining ashort time in Lima, the Inca was permitted by the viceroy to return toCuzco, where he took up his residence in the house of his aunt DonnaBeatrix Coya, which was directly behind my fathers dwelling, and wherehe was visited by all the men and women of the royal blood of the Incaswho resided in Cuzco. The Inca was soon afterwards baptized along withhis wife, Cusi Huarcay, the niece of the former Inca Huascar. This tookplace in the year 1558; and about three years afterwards he died, leaving a daughter who was afterwards married to a Spaniard named MartinGarcia de Loyola. 

Having settled all things in the kingdom to his satisfaction, by thepunishment of those who had been concerned in the rebellion under Giron, and the settlement of the Inca under the protection and superintendenceof the Spanish government; the viceroy raised a permanent force ofseventy lancers or cavalry, and two hundred musqueteers, to secure thepeace of the kingdom, and to guard his own person and the courts ofjustice. The horsemen of this guard were allowed each a thousand, andthe foot soldiers five hundred, dollars yearly. Much about the sametime, Alonzo de Alvarado, Juan Julio de Hojeda, my lord and fatherGarcilasso de la Vega, and Lorenzo de Aldana died. These four gentlemenwere all of the ancient conquerors of Peru who died by natural deaths, and were all greatly lamented by the people for their virtuoushonourable and good characters. All the other conquerors either died inbattle, or were cut off by other violent deaths, in the various civilwars and rebellions by which the kingdom was so long distracted. 

On the arrival of those persons in Spain who had been sent out of Peruby the viceroy for demanding rewards for their services, they petitionedthe king, Don Philip II, for redress; who was graciously pleased to givepensions to as many of them as chose to return to Peru, to be paid fromthe royal exchequer in that kingdom, that they might not need to addressthemselves to the viceroy. Such as chose to remain in Spain, hegratified with pensions upon the custom-house in Seville; the smallestbeing 80 ducats yearly, to some 600, to some 800, 1000, and 1200 ducats, according to their merits and services. About the same time likewise, his majesty was pleased to nominate Don Diego de Azevedo as viceroy ofPeru, to supersede the Marquis of Cannete; but, while preparing for hisvoyage, he died, to the great grief of all the colonists of the kingdom. The Marquis of Cannete was much astonished when those men whom he hadbanished from Peru for demanding rewards for their past services, cameback with royal warrants for pensions on the exchequer of that kingdom, and still more so when he learnt that another person was appointed tosucceed him in the office of viceroy. On this occasion he laid aside hisformer haughtiness and severity, and became gentle and lenient in hisdisposition and conduct for the rest of his days; so that, if he hadbegun as he ended his administration, he would have proved the bestgovernor that ever commanded in the New World. On seeing this change ofconduct, the heirs of those citizens who had been executed for havingengaged in the rebellion of Giron, laid the pardons obtained by theirfathers before the judges of the royal audience, and made reclamation ofthe estates which had been confiscated, and even succeeded in havingtheir lands and Indians restored, together with all other confiscationswhich had been ordered at the first coming over of the viceroy. 

At this time likewise, the viceroy gave a commission to Pedro de Orsua, to make a conquest of the country of the Amazons on the river Marannon, being the same country in which Orellana deserted Gonzalo Pizarro, asformerly related. Orsua went to Quito to raise soldiers, and to providearms and provisions, in which he was greatly assisted by contributionsfrom the citizens of Cuzco, Quito and other cities of Peru. Orsua setout accordingly on his expedition, with a well appointed force of fivehundred men, a considerable proportion of which was cavalry. But he wasslain by his own men, at the instigation of Don Fernando de Guzman andsome others, who set up Don Fernando as their king, yet put him to deathshortly afterwards. Lope de Aguira then assumed the command, but thewhole plan of conquest fell to the ground, and Aguira and far thegreater part of the men engaged in this expedition were slain. 

SECTION VI. 

_Incidents in the History of Peru, during the successive Governments ofthe Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro, and Don Francisco de Toledo. _

On the death of Don Diego de Azevedo, Don Diego de Zuniga by Velasco, Conde de Nieva, was appointed to supersede the Marquis of Cannete asviceroy of Peru, and departing from Spain to assume his new office inJanuary 1560, he arrived at Payta in Peru in the month of Aprilfollowing. He immediately dispatched a letter to the marquis informinghim of his arrival in the kingdom as viceroy, and requiring the marquisto desist from any farther exercise of authority. On the arrival of themessenger at Lima, the marquis ordered him to be honourably entertained, and to receive a handsome gratification, to the value of 7000 dollars;but he forfeited all these advantages, by refusing to address theex-viceroy by the title of excellency. This slight, which had beendirected by the new viceroy, so pressed on the spirits of the marquis, already much reduced by the infirmities of age and the ravages of amortal distemper, that he fell into a deep melancholy, and ended hisdays before the arrival of his successor at Lima. 

The Conde de Nieva did not long enjoy the happiness he expected in hisgovernment, and he came by his death not many months afterwards by meansof a strange accident, of which he was himself the cause; but as it wasof a scandalous nature I do not chuse to relate the particulars. Onreceiving notice of his death, King Philip II. Was pleased to appointthe lawyer Lope Garcia de Castro, who was then president of the royalcouncil of the Indies, to succeed to the government of Peru, with thetitle only of president of the court of royal audience andgovernor-general of the kingdom. He governed the kingdom with muchwisdom and moderation, and lived to return into Spain, where he wasreplaced in his former situation of president of the council of theIndies. 

Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the Conde de Oropeta, succeededLope Garcia de Castro in the government of Peru, with the tide ofviceroy. He had scarcely been two years established in the government, when he resolved to entice from the mountains of Villcapampa[49] wherehe resided, the Inca Tupac Amaru, the legitimate heir of the Peruvianempire, being the son of Manco Inca, and next brother to the late DonDiego Sayri Tupac, who left no son. The viceroy was induced to attemptthis measure, on purpose to put a stop to the frequent robberies whichwere committed by the Indians dependent on the Inca, in the roadsbetween Cuzco and Guamanga, and in hope of procuring informationrespecting the treasures which had belonged to former Incas and thegreat chain of gold belonging to Huayna Capac, formerly mentioned, allof which it was alleged was concealed by the Indians. Being unable toprevail upon the Inca to put himself in the power of the Spaniards, aforce of two hundred and fifty men was detached into the Villcapampa, under the command of Martin Garcia Loyola, to whom the Inca surrenderedhimself, with his wife, two sons, and a daughter, who were all carriedprisoners to Cuzco. 

[Footnote 49: The river Quiliabamba, otherwise called Urabamba andVilcamayo is to the north of Cuzco, and to the north of that river oneof the chains of the Andes is named the chain of Cuzco or of the rebelIndians. This is probably the mountainous region mentioned in thetext. --E. ]

The unfortunate Inca was arraigned by the attorney-general, of havingencouraged his servants and vassals to infest the roads and to rob theSpanish merchants, of having declared enmity against all who lived orinhabited among the Spaniards, and of having entered into a plot withthe Caracas or Caciques, who were lords of districts and Indians byancient grants of the former Incas, to rise in arms on a certain day andto kill all the Spaniards they could find. At the same time a generalaccusation was made against all the males of mixed race, born of Indianmothers to the Spanish conquerors, who were alleged to have secretlyagreed with Tupac Amaru and other Incas to make an insurrection forextirpating the Spaniards and restoring the native, Inca to the throneof Peru. In consequence of this accusation, all the sons of Spaniards byIndian women who were of age sufficient to carry arms were committed toprison, and many of them were put to the torture to extort confession ofthese alleged crimes, for which they had no proof or evidencewhatsoever. Many of them were accordingly banished to various remoteparts of the New World, as to Chili, the new kingdom of Granada, theWest India islands, Panama, and Nicaragua, and others were sent intoSpain. 

All the males of the royal line of the Incas, who were in the capacityof being able to succeed to the throne, to the number of thirty-sixpersons, together with the two sons and the daughter of the Inca TupacAmaru, were commanded to reside for the future in Lima, where in littlemore than two years they all died except three, who were permitted toreturn to their own houses for purer air: But even these three werebeyond recovery, and died soon afterwards. One of these, Don CarlosPaula, left a son who died in Spain in 1610, leaving one son a fewmonths old who died next year; and in him ended the entire male line ofthe Incas of Peru. 

Tupac Amaru was brought to trial, under pretence that he intended torebel, and had engaged in a conspiracy with several Indians, and withthe sons of Spaniards born of Indian mothers, intending to havedispossessed his majesty Philip II of the kingdom of Peru. On thisunfounded accusation, and on the most inconclusive evidence, he wascondemned to lose his head. Upon notice of this sentence, the friars ofCuzco flocked to prison, and persuaded the unfortunate prince to receivebaptism, on which he assumed the name of Don Philip. Though the Incaearnestly entreated to be sent to Spain, and urged the absurdity andimpossibility that he could ever intend to rebel against the numerousSpanish colonists who now occupied the whole country of Peru, seeingthat his father with 200, 000 men was utterly unable to overcome only 200Spaniards whom he besieged in the city of Cuzco; yet the viceroy thoughtfit to order the sentence to be carried into execution. The Inca wasaccordingly brought out of prison, mounted on a mule, having his bandstied and a halter about his neck, and being conducted to the ordinaryplace of execution in the city of Cuzco, his head was cut off by thepublic executioner. 

After continuing sixteen years in the viceroyalty of Peru, Don Franciscode Toledo returned into Spain, with a fortune of above half a million ofpesos. Falling under the displeasure of the king, he was ordered toconfine himself to his own house, and all his fortune was laid undersequestration, which so affected his mind that he soon died of a brokenheart. Martin Garcia Loyola, who made the Inca prisoner, was married toa coya, the daughter of the former Inca Sayri Tupac, by whom he acquireda considerable estate; and being afterwards made governor of Chili, wasslain in that country by the natives. 

END OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU. 

CHAPTER IX. 

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF CHILI

INTRODUCTION. 

Not having the advantage of any original and contemporary author to laybefore our readers on this occasion, it was at first our intention tohave omitted any notice of Chili in the present division of this work:But under the existing and important circumstances of the SpanishAmerican colonies, to which some allusion has been already made in theintroduction to the preceding chapter, it has been deemed proper todeviate on this occasion from our general principle, and to endeavour todraw up a short satisfactory account of the Discovery and Conquest ofChili, and of the early History of that interesting region, the mostdistant of all the early European colonies in the New World, and whichpresents the singular and solitary phenomenon, of a native nationinhabiting a fertile and champaign country, successfully resisting thearts, discipline, and arms of Europeans, and remaining unconquered andindependent to the present day, after the almost perpetual efforts ofthe Spaniards during a period of 277 years. 

In the composition of this chapter, we have been chiefly guided by thegeographical natural and civil history of Chili, by the Abbe Don JuanIgnatio Molina, a native of the country, and a member of the latecelebrated order of the Jesuits. On the dissolution of that order, beingexpelled along with all his brethren from the Spanish dominions, he wentto reside at Bologna in Italy, where in 1787 he published the first partof his work, containing the natural history of Chili, and the secondpart, or civil history, some years afterwards. This work was translatedand published some years ago in the United States of North America; andwas republished in London in the year 1809, with the addition of severalnotes and appendixes from various sources by the English editor. In thepresent abridged version of the second part of that work, or civilhistory of Chili, we have collated the whole with An Historical Relationof the Kingdom of Chili, by Alonzo de Ovalle, or Ovaglia, likewise anative and a Jesuit, printed at Rome in 1649, of which an Englishtranslation is inserted in Churchill's collection of voyages andtravels, Vol. III. P. 1-146. In other divisions of this work, moreminute accounts will be furnished, respecting the country of Chili andits inhabitants and productions, by means of several voyages to thatdistant and interesting country. 

SECTION I. 

_Geographical View of the Kingdom of Chili. _

The kingdom of Chili in South America, is situated on the coast of thePacific Ocean or Great South Sea, between 24° and 45° of south latitude, and between 68° 40´ and 74° 20´ of west longitude from Greenwich; but asits direction is oblique from N. N. E. To S. S. W. Between the Andes on theeast and the Pacific Ocean on the west, the middle of its northernextremity is in 70°, and of its southern termination in about 73° of W. Longitude. Its extreme length therefore is 1260 geographical, or 1450statute miles; but its breadth varies considerably, as the Andesapproach or recede from the sea. In the more northern parts, between thelatitudes of 24° and 32° S. The average breadth is about two degrees, ornearly 140 English miles. Its greatest breadth in lat. 37° S. Is about220 miles; whence it grows again narrower, and the continental part ofthe country, opposite to the Archipelago of Chiloe, varies from about 50to 100 miles. These measures are all assumed as between the main ridgeof the Andes and the sea; but in many places these mountains extend from60 to 100 miles farther towards the east, and, being inhabited bynatives of the same race with the indigenous Chilese, or confederatedwith them, that transalpine region may be likewise considered asbelonging to Chili. 

Chili is bounded on the north by Peru, whence its lower or plaincountry, between the Andes and the Pacific, is divided by the extensiveand arid desert of Atacama. On the east it is separated by the loftychain of the southern Andes, from the countries of Tucuman, Cujo, andPatagonia, on the waters which run towards the Southern Atlantic. Through these lofty and almost impracticable mountains, there are eightor nine roads which lead from Chili towards the east, into the vastplains which depend upon the viceroyalty of La Plata, all of which areexceedingly difficult and even dangerous. The most frequented of theseroads is that which leads from the province of Aconcagua in Chili toCujo, running along the deep ravines of the rivers Chillan and Mendoza, bordered on one side by deep precipices overhanging these rivers, and onthe other by lofty and almost perpendicular mountains. Both of theserivers derive their origin from the Alpine vallies of the Andes, theformer running westwards to the Pacific; while the latter takes a muchlonger course towards the Southern Atlantic. This road requires at leasteight days journey to get across the mountain range, and is so narrowand incommodious, that travellers are obliged in many places to quittheir mules and proceed on foot, and every year some loaded mules areprecipitated from this road into the rivers below. In some places theroad passes over agreeable plains among the mountains, and in these thetravellers halt for rest and refreshment. In these vallies, when theIncas conquered the northern provinces of Chili, before the coming ofthe Spaniards, they caused some _tambos_ or stone houses to beconstructed for the accommodation of their officers. Some of these areruined but others remain entire, and the Spaniards have built some morefor the convenience of travellers. 

On the west side Chili is bounded throughout its whole extent by theshores of the Pacific Ocean; and on the south it joins with the southernland usually called the Terra Magellanica, from the name of thenavigator, Magellan or Magelhaens, who first circumnavigated thecontinent of South America, and opened the way by sea from the Atlanticto the Pacific Ocean, through the Straits which are still known by hisname. 

Chili may be considered under three natural divisions. The country ofChili Proper, between the main ridge of the Andes and the sea: The Andesthemselves, from the main ridge eastwards to the plain country of LaPlata, and the Chilese islands. Chili Proper, or that which lies betweenthe main ridge of the Andes and the Pacific, is usually distinguishedinto the Maritime and Midland countries. The Maritime country isintersected by three chains of hills, running parallel to the Andes, between which are many fine vallies which are watered by delightfulrivers. The Midland country consists almost entirely of a uniform plainof considerable elevation, having a few isolated hills interspersedwhich add much to its beauty. The Andes, which are among the loftiestmountains in the world, are mostly about 120 miles from east to west, inthat part of their course which belongs to Chili, consisting of a vastnumber of mountains of prodigious height, as if chained together, anddisplaying all the beauties and horrors of the most sublime andpicturesque grandeur, abounding everywhere with frightful precipices, interspersed with many fine vallies and fertile pastures, watered bynumerous streams and rivers which rise in the mountains. Between thelatitudes of 24° and 33° south, the Andes are entirely desert anduninhabited; but the remainder as far as 45° S. Is inhabited by varioustribes or colonies of the Chilese, called Chiquillanes, Pehuenches, Puelches, and Huilliches, which are commonly known under the generalappellation of Patagonians. 

S1. _Chili Proper. _

The political divisions of Chili consist of that part which has beenconquered by the Spaniards, and that which still remains independent inthe possession of the natives. The Spanish portion is situated betweenthe latitudes of 24° and 37° south, and is divided into thirteenprovinces; of which the following is an enumeration, with a shortaccount of each, beginning on the north, at the desert of Atacama orfrontiers of Peru. In each of these a _corregidor_, or deputy-governorresides, to whose command the civil and military officers of theprovince are subordinate, and on whom the respective cabildos ormunicipal magistracies are dependent. 

1. _Copaipo_, is bounded on the north by the great desert of Atacama, onthe east by the Andes, on the south by Coquimbo, and on the west by thePacific. It is about 300 English miles long by 120 in breath. Itcontains the rivers Salado, Juncal, Chineral, Copaipo, Castagno, Totoral, Quebradaponda, Guasco, and Chollai. This province abounds ingold, lapis lazuli, sulphur, and fossile salt, which last is found inalmost all the mountains of the Andes on its eastern frontiers. Copaipoits capital is in lat. 27° 15´ S. And long. 70° 53´ W. The northern partof this province, beyond the river Juncal is hardly inhabited, except byhunters of the Vicugnas, which they catch by means of large palisadedinclosures. Besides lead mines to the north of the river Copaipo, thereare several silver mines in this province, and some sugar is made in thevalley of the Totoral. This province has five ports, at Juncal, Chineral, Caldera, Copaipo, and Huasca, or Guasco. The chief town, Copaipo, situated on the river of the same name, contains a parishchurch, a convent of the order of Mercy, and a college which formerlybelonged to the Jesuits. The town of San Francisco della Salva, standson the same river about sixty miles farther inland. 

2. _Coquimbo_, which is divided from Copaipo by the river Huasca orGuasco, is the next province towards the south. It is accordinglybounded on the north by Copaipo, on the east by the Andes, on thesouth-east by Aconcagua, on the south-west by Quillota, and on the westby the Pacific. It is about 135 miles from north to south, and 120 fromeast to west. Its principal rivers are the Coquimbo, Tongoi, Limari, andChuapa. Its capital is called Coquimbo, or _La Serena_, founded in 1544by Valdivia at the mouth of the river Coquimbo in lat. 29° 53' S long. 71° 12' W. This city is the residence of several ancient and honourablefamilies, and is situated in a delightful country and charming climate;such being the mild temperature of the air, that though rain seldomfalls, the surrounding country is continually verdant. This province isrich in gold, copper, and iron, and its fertile soil produces grapes, olives, and other fruits in great abundance, both those belonging toEurope, and such as are natural to the country. 

3. _Quillota_, is bounded on the north by Coquimbo, on the east by theprovince of Aconcagua, on the south by Melipilla, and on the west by thesea. Its chief rivers are the Longotoma, Ligua, Aconcagua, and Limache;and its territory is among the most populous and most abundant in goldof any in Chili. The capital, called Quillota or San Martin, stands in apleasant valley, in lat. 32° 42' S. And long. 71° W. Having threechurches dedicated to the saints Dominic, Francis, and Augustine. Theprovince likewise contains the cities of Plazza, Plazilla, Ingenio, Cassablanca, and Petorca; which last is very populous, owing to theresort of great numbers of miners who work in the celebrated gold minesin the neighbourhood. Valparaiso, or Valparadiso, the most celebratedand most commercial harbour in Chili is in this province, from whenceall the trade is carried on with Peru and Spain. The harbour is verycapacious, and so deep that large ships can lie close to the shore. Itsconvenience for trade, and the salubrity of its climate, have renderedthis a place of considerable resort; so that besides the city, which isthree miles from the port, there is a populous town along the shore ofthe harbour, called Almendral, in which those belonging to the shippingmostly reside. A deputy-governor or corregidor sent directly from Spainresides here, who has the command of the civil and military officers ofthe city, and is only amenable to the president of Chili. 

4. _Aconcagua_, is inclosed between the provinces of Coquimbo, Quillota, Santiago, and the Andes, being entirely inland and communicating withthe sea through the former province, the same rivers belonging to both. The celebrated silver mines of Uspalata are in the Andes belonging tothis province, which likewise are productive of excellent copper, andits lower grounds are fertile in grain and fruit. Aconcagua or SanFilippe, the capital, is in lat. 32° 18' S. And long. 69° 55' W. 

5. _Melipilla_, is bounded on the north by Quillota, on the east bySantiago, on the south by the river Maypo dividing it from Rancagua, andon the west by the Pacific. Its rivers are the Mapocho and Poangue, andits territory abounds in wine and grain. Melipilla, or San Joseph deLogronno, on the river Maypo, in lat 33° 36' S long. 70° 42' W. Is thechief town of the province, and is but thinly inhabited, though in abeautiful situation and fertile country, as most of the principalproprietors reside in the neighbouring city of St Jago, the capital ofthe kingdom. 

6. _St Jago_, or _San Jacopo_, is entirely inland, having the provinceof Aconcagua on the north, the Andes on the east, the river Maypo to thesouth, and Melipilla to the west. This is a small province, being only45 miles from east to west, and 36 from north to south. Besides therivers Mapocho, Colina, and Zampa, with several other beautiful streams, it contains the lake of Pudaguel which is about nine miles long. Thisprovince is very fertile, producing abundance of grain and wine, withfine fruits, especially peaches of exquisite flavour and large size. Theinferior mountains of Caren abound in gold, and in the Andes belongingto this province there are mines of silver. Tin is likewise said to befound in the province. The beautiful city of St Jago, the capital of theprovince and of the kingdom of Chili, which was founded in 1541 by Pedrode Valdivia, stands in an extensive and beautiful plain, on the leftbank of the river Mapocho, in lat 33° 16' S. Long. 69° 48' W. Having thesuburbs of Chimba, Cannadilla, and Renca on the opposite side of theriver. Both sides of the river are guarded by stone quay walls ofconsiderable height to prevent inundations, and a fine bridge connectsthe city with its suburbs. St Jago is about 90 miles from the sea, andabout 20 from the foot of the main ridge of the Andes, whose loftysummits clad in perpetual snow form a fine contract with the continualverdure of a beautiful surrounding district. The streets are all instraight lines, thirty-six feet broad, and intersecting each other atright angles, and every house is amply supplied with excellent water bymeans of several aqueducts. The great square is 450 feet in extent onall its sides, having a bronze fountain in the centre. The north side ofthis square is occupied by the palace of the president and the publicoffices, beneath which is the prison. On the south side is the palace ofthe Conde dell Sierra-bella. The west side is occupied by the cathedraland the palace of the archbishop; and the east side contains the palacesof three noblemen. The other most remarkable buildings are the church ofSan Domingo, and that formerly belonging to the college of Jesuits. Though convenient and handsomely built, the private houses are generallyof one story only, on account of frequent earthquakes. On the south sideof the city, from which it is separated by a street called the Cannada, 144 feet broad, is the large suburb of St Isidore. On a hill in theeastern part of the city, called Santa Lucia, there formerly stood afortress to guard against attacks of the Indians. This city contained in1770 a population of 46, 000 inhabitants, which was rapidly increasing. Besides the cathedral and three other parish churches, there are twoconvents of Dominican friars, four of Franciscans, two of Augustins, twoof the order of Mercy, and one belonging to the brothers of Charity, with an hospital, seven nunneries, a female penitentiary, a foundlinghospital, a college for the nobility formerly under the direction of theJesuits, and a Tridentine seminary. It contains also an university, amint for coining gold and silver, and barracks for the soldiers who aremaintained as guards to the president and royal audience. 

7. _Rancagua_, is bounded on the north by the river Maypo and by theChachapoal on the south, by the Andes on the east, and the Pacific onthe west. Besides the former rivers, it is watered by the Codegua andChocalan, and some others of less importance; and contains the lakes ofAculen and Buccalemu, of no great importance. This province is fertilein grain, and its chief town, Santa Croce di Trianna, otherwise calledRancagua, is in lat. 34° 18' S. Long. 70° 16' W. Near Alque, a townrecently founded about 24 miles nearer the sea, there is a very richgold mine. 

8. _Calchagua_, between the rivers Chachapoal and Teno, extends from theAndes to the sea, its breadth from north to south near the Andes beingabout 75 miles, while on the coast of the Pacific it does not exceed 40. Besides the rivers which form its boundaries, its territory is wateredby the Rio Clarillo, Tinguiririca, and Chimbarongo; and in this provincethere are two considerable lakes, named Taguatagua and Caguil, theformer being interspersed with beautiful islands, and the latterabounding with large clamps[50], which, are much esteemed. Thisprovince, which is fertile in grain, wine, and fruits, and abounds ingold, is part of the territories of the native tribe of the Promaucians, whose name is said to signify _the people of delight_, so called fromthe beauty and fertility of their country. The chief town San Fernando, built only in 1742, is in lat. 34° 36' S. Long. 70° 34' W. 

[Footnote 50: Thus expressed by the translator of Molina, and probablysome fresh water shell-fish. --E. ]

9. _Maule_, the next province to the south, is bounded on the east bythe Andes, on the south-east by Chillan, on the south-west by Itata, andon the west by the Pacific. It is about 176 miles from east to west, andabout 120 from north to south where broadest; and is watered by theLantue, Rio Claro, Pangue, Lircai, Huenchullami, Maule, Putagan, Achiguema, Longavi, Loncamilla, Purapel, and other inferior rivers. Itabounds in grain, wine, fruits, gold, salt, cattle, and fish; which lastare found in great quantities both in the sea and rivers. Its nativeinhabitants are brave, robust, and warlike, and are principallydescended from the ancient Promaucians. Talca, or St Augustin, built in1742 among hills near the Rio-claro, at a considerable distance from thesea, is in lat. 35° 18' S. Long. 70° 48' W. Its population isconsiderable, owing to the proximity of rich gold mines, and theabundance and cheapness of provisions supplied by its territory. Fromthis last circumstance, several noble families from the cities of StJago and Conception, whose finances had become diminished, have retiredto this place, which has in consequence been called the bankrupt colony. There are several other towns in this province, and many villages of thenative Chilese; among these Laro, near the mouth of the river Mataquito, contains a numerous population of the Promaucian nation, and is governedby an _Ulmen_ or native chief. 

10. _Itata_, situated on the sea-coast, has Maule on the north, Chillanon the east, Puchacay on the south, and the Pacific on the west. Itmeasures 60 miles from east to west, and about 33 from north to south, and is intersected by the river Itata, from which it derives its name. The best wine of Chili is made in this province, and being produced onlands belonging to citizens of the city of Conception, is usually knownby the name of Conception wine. Its chief town named Coulemu, or Nombrede Jesus, stands on the Rio Jesus, in lat. 35° 58' S. Long. 72° 38' W. And was founded in 1743. . 

11. _Chillan_, bounded on the north, by Maule, by the Andes on the east, on the south by Huilquilemu, and by Itata on the west, is entirety aninland province, about the same size with Itata. Its rivers are theNuble, Cato, Chillan, Diguillin, and Dannicalquin. Its territoryconsists mostly of an elevated plain, particularly favourable forrearing sheep, which produce wool of a very fine quality. Its capital, Chillan or San Bartholomeo, in lat. 35° 54' S. Long. 71° 30´ W. Wasfounded in 1580. It has been several times destroyed by the Araucanians, and was overthrown by an earthquake and inundation in 1751; since whichit has been rebuilt in a more convenient situation, out of danger fromthe river. 

12. _Puchacay_, is bounded on the north by Itata, on the east byHuilquilemu, on the south by the river Biobio, and on the west by thePacific. It measures 24 miles from north to south, and 60 from east towest. This province affords a great quantity of gold, and itsstrawberries, both wild and cultivated, are the largest in all Chili. Gualqui, or San Juan, founded in 1754 on the northern shore of theBiobio, is the residence of the corregidor; but Conception, named Poncoin the native language, is the principal city of the province, and thesecond in the kingdom of Chili. It was founded by Pedro de Valdivia in apleasant vale, formed by some beautiful hills, near the coast, in lat. 36° 42' S. Long. 73° 4´ W. After suffering severely in the long warswith the Araucanians, this city was destroyed in 1730 by an earthquakeand inundation of the sea, and again by a similar calamity in 1751; andwas rebuilt in 1764 in a beautiful situation a league from the sea. Owing to so many calamities, its inhabitants scarcely exceed 13, 000, whoare attracted to this place on the frontiers of the warlike Araucanians, by the great abundance of gold that is procured in its neighbourhood. The climate is always temperate, the soil is fertile, and the seaabounds in fish of all kinds. The Bay of Conception is spacious andsafe, extending above ten miles from north to south, and nearly as muchfrom east to west. Its mouth is protected by a beautiful and fertileisland, called Quiriquina, forming two mouths or entrances to the bay;that on the north-east called the _bocca grande_ being two miles wide, and that on the south-west, or _bocca chica_, little more than a mile. The whole bay affords safe anchorage, and a port at its south-eastextremity called Talcaguano is chiefly frequented by shipping, as beingnot far from the new city of Conception. 

13. _Huilquilemu_, commonly called Estanzia del Rei, or the royalpossession, has Chillan on the north, the Andes on the east, the riverBiobio on the south, and Puchacay on the west. This district is rich ingold, and produces an excellent wine resembling muscadel. To protectthis province against the warlike and independent Araucanians, there arefour forts on the north side of the Biobio, named Jumbel, Tucapel, SantaBarbara, and Puren; and as the boundary line is to the south of thatriver, the Spaniards have likewise the forts of Aranco, Colcura, SanPedro, Santa Joanna, Nascimento, and Angeles beyond that river. 

14. _Valdivia. _ This province, or military station rather, is entirelyseparated from the other possessions of the Spaniards in Chili, beingentirely surrounded by the territories of the Araucanians. It lies onthe sea-coast, on both sides of the river Valdivia or Callacallas, beingreckoned 36 miles from east to west, and 18 miles from north to south. It abounds in valuable timber, and affords the purest gold of any thatis found in Chili, and produced great quantities of that precious metalto Valdivia the original conqueror. But owing to many calamities in thewars with the Araucanians, it is now of little importance except as amilitary station. Valdivia, the capital, in lat. 39° 48´ S. Long. 73°24´ W. Is situated at the bottom of a beautiful and safe bay, theentrance to which is protected by the island of Manzera. As this is anaval station of much importance for protecting the western coast ofSouth America, it is strongly fortified, and is always commanded by amilitary officer of reputation sent directly from Spain, though underthe direction of the president of Chili. He has always a considerablebody of troops, which are officered by the five commanders of the fivecastles which protect the city, with a sergeant-major, commissary, inspector, and several captains. 

From the foregoing short abstract of the geographical circumstances ofChili Proper, or that part of the kingdom which is possessed by theSpaniards, it appears to extend from the lat. 24° to 37° both south, orabout 900 English miles in length by about 180 miles in medium breadth, containing about 162, 000 square miles of territory or nearly 104millions of statute acres, mostly of fertile soil, in a temperate andsalubrious climate, abounding in all the necessaries of life, and richlyproductive in gold and other metals. Hence this country is calculated tosupport a most extensive population, in all the comforts and enjoymentsof civilized society, and if once settled under a regular government, will probably become at no great distance of time an exceedinglypopulous and commercial nation. The islands belonging to Chili consistprincipally of the Archipelago of Chiloé, with that of the Chones, whichis dependent upon the former. The largest of these islands, namedlikewise Chiloé, is about 120 miles in extent from north to south, andabout 60 miles from east to west. Between it and the main-land is a vastgulf or bay, which extends from lat. 41° 32´ to 44° 50´ both S. And liesbetween the longitudes of 72° 44´ and 74° 20´ both W. This is called thegulf of Chiloé, Guaiteca, or Elancud; and besides the great island ofChiloé, contains eighty-two smaller islands, thinly inhabited by Indiansand a few Spaniards. The land in Chiloé, as in all the smaller islands, is mountainous, and covered by almost impenetrable thickets. The rainsare here excessive and almost continual, so that the inhabitants seldomhave more than fifteen or twenty days of fair weather in autumn, andhardly do eight days pass at any other season without rain. Theatmosphere is consequently extremely moist, yet salubrious, and theclimate is exceedingly mild and temperate. Owing to the great humidity, grain and fruits are by no means productive, yet the inhabitants raisesufficient grain, mostly barley and beans, for their support, and growabundance of excellent flax. The town of Castro, on the eastern shore, in lat. 42° 44´ S. Is the capital of the island, and was founded in1565, by Don Martino Ruiz de Gamboa, and is built entirely of wood, containing only about a hundred and fifty inhabitants, yet has a parishchurch, a church formerly belonging to the Jesuits, and two convents. The port of Chaco, near the middle of the northern extremity of theisland, in lat. 41° 53´ S. And about the same, longitude with Castro, has good anchorage, and enjoys the whole trade with Peru and Chili, which is not subjected to the duties which are paid in other ports ofSpanish America. 

Besides the southern Archipelago of Chiloé, there are a few islands ofno great importance on the coast of Chili, not worth notice. The twoislands likewise of Juan Fernandez are considered as dependencies onChili. The larger of these, called Isola de Tierra, is at presentinhabited by a few Spaniards, who have a small fort at La Baya orCumberland harbour. The smaller island, or Masafuera, otherwise calledDe Cabras or Conejos, is uninhabited. 

S2. _The Province of Cujo. _

Although the province of _Cujo, _ on the east side of the Andes, be notstrictly within the limits of Chili, yet as dependent on the presidencyof that kingdom, it is proper to take notice of it in this place. Cujois bounded on the north by the province of Tucuman, on the east by thePampas or desert plains of Buenos Ayres, on the south by Patagonia, andon the west by the southern chain of the Andes. Being comprehendedbetween the latitudes of 29° and 35° south, it is about 400 miles inextent from north to south, but its limits towards the east areuncertain. In temperature and productions, this province differsmaterially from Chili. The winter, which is the dry season, is extremelycold; and the summer is excessively hot both day and night, withfrequent storms of thunder and hail, more especially in its westernparts near the Andes. These storms commonly rise and disperse in thecourse of half an hour; after which the sun dries up the moisture in afew minutes. Owing to this excessive exsiccation, the soil is extremelyarid, and will neither bear trees nor plants of any kind; unless whenirrigated by means of canals, when it produces almost every vegetable inastonishing abundance. By these artificial means of cultivation, thefruits and grains of Europe thrive with extraordinary perfection, andcome a month earlier to maturity than in Chili; and the wines producedin Cujo are very rich and full-bodied. 

This province is intersected by three rivers which have their sources inthe Andes, the San Juan, the Mendoza, and the Tunujan. The two formerare named from the cities which are built on their banks. After a courseof from 75 to 90 miles, these rivers form the great lakes of Guanasache, which extend above 300 miles from north to south, and their waters areafterwards discharged by the river Tunujan into the south-eastern desertPampas. These lakes abound with excellent fish of several kinds, andthey produce a sufficient quantity of salt to supply the whole provinceof Cujo. The eastern part of this province, called La Punta, is wateredby the rivers Contaro and Quinto, and several smaller streams, and isquite different in its climate and temperature from the western partnear the Andes. The plains of La Punta are covered with beautiful treesof large size, and the natural herbage grows to such a height in manyplaces as to conceal the horses and other cattle which roam at large inthese extensive plains. Thunder storms are exceedingly violent andfrequent, continuing often for many hours, accompanied by incessant andimmoderate rain. 

Among the vegetable productions of Cujo, one of the most remarkable is aspecies of palm, which never exceeds eighteen feet high, putting forthall its branches so near the ground as to conceal the trunk. The leavesare extraordinarily hard, and terminate in a point as sharp as a sword. The fruit resembles the cocoa-nut, yet only contains a few hard roundseeds, with no edible kernel. The trunk of this tree is very large, andis covered by a coarse outer bark of a blackish colour which is easilydetached. Below this, there are five or six successive layers of afibrous bark resembling linen cloth. The first is of a yellowish colour, and of the consistence and appearance of sail-cloth. The othersgradually decrease in thickness, and become whiter and finer; so thatthe innermost is white and fine like cambric, but of a looser texture. The fibres of this natural cloth are strong and flexible, but harsher tothe feel than those made from flax. This province produces greatabundance of the _opuntia_, a species of the _cactus_, which nourishesthe cochineal insect; but the natives are in use to string these insectson a thread by means of a needle, by which they acquire a blackish tint. The fruit of this plant is woolly, about the size of a peach, itsinternal substance being glutinous and full of small seeds. It is sweetand well-flavoured, and is easily preserved by cutting into slices whichare dried in the sun. There are four different trees producing a speciesof beans; two of which are good eating, the third is employed asprovender for horses, and ink is made from the fourth. The most singularvegetable production in this country is called _the flower of the air_, from having no root, and never growing on the ground. Its nativesituation is on the surface of an arid rock, or twining round the drystem of a tree. This plant consists of a single shoot, like the stem ofa gilly-flower, but its leaves are larger and thicker, and are as hardas wood. Each stalk produces two or three white transparent flowers, insize and shape resembling a lily, and equally odoriferous with thatflower. They may be preserved fresh on their stalks for more than twomonths, and for several days when plucked off. This plant may betransported to almost any distance; and will produce flowers annually, if merely hung up on a nail. 

In the northern parts of Cujo there are mines of gold and copper, butthey are not worked owing to the indolence of the inhabitants. It hasalso rich mines of lead, sulphur, vitriol, salt, gypsum, and talc orasbestos. The mountains near the city of Juan are entirely composed ofwhite marble, in stratified slabs of five or six feet long by six orseven inches thick, all regularly cut and polished by nature. From thisthe inhabitants prepare an excellent lime, which they use in buildingbridges over the streams and canals of irrigation. Between the city ofMendoza and La Punta, on a low range of hills, there is a large stonepillar, 150 feet high and 12 feet diameter, called the giant, on whichthere are certain marks or inscriptions resembling Chinese characters. Near the Diamond river there is another stone, having marks which appearto be characters, and the impression of human feet, with the figures ofseveral animals. The Spaniards call it the stone of St Thomas; from atradition handed down from the first settlers, said to have beenreceived from the native Indians, that a white man with a long beard, formerly preached a new religion from that stone to their ancestors, andleft the impression of his feet, and the figures of the animals thatcame to hear him, as a memorial of his sanctity. 

The aboriginal natives of the province of Cujo are called Guarpes, ofwhom there are now very few remaining. They are of a lofty stature, verythin, and of a brown colour, and speak a quite different language fromthat of the Chilese. This people was anciently conquered by thePeruvians, after having taken possession of the northern part of Chili;and on the road across the Andes from Cujo to Chili, there still aresome small stone buildings, or tambos, which had been erected for theaccommodation of the Peruvian officers and messengers. The firstSpaniards who attempted to reduce this country were sent by Valdivia, under the command of Francisco de Aguirre, who returned to Chili afterthe death of Valdivia. In 1560, Don Garcia de Mendoza sent a force underPedro del Castillo, who subdued the Guarpes, and founded the cities ofSan Juan and Mendoza. The latter, which is the capital, is situated on aplain at the foot of the Andes, in lat 33° 54' S. Long. 68° 34' W. Thisis supposed to contain about 6000 inhabitants, and is continuallyincreasing in population, owing to its vicinity to the celebrated silvermine of Uspallatta, which is worked by the inhabitants to great profit. This city carries on a considerable commerce in wine and fruits withBuenos Ayres. The city of San Juan near the Andes, in lat. 31° 40' S. And long. 68° 34' W. Is equally populous with Mendoza, from which it isabout 160 miles due north, and trades with Buenos Ayres in brandy, fruits, and Vicunna skins. Its pomegranates are greatly esteemed inChili, to which they are sent across the Andes. This city is governed bya deputy from the corregidor of Mendoza, assisted by a cabildo. In 1596, the small city of La Punta, or San Luis de Loyola, was founded in theeastern part of Cujo, in lat. 33° 47' S. Long. 65° 33' W. Although thethoroughfare for all the trade from Chili and Cujo to Buenos Ayres, itis a miserable place with scarcely two hundred inhabitants; but itsjurisdiction is extensive and populous, and is administered both incivil and military affairs by a deputy of the corregidor of Mendoza. Besides these three cities, the province of Cujo contains the towns ofJachal, Vallofertil, Mogna, Corocorto, Leonsito, Caliogarta, andPismanta[51], which do not merit particular attention. 

[Footnote 51: Besides these, modern maps insert the following, beginningin the north. Betlen, Rioja la Nueva, Mutinan, San Juan de Jaeban, Guanachoca, all to the north of Mendoza. --E. ]

The Patagonians who border upon Cujo towards the south, and of whosegigantic stature so much has been said, do not differ materially in thisrespect from other men. The Pojas, one of their tribes, are governed byseveral petty independent princes. A singular species of polygamyprevails among this people, as the women are permitted to have severalhusbands. As to the Cesari, of whom such wonderful stories have beenreported, and who are supposed to be neighbours of the Chilese, theyhave no existence except in the fancies of those who take pleasure inmarvellous stories. 

 * * * * *

S3. _The Indian Country, or Araucania. _

That part of Chili which remains unconquered reaches from the riverBiobio in the north to the Archipelago of Chiloe in the south, orbetween the latitudes of 37° and 42' S. This country is inhabited bythree independent nations, the Araucanians, the Cunches, and theHuìllìches. The territory of the Araucanians, contains the finest plainsin Chili, and is situated between the rivers Biobio and Callacallas, stretching along the sea-coast for about 186 miles, and is generallyallowed to be the most pleasant and fertile district in the kingdom ofChili. Its extent from the sea to the foot of the Andes, was formerlyreckoned at 300 miles; but as the Puelches, a nation inhabiting thewestern side of the mountains, joined the confederacy of the Araucaniansin the seventeenth century, its present breadth cannot be less than 420miles, and the whole territory is estimated at 78, 120 square miles ornearly 50 millions of acres. 

The Araucanians derive their name from the province of Arauco, thesmallest in their territory, but which has given name to the wholenation, as having been the first to propose the union which has so longsubsisted among the tribes, or from having at some remote period reducedthem under its dominion. Enthusiastically attached to theirindependence, they pride themselves on the name of _auca_, signifying_freemen_[52]; and by the Spaniards who were sent from the army inFlanders to serve in Chili, this country has been called AraucanianFlanders, or the invincible state. Though the Araucanians do not exceedthe ordinary height of mankind, they are in general muscular, robust, well proportioned, and of a martial appearance. Their complexion is of areddish brown, but clearer than the other natives of America, exceptthe tribe named Boroanes, who are fair and ruddy. They have roundfaces, small eyes full of animated expression, a rather flat nose, ahandsome mouth, even white teeth, muscular and well shaped legs, andsmall flat feet. Like the Tartars, they have hardly any beard, and theycarefully pluck out any little that appears, calling the Europeans_longbeards, _ by way of reproach. The hair on their heads is thick, black, and coarse, is allowed to grow very long, and is worn in tresseswound around their heads. The women are delicately formed, and many ofthem are very handsome, especially the Boroanes. They are generally longlived, and are not subject to the infirmities of age till a late periodof life, seldom even beginning to grow grey till sixty or severity, orto be wrinkled till fourscore. They are intrepid, animated, ardent, patient of fatigue, enthusiastically attached to liberty, and ever readyto sacrifice their lives for their country, jealous of their honour, courteous, hospitable, faithful to their engagements, grateful forservices, and generous and humane to their vanquished enemies. Yet thesenoble qualities are obscured by the vices which are inseparable fromtheir half savage state, unrefined by literature or cultivation: Beingpresumptuous, entertaining a haughty contempt for other nations, andmuch addicted to drunkenness and debauchery. 

[Footnote 52: According to Falkner the missionary, _auca_ is a name ofreproach given them by the Spaniards, signifying rebels or wild men;_aucani_ is to rebel or make a riot, and _auca-cahual_ signifies a wildhorse. --This may be the case in the language of the subjected Peruviansand northern Chilese, while in that of the independent Araucanians itmay signify _free_; just as republican is an honourable term in theUnited States, while it is a name of reproach under a monarchicalgovernment. --E. ]

Their dress is manufactured from the wool of the vicunna, and consistsof a shirt, vest, short close breeches, and a cloak or poncho, having anopening in the middle to admit the head, which descends all round as lowas the knees. This cloak, which leaves the arms at liberty, and can bethrown back at pleasure, is so convenient for riding, and so excellent aprotection from wind and rain, that it is now commonly adopted by theSpanish inhabitants of Chili, Peru, and Paraguay. The shirt, vest, andbreeches, are always of a greenish blue, or turquois colour, which isthe uniform of the nation. Among persons of ordinary rank, the _poncho_, or native cloak, is also of the same national colour; but those of thehigher classes have it of different colours, as white, red, or blue, with stripes a span broad, on which figures of flowers and animals arewrought in different colours with much ingenuity, and the borders areornamented with handsome fringes. Some of these _ponchos_ are of so finea texture and richly ornamented as to sell for 100 or even 150 dollars. Their only head-dress is a fillet or bandage of embroidered wool, whichthey ornament in time of war with a number of beautiful feathers. Roundthe waist they wear a long sash or girdle of woollen, handsomelywrought; and persons of rank have leather sandals, and woollen boots, but the common people are always bare-footed. 

The dress of the women is entirely of wool, and the national greenishblue colour, consisting of a tunic or gown without sleeves reaching tothe feet, fastened at the shoulder by silver buckles, and girt round thewaist by a girdle; over which gown they wear a short cloak, which isfastened before by a silver buckle. They wear their hair in several longbraided tresses, flowing negligently over their shoulders, and decoratetheir heads with false emeralds and a variety of trinkets. They wearsquare ear-rings of silver, and have necklaces and bracelets ofglass-beads, and silver rings on all their fingers. 

Like all the other tribes in Chili, before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Araucanians still continue to construct their houses or huts ratherof a square form, of wood plaistered with clay, and covered with rushes, though some use a species of bricks; and as they are all polygamists, the size of their houses is proportioned to the number of women they areable to maintain. The interior of their houses is very simple, and thefurniture calculated only to serve the most necessary purposes, withoutany view to luxury or splendour. They never form towns, but live inscattered villages along the banks of rivers, or in plains that can beeasily irrigated. 

The whole country of the Araucanian confederacy is divided into fourprincipalities, called _Uthal-mapu_ in their language, which runparallel to each other from north to south. These are respectively named_Lauquen-mapu_, or the maritime country; _Lelbun-mapu_, or the plaincountry; _Inapire-mapu_, or country at the foot of the Andes; and_Pire-mapu_, or the country on the Andes. Each principality orUthal-mapu is divided into five provinces, called _Ailla-regue_; andeach province into nine districts, termed _regue. _ Hence the wholecountry contains 4 _Uthal-mapus_, 20 _Ailla-regues_, and 180 _Regues_. Besides these, the country of the _Cunches_, who are in alliance withthe Araucanians, extends along the coast between Valdivia and thearchipelago of Chiloe; and the _Huilliches_, likewise allies of theAraucanians, occupy all the plains to the eastward, between the Cunchesand the main ridge of the Andes. 

The civil government is a kind of aristocratic republic, under threeorders of hereditary nobility, each subordinate to the other. Each ofthe four _Uthal-mapus_ is governed by a _Toqui_. The _Ailla-regues_, areeach under the command of an _Apo-ulmen_; and every one of the _Regues_is ruled by an _Ulmen_. The four _toquis_ are independent of each other, but are confederated for the public welfare. The _Apo-ulmens_ govern theprovinces under the controul or superintendence of the respective_toquis_; and the _ulmens_ of the _regues_ are dependent on theApo-ulmens, or arch-ulmens. This dependence is however almost entirelyconfined to military affairs. The distinguishing badge of the toqui is akind of battle-axe, made of marble or porpyhry. The Apo-ulmens andUlmens carry staves with silver heads; the former being distinguished bythe addition of a silver ring round the middle of their staves. Thetoqui has only the shadow of sovereign authority, as every question ofimportance is decided by an assembly of the great body of nobles, whichis called _Buta-coyog_ or _Auca-coyog_ the great council, or theAraucanian council. This assembly is usually held in some large plain, on the summons of the toquis; and on such occasions, like the ancientGermans as described by Tacitus, they unite the pleasures of revellingand even drunkenness with their deliberations. By their traditionarylaws, called _Ad-mapu_ or customs of the country, two or moreprincipalities, provinces, or districts cannot be held by the samechief. Whenever the male line of the ruling family becomes extinct, thevassals have the right to elect their own chief; and all the districtsare directed entirely in civil matters by their respective Ulmens. Thepeople are subject to no contributions or personal services whatever, except in time of war; so that all the chiefs of every rank or degreehave to subsist on the produce of their own possessions. 

The military government is established upon a system of wonderfulregularity. When the great council determines on going to war, theyproceed immediately to elect a commander-in-chief, who is in somemeasure the dictator of the country during his continuance in office. The toquis have in course the first claim to this high dignity, as beingthe hereditary generals and stadtholders of the republic; yet, disregarding all respect for superior rank, the council often entruststhis supreme power to the most deserving of the Ulmens, or even to anofficer of an inferior class, considering only on this occasion thetalents that are deemed necessary for command. Thus in the war of 1722, the supreme command was confided to Vilumilla, a man of low origin, andin that which terminated in 1773, to Curignanca, the younger son of anUlmen in the province of Encol. On his elevation to office, thegeneralissimo of the republic assumes the title of _toqui_, and thestone hatchet in token of supreme command; on which the four hereditarytoquis lay aside theirs, as it is not permitted them to carry thisensign of authority during the continuance of the dictator in office, towhom all the toquis apo-ulmens and ulmens take the oath of obedience. Even the people, who during peace are exceedingly repugnant tosubordination, are now entirely submissive to the commands of themilitary dictator. Yet he has not the power of putting any one to death, without the consent of his principal officers; but as all these are ofhis appointment, his orders are next to absolute. 

It has always happened since the arrival of the Spaniards in Chili, thatthe supreme toquis have been elected from among the natives of theprovinces of Arauco, Tucapel, Encol, or Puren; but I know not whetherthis may be owing to some ancient law or agreement, or to somesuperstitious notion. The supreme toqui appoints his vice-toqui orlieutenant-general, and the other officers of his staff; who in theirturn nominate the inferior officers. The vice-toqui is almost alwayselected from among the Puelches, to gratify the ambition of that valianttribe, which forms about a fourth part of the population of theconfederacy. At present the army of the Araucanians is composed both ofcavalry and infantry. Originally it consisted entirely of foot; but intheir first battles with the Spaniards, perceiving the vast advantagederived by their enemies from the employment of cavalry, they soonapplied themselves to procure a good breed of horses; insomuch that in1568, only seventeen years after their first encountering the Spaniards, they had several squadrons of cavalry; and by the year 1585, theAraucanian cavalry was regularly organized by the toqui Cadeguala. Theinfantry is divided into regiments of a thousand men, and these into tencompanies of an hundred men each. The cavalry is divided in a similarmanner; but the numbers in the regiments and troops are not always thesame. Each body of horse and foot has its particular standard; but allbear a star, which is the national device. The soldiers are not clothedin uniforms, but all have cuirasses of hardened leather below theirordinary dresses, with shields and helmets of the same material. Thecavalry are armed with swords and lances; and the infantry with pikes orclubs pointed with iron. In battle, the cavalry is distributed on thetwo wings of the army, while the infantry forms the centre or main body, divided into its several battalions or regiments, the ranks beingcomposed alternately of pikemen and soldiers armed with clubs or maces. The right wing is confided to the vice-toqui, and the left to anexperienced officer next in rank; while the toqui is present whereveroccasion requires, and exhorts his soldiers to fight valiantly for theliberties of the nation. They formerly employed bows and slings in war;but taught by experience to avoid the destructive effects of musquetryin distant fight, they are now eager to close with their enemies. Impressed with the opinion that to die in battle for their country isthe greatest honour that can be acquired, whenever the signal for battleis given, they advance with the utmost rapidity, despising the slaughterproduced by the cannon and musquetry, yet preserving the strictest orderand discipline, and often succeed in bearing down the firmest array ofthe Spaniards. 

One of the first measures of the national council, when war is resolvedupon, is to dispatch messengers to the confederate tribes, and even tothe Indians who live under the Spanish government, to summon them tomake common cause with their countrymen. The credentials of thesemessengers are some small arrows tied together by a red string, thesymbol of blood. But if hostilities have been already commenced, thefinger of a slain enemy accompanies the arrows. This embassy is called_pulchitum_, which signifies to run the arrow, and the messengers arecalled _guerquenis_. The toqui or military dictator directs what numberof soldiers is to be furnished by each Uthal-mapu or principality. Theparticular toquis regulate the contingencies of the Apo-ulmens; andthese last apportion these among the several Ulmens of their provinces. The army of the state usually consists of five or six thousand men;besides which, a body of reserve is always in readiness for particularoccasions, or to replace those who may be killed in battle. Beforetaking the field, the general assigns three days for consultation withhis principal officers, during which the plan of the campaign ismaturely deliberated upon, and every one has liberty to offer hisopinion: But the general finally settles the plan of warfare in secretconsultation, with his principal officers. After all is agreed upon, thearmy commences its march to the sound of drums, and is always precededby several advanced parties, to guard against surprise. During themarch, the infantry as well as the cavalry are on horseback; but oncoming to action, the infantry dismounts and is regularly marshalled incompanies and battalions. All the soldiers have to provide their ownhorses arms and provisions; and as all are liable to military service, no one has to contribute towards the supply of the army. Theirprovisions consist chiefly in a small sack of parched meal, which eachsoldier carries on his horse; and which, diluted with water, serves themas food till they can live at free quarters in the enemys country. Beingthus unencumbered with baggage, they are able to move with astonishingcelerity, either to attack or to retreat as may be necessary. They areextremely vigilant when in presence of the enemy, encamping always insecure and advantageous situations, strengthening their posts withentrenchments, and placing sentinels on all sides, every soldier beingobliged during the night to keep a fire burning in front of his tent. When necessary they protect their posts and encampments with deeptrenches, guarded by abatis or hedges of spinous or thorny trees, andstrew calthrops at all the avenues to repress attacks from the cavalryof the enemy. In short there are few military stratagems with which theyare unacquainted, and are wonderfully expert in tactics [53]. 

[Footnote 53: From the singular excellence of the military institutionsof the Araucanians, by which they have been enabled to preserve theirliberties against the superior arms of the Spaniards, down even to thepresent day, we have been induced to extend these observations muchbeyond our usual limits on such occasions. Such as are inclined toinquire more minutely into the civil institutions of this wonderfulpeople, will find them detailed in the work of the Abbé Molina, togetherwith a minute account of the natural productions of Chili. --E. ]

SECTION II. 

_Of the Origin, Manners, and Language of the Chilese_. 

The origin of the primitive inhabitants of Chili, like that of all thenations and tribes of the aboriginal Americans, is involved inimpenetrable obscurity. Many of the natives consider themselves asindigenous, while others derive their origin from a foreign stock, supposing their ancestors to have come from the north or from the west;but as they were utterly unacquainted with the art of writing, they haveno records or monuments from which to elucidate this inquiry, and theirtraditionary accounts are too crude and imperfect to afford any degreeof rational information on the subject. The Chilese call their firstprogenitors _Pegni Epatum_, signifying the brothers named Epatum. Theycall them likewise _glyce_, or primitive men; and in their assembliesinvoke their ancestors and deities in a loud voice, crying _Pom, pam, pum, mari, mari, Epunamen, Amimalguen, Pegni Epatum_. The meaning ofthese words is uncertain, unless we may suppose it to have someconnexion with the word _pum_, used by the Chinese to signify the firstcreated man, or the one who was saved from the deluge. The lamas orpriests of Thibet are likewise said to repeat to their rosaries, thesyllables _om, am, um_, or _hom, ham, hum_; which corresponds in somemeasure with the customary exclamation of the Chilese. 

It appears probable that the whole of Chili had been originally peopledby one nation, as all the native tribes, however independent of eachother, speak the same language, and have a similar appearance. Theinhabitants of the plains are of good stature, but those who dwell inthe valleys of the Andes, usually surpass the ordinary height of man. The features of both are regular, and none of them have ever attemptedto improve nature by disfiguring their faces, to render themselves morebeautiful or more formidable. Their complexion, like the other Americannatives, is reddish brown or copper-coloured, but of a clearer hue thanthe other Americans; and readily changes to white. A tribe which dwellsin the district of Baroa, is of a clear white and red like Europeans, without any tinge of copper colour. As this tribe differs in no otherrespect from the rest of the Chilese, this difference in complexion maybe owing to some peculiar influence of the climate which they inhabit, or to their greater civilization. Some persons have been disposed toattribute this difference in colour to an intermixture with a number ofSpanish prisoners taken during the unfortunate war of the sixteenthcentury: But the Spanish prisoners were equally distributed among theother tribes, none of whom are white; and besides, the first Spaniardswho came to Chili were all from the southern provinces of Spain, whereruddy complexions are extremely rare. 

From the harmony, richness, and regularity of the Chilese language, weare led to conclude that the natives must in former times have possesseda much greater degree of civilization than now, or that they are theremains of a great and illustrious nation, which has been ruined by someof these physical or moral revolutions which have occasioned suchastonishing changes in the world. The Chilese language is so exceedinglycopious, both in radical words, and in the use of compounds, that acomplete dictionary of it would fill a large volume. Every verb, eitherderivatively or conjunctively, becomes the root of numerous other verbsand nouns, both adjectives and substantives, which in their turn produceothers of a secondary, nature which may be modified in a hundreddifferent manners. From every word in the language, a verb may be formedby adding a final _n_. Even from the most simple particles, verbs may bethus formed, by which at the same time great precision and greatstrength are given to conversation. Yet the language contains noirregular verb or noun, every thing being regulated by the mostwonderful precision and simplicity, so that the theory of the languageis remarkably easy, and may be learnt in a very short time. It aboundsalso in harmonious and sonorous syllables, which give it much sweetnessand variety; yet is injured by the frequent recurrence of the sound of_u_. The Chilese language differs essentially from every other Americanlanguage, both in words and construction, with the exception of eighteenor twenty words of Peruvian origin, which is not to be wondered at, considering the contiguity of the two countries. The most singularcircumstance in this language is, that it contains a considerable numberof words apparently of Greek and Latin derivation, and having similarsignifications in both languages; yet I am inclined to believe that thiscircumstance is merely accidental[54]. 

[Footnote 54: Perhaps these words may have been adopted into the Chileselanguage from the Spaniards, who speak a kind of dialect of Latin. Theremainder of this section is an abridgement of an Essay on the Chileselanguage, appended to the second volume of Molina. --E. ]

 * * * * *

The original language of Chili, generally called the Araucanian, isdenominated by the natives _Chili-dugu_, or the Chili speech orlanguage. The alphabet is the same as the Latin, except the want of _x_, which indeed is only a compound letter. The _s_ likewise only occurs inabout twenty of their words, and never at the termination; and the _z_is still more rare. Besides the ordinary letters, the Chilese has themute _e_, and a peculiar _u_ like the Greek and French; the former beingdesignated by the _acute_, and the latter by the _grave_ accent, todistinguish them from the ordinary _e_ and _u_. This latter _u_ is oftenchanged to _i_. It has likewise a nasal _g_ and a _th_; which latter isoften changed to _ch_, as _chegua_ for _thegua_, a dog. There are nogutturals or aspirates. All the words end either in one of the sixvowels, or in _b, d, f, g, l, m, n, r, or v_; so that there are fifteendistinct terminations. The accent is usually on the penult vowel, sometimes on the last, but never on the antipenult. The radical words, mostly monosyllables or dissyllables, are estimated at 1973. As far aswe have been able to discover, these radicals have no analogy with anyother known idiom, though the language contains a number of Greek andLatin words very little varied, as in the following table. It is properto mention, that the orthography of the Chilese words is given accordingto the Italian pronunciation. 

CHILESE. GREEK. SIGNIFICATION Aldun Aldein to increase. Ale Elesplendour. Amun Mouen to go. Cai Kai and. Ga Ga in truth. LampaiconLampein to shine. Mulan Mullen to pulverise. Pele Pelos mud. Reuma Reumaa stream. Tupan Tupein to whip. 

CHILESE. LATIN. Aren Ardere to burn. Cupa. Cupere to desire. DapeinDapinare to feast. Ejun Ejulare to weep. Lev Levis active, swift. Lumalmen Lumen light. Lui Lux brightness. Man Manus the right. PutunPotare to drink. Valin Valere to be worth. Valen Valere to be able. UneUnus one. 

The nouns have only one declension, or rather are indeclinable, thenumbers and cases being marked by various particles; but each, in thisway, has the singular, dual, and plural, like the Greek. Thus _Cara_ thecity, has _Cara-egu_ the two cities, and _Pu-cara_ the cities, as in thefollowing example. 

 _Singular. Dual. Plural. _ Nom. Cara Cara-egu pu-Cara Gen. Cara-ni Cara-egu-ni pu-Cara-ni Dat. Cara-meu Cara-egu-meu pu-Cara-meu Accus. Cara Cara-egu pu-Cara Voc. A Cara a Cara-egu a pu-Cara Abl. Caramo Cara-egu-mo pu-Cara-mo

Instead of _pu_, the mark of the plural, _ica_ or _egen_ may be affixedto the noun, or _que_ placed between the adjective and substantive. Thusthe plural of _cara_ may be _pu-cara, caraica_, or _caraegen_, signifying the cities; or _cum-que cara_, the good cities. 

The Chilese language abounds with adjectives, both primative andderivative. The latter are formed from every part of speech byinvariable rules: As, from _tue_ the earth, comes _tuetu_ terrestrial;from _quimen_ to know, _quimchi_ wise; and these, by the interpositionof _no_, become negative, as _tuenotu_ not terrestrial, _quimnochi_ignorant. The adjectives, participles, and derivative pronouns areunsusceptible of number or gender, in which they resemble the English;yet when it is necessary to distinguish the sexes, _alca_ is used forthe masculine, and _domo_ for the feminine. The comparative is formed byprefixing _jod_ or _doi_ to the positive, and the superlative by _cad_or _mu_. Thus from _chu_ limpid, are formed _doichu_ more limpid, and_muliu_ most limpid. There are no diminutives or augmentatives, whichare supplied by means of the adjectives _picki_ little, and _buta_great. Diminutives are also formed by changing a harsh sound into onemore liquid; as _votun_ son, to _vochiun_ little son. The primitivepronouns are _inche_ I, _eimi_ you, _teye_ which, &c. The relatives are_iney_ who, _chem_ what, _ta_ or _ga_ that, &c. The verbs all terminatein the syllables _an, en, in, an, un, ùn_; and are all regulated by asingle conjugation, having all the voices, moods, and tenses of theLatin, with three or four others, and the singular dual and plural likethe Greek. The terminations of the present tense of each mood form theroots of all the other tenses of the same mood, which are distinguishedby certain particles, as _che_ in the second present, _bu_ in theimperfect, _uje_ in the perfect, &c. As in the following example, whichare placed between the radical and the final _n_. Passive verbs areformed by the auxiliary _gen_, between the radical and final _n_. Impersonal verbs by the particle _am_ added to the radical. Thefollowing example of the verb _elun_ to give, will serve as a model forall the other verbs in the language without exception, as there is butone conjugation and no irregular verbs. It is to be noticed, that thefirst present of all the verbs is used, as our compound preterite: Thus_elun_ signifies I give or I have given; while the second present isstrictly confined to the present time. 

 ACTIVE VOICE. 

 INDICATIVE MOOD. 

 _Present Tense_. 

 Singular. Dual. Plural. 

 1. _Elun_, I give. _Eluvu_, We two give. _Eluign_, We give

 2. _Eluimi_, Thou givest. _Eluimu_, You two give. _Eluimen_, Ye give

 3. _Elui_ He gives. _Eluigu, They two give. _Eluigen_, They give_

 Second Present, 1. _Eluchen_, I give. 2. _Eluchemi_, Thou givest, &c. 

 Imperfect, 1. _Elubun_, I did give. 2. _Elubuimi_, Thou, &c. 

 Perfect, 1. _Eluuyen_, I gave. 2. _Eluuyeimi_, Thou, &c. 

 Pluperfect, 1. _Elunyebun_, I had given, &c. 

 1st Future, 1. _Eluan_, I will give, &c. 

 2d Future, 1. _Eluayean_, I shall have given, &c. 

 1st Mixed, 1. _Eluabun_, I had to give, &c. 

 2d Mixed, 1. _Eluugabun_, I ought to have had to give; &c. 

 IMPERATIVE MOOD. 

 Singular, Dual. Plural. 

 1 _Eluche_, let me give _Eluyu_, let us two give _Eluign_, let us give

 2 _Eluge_, give thou _Elamu_, let you two give _Elumen_, give ye

 3 _Elupe_, let him give _Elugu_ let these two give _Elugen_, let them give

 SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. 

 Present tense, _Eluli_, if I may give Imperfect, _Elubili_, if I might give Perfect, _Eluuyeli_, if I may have given Pluperfect, _Eluuyebuli_, if I might have given 1st. Future, _Eluaii_, if I shall give 2d. Future, _Eluuyela_, if I shall have given 1st. Mixed, _Eluabuli_, if I had to give 2d. Mixed, _Eluyeabuli_, if I should have to give

The _optative_ is formed of the subjunctive, or of the two mixed-tensesof the indicative, by adding the desiderative particles _velem_, _uel_, or _chi_; as _eluli velem_! Would to God that I might give; _eluabunchi_! Would to God that I had to give; &c. The affirmative _infinitive_is the same with the radical of the verb; or 1st person singular of theindicative tense; so that there are nine peculiar infinitives, which aredistinguished from these tenses by some determinative particle. 

 ACTIVE PARTICIPLES. 1st Present, _Elulu_, he who gives 2d Present, _Eluquelu_, he who gives Imperfect, _Elubulei_, he who did give Perfect, _Eluuyelu_, he who gave Pluperfect, _Eluuyebula_, he who had given 1st Future, _Elualu_, he who shall give 2d Future, _Eluuyealu_, he who shall have given 1st Mixed, _Eluabulu_, he who shall have to give 2d Mixed, _Eluuyeabulu_, he who should have given

 GERUNDS

 1st Present, _Eluyum_, giving 2d Present, _Elualu_, for to give Imperfect, _Eluyubum_, when giving

 PASSIVE VOICE. 

 INDICATIVE MOOD. 

 _Present. Elugen_, I am given _Imperfect. Elugebum_, I was given _Participles Passive. _

 1st Present, _Elugelu_, given 2d Present, _Eluel_, given Perfect, _Elubuel_, that was given Imperfect, _Elugebulu_, that was given

 IMPERSONAL VERB. 

 _Indicative Mood. _

 1st Present, _Eluan_, that is giving 2d Present, _Eluchean_, that is giving Imperfect, _Elubuam_, that was giving Perfect, _Eluuyeam_, that was given Pluperfect, _Eluuyebuam_, that had given 1st Future, _Eluayam_, that shall be given 2d Future, _Eluuyeayam_, that should be given 1st Mixed, _Eluabuam_, that had to give 2d Mixed, _Eluuyeabuam_, that should have to give

 Imperative. _Elupeam_, let us give, &c. 

Instead of the impersonal verb, the third person singular of the passivemay be used impersonally, as in Latin. The verb may be made negativethrough its whole conjugation, by means of inserting the particle _la_in the indicative, _qui_ in the imperative which then takes thetermination of the subjunctive mood, and by means of _no_ in thesubjunctive and infinitive moods, as in the following examples. 

Part II. Book II. 

 Indicative, _Elulan_, I do not give _Elulaimi_, thou doest not give Imperative, _Eluquili_, let me not give, &c. Subjunctive, _Elunoli_, if I do not give, &c. Infinitive, _Elunou_, not to give, &c. 

NUMERALS OF THE CHILESE LANGUAGE. 

 _Cardinals. _

 1. _Quigne_ 11. _Mari-guigne_ 21. _Epumari quigne_ 2. _Epu_ 12. _Mari-epu_. &c. 3. _Cula_ 4. _Meli_ 5. _Quechu_ 6. _Cayu_ 7. _Relghe_ 8. _Para_ 9. _Aylla_ 10. _Masi_ 20. _Epumari_ 30. _Culamari_ 40. _Melimari_, &c. 100. _Pataca_ 102. _Pataca epu_ 200. _Epupataca_, &c. 1000. _Huaranca_ 2000. _Epuhuaranca_ 2003. _Epuhuaranca cula_, &c. 

 _Ordinals. _

 _Unen, Unelelu, Quignelelu, Quignegetu, Quignegentu, Quigmentu, once Epulelu, epugelu, epugentun, epuntu, _ twice, &c. [55]

[Footnote 55: The translator seems here to have misunderstood the author, as these ordinal numbers ought surely to signify _first_ and _second_. --E. ]

 _Numeral Adverbs. _

 _Quignechi, guignemel, quignemita, _ once _Epuchi, epumal, epumeta, _ twice, &c. 

 _Distributives. _

 _Calique, mallquigne, _ one by one _Epuque, mollepu, _ two by two, &c. 

 _Numeral Verbs. _

 _Quignen_, to be one. _Quignelian_, to join. _Epun_, to be two; &c. 

 _Abstracts. _

 _Quignegen_, unity. _Epugen_, duality. _Culagen_, trinity, &c. 

 _Indefinites. _

 _Quignelque_, several. _Epulgen_, about two. _Culalque_, about three. 

 * * * * *

It has not been deemed necessary to repeat a great number of minuteobservations given by Molina on this singular language, nor to reportthe shades of difference in its dialects. But it has been thought properto give a short list of words from the Moluches, a tribe inhabitingPatagonia, but speaking a nearly related dialect of the Chilese languagewith that of the Araucanians. 

 Vocabulary. 

 _P'llu_, the soul or a spirit _Autuigh_, the sun, a day _Lonco_, the head or the hair _Voso_, the teeth or bones _Az_, the face _Anca_, the body _N'ge_, the eyes _Pue_, the belly _Wun_, or _huun_, the mouth _Cuugh_, the hand _Gehuun_, the tongue _Namon_, the foot _Yu_, the nose _Pinque_, the heart _Nahue_, a daughter _P'nen_, a child _Peni_, a brother _Con'n_, to enter _Penihuen_, own brothers _Tipan_, to go out _Huinca_, a Spaniard _Cupaln_, to bring _Seche_, an Indian _Entun_, to take away _Huenuy_, a friend _Aseln_, to be adverse _Cainie_, an enemy _Aselgen_, to hate _Huincha_, a head fillet _M'len_, to be, to possess _Makun_, a mantle _Mongen_, life to live _Lancattu_, glass beads _Mongetun_, to revive _Cosque_, bread _Swam_, the will _Ipe_, food _Swamtun_, to will _In_, or _ipen_ to eat _Pepi_, power _Ilo_, flesh _Pepilan_, to be able _Ilon_, to eat flesh _Quimn_, knowledge, to know _Putun_, to drink _Quimeln_, to learn _Putumum_, a cup _Quimelcan_, to teach _Chilca_, writing _Pangi_, a lion _Chilcan_, to write _Choique_, an ostrich _Sengu_, a word, language, or _Achahual_, a cock or hen a thing _Huayqui_, a lance _Malu_, a large lizard _Huay-quitun_, to lance _Cusa_, a stone an egg _Chinu_, a knife or sword _Saiguen_, a flower _Chinogoscun_, to wound _Milya_, gold _Chinogosquen_, to be wounded _Lien_, silver _Conan_, a soldier _Cullyin_, money payment _Conangean_, one who is to be _Cullingen_, to be rich. A soldier _Amon_, to walk _Cunnubal_, poor, miserable, an orphan _Anun_, to sit _Cum panilhue_, red metal, copper _Anupeum_, a stool or seat _Chos panilhue_, yellow metal, brass _Anunmahuun_, to feel inwardly _Gepun_, colour, painting _Poyquelhuun_, to feel or perceive _Cuyem, Kiyem_ a mouth, the moon _Saman_, a trade an artificer _Tissantu_, a year _Mamel_, a tree _K'tal_, fire _Mamel-Saman_, a carpenter _Asee_, hot _Suca_, a house _Chosee_, cold _Sucu-Saman_, a house builder _Atutuy_, it is shivering cold. 

 _The beginning of the Lord's Prayer_. 

 _Inchin in Chao, huenumenta m' leymi, ufchingepe mi wi;_ Our Father, in heaven thou that art, hallowed be thy name; _eymi mi toguin inchinmo cupape; eymi mi piel, chumgechi_ thy kingdom to us may it come; thy will, as it is _vemgey huenu-mapumo, vemgechi cay vemengepe_ done in heaven, so likewise may it be done _tue-mapumo, &c. _ on earth, &c. 

SECTION III. 

_State of Chili, and Conquests made in that Country by the Peruvians, before the arrival of the Spaniards. _

The History of Chili and its inhabitants does not precede the middle ofthe fifteenth century, and what little is known respecting it iscontained in the traditionary accounts of the Peruvians, who firstinvaded the northern province of Chili about the middle of that century, not an hundred years before the overthrow of the Peruvian empire byPizarro, and the first Spanish invasion of Chili under Almagro. 

About the year 1450, while the Inca Yupanqui reigned over the Peruvianempire which had then extended its limits from Cuzco northwards to theequator and southwards to the tropic of Capricorn, the ambition of thePeruvian government was attracted to the acquisition of the importantcountry of Chili, a rich and delightful region of great extent, immediately adjacent to the southern extremity of Peru. Favoured by thefertility of the country and the salubrity of the climate, thepopulation of Chili may be readily supposed to have then beenconsiderable, as we know that the whole extent of its territory wasoccupied by fifteen independent tribes or communities, each of which wasgoverned by its respective chiefs, or _Ulmens_. These, tribes, beginningat the north on the confines of the desert of Atacama, were calledCopaipins, Coquimbans, Quillotans, Mapochians, Promaucians, Cures, Cauques, Pencones, Araucanians, Cunches, Chilotes, Chiquilanian, Pehuenches, Puelches, and Huilliches; which last tribe inhabited thesouth of Chili, adjoining the archipelago of Chiloé. 

Informed of the natural advantages possessed by the inhabitants of thisdelightful region, the Inca Yupanqui resolved to attempt the annexationof Chili to his extensive empire. He accordingly marched with a powerfularmy to the frontiers of the country: But, either from apprehensions ofhis personal safety, or to be in a favourable situation for reinforcingthe invading army and directing its operations, he established himselfwith a splendid court in the province of Atacama, the most southerlydistrict of Peru, and confided the command of the invading army toSinchiruca, a prince of the blood royal of Peru. Preceded, according tothe specious custom of the Peruvians, by several ambassadors, andattended by a considerable military force, this general reduced underthe Peruvian government, more by persuasion than force, the four mostnortherly tribes of the Chilese, named Copaipins, Coquimbans, Quillotans, and Mapochians. After this, not being able by hisambassadors to persuade the Promaucians into submission, who inhabit thedelightful country between the river Rapel on the north and Maule on thesouth, he passed the river Rapel with his army to reduce them by forceof arms. The name of the Promaucians, which signifies _free-dancers_[56], had been given them on account of their fondness for every kind ofamusement, and their peculiar attachment to dancing; yet the love ofpleasure had not rendered them effeminate. With the assistance of theirallies, they drew together a formidable army and fought the Peruvianswith such heroic valour as to defeat them in a battle, which, accordingto Garcilasso, was continued during three successive days. 

[Footnote 56: On a former occasion their name is explained as signifying_the people of delight_, owing to the beauty, fertility, and charmingclimate of their country. --E. ]

On learning the defeat of his army and the invincible valour of thePromaucians, the Inca gave orders that the river Rapel should remain thesouthern boundary of his dominions, and all attempts to reduce the restof Chili were laid aside. According to Garcilasso, the river Maule wasestablished as the frontier of the Peruvian conquests: But this is by nomeans probable; as in this case the country of the conquerors would havebeen included within the territories of the vanquished. In fact, not farfrom the river Cachapoal, which with the Tinguiririca forms the Rapel, the remains of a Peruvian fortress are still to be seen on the top of asteep hill, which was undoubtedly built to protect that part of thefrontier against the unconquered Promaucians. By this conquest of itsfour northern provinces, Chili became divided into two distinctportions; all to the south of the Rapel remaining free, while thedistricts to the north of that river were subjected to the dominion ofthe Incas. These four tribes, who had so readily submitted to the IncaYupanqui, were subjected to an annual tribute in gold; but theconquerors never introduced their peculiar form of government into theseprovinces, the inhabitants of which remained subject to their own native_ulmens_, and preserved their original manners until the arrival of theSpaniards. 

When first known to the Spaniards, the Chilese were an agriculturalpeople, dependent for their subsistence on the cultivation of suchnutritious plants as accident or necessity had made them acquaintedwith. The plants chiefly cultivated by them for subsistence were maize, _magu, guegen, tuca, quinoa, pulse_ of various kinds, the potatoe, _oxalis tuberosa_, common and yellow pumpkin or gourd, guinea pepper, _madi_, and the great strawberry; of each of which it may be proper togive a short account[57]. 

[Footnote 57: The following account of the plants cultivated by theChilese for food, is extracted from the natural history of Chili byMolina; but the enumeration from the text of his civil history will befound to differ materially from that given from the natural history ofthe same author. --E. ]

Maize or Turkey wheat, the _Zea mais_ of botanists, is called _gua_ bythe Chilese. It grows extremely well in Chili, where the inhabitantscultivate eight or nine distinct varieties. The kind in highest reputeis called _uminta_, from which the natives prepare a dish by bruisingthe corn, while in a green unripe state, between two stones into a kindof paste, which they season with salt, sugar, and butter. This paste isthen divided into small portions, which are separately inclosed in theskin or husk of the corn, and boiled for use. When ripe, the maize isprepared for winter use, either by slightly roasting, or by drying inthe sun. From the former, named _chuchoca_, a kind of soup is preparedby boiling with water: From the latter they make a very pleasant beer orfermented liquor. The maize is sometimes reduced to meal by grindingbetween two stones, being previously parched or roasted by means ofheated sand. For this purpose they prefer a variety of maize named_curagua_, which is smaller than the other, and produces a lighter andwhiter meal, and in larger quantity. With this meal, mixed with sugarand water, they make two different beverages, named _ulpo_ and_cherchan_. 

_Magu_ a species of rye, and _tuca_, a species of barley, werecultivated by the Chilese before the coming of the Spaniards to thatcountry; but have been entirely neglected since the introduction ofEuropean wheat. They are still used however by the Araucanians, who makefrom them a kind of bread called _couvue_, which name they likewise giveto bread made from maize or wheat. 

_Quinua_ is a species of _Chenopodium/_, having a black twisted grain ofa lenticular form, from which they prepare a stomachic beverage of apleasant taste. A variety of this plant, named _dahue_, produces whiteseeds, which lengthen out when boiled like worms, and are excellent insoup. The leaves of the _quinoa_ have an agreeable taste, and are eatenby the natives. 

_Degul_ is a species of bean, of which the Chilese cultivated thirteenor fourteen kinds before the arrival of the Spaniards, differing butlittle from the common European bean or _Phaseolus vulgaris_, one ofthem having a straight stalk, and all the rest climbers[58]. 

[Footnote 58: These beans are obviously what are called kidney-beans inthis country. --E. ]

Chili is considered by naturalists as the native country of thatvaluable esculent the potato, or _Solanun tuberosum_, which is knownthere by the names of _papa_ and _pogny_. It is found indeed wild allover the country; but those wild plants, named _maglia_, produce onlysmall roots of a bitterish taste. It is distinguished into two species, and more than thirty varieties are cultivated with much care. Besidesthe common species, the second is the _cari, Solanum cari_, which bearswhite flowers having a large central nectary like the narcissus. Theroots of this species are cylindrical and very sweet, and are usuallyroasted under the ashes. 

The _Oca_, or _Oxalis tuberosa_, produces five or six tuberosities oneach root, three or four inches in length covered by a thin smooth skin. It is eaten boiled or roasted, and has a pleasant subacid taste. Likethe potato, it is multiplied by means of its bulbs cut in pieces. Thereare several species of this plant; one of which called _red culle_, ismuch used in dyeing, and Is considered as a specific remedy forinflammatory fevers. 

Two species of gourds are known in Chili. The first species, with awhite flower, called _quada_, has twenty-six varieties, several of whichproduce sweet and edible fruit, while that of the others is bitter. Withone of these last, after extracting the seeds, the Chilese give apleasant perfume or flavour to their cyder. The yellow-flowering gourd, called _penca_, has two kinds or varieties, the common and mamillary, owing to the fruit of the latter having a large nipple-shaped process atthe end. Its pulp is sweet, and resembles in taste a kind of potatonamed _camote. _

The _quelghen, _ or Chili strawberry has rough and succulent leaves, andits fruit is sometimes as large as a hens egg. This fruit is generallyred and white; but in the provinces of Puchacay and Huilquilemeu, wherethey attain the greatest perfection, the fruit is yellow. "The Chilistrawberry is _dioecial_, and has degenerated much in Europe by the wantof male plants, and the females producing hybrid fruit by impregnationfrom the ordinary strawberries growing in the neighbourhood; inconsequence of which circumstance the cultivation of this kind has beenabandoned in Europe. "

The _madi, _ a new genus of plants peculiar to Chili, has two species, one wild and the other cultivated. From the seeds of the latter anexcellent oil is procured, either by expression, or by boiling in water, of an agreeable mild taste, and as clear as the best olive oil. Thisplant, hitherto unknown in Europe, would be a most valuable acquisitionto those countries in which the olive cannot be raised. 

Many species of the capsicum, or guinea pepper, are cultivated in Chili, under the name of _thapi_, and are used as seasonings in the food of thenatives. 

The _illmu, _ or Bermudiana bulbosa, produces bulbous roots, which areexcellent food either boiled or roasted, and are very pleasant in soups. The _liuto_ produces a bulbous root, which yields a very white, light, and nutritious flour, which is much used as food for the sick. 

To these enumerated provisions from the vegetable kingdom, may be addedthe _cuy_ or little rabbit, _Lepus minimus, _ and the Chilihueque, orAraucanian camel; the flesh of which last affords an excellent food, andits wool furnishes clothing for the natives. If tradition may becredited, they had also the hog and the domestic fowl before the Spanishinvasion. Besides these, the country produced the _guanaco, _ and the_pudu, _ a species of wild goat, and a great variety of birds. With theseproductions, which required only a moderate degree of industry, theysubsisted with a sufficient abundance considering their situation andnumbers; insomuch that, when Almagro invaded Chili, his army foundabundance of provisions to recruit after the famine they had endured intheir imprudent march through the deserts intervening between Peru andthat country. With these advantages of abundant provisions in a fertilesoil and mild climate, it appears that the first writers who treated ofChili cannot have greatly exaggerated in saying that it was filled withinhabitants at the first arrival of the Spaniards. Even the circumstanceof one language being spoken through the whole country, is a proof thatall the tribes were in the habit of continual intercourse, and that theywere not isolated by vast unpeopled deserts, as is the case in manyother parts of America. 

Agriculture appears to have made no inconsiderable progress among theChilese, who cultivated a great variety of alimentary plants, alldistinguished by peculiar and appropriate names, which could not havebeen the case except in consequence of an extensive and variedcultivation. They even had aqueducts in many parts of the country forwatering or irrigating their fields; and, among these, the canal whichruns for many miles along the rough skirts of the mountains near thecapital, and waters the lands to the north of that city, remains aremarkably solid and extensive monument of their ingenious industry. They were likewise acquainted with the use of manure, called _vunalti_in their language; but, from the great fertility of the soil, littleattention was paid to that subject. They used a kind of spade orbreast-plough of hard wood for turning the soil, which was pushedforwards by their breasts. At present the native Chilese use a verysimple plough, called _chetague_, made of the branch of a tree crookedat one end, having a wooden share and a single handle by which it isguided. Whether this simple implement has been taught them by theSpaniards, or is of their own invention I know not; but should believeit original, as Admiral Spilsberg observed a plough of this kind, drawnby two Chilihueques, used by the natives of the Isle of Mocha in theAraucanian Sea, where the Spaniards never had a settlement. The FathersBry add, that the Chilese tilled their lands by means of these animalsbefore the arrival of any European cattle. However this may have been, it is certain that this Araucanian camel was employed by the natives asa beast of burden before the arrival of the Spaniards, and thetransition from burden to draught is not difficult. 

The Chilese cooked their grain for food in various ways, by boiling inearthen pots, or roasting it in hot sand, and by grinding it into meal, which they prepared in the form of gruel, of cakes, and of bread. Mealmade of parched grain was called _murque_, and when made from grainmerely dried in the sun _rugo_. Of the first they made gruels, and akind of beverage still used for breakfast. Of the second they madecakes, and a kind of bread called _covque_, which was baked in holes dugin the sides of hills or the banks of rivers, in the form of ovens, manyof which are still to be seen. They had even invented a kind of sieve, called _chignigue_, to separate the bran from the flour, and employedleaven in baking their bread. From the grains already mentioned, and thefruits or berries of different trees, they made nine or ten differentkinds of fermented liquors, which they made and kept in jars ofearthen-ware. 

Having adopted the settled mode of life indispensable to an agriculturalpeople, the Chilese were collected into families or septs more or lessnumerous, in those situations which were best suited for procuringsubsistence, where they established themselves in large villages, called_cara_, or in small ones called _lov_. These villages consisted only ofa number of huts irregularly dispersed within sight of each other, andsome of them still subsist in several parts of Spanish Chili. The mostconsiderable of these are _Lampa_ in the province of St Jago, and _Lora_in the province of Maule. In each village or hamlet they had a chiefnamed _Ulmen_, who was subject in certain points, to the supreme rulerof the tribe, or _apo-ulmen_. The succession of these chiefs was byhereditary descent; and from their title of office, which signifies arich man, it would appear that wealth had been the original means ofraising these families to the rank they now occupy, contrary to theusages of other savage nations in which strength, skill in hunting, ormartial prowess appear to have been the steps by which individuals haverisen to rank and power. The authority of these chiefs or _ulmens_appears to have been extremely limited, being merely of a directivenature and not absolute. The right of private property was fullyestablished among the Chilese, as every individual was the absolutemaster of the land he cultivated, and of the produce of his industry, both of which descended to his posterity by hereditary succession. 

The houses or huts of the Chilese were built in a quadrangular form, ofwood covered with clay, and the roof covered with rushes; though in someinstances the walls were of brick, the use of which they seem to havelearned from the Peruvians, as they used the Peruvian term _tica_ forthat material. From the wool of the Chilihueques they manufactured clothfor their apparel, using the spindle and distaff for spinning this woolinto yarn, and two different kinds of looms for weaving the yarn intocloth. One of these, called _guregue_, is not very unlike the ordinaryloom of Europe; but the other is vertical or upright, and called_uthalgue_, from the verb _uthalen_, signifying to stand upright. Froma verb in their language, _nudaven_, which signifies to sew, they musthave used some kind of needle to sew their garments; but I know not ofwhat substance it was composed. They seem even to have been acquaintedwith the art of embroidery, called _dumican_ in their language. Fromexcellent clay which is found abundantly in Chili, they made pots, plates, cups, and large jars to hold their fermented liquors, bakingthese vessels in holes or ovens made in the declivities of hills; andthey even used a kind of mineral earth called _colo_, for varnishingthese vessels. Besides these vessels of clay, they made others of hardwood, and even of marble; some vases of which excellently polished havebeen dug out from under a large heap of stones in the mountains ofArauco. From the earth they extracted gold, silver, copper, tin, andlead, and employed these metals in a variety of useful and curiousworks. Particularly from their native copper, which is a kind ofbell-metal and very hard, they made axes, hatchets, and other edgedtools, but in small quantities, as these are very rarely met with intheir ancient sepulchres; where, on the contrary, hatchets made of aspecies of basalt or very hard stone are very often found. They seemeven to have known the use of iron, as it is called _panilgue_ in theirlanguage, and weapons made of it are termed _chiuquel_, while those madeof other materials are called _nulin_. A smith likewise is called_ruthavé_, from _ruthan_, signifying to work in iron. 

The ancient Chilese had discovered the art of making salt, both from seawater and from inland salt springs; calling the former _chiadi_, and thelatter _lilco-chiadi_, or salt from the water of rocks. They procureddyes of various colours for their clothes, both from the juice of plantsand from mineral earths, and had discovered the art of fixing them bymeans of the _polcura_, an aluminous or astringent mineral. Instead ofsoap, they used the back of the _quillai_, which is an excellentsubstitute. In their language there are many words discriminative ofvarious kinds of baskets and mats, which they manufactured from variousvegetables. From a plant called _gnocchia_, they procured a strongfibrous substance resembling hemp, of which they made ropes and fishingnets of different kinds; and the inhabitants on the coast used canoes ofdifferent kinds and sizes, and floats or rafts of wood, or of inflatedseal skins. Though not peculiarly addicted to hunting, they wereaccustomed to kill the wild animals and birds of the country, both foramusement and subsistence; for which purpose they used bows and arrows, and the _laque_ or running noose which is employed with so muchingenuity by many of the South American natives. It is a singular factthat they had the same device as the Chinese, for catching wild ducks intheir lakes and rivers, covering their heads with perforated gourds, andwading among the flocks. 

They had advanced so far in the knowledge of numbers, as to havedistinctive names for the ten units, and for an hundred and a thousand, with all the intermediate numbers compounded of decimal terms. Topreserve the memory of their transactions, they used a bunch of threadsof several colours called _pron_, similar to the _quippo_ of thePeruvians, oh which they cast a number of knots according tocircumstances. The subject was indicated by the colour of the threads, and the knots designated the number or quantity, but I have not beenable to discover any other purpose to which this species of registercould be applied. The _quippo_ is still used by the shepherds in Peru, to keep an account of the number in their flocks, to mark the day andhour when the different ewes yeaned, or when any of their lambs arelost. 

The religious system of the Araucanians, formerly that of all the nativetribes of Chili, resembles in a great measure the freedom of their modesof life and government. They acknowledge a Supreme Being, the creator ofall things, whom they name _Pillan_, a word derived from _pulli_ or_pilli_, the soul. He is likewise named _Guenu-pillan_, the soul orspirit of heaven; _Buta-gen_, the great being; _Thalcove_[59], thethunderer; _Vilvemvoe_, the creator of all things; _Vilpepilvoe_, theomnipotent; _Mollgelu_, the eternal; _Avnolu_, the omnipotent; and isdesigned by many other similar epithets. Their ideas of the governmentof heaven form in a great measure a prototype of the Araucanian systemof civil polity; Pillan is considered as the great _Toqui_ of theinvisible world of Spirits[60], and is supposed to have his _Apo-ulmens_and _Ulmens_, or subordinate deities of two different ranks, to whom heentrusts the administration of lesser affairs. In the first class ofthese inferior deities, are _Epunamun_, or the god of war; _Meulen_, abenevolent being, the friend of the human race; and _Guecubu_, amalignant being, the author of all evil, who is likewise called _Algue_. Hence they appear to entertain the doctrine of two adverse principles, improperly called Manicheism. _Guecubu_, or _Huecuvu_, is named_Mavari_ by the natives on the Orinoco, and is the same with the_Aherman_ of the ancient Persians. To him every evil is attributed. If ahorse tire, he has been ridden by _Guecubu_. In an earthquake, _Guecubu_has given the world a shock; and the like in all things. The _Ulmens_, or subaltern deities of their celestial hierarchy, resemble the genii, and are supposed to have the charge of earthly things, and to form, inconcert with the benevolent Meulen, a counterpoise to the prodigiouspower of the malignant Guecuba. These _ulmens_ of the spiritual worldare conceived to be of both sexes, who always continue pure and chastewithout propagation. The males are called _Gen_, or lords; the females_Amei-malghen_, or spiritual nymphs, and are supposed to perform thesame friendly offices to men which were anciently attributed to the_lares_, and every Araucanian imagines he has one of these attendantspirits in his service. _Nien cai gni Amchi-malghen_, I keep my nymphstill, is a common expression when any one succeeds in an undertaking. Pursuant to the analogy of their own earthly government, as their_Ulmens_ have no right to impose any service or contribution on thepeople whom they govern, so they conceive the celestial race require noservices from man, having occasion for none. Hence they have neitheridols nor temples, and offer no sacrifices, except in case of somesevere calamity, or on the conclusion of a peace, when they sacrificeanimals, and burn tobacco as a grateful incense to their deities. Yetthey invoke them and implore their aid on urgent occasions, chieflyaddressing _Pillan_ and _Meulen_. 

[Footnote 59: _Pillan_, according to Dobrizhoffer, is likewise the wordfor thunder. In a similar manner, _Tupa_ or _Tupi_, among all the Tupitribes of Brazil, and the Guaranies of Paraguay, signifies both God andthunder. --E. ]

[Footnote 60: Among the Moluches, the general name of the Supreme Being, according to Falkner, is _Toqui-chen_, or the supreme ruler of thepeople. --E. ]

[Illustration: Map of CHILI]

Notwithstanding the small regard which they pay to their deities, theyare extremely superstitious in matters of less importance, and are firmbelievers in divination, paying the utmost attention to favourable andunfavourable omens, to dreams, the singing and flight of birds, and thelike, which they believe to denote the pleasure of the gods. They haveaccordingly jugglers or diviners, who pretend to a knowledge offuturity, who are called _Gligua_ and _Dugol_, some of them callthemselves _Guenguenu_ or masters of heaven, _Guenpugnu_ or masters ofdisease, _Guen-piru_, or masters of worms, and the like. These divinerspretend to the power of producing rain, of curing diseases, ofpreventing the ravages of the worms which destroy the grain, and so on. They are in perpetual dread of imaginary beings, called _Calcus_ orsorcerers, who in their opinion remain concealed in caverns by day, along with their disciples or servants, called _lvunches_ orman-animals, who transform themselves at night into owls and shootinvisible arrows at their enemies. 

They all believe in the immortality of the soul, which they call _am_ or_pulli_, and which they say is _aneanolu_ or incorporeal, and _mugealu_, or existing for ever; but they are not agreed as to the state of thesoul after this life. All say that it goes after death to the westbeyond the sea, to a place called _Gulcheman_, or the dwelling of themen beyond the mountains. Some believe this country is divided into twoprovinces; one that is pleasant and filled with every thing delightful, the abode of the good; the other desolate and devoid of every comfort, the dwelling of the wicked. Others again conceive that all enjoy eternalpleasure after this life, and that the deeds done in the body have noinfluence on the future lot. They believe the soul retains its originalattachments and dislikes, and that the spirits of their departedcountrymen frequently return and fight furiously with those of theirformer enemies, when they meet in the air; and to these combats theyattribute the origin of tempests and of thunder and lightning. When astorm happens on the Andes or the ocean, they ascribe it to a battlebetween the spirits of their departed countrymen and those of theSpaniards. If the storm take its course towards the Spanish territory, they exclaim triumphantly, _Inavimen, inavimen, puen, laguvimen!_ Pursuethem friends, pursue them, kill them! If the storm tends towards theirown country, they cry out in consternation, _Yavulumen, puen, namuntumen_! Courage friends, be firm!

They have a tradition of a great deluge, in which only a few personswere saved by taking refuge on a high mountain, named _Thegtheg_, thethundering or sparkling, which had three points, and had the property offloating on the waters. On the occurrence of violent earthquakes, theyfly for refuge to the mountains, fearful that the sea may again delugethe world; and on these occasions, every one takes a good supply ofprovisions, and a large wooden platter to protect the head, in case the_Thegtheg_ when raised by the waters should approach the sun. 

The year of the Araucanians is solar, and begins on the 22d of December, or immediately after the southern solstice, which they call_Thaumathipantu_, or the head and tail of the year, and are able toascertain this period with tolerable precision by means of watching theshadows. The 22d of June is called _Udanthipantu_, the divider of theyear, as dividing it into two equal parts. The whole year is called_Tipantu_, or the course of the sun, and is divided into twelve monthsof thirty days each, to which they add five intercallary days tocomplete the tropical year, but in what way I have not been able todetermine. The months are called _cujen_, or moons, and have thefollowing names:

 Avun-cujen, the month of fruit, -------------January Coji-cujen the month of harvest, ------------February Glor-cujen, the month of maize, ---------------March Rimu-cujen, the 1st month of rimu, ---------------April Inarimu-cujen, the 2d month of rimu, -----------------May Thor-cujen, the 1st month of foam, ----------------June Inanthor-cujen, the 2d month of foam, ----------------July Huin-cujen, the unpleasant month, --------------August Pillal-cujen, the treacherous month, ---------- September Hueul-cujen, 1st month of new winds, -------------October Inan-hueul-cujen, 2d month of new winds, ------------November Hueviru-cujen, the month of new fruits, ----------- December

The year is divided into four seasons; the spring being called_Peughen_, the summer _Ucan_, the autumn _Gualug_, and the winter_Pucham_. The natural day is divided into twelve parts or hours, called_gliaganiu_, six of which belong to the day and six to the night, all ofwhich have particular names. Commencing at midnight, there are Puliuen, Ueun, Thipanantu, Maleu, Vutamaleu, Ragiantu, Culunantu, Gullantu, Conantu, Guvquenantu, Puni, Ragipun. The stars in general are named_huaglen_, which they distribute into constellations called _pal_ or_ritha_. The pleiades are named _Cajupal_, or the constellation of six;the antarctic cross _Meleritho_, the Constellation of four, and so on. The milky-way is named _Rupuepen_, the fabulous road. The planets arecalled _gau_, a word derived from _gaun_ to wash, as they suppose themto dip into the sea when they set; and some conceive them to be otherearths inhabited like our own. The sky is called _Guenu-mapu_, or theheavenly country; the moon _Cuyenmapu_, or the country of the moon. Comets are called _Cheruvoc_, as believed to be terrestrial exhalationsinflamed in the upper region of the air. The eclipses of the sun andmoon are called _Lay-antu_ and _Lay-cujen_, or the deaths of the sun andmoon. 

Their measures of length are the _nela_ or palm, the _duche_ or foot, _namun_ the pace, _the can_ the ell, and _tupu_ the league, whichanswers to the marine league or the pharasang of the Persians: But theyestimate long distances by mornings, corresponding to our days journeys. The liquid measures are the _guampar_, about a quart; _can_ about apint; and the _mencu_, which is still smaller. The dry measures are the_chiaique, about six pints; and the _gliepu_, which is double thatquantity. 

Oratory is held in high estimation, and is the road to honour and themanagement of public affairs; insomuch that the eldest son of an_Ulmen_, if deficient in that talent, is excluded from the right ofsuccession, which devolves upon a younger son, or the nearest malerelative who happens to be an able speaker. On this account, parentsaccustom their sons to speak in public from their early youth, and carrythem to the national assemblies, where the best orators of the nationdisplay their eloquence. Hence the universal attention to speak thelanguage correctly and to preserve its purity. They are so careful toavoid the introduction of any foreign words into their language, thatwhen any stranger settles among them he is obliged to adopt a new namein the _Chili-dugu_ or language of the country, and even themissionaries must conform to this singular regulation, if they wouldobtain favour; and so fastidious are they in attention to the purity oftheir language, that the audience will interrupt a missionary whilepreaching, to correct the mistakes in language or pronunciation. Many ofthem are well acquainted with the Spanish language; and, from beingaccustomed to a soft regular and varied language, they are able easilyto learn the pronunciation of the different European dialects, as wasobserved by Captain Wallis of the Patagonians, who are real Chilese. They are so unwilling however to use the Spanish, that they never use itin any of the assemblies or congresses between the two nations, andrather choose to listen to a tiresome interpretation than to degrade thedignity of their native tongue by using another on such occasions. Their style of oratory is highly figurative, elevated, allegorical, andreplete with peculiar phrases and expressions that are only used on suchoccasions; whence it is called _coyag-tucan_ or the style of publicharangues. They commonly divide their subject into regular heads, called_thoy_, and usually specify the number they mean to enlarge upon; saying_Epu thoygei tamen piavin_, "what I am going to say is divided into twoheads. " Their speeches are not deficient in a suitable exordium, a clearnarrative, a well-founded argument, and a pathetic peroration; andusually abound in parables and apologues; which sometimes furnish themain substance of the discourse. 

Their poets are called _gempin_, or lords of speech; and their poetrygenerally contains strong and lively images, bold figures, frequentallusions and similitudes, new and forcible expressions, and possessesthe power of exciting sensibility. It is every where animated andmetaphorical, and allegory is its very soul and essence. Their versesare mostly composed in stanzas of eight or eleven syllables, and are forthe most part blank, yet rhyme is occasionally introduced, according tothe taste or caprice of the poet. 

They have three kinds of physicians. Of these the _ampives_, who areskilful herbalists, are the best, and have even some skill in the pulseand other diagnostics of disease. The _vileus_ pretend that allcontagious diseases are produced by insects or worms, and are thereforeoften called _cutampiru_, which signifies vermiculous diseases, ordiseases proceeding from worms. The _machis_ are a superstitious class, or pretenders to sorcery, and allege that all diseases proceed fromwitchcraft, and pretend therefore to cure them by supernatural means, for which reason they are employed in desperate cases, when theexertions of the _ampives_ and _vileus_ have proved ineffectual; Theyhave likewise a kind of surgeons, called _gutarve_; who are skilful inreplacing luxations, setting fractured bones, and curing wounds andulcers. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Chilese doctors usedbleeding, blistering, emetics, cathartics, sudorifics, and evenglysters. They let blood by means of a sharp flint fixed in a smallstick; and for giving glysters they employ a bladder and pipe. Theiremetics, cathartics, and sudorifics are all obtained from the vegetablekingdom. 

Their commerce, both internal and external, is all carried on by barter, as they have not adopted the use of money; and this is regulated by aconventional tariff according to which the values of all articles incommerce are appraised under the name of _cullen_, or payment. Theirexternal trade is with the Spaniards, with whom they exchange _ponchos_, or Chilese cloaks, and animals, for wine or European articles. TheSpaniards of the province of Maulé supply the Araucanians with ironware, bits for bridles, cutlery, grain, and wine; and are paid in_ponchos_ of which they receive above 40, 000 yearly, in horned cattle, horses, ostrich feathers, curious baskets, and other trifles; for it hasnever been possible to induce them to open their gold mines. The Spanishmerchant has in the first place to obtain permission from the ulmens orheads of families of a district, after which he proceeds to all thehouses, distributing his merchandize indiscriminately to all, whopresent themselves. When he has completed his sale, he gives notice ofhis departure, and all the purchasers hasten to an appointed village, where they deliver the articles agreed for with the utmost punctuality. 

SECTION IV. 

_First Expedition of the Spaniards into Chili under Almagro_. 

After the death of Atahualpa and the subjection of the Peruvian empireby Pizarro and Almagro, Pizarro persuaded his companion Almagro toundertake the conquest of Chili then celebrated for its niches, beingdesirous to enjoy the sole command in Peru. Filled with sanguineexpectations of a rich booty, Almagro began his march for Chili in theend[61] of the year 1535, with an army of 570 Spaniards, and accompaniedby 15, 000 Peruvians, under the command of Paullu[62], the brother of theInca _Manco_, the nominal emperor of Peru, who had succeeded toAtahualpa and Huasear. Two roads lead from Peru to Chili; one of whichby the maritime plain, is the arid desert of Atacama, destitute of waterand provisions; while the other passes for about 120 miles over theimmense ridge of the Andes, and is attended by excessive inconveniencesand almost insurmountable difficulties Almagro chose this road becauseit was the shortest from Cuzco; and in this march his army had to endureinfinite fatigue, and almost incessant conflicts with the barbaroustribes in the several districts through which he had to pass. He atlength reached the eastern side of the vast chain of the Andes at thecommencement of winter, almost destitute of provisions, and ill suppliedwith clothing to protect his people under the inclemencies of the regionhe had still to penetrate. At the season of the year which heunfortunately chose, snow falls almost continually among the Andes, andcompletely fills and obliterates the narrow paths that are evendifficultly passable in summer. The soldiers, however, animated by theirgeneral, and ignorant of the dangers they had to encounter, advancedwith inconceivable toil to the summit of the rugged ascent. But by theseverity of the weather, and the want of provisions, 150 of theSpaniards perished by the way; and 10, 000 of the Peruvians, less able toendure the rigours of that frozen region, were destroyed. Not one of allthe army would have escaped, had not Almagro pushed resolutely forwardwith a small party of horse to Copaipo, whence he sent back succours andprovisions to his army still engaged in the defiles of the mountains. Bythese means, those of the most robust constitutions, who had been ableto resist the inclemency of the weather, were enabled to extricatethemselves from the snow, and at length reached the plains of Copaipo, the most northerly province in Chili, where they were kindly receivedand entertained by the inhabitants, through respect for the Peruvians. 

[Footnote 61: The beginning of that year according to Ovale. --E. ]

[Footnote 62: By Orale this Peruvian prince is called Paullo Topo, andthe high priest of the Peruvians, Villacumu, is said to have beenlikewise sent in company with Almagro. --E. ]

As the Inca Paullu was well acquainted with the object of thisexpedition, he obliged the inhabitants of Copaipo to deliver up to himall the gold in their possession, which he immediately presented toAlmagro, to the value of 500, 000 ducats. Almagro was highly pleased withthis first fruit of his labours, and immediately distributed the wholeamong his soldiers, to whom also he remitted immense debts which theyowed him, as he had advanced them all the funds which were necessary tofit them out for the expedition. Almagro soon learnt that the reigningUlmen of Copaipo had usurped the government of that province inprejudice of his nephew and ward, who had fled to the woods. Calling thelawful heir into his presence, he arrested the guilty chief, andreinstated the lawful heir in the government, with the universalapplause of the natives, who attributed this conduct entirely to motivesof justice and a wish to redress the injured. 

When the Spaniards were recovered from their fatigues, through thehospitable assistance of the Copaipins, and were reinforced by anadditional number of soldiers brought by Rodrigo Orgonez from Peru, Almagro and his troops commenced their march towards the more southerlyprovinces of Chili, full of the most flattering hopes of acquiring vastriches and splendid establishments in a fine country, which wasinterspersed on all sides with numerous villages, evincing an extensivepopulation and fertile soil. The natives every where crowded round themon the march, to examine the wonderful strangers, and to present themwith such things as they thought might prove agreeable to beings whomthey conceived of a superior order to other men. In the mean time, twosoldiers who had separated from the army, proceeded to the river Huascowhich forms the boundary between the provinces of Copaipo and Coquimbo, where they were well received at first by the inhabitants; but, inconsequence of some acts of violence, they were afterwards put to death, being the first European blood spilt in Chili, which has since been socopiously watered with the blood of the Spaniards. On being informed ofthis unfortunate accident, calculated to weaken the exalted notion whichhe wished to inspire into the natives of the character of his soldiers, Almagro hastened his march for Coquimbo, where he immediately ordered_Marcando_ the head _ulmen_ of the province, his brother, and twentyothers of the principal inhabitants to be brought before him; all ofwhom he committed to the flames; This act of cruelty appearedextraordinary and unjust to every one; for even among these adventurers, inured to rapine and bloodshed, there still were some men of humanityand justice. The majority of the army openly disapproved the severity ofthe general on this occasion, and from this time his affairs ceased tobe prosperous. 

Some time in the year 1537, Almagro received a considerablereinforcement from Peru under the command of Juan de Rada; who likewisebrought him letters patent from the king of Spain, by which he wasappointed governor of 200 leagues of territory to the southward of thegovernment which had been granted to Francisco Pizarro. By the sameconveyance Almagro received letters from his friends in Peru, urging himto return to that country and to take possession of Cuzco, which theyasserted was within the limits of the jurisdiction confided to him byhis patent. But, as he entertained very sanguine ideas of the value ofthe conquest in which he was now engaged, he pursued his march towardsthe south, and passed the fatal _Cachapoal_ or _Rapel_, regardless ofthe remonstrances of his Peruvian allies, who urged him to refrain fromattempting to invade the country of the valiant Promaucians[63]. At thefirst appearance of the Spaniards, these brave Indians were astonishedand terrified by the horses and thundering arms of the strangers; butsoon recovering from the effects of their first surprise, theyintrepidly opposed their new enemies on the banks of the Rio-claro. Despising their force, and ignorant of their bravery, Almagro placed hisPeruvian allies in the first line, now considerably increased by anadditional number whom Paullu had drawn from the Peruvian garrisons inChili. But these troops were soon defeated by the Promaucians, and fellback in confusion on the line of Spaniards in the rear. The Spaniards, instead of remaining spectators of the battle, were now compelled tosustain the vigorous attack of the enemy; and, advancing with theirhorse, a furious battle was fought with considerable loss on both sides, and continued till night separated the combatants without either partyhaving gained the victory. 

[Footnote 63: Called _Puramaucans_ by Garcilasso and _Promocaes_ byOvale, who names the _Cauquenes_ and _Peneos_ as their allies. --E. ]

Although the Promaucians had sustained a heavy loss in this battle, theycourageously encamped within sight of the Spaniards, determined to renewthe fight next morning. Though the Spaniards had kept possession of thefield, and considered themselves victorious according to the customs ofEurope, they were very differently inclined from their valiant enemies. Hitherto they had been accustomed to subdue extensive provinces withlittle or no resistance, and became disgusted with an enterprise whichcould not be accomplished without much fatigue and danger, and the lossof much blood, having to contend against a bold and independent nation, by whom they were not considered as immortal or as a superior order ofbeings. It was therefore resolved by common consent to abandon thepresent expedition, yet they differed materially as to the conduct oftheir retreat; some being desirous to return into Peru entirely, whileothers wished to form a settlement in the northern provinces of Chili, where they had already received so much hospitality, and had acquiredconsiderable riches. The first opinion was supported by Almagro, nowstrongly impressed by the suggestions of his friends in Peru to takepossession of Cuzco. He represented to his soldiers the dangers to whicha settlement would be exposed in so warlike a country, and persuadedthem to follow him to Cuzco, where he expected to be able to establishhis authority either by persuasion or force, pursuant to his royalpatent. 

Having determined to return into Peru, and having fatally experiencedthe dangers of the mountain road, Almagro resolved to march by thedesert of Atacama in the maritime plain, by which he conducted histroops into Peru with very little loss in 1538. He took possession ofCuzco by surprise; and, after ineffectual negociations, he fought abattle with the brother of Pizarro, by whom he was taken prisoner, andbeheaded as a disturber of the public peace. Such was the fate of thefirst expedition of the Spaniards against Chili, undertaken by the bestbody of European troops that had hitherto been collected in thosedistant regions. The thirst of riches was the moving spring of thisexpedition, and the disappointment of their hopes the cause of itsabandonment. 

SECTION V. 

_Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to thecommencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians_. 

Having obtained absolute command of the Spanish possessions on thesouthern side of South America, by the defeat and death of his rivalAlmagro. Pizarro resolved to resume the conquest of Chili, which heconceived might become an important acquisition. Among the adventurerswho had come from Spain to Chili, were two officers who held royalcommissions to attempt this conquest, named Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, andCamargo. To Hoz had been confided the conquest of the country from theconfines of Peru to the river Maulé; and to Camargo the remainder of thecountry beyond that river to the archipelago of Chiloé. Jealous of theinterference of these officers in the country which he considered as hisby right of discovery, Pizarro refused under frivolous pretences toconfirm the royal nomination, and chose for the conduct of theexpedition Pedro de Valdivia, his quarter-master, a prudent active andbrave officer, who had acquired military experience in the wars ofItaly, and who had already evinced a strong attachment to his party. Onthis occasion, Valdivia was directed to take Hoz along with him toChili, and to allow him every advantage he could possibly desire in theallotment or repartition of lands and Indians in the expected conquest. 

Valdivia accordingly set out from Cuzco in 1540, with a force of 200Spaniards, and accompanied by a numerous body of Peruvian auxiliaries, taking likewise along with him some monks, several Spanish women, and agreat number of European quadrupeds, with every requisite for settling anew colony in the country. On his march for Chili he pursued the sameroute with Almagro; but instructed by the misfortunes of hispredecessor, he did not attempt to pass the Andes till the middle ofsummer, by which precaution he was enabled to enter Chili withoutincurring any loss. His reception there however, even in the northernprovinces, was very different from that which had been experienced byAlmagro. Informed of the conquest of Peru by the Spaniards, owing towhich they were freed from the submission they had come under to theIncas, they did not consider themselves bound to transfer theirobedience to the present invaders. The Copaipans accordingly began toattack Valdivia immediately on entering their country, assailing him atevery step with much valour, but with very little conduct. Likebarbarians in general, they were incapable of making a common cause witheach other; and having been long accustomed to servitude under thePeruvians, during which all union among the northern tribes had beendissolved, they attacked their invaders in separate hordes as theyadvanced into the country, and without that steady and firm couragewhich stamps the valour of a free people in the defence of theirliberties. In spite of this desultory and uncombined opposition from thenatives, Valdivia traversed the provinces of Copaipo, Coquimbo, Quillota, and Melipilla, with Very little loss though much harassed, andarrived in the province of Mapocho, now called St Jago. 

This province, which is more than 600 miles from the confines of Peru, is one of the pleasantest and most fertile in the kingdom. Its name ofMapocho signifies in the Chilese language, _the land of many people_;and according to the earliest writers respecting Chili, its populationwas then extremely numerous. This province, which borders on the Andes, is 140 miles in circumference, and is watered by the rivers Maypo, Colina, Lampa, and Mapocho, which last divides it into two nearly equalparts. In one place this river sinks into the earth, and after asubterraneous course of five miles, emerges again with an increase ofits waters, and finally joins the river Maypo. The mountains of Caren, which terminate this province on the north, abound in gold, and in thatpart of the Andes which forms the eastern boundary, there are severalrich mines of silver. Valdivia had penetrated thus far into the countryon purpose to render it difficult for his soldiers to return into Peru, and he now determined to form a settlement in this province, which fromits remote situation and natural advantages, seemed excellentlycalculated to become the centre of his intended conquests. Havingselected with this view a convenient situation on the left shore of theMapocho, he laid the foundation of the intended capital of the kingdomof Chili, on the 24th of February 1541, naming this new city St Jago, inhonour of the tutelary saint of Spain. In laying out the ground plan ofthe intended city, he divided the whole into plots or squares of 4095toises each[64], and allotted a quarter of each square as the scite of ahouse for each citizen, which plan has been followed in laying out allthe other cities in Chili. One of these areas situated on one side ofthe great square was destined for the cathedral and bishops palace, andanother for the house of the governor and the public offices. He thenappointed a cabildo or magistracy, according to the usual forms inSpanish cities, from those persons in his small army that were bestqualified for the purpose; and, for the protection of the newsettlement, in case of attack from the Chilese, he built a fort on ahill in the centre of the city, which has since received the name of StLucia. 

[Footnote 64: Though not distinctly so expressed, this must beconsidered as square toises, making each side of the square 64 toises, or 384 feet. In a former account of the city of St Jago, the publicsquare is described as being 450 feet on each side. --E. ]

Though many have applauded the sagacity of Valdivia in the choice of asituation for the capital of the new colony, it would in my opinion havebeen much better placed on the banks of the river Maypo, about fifteenmiles farther south; as that river is much larger than the Mapocho, hasa direct communication with the sea, and might easily be made navigablefor ships of considerable burden. In the year 1787, this city containedmore than 40, 000 inhabitants, and was rapidly increasing in population, owing to its being the seat of government, and the residence of manywealthy and luxurious families, by which it attracts considerablecommerce. 

The natives observed the progress of this new settlement with muchjealousy, and concerted measures for freeing themselves from suchunwelcome intruders; but, as Valdivia discovered their intentions, heconfined the chiefs of the conspiracy in his new fortress; and havingintimation of a secret intelligence being carried on between theMapochians and their neighbours, the Promancians, he repaired with abody of sixty horse to the river Cachapoal or Rapel to watch the motionsof that brave and enterprising nation. This precaution was howeveraltogether unnecessary, as that fearless people had not sufficientpolicy or foresight to think of uniting with their neighbours in orderto secure themselves from the impending danger. Taking advantage of theabsence of Valdivia, the Mapochians fell upon the new settlement withdesperate fury, burnt all the half-built houses, and assailed thecitadel on all sides, in which the inhabitants had taken refuge. Whilethe Spaniards were valiantly defending their imperfect fortifications, awoman named Inez Suarez, beat out the brains of all the captive chiefswith an axe, under the apprehension that they were endeavouring toregain their liberty, and might assist the assailants in gainingpossession of the fort. The attack began at day-break, and was continuedwithout intermission till night, fresh assailants continually occupyingthe places of those who were, slain or disabled. 

The commandant of the Spaniards, Alonzo de Monroy, found means to send amessenger to inform Valdivia of his situation; and the governoraccordingly hastened to the aid of the besieged with all possibleexpedition, and found the ditch almost filled with dead bodies, whilethe enemy, notwithstanding the heavy loss they had sustained, werepreparing to renew the assault. Drawing out its infantry from the fortto join the cavalry he had along with him, Valdivia advanced in order ofbattle against the forces of the enemy, who were posted on the bank ofthe Mapocho. The battle was again renewed in this place, and obstinatelycontested with equal valour on both sides; but with great disadvantageon the part of the natives, who were far inferior in arms and disciplineto the Spaniards. The musquetry and the horse made a dreadful slaughteramong Mapochians, who were only armed with bows and slings; yetobstinately bent upon preserving their independence, and regardless oftheir own importance, they rushed on to inevitable destruction; tillhaving lost the flower of their valiant warriors, and reduced to a smallnumber, they at length fled and dispersed over the plain. Notwithstanding this memorable defeat, and others of not less importancewhich they sustained afterwards, the Mapochians did not cease for thespace of six years to keep the Spaniards closely blockaded in St Jago, continually attacking them on every opportunity, and cutting off theirprovisions so effectually, that they were often reduced to greatstraits, having to subsist upon unwholesome and loathsome viands, andwhat little grain they were able to raise under protection of the cannonfrom the ramparts. At length, worn out and brought to utter ruin by thisincessant warfare, the remnant of the Mapochians destroyed their owncrops and retired to the mountains, leaving the fertile plains aroundthe new city utterly deserted and uncultivated. 

The soldiers under Valdivia became wearied and disgusted by thiscontinual war, so different from what they had expected; and as theybelieved him obstinately bent upon adherence to his own plan, andresolved to continue the settlement in spite of every opposition fromthe natives, they entered into a conspiracy to kill their general and toreturn into Peru, where they expected to enjoy more ease andtranquillity. Having fortunately got notice of this conspiracy, Valdivia, who possessed great prudence and an insinuating address, soonconciliated those who were least implicated. After this, as he only hadthe title of general which did not confer any civil and judicial power, he assembled the Cabildo of the city, and persuaded them to invest himin the office of governor of the city and kingdom. In this imposingcapacity, he tried and capitally punished some of the ringleaders of theconspiracy, and then prudently exerted himself to soothe the turbulentand seditious spirits of the remainder, by buoying up their hopes withthe most flattering promises of future wealth. He had often heard inPeru, that the valley of Quillota abounded in mines of gold, and washopeful therefore of being able to obtain a sufficient quantity fromthence to satisfy the avidity of his soldiers. Notwithstanding thedifficulties with which he was surrounded, he sent a party of soldiersinto the valley of Quillota, with orders to superintend and protect anumber of labourers in digging for the precious metal said to be aboundin that place. The mine which was opened upon this occasion provedremarkably rich and productive, surpassing their most sanguine hopes; sothat all their past sufferings and present difficulties were soon buriedin oblivion, and henceforwards no one had the remotest wish to leave thecountry. Valdivia, encouraged by this success to new enterprises, ordered a carrack or ship of some considerable size to be built at themouth of the river Chillan, which traverses the valley of Quillota, forthe purpose of more readily obtaining succours from Peru, without whichhe was fully sensible he could not possibly succeed in the vastenterprise he had in view, which was no less than to accomplish theentire reduction of Chili. 

In the mean time, considering the urgent state of his affairs, Valdiviaresolved to dispatch two of his principal officers, Alonzo Monroy, andPedro Miranda by land to Peru, with an escort of six horsemen, whosespurs, bits, and stirrups he directed to be made of solid gold, hopingthereby to entice a sufficient number of recruits to come to hisassistance, by this obvious proof of the riches of the country. Althoughthese messengers were escorted to the confines of Chili by thirtyadditional horsemen, they were attacked and defeated in the province ofCopaipo by a hundred archers, commanded by Coteo, an officer of the_Ulmen_ of that province. Of the whole party none escaped with life butthe two officers, Monroy and Miranda, who were made prisoners andcarried before the _ulmen_ covered with wounds. The prince had resolvedon putting them both to death; but, while deliberating on the mode ofexecution, his wife, the _ulmena_ or princess of Copaipo, moved bycompassion for their unhappy situation, successfully interceded with herhusband to spare their lives, unbound them with her own hands, tenderlydressed their wounds, and treated them as if they had been her brothers. When they were entirely recovered, she desired them to teach her sonthe art of riding, as several of the Spanish horses had been taken inthe late defeat. The two Spaniards readily consented to her request, hoping to avail themselves of this circumstance to give them anopportunity of recovering their liberty, which they did in effect; butthe means they employed was marked by a cruel act of ingratitude totheir compassionate benefactress, of so much deeper turpitude that itwas unnecessary for their purpose. As the young prince was one dayriding between them, escorted by a party of archers and preceded by anofficer carrying a lance, Monroy suddenly dispatched him with two orthree mortal wounds of a poniard. At the same time Miranda wrested thelance from the officer of the guard, who were thrown into confusion bythis unexpected event, and the two Spaniards readily accomplished theirescape. Being well mounted, they easily eluded pursuit, and made theirway through the desert into Peru, whence they continued their way toCuzco, where Vaca de Castro then resided, who had succeeded to thegovernment after the cruel assassination of Francisco Pizarro by theAlmagrian faction. 

When De Castro was informed of the critical situation of affairs inChili, he immediately sent off a considerable reinforcement by landunder the command of Monroy, who had the good fortune to conceal hismarch from the Copaipans, and to join Valdivia in safety. At the sametime the president of Peru dispatched by sea Juan Batista Pastene, anoble Genoese, with a more considerable reinforcement for Valdivia. Onreceiving these two reinforcements, which arrived about the same time, Valdivia began to carry his great designs into execution. Beingsolicitous to have a complete knowledge of the sea-coast, he orderedPastene to explore the whole as far to the southwards as possible, noting the most important places all along the coast; and, on his returnfrom this maritime survey, he sent him back to Peru for additionalreinforcements, as the natives had become every day bolder and moreenterprising, ever since their victory in Copaipo over Monroy andMiranda. Only a little before this, the Quillotans had contrived tomassacre all the soldiers employed at the gold mines in their country, by the following stratagem. One day a neighbouring Indian brought a potfull of gold to Gonzalo Rios, the commandant at the mines, and told himthat he had found a great quantity in a certain district of the countrywhich he offered to point out. On this information, all were eager toproceed immediately to the place, that they might participate in theimaginary treasure. As they arrived at the place described in atumultuary manner and entirely off their guard, they fell into anambush, by which the whole party was slain, except their imprudentcommander and one negro, both of whom saved their lives by the speed oftheir horses. About the same time the vessel which Valdivia had orderedto be built at the mouth of the river Chillan was burnt by the natives, together with the store-houses or arsenal which he had established inthat place. 

On receiving notice of the disaster which had taken place at the mines, Valdivia hastened to Quillota with a strong body of troops, and tookrevenge as far as he could on the Quillotans for the death of hissoldiers; after which, he constructed a fort in their country in whichhe left a garrison for the protection of the people employed in the goldmines. Being soon afterwards reinforced by three hundred men from Peru, under the command of Francisco Villagran and Christoval Escobar, hemade choice of a beautiful plain near the mouth of the river Coquimbo, at which place there is a very convenient natural harbour, near which heerected in 1544: a city which he named _Serena_, to serve as a place ofarms to protect the northern part of Chili, and to secure the convoysand reinforcements which might come from Peru in that direction. Thisplace is still known in geography by the name of Serena; but in Chilithe native name of Coquimbo prevails, as is the case with most of theSpanish cities and towns in Chili. 

In the ensuing year, 1545, Valdivia marched into the country of thePromaucians, with the view of extending his conquests to the southwards. Contemporary historians have not left an account of the events of thisyear, nor of any battles having been fought on this occasion; yet it ishardly to be supposed that this valiant tribe, who had so gloriouslyrepulsed the armies of the Inca and of Almagro, would allow Valdivia toreduce their territory to subjection without a struggle. However thismay have been, it is certain that he had the art to persuade thePromaucians to enter into an alliance with him against the other tribesof Chili; as ever since the Spanish armies in Chili have been assistedby Promaucian auxiliaries, owing to which the most rooted antipathy hasbeen constantly entertained by the Araucanians against the remnant ofthe Promaucians. In the year 1546, Valdivia passed the river Maulé, andreduced the natives to obedience from that river to the Itata. Whileencamped at a place named Quilacura, near the latter river, he wasattacked one night by the natives, who destroyed many of his horses, andput him into imminent danger of a total defeat. His loss on thisoccasion must have been considerable; as he found it necessary torelinquish his plan of farther conquest, and to return to St Jago towait reinforcements from Peru. As the expected reinforcements did notarrive, and Pastene, who had been sent into Peru to endeavour to procurerecruits, brought news in 1547 of the civil war which then raged inPeru, Valdivia determined to go thither in person, expecting to reapsome advantages from these revolutionary movements. 

Valdivia sailed therefore with Pastene for Peru, taking with him a greatquantity of gold, and left Francisco Villagran in charge of thegovernment of Chili during his absence. Valdivia accordingly arrived inPeru, where he offered his services to the president De la Gasca, andacted with great reputation as quarter-master-general of his army in thewar against Gonzalo Pizarro. The president was so much satisfied withthe services which were rendered by Valdivia on this occasion, that, after the insurrection of Gonzalo was entirely subdued, he confirmed himin the office of governor of Chili, and sent him back to that kingdomwith abundance of military stores, and with two ships filled with thesoldiers who had served under Gonzalo in the late insurrection, glad ofan opportunity of getting rid of so many seditious people for whom therewas then no fit employment in Peru. 

During the absence of Valdivia from Chili, Pedro de Hoz, who had beendeprived of that share in the conquest and government which had beengranted him by the court of Spain, and who had imprudently put himselfunder the power of his more successful rival, was accused of enteringinto secret practices for usurping the government. It is now unknownwhether this accusation was well-founded, or if it were merely apretence for getting rid of him; but, however this may have been, Villagran condemned him to be beheaded in 1548, either to pleaseValdivia by ridding him of a dangerous competitor, or perhaps inconsequence of secret instructions for that purpose. About this time, the Copaipans killed forty Spaniards, who were proceeding in severalseparate detachments from Peru to Chili; and the Coquimbans, at theinstigation of these northern neighbours, massacred all the inhabitantsof the new city of Serena, and razed that place to the foundations. Onthis occasion Francisco Aguirre was sent into this part of Chili with amilitary force, to chastise the natives, and had several encounters withthem with various success. In 1549, he rebuilt the city of Serena in amore commodious situation, and the inhabitants have ever sinceconsidered him as the founder of their city, many of the mostdistinguished inhabitants of which still boast of being his descendants. 

After an incessant contest of nine years, attended by incrediblefatigues, numerous dangers, and many reverses, Valdivia consideredhimself as solidly established in the dominion of that portion of Chiliwhich had formerly been under the authority of the Incas. He accordinglydistributed the territory among his followers in repartimientos, assigning a considerable portion of land with all its native inhabitantsto each of his followers in proportion to their rank and services, underthe denomination of commanderies, according to the baneful system offeudalism then prevalent in Europe. Having thus quieted the restlessambition and mutinous spirit of his soldiers, he advanced towards thesouth to extend his conquests, accompanied by a respectable force bothof Spanish and Promaucians. After a march of 250 miles, during which heencountered few obstacles of any moment, he arrived at the Bay of Penco, now generally called the Bay of Conception, which had been alreadyexplored by Pastene during his voyage of discovery formerly mentioned;and near that excellent bay he laid the foundation of the third city inChili, on the 5th of October 1550, to which he gave the name ofConception. 

The situation of this place was admirably adapted for commerce, from theexcellence of its harbour; as the bay extends six miles from east towest and nine miles from north to south, defended at its entrance fromthe sea by the pleasant island of Quiriquina. The passage into the bayon the north side of this island, called the _bocca grande_, is abouthalf a league broad, and has sufficient water for the largest ships. That on the other side of the island, or _bocca chica_, is very narrow, and is only navigable by small vessels. The soil around this place, under the influence of an admirable climate, produces abundance oftimber, excellent wine, and all the necessaries of life, and is notdeficient in the valuable minerals; and both the sea and the adjoiningrivers afford great quantities of fine fish. But owing to the lowness ofthe situation which was chosen for this city, it was much exposed toinundations of the sea during earthquakes, which are frequent in Chili. On the 8th of July 1730, this city was nearly destroyed by an earthquakeand inundation; and experienced a similar calamity on the 24th of May1751. In consequence of these repeated calamities, the inhabitantsestablished themselves on the 24th of November 1764 in the valley ofMocha, nine miles south from Penco, between the rivers Andalian andBiobio, where they founded a city to which they gave the name of NewConception. The harbour named Talgacuano, situated at the south-eastextremity of the bottom of the bay, is between six and seven miles fromthe new city; and a fort is all that now remains of the old city, nowcalled Penco. 

SECTION VI. 

_Narrative of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from theyear 1550, to the Defeat and Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the 3d ofDecember 1553. _

Perceiving the intentions of Valdivia to occupy the important post ofPenco by a permanent settlement, the adjacent tribes of the Penconesgave notice of this invasion to the great nation of the Araucanians, their neighbours and friends, whose territories began on the southernshore of the Biobio; who, foreseeing that the strangers would soonendeavour to reduce their own country to subjection, determined tosuccour their distressed allies for their own security. Accordingly, ina _butacoyog_, or general assembly of the Araucanian confederacy, _Aillavalu_ was nominated supreme _toqui_, and was instructed to marchimmediately with an army to the assistance of the Pencones. In the year1550, pursuant to the resolutions of the Araucanian confederacy, Aillavalu passed the great river Biobio, at the head of 4000 men, andboldly offered battle to Valdivia, who had advanced to meet him on thebanks of the Andalian. The brave Araucanians sustained the firstdischarges of musquetry from the Spaniards with wonderful resolution, and even made a rapid evolution under its direful effects, by which theyassailed at once the front and flank of the Spanish army. By thisunexpected courageous assault, and even judicious tactical manoeuvre, the Spaniards were thrown into some disorder, and Valdivia was exposedto imminent danger, having his horse killed under him; but the Spaniardsreplaced their firm array, forming themselves into a hollow squaresupported by their cavalry, and successfully resisted every effort oftheir valiant enemies, of whom they slew great numbers by thesuperiority of their arms, yet lost at the same time a considerablenumber of their own men. The battle remained undecided for severalhours; when at length, rashly pressing forwards with impetuous bravery, Aillavalu received a mortal wound[65], and many of the most valiantofficers and soldiers of the Araucanians being slain, they retired ingood order, leaving the field of battle to the Spaniards, who felt noinclination to pursue them after a so dear-bought victory. 

[Footnote 65: In Ovalle, this general is named Anabillo, and is said tohave been made prisoner in the battle. --E. ]

Valdivia, though he had been present in many battles, both in Europeand America, was astonished at the valour and military skill of this newenemy, and declared he had never been exposed to such imminent danger inthe whole course of his military service. As he expected to be soonattacked again, he immediately proceeded to construct a strongfortification for the protection of his new city; and in fact, theAraucanian confederacy was no sooner informed of the defeat and death oftheir general Aillavalu, than a new and more numerous army was orderedagainst the Spaniards, under the command of _Lincoyan_, who was electedto the vacant office of supreme toqui. From his gigantic stature, andfrequent displays of courage, this officer had acquired great reputationamong his countrymen; but, though well suited for a subaltern officer, he was timid and irresolute in the supreme military command, and greatlydisappointed the expectations which had been formed from his formerbehaviour. 

Having marshalled his army in three divisions, Lincoyan marched in 1551to attack the Spaniards under Valdivia, who still remained atConception, occupied in building and fortifying the new city. TheSpaniards were so much alarmed by the approach of the Araucanian army, that after confessing themselves, they took shelter under the cannon oftheir fortifications, where the Araucanians boldly assailed them. But, finding the first assault unsuccessful, Lincoyan became apprehensive oflosing the army which had been committed to his charge, and ordered aprecipitate retreat, to the great surprise of Valdivia, who wasapprehensive of some stratagem, and did not venture upon attempting apursuit. When it was discovered that the enemy had actually retreated, the Spaniards considered their flight as a special favour from heaven, and some even alleged that they had seen the apostle St James, mountedon a white horse, waving a flaming sword and striking terror into theirenemies. But the only miracle on this occasion proceeded from the timidcircumspection of Lincoyan. 

Being now in some measure freed from the restraint imposed upon him bythe Araucanians, Valdivia applied himself diligently to the building ofthe city of Conception, for which place he entertained a strongpredilection, as he considered that it would become the centre ofmaritime communication between Chili and the ports of Peru and Spain. Although he had fixed upon St Jago for the capital of the kingdom ofChili, he determined upon establishing his own family at Conception;for which purpose he selected a pleasant situation for his own dwelling, reserving for himself the fertile peninsula between the rivers Andalianand Biobio, and resolved to ask as a reward for his services the twoadjoining districts of Arauco and Tucapel, with the title of marquis:For, although these districts still remained in the possession of theAraucanians, he fully expected to be able to subjugate that valiantpeople in a short time. 

Having speedily reared the new city, in which he established a colony ofhis followers, he employed the remainder of the year 1551 in regulatingits internal policy; for which purpose, after having established aCabildo or body of magistrates, in imitation of those in Spain, as usualin all the cities of Spanish America, he promulgated a body offundamental regulations, comprised in forty-two articles or statutes, some of which respecting the treatment of the natives within itsterritory and jurisdiction evinced much prudent humanity; yet, as in allthe other subjected countries of America, he left them in a greatmeasure subject to the control and caprice of the citizens to whom theywere allotted. 

After the settlement of his new city, and having received areinforcement of soldiers from Peru, he resolved to attack theAraucanians in their own territories, believing that their courage wasnow entirely subdued, as they had made no attempt to molest him sincetheir late repulse under Lincoyan. With these views, he passed theBiobio in 1552, and proceeding rapidly through the provinces of Encoland Puren, unopposed by the tardy and timid operations of Lincoyan, hearrived at the river Cauten, which divides the country of theAraucanians nearly into two equal parts. Near the confluence of thisriver with the Damas, he founded a new city which he named_Imperial_[66], in honour of the Emperor Don Carlos; though some saythat it received this name in consequence of finding some wooden figuresof eagles with two heads, fixed on some of the native huts. This citywas placed in a beautiful situation, abounding in all the conveniencesof life; and, during the short period of its existence became one of themost flourishing in Chili. Being placed on the shore of a large and deepriver, capable of allowing large ships to lie close to the walls, it wasexcellently situated for commerce, and had free access to receivesuccours of all kinds by sea in case of being besieged. By moderngeographers, this place is still spoken of as an existing city, stronglyfortified, and the seat of a bishopric; but it has been in ruins forconsiderably more than two hundred years. 

[Footnote 66: The place where Imperial once stood is marked on our mapson the right or north shore of the conjoined streams of the Ouisa andCauten, immediately above the junction of a small river which isprobably the Damas of the text. --E. ]

Intoxicated with his present prosperity, and the apparent submission ofthe Araucanians, he assigned extensive districts in the surroundingcountry among his officers. To Francisco Villagran, hislieutenant-general, he gave the warlike province of _Maquegua_, considered by the Araucanians as the key of their country, with aboutthirty thousand inhabitants. The other officers obtained grants of landsand Indians proportionate to their rank, and the degree in which theypossessed his favour, some getting as far as eight or even ten thousandIndians. He likewise dispatched Alderte, with a detachment of sixty men, with orders to establish a settlement on the shore of a lake called_Lauquen_, to which he gave the name of _Villarica_, or the rich city, owing to the great quantity of gold that was procured in the environs. 

It may be here mentioned that the province of _Maquegua_ was partitionedanew among the conquerors after the death of Villagran; the principalpart of it being assigned to Juan de Ocampo, and another large share toAndreas Matencio. But, in consequence of its recapture by theAraucanians, they reaped very little advantage from their commanderies. Ocampo was afterwards rewarded for his distinguished services by beingappointed to the office of corregidore of the cities of Serena Mendozaand St Juan, the two last in the province of Cujo; in which province hehad likewise the grant of a considerable commandery of Indians, which heafterwards ceded to the crown. 

Receiving additional reinforcements from Peru, Valdivia resumed hismarch for the south of Chili, still followed but at a considerabledistance by Lincoyan, who pretended continually to seek a favourableopportunity to attack the Spaniards, but whose timid and cautiousprocedure could never find one of which he dared to avail himself. Inthis manner Valdivia traversed the whole territory of the Araucuniansfrom north to south, with exceedingly little opposition and hardly anyloss. But on his arrival at the river Callacalla, which separates theAraucanians from the _Cunches_, he found that nation in arms on theopposite bank of the river, ready to dispute the passage. The Cunchesare one of the most valiant of the tribes inhabiting Chili, and possessthe maritime country from the river Callacalla, called Valdivia by theSpaniards, to the gulf of Chiloé. They are divided into severalsubordinate tribes or clans, each of which, as in the other parts ofChili, are governed by their respective _ulmens_. They are in strictalliance with the Araucanians, and have ever continued bitter enemies tothe Spaniards. 

While Valdivia was deliberating upon the adoption of proper measures forcrossing this river, a woman of the country, named _Recloma_, addressedthe general of the Cunches with so much eloquence in behalf of thestrangers, that he withdrew his army and allowed them to pass the riverunmolested. Immediately after this unexpected event, the Spanish generalfounded a sixth city on the southern shore of the Callacalla, near itsjunction with the sea, giving it his own name of Valdivia; being thefirst of the conquerors in America who sought in this manner toperpetuate his name. This settlement, of which the fortress only nowremains, attained in a few years a considerable degree of prosperity;owing to the superior fineness of the gold procured from itsneighbouring mines, which obtained it the privilege of a mint, andbecause its harbour is one of the most convenient and secure of any onthe shore of the Pacific Ocean. The river is here very broad, and sodeep that ships of the line may be moored in safety within a few feet ofthe shore; and it has several other safe harbours and creeks in thevicinity. 

Satisfied with the extent of the conquests he had made, or rather withthe incursions he had been able to make in the Araucanian territory, Valdivia now retraced his steps towards the north; and in his progressduring the year 1553, he built fortresses in each of the threeAraucanian provinces of Paren Tucapel and Arauco. From the warlikeinhabitants of these provinces especially, he apprehended any attemptthat might prove fatal to his more southerly settlements of ImperialVillarica and Valdivia, and he left garrisons in these more northernfortresses to preserve the communication, and to be in readiness toafford succours to the others in the south. According to the poetBreilla, the Spaniards had to sustain many battles and encounters withthe natives in the course of this expedition in Araucania, but theparticulars of none of these are recorded. This is however veryprobable; as it is not easy to account for the continuance of Lincoyanin the command on any other principles. It may be concluded, however, that, owing to the caution, or cowardice rather of the Araucanian toqui, these actions were so ill conducted and so inconclusive, as to give verylittle interruption to Valdivia in his triumphant progress through theseprovinces, between the Biobio and Callacalla, or from Conception toValdivia. 

On his return to St Jago, the seat of government, Valdivia received aconsiderable body of recruits to his army from Peru, together with 350horses; on which he dispatched Francisco de Aguirre with two hundredmen, to reduce the provinces of Tucuman and Cajo on the eastern side ofthe Andes; not considering how inadequate was even his wholeundiminished military force to retain so large an extent of country asthat he had now occupied, and a so numerous and warlike people undersubjection. Indefatigable in the execution of his extensive plans ofconquest, Valdivia returned into Araucania, where he founded in theprovince of Encol, a city to which he gave the name of La Frontera, being the seventh and last of his foundation. This name, from eventswhich could not then have been in the consideration of Valdivia, hasbecome strictly applicable to its present situation, as its ruins areactually situated on the southern confines of the Spanish settlements inChili. Though long ago destroyed, it is still mentioned by geographersas an existing city under the name of Angol, by which nativedenomination it was long known to the Spaniards. It was situated in afertile district, excellently adapted for the cultivation of vines, andfor some time was in a rich and flourishing condition, principally owingto its wines, which were in great repute at Buenos Ayres, to which placethey were transported by a road across the Andes and through the plainsof La Plata. 

After making suitable regulations for the security of this new colony, Valdivia returned to his favourite city of Conception, where heinstituted three principal military officers for commanding the royalarmy of Chili, consisting of a quartermaster-general, a serjeant-major, and a commissary. In the present times only two of these subsist, thequarter-master-general and the serjeant-major; which latter office isnow divided into two, one for the cavalry, and the other for theinfantry; while the office of commissary is only now known in themilitia. At this time he sent Alderte into Spain, with a large sum ofmoney, and a particular relation of his transactions and conquests; andcommissioned him to employ his utmost exertions to obtain for him theperpetual government of the country which he had conquered, togetherwith the title of Marquis of Aranco. He dispatched likewise Francisco deUlloa by sea, with directions to explore the Straits of Magellan, bymeans of which he hoped to open a direct communication with Spain, without being obliged to depend upon Peru for supplies. 

While occupied in the contemplation of these extensive plans for theamelioration of the extensive kingdom which he had subdued, and theadvancement of his own rank and fortune, Valdivia had no suspicion of anextensive and determined system of warfare which was planning among theAraucanians, and which soon burst forth with irresistible violence, tothe ultimate destruction of all the Spanish conquests beyond the Biobio, and to which Valdivia himself fell an early victim. _Colocolo_, an aged_Ulmen_ of the province of Arauco, animated by love for his country, quitted the retirement in which he had long indulged, and traversed theprovinces of the Araucanian confederacy, exciting with indefatigablezeal the dormant spirit of his countrymen, which had sunk after theirlate disasters, and eagerly solicited them to make choice of a newsupreme _toqui_ capable of directing their arms for the recovery ofthose parts of their country which had been subjugated by the Spaniards, through the timid conduct of Lincoyan. Colocolo was well versed in theprinciples of government which subsisted among the Araucanians, and hadlong enjoyed the reputation of wisdom throughout the whole country, inwhich he was so universally esteemed and respected, that his councilsand opinion were always solicited and listened to on every subject ofimportance. Roused from their torpidity by his animating exhortations, the whole body of Araucanian ulmens assembled according to their customin a _Butacayog_, or national council, in an open plain; and, after theusual feast, they proceeded to consult upon the situation of theirnational affairs, and the election of a new toqui to wipe off thedisgraces which they had suffered under the direction of Lincoyan. 

Many chiefs aspired to the glorious situation of avenger of theiroppressed country, the most distinguished among whom were Andalican, Elicura, Ongolmo, Renco, and Tucapel. The last of these was so highlycelebrated by his martial prowess that the province of which he was_Apo-ulmen_ has ever since retained his name. He was besides supportedin his pretensions by a powerful party; but his elevation to thesupreme command was opposed by the more prudent members of theassembly, who dreaded lest the impetuosity of his character might hastenthe entire ruin of the nation, instead of retrieving their honour andindependence. Dissensions arose so high that the opposite parties wereon the point of turning their arms against each other, when thevenerable Colocolo rose to speak, and obtained a patient and attentivehearing. By a judicious and energetic address, he pacified theirfactious irritation so completely, that the assembly unanimouslysubmitted the nomination of a supreme _toqui_ to his choice. The wiseold man, on whom every eye was now fixed in anxious expectation, immediately named Caupolican, the ulmen of Pilmaquen a subordinatedistrict of the province of Tucapel, and the whole assembly applaudedand confirmed the choice. Caupolican was of a lofty stature and uncommonbodily strength; and though he had lost an eye, the majesty of hiscountenance evinced great endowments of mind. He was of a serious, patient, and sagacious disposition; and besides great personal bravery, had every requisite to constitute him an able general of the peculiartroops over whom he was now appointed to command. On being invested withthe battle-axe, as the badge of his supreme authority, he immediatelyselected the officers who were to bear command under him in the army ofthe state, among whom were all the late competitors, and even Lincoyanthe former _toqui_. The office of vice-toqui, or lieutenant-general, heconferred on Marientu, a person in whom he reposed entire confidence. Even the violent Tucapel, who had nearly involved his country in civilwar for the attainment of the supreme command, did not disdain to serveunder the orders of his own vassal, manifesting by this submission hiseager wish to sacrifice his personal ambition to the service of hiscountry. 

As the Araucanians believed themselves invincible under the command oftheir new toqui, they were desirous of going immediately from the placeof assembly to attack the Spaniards. But Caupolican, no less prudent incouncil than valiant in the field, repressed this rash ardour, andpersuaded them to disperse to their several places of abode, to providethemselves with good arms in order to be in readiness at the firstsummons to the field, and to leave the direction of the war to hismanagement. Shortly afterwards, he collected and reviewed his army[67], and resolved to commence his operations by a stratagem suggested by anaccident. He had that morning taken eighty Indian prisoners, who wereconducting forage to the Spanish garrison in the neighbouring fort ofArauco. In place of these men, he substituted an equal number of his ownbravest soldiers, under the command of Cajuguenu and Alcatipay, whom hedirected to conceal their arms among the bundles of grass, and tomaintain possession of the gate of the fortress until he could come totheir assistance with the rest of his army. The pretended foragersconducted themselves with so much judgment that they were admitted intothe fortress without any suspicion on the part of the garrison, andimmediately seizing their arms, they attacked the guard at the gate, killing all that came in their way. The alarm however soon spread, andthe rest of the garrison hastened in arms to the spot, under FranciscoReynoso the commandant, and drove the Araucanians from the gate after anobstinate contest, at the very moment when Caupolican came up with hisarmy, so that the Spaniards had just sufficient time to raise thedraw-bridge and hasten to defend their ramparts. Though disappointed inhis expectation of gaining admittance by the gate, Caupolican was stillin hope of profiting from the confusion of the garrison, and encouragedhis soldiers to assail the fortress on all sides, notwithstanding thecontinual fire kept up by the Spaniards from two cannon and six smallfield-pieces. After losing a great number of men in this unequalcontest, Caupolican drew off from the assault, and determined to attemptthe reduction of Arauco by a strict blockade, in hopes that theSpaniards would be soon constrained by famine into a surrender. 

[Footnote 67: Ovalle carries the number of the Araucanian array on thisoccasion to the inconceivable amount of 67, 000 combatants in the field, besides a large body of reserve. --E. ]

After the blockade had continued for some time, during which theSpaniards made several unsuccesful sallies with considerable loss, Reynoso determined to abandon the fort and to retire with his remaininggarrison to Puren, as provisions began to fail, and there was noprospect of being relieved. Accordingly the whole garrison mounted theirhorses at midnight, and rushing suddenly from the gate, made theirescape through the middle of their enemies. As the Araucanians supposedthis to have been one of the ordinary sallies, they took no measures toobstruct their flight, and Reynoso got off with his men. Havingdestroyed the fort of Arauco, Caupolican led his army to attack that ofTucapel, which was commanded by Martin Erizar with a garrison of fortymen. Erizar defended himself gallantly for several days; but asprovisions began to fail, and his small force was continuallydiminishing by the perpetually renewed assaults of the enemy, helikewise determined upon withdrawing to Puren, which he successfullyexecuted, either by similar means as those pursued by Reynoso, or inconsequence of a capitulation with Caupolican. Having destroyed thisfortress, Caupolican encamped with his army in the neighbourhood, towait the approach of the Spaniards, who he supposed would not be long ofcoming against him with an army. 

Valdivia, who then resided in the city of Conception, no sooner learntthat the Araucanians had besieged Arauco, than he began his march forthat place with such forces as he was able to collect at a short notice;though contrary to the advice of his most experienced officers, whourged him to wait till he could collect a more formidable army, andseemed to have a presentiment of the fatal consequences which were toresult from the present expedition. The historians of the times differmaterially in their accounts of the force under Valdivia on thisoccasion. According to some of these his army consisted of two hundredSpaniards and five thousand Promaucian auxiliaries, while others reducethe number to a half. The same uncertainty is to be found respecting thenumber of the enemy, some estimating them at nine and others at tenthousand men[68]. On approaching the encampment of Caupolican, Valdiviasent forwards a detachment of ten horsemen under Diego del Oro toreconnoitre, all of whom were slain by the enemy, and their heads cutoff and hung upon trees by the way in which the Spanish army had toadvance. On arriving at this place, the Spaniards were filled withhorror at this miserable spectacle, and many of them, in spite of theirusual intrepidity, were eager to retreat till a greater force could becollected. Even Valdivia regretted that he had not conformed to theadvice of his older officers; but encouraged by the boasting confidenceof others, who proudly declared that ten Spaniards were sufficient toput the whole Araucanian army to flight, he continued his march and camein sight of the enemy on the 3d of December 1553. The prospect of theruins of Tucapel and the well regulated array of the adverse army, withthe insulting taunts of the enemy, who upbraided them as robbers andimpostors, filled the minds of the Spaniards, hitherto accustomed torespect and submission from the Indians, with mingled sentiments ofdread and indignation. 

[Footnote 68: Ovalle does not mention the amount of the army underValdivia on this occasion, but extends the force of the Araucanians totwenty thousand men. --E. ]

The two armies continued for some time to observe each other from asmall distance. At length the vice-toqui Marientu, who commanded theright wing of the Araucanians, began the engagement by an attack againstthe left wing of the Spaniards. Bovadilla who commanded in that wing, moved forwards with a detachment to encounter Marientu; but wasimmediately surrounded, and he and all his men cut to pieces. Theserjeant-major, who was dispatched by Valdivia to his succour withanother detachment, experienced the same fate. In the mean time, Tucapel, the Apo-ulmen of Arauco, who commanded the left wing of theAraucanians, made a violent attack on the Spanish right wing with hisaccustomed impetuosity. The battle now became general, and the hostilearmies joined in close fight from wing to wing. Animated by the commandsand example of Valdivia, who performed at the same time the duty of avaliant soldier and experienced general, the Spaniards by thesuperiority of their arms overthrew and destroyed whole ranks of theenemy. But, notwithstanding the horrible slaughter produced by thecannon and musquetry of the enemy, the Araucanians continually suppliedthe places of those who were slain by fresh troops. Three times theyretired in good order beyond the reach of the musquetry; and as often, resuming new courage, they returned vigorously to the charge, which theyurged with the most determined and persevering valour. At length, afterlosing a vast number of their men, the Araucanians were thrown intodisorder and began to give way; and in spite of every effort ofCaupolican, Tucapel, and even of the aged and intrepid Colocolo, toreanimate their courage and rally their disordered ranks, they took toflight. The Spaniards shouted victory! and pressed ardently upon thefugitives, and the battle seemed decidedly won. 

In this critical moment, a young Araucanian only sixteen years of age, named Lautaro, who had been made prisoner by Valdivia, and baptized andemployed as his page, went over from the ranks of the victoriousSpaniards, loudly reproached his countrymen for their opprobiouscowardice, and eagerly exhorted them to return to the contest, assuringthem, that the Spaniards, being all wounded and spent with fatigue, were no longer able to bear up against a fresh attack. Having succeededin stopping the flight of a considerable number of the Araucanians, Lautaro grasped a lance which he tunned against his late master, cryingout, "Follow me my countrymen to certain victory. " Ashamed at beingsurpassed in courage by a boy, the Araucanians turned with fury againsttheir enemies, whose ranks were somewhat disordered by the pursuit, andput them completly to rout at the first shock, cutting the Spaniards andtheir allies to pieces, insomuch that only two Promaucians of the wholearmy had the good fortune to escape, by fleeing to a neighbouring wood, whence they withdrew during the night to Conception. When all hope waslost by the entire rout of his army. Valdivia withdrew from the massacreattended by his chaplain, to prepare himself for inevitable death byconfession and absolution. He was pursued and made prisoner by thevictors; and on being brought before Caupolican, is said to have humblyimplored mercy from the victorious toqui, and to have solicited theintercession of his former page, solemnly engaging to withdraw fromChili with all the Spaniards if his life were spared. Naturally of acompassionate disposition, and desirous of obliging Lautaro to whom heowed this important victory, and who now interceded for Valdivia, Caupolican was disposed to have shewn mercy to his vanquished foe; butwhile deliberating on the subject, an old ulmen of great authority amongthe Araucanians, indignant at the idea of sparing the life of their mostdangerous enemy, dispatched the prisoner with a blow of his war club, saying that it would be madness to trust the promises of an ambitiousenemy, who would laugh at his oaths when once he escaped the presentdanger. Caupolican was much exasperated at this interference with hissupreme authority, and was disposed to have punished it severely; butmost of his officers opposed themselves to his just resentment[69]. 

[Footnote 69: According to Ovalle, Caupolican was forced by his officersto pronounce condemnation against Valdivia, which was executedimmediately, but different accounts were given of the manner in whichthis was performed: some saying that it was done in the way related inthe text, while others allege that they poured melted gold down histhroat; that they preserved his head as a monument of victory, toanimate their youth to a valorous defence of their country, and thatthey converted the bones of his legs and arms into flutes andtrumpets. --E. ]

Thus fell Pedro de Valdivia, the conqueror of Chili; a man of superiorgenius and of great political and military talents, but who, seduced bythe romantic spirit of his age and country, had not sufficient prudenceto employ them to the best advantage. His undertakings had been morefortunate, if he had properly estimated his own strength, and had lessdespised the courage and skill of the Araucanians, presuming on thedastardly example of the Peruvians, and the want of concert in the morenorthern tribes of Chili, against whom he had hitherto been accustomedto contend. Historians do not impute to him any of those cruelties withwhich the contemporary conquerors of America have been accused. It istrue that, in the records of the Franciscans, two monks of that orderare mentioned with applause, as having dissuaded him from exercisingthose cruelties which had been usual with other conquerors upon thenatives of America. By some he has been accused of avarice, and theypretend that the Araucanians put him to death by pouring melted golddown his throat, in punishment of his inordinate search for that metal:But this is a mere fiction, copied from a similar story in ancientauthors. 

 * * * * *

Garcilasso de la Vega, Part I. Book vii. Chap. Xxi. Gives the followingaccount of the battle in which Valdivia was defeated by the Araucanians. 

"In many skirmishes Valdivia always defeated the Araucanians and putthem to flight, as they were in such dread of the Spanish horse thatthey never dared to adventure into the open plains, where ten Spaniardswere able to beat a thousand Indians, for which reason they always keptlurking in the woods and mountains, where the Spanish cavalry could notget at them; whence they often sallied out, doing all the injury theywere able against the Spaniards. The war continued in this manner for along time; till at length an old captain of the Araucanians, who hadbeen long famous in their wars, began to consider the reason why sosmall a number as only 150 Spaniards should be able to subdue andenslave twelve or thirteen thousand Araucanian warriors. After maturedeliberation, he divided the Araucanian force into thirteen battalionseach of a thousand men, which he drew up in successive lines at somedistance, so as to act as a series of reserves one after the other, andmarched in this new order of battle against the Spaniards one morning atday-break, ordering them to give louder shouts than usual, and to makea great noise with their drums and trumpets. Alarmed by the noise andshouts of the Indians, the Spaniards sallied forth to battle, and seeingthe many divisions of the enemy, they imagined it would be much easierto break through and defeat these smaller battalions than if united inone body. "

"So soon as the Araucanian captain saw the Spaniards advancing, heexhorted the foremost battalion of his army to do their best; 'not, saidhe, that I expect you to overcome them; but you must do your utmost indefence of your country, and when you are worsted, then betakeyourselves to flight, taking care not to break into and disorder theother battalions; and when you get into the rear of all, you must thererally and renew your ranks. ' He gave similar orders to all the successivebattalions, and appointed another officer to remain in the rear torestore the order of those who should retreat, and to make them eat andrefresh themselves while the others continued the fight successively. Accordingly the foremost battalion fought for some time against theSpaniards, and when no longer able to withstand the impetuosity of theircharge, they retired as ordered into the rear. The second, third, fourth, and fifth battalions did the same in succession, and were allsuccessively defeated by the Spaniards, all retiring according to orderswhen their array was broken; yet in these reiterated combats theSpaniards sustained some loss both in men and horses. The Spaniards, having already defeated and put to flight five successive bodies of theenemy, and having fought three long hours, were astonished still toobserve ten or twelve similar successive battalions before them in firmarray, yet they gallantly attacked the sixth body which they likewiseoverthrew, and in like manner the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth. Having now fought seven hours without intermission, both the Spanish menand horses began to fail from long fatigue, and were unable to chargewith the same vigour as in the beginning of the action, yet they exertedtheir utmost efforts not to shew any appearance of failure to theIndians. Yet the Indians could clearly perceive a material relaxation inthe exertions of their enemies, to whom they did not allow a moment ofrepose, but plied them as at first with new and fresh battalions. "

"At length, seeing there was likely to be no end of this new way offighting, as there were still eight or nine battalions of the enemy inview, and it being now drawing towards evening, Valdivia determinedupon making a retreat before his men and horses should be entirely wornout and disabled by incessant action. He accordingly gave orders to hismen to retreat, that they might reach a narrow pass about a league and ahalf from the field of battle, where they would be secure againstattack, as in that place two Spaniards on foot were able to keep off thewhole army of the Araucanians. He accordingly issued orders to hissoldiers to retreat to that narrow defile, passing the word from rank torank, with directions to turn and make head occasionally against theenemy. At this time Valdivia was attended by an Araucanian, youth named_Lautaro_, the son of an ulmen, who had been bred up in his family froma boy, and baptized by the name of Philip. Knowing both languages, andbeing more biassed by affection to his country than love to God orfidelity to his master, on hearing the orders given to retreat, hecalled out to the Araucanians not to be satisfied with the retreat ofthe Spaniards, but immediately to take possession of the narrow pass, bywhich they would ensure the entire destruction of their enemies. Toencourage his countrymen by his example as well as his words, Lautarotook up a lance from the ground, with which he joined the foremost rankof the Araucanians, and assisted them to fight against his formermaster. "

"When the Araucanian captain observed the Spaniards preparing to retire, he immediately followed the advice of Lautaro, and ordered two freshbattalions of his troops to hasten in good order to occupy the narrowpass, and to use their utmost efforts to defend it till the rest of thearmy could get up to their assistance. With the remainder of his troopshe pressed on against the retreating Spaniards, still plying them asfrom the first with fresh bodies of his men, and not allowing a momentsrespite to the enemy. On coming to the entrance of the narrow pass, where they expected to have been in safety, the Spaniards found italready occupied by the enemy, and began to despair of being able toescape. At this time, perceiving that both the Spanish men and horseswere completely tired, the Araucanians broke in among them, fifteen ortwenty of them seizing upon one horse, some catching him by the legs, others by the tail, and others by the mane; while others knocked downboth men and horses with their great war-clubs, killing them with thegreatest rage and fury. "

"Pedro de Valdivia, and a priest who accompanied him, were taken aliveand tied to trees, until the Indians had dispatched all the rest, onlythree Indian auxiliaries of the Spaniards making their escape by favourof the night into a thicket, whence, being well acquainted with the waysand more faithful to their masters than Lautaro, they carried the fatalnews to the Spaniards in Chili. The manner in which Valdivia wasafterwards put to death has been differently related. Some say thatLautaro, finding him tied to a tree, killed him after reviling andreproaching him as a robber and a tyrant. The most certain intelligenceis, that an old captain beat out his brains with a club. Others againsay that the Araucanians passed the night after their victory in dancesand mirth; and that at the end of every dance, they cut off a piece offlesh from Valdivia and another from the priest, both yet alive, whichthey broiled and eat before their faces. During which horrid repast, Valdivia confessed to the priest and they both expired. "

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SECTION VII. 

_Continuation of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from thedeath of Valdivia, to that of Caupolican. _

This important victory, which was gained in the evening of the 3dDecember 1553, was celebrated next day by the Araucanians with all kindsof games and diversions, which were exhibited in a meadow surrounded byhigh trees, on which the heads of the slaughtered enemies were suspendedas trophies of the victory. An immense concourse of inhabitants from allthe surrounding country flocked to Tucapel to enjoy the triumph obtainedover an enemy hitherto considered as invincible, and to join in thefestivities on this joyful occasion. In token of triumph, the Araucanianofficers dressed themselves in the clothes and armour of their slainenemies, and Caupolican decorated himself with the armour and surcoat ofValdivia, which was magnificently embroidered with gold. After theconclusion of the rejoicings, Caupolican presented Lautaro to thenational assembly or Butacayog, which had met to deliberate upon theproper measures to be pursued in farther prosecution of the war; and, after a speech in which he attributed the whole success of the lateglorious battle to the young warrior, he appointed him extraordinaryvice-toqui, and to enjoy the command of a second army which was to beraised for protecting the frontiers against invasion from the Spaniards. In consideration of the inappreciable service he had rendered to hiscountry, the advancement of Lautaro to this new dignity was approved andapplauded by all the chiefs of the confederacy. Besides the nobility ofhis origin, as he belonged to the order of ulmens, Lautaro wassingularly beautiful in his appearance, and conciliating in his manners, and possessed talents far surpassing his years, so that in the sequel hefully confirmed the sentiments now entertained of him by Caupolican andthe rest of his countrymen. 

The sentiments of the assembled chiefs in respect to the fartherprosecution of the war, were various and discordant. Colocolo and mostof the Ulmens were of opinion, that they ought in the first place toendeavour to free their country from the remaining Spanishestablishments within its bounds, before attempting to carry theirincursions to the north of the Biobio. Tucapel and some others of themost daring officers, insisted that they ought to take advantage of thepresent circumstances to attack the Spaniards even in the city of StJago, the centre of their colonies, while in a state of consternationand dismay, and to drive them entirely from the whole kingdom of Chili. Caupolican applauded the heroic sentiments of Tucapel, yet adopted thecouncil of the elder chiefs, as the most prudent and beneficial for theinterests of the nation. 

About this time Lincoyan, the former toqui, who was at the head of adetached body of troops engaged in harassing the dispersed settlementsof the Spaniards in Araucania, fell in with a party of fifteenSpaniards, on their march from Imperial to join Valdivia, of whose totaldefeat they had not yet received intelligence. Before engaging with theenemy, whom they confidently expected to defeat with the utmostfacility, these Spaniards vainly regretted that their number exceededtwelve, in hope that the event of the day would stamp upon their namesthe chivalrous title of _the twelve of fame_. Their wishes were soonmore than gratified, as seven of them fell at the first encounter withthe enemy, and the remaining seven, taking advantage of the swiftness oftheir horses, escaped severely wounded to the fortress of Puren, carrying with them the melancholy intelligence of the total destructionof Valdivia and his army. On this distressing news the Spanishinhabitants of Puren, and Frontera or Angol, retired to Imperial, wherethey considered themselves in greater security than in these other moreinland fortresses, which were entirely surrounded by the country of thevictorious enemy. About the same time the inhabitants of Villaricaabandoned that settlement and took refuge in Valdivia; so that twoSpanish establishments only now remained in the Araucanian country, andboth of them at a great distance from reinforcements or assistance. AsCaupolican determined upon besieging these two cities, he committed toLautaro the charge of defending the northern frontier against invasion, and set out for the south to reduce the cities of Imperial and Valdivia. 

The young and gallant vice-toqui, Lautaro, accordingly took post on thelofty mountain of Mariguenu, which intervenes between Conception andArauco, and which he fortified with extraordinary care, rightly judgingthat the Spaniards would take that road in search of Caupolican onpurpose to revenge the defeat and death of their general Valdivia. Thismountain, which has proved fatal to the Spaniards on several occasionsin their wars with the Araucanians, has a large plain on its summitinterspersed with shady trees. Its steep sides are full of rudeprecipices and deep clefts or ravines, its western end being renderedinaccessible by the sea, while on the east it is secured by animpenetrable forest. The north side only was accessible to theSpaniards, and even in that way it was only possible to reach the top bya narrow and winding path. 

The two Promaucians who alone had escaped from the fatal battle ofTucapel, by favour of the darkness and under covert of a thick wood, reached Conception, which they filled with grief and consternation, byrelating the total overthrow and massacre of the army of Valdivia. Whenthe general terror and dismay had a little subsided, the magistratesproceeded to open the sealed instructions which had been left with themby Valdivia, when he departed on his late fatal expedition. In these henamed Alderte, Aguirre, and Villagran successively to the vacantgovernment in case of his own decease. Alderte being gone to Europe, andAguirre absent on his expedition into the distant province of Cujo, thecommand devolved on Villagran. After such preparations as appearednecessary under the present emergency, Villagran crossed the Biobio witha considerable army of Spaniards and Promaucian auxiliaries, intendingto march for Arauco in the first place. In a narrow pass at no greatdistance to the south of the Biobio, he was vigorously opposed by a bodyof Araucanian warriors, who withstood the utmost efforts of his army forthree hours, and then withdrew continually fighting, towards the top ofthe mountain where Lautaro awaited the approach of the Spaniards withthe main body of his army, in a well chosen post defended by a strongpalisade. Villagran ordered the squadrons of cavalry to force their wayup the difficult passage of the mountain, which they effected withinfinite difficulty and severe fatigue, and were received at a shortdistance from the summit by showers of stones, arrows, and othermissiles, which were incessantly discharged against them by the vigilantand brave Araucanians. Villagran, who followed his cavalry at the headof all the infantry of his army, with six pieces of artillery, seeingthe determined opposition of the enemy, several detachments of whom wereendeavouring to gain his flanks and rear, ordered his musquetry toadvance, and the artillery to take a favourable position for annoyingthe enemy. 

The mountain was enveloped in smoke, and resounded on all sides with thethunder of the Spanish cannon and musquets, while the balls were heardwhistling in every direction, and dealing destruction among the ranks ofthe valiant Araucanians, who continued vigorously to defend their post, undismayed at the numbers who fell amid their thick array. Perceivingthat his principal loss was occasioned by the cannon, Lautaro gaveorders to one of his bravest officers, named Leucoton, to sally from thecamp with a select detachment of troops, and to gain possession of thecannon at all events, or never more to appear in his presence. Leucotonexecuted his orders with the utmost bravery, and after a furious andbloody contest with the guard of the guns, carried them off in triumph;while Lautaro, to prevent the Spaniards from sending succours to theirartillery, made a furious general attack on the whole line with all histroops. Astonished by this bold and general attack, and dismayed by theloss of their cannon, the Spanish horse and foot fell into confusion anddisorder, and were so furiously pressed upon by the valiant Lautaro andhis troops, that they dispersed and fled with the utmost precipitation. Three thousand of the Spaniards and their Promaucian allies were slainin this decisive battle, Villagran himself, having fallen in theretreat, was on the point of being taken prisoner, when he was rescuedby the almost incredible efforts of three of his soldiers, and remountedon his horse. The remaining Spaniards urged on their almost exhaustedhorses to regain the narrow defile where the engagement had commenced, and were closely pursued by the Araucanians; but on arriving at thepass, they found it blocked up with trees, which had been felled acrossby orders of Lautaro. The engagement was renewed at this place with theutmost fury, and not a man of the broken army would have escaped, hadnot Villagran opened the pass at the utmost hazard of his life. Thoughthe Araucanians had lost above seven hundred men in the course of thiseventful battle, they continued the pursuit a long way; but at length, unable to keep up with the horses, and exhausted with excessive fatigue, they gave up the pursuit, and Lautaro encamped for the night to refreshhis men, determined upon passing the Biobio next day to follow up theconsequences of his glorious and decisive victory. 

On the arrival of the few Spaniards at Conception who had been able toescape from the slaughter at Mariguenu, the city of Conception wasfilled with indescribable grief and dismay, not a family but had todeplore the loss of some near relation; and the alarm was greatlyincreased by learning that Lautaro was fast approaching with hisvictorious army. As Villagran considered it to be impossible to defendthe city under the present dismay of his small remaining force, hehastily embarked all the old men, women, and children on board two shipsthat happened to be then in the harbour, one of which he ordered toproceed to Imperial, and the other to Valparaiso, while he proceeded byland for St Jago with all the rest of the inhabitants who were able tocarry arms. Lautaro entered the city next day without opposition, whichhe found entirely deserted of its inhabitants, but filled with muchvaluable booty, as by its mines and commerce it had already attainedconsiderable opulence, and the inhabitants were in such haste to escapewith their lives, that they only took what provisions they could procurealong with them, and abandoned their riches. After removing every thingthat was valuable, Lautaro burnt all the houses, and razed the citadeland other fortifications; after which he returned with his army toArauco, to celebrate his triumph after the manner usual in his country. 

While Lautaro thus bravely asserted the independence of his country onthe frontiers, Caupolican marched into the south, as has been alreadymentioned, to invest the cities of Imperial and Valdivia, both of whichhe held closely blockaded. In this emergency, the governors of these twocities demanded succours from Villagran; who, notwithstanding his lateterrible defeat, sent a sufficient number of troops for their defencewith all possible speed; and both places being accessible by sea, thesesuccours were able to arrive in time to prevent Caupolican from gainingpossession of either. 

"When the army of Caupolican drew near to the city of Imperial, the airwas suddenly enveloped in black clouds, whence arose a mighty storm ofhail and rain. In the midst of the tempest the _epumanon_ or war god ofthe Araucanians, made his appearance in form of a terrible dragon, casting out fire at his mouth and nostrils, and desired them to hastentheir march as he would deliver the city into their hands, on whichoccasion he enjoined them to put all the Christians to the sword. The_epumanon_ then disappeared, and they pursued their way joyfully, beinganimated by this oracle. On a sudden the heavens cleared up, and a mostbeautiful woman was seen, seated on a bright cloud, and having acharming yet severe and majestic countenance, which much abated thepride and haughtiness inspired by the former vision. This was the _queenof heaven_, who commanded them to return to their own homes, for God wasresolved to favour the Christians; and they immediately obeyed[70]. "

[Footnote 70: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is literallycopied from Ovalle, as an instance of the puerile conceits indulged inby the true Catholic writers of the seventeenth century. The brave andfaithful Bernal Diaz at the beginning of the sixteenth century saw nomiracles during the conquest of Mexico, and the judicious Molina at theclose of the eighteenth, modestly refrains from copying any suchincredible absurdities into his history of Chili. --E. ]

On abandoning the sieges of Imperial and Valdivia, Caupolican went tojoin Lautaro at Conception, in order to attempt some enterprise againstthe Spaniards more practicable than the attack of fortifications, forthe assault of which the Araucanians possessed no sufficient arts orarms. Availing himself of the absence of his redoubted enemy; Villagran, who appears to have gone along with the succours to Imperial, ravagedthe whole Araucanian territory around that city, burning and destroyingthe houses and crops, and carrying off all the provisions that were notdestroyed to the town. Though of a humane and generous disposition, averse from the exercise of violence, Villagran endeavoured tovindicate the employment of these rigorous measures by the necessity ofcircumstances, and the pretended rights of war: But on this occasionthey were of no real service to the Spanish cause, which theycontributed to render more odious to the Araucanians; and in general theonly effect which such barbarous conduct produces, is to heap distresson the weak and helpless. To the other terrible calamities inseparablefrom war, especially when carried on in this barbarous manner, apestilential disease was superadded which committed dreadful ravages inChili, especially among the natives. During the incursions of Villagraninto the Araucanian territory, some Spanish soldiers, who were eitherinfected at the time or had recently recovered from the small pox, communicated that fatal disease for the first time to the Araucanians, among whom it spread with the more direful and rapid destruction, asthey were utterly unacquainted with its nature. So universal anddreadful was the mortality on this occasion in several provinces, that, in one district containing a population of twelve thousand persons, notmore than a hundred escaped with life. This pestilential disorder, whichhas been more destructive than any other to the human race, had beenintroduced a few years before into the northern parts of Chili, where itthen occasioned great mortality among the natives, and where it hassince frequently reappeared at uncertain intervals, and has greatlydiminished the aboriginal population. For more than a century, countingfrom the present times, 1787, the southern provinces of Chili formingthe Araucanian confederacy, have been exempted from the ravages of thiscruel disease, in consequence of the most rigorous precautions beingemployed by the inhabitants to prevent all communication with theinfected countries, similar to those used in Europe to prevent theintroduction of the plague. 

"The following anecdote will shew what horror the small-pox has inspiredinto the natives of Araucania. Some considerable time ago[71], theviceroy of Peru sent as a present to the governor of Chili, several jarsof honey, wine, olives, and different seeds. One of these jars happenedto break while landing, and some Indians who were employed as labourerson this occasion, imagined that the contents of the jar were thepurulent matter of the small-pox, imported by the governor for thepurpose of being disseminated among the Araucanian provinces, toexterminate their inhabitants. They immediately gave notice to theircountrymen, who stopped all intercourse with the Spanish provinces andflew to arms, killing above forty Spaniards who were then among them inthe full security of peace. To revenge this outrage, the governormarched with an army into the Araucanian territory, and a new war wasexcited which continued for some time to the great injury of bothnations. "

[Footnote 71: The passage within commas is a note in the originalEnglish publication of Molina; and from subsequent parts of the history, the event here related appears to have occurred about the commencementof the seventeenth century, or more than two hundred years ago. --E. ]

While Villagran was using every possible exertion to maintain theSpanish power in the south of Chili, by combating the brave andvictorious Araucanians, he found himself on the point of being compelledto turn his arms against his own countrymen. It has been alreadymentioned that Valdivia, in the instructions he left with themagistrates of Conception before his fatal expedition into Araucania, had nominated Francisco Aguirre in the second place as his own successorin the government, and that Villagran, only third in nomination, hadsucceeded to the command in consequence of the absence of the other twowho were prior to himself. When Aguirre, who was then in Cujo, where hedoes not appear to have effected any thing of importance, was informedof the death of Valdivia, and his own destination to the government ofChili, he considered the assumption of the vacant command by Villagranas prejudicial to his own just rights, and immediately returned intoChili with sixty men who remained of his detachment, determined toacquire possession of the government by force or favour. His pretensionsand those of Villagran must infallibly have kindled a civil war amongthe Spaniards in Chili, to the ruin or vast detriment of the Spanishinterest, had not the competitors agreed to submit the decision of theirrespective claims to the royal audience at Lima, which at that time, 1555, held the supreme legal jurisdiction over all the Spanish dominionsin South America. On this appeal, the court of audience thought properto set aside the pretensions of both competitors, and issued an edictauthorizing the corregidors of the different cities to command each intheir respective districts, till farther orders. Perceiving the extremeinconvenience that must have necessarily resulted to the interests ofthe colony, from this divided government, especially during so importanta war, the principal inhabitants remonstrated against the impolicy ofthis decree. The royal audience listened to the representations of thecolonists, and appointed Villagran to resume the command, but onlygranted him the title of corregidor, and gave him orders to rebuild thecity of Conception. Although convinced of the inutility of this measurein the present conjuncture, Villagran, in obedience to the orders, proceeded immediately to that place with eighty-five families, whom heestablished there, and erected a strong fortification for their defence. 

The native inhabitants of that part of the country which formed theterritory of Conception, were indignant at being again subjected to theintolerable yoke of the Spaniards, and had recourse to the Araucaniansfor protection. Caupolican, who seems at this time to have remained inalmost entire inaction, either ignorant of the proceedings of theSpaniards, or from some other cause of which we are not informed, immediately sent Lautaro at the head of two thousand warriors to theassistance of the distressed natives on the north side of the Biobio. The young vice-toqui, exasperated at what he called the obstinacy of theSpaniards in rebuilding the city which he had destroyed, immediatelypassed the Biobio, and the Spaniards imprudently awaited him in the openplain, confiding in their own valour and arms, despising the superiornumbers of the barbarians. The Spaniards, however, were panic struck atthe furious energy of the first encounter, and fled with precipitationto take shelter behind their ramparts; but were so closely pursued byLautaro and his valiant followers, that they were unable to close thegate. The Araucanians entered the city along with the fugitives, many ofwhom were slain; and the small remnant made a precipitate retreat, partof them by embarking in a ship then in the port, and others by takingrefuge in the woods, whence they returned through bye-paths to St Jago. 

Lautaro immediately plundered and burnt the city, and returned loadedwith spoils to his usual station on the mountain of Mariguenu. Thesuccessful issue of this enterprise excited Caupolican to resume thesieges or blockades of Imperial and Valdivia, during which Lautaroundertook to make a diversion of the Spanish forces, by marching againstSt Jago, by which he expected to prevent them from sendingreinforcements into the south, and he even conceived that it might bepossible to gain possession of that capital of the Spanish dominions inChili, notwithstanding its great distance; as the successes he hadalready obtained so filled his mind with confidence that no difficultyappeared too great to be overcome. In order to execute this hazardousenterprise, which appears to have been concerted with Caupolican, heonly required five hundred men to be selected by himself from theAraucanian army; but so many pressed to serve under his victoriousstandard, that he was obliged to admit an additional hundred. With thisdetermined band of six hundred warriors, he traversed all the provincesbetween the rivers Biobio and Maulé, without doing any injury to thenatives, who hailed him as their deliverer from the Spanish tyranny. Buton crossing the latter river, he immediately proceeded to lay waste thelands of the Promaucians, who were detested by the Araucanians foracting as auxiliaries to the Spaniards. Had he treated them withkindness, he might in all probability have detached them from theSpanish interest and united them in alliance with his own nation. Butimpelled by eagerness for revenge, he did not appreciate the goodeffects which might have flowed from a reconciliation with that numerousand warlike nation, whom he considered as traitors to the common cause. Having satiated his revenge, he fortified himself in an advantageouspost in their territory on the banks of the Rio-claro, probably onpurpose to gain more correct information respecting the state of thecity he intended to attack. 

This ill-judged delay was of great importance to the inhabitants of StJago, by giving them time to prepare for their defence. They could notat first believe it possible that Lautaro would have the audacity toundertake a march of three hundred miles beyond the Araucanian frontiersto attack their city; but undeceived by the refugees from Conception, and the daily reports of the ravages of the enemy in the territories ofthe Promaucians, they dispatched Juan Godinez with an escort oftwenty-five horse into the Promaucian country to watch the motions ofthe enemy, and to send intelligence of his proceedings and designs. Godinez was unexpectedly attacked by a detachment of the Araucanians, and obliged to make a precipitate retreat to St Jago, with his numbersconsiderably diminished, and filled the capital with consternation anddismay at the intelligence of the near approach of their redoubtedenemy. On this occasion the Araucanians took ten horses and some armsfrom the Spaniards, both of which were used by them in the succeedingactions. 

Villagran, who was at this time unable to take the field in consequenceof illness, sent his son Pedro against Lautaro with such troops as couldbe procured, and immediately proceeded to fortify all the approaches tothe city of St Jago with strong entrenchments. In the mean time, youngVillagran attacked the Araucanians in their fortified post. Instructedby their intrepid yet wary commander, the Araucanians pretended to takeflight after a short resistance; but the Spaniards were no soonerentered into the abandoned inclosure, than they returned upon them withsuch impetuosity, that Pedro and his men were completely routed, andonly the cavalry was able to escape by flight, all the infantry who hadpenetrated the Araucanian camp being put to death. After procuringreinforcements, young Villagran returned three several times to attackthe camp of Lautaro, in all of which attempts he was repulsed withconsiderable loss. He now encamped his force in a low meadow on thebanks of the river Mataquito, at no great distance from the entrenchedpost of Lautaro. The Araucanian general formed a plan for inundating thecamp of the Spaniards during night, by turning upon them a branch of theriver; but the Spaniards being informed of this design by a spy, withdrew to St Jago. 

Having recovered from his illness, Villagran was solicited by thecitizens of St Jago to exert himself to dislodge the Araucanians fromtheir neighbourhood, as they every moment expected to see them at theirgates. He accordingly, some time in the year 1556, set out from the cityat the head of 196 Spaniards and 1000 Indian auxiliaries, in search ofLautaro. Instructed by his severe defeat at Mariguenu, Villagranresolved to attack the enemy by surprise; and quitting the direct road, he secretly directed his march towards the Araucanian encampment in thenight by a private path under the guidance of a spy, and reached theirentrenchments undiscovered at day-break. Lautaro, who had been on guardall night according to his usual custom, had just retired to rest whenthe alarm was given of the attack from the Spaniards. He hastenedimmediately to the spot, to observe the enemy and to issue his ordersfor defence; but at the moment of his arrival, a dart from the hand ofone of the Indian auxiliaries pierced him to the heart. Encouraged bythis fortunate event, which was soon known to the Spaniards, Villagranurged the assault of the entrenchments, and soon forced an entrance inspite of the Araucanians, who made an obstinate defence. Finding theirpost carried, the Araucanians retired to an angle of their works, determined rather to allow themselves to be cut in pieces than tosurrender. In vain the Spanish commander repeatedly offered quarter;they continued fighting with the utmost obstinacy till every man of themwas cut off, many of them even throwing themselves on the lances of theSpaniards, as if courting death in preference to submission. Thisvictory, which was not obtained without considerable loss on the part ofthe Spaniards and their allies, was celebrated in St Jago and the otherSpanish settlements with every demonstration of joy. The Spaniardsfelicitated themselves on being freed from a redoubted enemy, who at theearly age of nineteen had already obtained so many victories over them, and who threatened to destroy their settlements in Chili, and even toharass them in Peru. 

When the terror which this young hero had inspired was removed by hisdeath, even his enemies extolled his valour and military talents, andcompared him to the greatest generals who had figured in ancient times, calling him the Chilese Hannibal. To use the words of the abbeOlivarez:--"It is not just to depreciate the merit of one, who, had hebeen of our nation, we should have vaunted as a hero. If we celebratethe martial prowess of the Spanish Viriatus, we ought not to obscure thefame of the American Lautaro, as both valorously contended in arms forthe liberties of their country. "

For a long time the Araucanians lamented the untimely fate of thevaliant Lautaro, to whom they owed all the success which their arms hadhitherto atchieved, and on whose conduct and bravery they entirelyrelied for the preservation of their independence. His name is stillcelebrated in their heroic songs, and his actions are still proposed asthe most glorious model for the imitation of their youth. Above allothers, Caupolican felt and lamented the loss of his valiant associate. Far from thinking he had got free from a rival of his fame, heconsidered that he had lost his chief coadjutor in the glorious cause ofrestoring their nation to independence. Immediately on receiving themournful intelligence, he quitted the siege of Imperial, though reducedto the last extremity, and returned with his army to defend the northernfrontiers of Araucania, and to protect his country from the incursionsof the Spaniards, as he learnt by his spies that they soon expected alarge reinforcement of men and warlike stores from Peru under a newcommander. 

On learning the death of Valdivia, as formerly related, Philip II. Gavecharge of the government and conquest of Chili to Alderete, the agentwho had been sent by Valdivia into Spain, and furnished him for thispurpose with six hundred regular troops. During the voyage to the TierraFirma, the ship was set on fire by accident, by his sister who wasaccustomed to read in bed; and of the whole number on board, Aldereteand three soldiers alone escaped to Porto Bello. Overcome with grief anddisappointment at this melancholy catastrophe, Alderete died soon afterin the small island of Taboga in the gulf of Panama. When informed ofthis disaster, and of the threatening aspect of affairs in Chili inconsequence of the untoward events in the Araucanian war, the marquis ofCanete, then viceroy of Peru, appointed his son Don Garcia Hurtado deMendoza, to the vacant government. As this charge had become bothimportant and dangerous, the marquis resolved that his son should beaccompanied by such a body of forces as might be able to support hisauthority, and might enable him successfully to terminate the waragainst the Araucanians. As the civil dissensions in Peru were now at anend, and that country abounded in military adventurers eager foremployment, he was soon able to levy a respectable force of horse andfoot for this expedition. The infantry, all well equipped and appointed, with a great quantity of military stores; embarked in ten ships underthe command of Don Garcia in person; and the cavalry marched by landunder the orders of Garcia Ramon, who was appointed quarter-master-generalof Chili. 

Don Garcia arrived with his fleet in safety in the Bay of Conception, inthe month of April 1557, and came to anchor near the island ofQuiriquina, which was chosen as the headquarters as a place of greatsecurity. The scanty population of the island attempted to oppose thedisembarkation of the troops, but being soon dispersed by the artillery, they retired in their piraguas to the continent. A small number beingmade prisoners, the governor sent two or three of them with a message tothe Araucanians, to inform them of his arrival, and that he was desirousto settle a lasting peace with them on fair terms. In an assembly of theUlmens to deliberate upon this message, the general opinion was that nopropositions ought to be listened to from an enemy who had returned ingreater force than ever, under the idea that any terms they mightpropose would necessarily be treacherous and unfair. Old Colocoloobserved, however, that no injury could arise from listening to theproposals of the Spanish governor; and that they even had now afavourable opportunity for obtaining a knowledge of the amount of hisforce, and for discovering his designs. For this purpose, therefore, hethought it advisable that they should send an intelligent person, underpretence of congratulating the new governor on his arrival, and thankinghim for his offer of amicable terms of peace, who might at the same timegain information of whatever he should consider important to regulatetheir future conduct. Caupolican and most of the older officers adoptedthis judicious proposal, and the important commission was confided toMillalauco, a person who possessed every requisite for the businessconfided to his charge. 

Millalauco accordingly crossed the narrow strait which separates theisland of Quiriquina from the continent, and presented himself to theSpaniards with all the pride which characterises the Araucanian nation. In their turn, the Spaniards were willing to give him a high idea oftheir military power, and drew out their troops in order of battle forhis reception, conducting him to the tent of the governor amidstrepeated discharges of their artillery. Not in the least disconcerted bythis military parade, Millalauco complimented the governor in the nameof Caupolican and the Araucanian chiefs, declaring that they would allbe happy in the establishment of an honourable peace, advantageous toboth nations, in their desire for which they were solely actuated bymotives of humanity, and not by any dread of the Spanish power. DonGarcia, though much disappointed by these vague offers, replied in thesame general terms respecting peace; and, after regaling the ambassadorin a magnificent manner, he ordered some of his officers to conduct himover the whole encampment, in expectation of intimidating him bydisplaying the immense military preparations which accompanied him toChili. This was exactly suited to the wishes of Millalauco, who observedevery thing with the utmost attention, though with apparentindifference; and, having taken leave of the Spaniards, he returned tomake his report to the assembled chiefs. On receiving an exact report ofall that had been seen by their envoy, the Araucanian chiefs gave ordersfor the establishment of centinels along the coast of their country, toobserve and communicate notice of the movements of the Spaniards, andcommanded the warriors to prepare for taking the field at the firstsummons, as they believed a renewal of the war was near and inevitable. 

Don Garcia continued inactive almost the whole of the winter in theisland of Quiriquina, waiting the arrival of his cavalry from Peru, andfor reinforcements which he had required from the cities of Chili. Atlength, on the night of the 6th August 1557 he privately landed 130 menand several engineers on the plain of Conception, and immediately tookpossession of Mount Pinto which commands the harbour, where heconstructed a fort well garnished with cannon, and surrounded by a deepditch. This event was immediately communicated to Caupolican, whohastily collected his forces, and passed the Biobio on the 9th ofAugust, and next morning at day-break, a day remarkable in Europe by thedefeat of the French at St Quintin, he assailed the new fortress onthree sides at once, having sent on in front a body of pioneers to fillup the ditch with fascines and trunks of trees. The assault was longurged with all the furious and obstinate bravery which distinguishes theAraucanians. Numbers mounted the parapet, and some even leapt within thewalls, destroying many of the defendants. But the cannon and musquetryof the Spaniards were so skilfully directed, and the slaughter of theassailants so prodigious, that the ditch was filled with dead bodies, serving as bridges for the new combatants who pressed on to replacetheir slain comrades. Tucapel, impelled by his rash and unparalleledvalour, threw himself into the fort, where he slew four of the enemywith his formidable mace, and then made his escape by leaping from aprecipice amidst a shower of balls. 

While the assault of the fortress was pushed with the utmost fury andwas seen from the island of Quiriquina, the remainder of the Spanisharmy came over to the aid of the garrison, and formed in order ofbattle. The debarkation was observed by Caupolican who immediately senta part of his troops to meet this new enemy. After a severe conflict ofseveral hours, this detachment was driven back to the mountain withheavy loss, so that the Araucanians were now placed between two fires;yet they did not lose courage, and continued fighting till mid-day. Atlength, worn out with the length of the combat, the Araucanian generaldrew off to the Biobio, determined to collect a new army and to returnto the attack. Having in a short time reinforced his army, Caupolicanbegan his march towards Conception; but, learning on his way that thegovernor had received a numerous reinforcement, he halted on the banksof the Biobio, deeply chagrined at not being able to effect thedestruction of the new fortress of Conception, which had been twiceperformed by Lautaro with the universal applause of the nation. 

In fact, on the preceding day the Spanish cavalry from Peru, consistingof 1000 well armed men, had arrived at Conception, together with anothersquadron of Spanish horse from Imperial, and 2000 Promaucianauxiliaries. Being now at the head of a numerous and well-appointedarmy, Don Garcia determined to invade the Araucanian territory. For thispurpose he crossed the Biobio in boats, six miles above its mouth, wherethe river is about 1500 paces broad. As the Spanish cannon in the boatscommanded the opposite bank of the river, Caupolican made no attempt toobstruct the passage, but drew up his army at no great distance in aposition flanked by thick woods, by which his retreat would be securedin case of being defeated. The battle began by several skirmishes, whichended in favour of the Araucanians; several advanced parties of theSpaniards being repulsed by the enemy with loss, though reinforced byorder of Ramon the quarter-master-general. Alonzo Reynoso likewise, whowas dispatched to their aid with fifty horse, was defeated in his turn, and obliged to retreat leaving several of his men dead on the field. Atlength the two armies met and joined battle. Encouraged by theadvantages they had already gained, the Araucanians used every effort tocome to close quarters with the Spaniards, notwithstanding the heavyfire of eight pieces of artillery which played incessantly from thefront of the enemy. But when they came within reach of the musquetry, they were quite unable to resist the close and well directed firecontinually kept up by the veteran troops of Peru. After manyineffectual attempts to close in with the Spaniards, and losing a vastnumber of their bravest warriors, they fell into confusion from thevacancies in their ranks, and began to give ground. By a well timedcharge, the cavalry put them completely to the rout, and made aprodigious slaughter among them in their flight to the woods. 

Either from innate cruelty of disposition, or on mistaken principles ofpolicy, Don Garcia pursued the most rigorous measures against the enemy. Contrary to the opinion and advice of most of his officers, he was thefirst who introduced the barbarous practice of mutilating and putting todeath the prisoners; a system which may intimidate and restrain a basepeople accustomed to servitude, but cruelty is detestable in theestimation of a generous nation, and serves only to exasperate andrender them irreconcileable[72]. Among the prisoners taken on thisoccasion was one named Galvarino, whose hands were cut off by order ofDon Garcia, and was then set free. He returned to his countrymen, towhom he displayed his bloody and mutilated stumps, which so inflamedthem with rage against the Spaniards, that they all swore never to makepeace with them, and even denounced the punishment of death against anyone who should have the baseness to propose such a measure. Even thewomen, excited by desire of revenge, offered to take up arms and fightalong with their husbands, which was actually done by many of them inthe subsequent battles. From thence originated the fable of Amazons inChili, placed by some authors in the southern districts of that country. 

[Footnote 72: In a note of the original translation, it is said that"the Indian allies of the Spaniards cut off the calves from theAraucanian prisoners, which they roasted and eat. And, by means ofcertain leaves applied to the wounds, prevented the effusion of a singledrop of blood. "--E. ]

After the victory, Don Garcia proceeded with his army into the provinceof Arauco, constantly harassed by flying detachments of the enemy, whonever ceased doing them every possible injury. On his arrival atMelipuru[73], Don Garcia caused several native prisoners to be tortured, in order to obtain information of the situation of Caupolican, but noneof them would discover the place of his retreat. On being informed ofthis barbarous procedure, Caupolican sent notice by a messenger that hewas not far off, and meant to meet the Spaniards the next day. DonGarcia and his army, being alarmed by this intelligence, passed thewhole night under arms, and accordingly the Araucanian army made itsappearance next morning at day-break, advancing in regular array inthree several lines. The Spanish cavalry made a furious charge upon thefront line, commanded by Caupolican in person, who made his pikemenreceive the charge with levelled spears, while the alternatemace-bearers were directed to strike at the horses heads. By thisunexpected reception, the Spanish cavalry were obliged to retreat inconfusion; upon which the Araucanian general and his division broke intothe centre of the Spanish infantry with great slaughter, Caupolicankilling five of them with his own hand. Tucapel advanced with hisdivision in another quarter with equal success, and at the first attackbroke his lance in the body of a Spaniard, and then drawing his swordslew seven others. He received several wounds at this time, yet seeingthe valiant Rencu, formerly his rival for the office of toqui, surrounded by a crowd of enemies, he fell upon them with such fury thathe killed a considerable number of them, and rescued Rencu from imminentdanger. Victory, for a long time undecided, was on the point ofdeclaring for the Araucanians, as the Spaniards were ready to give way;when Don Garcia gave orders to a body of reserve, hitherto unengaged, toattack that division of the enemy which was commanded by Lincoyan andOngolmo. This order, which was executed with promptitude and success, preserved the Spanish army from total destruction. This line or divisionof the Araucanians being broken and routed, fell back tumultuously uponthe other two divisions, then nearly victorious, and threw them intosuch inextricable confusion, that being utterly unable to restore histroops to order, after repeated ineffectual efforts, Caupolican wasreluctantly constrained to sound a retreat, and yielded the victory tohis enemies which he had fondly imagined was already secured to himself. In their retreat, the Araucanian army would have been utterly cut topieces, had not Rencu, by posting himself in a neighbouring wood with aparty of warriors whom he rallied, called off the attention of thevictors from the pursuit, which they urged with the most deadly rancour. After sustaining the violence of the Spanish assault till such time ashe judged his dispersed countrymen had ensured their safety, Rencu andhis companions retired through the wood by a secret path and rejoinedhis countrymen. 

[Footnote 73: Called Millapoa, perhaps by mistake in Pinkerton's map ofChili, a place very near the southern shore of the Biobio, and marked_arruinada_ probably meaning in ruins. --E. ]

Before leaving Melipuru, Don Garcia caused twelve ulmens who were foundamong the prisoners, to be hanged on the trees that surrounded the fieldof battle, and Galvarino, now again a prisoner, was condemned to thesame fate. That unfortunate youth, notwithstanding the loss of hishands, had accompanied the Araucanian army, and had never ceased duringthe late battle to excite his countrymen to fight valiantly, exhibitinghis mutilated stumps to inspire them with fury and revenge, and evenusing his teeth to do all the injury he was able to the enemy. One ofthe captive ulmens, overcome with terror, abjectly petitioned for hislife; but Galvarino reproached him in such severe terms for hiscowardice, and inspired him with so great contempt for death, that he atlength rejected a proffered pardon, and even entreated to die the first, as an expiation of his weakness, and the scandal he had brought upon thecharacter of his nation. After this barbarous execution, by which hesullied the glory of his victory, Don Garcia proceeded into the provinceof Tucapel to the place where Valdivia had been defeated and slain, where he built, as if in contempt of the Araucanians, a city which henamed _Canete_[74] from the titular appellation of his family. Being inthe centre of the enemies country, he strengthened this new city orfortress with a good palisade, a deep ditch, and strong rampart, mountedwith a number of cannon, and left a select garrison for its defenceunder the command of Alonzo Reynoso. 

[Footnote 74: Probably the place distinguished in modern maps by thename of Tucapel-viejo, about 40 miles south from the Biobio. --E. ]

Believing that the Araucanians, whom he had now defeated in threesuccessive battles, were no longer in condition to oppose his victoriousarms, he went with his army to Imperial, where he was received intriumph. Soon after his arrival at that place, he sent off a plentifulsupply of provisions for the garrison of his new city under a strongescort, which was attacked and routed in a narrow pass called Cayucupilby a body of Araucanians, and had certainly been entirely destroyed ifthe enemy had not given them an opportunity of escaping to Canete withlittle loss, by eagerness to seize the baggage. The fugitives werereceived in Canete with much joy, as Reynoso had learnt that Caupolicanintended to attack him. In fact, only a few days afterwards, thatindefatigable general, whom misfortune seemed to inspire with freshcourage, made a furious assault upon the place, in which his valianttroops, with arms so extremely inferior to their enemies, endured acontinual fire of cannon and musquetry for five hours with the mostheroic firmness, pulling up and burning the palisades, filling theditch, and endeavouring to scale the ramparts. But valour alone wasunable to prevail in this difficult enterprise, and Caupolican wasconstrained to desist from the attempt by open force, and to try somemore secure expedient for attaining his end. With this view he persuadedone of his officers, named _Pran_, who was of an artful character, tointroduce himself into the garrison as a deserter, in order to fall uponsome device for delivering it up. Pran accordingly obtained admission inthat character, and conducted himself with the most profounddissimulation. He soon formed a strict friendship with a Promauciannamed Andrew, in the service of the Spaniards, who seemed a fitinstrument for his purpose. One day, either artfully to sound or flatterhim, Andrew pretended to sympathize with his new friend on themisfortunes of his country; and Pran eagerly took advantage of thisfavourable opportunity, as he thought, to carry his designs intoexecution, and revealed to Andrew the motive of his pretended desertion, earnestly entreating him to assist in the execution of his plan, whichwas to introduce some Araucanian soldiers into the place, during thetime when the Spaniards were accustomed to indulge in their _siesta_ orafternoon sleep. Andrew readily engaged to give every assistance in hispower, and even offered to keep one of the gates open on the dayassigned for executing the enterprise. Pran, elated with joy at thesupposed acquisition of a so useful associate, hastened to Caupolican, who was only at a short distance from Canete, to whom he related thesuccess of his endeavours. On his side, Andrew gave immediate notice ofthe intended plot to Reynoso, the commander of the fort, who desired himto keep up the deception by appearing to concur in its execution, inorder to entrap the enemy in their own snare. 

Entirely occupied with an ardent desire of accomplishing this enterpriseagainst Canete, Caupolican lost sight of his wonted prudence, and tooeasily reposed confidence in this ill concerted scheme. The better toarrange his measures on this occasion, he procured an interview withAndrew by means of Pran, and the artful Promaucian appeared beforeCaupolican with that flattering show of respect and attachment whichvillains know so well to assume. He broke out into virulent invectivesagainst the Spaniards, whom he pretended to have always detested, anddeclared his readiness to perform the promise he had made to Pran, asserting that the execution of the plot would be perfectly easy. Caupolican applauded his partriotism, and engaged, if the plotsucceeded, to raise him to the office of ulmen, and to appoint him firstcaptain in the Araucanian army in reward of his services. He then shewedhim the troops which he had along with him, appointing next day forexecuting the plot, and dismissed him with the strongest assurances offavour and esteem. Andrew immediately communicated the intelligence toReynoso, and the Spaniards employed the whole of that night in makingevery preparation to obtain the greatest possible advantage from thisdouble act of perfidy. When the particulars of this plot werecommunicated to the principal officers of the Araucanian army, theyopenly disapproved of it, as disgraceful to the national honour, andrefused to accompany Caupolican in the expedition. But he obstinatelyadhered to his design, and began his march at day-break for Canete withthree thousand men, with whom he posted himself in concealment near theplace, till Pran came to inform him from Andrew that every thing was inreadiness to deliver the place into his hands. The Araucaniansimmediately proceeded in silence towards the city, and finding the gateopen according to promise began to enter it. When a sufficient numberwere got in, the Spaniards suddenly closed the gate upon them, andimmediately opened a fire of grape-shot on those without who werecrowding to the gate, making a dreadful slaughter. The cavalry belongingto the garrison, being all in readiness, issued from another gate, andcompleted the destruction of all who had escaped from the fire of thecannon, so that hardly one of all the Araucanians escaped. Caupolicanescaped the general slaughter of his men with a small number ofattendants, and retired to the mountains, whence he hoped to be soonable to return with a new army sufficiently numerous to keep the field. While the cavalry gave a loose to their fury on the Araucanians withoutthe walls, the infantry were employed within the fort in putting todeath all that had got through the gate; who, finding all chance ofescape utterly hopeless, chose rather to be cut in pieces thansurrender. Pran, discovering his error when too late, rushed among thethickest of the foe, and escaped by an honourable death from the wellmerited reproaches of his imprudent and fatal credulity. Among a fewprisoners taken on this occasion were three ulmens, who were all blownfrom the mouths of cannon. 

As Don Garcia believed the Araucanian war was terminated by thisdestructive enterprise, he gave orders to rebuild the city ofConception, and desirous of adding fresh laurels to the victories he hadalready obtained, he marched in 1558 with a numerous army against theCunches in the south of Chili, a nation which had not yet been assailedby the Spanish arms. On first hearing of the approach of the Spaniards, the chiefs of the Cunches met in council to deliberate whether theyshould submit or resist the invasion of these formidable strangers. Onthis occasion, one Tunconobal, an Araucanian exile, who was present inthe assembly, was desired to give his opinion, which he did in thefollowing terms. "Be cautious how you adopt either of these measures. Ifyou submit, you will be despised as vassals and compelled to labour; ifyou resist in arms, you will be exterminated. If you desire to get freeof these dangerous visitors, make them believe that you are miserablypoor. Hide your property, particularly your gold; and be assured theSpaniards will not remain in your country if they have no expectation ofprocuring that sole object of all their wishes. Send them such a presentas may impress them with an opinion of your extreme poverty, and in themean time retire into the woods. "

The Cunches approved the wise council of the Araucanian, and deputed himwith nine natives of the country to carry a present to the Spanishgeneral, such as he had recommended. He clothed himself and hiscompanions accordingly in wretched rags, and made his appearance withevery mark of fear before Don Garcia. After complimenting him in rudeterms, he presented him with a basket containing some roasted lizardsand wild fruits, as all that the poverty of the country could supply. The Spaniards could not refrain from laughter at the wretched appearanceof the ambassadors and their miserable present, and endeavoured todissuade the governor from pursuing the expedition into so unpromising aregion. Unwilling to relinquish his plan with too much facility, heexhorted his troops to persevere; assuring them that, according toinformation he had received, they would find a country abounding in theprecious metals. This was indeed by no means improbable, as it was usualin America to meet with the richest countries after passing throughfrightful deserts. He then inquired of the Cunches which was the bestroad into the south. Tunconobal directed him towards the west, which wasthe roughest and most mountainous; and on being asked for a guide, leftone of his companions, whom he directed to lead the Spanish army by themost difficult and desolate roads near the coast. The guide followed theinstructions of Tunconobal with so much judgment, that although theSpaniards had been accustomed to surmount the severest fatigues in theirpursuit of conquests, they declared they had never encountered suchdifficulties in any of their former marches. On the fourth day of thisterrible march, their guide quitted them, and they found themselves inthe middle of a frightful desert surrounded by rugged precipices, whencethey could perceive no way by which to extricate themselves. But DonGarcia encouraged them to persevere, by the flattering assurance of soonreaching a happy country which would amply repay all their presentfatigues and privations. 

Having at length overcome all the obstacles in their way, the Spaniardsarrived at the top of a high mountain, whence they discovered the greatarchipelago of _Ancud_, more commonly named of Chiloé, the channelsamong the islands being covered by innumerable boats or canoes navigatedby sails and oars. They were filled with joy at this unexpectedprospect; and as they had suffered many days from hunger, they hastenedto the shore, and were delighted by seeing a boat making towards them, in which were fifteen persons handsomely clothed. These nativesimmediately leaped on shore without evincing the smallest apprehensionof the Spaniards, whom they cordially saluted, inquiring who they were, whence they came, whether they were going, and it they were in want ofany thing. The Spaniards asked for provisions, and the chief of thesestrangers immediately gave them all the provisions in his boat, refusingto accept any thing in return, and promised to send them a largeimmediate supply from the neighbouring islands. Indeed the famishedSpaniards had scarcely completed their encampment, when numerouspiraguas arrived from the different islands, loaded with maize, fruit, and fish, all of which the natives distributed gratuitously among them. Constantly and liberally supplied by these friendly islanders, theSpaniards marched along the shore of the continent opposite thearchipelago, all the way to the Bay of Reloncavi. Some of them went overto the neighbouring islands, where they found the land well cultivated, and the women employed in spinning wool, mixed with the feathers ofsea-birds, which they manufactured into cloth for garments. Thecelebrated poet Ercilla was one of the party; and as he was solicitousof the reputation of having proceeded farther south than any otherEuropean, he crossed the gulf to the opposite shore, where he inscribedsome verses on the bark of a tree, containing his own name and the dateof the discovery, being the 31st January 1559. 

Satisfied with this discovery of the archipelago of Chiloe, Don Garciareturned towards the north, having one of the islanders as a guide, whoconducted him safely to Imperial through the inland country of theHuilliches, which is for the most part level and abounds in provisions. The inhabitants, who are similar in all respects to their westernneighbours the Cunches, made no opposition to his march through theircountry; and Don Garcia on this occasion founded the city of Osorno intheir country at the western extremity of a great lake, thoughaccording to some authors he only rebuilt that town. For some time thisplace increased rapidly in population and wealth, in consequence ofgreat abundance of fine gold being found in its neighbourhood, and ofextensive manufactures of woollen and linen carried on by itsinhabitants; but it was afterwards destroyed by the toquiPaillamacu[75]. 

[Footnote 75: The ruins of Osorno are in lat. 40° 30' S. And long. 73°20' W. The lake, or _Desaguodero de Osorno_, extends 50 or 60 miles fromeast to west, by a breadth of 6 or 7 miles. --E. ]

While Don Garcia was engaged in this expedition into the south of Chili, Alonzo Reynoso the commandant of Canete used every effort to discoverthe place in which Caupolican lay concealed, both offering rewards forinformation and even employing torture to extort intelligence from thenatives. He at length found a person who engaged to point out the placein which the Araucanian general had concealed himself ever since hislast defeat. A detachment of cavalry was accordingly sent under theguidance of this traitor, and coming upon him by surprise one morning atday-break, succeeded in taking that great and heroic champion aprisoner, after a gallant resistance from ten faithful followers whocontinued to adhere to him under his misfortunes. During this combat, his wife incessantly exhorted him to die rather than surrender; and onseeing him made prisoner, she indignantly threw towards him her infantson, saying she would retain nothing that belonged to a coward. Thedetachment returned to Canete with their prisoner, amidst the rejoicingsof the inhabitants, and Reynoso immediately ordered the redoubted toquito be impaled and shot to death with arrows. On hearing his sentence, Caupolican addressed Reynoso as follows, without the smallest change ofcountenance, and preserving all his wonted dignity. "My death, cananswer no possible end, except that of inflaming the inveterate hatredalready entertained by my countrymen against the Spaniards. Far frombeing discouraged by the loss of an unfortunate leader, otherCaupolicans will arise from my ashes, who will prosecute the war againstyou with better fortune. If however you spare my life, from the greatinfluence I possess in Araucania, I may be of great service to theinterests of your sovereign, and in aiding the propagation of yourreligion, which you say is the chief object of the destructive war youwage against us. But, if you are determined that I must die, send meinto Spain; where, if your king thinks proper to condemn me, I may endmy days without occasioning new disturbances to my unhappy country. "

This attempt of the unfortunate toqui to prevail on Reynoso to spare hislife was in vain, as the sentence was ordered to be carried intoimmediate execution. A priest, who had been employed to converse withCaupolican, pretending to have converted him to the Christian faith, hastily administered the sacrament of baptism; after which the prisonerwas conducted to the scaffold erected for his public execution. When hesaw the instrument of punishment, which till then he did not clearlycomprehend, and noticed a negro who was ready to execute the cruelsentence, he became exasperated, and hurled the executioner from thescaffold with a furious kick, indignantly exclaiming, "Is there no swordand some less unworthy hand to put a man like me to death? In thispunishment there is no semblance of justice: It is base revenge!" He washowever overpowered by numbers, and compelled to undergo the cruel andignominious punishment to which he had been condemned. The name ofReynoso is still held in detestation, not only by the Araucanians, buteven by the Spaniards themselves, who have ever reprobated his conduct, as cruel, unnecessary, and impolitic, and contrary to those principlesof generosity on which they pride themselves as a nation. 

SECTION VIII. 

_Continuation of the Araucanian War, after the Death of Caupolican, tothe Reduction of the Archipelago of Chiloé by the Spaniards. _

The prediction of the great and unfortunate Caupolican was soonfulfilled, by the succession of new heroes to defend the liberties ofthe Araucanians against the Spaniards. Instigated by the most unboundedrage, that nation immediately proceeded to elect a new toqui, capable oftaking ample revenge for the ignominious death of their late unfortunategeneral. On this occasion, a majority of the electors were disposed tohave conferred the vacant office on the brave and impetuous Tucapel; butthe old and sagacious Colocolo prevailed on the assembled Butacayog toelect the younger Caupolican, eldest son of the late toqui, whopossessed the talents of his celebrated and lamented father. Tucapel asecond time magnanimously submitted to the choice of the ulmens, andonly required to be nominated vice-toqui, which was accordingly granted. The new toqui immediately assembled an army, with which he crossed theBiobio, intending to attack the city of Conception, which according tohis information was only defended by a small number of soldiers. Havinglearned the intention of the Araucanian general, Reynoso followed himwith five hundred men, and coming up with him at Talcaguano[76], a placenot far from Conception, offered him battle. The young toquiunhesitatingly accepted the challenge, and, animating his soldiers bothby his exhortations and example, fell with such fury upon the Spaniards, that he entirely defeated them. Pursued and wounded by the fierceTucapel, Reynoso made his escape across the Biobio with a small party ofcavalry; and, having collected fresh troops, returned to attack theAraucanians in their camp with no better success than before, and wasagain compelled to retire with loss and disgrace. 

[Footnote 76: In modern maps, a town called Tolcamando is situated onthe north of the Biobio, not far from Conception, and is probably theplace indicated in the text. --E. ]

After this second action, Millalauco was sent with a message from thetoqui to the Spaniards in the island of Quiriquina, whence he broughtback intelligence that Don Garcia, with a large body of troops fromImperial, was laying waste the neighbouring provinces belonging to theAraucanian confederacy. On this information, and influenced by theadvice of the aged Colocolo, young Caupolican deferred his proposedenterprise against Conception, and hastened into the south to oppose DonGarcia, leaving a respectable force under Millalauco to make headagainst Reynoso. Don Garcia however, on being informed of the march ofthe Araucanian array against him, withdrew to Imperial, leaving a bodyof two hundred of his cavalry in ambush on the road by which Caupolicanhad to pass. Though unexpectedly attacked by the Spaniards, Caupolicandefended himself with admirable courage and presence of mind, and notonly repelled the Spaniards with very little loss on his own side, butcut in pieces a great number of his assailants, and pursued the rest tothe gates of Imperial, to which he immediately laid close siege. In themean time, Reynoso and Millalauco, after several severe yet inconclusiveencounters, agreed to fight a single combat, a practice not unfrequentduring the Araucanian war. They fought accordingly a long while withouteither being able to obtain the advantage; and at length, fatigued bytheir combat, they separated by mutual consent, and resumed their formermode of warfare. 

Caupolican prosecuted the siege of Imperial with much vigour, butpossessed no means of making any impression on its fortifications. Afterseveral violent but unsuccessful assaults, he made an attempt to gainover the Promaucian auxiliaries of the Spaniards by means similar towhat had been unsuccessfully employed by his father on a formeroccasion. Two of his officers, named Tulcamaru and Torquin, wereemployed on this hazardous service and detected by the Spaniards, bywhom they were both impaled in sight of the Araucanian army, whom theyexhorted in their last moments to die valiantly in defending theliberties of their country. At the same time, an hundred and twenty ofthe Promaucians, who had been seduced to favour the Araucanians, werehung on the ramparts, all of whom exhorted their countrymen to aid theAraucanians. Caupolican was anxious to siglize himself by the capture ofa place which his heroic father had twice attempted in vain, and made aviolent effort to carry the place by assault. He several times scaledthe walls of the town in person, exposing his life to the most imminentdanger, and even one night effected an entrance into the city, followedby Tucapel and a number of brave companions, but was repulsed by DonGarcia, whose vigilance was incessant. On this occasion, Caupolicanwithdrew, constantly fighting and covered by the blood of his enemies, to a bastion of the fortress, whence he escaped by an adventurous leapand rejoined his troops, who were in much apprehension for the safety oftheir brave and beloved commander. Wearied out by the length of thesiege, which he saw no reasonable prospect of bringing to a favourableconclusion, and impatient of the inactivity of a blockade, Caupolicanabandoned this ineffectual attempt upon Imperial, and turned his armsagainst Reynoso in hope of being able to take revenge upon him for thedeath of his father. But Don Garcia, by going to the assistance of thatofficer, rendered all his efforts ineffectual. 

In the campaign of the following year, 1559, numerous battles werefought between the two armies, with various successes; but as theseproduced no material change in the state of affairs, it is unnecessaryto give any particular account of them. Though several of theseencounters ended in favour of the Araucanians, yet Caupolican resolvedto protract the war, as his troops were daily diminishing in numbersfrom being continually exposed to the fire arms of their enemies, whilethe Spaniards were constantly receiving recruits from Peru and Europe. With this intention, therefore, he took possession of a strong situationbetween Canete and Conception, in a place called Quipeo or Cuyapu, whichhe fortified so strongly as to be defensible by a few men against anynumber of enemies unprovided with artillery. On being informed of thismeasure, Don Garcia marched thither immediately with his army in orderto dislodge the Araucanian general, but observing the strength of theposition, he delayed for some time making an attack, in hope of drawingthe enemy from their strong ground, so that his cavalry might have anopportunity of acting to advantage. In the mean time, frequentskirmishes took place between the two armies, in one of which thecelebrated Millalauco was taken prisoner, and who reproached Don Garciaso severely for his cruel manner of making war, that he ordered himinstantly to be impaled. While the Araucanians were thus blockaded intheir intrenched camp, the traitor Andrew had the temerity to go one daywith a message from Don Garcia to Caupolican, threatening him with themost cruel punishment if he did not immediately submit to the authorityof the Spaniards. Caupolican, though much enraged at seeing before himthe man who had betrayed his father, ordered him immediately to retire, saying that he would assuredly have put him to death by the most crueltortures, if he had not been invested with the character of anambassador. Yet Andrew ventured next day to come into the Araucaniancamp as a spy, when he was taken prisoner, suspended by his feet from atree, and suffocated with smoke. 

At length Don Garcia commenced his attack upon the camp of theAraucanians, by a violent cannonade from all his artillery. Caupolicanand his valiant followers made a vigorous sally, and attacked theSpaniards with so much fury as to kill about forty of them at the firstcharge, and continued the battle for some time with much success. Aftera short time, Don Garcia, by a skilful evolution, cut off the retreat ofthe Araucanians and surrounded them on every side. Yet Caupolican andhis intrepid soldiers fought with such desperate valour that the issueof the engagement remained doubtful for six hours; till, seeingTucapel, Colocolo, Rencu, Lincoyan, Mariantu, Ongolmo, and severalothers of his most valiant officers slain, Caupolican attempted toretreat with the small remnant of his army: But, being overtaken by aparty of horse from which he could not possibly escape, he slew himselfto avoid a similar, cruel fate as that which his father had endured. 

Though Don Garcia had already been mistaken in supposing that the spiritof the Araucanians was entirely broken after their terrible overthrow atCanete, he now again thought he had good reason to believe the warwholly at an end. This victory of Quipeo seemed to him completelydecisive, as the nation was now left without chiefs or troops, all theirprincipal officers, and those who chiefly supported the courage of theAraucanians, having perished, with the flower of their soldiers, so thathe believed the nation would henceforwards be entirely submissive to thewill of the conquerors. Impressed with these hopes, he now devoted hiswhole attention to repair the losses occasioned by the war, rebuildingthe fortifications which had been destroyed, particularly Arauco, Angol, and Villarica, all of which he repeopled and provided with competentgarrisons. He caused all the mines which had been abandoned to bereopened, and others to be explored: And obtained the establishment of abishopric in the capital of Chili, to which place he went in person toreceive the first bishop, Fernando Barrionuevo, a Franciscan monk. Having a considerable number of veteran troops under his command, formost of whom he believed there was no longer occasion in Chili, he sentoff a part of them under Pedro Castillo to complete the conquest ofCujo, formerly commenced by Francisco de Aguirre. Castillo subjected theGuarpes, the ancient inhabitants of that province, to the Spanishdominion, and founded two cities on the eastern skirts of the Andes, which he named San Juan and Mendoza, the latter in compliment to thefamily name of the governor Don Garcia. The extensive and fertileprovince of Cujo remained for a considerable time dependent on thegovernment of Chili, but has been since transferred to the vice-royaltyof Buenos Ayres, to which it seems more properly to appertain from itssituation and natural boundaries. 

While Don Garcia thus took advantage of the apparent calm whichprevailed in Chili, he received information that Francisco Villagran hadarrived from Spain at Buenos Ayres, appointed to succeed him in thegovernment of Chili, and that the king had promoted himself to theviceroyalty of Peru in reward for his services in his presentgovernment. In consequence of this information, he confided the interimgovernment of Chili to the care of Rodrigo de Quiroga, and withdrew intoPeru, to take possession of the exalted situation of viceroy which hisfather had formerly occupied. 

Villagran, who had been governor of Chid previous to Don Garcia, hadgone to Europe when deprived of that government, and had procured hisreinstatement from the court of Spain. Believing, from the informationof Don Garcia and Quiroga, that the Araucanians were in no condition togive any future trouble, Villagran turned his whole attention after hisarrival in Chili, to the reaquisition of the province of Tucuman, whichhad been annexed by himself to the government of Chili in 1549, and hadbeen since attached to the viceroyalty of Peru. Gregorio Castaneda, whomhe employed on this occasion, defeated the Peruvian commander, JuanZurita, the author of the dismemberment, and restored that country tothe authority of the governor of Chili. It continued however only ashort time under their government, as, before the close of that century, they were again obliged by order from Spain to surrender it to theviceroy of Peru. 

Though Don Garcia and Quiroga had been long experienced in the characterof the Araucanians, they had formed a very erroneous opinion of theirtemper and public spirit, when they deemed them finally subdued inconsequence of the victories gained in the late war. Such is theinvincible spirit of that brave nation, that even the severest reversesof fortunes are insufficient to induce them to submit. Even the heaviestlosses, so far from filling them with dejection and dismay, served toinspire them with increased valour. Their heroic constancy underrepeated defeats is perfectly wonderful, and the successful anddetermined perseverance with which they have ever defended theirliberties and independence against the superior arms and power of theSpaniards, is without parallel in the history of the world. The scantyremains of the ulmens or Araucanian chiefs who had escaped from the latesanguinary conflicts against Don Garcia, were more resolved than ever tocontinue the war. Immediately after their late entire defeat at Quipeo, the ulmens assembled in a wood, where they unanimously elected aninferior officer named Antiguenu, who had signalized himself in the lastunfortunate battle, to the vacant office of supreme toqui. Antiguenureadily accepted the honourable but hazardous command; but representedto the assembled chiefs, that as almost all the valiant youth of thenation had perished, he deemed it expedient for them to retire to somesecure situation, until a new army could be collected of sufficientstrength to keep the field. This prudent advice was approved by all, andaccordingly Antiguenu retired with the small remains, of the Araucanianarmy to the inaccessible marshes of Lumaco, called Rochela by theSpaniards, where he caused high scaffolds to be erected to secure hismen from the extreme and noxious moisture of that gloomy retreat. Theyoung men who enlisted from time to time into the national army, went tothat place to be instructed in the use of their arms, and theAraucanians still considered themselves free since they had a toqui whodid not despair of vindicating the independence of their country. 

As soon as Antiguenu saw himself at the head of a respectable force, heissued from his retreat, and began to make incursions into the territorywhich was occupied by the Spaniards, both to inure his troops todiscipline, and to subsist them at the expence of the enemy. When thisunexpected intelligence was brought to St Jago, it gave great uneasinessto Villagran, who foresaw all the fatal consequences which might resultfrom this new war, having already had long experience of the daring andinvincible spirit of the Araucanians. In order if possible to stifle thethreatening flame at its commencement, he immediately dispatched his sonPedro into the south, with as many troops as could be collected inhaste, and soon after took the same direction himself with a moreconsiderable force. The first skirmishes between the hostile armies wereunfavourable to Antiguenu, and an attempt which he made to besiegeCanete was equally unsuccessful. Antiguenu attributed his failure onthese occasions to the inexperience of his troops, and sought on everyoccasion for opportunities of accustoming them to the use of arms. Atlength he had the satisfaction of convincing them that the Spaniardswere not invincible, by defeating a body of Spaniards on the hills ofMillapoa, commanded by Arias Pardo. To keep up the ardour and confidencewhich this success had excited in his soldiers, he now took possessionof the strong post on the top of Mount Mariguenu, a place of fortunateomen for his country. Being either so much afflicted with the gout, oraverse from exposing himself to the hazard of attacking that strongpost, which had formerly proved so unfortunate to him, Villagran gaveit in charge to one of his sons to dislodge the enemy from thatformidable position. The rash yet enterprising young man attacked theAraucanian entrenchments with so little precaution that almost all hisarmy was cut in pieces, and himself killed at the entrance of theencampment, and on this occasion the flower of the Spanish troops and agreat number of their auxiliaries were cut off. 

Immediately after this signal victory, Antiguenu marched against thefortress of Canete, rightly judging that it would not be in a conditionto resist him in the present circumstances. Villagran was likewiseconvinced of the impossibility of defending that place, and anticipatingthe design of the Araucanian general, ordered all the inhabitants towithdraw, part of whom retired to Imperial and the rest to Conception. Antiguenu, therefore, on his arrival at that place, so fatal to hisnation, had only the trouble of destroying the fortifications andsetting fire to the houses, all of which he completely destroyed. 

Overcome with grief and anxiety, Villagran died soon after thedisastrous battle of Mariguenu, universally regretted by the Spanishinhabitants of Chili, who lost in him a wise humane and valiantgovernor, to whose prudent conduct on several trying occasions they hadbeen much beholden for the preservation of their conquests. Before hisdeath, in virtue of special powers vested in him by his commission fromthe court of Spain, he appointed his eldest son Pedro to succeed him inthe government, whose endowments of mind were in no respect inferior tothose of his father. By the death of the governor, Antiguenu conceivedthat he had a favourable opportunity for undertaking some importantenterprise. He divided his army, which now consisted of 4000 men, intotwo bodies, one of which he ordered to lay siege to Conception under thecommand of his vice-toqui Antunecul, to attract the attention of theSpaniards in that quarter, while he marched with the other division toinvest the fort of Arauco, which was defended by a strong garrison underthe command of Lorenzo Bernal. 

Antunecul accordingly crossed the Biobio and encamped in a place calledLeokethal, where he was twice attacked by the governor of Conception, against whom he defended himself so vigorously that he repulsed him withconsiderable loss, and followed him after the second attack to the citywhich he closely invested, by disposing his troops in six divisionsaround its walls. He continued the siege for two months, almost everyday of which period was distinguished by some gallant assault orsuccessful skirmish; but finding all his attempts to gain possession ofthe place unavailing, and being unable to prevent the introduction offrequent succours by sea to the besieged, he at length withdrew with theintention of making a new attempt at a more favourable opportunity. 

In the mean time Antignenu pressed the siege of Arauco with the greatestvigour, but was resisted by the Spanish garrison with determinedbravery. Observing that in all his attacks his bravest officers werepointed out to the Spaniards by their Indian auxiliaries, and made amark for their artillery, he contrived by menus of emissaries topersuade the Spanish commander that the auxiliaries had plotted todeliver up the fort to the Arancanians. Bernal gave such credit to thisfalse report, that he immediately ordered these unfortunate men to quitthe place, and turned them out in spite of their remonstrances andentreaties. This was the very object aimed at by the politic toqui, whoimmediately caused them all to be seized and put to a cruel death insight of the Spaniards, who were exceedingly exasperated at seeingthemselves so grossly imposed upon by one whom they counted an ignorantbarbarian. As the siege was protracted to a considerable length andAntiguenu was impatient for its conclusion, he challenged the governorto single combat, in hope of becoming master of the place by the deathof Bernal; who, deeming himself secure of the victory, accepted thechallenge in spite of the remonstrances of his soldiers. The battlebetween these champions continued for two hours, without either beingable to obtain any advantage, or even to give his antagonist a singlewound; when at length they were separated by their men. What Antiguenuhad been unable to attain by force, was performed for him by famine. Several boats loaded with provisions had repeatedly attempted in vain torelieve the besieged, as the vigilance of the besiegers opposed aninvincible obstacle to their introduction. At length Bernal foundhimself compelled to abandon the place for want of provisions, and theAraucanians permitted him and the garrison to retire withoutmolestation, contenting themselves with burning the houses anddemolishing the fortifications. The capture of Angol, after that ofCaneto and Arauco, appeared so easy to Antiguenu, that he gave it incharge to one of his subalterns; who defeated a body of Spaniardscommanded by Zurita, while on his march to invest Angol: But theAraucanian officer was defeated in his turn near Mulchen[77] by DiegoCarranza, who had been sent against him by the inhabitants of that city. 

[Footnote 77: No such name occurs in the modern maps of Chili, but atown called Millaqui is situated about 20 miles to the north ofAngol. --E. ]

Solicitous to maintain the reputation of his arms, Antiguenu marched inperson at the head of two thousand men to resume the attack upon Angol. Before proceeding to attack that place, he encamped at the confluence ofthe river Vergosa with the Biobio, where he was attacked by a Spanisharmy under the command of Bernal. In this engagement the Araucaniansmade use of some Spanish musquets which they had taken at their latevictory of Mariguenu, which they employed with much skill, and bravelysustained the assault for three hours. At length, when four hundred ofthe auxiliaries and a considerable number of Spaniards had fallen, theinfantry began to give way, upon which Bernal gave orders to his cavalryto put to death every one who attempted flight. This severe orderbrought back the Spanish infantry to their duty, and they attacked theentrenchments of the enemy with so much vigour that at length theyforced their way into the camp of the Araucanians. Antiguenu exerted hisutmost efforts to oppose the assailants; but he was at length forcedalong by the crowd of his soldiers, who were thrown into irretrievableconfusion and fled. During the flight, he fell from a high bank into theriver and was drowned. The Araucanians were defeated with prodigiousslaughter, many of them perishing in the river in their attempt toescape by swimming. In this battle, which was fought in the year 1564, almost the whole of the victorious army was wounded, and a considerablenumber slain; but they recovered forty-one musquets, twenty-onecuirasses, fifteen helmets, and a great number of lances and otherweapons which the Araucanians had obtained in their late victories, andhad used against their former proprietors. 

While these events were passing on the banks of the Biobio, anAraucanian officer named Lillemu, who had been detached by Antiguenu tolay waste the provinces of Chillan and Itata, defeated a Spanishdetachment of eighty men commanded by Pedro Balsa. To repress theseravages, the governor of Conception marched against Lillemu with anhundred and fifty men, and cut off a party of Araucanians who weredesolating the province of Chillan. Lillemu hastened to their succour, but finding them defeated and dispersed, he was only able to save theremainder of his troops by making a gallant stand in a narrow pass witha small select band, by which he checked the advance of the enemy, andgave time to his army to effect their escape; but he and his bravecompanions sacrificed their lives in this gallant effort of patriotism. 

On the death of the valiant Antiguenu, the Araucanians elected as hissuccessor in the toquiate a person named Paillataru, who was brother orcousin to the celebrated Lautaro, but of a very different character anddisposition. Slow and circumspect in all his operations, the new toquicontented himself during the first years of his command in endeavouringto keep up the love of liberty among his countrymen, whom he led fromtime to time to ravage and plunder the possessions of the Spaniards, always avoiding any decisive conflict. About this time likewise theroyal audience of Lima appointed Rodrigo de Quiroga to succeed theyounger Villagran in the government of Chili; and Quiroga began hisadministration by arresting his predecessor in office, whom he sentprisoner into Peru. 

Having received a reinforcement of three hundred soldiers in 1565, Quiroga invaded the Araucanian territory, where he rebuilt the fort ofArauco and the city of Canete, constructed a new fortress at thecelebrated post of Quipeo, and ravaged all the neighbouring provinces. Towards the end of the year 1566, he sent Ruiz Gamboa with a detachmentof sixty men to reduce the archipelago of Chiloé to subjection. Gamboamet with no resistance in this enterprise, and founded in the largeisland of Ancud or Chiloé, the small city of Castro, and the sea-port ofChacao. The islands of this archipelago are about eighty in number, having been produced by earthquakes, owing to the great number ofvolcanoes with which that country formerly abounded, and indeed everypart of them exhibits the most unequivocal marks of fire. Severalmountains in the great island of Chiloé, which has given name to thearchipelago, are composed of basaltic columns, which could have onlybeen produced by the operation of subterranean fire[78]. Thoughdescended from the Chilese of the continent, as is evident from theirappearance, manners, and language, the natives of these islands arequite of a different character, being of a pacific and rather timiddisposition; insomuch that, although their population is said to haveexceeded seventy thousand, they made no opposition to the handful ofSpaniards sent on this occasion to reduce them, nor have they everattempted to shake off the yoke until the beginning of the eighteenthcentury, when an insurrection of no great importance was excited, andvery soon quelled[79]. 

[Footnote 78: These are the opinions of Molina, not of the editor, whotakes no part in the discussion between the Huttonians and Wemerians;neither indeed are there any data in the text on which to ground anyopinion, were he even disposed by inclination or geognostic knowledge tobecome a party on either side. --E. ]

[Footnote 79: In the text, Molina gives here some account of the nativesof Chiloé, which is postponed to the close of this chapter. --E. ]

SECTION IX. 

_Continuation of the Araucanian war to the Destruction of all theSpanish settlements in the territories of that Nation_. 

The long continuance of the Araucanian war, and the great importance ofthe kingdom of Chili, at length determined Philip II. To erect a courtof Royal Audience in Chili, independent upon that which had longsubsisted in Peru. To this court, which was composed of four oydors orjudges and a fiscal, the civil and military administration of thekingdom was confided; and its members made a solemn entry into the cityof Conception, where they fixed their residence, on the 13th of August1567. Immediately on assuming their functions, the judges removedQuiroga from the government, and appointed Ruiz Gamboa to the command ofthe army with the title of general. Learning that Paillataru, the toquiof the Araucanians, was preparing to besiege the city of Canete, Gamboahastened to that place with a respectable force, and finding the toquiencamped not far from the threatened city, he attacked his fortifiedpost, and defeated him after a long and obstinate contest. After thisvictory, Gamboa overran and laid waste the Araucanian territories for awhole year without opposition, and carried off great numbers of womenand children into slavery. He employed every effort however, repeatedlyto induce the Araucanians to enter into negotiations for peace, but tono purpose, as they preferred the endurance of every possible evilbefore the loss of their national liberty, and continually refused tolisten to his proposals. 

As peace, so necessary to the well being of the Spanish settlements inChili, seemed every day more remote, in spite of every effort for itsattainment, it at length, appeared to the court of Spain that thegovernment of a country in a continual state of war was improperlyplaced in the hands of a court of justice: Accordingly it was againconfided to the management of a single chief, under the new titles ofPresident, Governor, and Captain-general. Don Melchior Bravo de Saraviawas invested with this triple character in 1568; a man well qualified toact as president of the court of audience and civil governor of thekingdom, but utterly incompetent to sustain the charge ofcaptain-general; yet he was anxious to signalize the commencement of hisgovernment by the attainment of a splendid victory over the redoubtableAraucanians, for which an opportunity soon offered, but which redoundedto his own disgrace. 

Paillataru had collected a new army, with which he occupied the strongposition of Mariguenu, so fatal to the Spaniards, and which for someunaccountable reason they had neglected to fortify. Immediately onlearning this circumstance, the governor marched against the toqui atthe head of three hundred Spanish soldiers and a large auxiliary force. Like several of his predecessors, Paillataru had the glory of renderingthis mountain famous by the total defeat of the Spanish army. Thegovernor had the good fortune to make his escape from this battle, andprecipitately withdrew with a small remnant of his troops to Angol, where he resigned the command of the army, appointing Gamboamajor-general and Velasco[80] quarter-master. He was at this time sointimidated by his defeat, that he ordered these officers to evacuatethe fortress of Arauco, so often already destroyed and rebuilt. Whileescorting the inhabitants of that place to Canete, these officers fellin with a division of the Araucanians, which they attacked and defeated. Yet Paillataru, who had removed from Mariguenu to the post of Quipeo, marched two days afterwards against Canete, which he proposed tobesiege; but Gamboa advanced to meet him with all the troops he couldcollect, and gave him battle. The engagement continued more than twohours, and was one of the bloodiest and hardest contested ever fought inChili. Though severely handled, the Spaniards remained masters of thefield, and the Araucanians were compelled to retreat. Gamboa now invadedthe Araucanian territory, intending to ravage it as formerly; butPaillataru, having repaired his losses in a short time by fresh levies, returning to defend his country, and compelled Gamboa to retreat withloss. 

[Footnote 80: In a subsequent passage Molina names this officer Benal. --E. ]

From this time, till the death of Paillataru, about four yearsafterwards, a suspension of arms or tacit truce was observed between theSpaniards and Araucanians. This was probably owing in a great measure tothe general consternation occasioned by a dreadful earthquake which wasfelt throughout the whole country, and did great injury to the Spanishsettlements, particularly to the city of Conception, which was entirelydestroyed. Ever anxious to consolidate and give importance to theirconquests, the court of Spain erected in 1570, a new bishopric in thecity of Imperial, to which the vast extent of country between the riverMaulé and the southern confines of Chili was assigned as a diocese[81]. 

[Footnote 81: Since the loss of Imperial, Conception has been theresidence of this bishop--E. ]

About this time the _Mestees_, or descendents of Spaniards by Indianwomen had multiplied greatly in Chili, and perceiving the greatadvantage that might be derived from their assistance against theSpaniards, and to attach them to their cause by a strong acknowledgementthat they were their countrymen, the Araucanians conferred the office oftoqui upon one of these men named Alonzo Diaz, who had assumed theChilese name of Paynenancu, and had distinguished himself for ten yearsby his valour and abilities, continually fighting in their armies. Ifhis predecessor Paillataru had the fault of being too cautious inconducting the operations of the war, the new toqui was on the contraryso rash and daring, to avoid that imputation, that he constantlyattacked the Spaniards with far inferior numbers, whence all hisenterprises were unfortunate as might naturally have been expected. 

Immediately on receiving the investiture of the toquiate, he crossedthe river Biobio, probably intending to have attacked Conception; but, before reaching that place, he was attacked and defeated by thequarter-master, notwithstanding the great valour with which he defendedhimself for a long time. Among the prisoners taken by the Spaniards onthis occasion were several Araucanian women, all of whom killedthemselves the same night. Paynenancu, having escaped from the carnage, raised a new army and marched against Villarica, but was again defeatedby Rodrigo Bastidas, the military commandant of that city. 

While the war continued to rage in 1575, the licentiate Calderon arrivedin Chili from Spain, with a commission to examine and regulate thegovernment of that kingdom. His first step was to suppress the court ofaudience, on the sole principle of economy, and instead of the presidentMelchior Bravo, Rodrigo Quiroga, who had been formerly appointedgovernor by the audience of Lima, was reinstated in that office. Havingassembled all the troops he could raise, the new governor proceeded in1576 to the frontiers, to oppose the ravages of Paynenancu, who, thoughtwice defeated, continued to harass the Spanish settlements by frequentinroads. But, as the toqui carefully avoided any rencounter, thegovernor contented himself with ravaging the Araucanian territories inrevenge. Having afterwards received a reinforcement of two thousand menfrom Spain, he gave directions to his father-in-law[82] Gamboa to founda new city at the foot of the Cordellieras[83], between the cities of StJago and Conception, which has since received the appellation of Chillanfrom the river on which it stands, and has become the capital of thefertile province of the same name. Shortly after the foundation of thisnew city, the governor died in 1580 at a very advanced age, havingpreviously nominated Gamboa to succeed him in the government of thekingdom. Gamboa continued three years in the command, continuallyoccupied in opposing the Araucanians in the south under their toquiPaynenancu, and in defending the kingdom on the east against thePehuenches and Chiquillanians, who now began to molest the Spaniards atthe instigation of the Araucanians. 

[Footnote 82: Thus in the original, though probably his son-in-law, asQuiroga died soon after at an advanced age. --E. ]

[Footnote 83: The city of Chillan, instead of being at the foot of theAndes, is in the plain country more than half way between that greatchain and the sea. --E. ]

The Pehuenches are a numerous tribe who inhabit that portion of theAndes of Chili which lies between the latitudes of 34° and 37° S. To theeastwards of the Spanish provinces of Calchagua, Maule, Chillan, andHuilquilemu. Their dress resembles that of the Araucanians, except thatthey wear a piece of cloth like the Japenese round the waist which hangsdown to the knees[84], instead of drawers or breeches. Their boots orshoes are all of one piece of skin, being that of the hind leg of an oxtaken off at the knee, which is fitted to the foot of the wearer whilegreen, turning the hair side inmost, and sewing up one of the ends, theskin of the knee serving for the heel. By being constantly worn andfrequently rubbed with tallow, these shoes become as soft and pliant asthe best dressed leather[85]. Though these mountaineers are valiant andhardy soldiers, yet are they fond of adorning themselves like women, decorating themselves with ear-rings and bracelets of glass-beads, withwhich also they ornament their hair, and hang small bells around theirheads. Although possessed of numerous herds of cattle and sheep, theirusual food is horse flesh, which like the Tartars they prefer to allother kinds, and always eat cooked, either by boiling or roasting. Likethe Bedowin Arabs, the Pehuenches dwell in tents made of skins, disposedin a circular form around a spacious area, in which their cattle feedwhile the herbage lasts; and when that begins to fail they remove theircamp to a fresh pasture, continually traversing in this manner thevalleys among the Andes. Each village or encampment is governed by ahereditary ulmen. Their language and religion resemble those of theAraucanians. They are extremely fond of hunting, and often traverse theimmense plains which stretch from the great Rio Plata to the Straits ofMagellan in pursuit of game, sometimes extending their excursions as faras Buenos Ayres, and even occasionally indulge in plundering thevicinity of that city. They frequently attack the caravans which passbetween Buenos Ayres and Chili, and have been so successful in thesepredatory enterprises as almost to have stopped that commerce entirely. 

[Footnote 84: A comparison more familiar to the British reader might bemade to the _philabeg_ or short petticoat worn by the ScotsHighlanders--E. ]

[Footnote 85: In this part of dress they likewise resemble the ScotsHighlanders of old, who wore a kind of shoes made of raw hides with thehair on, called _rough rullions_. In both of course using the mostobvious and easiest means of decency and protection. Before theintroduction of European cattle into Chili, the natives must haveemployed the skins of the original animals of the country, probably ofthe _guemul_ or _huemul_, the equus bisulcus of Molina and othernaturalists, an animal having some resemblance to a horse but withcloven hoofs--E. ]

It may be proper to relate what I noticed on a journey in that country, having set out from Mendoza in the province of Cujo, on the 27th ofApril 1783, with post horses for Buenos Ayres. We soon learnt, from somepeople whom we met, that the Pehuenches were out upon predatoryexcursions, and soon afterwards received the melancholy intelligencethat they had committed horrible massacres in the _Portion ofMagdalena_. In consequence of this, all the post-houses where we stoppedwere in a state of alarm, and some of them were entirely deserted. During the year before, three hundred of these Indians appeared suddenlybefore the post of Gutierrez, all lying back upon their horses andtrailing their lances, in order to make it appear that it was only adrove of mares which is a very common sight in those _Pampas_ or almostunlimited plains. Although they saw but one man who patroled the wallwith his musquet, and was indeed the only person in the post, they weredeterred from making any attack, supposing it to be strongly guarded. This man knew well that the horses were guided, by the exact order theypursued, though he could see nothing of the riders till they were verynear. He had the prudence likewise to refrain from firing his musquet, which probably led them to believe there was a greater force within theplace, and induced them to abandon the enterprise, venting their rage onthe other unprotected inhabitants of the plains. The commander of thepost of Amatrain was not so fortunate, as he was killed that same yearalong with a negro who accompanied him. These posts are fortified withpalisades, or with a mud wall, and have a ditch and draw-bridge. 

Although the Pehuenches frequently commit depredations in these easternplains, they have many years refrained from any hostilities within theboundaries of Chili, unless in times of actual war between the nations;induced to this either from fear of the military population of Chili, orby the advantages which they derive from trading with the inhabitants ofthat kingdom. Their favourite weapon is the _laque_ or leathern thongwith a stone at each end, which they always carry fastened to theirgirdles. It is highly probable that the ten Americans in the shipcommanded by Orellana, of whose amazing and desperate courage, mentionis made in Ansons voyage, were of this tribe. Notwithstanding theirwandering and restless mode of life, they are more addicted toindustrious and even commercial habits than any of the savage natives ofSouth America. When in their tents, they are never idle. The women weavecloths of various colours, and the men occupy themselves in makingbaskets, and a variety of beautiful articles of wood, leather, skins, orfeathers, which are much prized by the Spaniards. Every year theyassemble in large numbers on the Spanish frontiers, where they hold akind of fair which generally lasts fifteen or twenty days. On theseoccasions they bring for sale, besides horses and cattle, fossil salt, gypsum, pitch, bed-coverings, ponchos, skins, wool, bridle-reinsbeautifully wrought of plaited leather, baskets, wooden vessels, feathers, ostrich-eggs, and a variety of other articles; and receive inreturn wheat, wine, and European manufactures. In the conduct of thisbarter they are very skilful, and can with difficulty be overreached. Lest they should be cheated or plundered by the Christian merchants, whothink every thing lawful against unbelievers, they never drink all atone time; but separate themselves into several companies, some of whomkeep guard while the rest indulge in wine. They are generally humane, courteous, just in their dealings, and possessed of many estimablequalities. 

The Chiquillanians, whom some persons have supposed a tribe of thePehueaches, live to the north-east of that nation, on the easternborders, of the Andes[86]. These are the most savage, and consequentlythe least numerous of any of the tribes of the Chilese; for it is anestablished fact, that the ruder the state of savage life the lessfavourable it is to population. They go almost naked, merely wrappingthe skins of the _Guanaco_ round their bodies, and they speak acorrupted and guttural dialect of the Chili-dugu or Chilese language. Itis observable that all the Chilese tribes which inhabit the elevatedvalleys of the Andes, both Pehuenches, Puelches, Huilliches, andChiquillanians, are much redder than those of their countrymen who dwellin the lower country to the west of these mountains. All thesemountaineers dress themselves in skins, paint their laces, subsist in agreat measure by hunting, and lead a wandering and unsettled life. Theyare in fact the so much celebrated Patagonians, who have beenoccasionally seen near the Straits of Magellan, and who have sometimesbeen described as giants, and at other times as not much beyond theordinary stature of mankind. Generally speaking however, they are oflofty stature and have great muscular strength. 

[Footnote 86: In the map accompanying the English translation of Molina, the Penuenches and Chiquillanians are placed under the same parallelbetween lat. 33° SO' and 36° S. The former on the western and the latteron the eastern side of the Andes. --E. ]

On information being sent to Spain of the death of Quiroga, as formerlymentioned, Don Alonzo Sotomayor Marquis of Villa-hermoso was sent outas governor with six hundred regular troops. He landed at Buenos Ayresin 1583, from whence he proceeded to St Jago. On taking possession ofhis government, he appointed his brother Don Luis to the new office ofColonel of the Kingdom, and sent him with a military force to relievethe cities of Villarica and Valdivia, which were both besieged by theAraucanians. After twice defeating the toqui, Paynenancu, who opposedhis march, he raised the sieges and supplied both places withreinforcements. The indefatigable but unfortunate toqui, after twodefeats from Don Luis, turned his arms against Tiburcio Heredia andAntonio Galleguilios, who were ravaging the country with separate strongdetachments of cavalry, and was successively defeated by both of theseofficers, yet the victors paid dear for their successes. 

While these events were going on in the south, the governor had tooppose the Pehuenches who had invaded the new settlement of Chilian, andwhom he defeated and constrained to retire into their mountains. He thenmarched into Araucania at the head of seven hundred Spaniards and agreat number of auxiliaries, resolved to pursue the cruel and rigoroussystem of warfare which had formerly been adopted by Don Garcia, inpreference to the humane procedure of his immediate predecessors. Theprovince of Encol was the first to experience the effects of thisseverity, as he laid it entirely waste with fire and sword, and eitherhanged his prisoners, or sent them away with their hands cut off tointimidate their countrymen. The adjoining provinces of Puren, Ilicura, and Tucapel would have experienced a similar fate, if the inhabitantshad not ensured their personal safety by flight, after setting theirhouses and crops on fire, and destroying every thing they could notcarry off. Only three prisoners were taken in these provinces, who wereimpaled. Notwithstanding these severities, many mestees and mulatoesjoined the Araucanians, and even some Spaniards, among who was JuanSanchez, who acquired great reputation among them. 

Impelled either by his natural rash valour, or by despair on findingthat he had fallen in the estimation of the Araucanians by his want ofsuccess, Paynenancu gave battle to the whole Spanish army on theconfines of the province of Arauco with only eight hundred men; yet suchwas the resolute valour with which they fought that the Spaniards wereunable to break their firm array, till after a hard contested battle ofseveral hours, in which they lost a considerable number of men. Almostthe whole of the Araucanian troops engaged in this unequal contest wereslain; but Paynenancu was made prisoner and immediately executed. Thevictorious governor encamped with his army on the banks of theCarampangui river, and caused the fortress of Arauco to be rebuilt, ofwhich he gave the command to Garcia Ramon the quarter-master. 

The Araucanian valour, which had been repressed by the imprudent conductof Paynenancu, was revived in 1585, by the elevation of Cayancura to thedignity of toqui, an ulmen of the province or district of Mariguenu. Immediately on his election, he dispatched an hundred and fiftymessengers to every corner of the country, with the symbolical arrows tosummon the martial youth of Araucania to the national army. Having bythese means assembled a respectable force, the new toqui determined uponmaking an attack at midnight on the Spanish camp, which was still on thebanks of the Carampangui, and of the exact situation of which he hadprocured information by means of a spy. For this purpose, he formed hisarmy in three divisions, of which he gave the command to three valiantofficers, Lonconobal, Antulevu, and Tarochina. The divisions proceededby three several roads which led to the camp, and coming upon it bysurprise, cut the auxiliaries to pieces who were the first to opposetheir progress. Fortunately for the Spaniards, the moon rose about themiddle of the assualt, and enabled them, after a short period ofconfusion, and the loss of several men, to form themselves in goodorder, and to make head against the assailants, who at length began togive way after suffering severely from the fire of the Spanishmusquetry. Just at this critical time, the governor charged theAraucanians and forced them to give way, after both sides had sufferedconsiderable loss. Cayancura, who had halted with a body of reserve atthe entrance of the Spanish camp for the purpose of supporting theattack, on finding his troops retiring exhausted and dispirited, drewoff the whole to some distance where he permitted them to take rest andrefreshment during the remainder of the night, and returned at day-breaknext morning to the attack. The Spanish army marched out to meet them inthe open field, and a most obstinate and bloody battle ensued. After abrave contest, the Araucanians were overpowered by the artillery andcavalry of the Spaniards, and constrained to quit the field with greatloss, though the Spaniards paid dear for their victory; insomuch that, immediately after the action, the governor raised his camp and retiredto the frontiers, where he built two forts named Trinidad and SpirituSanto on the northern shore of the Biobio. He also sent orders to themajor-general to raise as many recruits as possible throughout thekingdom of Chili, which officer brought him accordingly a reinforcementof two thousand[87] horse and a considerable number of infantry. 

[Footnote 87: From the original army of the governor having only sevenhundred men, I am apt to believe the number of horse in the text oughtonly to have been two _hundred_. --E. ]

Undismayed by his recent losses, the Araucanian general determined totake advantage of the governors retreat to lay siege to the fort ofArauco; and in order to secure the success of this enterprise, heendeavoured to occupy the Spanish arms in other quarters. For thispurpose, he ordered one of his officers named Guepotan to makeincursions on the territory of Villarica from the fortified post ofLiben, where he had supported himself for several years. To Cadiguala, another officer who afterwards became toqui, he gave it in charge toharass the district of Angol; appointed Tarochina to guard the passageof the Biobio, and sent Melilauca and Catipillan to keep the garrison ofImperial in check. These officers had several encounters with theSpaniards attended with various success. Guepotan lost the fortifiedpost of Liben, which was taken by the governors brother. Tarochina madehimself master of a great number of boats on the Biobio, which wereconveying supplies of men and warlike stores to the recently erectedforts on that river. 

In the year 1586, the toqui Cayancura began the siege of Arauco, whichhe surrounded with strong lines, so as not only to intercept allsuccours, but to prevent the retreat of the garrison[88]. Perceivingfrom these preparations, that they must finally be compelled tosurrender or perish by famine, the garrison thought it better to die atonce with arms in their hands than to be reduced to such extremity. Theyattacked therefore the works of the enemy with such vigour, that afteran obstinate and sanguinary combat of four hours, they succeeded inforcing them, and put the Araucanians to flight. Cayancura was soexceedingly mortified by this defeat, that he retired to his ulmenate, leaving the command of the army to his son, Nangoniel, a young man ofgreat hopes and much beloved by the nation. This young commanderimmediately collected a new army, in which were an hundred and fiftyhorse, which from this time forwards became a regular part of theAraucanian military force. With these troops he returned to invest thefortress of Arauco, and guarded all its environs so closely that thegarrison were unable to procure a supply of provisions, and were atlength compelled to evacuate it, probably on capitulation. Encouraged bythis good fortune, Nangoniel proceeded towards the Biobio, intending toattack the fort of Trinidad, which protected the passage of supplies inthat direction from Spanish Chili to the forts on the south of thatriver. But while on his march, he was encountered by a detachment ofSpanish troops commanded by Francisco Hernandez, by whom he wasdefeated. In this action he lost an arm and received several otherdangerous wounds. Being obliged by this misfortune to take refuge on aneighbouring mountain, where he was drawn into an ambush by thesergeant-major[89] of the Spanish army, he and fifty of his soldierswere slain, after defending themselves valiantly for a long time. On thesame day, an officer named Cadeguala, who had obtained great reputationin the Arancanian army for his courage and military skill, wasproclaimed toqui by the officers. 

[Footnote 88: Lines, it would appear of circumvallation andcontravallation, probably suggested by some of the Spaniards who hadjoined the Araucanians. --E. ]

[Footnote 89: This officer in the Spanish service seems somewhatequivalent to our adjutant; and the sergeant-major of the array inChili, may be considered as a kind of adjutant-general. --E. ]

About this time, while the Araucanians were valiantly endeavouring tooppose the Spanish arms, the English also planned an expedition againstthem in that remote quarter of the world. Sir Thomas Cavendish sailedwith this view from Plymouth on the 21st of July 1586 with three ships, and arrived on the coast of Chili in the following year. He landed atthe desert port of Quintero[90], and endeavoured to enter into anegociation with the natives of the country; but he was attacked byAlonzo Molina, the corregidor of St Jago, and compelled to reimbark withthe loss of several soldiers and seamen, and quitted the coast after avery short stay. 

[Footnote 90: The port of Quintero, in about lat. 32° 45' S. Is about 8or 10 miles to the north of the river Quillota in Spanish Chili. Thevoyage of Sir Thomas Cavendish will appear in an after division of thiswork. --E. ]

Cadeguala, the new toqui, signalized the commencement of hisadministration by several successful inroads into the Spanishpossessions, the particulars of which are not recorded. Having notice ofthe alarm in Spanish Chili occasioned by the English squadron, heresolved to avail himself of that diversion of the Spanish forces tomake an effort against the city of Angol by surprise. He maintained asecret intelligence with some of the inhabitants of that place, by whosemeans he prevailed upon a number of native Chilese, who were in theservice of the Spanish citizens, to set fire to their masters houses ata certain hour of an appointed night, when he was to be ready with hisarmy at the gates to assault the place. His plan was accordinglyexecuted; and entering the city during the confusion occasioned by thefires, he divided his force, consisting of a thousand foot and anhundred horse, into several detachments, which made a horrible carnageof the citizens, who flying from the flames fell into the hands of theAraucanians. The garrison attempted in vain to dislodge the enemy, andthe whole population of the place had been assuredly put to the sword, but for the courage and conduct of the governor, who had fortunatelyarrived at the city only two hours before the attack. He immediatelyhastened with his guards to the different quarters which were occupiedby the enemy, where with wonderful presence of mind he collected thedispersed inhabitants who had escaped the sword of the enemy, andconducted them to the citadel. Having armed and marshalled all the mostresolute of the inhabitants, he sallied out from the citadel at theirhead against the enemy, whom he compelled to evacuate the city at breakof day. It would appear that the Araucanians had now become lessscrupulous than formerly in their mode of making war; for Cadeguala wasnot abandoned by any of his officers on this occasion, as Caupolican hadformerly been in his attempt to surprise Canete by similar means. 

Although the Arancanian general had not succeeded in this daringenterprise according to his expectations, he was so little discouragedby its failure that he immediately undertook the siege of Puren, whichappeared more easy to be taken as it was situated at some distance fromthe Spanish frontiers. He accordingly invested it regularly with fourthousand men in four separate divisions, under the respective commandsof Guanoalca, Caniotaru, Relmuantu, and Curilemu, the most valiantofficers of his army. On receiving notice of the investiture of Puren, the governor hastened to its relief with a strong reinforcement, butwas opposed on his march by Cadeguala at the head of an hundred andfifty Araucanian horse armed with lances, and compelled to retreat aftera long and obstinate combat, in which several fell on both sides. Elatedby this success, the toqui made proposals to the besieged, either toenter into his service or to allow them to retire unmolested. Theseterms, which he pretended were very advantageous for men in theirsituation, were disdainfully rejected; yet one man of the garrison, named Juan Tapia, went over to the Araucanians by whom he was wellreceived, and even got advancement in their army. As these terms wererejected, Cadeguala determined to endeavour to shorten the siege in adifferent manner. He presented himself one day before the walls mountedon a fine horse which he had taken from the governor, and boldly defiedGarcia Ramon the commander of the garrison to single combat at the endof three days. The challenge was accepted, and the intrepid toquiappeared in the field at the time appointed, with a small number ofattendants, whom he placed apart. Ramon likewise came out from the fortto meet him, attended by an escort of forty men, whom he ordered toremain at some distance. The two champions, having taken their distanceset spurs to their horses and ran their course with such fury thatCadeguala fell at the first rencounter, pierced through the body by thelance of his adversary. He refused however to acknowledge himselfvanquished, and even endeavoured to remount his horse to renew thecombat, but died in the attempt. His attendants hastened to raise him, and even carried off his body after a sharp contest with the Spaniards. 

After the death of their commander, the Araucanians retired from theblockade for a short time; but soon returned to the siege, after havingelected Guanoalca to the vacant toquiate, having been informed by theSpanish deserter Tapia, that the garrison was ill supplied withprovisions, and divided into parties. Cut off from all hopes of relief, and dissatisfied with the conduct of their officers, the besieged soondetermined upon evacuating the place; and the Araucanians allowed themto march off unmolested, according to their usual policy. Guanoalcaimmediately marched against another fort which the Spaniards hadrecently erected in the neighbourhood of Mount Mariguenu; but findingthat it had been recently and considerably reinforced, he proceededagainst the forts of Trinidad and Spiritu Santo on the banks of theBiobio. As the governor of Chili was apprehensive that he might not beable to defend these forts, or perhaps considered them of too littleimportance to hazard the safety of their garrisons, he evacuated themin 1589, and transferred their garrisons to another fortress which hedirected to be constructed on the river Puchanqui as a protection forthe city of Angol, so that the operations of the war consisted mostly inthe construction and demolition of fortifications. 

The toquiate of Guanoalca was more remarkable for the exploits of aheroine named Janequeo than by his own. This famous woman was wife ofGuepotan, a valiant officer who had long defended the fortified post ofLiben near Villarica. After the loss of that important place he retiredto the Andes, where he used every effort to stimulate the Puelchesinhabiting that mountainous region to rise in defence of the countryagainst the Spanish invaders. Being desirous of having his wife alongwith him, he descended into the plains in search of her, but wassurprised by a party of Spaniards, and preferring to be cut in piecesrather than yield himself a prisoner, he was slain in the unequalcombat. Janequeo, inflamed by an ardent desire to revenge the death ofher husband, put herself at the head of an army of Puelches in 1590, assisted by Guechiuntereo her brother, with which she made inroads intothe Spanish settlements, killing all of that nation who fell into herhands. Reinforced by a regiment of veteran soldiers which had been senthim from Peru, the governor Don Alonza Sotomayor, marched against theheroine; but, by constantly occupying the high grounds, attackingsometimes the van, sometimes the rear of the Spaniards, and harassingthem in every possible way, she at last obliged the governor to retire, after having lost much time and a considerable number of men to nopurpose. As the governor was of opinion that rigorous measures were bestcalculated to quell the pride of the Araucanians, he ordered all theprisoners taken in this incursion to be hung before his retreat. On thisoccasion, one of these men requested to be hanged on a higher tree thanthe rest, that the sacrifice he had made of himself for his countrymight be the more conspicuous, and inspire his surviving countrymen withthe more ardent determination to defend their liberties. 

Having thus foiled all the endeavours of a general who had gained highreputation in the wars of Italy, Germany, and Flanders, Janequeoproceeded to attack the recently constructed fortress of Puchanqui, notfar from which she defeated and slew the commandant, Aranda, who hadadvanced to meet her with a part of the garrison. Not being able to gainpossession of this fort, she retired at the commencement of the rainyseason to the mountains near Villarica, where she fortified herself ina place surrounded by precipices, from whence she continually infestedthe environs of that city in such a manner that no one dared to venturebeyond the walls. Moved by the distresses of the citizens, the governorsent his brother Don Luis to their aid, with the greater part of tworeinforcements which he had recently received from Peru, under thecommand of Castillejo and Penalosa. The intrepid Janequeo awaited him inher fortified post, which she deemed secure, and repelled for a longtime the various assaults of the Spaniards with great presence of mind. At length, her soldiers being dispersed by the fire of the artillery, she had to seek for safety in flight. Her brother was made prisoner, andobtained his life on condition of promising to keep his sister quiet, and to secure the friendship of his vassals and adherents to theSpaniards. But, while proposing this measure in a national council, hewas killed by the ulmen Catipiuque, who abhorred every species ofreconciliation with the enemy. 

The old toqui, Guanoalca, died about the close of 1590, and a young andenterprising warrior, named Quintuguenu, was elected in his stead in theyear following. Being ambitious of acquiring military glory, the newtoqui assaulted and took the fort of Mariguenu by assault, andestablished himself on the top of that famous mountain with two thousandmen, hoping to render himself as celebrated there as Lautaro had beenformerly, by gaining an important victory over the Spaniards. Notdismayed by the misfortunes which had befallen his countrymen in thatill-omened place, the governor put himself at the head of a thousandSpaniards and a large auxiliary force of Indians, and marched withoutdelay for Mariguenu, determined upon dislodging the Araucanians or ofbesieging them in their post. Having disposed his troops in order, andgiven the necessary directions, he began at daybreak to ascend thedifficult and steep defile, leading the advanced guard in person, directly before which was a forlorn hope of twenty half-pay officersmuch experienced in similar warfare. He had scarcely got half way up themountain when he was attacked with the utmost fury by Quintuguenu; butanimating his troops by his voice and example, he sustained for morethan an hour the utmost efforts of the enemy, and gained the top of thedefile by persevering bravery. On reaching the level summit of themountain, the Araucanians were forced to take refuge within theirentrenchments, which they did however in excellent order. TheAraucanians, exhorting each other to conquer or die for their country, defended their camp with incredible valour against the utmost effortsof the Spaniards till mid-day; when, after a most obstinate resistance, Don Carlos Irrazabel forced the lines on the left with his company, while at the same time the quarter-master and Rodolphus Lisperger, avaliant German officer, penetrated with their companies on the front andthe right of the encampment. Though surrounded on every side, Quintuguenu maintained his troops in good order, earnestly exhortingthem not to dishonour themselves by suffering an ignominious defeat in aplace which had so often been the theatre of victory to their nation, and by his efforts and bravery long kept the fate of the battle insuspense. While he flew from rank to rank, animating his men andconstantly making head against the enemy, he fell pierced with threemortal wounds given by the governor, who had taken aim at him. His lastwords were an enthusiastic exclamation in favour of liberty. On thedeath of the toqui, part of the Araucanian troops allowed themselves tobe cut in pieces, and the rest sought their safety in flight. Almost allthe auxiliaries on the side of the Spaniards fell in this successfulbattle, but only twenty of the Spaniards were slain, among whom was aPortuguese knight of the order of Christ, who was killed at thecommencement of the action. 

Highly gratified with being the first who had defeated the Araucanianson the formidable heights of Mariguenu, the governor conducted hisvictorious army to the sea-shore, where he was saluted by repeateddischarges of cannon from the fleet of Peru, then scouring the coast insearch of the English squadron, and which had witnessed the victory. These were answered by the army with repeated vollies of musquetry, andthe customary demonstrations of joy on so glorious an occasion. Availinghimself of the opportunity afforded by the presence of the fleet, thegovernor sent the quarter-master-general into Peru to solicit thegreatest possible reinforcement of troops without delay, to enable himto prosecute the war to advantage in the ensuing campaign. In the meantime, he abandoned the ancient scite of the fort of Arauco, and rebuiltit in a more convenient situation on the sea-shore. Colocolo, son of thecelebrated ulmen of that name, but of a very different disposition fromthat of his father, was lord of that district, and being indignant atseeing his country occupied by the Spaniards endeavoured to drive themoff; but being defeated and made prisoner, he solicited for his life, which he obtained on condition of persuading his subjects to returnfrom the mountains and to submit to the authority of the Spaniards. Onbeing urged by his wife Millayene, to fulfil the promise made by theirchief, they replied that he ought to endure his misfortunes with thefirmness that became his rank and lineage; that they were willing toencounter every danger under his command, and according to his example, or to revenge the outrages he might be subjected to, but could neverconsent to betray their country by submitting to obey its bitterestenemies. Irritated by this patriotic resolution of his subjects, Colocolo devoted himself in future to the service of the Spaniards, andeven served them as a guide in the pursuit of his own people among thefastnesses in which they had taken refuge. 

In the year 1592 there happened to be a Spanish prisoner among theAraucanians, who by his ingratiating manners had acquired the confidenceand esteem of the principal people of that high-spirited nation. Eitherby secret instructions from the governor, or from gratitude for the kindtreatment he had received while prisoner, this man exerted himself toeffectuate a treaty of peace between the nations, and had at one time afair prospect of bringing it about. But the preliminaries which heproposed as the ground work of a reconciliation did not provesatisfactory to either party, and all his endeavours were abortive. Thegovernor, being irritated at the rejection of his proposals, marchedinto the province of Tucapel which he laid waste on every side with fireand sword. As Paillaeco, who had been elected toqui in place ofQuintuguenu, did not think his force sufficient to oppose the enemy inthe open field, he endeavoured to draw them into an ambush. With thisview, he placed an hundred horsemen at the entrance of a wood, withinwhich he had concealed the remainder of his troops, giving orders to thehorse to counterfeit flight on the coming up of the enemy to draw themwithin reach of the ambushment. This scheme seemed at first to promisesuccess, but in the end turned against its contriver. The Araucanianstook to flight and were pursued by the Spaniards, who soon discoveredthat it was only a stratagem, and turned back accordingly as if struckwith a panic, in hopes of decoying the enemy to quit the wood and attackthem in the open field. Not aware of this repetition of their own trick, the Araucanians fell into the snare they had laid for their enemies; andbeing surrounded on every side, were mostly cut in pieces together withtheir commander, after selling their lives at a dear rate, a smallremnant taking refuge in the marshes from the pursuit of the victors. 

These repeated victories certainly cost much blood to the Spaniards, asthe governor after this last action withdrew to St Jago to await thereinforcements he expected from Peru, and to raise as many recruits aspossible in the northern provinces of Chili. As the reinforcements didnot appear to him sufficient for continuing the war with a reasonableprospect of ultimate success, he even went into Peru in person tosolicit more effectual succours, leaving the charge of the civilgovernment daring his absence to the licentiate Pedro Viscarra, and thecommand of the army to the quarter-master. On his arrival at Lima, Sotomayor met with a successor who had been appointed to the governmentof Chili, by the court of Spain. This was Don Martin Loyola, nephew ofSt Ignatius, the celebrated founder of the order of the Jesuits, who hadacquired the favour of the viceroy of Peru by taking prisoner TupacAmuru the last Inca of Peru. In requital for this service, he was notonly gratified by being appointed to the government of Chili, but wasrewarded by obtaining in marriage the princess or _coya_ Donna ClaraBeatrix, the only daughter and sole heiress of the former Inca SayriTupac. Loyola arrived at Valparaiso, in 1593, with a respectable body oftroops, and immediately proceeded to St Jago, where he was received withevery demonstration of joy by the citizens; but during hisadministration the Spaniards experienced the severest disaster that hadever happened to them in Chili. 

After the defeat and death of Paillaeco, the Araucanians electedPaillamachu to the supreme command, who was hereditary toqui or princeof the second Uthulmapu. This military dictator was already muchadvanced in years, yet a man of wonderful activity and resources, andwas so fortunate in his enterprises that he far surpassed all hispredecessors in military glory, and had the singular felicity ofrestoring his country to its ancient independence by the entireexpulsion of the Spaniards from its territories. Immediately on hiselevation to the supreme dignity of toqui, he appointed two officers ofgreat valour and merit, Pelantaru and Millacalquin to the importantemployments of vice-toqui, deviating from the usual custom of thenation, which allowed only of one lieutenant-general. And, as themilitary force of the confederacy had been greatly diminished by thelate unfortunate incidents in the war, he followed the example ofAntiguenu, a former toqui, by withdrawing into the almost inaccessiblemarshes of Lumaco, where he used his utmost efforts to collect anddiscipline an army for the execution of the extensive plans he hadformed for the entire liberation of his country. 

After having regulated the police of the capital and the civilgovernment of the kingdom of Chili, Loyola proceeded to the city ofConception, where he established his headquarters in order to be at handfor conducting the operations of the war. The toqui of the Araucanians, on hearing of his arrival, sent an intelligent and sagacious officernamed Antipillan to compliment him, but charged at the same time toobtain information of his character and designs. In frequent conferenceswith this person, the new governor endeavoured to impress him with anidea of the vast power and immense resources of the Spanish monarchy, against which it was impossible as he said for the Araucanians tocontend successfully, and insinuated therefore the necessity of theirsubmitting to an accommodation. Pretending to be convinced by thereasoning of Loyola, the ambassador acknowledged the prodigious power ofthe Spanish monarchy in comparison with the Araucanian state; which, notwithstanding the vast disproportion, had hitherto been able to resistevery effort of the Spaniards. He acknowledged even the propriety of hisnation entering into negotiations for peace, but alleged that theSpaniards affixed wrong ideas to that word; as, under the semblance ofpeace, they sought to subject the Araucanians to their authority, whichthey would never agree to while one of them remained alive. And finally, that the only peace to which they would consent, must consist of anentire cessation of hostilities, a complete restoration of all the landswhich were occupied by the Spaniards within the Araucanian territory, and an explicit renunciation of every pretence to controul or interferewith their independent rights. 

As Loyola was of a generous disposition, he could not avoid admiring thenoble and enlightened sentiments of the barbarian ambassador, anddismissed him with the strongest demonstrations of esteem. Yet so farwas he from any idea of abandoning the posts already established in theAraucanian territory, that he crossed the Biobio in 1594, and founded anew city at a short distance from that river, giving it the name of Coyain honour of his wife a Peruvian princess. This place was intended toprotect the rich gold mines of Kilacoyan, and to serve as a place ofretreat for the inhabitants of Angol in case of need; and in order torender it more secure, he constructed two castles in its immediateneighbourhood, named Jesus and Chivecura, on either shore of the Biobio. Solicitous to destroy this new settlement, which he considered as adisgrace to his administration, Paillamachu sent in 1595, one of hisofficers named Loncothequa, with orders to destroy the fort of Jesus. After twice penetrating within the works, and even burning a part of theinterior buildings of this place, Loncothequa lost his life withoutbeing able to accomplish the enterprise. 

In 1596, the toqui made frequent incursions into all the Spanishdistricts, both within and adjoining the Araucanian territory, onpurpose to subsist his troops and to inure them to a military life. TheSpanish army attempted in vain to prevent or pursue these predatorydetachments, as the wary Paillamachu took the utmost care to avoid anyencounter, determined to reserve his force for some favourable occasion. On purpose to restrain these incursions Loyola erected two additionalforts in the neighbourhood of the encampment or head-quarters of thetoqui, one on the scite of the old fort of Puren, and the other on theborders of the marshes of Lumaco, which he garrisoned with the greaterpart of a reinforcement of troops which he had just received from Peru. He sent the remainder of these in 1597 to the province of Cujo, wherethey founded a new city, called San Luis de Loyola, which still subsistsin a miserable condition, though placed in a very advantageoussituation. 

The fort of Lumaco was soon afterwards taken by storm, by the toqui inperson, who gave orders to two of his officers to reduce that of Puren. In ten days they reduced the garrison to the last extremity, but had todesist from the enterprise by the approach of a reinforcement under thecommand of Pedro Cortes, a Spanish officer who acquired great reputationin the Araucanian war. The governor Loyola arrived there soon afterwardswith his army, and gave orders to demolish the fortifications and toremove the garrison to Angol, lest it might experience a similar fatewith what had so recently happened to the fort of Lumaco. He thenproceeded to Imperial, Villarica and Valdivia, the fortifications ofwhich places he carefully repaired, to secure them against theincreasing strength of the enemy, and then returned towards the Biobiounder the security of an escort of three hundred men. As soon as hethought himself in a place of security, he ordered back the escort, retaining only along with himself and family sixty-two half-pay officersand three Franciscan friars. Paillamachu had secretly followed andwatched all the motions of the governor, and concluded that he had nowfound a favourable opportunity to attack him. Finding him accordinglyencamped in the pleasant valley of Caralava, he attacked him with aselect band of two hundred Araucanians, on the night of the 22d November1598, and slew Loyola and all his retinue. 

It would appear that Paillamachu had formed confident hopes in thesuccessful issue of this bold enterprise, and that it had been longconcerted: as, in consequence of his instructions, the whole provincesof the Araucanian confederacy, and their allies the Cunches andHuilliches, were in arms in less than forty-eight hours after theslaughter of Loyola. In the whole of that country, from the Biobio tothe archipelago of Chiloé, every Spaniard who had the misfortune to befound without the garrisons was put to death; and the cities andfortresses of Osorno, Valdivia, Villarica, Imperial, Canete, Angol, andArauco, were all invested at the same time by close blockades. Paillamachu had even the boldness to cross the Biobio, burned the citiesof Conception and Chillan, laid waste the provinces under theirdependence, and returned into Araucania loaded with spoil. 

On the first intelligence of these melancholy events, the inhabitants ofSt Jago were filled with consternation and despair, and were almostunanimously of opinion to abandon Chili and take refuge in Peru. Yet, having some confidence in Pedro de Viscara, an officer of reputationthen beyond seventy years of age, they assembled in council andprevailed on him to assume the government of the kingdom till the courtmight appoint a successor to Loyola. Viscara, having collected all thetroops that could be procured, began his march for the frontiers in1599, and had even the courage to cross the Biobio in the face of theenemy, and withdrew the inhabitants from Angol and Coya, with whom herepeopled the cities of Conception and Chilian. The government ofViscara only continued for six months; as on learning the periloussituation of Chili, the viceroy of Peru sent Don Francisco Quinonesthither as governor, with a numerous reinforcement of soldiers and alarge supply of military stores. The new governor had several indecisiveactions with the toqui to the north of the river Biobio, to which theAraucanians had gone on purpose to ravage the southern provinces ofSpanish Chili. The most important of these was in the plain of Yumbal. The toqui was on his return into the south from a successful inroad atthe head of two thousand men, and with a great number of cattle of allkinds which he had taken in the province of Chillan, and Quinonesattempted to intercept his retreat with an equal force, the greater partof which consisted of Spanish troops. The two armies advanced with equalresolution, and the Spaniards attempted in vain to keep the Araucaniansat a distance by a constant fire from eight field pieces and all theirmusquetry. They soon came to close quarters, and the battle continuedwith incredible fury for more than two hours, till night parted them;when Paillamachu took advantage of the darkness and repassed the Biobio. On this occasion, the governor made an improper display of severity, byordering all his prisoners to be quartered and hung upon trees, whichwas much disapproved of by his officers, who, either from humanity or amotive of self-interest, urged him not to give the enemy a pretence forretaliating by similar cruelties. But Quinones obstinately adhered to anold maxim of endeavouring to conquer by means of terror, and was deaf toall their remonstrances. We are ignorant of the loss sustained by theSpaniards in this battle, but it must have been considerable, as Araucoand Canete were both immediately abandoned, and their inhabitantswithdrawn to the city of Conception. 

Paillmachu does not seem to have been at all disconcerted by the issueof the late battle, as he continued the sieges of the Spanish cities, and was himself in constant motion; sometimes encouraging by hispresence the forces that were employed in blockading the cities, and atother times ravaging the Spanish provinces to the north of the Biobio, where he did infinite mischief. Having learnt that the siege of Valdiviahad been raised by the officer whom he had entrusted with thatenterprise, he hastened to that place with four thousand men, partcavalry, seventy of his infantry being armed with musquets which he hadtaken from the Spaniards in the late engagements. On the night of the14th of November[91] he crossed the broad river of Calacala by swimming, unsuspected by the garrison, stormed the city at day-break, killed agreat number of the inhabitants, and burnt the houses. He even attemptedto gain possession of some vessels in the harbour, on board of whichmany of the inhabitants had taken refuge, but these escaped his fury byimmediately setting sail. After this notable exploit, he returned intriumph into the north of Araucania with a booty of two millions ofdollars, upwards of four hundred prisoners, and a considerable number ofcannon; and rejoined Millacalquin, an officer to whom he had entrustedthe defence of the Biobio during his absence. 

[Footnote 91: According to Garcilasso, Valdivia was taken on the 24th ofNovember 1599. In a letter from St Jago in Chili, dated in March 1600, and inserted in the Royal Commentaries of Peru, P. I. B. Vii. Ch. Xxv. TheAraucanian army on this occasion is said to have amounted to 5000 men, 3000 of whom were horse. Of the foot, 200 were armed with coats of mail, and 70 with fire-arms, _as was said_. They surprised the city atdaybreak without the smallest alarm, there being only four men on guard, two of whom went the rounds, the Spaniards being lulled into security bysome recent successes in two different incursions they had lately madeinto the country, which they had laid waste for eight leagues all aroundduring twenty days. --E. ]

Ten days after the destruction of Valdivia, Francisco del Campo arrivedthere by sea from Peru with a reinforcement of three hundred men; andfinding it in ashes, he ineffectually endeavoured to introduce thesesuccours into Osorno, Villarica, and Imperial[92]. Amid so manymisfortunes, an expedition of five ships from Holland arrived on thecoast of Chili in 1660, which plundered the island of Chiloé and put theSpanish garrison to the sword. But on a part of their people landing inthe island of Talca or Santa Maria[93], inhabited by the Araucanians, they were repulsed with the loss of twenty-three men, being probablymistaken for Spaniards. 

[Footnote 92: In the letter quoted from Garcilasso in the precedingnote, Del Campo is said to have raised the siege of Osorno and to haveperformed other actions of happy consequence. --E. ]

[Footnote 93: St Mary's island is on the coast of Araucania, in lat. 37°S. --E. ]

Disgusted with a war which threatened such unfortunate consequences, Quinones solicited and obtained leave to resign the government of Chili, and was succeeded by Garcia Ramon who had long been quarter-master ofthe army in that kingdom. Great expectations were formed of success inthe war against the Araucanians under his direction, from his longexperience and thorough acquaintance with the manner in which the enemycarried on their warlike operations. But that experience induced him toconduct the war on prudent principles of defence, rather than to hazardthe loss of that part of Chili which was subject to Spain. Although hereceived a reinforcement consisting of an entire regiment of veterans, under the command of Don Francisco de Ovalle, father to the historian ofthat name, he confined himself almost entirely to the defence of thefrontier line upon the Biobio. Garcia Ramon was however soon supersededin the government by the appointment of Alonzo Rivera, an officer whohad acquired considerable reputation in the wars in the low countries, and who now brought out a farther reinforcement of a regiment of veterantroops. On assuming the government, he established a number ofadditional forts on the river Biobio, to defend the frontiers, by whichhe greatly encouraged the Spanish colonists, who still entertained anidea of abandoning Chili to the enemy. 

The populous and opulent city of Villarica, fell into the hands of theAraucanians in 1692, after a siege or blockade of two years and elevenmonths; and soon afterwards Imperial, the capital of the Spanishsettlements beyond the Biobio, experienced a similar fate. The defenceof this city was protracted for some months by the courage of a Spanishlady, named Donna Innes de Aguilera. Seeing the garrison quitedispirited by the long continuance of the siege, and ready tocapitulate, she encouraged them to persist in its defence, and evendirected all the operations in person; until at last, on a favourableopportunity offering, she escaped by sea with the bishop and most of theinhabitants. During this siege, she lost her husband and brothers, andher heroism was rewarded by the king with a pension of two thousanddollars. 

Osorno, likewise a rich and populous city, soon followed; as the enemy, now freed from the attention they had hitherto given to Valdivia, Villarica and Imperial, were able to bring their whole force againstthat last possession of the Spaniards within the territories of theAraucanian confederacy. The sufferings endured by the garrison andinhabitants of Osorno are scarcely to be exceeded by those endured inthe most celebrated sieges recorded in history. They were long obligedto subsist on the most loathsome food, having no other sustenance thanthe carcasses of dead horses; and when these failed on cats and dogs andthe skins of beasts. Thus in little more than three years, all thesettlements which had been established by Valdivia and his successors, between the river Biobio and the archipelago of Chiloé, and preserved atthe expence of so much blood, were destroyed, and so effectually thathardly any vestiges of them now remain. None of them have been sincerebuilt, as what is at present called Valdivia is nothing more than agarrison or fortified post. Though great numbers of the inhabitants ofthese cities perished in the defence of their walls, by famine or by thesword of the enemy, yet Spanish prisoners of all ranks were so numerousamong the Araucanians, that almost every family had at least one to itsshare. The married Spaniards were mostly allowed to retain their wives, and the unmarried men were supplied with wives from among the women ofthe country; but the unmarried Spanish women were distributed among thechiefs of the Araucanians, who by their customs were permitted aplurality of wives. It is not a little remarkable that the mestees, oroffspring of these marriages, became in the subsequent wars the mostinveterate enemies of the Spaniards. 

On this occasion likewise, the ransom and exchange of prisoners werepermitted, by which means many of the Spaniards escaped from captivity. Yet some were induced, by love for the children they had by the nativewomen, to remain captives during their lives. Some even of the Spaniardsacquired the confidence and affection of the natives, by their pleasingmanners, or by their skill in useful arts, and acquired advantageousestablishments in the country. Among these, Don Basilio Roxas and DonAntonio Bascugnano, both of noble birth, acquired high reputation withthe Araucanians, and both of them left interesting memoirs of thetransactions of their times. Such of the Spaniards as happened to fallto the share of brutal masters, had much to suffer. 

Paillamachu did not long continue to enjoy the applause of hiscountrymen, for having so successfully expelled the Spaniards fromAraucania: He died about the end of the year 1603, and was succeeded byHuenecura, who had been bred to arms under his direction and example inthe celebrated military school of Lumaco. 

 * * * * *

"Modern as is the History of America, it has had its full share offable, and the city of Osorno has furnished the subject of one not lessextraordinary than any of the rest, which is thus related in thetwentieth volume of the _Seminario Erudito_[94]. "

[Footnote 94: This fabulous story of the new Osorno is contained in anote to Molina by the English Editor. --E. ]

"During the great effort of the Araucanians to recover their countryfrom the Spaniards, Osorno resisted their arms with extraordinary vigourfor six months. At the end of this period, the Spaniards repelled ageneral assault of the besiegers, and compelled them to abandon theblockade. Being afraid of another attack, the Spaniards retired aboutthree or four leagues, to a peninsula at the foot of the Andes, formedby the lake from which the river Bueno issues. They there built a newcity on the isthmus, which they secured with walls, bulwarks, moats anddraw-bridges; and multiplied in process of time so as to be obliged tobuild another city on the opposite side of the lake, and theirdescendents still continue to occupy the same place. This people, called_Alcahuncas_ by the Indians, are armed with lances, swords and daggers, but whether these are of iron or not, the person who discovered theexistence of these cities had not been able to learn. They also use the_laque_ or thong and ball with great dexterity, on which account theyare much dreaded by their neighbours. They have also cannon, but nomusquets. They retain the dress, complexion and beard of their Spanishancestors. They used formerly to purchase salt from the Pehuenches, andeven from the Indians who live under the Spanish government, which theypaid for in silver, which occasioned so great a demand for that articlein the Spanish settlements, that a loaf of salt used to sell at theprice of an ox. Of late this demand has ceased, as they have found saltin abundance in their own country. "

"A year only before this account was written, or in 1773, a man fromChiloé got to the city gates one morning before the drawbridge waslifted, and knocked for admittance. The soldier who was on guard toldhim to hasten back as fast as possible, as their king was a crueltyrant, and would certainly put him to death if taken; and even seemedastonished that the Indians had permitted him to arrive at the gate. This man was killed on his way back; but the news of his adventurereached Valdivia, where it was fully believed. It is said that thepeople of these two cities live under a grievous tyranny, and aretherefore desirous of making their situation known to the Spaniards; butthat their chiefs use every possible precaution to prevent this, and theIndians of the intervening country are equally solicitous to prevent anyintelligence respecting this state being conveyed to the Spaniards, lestit might induce them to make new attempts to penetrate into theinterior. "

"This account is said to have been written in 1774, by Don IgnacioPinuer, captain of infantry and interpreter general at Valdivia, in aletter addressed to the president of Chili. The writer states that histhorough knowledge of the language of the natives, and his greatintimacy with them, had enabled him to collect this information, bymeans of the artful and persevering inquiries of twenty-eightyears[95]. "

[Footnote 95: This absurd story evidently belongs to the same class withthe _Seven cities_ formerly mentioned, and the _El Dorado_ and _Welsh_colony, which will both occur in the sequel of this work. Though notexactly connected in point of time with this fabled city of Osorno, asimilar fable respecting a supposed white nation in the interior ofChili, may be noticed in this place, the reflections on which, in theparagraphs subjoined, give a clear explanation of the origin of severalof these tales. --E. ]

"In the reign of the Emperor Charles V. The bishop of Placentia is saidto have sent four ships to the Moluccas. When they had advanced abouttwenty leagues within the Straits of Magellan, three of them werewrecked, and the fourth was driven back into the southern Atlantic. Whenthe storm abated, this fourth ship again attempted the passage, andreached the place where the others were lost where they found the menstill on shore, who entreated to be taken on board; but as there wasneither room nor provision for so great a number, they were necessarilyleft. An opinion long prevailed that they had penetrated into theinterior of Chili, where they settled and became a nation called the_Cesares_, whose very ploughshares were said to be of gold. Adventurersreported that they had been near enough to hear the sound of theirbells; and it was even said that men of a fair complexion had been madeprisoners, who were supposed to belong to this nation. The existence ofthis city of the Cesares was long believed, and even about the year1620, Don Geronimo Luis de Cabrera, then governor of Peru, made anexpedition in search of this _El Dorado_ of Chili. Even after Feyjo hadattempted to disprove its existence, the jesuit Mascardi went in searchof it with a large party of Puelches, but was killed by the Poy-yas onhis return from the fruitless quest[96]. "

[Footnote 96: Dobrizhoffer, III. 407. ]

"The groundwork of this and other similar fables is thus satisfactorilyexplained by Falkner[97]. --'I am satisfied that the reports concerning anation in the interior of South America descended from Europeans, or theremains of shipwrecks, are entirely false and groundless, and occasionedby misunderstanding the accounts given by the Indians. When asked inChili respecting any settlement of the Spaniards in the inland country, they certainly give accounts of towns and white people, meaning BuenosAyres, and other places to the eastwards of the Andes. And _vice versa_, on being asked in the east the same question, their answers refer toChili or Peru; not having the least idea that the inhabitants of thesedistant countries are known to each other. Upon questioning some Indianson this subject, I found my conjecture perfectly right; and theyacknowledged, when I named Chiloe, Valdivia, and other places in Chili, that these were the places they alluded to under the description ofEuropean settlements, and seemed amazed that I should know that suchplaces existed. '"

[Footnote 97: Falkner, Ch. Iv. P. 112. ]

SECTION X. 

_Farther Narrative of the War, to the Conclusion of Peace with theAraucanians_. 

While Alonzo Rivera applied himself with every possible energy to checkthe progress of the Araucanians and to guard the frontier of the Biobio, he was removed, from the government of Chili to that of Tucuman, as apunishment for having presumed to marry the daughter of the celebratedheroine Innes Águilera, without having obtained the royal permission. Onthis occasion Garcia Ramon was reinstated in the government, andreceived at the same time with his commission a reinforcement of athousand men from Europe and two hundred and fifty from Mexico. Beingnow at the head of three thousand regular troops, besides aconsiderable auxiliary force, he invaded Araucania and penetratedwithout opposition into the province of Boroa[98] where he erected afort, which he furnished with a considerable number of cannon, and inwhich he left a garrison of three hundred men under the command ofLisperger, a German officer formerly mentioned. 

[Footnote 98: The province of Boroa, formerly mentioned as the residenceof a tribe much whiter in their colour than the other natives of SouthAmerica, lies at the foot of the Andes between the heads of the riversHueco and Tolten, to the eastward of the ruins of Villarica. --E. ]

Immediately after the return of the invading army into Spanish Chili, the new toqui Huenecura proceeded to attack this new establishment. While on his march he fell in with Lisperger, who had gone out from thefort at the head of an hundred and sixty of his men to protect a convoy;and immediately attacked the Spaniards with such fury that he cut thewhole detachment in pieces, and the commander among the rest. After thisfirst successful essay of his arms, he proceeded without delay againstthe fort, which he made three several attempts to take by storm; but wasrepelled with so much skill and valour by Gil Negrete who had succeededLisperger in the command, that after an obstinate combat of two hours hewas obliged to desist from the attempt to storm, and established a closeblockade. This was continued till the governor Ramon sent orders for thegarrison to evacuate the place. The Spanish army was now divided intotwo separate bodies, one under the command of Alvaro Pineda thequarter-master of Chili, and the other under the orders of Don DiegoSaravia, who proceeded to lay waste the Araucanian territory withoutmercy. Watching his opportunity however, Huenecura attacked and defeatedthem in succession, and with such complete success that not even asingle person of either detachment escaped death or captivity. By theseunexpected misfortunes, that fine army on which such flattering hopes ofsecurity at least, if not conquest, had been founded, was entirelyannihilated. In consequence of these repeated and heavy disasters, orders were given by the court of Spain, that a body of two thousandregular troops should be continually maintained on the Araucanianfrontier; for the support of which force, an annual appropriation of292, 279 dollars was made from the royal treasury of Peru. At the sametime the court of royal audience was re-established in the city of StJago on the 8th of September 1609, after having been thirty-four yearssuppressed. This measure gave universal satisfaction to the inhabitants, and the court has continued there ever since with high reputation forjustice and integrity. 

By this new regulation, Ramon added the title of president to those ofgovernor and captain-general of Chili. Having received considerablereinforcements, to replace the army so lately destroyed, Ramon venturedto recross the Biobio at the head of about two thousand men. Huenecuraadvanced to meet him, and a sanguinary and obstinate battle took placein the defiles of the marshes of Lumaco. The Spaniards were for sometime in imminent danger of being completely defeated; but the valiantgovernor, taking his station in the front line, so animated his soldiersby his presence and example that they at length succeeded in breakingand defeating the enemy. Shortly after this victory, Ramon died in thecity of Conception, on the 10th of August 1610, universally regretted bythe Spanish inhabitants of Chili, to whom he was much endeared by hisexcellent qualities and his long residence among them. He was evenhighly esteemed by the Araucanians, whom he had always treated, whenprisoners, with a humane attention which did him much honour. Accordingto the royal decree for establishing the court of audience, thegovernment of Chili now devolved upon Don Luis Merlo de la Fuente, theeldest oydor or judge. 

Much about the same time with Ramon, the toqui Huenecura likewise died, either from disease or in consequence of wounds received in the latebattle. He was succeeded in the toquiate by Aillavilu the second, who isrepresented by Don Basilio Rosas, a contemporary writer, as one of thegreatest of the Araucanian generals, and as having fought many battlesagainst Merlo and his successor Don Juan Xaraquemada; but he does notparticularize either their dates, the places where they were fought, orany circumstances concerning them. 

Among the missionaries who were at that time employed for the conversionof the natives in Chili, was a Jesuit named Luis Valdivia, who, findingit impossible to preach to the Araucanians during the continuance ofwar, went to Spain and represented in strong terms to Philip III. Thegreat injury suffered by the cause of religion in consequence of thislong and cruel war. That weak prince was more devoted to the advancementof religion than to the augmentation of his territories, and sentimmediate orders to the government of Chili to discontinue the war, andto settle a permanent peace with the Araucanians, by establishing theriver Biobio as the frontier between the two nations. On purpose tosecure the punctual execution of these orders, the king offered to exaltValdivia to the episcopal dignity, and to appoint him governor of Chili. He refused both of these high offers, and only stipulated for therestoration of Alonzo Rivera to the government, whose views wereconformable with his own, and who had been exiled to Tucuman asformerly mentioned. 

Much gratified with the prosperous issue of his voyage, the zealousmissionary returned to Chili in 1612, carrying a letter written by theking of Spain to the national assembly of the Araucanian chiefs, recommending the establishment of peace between the nations, and thatthey should promote the propagation of Christianity among theirdependents. Immediately on his arrival in Chili, Valdivia hastened tothe frontiers, and communicated the nature of the commission with whichhe was entrusted to the Araucanians, by means of some prisoners of thatnation whom he had purposely brought with him from Peru. Aillavilu thetoqui gave little attention to the proposed negociation, which he deemeda feint for deceiving and surprising him. But, as he died or resignedthe command soon after, his successor Ancanamon thought proper toinquire into the reality of the pacific proposals, and directed theulmen Carampangui to converse with Valdivia, that his offers might belaid before a general assembly of the ulmens. Accordingly, on theinvitation of Carampangui, Valdivia repaired to Nancu in the province ofCatiray, where, in an assembly of fifty Araucanian chiefs, he made knownthe substance of the proposed pacific negociations, read and expoundedthe royal letter to the Araucanian confederacy, and made a long orationon the motives of his interference and on the important concerns oftheir immortal souls. The assembly thanked him for his exertions, andpromised to make a favourable report to the toqui. On his return toConception, Valdivia was accompanied by Carampangui, where he washonourably received by the governor; who dispatched Pedro Melendez oneof his ensigns, under the safeguard of the ulmen, on a message to thetoqui, carrying with him the letter of the king of Spain, and a requestthat Ancanamon would meet him at Paicavi, a place near the frontiers, that they might confer together upon the preliminaries of peace. 

The toqui soon afterwards came to the place appointed, with a smallguard of forty soldiers, and accompanied by several ulmens, bringinglikewise along with him a number of Spanish prisoners of the firstfamilies, whom he set at liberty. The governor, with Valdivia and theprincipal officers of the government, received Ancanamon with everydemonstration of respect, and conducted him to the lodgings appointedfor his reception amid the repeated discharges of artillery. Thegovernor then proposed, as preliminary articles of peace, that the riverBiobio should serve hereafter as the common boundary between theSpanish and Araucanian nations, beyond which neither should be permittedto pass with an army: That all deserters should in future be mutuallyreturned: And that missionaries should be allowed to preach thedoctrines of Christianity in the Araucanian territories. Ancanamonrequired as a preliminary, that the forts of Paicavi and Arauco, whichhad been lately erected upon the sea coast to the south of the Biobio, should be evacuated. The governor immediately abandoned Paicavi, andagreed to give up the other immediately after the conclusion of peace. Being so far agreed, and as the consent of the four toquis of theuthalmapus was requisite to ratify the treaty, Ancanamon proposed toseek for them in person, and to bring them to the Spanish camp. 

While the negociation was in this state of forwardness, an unlooked forevent rendered all these pacific measures abortive. Ancanamon had aSpanish lady among his wives, who, taking advantage of his absence, fledfor refuge to the governor, accompanied by four other women who werewives to the toqui, and two young girls his daughters. The toqui wasextremely indignant on this occasion, though less exasperated by theflight of his wives, than by the kind reception they had experiencedamong the Spaniards. Relinquishing every thought of peace, heimmediately returned to the governor, from whom he demanded therestitution of the fugitives. His demand was taken into consideration bya council of the officers; but the majority of these, many of whom wereaverse to peace, refused to surrender the women to the toqui, allegingthat they were unwilling to expose them to the danger of relapsing fromthe Christian faith which they had embraced. After many ineffectualpropositions, Ancanamon consented to limit his demands to therestitution of his daughters, whom he tenderly loved. To this it wasanswered, that as the eldest had not yet embraced the Christian faith, his request respecting her would be complied with, but as the youngerhad been already baptised, they could not think of delivering her intohis hands. 

At this time the almost extinguished hopes of peace were revived for atime by an unexpected incident. _Utiflame_, the apo-ulmen of Ilicuranear Imperial, had always been among the most inveterate enemies of theSpaniards, and to avoid all intercourse with them, had constantlyrefused to ransom his sons or relations who happened to be madeprisoners. He prided himself on having so successfully opposed all theSpanish governors of Chili, from the elder Villagran to Rivera, thatthe enemy had never been able to acquire a footing in his province, though near the city of Imperial. One of his sons who had been taken inthe late war, was about this time sent back to him by Valdivia, inconsequence of which he was so highly gratified, that he wentimmediately to visit the missionary at the fort of Arauco, where inreturn for the civilities he experienced from the governor and Valdivia, he engaged to receive the missionaries into his province, and to use hisinfluence with Ancanamon to conclude a peace with the Spaniards. Heobserved, however, that it was necessary in the first place to restorehis women, which could be done with safety by obtaining in the firstplace a safe conduct from the toqui, and undertook to manage thebusiness. He accordingly departed from Arauco for Ilicura, accompaniedby three missionaries, one of whom was Horatio Vecchio, the cousin ofPope Alexander VII. The exasperated toqui no sooner learnt the arrivalof the missionaries at Ilicura, than he hastened to that place with twohundred horse, and slew them all with their defender Utiflame. Thus wereall the plans of pacification rendered abortive, though Valdivia usedrepeated attempts to revive the negociation. All his schemes weredisconcerted by the contrivances of the officers and soldiers, who wereinterested in the continuance of the war, and loudly demanded thatvengeance should be taken for the blood of the slaughtered priests. Notwithstanding his anxious desire for peace and the pious intentions ofthe king, the governor found himself compelled to prosecute the war, which was renewed with more fury than ever. Ancanamon the toqui, beingeager to revenge the affront he had received in regard to his women, incessantly harassed the southern provinces of Spanish Chili, and hissuccessor Loncothegua continued hostilities with equal obstinacy; butonly very imperfect accounts of this period of the war have been givenby the contemporary historians. The governor Rivera died at Conceptionin 1617, having appointed as his successor Fernando Talaverano thesenior oydor of the royal court; who was succeeded ten months afterwardsby Lope de Ulloa. 

The toqui Loncothegua resigned in 1618, and was succeeded in the supremecommand of the Araucanian armies by an officer named Lientur, whosemilitary expeditions were always so rapid and unexpected, that theSpaniards used to call him the wizard. All his designs were perfectlyseconded by Levipillan, his vice toqui. Though the line of the Biobiowas amply secured by fortresses and centinels, these indefatigableenemies always contrived to pass and repass without experiencing anymaterial loss. The first enterprise of Lientur was the capture of aconvoy of four hundred horses, which were intended to remount theSpanish cavalry. He next ravaged the province of Chilian, and slew thecorregidor with two of his sons and several of the magistrates, who hadattempted to resist him in the field. Five days afterwards, he proceededtowards St. Philip of Austria, otherwise called Yumbel, a place aboutsixty miles to the east of Conception, with six hundred infantry andfour hundred horse, all of whom he sent out in various detachments toravage the surrounding country, leaving only two hundred men to guardthe narrow defile of Congrejeras. Provoked at this daring enterprise, Robolledo, the commandant of Yumbel, sent seventy horse to takepossession of the pass and cut off the retreat of the toqui; but theywere received with such bravery by the Araucanian detachment, that theywere compelled to retire for security to a neighbouring hill, afterlosing their captain and eighteen of their number. Robolledo sent threecompanies of infantry and all the rest of his cavalry to their aid; butLientur who had by this time collected all his troops together, fellupon the Spaniards, notwithstanding the continual fire of theirmusquetry, and put their cavalry to flight at the first charge. Theinfantry, thus left exposed, were almost all cut to pieces, thirty-sixof them only being made prisoners, who were distributed among theseveral provinces of the Arancanian confederacy. If Lientur had theninvested Yumbel it must have fallen into his hands; but he deferred thesiege till the following year, when his attempt was renderedunsuccessful by the valiant defence of Ximenes who then had the command. On his repulse however, he assaulted and took a fort named Neculgueno, the garrison of which was put to the sword, and all the auxiliaries whodwelt in that neighbourhood were made prisoners. Lientur followed upthese successful exploits with others equally fortunate, which are notparticularized by contemporary writers, who have given him the title ofthe _darling of fortune_. 

Ulloa the-governor, more a prey to anxiety and mortification thandisease, died on the 20th of November 1620, and was succeeded in thegovernment of Chili by Christoval de la Cerda, a native of Mexico, theeldest oydor, according to the established rule on such occasions. Forthe more effectual defence of the frontiers on the Biobio, he caused anadditional fortress to be constructed, named San Christoval, which stillremains. This oydor continued only a year in the government, duringwhich he was continually occupied in defending the Spanish settlementsagainst the enterprises of Lientur, with whom he had many encounters. His successor, Pedro Suarez de Ulloa, continued the war in a similarmanner, contenting himself with acting principally on the defensive, till his death on the 11th of December 1624; when he was succeeded byFrancisco Alava, his brother-in-law, who retained the office only forsix months, being succeeded by Don Luis de Cordova, in March 1625. 

Lientar being advanced in years and worn out by continual exertions, resigned his office in 1625, and was succeeded as toqui by Putapichion, a young man whose courage and conduct much resembled his predecessor inoffice. The new governor of Chili was a commander of extraordinary skilland courage, and being nephew to the viceroy of Peru, was abundantlysupplied with troops and warlike stores, being likewise directed by hisinstructions not to confine himself to defensive operations, but tocarry the war into the Araucanian territory. His first care on hisarrival at Conception, was to restore the military discipline, and todischarge all arrears that were due to the troops. He at the same timepreferred a number of Creoles to the vacant offices, by which heacquired the esteem of all the inhabitants, and gratified many of thedescendants of the original conquerors who had been hitherto muchneglected. Having established good order in the government, he directedAlonzo de Cordova, whom he had appointed quarter-master, to make anincursion with six hundred men into the provinces of Arauco and Tucapel. In this expedition only an hundred and fifteen prisoners were taken anda small number of cattle, as most of the inhabitants took refuge in themountains with their families and effects. 

In the mean time the new toqui, Putapichion, endeavoured to signalizethe commencement of his administration by the capture of the fort ofNativity, one of the strongest places on the Biobio, which wasconstructed on the top of a high and steep mountain, well furnished withtroops and artillery, and both from its natural and artificial strengthwas deemed impregnable. Putapichion came unexpectedly against thisplace, and soon scaling the difficult ascent, got possession of theditch, set fire to the palisades and houses of the place with firearrows, and very nearly succeeded in its capture. But the garrisoncollected in the only bastion which had escaped the flames, whence theykept up so severe a fire against the assailants, that Putapichion wasconstrained to abandon the enterprise, carrying away with him twelveprisoners and several horses. The toqui then crossed the Biobio and madean attempt upon the fort of Quinel, which was occupied by six hundredmen; but failing also in this enterprise, he made an inroad into theprovince of Chillan, whence he brought off a great number of peasantsand cattle, in spite of the exertions of the serjeant-major to stop hisrapid march. Eager for retaliation, the governor resolved in 1628, toinvade. Araucania in three directions, assigning the maritime country tothe quarter-master, the Andes to the serjeant-major, and reserving theintermediate country to himself. Accordingly, at the head of twelvehundred regulars and a strong body of auxiliaries, he traversed theprovinces of Encol and Puren, where he captured a great number of menand cattle; and, having crossed the river Cauten, he ravaged in asimilar manner to the rich province of Maguegua. On his return from thissuccessful expedition, Putapichion opposed him at the head of threethousand men in order of battle. In the first encounter, the Spanisharmy was thrown into confusion and suffered a severe loss; but, beingrallied by the exertions of their officers, they renewed the battle, which was severely contested for some time, with considerable loss onboth sides. As the Araucanians had recovered most of the spoil, andtaken some prisoners while the Spanish army was in disorder, the toquidid not think proper to risk too much on the event of battle, andsounded a retreat. On his return to Conception, the governor wasrejoined by the serjeant-major and quarter-master. The former had notbeen able to effect any thing of importance, as the enemy had takenrefuge in the mountains. The latter reported that he had made twohundred prisoners, and had acquired a booty of seven thousand horses anda thousand head of cattle, but had the misfortune to lose most of themduring, a violent tempest while on his return. 

Don Francisco Lasso, an officer who had gained high reputation in thewars of the low countries, arrived soon afterwards with a commission tosupersede Cordova in the government of Chili. At the commencement of hisadministration, he endeavoured to come to an accommodation with theAraucanians, with which view he set at liberty all the prisoners ofthat nation who were confined in the different garrisons. But the mindsof that high-spirited people were not yet disposed towards peace, andthe glory of bringing about that desirable event was reserved for hissuccessor; yet Lasso certainly contributed to prepare the way for peace, by the ten years of uninterrupted war which he waged against theAraucanians, in consequence of their rejecting his pacific overtures, during which he gained many victories over that valiant people. At thecommencement however of his military operations, Lasso was by no meansfortunate. The quarter-master, Cordova, while advancing by his orders toinvade the maritime provinces of Araucania, was completely routed byPutapichion in the small district of Piculgue near Arauco. The toquiplaced a part of his army in ambush, and contrived with much skill toinduce Cordova to give battle in an unfavourable situation. In thisaction, the Spanish horse, forming the van of the army, was unable towithstand the charge of the Araucanian cavalry, now become exceedinglyexpert, and was put to flight; and the infantry being thus left exposedand surrounded on all sides, was entirely destroyed after a combat offive hours, during which they performed prodigies of valour, andgallantly resisted many furious assaults of the enemy. In this actionCordova was slain, with five captains, and several other officers ofmerit. 

On receiving intelligence of this disastrous action, the governormarched in person against Putapichion with a considerable body oftroops, leaving Robolledo the serjeant-major to defend the passage ofthe Biobio against the enterprises of the toqui; who yet eluded thevigilance of the serjeant-major, passed the Biobio with a detachment oftwo hundred men, and laid waste the neighbouring provinces of Chili inthe absence of the Spanish army. Lasso immediately returned with all histroops to the Biobio, occupied all the known fords of that river, inhope of cutting off the retreat of the invaders, and then went in searchof Putapichion with a select detachment equal in number to the enemy. Inthis expedition, he was attacked at a place called Robleria on the banksof the Itata by the toqui with such determined resolution, that theSpaniards gave way at the first encounter, forty of them with severalofficers being slain. The remainder owed their safety to the skill andvalour of the governor, who restored their order with wonderful coolnessand intrepidity, and even repulsed the enemy with considerable loss. Satisfied with the success he had already obtained, and proud of havingtaken the scarlet cloak of the governor, Putapichion now conducted hisretreat to the Biobio with great skill, and got over that riverunopposed. 

On his return from this expedition, the toqui was received by his armywith lively demonstrations of joy, and resolved to gratify his troops byreviving the almost forgotten festival called _pruloncon_, or the danceof death. A Spanish soldier, who had been made prisoner in one of thepreceding battles, was selected for the victim of this barbarousspectacle [99]. "The officers surrounded by the soldiers form a circle, in the centre of which is placed the official axe of the toqui, withfour poniards representing the four Uthalmapus of the confederacy. Theunfortunate prisoner is then led in on a sorry horse deprived of hisears and tail, and is placed near the axe, having his face turnedtowards his own country. He is then ordered to dig a hole in the groundwith a sharp stake, and is given a handful of small sticks, which he isordered to throw one by one into the hole, naming one of the principalwarriors of his nation at each stick, while the surrounding soldiersload these detested names with bitter execrations. He is then, orderedto cover up the hole, as if to bury the valour and reputation of thepersons whom he has named. After this, the toqui, or one of his bravestcompanions to whom he relinquishes the honour of being executioner, dashes out the brains of the prisoner with a war-club. The heart isimmediately taken out by two attendants and presented still palpitatingto the toqui, who sucks a little of the blood and passes it to hisofficers, who successively repeat the same ceremony. The toqui thenfumigates the four cardinal points of the circle with tobacco smoke fromhis pipe. The soldiers strip the flesh from the bones of the victim, andconvert the bones into flutes. The head is cut off and carried round onthe point of a pike, amid the acclamations of the multitude, whilestamping in measured pace, they thunder out their dreadful war-songaccompanied by the mournful sound of their horrible instruments ofmusic. The mangled body is fitted with the head of a sheep, and thebarbarous festival is terminated by riot and intoxication. If the skullof the victim has not been broken by the stroke of death, it is madeinto a drinking cup, called _ralilonco_, which is used in their banquetsin the manner of the ancient Scythians and Goths. "

[Footnote 99: The particulars of this ceremony are here inserted from adifferent part of the work of Molina, B. I. Ch. Iv. Containing anaccount of the manners and customs of the Araucanians. --E. ]

On the present occasion, the honour of dispatching the victim wasconferred upon the ulmen Maulican. This cruel spectacle, which some haveattempted to excuse on the principle of retaliation, has dishonoured thefame of Putapichion, and was not even pleasing to all theAraucanians[100]. According to Don Francisco Bascagnan, who was an eyewitness, many of the spectators compassionated the fate of theunfortunate soldier; and Maulican, to whom the office of dispatching himwas assigned as a mark of honour, is said to have declared that heaccepted of it with extreme reluctance, and merely to avoid offendinghis commander the toqui. The torture of an innocent prisoner, uponwhatever motive or pretence, is certainly a crime against humanity ofthe deepest dye, and can never be justified on any principle whatever. 

[Footnote 100: It certainly was not more cruel or more dishonourablethan the empalements and mutilations ordered by the Christian enemies ofthe Araucanians: But the latter were unbelievers, and were rebelsagainst the authority of the Catholic king and the grant of the holyfather of the Christian world. --E. ]

Having received a reinforcement of five hundred veteran soldiers fromPeru, and raised two companies of infantry and a troop of cavalry at StJago, the governor with these new troops, added to thirteen hundredSpaniards and six hundred auxiliaries composing the army on thefrontiers, marched to relieve the fort of Arauco which was menaced bythe toqui. Putapichion had in reality commenced his march for that placeat the head of seven thousand chosen men, whose valour he thoughtnothing was able to resist. But in consequence of some superstitiousauguries of the ex-toqui Lientur, who had resolved to share the glory ofthis enterprise, the greater part of the Araucanian troops wereintimidated, and deserted to their homes during the march. Putapichionwas not discouraged by this defection, and observing that there could beno better omen in war than an eager desire to conquer, he continued hismarch with three thousand two hundred of his most determined followers, and encamped at a short distance from the fort of Arauco. Some of hisofficers advised him to assault the fort that same night; but hedeclined this to give his troops time for rest and refreshment, andthat the Spaniards might not reproach him with always taking advantageof the darkness, like a robber, to favour his enterprises. 

The governor, who was close at hand with his army, having resolved tooffer battle to the enemy next day, ordered his men to preparethemselves for battle, and had a skirmish that night with an advancedparty of the Araucanians, who had advanced so near the fort of Arauco asto burn the huts of the auxiliaries on the outside of thefortifications. At daybreak, Lasso took possession with his army of astrong position called Alvarrada, which was defended on either flank bya deep torrent, so that it could not be turned. He placed all hiscavalry on the right, under the command of the quartermaster _Sea_, while the infantry on the left were under the orders of Rebolledo theserjeant-major. Putapichion advanced with his army in such excellentorder, that the governor who had been all his life inured to arms, couldnot avoid openly expressing his admiration of the excellent dispositionof the enemy. The Araucanian soldiers, whose heads were adorned withbeautiful plumes of feathers, seemed as if going to a banquet, insteadof the doubtful chance of battle. For some time the two armies remainedmotionless, as if observing each other; when at length the signal ofattack was sounded by Quepuantu, the vice-toqui, by order ofPutapichion. The governor then gave orders to the Spanish horse tocharge that belonging to the enemy; but it met with so warm a reception, that it was broken and put to flight, and obliged to take shelter in therear of the infantry. Upon this event, the Araucanian infantry made soviolent a charge upon the Spanish foot as to throw them into confusion, insomuch that the governor gave up all for lost. At this critical momentPutapichion was slain; and the governor availed himself so effectuallyof the confusion which this circumstance produced among the Araucanians, that he was able to rally his troops, and led them up anew to thecharge, while the Araucanians were solely intent upon carrying off thedead body of their toqui. They even effected this, but were completelydefeated and driven in disorder from the field. Quepuantu, thevice-toqui, exerted himself in vain to restore order and to bring backhis troops to the charge, even killing several of the fugitives with hisown hand; but all his efforts were fruitless, and the Araucanianssuffered prodigiously in their flight, being pursued for more than sixmiles in all directions. Many of the Spaniards fell in this battle, themost decisive that had been fought for a long time against theAraucanians. 

From the death of Putapichion to the termination of the government ofLasso, the successive toquis of the Araucanians continued the war withmore rashness than skill; none of them, like Antiguenu and Paillamachu, having sufficient judgment to repair the losses sustained by the nation, and to counterbalance the power and arms of the Spaniards by skill andconduct. Quepuantu, who was advanced to the rank of toqui after thedefeat at Alvarrada, retired to a sequestered vale under the covert ofthick woods, where he built a house with four opposite doors, tofacilitate his escape in case of being attacked. The place of hisretirement having been discovered to the governor, he sent thequarter-master to surprise him with four hundred light armed troops. Asthese came upon him by surprise, Quepuantu took refuge in the wood; butsoon returned at the head of fifty men who had come to his assistance, and attacked the Spaniards with great courage. After a desperateengagement of half an hour, in which the toqui lost almost all his men, he accepted a challenge from Loncomallu, chief of the auxiliariesattached to the Spaniards, and was slain after a long combat. In 1634, asimilar fate befel his successor Loncamilla, in an engagement with asmall number of Araucanian troops against a strong detachment ofSpaniards. Guenucalquin, his successor, after making some successfulinroads into the Spanish provinces, lost his life in an engagement withsix hundred Spaniards in the province of Ilicura. Curanteo, who wascreated toqui in the heat of this action, had the glory of terminatingit by the rout of the enemy; but was killed soon afterwards in anotherconflict. Curimilla, the next toqui, more daring than several of hispredecessors, repeatedly ravaged the provinces to the north of theBiobio, and undertook the siege of Arauco and the other forts on thefrontiers; but was slain at length by Sea in Calcoimo. 

During the government of this toqui, the Dutch made another attempt toform an alliance with the Araucanians, in order to obtain possession ofChili, but with no better fortune than on the former occasion. Theirsquadron, consisting of four ships, was dispersed in a storm on itsarrival on the coast in 1638. A boat well manned and armed, beingafterwards dispatched to the island of Mocha, to enter into a parleywith the Araucanians, was attacked by the inhabitants, who put all thecrew to death and took possession of the boat. Another boat experienceda similar misfortune in the small island of Talca or Santa Maria, andthe Dutch were obliged to retire without being able to establish anyintercourse with the Araucanians, who were equally jealous of all theEuropean nations, and not without reason. Some years afterwards, notwithstanding the ill success of the Dutch, a similar enterprise wasundertaken by Sir John Narborough, an English naval commander, by orderof Charles II. In passing through the Straits of Magellan, this wholefleet was lost. 

In the mean time, taking advantage of the imprudence and unskilfulnessof the Araucanian commanders, the governor continued constantly to laywaste their territories. He had at first given orders that everyprisoner capable of bearing arms should be put to death; but afterwards, recurring to more humane measures, he ordered them to be transported toPeru, a sentence to them more intolerable even than death. Wheneverthese unhappy exiles came in sight of land, which often happened in thatnavigation, they used to throw themselves overboard in hopes to escapeby swimming, that they might return to their country. Many had the goodfortune to save themselves in that manner; but such as were unable toelude the vigilance of the sailors, as soon as they were landed on theisland or at the port of Callao, exposed themselves to every toil anddanger to regain their beloved country, travelling with incredibleperseverance and fatigue the immense extent of coast between that portand the Biobio. When the relations of the prisoners, more anxious todeliver them from the miseries of exile than even from death, frequentlysent messages to the governor to negociate the ransom of such as werecondemned to be sent to Peru, he always refused his consent, unless thenation would lay down their arms and submit to his authority. Laso wasexceedingly anxious to perform a promise which he had made like severalof his predecessors, of putting an end to the war, and used everypossible effort for that purpose, for which no one was better fitted tosucceed; but he had to contend against an invincible people, enthusiastically bent upon the preservation of their liberties. Heemployed every means that could be suggested by wise policy and profoundmilitary skill to effect their subjugation; now endeavouring to humbletheir, pride by his victories, at other times ravaging their countrywith fire and sword, and endeavouring to restrain them by theestablishment of fortresses in different parts of their territory. Amongthese, he founded a city not far from the ruins of Angol, to which hegave the name of San Francisco de la Vega, and left in it a garrison offour troops of horse and two companies of foot. But it was taken anddestroyed in the same year in which it was built by the toqui Curimilla. A great number of men were necessarily expended in the prosecution ofthis obstinate war, so that the Spanish army, though annually reinforcedwith numerous recruits from Peru, was diminished to less than a half ofits force at the commencement of the government of Laso. On this accounthe sent over Don Francisco Ayendano to Spain to solicit newreinforcements, and with a promise of bringing the war to a conclusionin the course of two years. But, judging from the past that sosuccessful an issue was little to be expected, the court sent out DonFrancisco de Zuniga, Marquis of Baydes, as his successor, who had givenunquestionable proofs of his political and military talents, both inItaly and Flanders, where he had executed the charge ofquarter-master-general. On his arrival in Chili in 1640, either inconsequence of private instructions from the prime minister, or of hisown accord, Zuniga procured a personal conference with Lincopichion, whohad been elected toqui on the death of Curimilla. Fortunately for theinterests of humanity, both commanders were of the same disposition inwishing for peace, and equally averse from the continuance of thedestructive war which had so long raged between their hostile nations. They readily agreed upon the most difficult articles in settling thepreliminaries, and a day was appointed at the commencement of thefollowing year for ratifying the conditions of a definitive peacebetween the nations. 

Accordingly, on the 6th of January 1641, the marquis came to Quillin, the place of meeting, a village in the province of Puren, attended by aretinue of about ten thousand persons collected from all parts of Chili, who insisted to accompany him on this joyful occasion. Lincopichion camethere likewise at the time appointed, accompanied by the four hereditarytoquis of the Araucanians, and a great number of ulmens and othernatives. Lincopichion opened the conference with an eloquent speech; andthen, according to the customs of his nation, he killed a _chilihueque_or Araucanian camel, and sprinkling a branch of the _boighe_ or Chilesecinnamon tree with its blood, he presented it to the governor in tokenof peace. The articles of the treaty of peace were next proposed, agreedto, and ratified, being similar to those formerly mentioned which hadbeen accepted by Ancanamon, with the addition of one insisted upon bythe marquis, that the Araucanians should not permit the landing of anystrangers on their coast, nor furnish supplies to any foreign nationwhatever. As this was entirely conformable to the political maxims ofthe Araucanian nation, it was readily agreed to, and the peace finallyratified and confirmed. Thus was an end put to a destructive andsanguinary war, which had desolated the possessions of the two nationsfor ninety years. This, important negociation was closed by thesacrifice of twenty-eight chilihueques, and by an eloquent harangue fromAntiguenu, the ulmen of the district where it was concluded, in which heenlarged on the advantages which both nations would reap from theestablishment of peace. After this, the two chiefs cordially embraced, and congratulated each other on the happy termination of their jointendeavours. They then dined together, and made mutual presents to eachother, and the three succeeding days were spent by both nations infestivities and rejoicing. 

In consequence of this pacification, all prisoners were released on bothsides, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction of receiving, among manyothers, forty-two of their countrymen who had been in captivity eversince the time of the toqui Paillamachu. Commerce, the inseparableconcomitant of a good understanding among neighbouring nations, wasestablished between the Spaniards and Araucanians. The lands near thefrontiers on both sides, which had been deserted and laid waste by themutual hostile incursions, were repeopled, and a new activity wasexcerted in their cultivation by the proprietors, who could now enjoythe produce in tranquillity and safety. The hopes of disseminating thetruths of Christianity among the infidels were again revived, and themissionaries began freely to exercise their beneficent functions amongthe inhabitants of Araucania. Notwithstanding the manifold advantages ofpeace to both nations, there were some unquiet spirits, both among theAraucanians and Spaniards who used their endeavours on speciouspretences to prevent its ratification. The Araucanian malecontentsalleged that it was merely a trick to deceive their nation, in order toconquer them at a future opportunity with the more facility, when theyhad become unaccustomed to the use of arms. Those of the Spaniards, onthe contrary, who were adverse to peace, pretended that by theestablishment of peace, the population of the Araucanians would increaseso fast that they would soon be able to destroy all the Spanishestablishments in Chili. Some of these had even the audacity to cry _toarms_, and endeavoured to instigate the auxiliaries to commencehostilities, while the conferences were going on. But the marquis hadthe wisdom and good fortune to prevent the renewal of the war, byjustifying the purity and good faith of his intentions to the evildisposed among the Araucanians, and by reprimanding and keeping in awethe malecontent Spaniards, and finally accomplished this gloriousmeasure, which was approved and ratified by the court of Spain. 

Two years after the peace, in 1643, the importance of the article whichthe marquis procured to be inserted into this treaty was rendered veryapparent to the Spaniards, by its contributing materially to the failureof a third and last attempt by the Dutch to acquire possession of Chili. On this occasion their measures were so well taken, that if they hadbeen seconded by the Araucanians they must have infallibly succeeded. They fitted out a numerous fleet, well provided with men, artillery, andmilitary stores from Brasil, and took possession of Valdivia which hadbeen deserted by the Spaniards for more than forty years, and at whichplace they intended to form an establishment from whence to conquer therest of the kingdom. With this view, they immediately began to buildstrong forts at the entrance of the river, in order to secure possessionof that important port, and invited the Araucanians to join them by themost flattering promises. But that gallant nation steadily refused tolisten to the proposals, and adhering honourably to the stipulations inthe treaty of Quillin, absolutely refused to supply them withprovisions, of which they were much in want. The Cunchese, in whoseterritories Valdivia was situated, in consequence of the counsels oftheir Araucanian allies, likewise refused to enter into any connectionor correspondence with the Dutch, or to supply them with provisions. Inconsequence of this refusal, being pressed by famine, and hearing that acombined army of Spaniards and Araucanians was in full march againstthem, the Dutch were compelled to abandon Valdivia in three months aftertaking possession. Soon after their retreat, the Marquis de Mancura, sonto the viceroy of Peru, arrived at Valdivia in search of the Dutch withten ships of war. To prevent the recurrence of a similar attempt, hefortified the harbour, and particularly the island at its entrance, which has ever since borne the name of his family title. 

On the termination of the sixth year of his pacific government, theMarquis de Baydes was recalled from Chili, and Don Martin Muxicaappointed governor in his place. He likewise succeeded in preserving thekingdom in a state of tranquillity; and the only unfortunatecircumstance that occurred during his government was a violentearthquake, by which part of the city of St Jago was destroyed on the8th of May 1647. His successor, Don Antonio de Acugna, had a verydifferent fortune, as during his government the war was excited anewbetween the Spaniards and Araucanians; as will fall to be mentioned inthe following section. 

SECTION XI. 

_Renewal of the War with the Araucanians, and succinct Narrative of theHistory of Chili, from 1655 to 1787_. 

I regret much the want of materials for this part of my work, as all thememoirs of which I have hitherto availed myself terminate at thisperiod. In the year 1655, the war recommenced after a peace of betweenfourteen and fifteen years endurance, but contemporary writers have leftus no account of the causes which interrupted the good understandingwhich had been so happily established by the Marquis de Baydes. All weknow is that Clentaru, the hereditary toqui of the Lauquenmapu, wasunanimously elevated to the supreme command in 1655, and signalized thecommencement of his administration by totally defeating the Spanish armycommanded by the serjeant-major of the kingdom, who fell in the action. This victory was followed by the capture of the fortresses of Arauco, Colcura, San Pedro, Talcamavida, and San Rosendo. In 1656, the toquicrossed the Biobio, completely defeated the governor Acugna in theplains of Yumbel, destroyed the forts of San Christoval and Estancia delRey, and burned the city of Chillan. We can only add, that this warcontinued with great violence for ten years, during the governments ofDon Pedro Portel de Cassanate, and Don Francisco de Meneses, as thesuccesses of Clentaru are only incidentally mentioned in any of thewriters belonging to this period. 

Don Francisco de Meneses, a Portuguese by birth, had the glory toterminate this new war in 1665 by a peace, which proved more permanentthan that concluded by Baydes. After freeing himself from theAraucanians, he had the misfortune of being involved in a contest withthe members of the royal audience, who opposed his marriage with thedaughter of the Marquis de la Pica, as contrary to the royalregulations. This difference proceeded to such a length, that theMarquis de Navamorquende was sent out from Spain to Chili with fullpowers to arrange matters; who, after due inquiry, sent Meneses to Peruand assumed the government himself. After Navamorquende, the governmentof Chili was administered successively to the end of the seventeenthcentury, by Don Miguel de Silva, Don Jose de Carrera, and Don ThomasMarin de Proveda, by all of whom a good understanding appears to havebeen kept up with the Araucanians: But in 1686, war had nearly beenagain occasioned with that nation, in consequence of removing theinhabitants of the island of Mocho to the north shore of the Biobio, inorder to prevent any intercourse with foreign ships. 

The commencement of the eighteenth century was remarkable in Chili bythree events: The deposition of the governor Don Francisco Ibanez, therebellion of the inhabitants of Chiloé, and the establishment of tradewith the French. Ibanez was accused of having espoused the Austrianparty in the succession war, and was banished to Peru; and after him, the government was successively administered until the year 1720, by DonJuan Henriquez, Don Andres Uztariz, and Don Martin Concha. The rebellionof the islanders of Chiloé was soon suppressed, and the inhabitantsreduced to obedience, by the prudent management of Don Pedro Molina, thequarter-master-general of Chili, who was sent against them with aconsiderable body of troops, but who succeeded in restoring them to goodorder more by mild and conciliatory measures than by useless victories. In consequence of the succession war, by which a prince of the house ofBourbon was placed on the throne of Spain, the French acquired for atime the whole external commerce of Chili. From 1707 to 1717, the portsof that kingdom were filled with French ships, which carried from thenceincredible sums in gold and silver; and many Frenchmen settled at thistime in the country, who have left numerous descendants. During thisperiod the learned Feuillé resided three years in Chili, and made hiswell known botanical researches and many profound metereologicalobservations. 

For some time the Araucanians had been much dissatisfied with severalarticles in the peace, under colour of which the Spaniards availedthemselves of forming establishments in their country. They also wereexceedingly impatient of the insolent behaviour of certain persons, called _captains of the friends_, who had been introduced under thepretence of protecting the missionaries, and now arrogated aconsiderable degree of authority over the natives which they submittedto with extreme reluctance. Stimulated by resentment for thesegrievances, the Araucanians resolved in 1722 to have recourse to arms, and in this view they proceeded to the election of a toqui or militarydictator. On this occasion they chose a person named Vilumilla, a man oflow rank, but who had acquired a high character with his countrymen forjudgment, courage, and extensive views, entertaining no less an objectthan the entire expulsion of the Spaniards from Chili. To succeed inthis arduous undertaking, he deemed it necessary to obtain the supportand assistance of all the native Chilese, from the confines of Peru tothe Biobio, and vast as was the extent of his plan, he conceived itmight be easily executed. Having slain three or four Spaniards in askirmish, among whom was one of the captains of friends, as they werecalled, he dispatched messengers with the symbolical arrows, each ofwhom carried a finger of the slain Spaniards, to the various Chilesetribes in the Spanish provinces, inviting them to take up arms on theexhibition of a signal, to be given by kindling fires on the tops of thehighest mountains all over the country. Accordingly, on the 9th of March1723, the day previously fixed upon for the commencement of hostilities, fires were lighted up on the mountains of Copaipo, Coquimbo, Quillota, Rancagua, Maule, and Itata. But either owing to the smallness of theirnumber, their apprehension of the issue of the war, or their longhabitude of submission, the native Chilese in the Spanish provincesremained quiet, and this vast project of the toqui was entirelydisconcerted. 

Having declared war against the Spaniards, Vilumilla set out immediatelyat the head of an army to attack the Spanish settlements: Yet beforecommencing hostilities, he requested the missionaries to quit thecountry, that they might not be injured by his detached parties. Vilumilla signalized the commencement of this new war by taking the fortof Tucapel by storm. Being apprehensive of a similar fate, the garrisonof Arauco abandoned that place. After destroying these two forts, Villumilla directed his march for Puren, of which he expected to gainpossession without resistance. But the commander made so vigorous adefence that he was under the necessity of besieging it in form. In ashort time the garrison was reduced to extreme distress, both fromscarcity of provisions and want of water, the aqueduct which broughtwater to the fort being destroyed by the enemy. During a sally made bythe commander to obtain supplies, he and all his followers were slain. In this critical situation, Don Gabriel Cano, who had succeeded Conchain the government, arrived with an army of five thousand men. AsVilumilla expected an immediate attack, he chose a strong position forhis army which he drew up in order of battle behind the deep bed of atorrent: But, though repeatedly challenged to battle by the enemy, Canothought it more prudent to abandon the place, and accordingly withdrewthe remainder of the garrison. The war was afterwards reduced toskirmishes of small importance, and was soon terminated by a peaceconcluded at Negrete, a place situated at the confluence of the Biobioand the Laxa, by which the provisions of the treaty of Quillan wererenewed, and the odious title of captains of the friends abolished. 

After a mild and harmonious government of fifteen years, Don GabrielCano died at St Jago, and was succeeded by his nephew Don Manuel deSalamanca, who was appointed by the viceroy of Peru, and who conductedthe government in conformity with the excellent maxims of his uncle. DonJoseph Manso, who was sent from Spain as his successor, brought ordersto collect the Spanish inhabitants who were dispersed over the countryinto cities. For this purpose, in 1742, the new governor founded thecities of Copaipo, Aconcagua, Melipilla, Rancagua, San Fernando, Curico, Talca, Tutaben, and Angeles. In reward for this service, he was promotedto the high dignity of viceroy of Peru. His successors continued to formnew establishments, and in 1753, Santa Rosa, Guasco-alto, Casablanca, Bellaisla, Florida, Coulemu, and Quirigua were founded by Don DomingoRosas; but these have never flourished like the former. This governorlikewise sent a colony to occupy the larger island of Juan Fernandez, orIsola de Tierra, which had remained uninhabited till that time, to thegreat injury of commerce, as the pirates found there a secure retreatwhence they could easily annoy the trade of Peru and Chili. In 1759, DonManuel Amat, who was afterwards Viceroy of Peru, founded the cities ofSanta Barbara, Talcamavida, and Gualqui on the Araucanian frontier. 

Tranquillity was again disturbed about the year 1770, under thegovernment of Don Antonio Gil Gonzago, who absurdly endeavoured tocompel the Araucanians to live in cities. Many councils were held todevise the most suitable means for carrying this chimerical scheme intoexecution, which was much ridiculed by those who were best acquaintedwith the dispositions of the Araucanians, while others sided with thegovernor in supposing it practicable. The Araucanians were informed ofthese intentions of the governor by their spies; and being apprehensiveof danger to their liberties from the proposed innovation, their chiefsmet secretly to deliberate upon the best measures for eluding thedesigns of the governor without having recourse to arms. On thisoccasion the following resolutions were entered into by the Butacoyog, or national assembly of the ulmens. 1st, To delay the business as longas possible, by equivocal replies and delusive promises. 2d, Whenpressed to commence building, to require tools and other necessary aidsfrom the Spaniards. 3d, To have recourse to war, when they foundthemselves no longer able to elude the demands of the governor; but thatonly the provinces that were compelled to build should declare war, while the others remained neutral on purpose to mediate a peace. 4th, When the mediation of these should be refused, the whole confederacy tojoin in the war. 5th, To allow the missionaries to depart in safety, asthey had nothing to accuse them of but being Spaniards. 6th, To elect asupreme toqui, who should have the charge of executing theseresolutions, and was to have every thing in readiness for taking thefield when necessary. --Accordingly Antivilu, apo-ulmen of Maquegua, wasunanimously elected toqui; but as his province was one of those whichwere to remain neutral, he declined to accept the office, andCurignancu, brother to the ulmen of Encol was elected in his stead. 

At the first conference, the governor proposed his plan to theAraucanians under every aspect that he thought might render itacceptable and agreeable. In pursuance of their previous agreement, theAraucanians objected, equivocated, and at length appeared to consent, but ended by requesting the necessary assistance for beginning the work. Accordingly, having pointed out the situations which he thought mosteligible for the new cities, the governor sent them a great quantity ofwrought iron, together with provisions for the labourers, and cattle fortransporting the timber. As the work made no progress, thequarter-master Cabrito repaired to the frontiers with several companiesof soldiers, to stimulate the tardy operations, and placed for thispurpose superintendents in different quarters. The serjeant-majorRivera, was entrusted with the building of Nininco, and Captain Bargoawith that of another city on the banks of the Biobio, while Cabritodirected all the operations from his head-quarters at Angol. 

Finding all their acts of equivocation and delay ineffectual, theAraucanians flew to arms, and having united to the number of fivehundred men under the toqui Curignancu, they proceeded to besiegeCabrito in his camp. Burgoa, who had been made prisoner and very roughlytreated, was set at liberty in consequence of being represented asinimical to the quarter-master. Rivera crossed the Biobio in sight ofthe enemy who were seeking to slay him, but he got away in safety underthe protection of a missionary, and afterwards returned with fourhundred men to relieve Cabrito. Another missionary requested theAraucanian officer who escorted him, to forgive a Spaniard by whom hehad been grievously offended: The Araucanian answered that he hadnothing to fear while in company with the missionary; and that it wasnow no time to think of revenging private injuries. Such was theattention paid to the sanctity of the missionaries, that not a singleSpaniard was slain who had the good fortune of getting under theirprotection. 

In order to attack the Araucanians in several places at once, thegovernor formed an alliance with the Pehuenches, who inhabit the westernslopes of the Andes between the latitudes of 33° 30' and 36° S. Andbetween the heads of the rivers Maypo and Chillan. They accordingly sentan army through the defiles of the mountains to invade Araucania: ButCurignancu, being informed of their approach, fell upon them by surprisewhile descending from the Andes and completely routed them, taking theirgeneral Coligura and his son, both of whom he put to death. Though thisevent might have been supposed calculated to occasion eternal enmitybetween the Pehuenches and Araucanians, it yet so effectually reconciledthem, that the Pehuenches have been ever since faithful allies to theAraucanians, and implacable enemies to the Spaniards. Even in this war, Curignancu availed himself of the assistance of these mountaineers toharass the Spanish possessions in the neighbourhood of St Jago. Sincethat time, the Pehuenches frequently attack the Spanish caravans betweenBuenos Ayres and Chili, and almost every year furnishes some melancholyevents of that kind. 

The mortification of seeing his grand project completely overthrownpreyed on the mind of Gonzago, already afflicted by a severe chronicillness, which was so much aggravated by this disappointment as to cuthim off in the second year of the war; and Don Francisco Xavier deMorales was appointed his successor by the viceroy of Peru. As formerlyconcerted, the neutral provinces of Araucania now declared in favour ofthose who had first begun hostilities, and the war was prosecuted withvigour by the whole confederacy. Curignancu and his brave vice-toquiLeviantu, kept the Spanish troops in constant motion and alarm, thoughreinforced by several divisions from Spain. Having no materials forgiving an account of the events of this war, it can only be mentionedthat a bloody battle was fought in the beginning of the, year 1773, bywhich period the expences of the war had exceeded 1, 700, 000 dollars. Inthe same year an accommodation was agreed upon, and Curignancu wasinvested by the Butacayog with full powers to settle the articles ofpeace. He required as a preliminary, that the conferences should be heldin the city of St Jago, which was conceded by the Spanish governorthough contrary to the usual custom. During the negociations in thatcity, he made another demand still more extraordinary, "That his nationshould be allowed to keep a resident agent in the capital of Chili. "This was warmly opposed by the Spanish officers; but the governorthought proper to grant this likewise, as an excellent expedient forreadily adjusting any differences that might arise between the twonations. The other articles of the peace were adjusted with all mannerof facility, as the treaties of Quillan and Negrete were revived bymutual consent. 

On the death of Gonzago being known in Spain, Don Augustino Jauregui wassent out to assume the government of Chili, who has since filled theimportant office of viceroy of Peru with universal approbation. He wassucceeded by Don Ambrosio Benarides, who rendered the country happy byhis wise and beneficent administration. "On the 21st of November 1787, Don Ambrosio Higgins a native of Ireland, formerly brigadier-general ofthe cavalry in Chili, was appointed president, governor, andcaptain-general of the kingdom, a gentleman of an enlightened mind andexcellent disposition, who has gained the love and esteem of all theinhabitants. In 1792 he continued to discharge the duties of his highstation with all the vigilance and fidelity which belong to hisestimable character, and which are required in so important, asituation. On his first accession to the government, he visited all thenorthern provinces, for the purpose of dispensing justice, encouragingagriculture, opening the mines, and improving the commerce and fisheriesof the kingdom. He has also established schools, repaired the roadsthroughout the country, and has built several new cities[101]. "

[Footnote 101: This last passage within inverted commas, is an additionto the text of Molina by the original translator. --E. ]

SECTION XII. 

_State of Chili towards the end of the Eighteenth Century_[102]. 

[Footnote 102: The information of Molina appears to have closed about1787; but in some notes by the translator, interwoven here into thetext, a few short notices to the year 1792 occur. --E. ]

From the short deduction of the occurrences in Chili since itsdiscovery, which has been attempted in the foregoing pages, it will beseen that the acquisition and maintenance of that interesting andimportant colony has cost more expenditure of blood and treasure toSpain than all the rest of her American possessions. The Araucanians, though only occupying a small extent of territory, and with far inferiorarms, have not only been able to resist the military power of Spain, till then reckoned invincible, but have endangered the loss of her bestestablished possessions. Though most of the Spanish officers employed inthe early period of the Araucanian war had been bred in the lowcountries, that excellent school of military knowledge, and her soldierswere armed with those destructive weapons before which the mostextensive empires of America had so early fallen, and were considered asthe best disciplined and bravest troops in the world; yet has this bravepeople been able to resist their utmost efforts, and still maintaintheir independence unimpaired. This will appear wonderful, especiallywhen we consider the decided superiority which European militarydiscipline and skill have given to its troops in all parts of the world. The rapidity of the Spanish conquests in America excited universalastonishment; and a small number of Portuguese gained with almostincredible facility an extensive territory in the east, even althoughthe natives were extremely numerous and accustomed to the use offire-arms. Yet, in spite of every effort of force and skill, theAraucanians have valiantly defended their country, evincing that a freepeople, however inconsiderable in point of numbers, can perform wonders. 

Since losing their possessions in Arancania, the Spaniards haveprudently confined their views to the preservation and improvement ofthat part of Chili which lies between the southern confines of Peru andthe river Biobio, extending between the latitudes of 24° and 36° 30' S. As formerly mentioned this kingdom is divided into _thirteen_ provinces. Of late years two other provinces have been formed by the disjunction ofMaule, and the provinces of Cauquenes and Cunco are nominally added tothe former number, but without any addition of territory. Besides these, they possess the fortress and port of Valdivia in the country of theCunches, the archipelago of Chiloe, and the island of Juan Fernandez. This colony or kingdom of Chili is governed by an officer, who combinesthe titles and functions of civil governor, president of the court ofaudience, and captain-general, and usually holds the rank oflieutenant-general in the Spanish army. He resides in the city of StJago, and is solely dependent upon the king, except that in time of warhe is subject in some points to receive orders from the viceroy of Peru. In quality of captain-general, he is commander-in-chief of the army, having under his immediate orders the three principal military officersof the kingdom, the quarter-master-general, the serjeant-major, and thecommissary-general, besides the four commandants of Chiloe, Valdivia, Valparaiso, and Juan Fernandez. As president and governor, he has thesupreme administration of justice, and presides in the superiortribunals established in the capital, whose jurisdiction extends overall the provinces and dependencies of Chili. The chief of these is theroyal audience, whose decisions are final in all causes both civil andcriminal, and which is divided into two chambers, one for civil and theother for criminal causes. Both are composed of several respectableoydors or judges, a regent, fiscal, royal procurator, and protector ofthe Indians, all of which officers have high salaries from the crown. In civil causes where the sum at issue exceeds the value of 10, 000dollars, an appeal lies from their sentence to the supreme council ofthe Indies. The other supreme courts are those of Finance, of the_Cruzada_, of Vacant lands, and the Consulate or tribunal ofcommerce. 

The provinces of Chili are governed by officers who were formerly calledcorregidors, but are now known by the title of sub-delegates, whichought to be nominated by the crown, but are generally appointed by thegovernor, owing to the distance from Spain. These, as lieutenants of thegovernor, have jurisdiction both in civil and military affairs, and astheir emoluments are entirely derived from fees, their amount is by nomeans regular. In each capital of a province, there is or ought to be amunicipal magistracy denominated the Cabildo, composed of severalregidors appointed for life, of a standard-bearer, a procurator, aforensic judge called the provincial alcalde, a high sheriff called, alguazil-mayor, and two alcaldes. These latter officers are nominatedannually by the cabildo from the most respectable inhabitants, and havejurisdiction both in civil and criminal causes in the first instance. 

All the inhabitants able to carry arms are divided into regiments, whichare bound to march to the sea-coast or the frontiers in case of war. In1792, the militia amounted to 15, 856 men, in the two bishoprics of StJago and Conception; 10, 218 in the former, and 5, 638 in the latter. Thisforce which was established in 1777, during the government of DonAugustino Jaregui, is only called out on great occasions, and is seldomobliged to perform the duty of centinels and patroles; but is obliged tohold itself always in readiness for war, and frequently to exercise inthe use of arms. Besides this regular militia, there are a great numberof city corps, who are commanded by officers named commissaries insteadof Colonels. These are divided into several companies, according to theextent and population of their respective districts; and the companieshave no fixed numbers, sometimes exceeding a hundred men, and at othertimes falling short of that number. This city militia supplies guardsfor the prisons and for the escort of prisoners, and performs the dutiesrequired by the police, without being exempted from military servicewhen occasion requires; and from these companies recruits are drawn tosupply vacancies in the regular militia. Every one capable of bearingarms is thus enrolled either in these companies or in the regularmilitia, except such as are indispensably necessary for cultivating theland and taking care of the cattle. Besides this militia, the crownmaintains a regular force of veteran troops part at St Jago and part atConception for the protection of the Araucanian frontier. In 1792, allthe veteran troops in Chili amounted to 1976 men, divided into twocompanies of artillery, nine troops of horse, including a regiment ofdragoons at St Jago, and the rest infantry. The cavalry is commanded bya brigadier-general, who is quarter-master-general of the kingdom, andintendant of Conception. The infantry and artillery are under thecommand of two lieutenant-colonels. Besides these royal troops, the cityof St Jago keeps several troops of dragoons in constant pay for itsparticular protection. 

In regard to ecclesiastical polity, Chili is divided into two extensivebishoprics, those of St Jago and of Conception, the bishops of thesedioceses being suffragans to the archbishop of Lima. The bishopric of StJago extends from the confines of Peru to the river Maule, and includesthe province of Cujo on the east side of the Andes. The bishopric ofConception comprises all the rest of Chili and the islands; but thegreater part of this extent is inhabited by pagans, being theconfederacy of Araucania and its auxiliaries. The two cathedrals have acompetent number of canons or prebendaries, whose revenues as well asthose of the bishops depend upon the tythes. The _holy_ tribunal of theinquisition at Lima, has a commissary and several subaltern officers orfamiliars resident at St Jago. Upon his first coming into Chili, Valdivia brought with him several monks of the order of Mercy. About theyear 1553, the Dominicans and Franciscans were established in thecountry, the Augustins in 1593, and the Hospitallers of St John of Godin 1615. These orders all have a number of convents, and the three firstform distinct jurisdictions under their respective provincials. Thebrothers of St John have the charge of the hospitals, under thedirection of a commissary, dependent on the provincial of their order inPeru. The Jesuits came likewise into Chili in 1593, along with DonMartin Loyola, nephew to their founder, and formed a separate province, but were afterwards suppressed along with the rest of their order in allparts of christendom. Other orders have several times attempted to formestablishments in Chili, but have always been resisted by theinhabitants. There are several convents of nuns in the cities of St Jagoand Conception, but none are contained in the other cities of thekingdom. 

Though the cities are in general built in the most fertile districts ofthe kingdom, many of them might have been more conveniently situated fortrade upon the banks of the navigable rivers; as is more particularlythe case with those of recent erection. The streets in all the citiesare laid out in straight lines, intersecting each other at right angles, and are generally about forty feet wide. The houses are mostly of onestorey, yet are very commodious, are all whitewashed on the outside, andhandsomely painted within, each being accommodated with a pleasantgarden, irrigated by means of an aqueduct or canal, which likewisefurnishes water for the use of the family. Those houses which belong tothe wealthier classes, particularly the nobility, are splendidly andtastefully furnished. Noticing that old buildings of two stories hadresisted the most violent earthquakes, many of the inhabitants have oflate years ventured to construct their houses in the European manner, and to reside in upper rooms; employing bricks and stone in theconstruction of their new buildings, instead of clay hardened in the sunwhich was formerly supposed less liable to injury. By this change thecities have a much handsomer appearance than formerly. Cellars, sewers, and wells, were of old much more common than now; and the want of thesemay have contributed to render the buildings more secure from theeffects of earthquakes. 

The churches in Chili are in general more remarkable for their wealththan their architecture; but the cathedral and the church of theDominicans in St Jago are both built of stone and in a handsome style. The cathedral was recently constructed at the royal expence, under thedirection of the bishop Don Manuel Alday. The plan was drawn by two_English_ architects, who superintended the work. It is built in amasterly style, and extends 384 French feet in length. When about halffinished, the architects refused to proceed unless their wages wereaugmented; but two Indians who had worked under the _Englishmen_ hadprivately made themselves acquainted with every branch of the art, andoffered to complete the fabric, which they did with as much skill astheir masters. The following edifices in the capital are also deservingof notice. The barracks for the dragoons; the mint, lately built by aRoman architect; and the hospital for orphans, founded by the Marquis ofMonte-pio, and endowed by the crown. 

In consequence of the free trade lately granted to Chili, it isincreasing in population with a rapidity proportional to the salubrityof its climate and the fertility of its soil. The Europeans mostlyconsist of emigrants from the southern provinces of Spain, with a fewFrench, English, and Italians. The Creoles, or descendents of Europeansettlers are still more numerous. The character of that race, with someslight differences owing to climate and government, is similar to thatof other American Creoles descended from Europeans. "The Creoles aregenerally well made, and are rarely found with those deformities whichare so common in other countries. Their courage has frequentlysignalized itself in war, by a series of brilliant exploits, nor wouldthere be better soldiers in the world if less averse from submission todiscipline. Their history furnishes no examples of that cowardice, treachery, and baseness which dishonour the annals of all nations, andscarcely can an instance be adduced of a Creole having committed adisgraceful action. Untainted by the mean vices of dissimulation, artifice, and suspicion, they possess great frankness and vivacity ofcharacter, joined to a high opinion of themselves, and their intercoursewith the world is not stained by that mysterious reserve so common inEurope, which obscures the most amiable characters, depresses the socialspirit, and chills sensibility of disposition. Possessed of an ardentimagination and impatient of restraint, they are prone to independenceyet inconstant in their inclinations and pursuits. By the warmth oftheir temperature, they are impelled to the pursuit of pleasure with aneagerness to which they sacrifice their fortunes and often their lives. They possess keen penetration, and a remarkable facility of conceivingand expressing their ideas with force and clearness, together with ahappy talent of observation, combined with all those qualities of mindand character, which render men capable of conceiving and executing thegreatest enterprises, especially when stimulated by oppression[103]. "

[Footnote 103: This character of the Creoles is inserted by the originaltranslator, in a note, from the Abbe Raynal. --E. ]

Whatever intelligent and unprejudiced travellers have observedrespecting the characters of the French and English Creoles, willperfectly apply to those of Chili. The same modes of thinking and thesame moral qualities are discernible in them all. They generally haverespectable talents, and succeed in all the arts to which they apply. Had they the same motives to stimulate them as are found in Europe, theywould make as great progress in the useful sciences as they havealready made in metaphysics. They do not readily imbibe prejudices, andare not tenacious in retaining them. As however, scientific books andphilosophical instruments are very scarce and difficultly attainable inChili, their talents have no opportunity of being developed, and aremostly employed in trifling pursuits; and as the expence of printing isenormous, they are discouraged from literary exertion, so that few amongthem aspire to the reputation of becoming authors. The knowledge of thecivil and canon law is held in high estimation, so that many of theyouth of Chili, after completing their academical education in their owncountry, proceed to Lima to study law. The fine arts are in a low statein Chili, and even the mechanical arts are far from perfection. The artsof carpentry, of working in iron, and in the precious metals, arehowever to be excepted, in which they have made considerable progress, in consequence of the information and example of some German artists, who were introduced into Chili by that worthy ecclesiastic FatherCarlos, a native of Hainhausen in Bavaria. The important changes whichthe beneficence of an enlightened administration in Spain have latelyintroduced into the American colonies, by directing the attention of thesubjects to useful improvements, have extended their influence even toChili. Arts and sciences, formerly unknown or but very imperfectly, nowengage the attention of the inhabitants, and there is reason to hopethat the country will soon assume a better aspect. 

The peasantry of Spanish Chili, though for much the greater part ofSpanish descent, dress after the manner of the Araucanians. Thinlydispersed over an extensive country, and unincumbered by restraint, theyenjoy complete liberty, and lead a tranquil and happy life, amidst theenjoyment of abundance, in a delightful climate and fertile soil. Theprincipal part of these healthy and vigorous men live dispersedly upontheir respective possessions, and cultivate with their own hands agreater or less extent of ground. They are naturally gay, and fond ofall kinds of diversion. They have likewise a strong taste for music, andeven compose verses, which, though rude and inelegant, possess muchpleasing native simplicity, often more interesting than the labouredcompositions of cultivated poets. Extemporary rhymers are common amongthem, like the _improvisatori_ of Italy, and are called _Palladores_, who are held in great estimation, and devote themselves entirely tothat occupation. In the Spanish provinces of Chili, no other languagethan Spanish is spoken, except upon the frontiers, where the peasantsspeak both Araucanian and Spanish. The men dress in the fashion ofSpain, and the women in that of Peru; only that the women in Chili weartheir garments longer than is usual in Peru. Lima prescribes thefashions for Chili, as is done by Paris for the rest of Europe; and theinhabitants of Chili and Peru are equally luxurious, as in bothcountries the wealthy make a splendid display in their dress, titles, coaches, and servants. Chili enjoys alone of all the American colonies, the high honour of having two of its citizens exalted to the dignity ofgrandees of Spain: Don Fernando Irrazabel, Marquis of Valparaiso, bornin St Jago, who was viceroy of Navarre, and generalissimo of the Spanisharmy in the reign of Philip IV. And Don Fermin Caravajal, Duke of SanCarlos, a native of Conception, who resides at present[104] at the courtof Madrid. Don Juan de Covarrubias, a native of St Jago, who went intothe service of France in the beginning of the eighteenth century, wasrewarded with the title of marquis, the order of the Holy Ghost, and therank of Marshal in the French army. 

[Footnote 104: This refers to 1787, when Molina published his work. --E. ]

The salubrity of the climate, and the constant exercise on horseback towhich the natives of Chili are accustomed from their infancy, renderthem strong and active, and preserve them from many diseases. Thesmall-pox is not so common as in Europe, but makes terrible ravages whenit appears[105]. In the year 1766, it was first introduced into theprovince of Maule, where it proved exceedingly fatal. At this time, acountryman who had recovered from this loathsome disease, conceived theidea of curing those unhappy persons who were deemed in a desperatesituation, by means of cows milk, which he gave to his patients todrink, or administered in clysters. By this simple remedy, he cured allwhom he attended; while the physicians saved very few by theircomplicated prescriptions. I mention this circumstance, as it stronglyconfirms the practice of M. Lassone, physician to the queen of France, published in the Medical Transactions of Paris for 1779, who wassuccessful in curing the small-pox with cows milk, mixed with adecoction of parsley roots. From these instances it would appear, that, milk has the power of lessening the virulence of this terrible disease. 

[Footnote 105: Several years ago, before that terrible French eruptionwhich now desolates Spain, the Spanish government communicated to allher colonies, however distant, the inestimable benefit of vaccination. It may be here mentioned that it has been long known among theilliterate cow-herds in the mountains of Peru, all either nativePeruvians or Negroes, that a disease of the hands which they are liableto be infected with on handling diseased cow udders, the _cow-pox_, effectually arms all who have been subjected to it against the infectionof the _small-pox_. --E. ]

The Creole inhabitants of Chili are in general generous and benevolent. Contented with a comfortable subsistence, so easily acquired in thatcountry, they are rarely infected with the vice of avarice, and evenscarcely know what parsimony is. Their houses are universally open toall travellers, whom they entertain with much hospitality, without anyidea of being paid; and this virtue is even exercised in the cities. Hence, they have not hitherto attended to the erection of inns andpublic lodging-houses, or hotels, which will become necessary when thecommerce of the interior becomes more active. The inhabitants of Chiliare very dexterous in using the _laqui_, which they constantly carrywith them on their excursions. It consists of a strap of leather severalfathoms in length, twisted like a cord, one end of which is fastened tothe girth under the horses belly, and the other end terminates in astrong noose, which they throw over any animal they wish to catch withso much dexterity as hardly ever to miss their aim[106]. It is usedlikewise on foot, in which case one end is fixed to the girdle. Thepeasants of Chili employed this singular weapon with success againstcertain English pirates who landed on their coast. Herodotus makesmention of the employment of a similar noose in battle by the Sagartii, a nation of Persian descent, who used no offensive weapons exceptdaggers, depending principally upon cords of twisted leather, with anoose at one extremity, with which they used in battle to entangle theirenemies, and then easily put them to death with their daggers. Theinhabitants of Chili are likewise very expert in the management ofhorses; and, in the opinion of travellers who have seen and admiredtheir dexterity and courage on horseback, they might soon be formed intothe best body of cavalry in the world. From their attachment to horses, they are particularly fond of horse-races, which they conduct in theEnglish manner. 

[Footnote 106: The _laqui_ in use to the east of the Andes, at least sofar as employed in war, has either a ball or stone at one or bothends. --E. ]

The negroes, who have been introduced into Chili by contraband means, are subjected to a much more tolerable servitude than in other parts ofAmerica, where the interested motives of the planters have stifled everysentiment of humanity. As the cultivation of sugar and other West Indianproduce has not been introduced into Chili, the negro slaves areemployed only in domestic services, where by attention and diligencethey acquire the favour of their masters. Those most esteemed are eitherborn in the country, or mulattoes, as they become attached to thefamilies to which they belong. By the humanity of government, excellentregulations have been introduced in favour of this unfortunate race. Such as have been able by their industry to save a sum of moneysufficient to purchase a slave, are entitled to ransom themselves bypaying it to their masters, who are obliged to receive it and grant themtheir liberty; by which means many of them have obtained their freedom. Those who are ill treated by their masters, can demand _a letter ofsale_, which entitles them to seek for a purchaser; and if the masterrefuses, they apply to the judge of the town or district, who examinesinto their complaint, and grants the required permission, if wellfounded. Such instances are however rare, as the masters are careful notto reduce their slaves to this necessity on account of their ownreputation, and because the slaves are generally so much attached totheir masters, that the greatest punishment which could be inflicted onthem were to sell them to others. It even frequently happens that thosewho have received their freedom in reward of good conduct, do not availthemselves of it, that they may not lose the protection of the familythey belong to, from which they are always sure of subsistence. Mastershowever have the right to correct their slaves, and the kind and degreeof punishment is left with them, except in capital crimes. 

The internal commerce of Chili has hitherto been of small importance, notwithstanding the many advantages possessed by this fertile country. Its principal source, industry, or necessity rather, is still wanting. An extensive commerce requires a large population, and in proportion asthe one increases, the other will necessarily advance. A communicationby water, which greatly facilitates the progress of commerce, hasalready been opened. In several of the Chilese ports, barks are nowemployed in the transportation of merchandise, which had formerly to becarried by land on the backs of mules, with great trouble and expence;and this beneficial alteration will probably be followed with others ofgreater importance. Several large ships have been already built in theharbour of Conception, and at the mouth of the river Maule, in the portof Huachapure; by which the external commerce of the kingdom is carriedon with Peru and Spain. In the trade with Peru, twenty-three ortwenty-four ships are employed, of five or six hundred tons each, partof which belong to Chili and part to Peru. These usually make threevoyages yearly, and carry from Chili wheat, wine, pulse, almonds, nuts, cocoa-nuts, conserves, dried meat, tallow, lard, cheese, bend-leather, timber for building, copper, and a variety of other articles; and bringback return cargoes of silver, sugar, rice, and cotton. The ships whichtrade directly from Spain to Chili, receive gold, silver, copper, Vicugna wool, and hides, in exchange for European commodities. Apermission to trade to the East Indies would be very profitable to theChilese, as their most valuable articles are either scarce or notproduced in these wealthy regions of Asia, and the passage across thePacific Ocean would be easy and expeditious, in consequence of theprevalence of southerly winds. The only money current in Chili is ofgold and silver, which is considerably embarrassing to internalcommerce, as the smallest silver coin is the sixteenth of a dollar, or4-1/4d. The weights and measures are the same with those of Madrid. 

"Of the two great sources of commerce, agriculture and manufacturingindustry, the former alone hitherto animates the internal trade ofChili, or even the commercial intercourse between that country andPeru[107]. The working of mines also occupies the attention of many ofthe colonists, especially in the provinces of Copaipo, Coquimbo, andQuillota. Manufacturing industry is hitherto so trifling as not todeserve notice. Notwithstanding the abundance of raw materials for thispurpose, such as flax, wool, hemp, skins, and metals, which might giveemployment to a flourishing manufacturing industry, it is still in alanguid condition. The inhabitants however manufacture _ponchos_, stockings, carpets, blankets, skin-coats, saddles, hats, and other smallarticles, chiefly for the use of the poorer people, as those used by themiddle and higher ranks are from the manufactures of Europe. Theseenumerated articles, with the sale of hides and leather, grain andwine, form the whole internal commerce of Chili. The external commerceis principally with the ports of Peru, and particulary with that ofCallao, the port of Lima. To the amount of about 700, 000 dollars isyearly sent to Peru in the productions of Chili, serving not only tocounterbalance the importations from that country, but leaving an annualbalance of 200, 000 dollars in favour of Chili. The trade between Chiliand Buenos Ayres is on the contrary in favour of the latter, as Chilihas to pay about 300, 000 dollars yearly in cash for the herb _Paraguay_alone. The other articles received from Buenos Ayres are probably paidfor by those which are sent to that place. In the trade with Spain, theproductions of Chili go but a short way in payment of the European goodswhich are annually imported to the value of more than a million ofdollars. Gold, silver, and copper, form the whole of the articles sentfrom Chili to Spain, as the hides and Vicugna wool are of too littleimportance to be considered. "

[Footnote 107: These observations on the trade of Chili, distinguishedby inverted commas, are inserted into the text from a long note in thispart of the work of Molina--E. ]

"Gold to the extent of 5200 marks[108], and as the amounts which arecoined and shipped are nearly equal, there does not appear to be anyclandestine extraction. But a considerable quantity is expended inbullion, in works of use or ornament. The silver extracted from themines of Chili is estimated at 30, 000 marks yearly[109]. Of this about25, 000 marks are coined annually, and the residue is employed in thefabrication of plate. Yet a considerably larger amount is shipped everyyear, arising from the coined silver, which is transmitted from Lima. The remittances of gold and silver from Chili to Spain passes usuallythrough Buenos Ayres. The gold, being less bulky, is carried by land, bythe monthly packets, in sums of two or three thousand ounces. The silveris sent by two ships every summer, which likewise carry a part of thegold. The remittances of gold amount annually to 656, 000 dollars[110], the silver to 244, 000[111]; and the copper annually extracted from themines of Chili is estimated at from eight to ten thousand quintals[112]. From these data it will not be difficult to form a general estimate ofthe value of yearly produce from Chili[113]. "

[Footnote 108: The mark being eight ounces may be valued at L. 4; hencethe yearly production of gold in Chili is equal to about L. 166, 400sterling. --E. ]

[Footnote 109: At eight ounces the mark, and 6s. _per_ ounce, thisamounts only to the yearly value of L. 72, 000 sterling. --E. ]

[Footnote 110: At 4s. 6d. The dollar, equal to L. 147, 600 sterling. --E. ]

[Footnote 111: Or L. 54, 900 sterling. --E. ]

[Footnote 112: The quintal of 100 pounds, at 1s. 6d. A pound, gives anaverage value of L. 67, 500 sterling for the yearly produce ofcopper. --E. ]

[Footnote 113: The entire value of the three enumerated articles amountsto L. 270, 000 sterling; but the other articles of export from Chili, formerly enumerated, are not here included. --E. ]

SECTION XIII. 

Account of the Archipelago of Chiloé [114]. 

[Footnote 114: This is appended to the English translation of Molina, and is said to be chiefly extracted from a work on that subject by PedroGonzalis de Agueros, published at Madrid in 1791. --E. ]

The Archipelago of Chiloé, extends from Cape Capitanes to Quillan, fromlat. 41° 50' to 44° S. Long. 302° to 303° 25' E, from the meridian ofTeneriffe[115]. On the north it is bounded by the continent, where theJuncos and Rancos [116], two independent and unconverted nations, possess the country from thence to Valdivia: on the east by the Andes, which separate it from Patagonia; on the south by the archipelago ofGuaitecas; and on the west by the Pacific Ocean. The islands of thisarchipelago amount to about eighty, and appear to have been produced byearthquakes, owing to the great number of volcanoes, with which thatcountry formerly abounded. Every part of them exhibits the mostunquestionable marks of the operation of volcanic fire. Severalmountains in the great island of Chiloé, which gives name to thearchipelago, are composed of basaltic columns, which have been certainlyproduced by volcanic fire, whatever may be alleged to the contrary. Theinhabited part of this province, extends from Maullin to Huilad, comprising forty leagues from north to south, and eighteen or twentyfrom east to west, and comprises twenty-five islands. There are IslaGrande, Ancud, or Chiloe Proper; Achao, Lemui, Quegui, Chelin, Tanqui, Linlin, Llignua, Quenai, Meulin, Caguach, Alau, Apeau, Chaulinec, Vuta-Chauquis, Anigue, Chegniau, Caucague, Calbuco, Llaicha, Quenu, Tabon, Abtau, Chiduapi, and Kaur. --Chiloe Ancud, or _Isla Grande_, beingthe largest island as its name imports, is the most populous, and theseat of government. Its capital, Castro, which is the only city in theprovince, was founded in 1566 by Don Martin Ruiz de Gamboa, during theviceroyalty of Lope Garcia de Castro in Peru, and was honoured with thename of his family. 

[Footnote 115: Or from long. 75° to 74° 20'W. From Greenwich. --E. ]

[Footnote 116: Called Cunches and Huilliches by Molina. Severalcircumstances in this account are interwoven from the text of Molina, Vol. II. Book iv. Ch. Ii. This circumstance will account for occasionalrepetitions, and perhaps some apparent contradictions, which mayappear. --E. ]

The inhabitants of these islands are descended from the continentalaborigines of Chili, as is evident from their manners, appearance, andlanguage; yet are they very different in character, being of a pacificand rather timid disposition. They accordingly made no oppositionagainst the handful of Spaniards who were sent to subjugate them underGamboa, though their population is said to have then exceeded seventythousand. Neither have they ever attempted to shake off the yoke, exceptonce at the beginning of last century, when a very unimportantinsurrection was speedily quelled. The number of inhabitants at presentamounts to upwards of eleven thousand, which are distributed intoseventy-six districts, each of which is governed by a native _ulmen_. The greatest part of this population is subject to the Spanishcommanders, and are obliged to give personal service fifty days in everyyear, pursuant to the feudal laws, which are rigorously enforced in thisprovince, though they have been long abolished in the rest of thekingdom of Chili. 

These islanders in general possess great quickness of capacity, andreadily learn any thing that is taught them. They have an apt genius forall mechanical arts, and excel in carpentry, cabinet-making, turnery, and the like, and are very expert in the construction of wooden-houses, as indeed all the habitations and even the churches are of timber. Theyare likewise good manufacturers in linen and woollen, of which lastmixed with the feathers of sea-birds they make very beautifulbed-coverings. They also manufacture _ponchos_ or cloaks of variouskinds, many of which are striped, or embroidered with coloured silk orworsted. 

These islands abound in wood, of which they supply large quantitiesyearly. As it rains almost incessantly, the cultivated lands arecommonly wet the whole year. Though they have abundance of cattle, theseare not employed for ploughing the ground, which is tilled, orcultivated in the following singular manner. About three months beforeseed-time, their sheep are turned upon the lands intended for a crop, changing their situation every three or four nights, in the mannercalled folding in Europe, by which the land is sufficiently manured. Thefield is then strewed over with the seed corn, and a strong manscratches or slightly turns over the soil to cover the seed, by means ofa rude implement composed of two crooked sticks of hard wood fastenedtogether and made sharp, which he forces into the ground with hisbreast. Notwithstanding this very imperfect tillage, the subsequent cropof wheat generally yields ten or twelve for one. They likewise growlarge quantities of barley, beans, peas, _guinoa_, which is a species ofchenopodium used in making a pleasant species of drink, and the largestand best potatoes that are to be found in all Chili. Owing to themoisture of the climate, the grape never comes to sufficient maturityfor making wine; but its want is supplied by various kinds of cyder, made from apples and other wild fruits which abound in the country. 

Owing to their habitude of frequently going from one island to another, where the sea is far from being pacific, the Chilotans are all excellentsailors, and being active, docile, and industrious, they are very muchemployed in navigating the shipping of the South Sea. Their native barksor piraguas are formed of from three to five planks, sewed together, andcaulked with a species of moss which grows on a particular shrub. Thereare vast numbers of these barks all through the archipelago, which theymanage very dexterously both with sails and oars, and the natives oftenventure as far as Conception in these frail vessels. They are muchaddicted to fishing, and procure vast quantities and many kinds ofexcellent fish on the sea around their shores. Of these they dry largequantities, which they export to Chili and Peru, and the other countrieson the Pacific Ocean. They likewise cure considerable quantities oftestaceous fishes, such as conchs, clams, and _piures_, in the followingmanner. These shell fish are laid in a long trench, covered over withthe large leaves of the _panke tinctoria_, over which a layer of stonesis laid, on which a hot fire is kindled and kept up for several hours. The roasted fish are then taken out of the shells, strung upon lines, and hung up for some time in the smoke of wood fires. Cured in thismanner they keep well for a considerable time, and are carried for saleto Cujo and other inland districts. 

The Christian religion was very readily embraced by the Chilotans aftertheir subjugation, and they have ever since continued stedfast in itsobservance. Their spiritual concerns are under the direction of thebishop of Conception. Formerly the government was administered by alieutenant-governor appointed by the governor of Chili, but that officeris now nominated by the viceroy of Peru. The whole external trade ofthese islands is carried on by three or four ships which come thereannually from Peru and Chili, by which they receive wine, brandy, tobacco, sugar, herb of Paraguay, salt, and European goods, for whichthey give in exchange red cedar boards, timber of different kinds, ponchos of various qualities, hams, pilchards, dried shell-fish, white-cedar boxes, embroidered girdles, and a small quantity ofambergris which is found on their shores. 

The navigation in this archipelago is difficult and even dangerous owingto the strength and number of the currents, and nothing can appear worseadapted for so perilous a sea than the piraguas or boats which are usedby the islanders. They are without keel or deck, and the planks of whichthey are composed are sewed or laced together by means of strongwithies, the seams being caulked or stuffed with a kind of moss, or withpounded cane leaves, over which the withies are passed. The crosstimbers or thwarts are fixed by means of pegs or tree-nails. In thesefrail barks, which are very easily overset, the Chilotans venture with afearlessness proceeding entirely from being accustomed to danger, notfrom skill in avoiding it. Their main source of food is from the sea, which is general most bountiful in those parts of the world where theearth is least so. Their mode of fishing is singular and ingenious. Atlow water, they inclose a large extent of the flat shore with stakesinterwoven with boughs of trees, forming a kind of basket-work; whichpens or _corrales_ are covered by every flood and left dry by the ebbtide, at which time they generally find abundance of fish. They likewiseemploy as food a species of sea-weed, called _luche_, which they forminto a kind of loaves or cakes which are greatly esteemed even by thewealthy inhabitants of Lima. Seals are more numerous in the archipelagosof Guaitecas and Guayneco, still farther to the south, where they areeaten by the natives, who are said to acquire so rank an odour from theuse of this food that it is necessary to keep them to leeward. Whalessometimes run aground among these islands but are greatly more numerousfarther to the south. They have probably retired from this part of thecoast in consequence of being persecuted, as ambergris was formerlyfound in great abundance on these shores, but is now very rare. 

All the islands are very mountainous and craggy, so that only a fewvallies among the hills and the flat grounds near the shore aresusceptible of cultivation. On this scanty cultivable ground, there areforty-one settlements, called _pueblas_ or townships, in the _islagrande_, or large island of Chiloé. There is one road indeed across themountains, but the whole interior of the island is uninhabited. The isleof Quinchau has six pueblas; Lemui and Llaicha each four, Calbuco three, all the other inhabited islands only one each, and there are three onthe continent, in all eighty-one. In these pueblas or townships, thehouses are much scattered, each being placed upon its attached property. The church stands near the beach, having a few huts erected in theneighbourhood, which serve to accommodate the parishioners when theycome to church on Sundays or any festival to attend mass. In the wholearchipelago there are but four places where the houses are placed sonear together as to assume the appearance of a town or village. Theseare the city of Castro as it is called, Chacao, Calbuco, and the port ofSan Carlos. This last is the largest and most flourishing. In 1774 itcontained sixty houses, with 462 inhabitants. In 1791, it had increasedto two hundred houses and eleven hundred inhabitants; but its prosperityarose on the ruin of Chacao, which was the only port in the wholearchipelago till 1768. The harbour of Chacao is rendered very dangerousby reason of many rocks and shoals, and is much exposed to winds fromthe north and north-east; on which account Don Carlos de Berenger, whengovernor, recommended that a town should be built at _Gacui del Ingles_, or English harbour, which was accordingly ordered by the court of Spainin 1767. The bay was then named Bahia del Rey; or Kings Bay, and thetown and harbour San Carlos. It is in lat. 41° 57' S. And long. 73° 58'W. The port is good, but ships are often wrecked at the entrance, inconsequence of tremendous hurricanes which come on suddenly, at whichtime the land cannot be seen. Since the erection of this town, the seatof government has been removed to it from Castro. 

It is difficult to understand what motives could have induced theSpaniards to settle in this miserable country, when the whole extent ofthis western side of South America was open to them. Where gold andsilver are to be found, or where wealth is to be acquired by commerce, men will readily settle, however barren and unfavourable the country, orhowever pestilential the climate. But Chiloé offers no incitements toavarice, and only a bare and comfortless subsistence to perpetualindustry. Perhaps the principal part of the original settlers werepeople who escaped from the fury of the Araucanians, unable to remove toPeru, or to subsist if they got there, and who were therefore glad ofgetting any place of rest and security. There is perhaps no other colonyin the world to which Europeans have carried so few of their arts andcomforts, or where they have attempted to colonize under so many naturaldisadvantages. Two instances indeed may be excepted; the project ofPhilip II. To fortify the Straits of Magellan, and the unaccountablesettlements of the Norwegians in Greenland. In Chiloé it often rains fora whole month without intermission, and these rains are frequentlyaccompanied by such tremendous hurricanes that the largest trees aretorn up by the roots, and the inhabitants do not feel safe in theirhouses. Even in January, their mid-summer, they have oftenlong-continued heavy rain. If during the height of a storm the smallestopening be perceived in the clouds towards the south, fine weather soonsucceeds; but first the wind changes suddenly to the south, with evengreater violence than it blew before from the opposite quarter, andcomes on with a crash as loud and sudden as the discharge of a cannon. The storm then passes away with a rapidity proportional to its violence, and the weather clears up. But at this critical change of the wind, vessels are exposed to the utmost danger. Thunder and lightning arerare, but earthquakes are frequent. In 1737 these islands sufferedseverely by an earthquake; a few days after which a cloud or exhalationof fire, coming from the north, passed over the whole archipelago, and, as is said, set fire to the woods in many of the islands in the group ofthe Guaitecas. It is said also that these islands were then covered overwith ashes, and that vegetation did not again appear upon them till1750, thirteen years afterwards. 

Though excessively rainy, the climate is not unhealthy; but no people onearth ever had more cause to believe that the ground was cursed to bringforth thorns and thistles, and that man is condemned to eat bread withthe sweat of his brow, as there are none who labour so hard and procureso little. They are so poor as to have no iron, or so very little that afamily which has an axe guards it like a treasure. Their substitute fora plough has been already described as made of two crooked branches of atree, with a sharp point at one end and a round ball at the other, whichthey force into the ground by means of their breast, protected by asheeps skin during this rude operation of tillage. Laborious as thismode must be even in a free soil, it is rendered still more so in Chiloeby the myrtle roots which everywhere infest their cultivated land. Thelittle corn they raise can never be left to ripen in the field, onaccount of the heavy and frequent rains. It must be cut before itripens, and its sheaves hung up to dry in the sun-shine, if the sunhappens then to shine; and otherwise it has to be dried withindoors[117]. Bread is consequently a luxury which is reserved for greatoccasions; and the want of which is supplied by means of excellentpotatoes, far better than any that are produced in Peru or Chili. 

[Footnote 117: In many parts of Norway, the peasants have to win, ordry, their corn sheaves spitted on wooden spars set upon stakes in theopen air; and a nobleman in the western Scots Highlands, has shades inwhich to dry his corn and hay, where the sheaves are hung upon pegs likeherrings in a curing house. Yet bad as is the climate of Chiloe, Icelandand Kamtshatka can grow no corn at all. --E. ]

Apples and strawberries are their only fruit, both of which are good andplentiful. The woods produce a plant called _quilineja_, much resemblingthe _esparto_ or broom of Spain, from which they manufacture theircables; and they make smaller ropes from several leafless parasiticalplants which twine round the larger trees like vines or bindwood. Aspecies of wild cane or reed serves to roof their houses, and its leavesserve as hay or fodder for the few horses which are kept in thisinhospitable country. In that part of the continent which belongs tothis province, there is a tree, called _alerse_ by the Spaniards and_lahual_ by the Indians, which supplies the principal part of theirexports, as from 50, 000 to 60, 000 planks of its wood are sent yearly toLima. It grows to a large size, and has so even and regular a grain asto admit of being cleft by wedges into boards or planks of any desiredthickness, even smoother than could be done by a saw. Neither Aguerosnor Falkner had ever seen the tree; but the latter supposed it of thefir tribe from description, and supposes it might thrive in England ifits seeds could be brought over, as the country in which it grows is ascold as Britain, and it is reckoned the most valuable timber of thatcountry both for beauty and duration. The bark of this tree makesexcellent oakum for that part of ships which is under water, but doesnot answer when exposed to the sun and air. They export also the wood ofa tree named _luma_, for axle-trees and the poles of carriages; of aparticular kind of hazle for ship-building, which answers excellentlyfor oars; they likewise make chests and boxes of a species of cypress, and of a tree named _ciruelillo_. 

Hams are a principle article among their exports, as hogs are the mostnumerous animals in Chiloé, where they find their own food in the woods. Few sheep are kept, yet there are sufficient to furnish wool to giveemployment to the women. From this they manufacture _ponchos_, two ofwhich, give sufficient work to a woman for a whole year, as they workwithout a loom. The warp is stretched between a set of pegs, and theyweave in the woof with their fingers, yet make the work remarkably fine, strong, and beautiful. They make also a smaller kind, called_bordillos_, which are the ordinary dress of the negroes at Lima. Besides these, they manufacture blankets and rugs, or coverlets forbeds, and linen cloth; which last is woven in looms. 

In summer, when the vessels arrive from Callao, San Carlos is like afair, as this is the only opportunity enjoyed by the Chilotans to getsupplied with any thing which is not the produce of their own country, or to dispose of any portion of their surplus produce. As they have nomoney or circulating medium of commerce, the whole trade is carried onby means of barter, which would leave the islanders at the mercy of themerchants from Lima, but for the interference of the government. On thearrival of the first ship of the season, the cabildo or municipalmagistracy of San Carlos, fixes a money price at which every thing is tobe rated on both sides; which means of regulating the market seemsabsolutely necessary, as otherwise the Chilotans in buying would beobliged to give any price demanded by the seller, and in selling wouldhave to take any price offered. Still it would be much for theiradvantage to export their own commodities; but the whole archipelagodoes not contain a single vessel large enough to make a voyage to Peruor even to Chili. Formerly the soldiers who were in garrison in thisprovince used to receive their pay in clothes and other articles ofwhich they might be in want; but they were ordered by a late regulationto be paid in specie; and if this be continued it must occasion animportant change in the commercial situation of Chiloé, by introducing acirculating medium. In San Carlos there is a garrison of regular troops, consisting of 33 artillerymen, 58 dragoons, and 53 infantry. The militiaof the archipelago consists of 1569 men, including officers; which haveto do garrison duty, but receive no pay or rations, having to serveentirely at their own expence. 

The inhabitants of Chiloé consists only of two classes of people, Spaniards and Indians, there being no negroes and no mixed breed ormestees. The want of negroes is easily explained by the poverty of theislanders; but we are not told how it happens that the other two raceshave not intermixed[118]. This is the more remarkable, as a mostextraordinary change has taken place in the language of these islandsduring the latter half of the eighteenth century; insomuch that thelanguage of the Indian inhabitants consists entirely of Spanish words, but all the inflexions, the syntax, and the idiomatic manner ofexpression are Chilese, that is to say exactly corresponding to theMoluchese dialect of the Chilidugu. 

[Footnote 118: Probably the gradations have not been attended to, because the nice discrimination of ranks has not been deemed worth whilein so poor a country. Perhaps the mestees and their gradations are allelevated to the rank of Spaniards, or all depressed to that of vassalChilotans. --E. ]

Both men and women of the Spanish population in Chiloé go barefooted, except a few of the principal families who sacrifice convenience topride; as in a country so continually wet it is safer to go about withnaked feet than to have them in wet coverings. The men universally wearthe _poncho_. The houses, or hovels rather, are all built of wood, andthe crevices are stopped with sheep-skin or rags. The roofs are allthatched; and the climate is so rainy that this soon rots and must befrequently renewed. These dwellings consist of a single room, in whichthe family, the cattle, and the poultry, are all accommodated. A few ofthe inhabitants who can afford superior accommodation, have housesdivided into several apartments, wainscoted within, and roofed withdeal. Being all of wood, fires are frequent occurrences; but as thehouses are scattered, the mischief does not extend. Owing to theinclemency of the weather, and the miserable state of the roads, afamily in the scattered and solitary situation in which the houses areplaced, is often weeks, and sometimes months without any communicationwith their neighbours. There is neither hospital, physician, nor surgeonin the whole province. A sick person is laid in a bed or a heap of skinsnear a large fire, and remains there till recovery or death supervene. The missionaries who visited these islands could find no books fromwhich to teach the children to read, and when they wished them to writethere was no paper. Necessity produced a substitute, and they usedwooden boards or tablets, on which they wrote with a substance whichcould be washed out. Such is the miserable situation of the Spanishinhabitants of the archipelago of Chiloe: yet they dare not leave theirwretched birth-place in the hope of bettering their fortunes. Thesmall-pox is hitherto unknown among them, and those, who have attemptedto go elsewhere have been cut off by that loathsome disease. In 1783, the entire population of this dreary province amounted to 23, 477, ofwhom 11, 985 were of Spanish descent, and 11, 492 Indians. 

SECTION XIV. 

_Account of the Native Tribes inhabiting the southern extremity of SouthAmerica [119]. _

[Footnote 119: This supplementary section or appendix is added to thesecond volume of Molina, apparently by the English translator, and issaid to be chiefly extracted from the description of Patagonia byFalkner. As the subject is new and interesting, we have been induced toextend somewhat beyond the rigid letter of a collection of voyages andtravels. The picture of man in varied circumstances of savage life, isone of the most important pieces of information to be derived from acollection such as that we have undertaken and where direct means ofcommunicating that intelligence are unattainable, it is surely better toemploy such as on be procured than none. --E. ]

The poet Ercilla has made the name of the _Araucanians_ so famous thatit were improper now to change the appellation. But that denominationproperly belongs only to these tribes of the _Picunches_ who inhabit thecountry of Aranco[120]. The nations or tribes who inhabit the southernextremity of South America are known among themselves by the generalnames of _Moluches_ and _Puelches_; the former signifying the warlikepeople, and the latter the eastern people. 

[Footnote 120: It will easily be seen in the immediate sequel, thatFalkner very improperly uses Picunches as a generic term, as itsignifies in a limited manner the northern people. Molina most properlydenominates the whole aborigines of Chili on both sides of the Andes, Chilese, as speaking one language, the Chili-dugu; names the tribes ofArauco and those in the same republican confederacy Araucanians; andgives distinct names like Falkner to the allied tribes: the Puelches, Cunchese, Huilliches, Pehuenches, and others. Falkner appears to havechosen to denominate the whole from the tribe whose dialect he firstbecame acquainted with; and some others seem to select the Moluches asthe parent tribe. --E. ]

The _Moluches_ or warlike people, are divided into the _Picunches_, orpeople of the north, the _Pehuenches_ or people of the fine country, and_Huilliches_ or people of the south. The Picunches inhabit the mountainsfrom Coquimbo to somewhat below St Jago in Spanish Chili. The Pehuenchesborder on these to the north, and extend to the parallel of Valdivia. Both of these are included in history under the name ofAraucanians[121]. Their long and obstinate wars with the Spaniards, withthe Puelches and with each other, have greatly diminished their numbers;but they have been still more diminished by the havoc which has beenmade among them by brandy, that curse of the American Indians, for whichthey have often been known to sell their wives and children, and toengage in savage scenes of civil bloodshed, entailing wide and endlessdeadly feuds. The small-pox has nearly completed the work of war anddrunkenness, and when Falkner left the country they could hardly musterfour thousand men among them all. 

[Footnote 121: This account differs essentially from the history we havejust given from the writings of Molina, an intelligent native of Chili, which cannot be repeated in the short compass of a note. --E. ]

The Huilliches possess the country from Valdivia to the Straits ofMagellan. They are divided into four tribes, who are improperly classedtogether as one nation, since three of them are evidently of a differentrace from the fourth. That branch which reaches to the sea of Chiloé andbeyond the lake of Nahuelhuaupi speaks the general language of Chili, differing only from the Pehuenches and Picunches in pronunciation. Theothers speak a mixed language, composed of the Moluche and Tehueltongue, which latter is the Patagon; and these tribes, from their greatstature, are evidently of Patagonian origin. Collectively these threetribes are called the Vuta-Huilliches, or great southern-people;separately they are named Chonos, Poy-yes, and Key-yes. The Chonosinhabit the archipelago of Chili, and the adjoining shores of thecontinent. The Poy-yes or Peyes possess the coast from lat. 48° tosomething more than 51° S. The Key-yes or Keyes extend from thence tothe Straits of Magellan. The Moluches maintain some flocks of sheep, principally for the sake of their wool, and cultivate a small quantityof corn. 

The Puelches or eastern people, which name they receive from the nativesof Chili, are bounded on the west by the Moluches, on the south by theStraits of Magellan, on the east by the sea, and on the north by theSpaniards. They are subdivided into four tribes, the Taluhets, Diuihets, Chechehets, and Tehuelhets. The _first_ of these or _Taluhets, _ are awandering race who prowl over the country, from the eastern side of thefirst _desaguadero_ as far as the lakes of Guanacache in thejurisdiction of San Juan and San Luiz de la Punta. Some of them are alsoto be found in the jurisdiction of Cordova, on the rivers Segundo Terzoand Quarto. When the Jesuits were expelled from the missions, this tribecould scarcely raise two hundred fighting men, and even in conjunctionwith all their allies not above five hundred. The _second_ of thesetribes, called the _Diuihets, _ is, also a wandering race, which borderswestwardly on the Pehuenches, between the latitudes of 35° and 38° S. They extend along the rivers Sanguel Colorado and Hueyque, and nearly tothe Casuhati on the east. This nation and that of the Taluhets arecollectively called Pampas by the Spaniards, whose settlements inTacuman and on the southern shore of the La Plata they have alwaysinfested, and sometimes even endangered. The _third_ tribe of thePuelches is named the Chechehets, or eastern-people. The country whichthey chiefly frequent is situated between the rivers Hueyque and thefirst desaguadero or Rio Colorado, and from thence to the seconddesaguadero or Rio Negro. They are a tall and stout wandering raceresembling the Patagonians, but speak a quite different language. Theirdispositions are friendly and inoffensive, but they are a bold andactive enemy when provoked. They are now reduced to a small number bythe ravages of the small-pox. The fourth race, called the _Tehuelhets, _or in their own language the Tehuel-kunnees or southern-men, are thereal Patagonians. These are again subdivided into many tribes, all ofwhich and the Chechehets also are called _Serranos_ or mountaineers bythe Spaniards. The _Leuvuches, _ who seem to be the head tribe of all theSerranos, live on the Rio Negro. They speak the same language with theChechehets, but with a small mixture of the Tehuel. This tribe used tokeep on good terms with the Spaniards, that they might hunt in securityin the pampas or immense plains of Buenos Ayres. About the year 1740, however, they were provoked to war by a most wanton and treacherousattack, and Buenos Ayres would in all probability have been destroyed, had not these injured people been appeased by the Jesuit missionaries. The Tehuelhets are more numerous than all the other tribes of theseparts together, and are the perpetual enemies of the Moluches who are soterrible to the Spaniards, whom they would have long since destroyed ifthey had been equally well supplied with horses. 

To the south of these are the Chulilau-Kunnees, and the Sehuan-Kunnees, who are the most southerly of the equestrian tribes. The country beyondthem, all the way to the Straits of Magellan, is possessed by the lastof the Tehuel tribes, called Yacana-Kunnees or foot-people, as they haveno horses. These are an inoffensive race, who are very swift runners, and subsist mostly on fish. The other Tehuelhets and the Huillichessometimes attack this tribe for the purpose of making slaves of theprisoners. The ordinary stature of all the Tehuel tribes is from six toseven feet. None of the Puelches either keep sheep or cultivate theground, but depend altogether on hunting, for which purpose they keep agreat number of dogs. 

The belief in an infinite number of spirits, good and evil, is common toall the native tribes south of the Rio Plata. From the north of thatriver to the Orinoco a different language prevails, accompanied by adifferent form of superstition The Puelches do not appear to acknowledgeany of those numerous spirits as supreme over the rest. The Taluhets andDiuihets call a good spirit _Soychu, _ or he who presides in the land ofstrong drink. The Tehuelhets call an evil spirit Atskanna Kanatz, theother Puelches denominate the same being Valichu. Huecuvu must beanother name for the evil spirit; as the Chechehets give the name ofHuecuvu-mapu or the devils-country to a great sandy desert, into whichthey never venture lest they should be overwhelmed. 

Among the northern Indians, each cast or small tribe is distinguished bythe name of some animal; as the tribe of the tyger, the lion, theguanaco, the ostrich, and the like. They believe that each tribe had itsown particular creator, who resided in some huge cavern under a lake orbill, to which all of that tribe will go after death, to enjoy thefelicity of eternal inebriation. These good creative spirits, accordingto their opinion, having first created the world, made the differentraces of men and animals, each in their respective cave. To the Indians, they gave the spear, the bow and arrow, and the _lague_ or ball andthong: to the Spaniards fire arms. Animals they allege were likewisecreated in these subterranean abodes of the spirits, such as werenimblest coming first out. When bulls and cows were coming out last ofall, the Indians were frightened at the sight of their horns, andstopped up the mouth of their cavern; but the Spaniards were wiser andlet them out. Thus they explain the reason why they had no cattle tillafter the coming of the Spaniards. In. Their opinion, all the animalswho have been created in these hidden caverns have not yet emerged. Theyattribute all the misfortunes or diseases which happen to men or animalsto the agency of the evil spirits, who are continually wandering aboutthe world in search of mischief. Their priests or jugglers rather, areeach supposed to be attended by two familiar evil spirits, to whom thesouls of these jugglers are associated after death, and with whom theygo about to do mischief. The jugglers are of both sexes; but it seems asif it were thought an occupation beneath the dignity of a man, as themale wizards are compelled to dress like women and are not permitted tomarry. The female jugglers are under no such restriction. They aregenerally chosen while children to be initiated in the mysteries of thisprofession, from among those who are most effeminate, and such as happento be subject to epilepsy or St Vitus' dance are considered asespecially marked out for the service of the jugglers. It is a verydangerous profession, as these jugglers are frequently put to death whenany calamity happens to befal either the chiefs or the people. 

No ceremonies are performed in honour of the good spirits. That which isaddressed to the evil ones is performed in the following manner. Theassistants assemble in the hut or tent of the wizard, who is concealedin a corner of the tent, where he has a drum, one or two roundcalabashes with a few small sea shells in them to make a noise, like the_maraca_ or rattle of the Brazilian sorcerers, and some square bags ofpainted hide in which he keeps his spells. He begins the ceremony bymaking a strange noise with his drum and rattle, after which he feignsto fall into a fit, which is supposed to be occasioned by a strugglewith the evil spirit who then enters into him. During this fit, he keepshis eye-lids lifted up, distorts his features, foams at the mouth, seemsto dislocate his joints, and after many violent and unnatural motionsremains stiff and motionless, like a person in a fit of epilepsy. Aftersome time he comes to himself, as if having gained the victory over theevil spirit. He next causes a faint shrill mournful voice to be heardwithin his tabernacle, as of the evil spirit, who is supposed toacknowledge himself vanquished; after which the wizard, from a kind oftripod, answers all questions that are put to him. It is of littleconsequence whether these answers turn out true or false, as on allsinister events the fault is laid on the spirit. On these conjuringoccasions, the juggler is well paid by those who consult the destinies. 

These southern nations make skeletons of their dead, as is done likewiseby the native tribes on the Orinoco; but it is singular that thispractice does not prevail among the intermediate tribes, that inhabitbetween the Maranon and Rio Plata. On such occasions, one of the mostdistinguished women of the tribe performs the ceremony of dissection. The entrails are burnt, and the bones, after the flesh has been cut offas clean as possible, are buried till the remaining fibres decay. Thisis the custom of the Molnuches and Pampas, but the Serranos place thebones on a high frame-work of canes or twigs to bleach in the sun andrain. While the dissector is at work on the skeleton, the Indians walkincessantly round the tent, having their faces blackened with soot, dressed in long skin mantles, singing in a mournful voice, and strikingthe ground with their long spears, to drive away the evil spirits. Somego to condole with the widow and relations of the dead, if these arewealthy enough to reward them for their mourning with bells, beads, andother trinkets; as their customary condolence is not of a nature to beoffered gratuitously, for they prick their arms and legs with thorns, and feel pain at least if not sorrow. The horses belonging to thedeceased are slain, that he may ride upon them in the _alhue-mapu, _ orcountry of the dead; but a few of these are reserved to carry his bonesto the place of sepulchre, which is done in grand ceremony within a yearafter his death. They are then packed up in a hide, and laid on thefavourite horse of the deceased, which is adorned with mantles, feathers, and other ornaments and trinkets. In this manner the cavalcademoves to the family burial-place, often three hundred leagues from theplace of death, so wide and distant are their wanderings in theboundless plains to the south of the Rio Plata. 

The Moluches and Pampas bury in large square pits about six feet deep, the bones being first accurately put into their proper places and tiedtogether, clothed in the best robes of the deceased, and ornamented withbeads and feathers, all of which are cleaned or changed once a-year. These skeletons are placed in a sitting posture in a row, with all theweapons and other valuables belong to each laid beside him. The pit isthen covered over with beams or twigs, on which the earth is spread. Anold matron of each tribe is appointed to the care of these sepulchres, who has to open them once a-year, to clean and new clothe the skeletons, for which service she is held in great estimation. The bodies of theslain horses are placed round the sepulchre, raised on their feet andsupported by stakes. These sepulchres are generally at a small distancefrom the ordinary habitations of the tribe. Every year they pour uponthem some bowls of their first made _chica, _ or fermented liquor, anddrink to the happiness of the dead. The Tehuelhets and other southerntribes carry their dead to a great distance from their ordinarydwellings, into the desert near the sea-coast, where they arrange themabove ground surrounded by their horses. It is probable that only thoseIndians who carry their dead to considerable distances reduce them toskeletons, from the following circumstance. In the voyage of discoverymade in 1746 in the St Antonio from Buenos Ayres to the Straits ofMagellan, the Jesuits who accompanied the expedition found one of thesetents or houses of the dead. On one side six banners of cloth of variouscolours, each about half a yard square, were set up on high poles fixedin the ground; and on the other side five dead horses stuffed with strawand supported, on stakes. Within the house, there were two _ponchos_extended, on which lay the bodies of two men and a woman, having theflesh and hair still remaining. On the top of the house was another_poncho, _ rolled up and tied with a coloured woolen band, in which apole was fixed, from which eight tassels of wool were suspended. 

Widows are obliged to observe a long and rigorous mourning. During awhole year after the death of their husbands, they must keep themselvessecluded in the tents, never going out except on the most necessaryavocations, and having no communication with any one. In all this time, they must abstain from eating the flesh of horses, cows, ostriches, orguanacos, must never wash their faces which are constantly smeared withsoot, and any breach of chastity during this year of mourning ispunished with the death of both parties by the relations of the husband. 

The office of _ya, _ or chief, is hereditary, and all the sons of a yamay be chiefs likewise if they can procure followers; but the dignity isof so little consequence that nobody almost covets the office. To himbelongs the office of protecting his followers, of composingdifferences, and of delivering up any offender who is to be capitallypunished; in all which, cases his will is the sole law. These pettydespots are prone to bribery, and will readily sacrifice their vassalsand even their kindred for a good bribe. They are esteemed in proportionto their eloquence, and any chief who is not himself eloquent employs anorator to harangue the tribe in his place. When two or more tribes forman alliance against a common enemy, they elect an _apo, _ orcommander-in-chief, from the ablest or most celebrated of the _yas, _ orhereditary chiefs. But this office, though nominally elective, has beenlong hereditary among the southern tribes in the family of Cangapol. Thehereditary chiefs, named _yas, elmens_, or _ulmens, _ have no power totake any thing from their vassals, neither can they oblige them toperform any work without payment. On the contrary they must treat themkindly and relieve their wants, or their vassals will put themselvesunder the protection of a more generous chief. Many of them thereforewave the privilege of their birth, and decline having any vassals, because they are expensive appendages, which yield little profit. Butevery-one must attach themselves to some chief, or they wouldundoubtedly be put to death or reduced to slavery. 

Every man buys his wife from her relations, with or without her consent, and then takes possession of her as his property. But if the womanhappens to have fixed her affections on another, she contrives to wearout the patience of her purchaser, who either turns her away or sellsher to the man of her choice, but seldom uses her ill. Widows, andorphan girls are at their own disposal. The yas or ulmens have generallytwo or three wives; and even the common people may have as many as theyplease, but wives are dear and they are generally contented with one. The lives of the women are one continued series of labour. They fetchwood and water; dress the victuals; make, mend, and clean the tents;cure the skins; make them into mantles; spin and manufacture ponchos;pack up every thing for a journey, even the tent poles; load, unload, and arrange the baggage; straiten the girths of the horses; carry thelance before their husbands; and at the end of the journey set up thetents. Sickness or even the most advanced pregnancy give no relief fromthese labours, and it would be reckoned ignominious in the husbands togive them any assistance. The women of noble families may have slaves torelieve them of these labours; but when in want of these, must undergothe same fatigues as the rest. Yet the tribes of the southern extremityof America are not brutal to their women like those in the north, andthe marriages only endure during pleasure, though those who havechildren seldom separate. The husband invariably protects his wife, evenwhen in the wrong; and if detected in any criminal intercourse, all hisanger falls upon the paramour, who is cruelly beaten, unless he canatone for the injury by payment. Their jugglers sometimes persuade themto send their wives into the woods, to prostitute themselves to thefirst person they meet, which is obviously a device for consolingthemselves from the celibacy to which they are condemned. The husbandsreadily obey these directions; but there are women in whom nativemodesty overpowers superstition, who refuse obedience to their husbandson such occasions, and bid defiance to the wizard. 

The dresses of all these tribes are formed of skins; but all except the_serranos_ or mountaineers, weave mantles or ponchos of woollen yarn, beautifully died of various colours, which when wrapped round the bodyreach from the neck to the calf of the legs. A similar mantle is tiedround the waist and reaches to the ankles. Besides these they have athree-cornered piece of dressed hide, of which two of the corners aretied round the waist, and the third, being passed between the legs isfastened behind. The hair is tied up from behind with the pointsupwards, by means of a woollen band bound many times round the head; butthey are fond of wearing hats when they can get them from the Spaniards. They paint their faces red or black, and wear necklaces and bracelets ofsky-blue beads. When on horseback they wear a particular kind of cloaks, having a slit in the middle through which they put their heads, and theskirts hang down to the knees or even sometimes to the feet. Theirstockings or boots consist of the skin of a horses thigh and leg, flayedoff whole, dried and softened with grease, and rendered supple bywringing. The women wear straw hats in shape like those used by theChinese. Their defensive armour consists of a helmet of double bullshide shaped like a broad-brimmed hat; a tunic or bodice of hardened skinthree or four fold, which is very heavy, but effectually resists thearrow and spear, and is even said to be musquet proof. When on foot, they have likewise a large unwieldy shield of bulls hide. The Tehuelhetsand Huilliches sometimes poison their arrows. Their spears are of cane, four or five yards long, and are pointed with iron; and they use swordswhen they can procure them from the Spaniards. They use the _laqui_ bothin war and hunting; but that used in war has a ball, or weight fastenedto one or both ends of the leathern thong instead of a noose. The ballweighs about a pound. When used single, or with only one ball, it isaimed at the head of the enemy, to knock out his brains. With the double_laqui_, having a ball at each end, they can fasten a man to his horse, and effectually entangle both man and beast. 

END OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER X. 

DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA, AND ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPTS TOCONQUER AND SETTLE THAT COUNTRY BY THE SPANIARDS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

In the preceding Chapters of this _Second Book_, we have given anextended account of the _Discovery_ of AMERICA by COLUMBUS, and of theestablishment of the principal Spanish Colonies in the New World, fromauthentic Original authors, a large portion of which never appearedbefore in any Collection of Voyages and Travels, and some importantparts are now given for the first time in the English language. It isnot the object of this work to attempt giving a regular series of theHistory of America, by inserting the establishments of all the Europeancolonies which have been settled in that quarter of the world, whichwould occupy more room than can be conveniently allowed in ourCollection, and for which we do not possess original documents ofsufficient interest. In the present chapter it is only meant to give arelation of the Discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512; ofthe disastrous attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer that country in1528; and of the romantic exploratory expedition of Ferdinand de Soto inthe years 1539-1543: All of which is taken from the General History ofAmerica by Herrera, which may be considered as an original and almostcontemporary authority. 

Antonio de Herrera, who was historiographer to the king of Spain, appears to have composed his work only a short time after the middle ofthe sixteenth century, as he continues the series of events no fartherthan 1554; though he incidentally alludes to one transaction whichhappened in 1572. The authenticity of his work is unquestionable, as theauthor assures us that it was composed by royal command, from all thebest and most authentic sources of information which the crown couldfurnish, both in print and manuscript; and that he had carefullyconsulted and followed the original papers preserved in the royalarchives, and the books, registers, relations, and other papers of thesupreme council of the Indies, together with all the best authors on thesubject then extant. As a literary curiosity of its kind, we subjoin hislist of what were then considered the best writers on the affairs of theNew World--Those in Italics have been already inserted into this work. 

Peter Martyr of Angleria. --Diego de la Tobilla. --Motolinea. --_DonHernando Colon_. --Olonsa de Ojeda. --Alonso de Mata. --Enciso. --GonzaloHernandez de Oviedo. --Francisco Lopez de Gomara. --Andres de SanMartino. --Pedro de Zieza. --Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca. --_Bernal Diazdel Castillo_. --The Bishop of Chiapa, Las Casas. --The DeanCervantes. --Francisco de Xeres. --Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada. --Garibay. --Pedro Pizarro. --The relations of Cortes. --Nunno de Guzman. --DiegoFernandez de Palentia. --_Augustino de Zarate_. --The Pontifical History. --Don Alonzo de Ercilla. --Geronimo Benzon. --Theodore de Brye. --Jusepede Acosta. --Father Augustino Davila. --Garcilasso Inga. --Gabriel Lassode la Vega. --Don Antonio de Saavedra. 

In the Catalogue of Spanish Books and Manuscripts consulted by ourillustrious Historian of America, WILLIAM ROBERTSON, an edition ofHerrera is quoted as printed at Madrid in 1601, in 4 vols. Folio. Wehave used on the present occasion the Translation of Herrera intoEnglish by Captain John Stevens, in 6 vols. 8vo. Printed at London in1725. Though assuredly authentic and to be depended upon so far as itgoes, the plan of this _General History of the vast Continent andIslands of America_, is exceedingly ill devised, and very troublesomefor being consulted; as the author endeavours continually to preservethe chronological series of events throughout the numerous discoveries, colonizations and conquests of the Spaniards, in all the islands andcontinental provinces of Spanish America, by which he is forced intoperpetual and abrupt transitions from subject to subject; instead ofusing a double arrangement, geographical as well as chronological, inwhich the narrative belonging to each territorial division might havebeen distinctly and separately arranged in chronological order. Thus inregard to _Florida_, which constitutes the subject of our presentchapter, we have had to travel through every one of the _six_ volumes ofHerrera, on purpose to reduce all the scattered notices respecting theearly discovery of that country under one unbroken narrative. 

Owing to the utter impossibility of ascertaining the various parts whichwere visited by the Spaniards, in these early peregrinations in Floridaas related in this chapter, we have not given any map of the country onthis occasion, which will be supplied in a future division of this work, when we come to particular and more recent travels in that province ofNorth America. Indeed the country originally named Florida by theSpaniards was vastly more extensive than the modern application of thatname, and appears to have included all Louisiana, with Georgia theCarolinas and Virginia, and the entire countries on the Mississippi andOhio rivers. In fact it was meant as a generic term, including all ofthe eastern parts of north America, not previously comprised under NewSpain and its dependencies; just as Virginia was applied in the reign ofQueen Elizabeth to all that part of North America claimed by theEnglish, which was afterwards partitioned into many provinces, from NovaScotia to Georgia both inclusive. Besides, a map to serve the purposesof the present chapter is of almost impossible construction, as all theappellations of towns and territories, especially in the extensiveperegrinations of Ferdinand de Soto, are merely the fugacious names ofthe caciques or sachems who happened at the time to rule over thevarious tribes of savages which were visited by Soto in his singularlyerratic expedition. One point only in the whole course of his wanderingscan be ascertained with certainty, the Bay of _Espirita Santo_ on thewestern coast of Florida, in about lat. 28° N. And long. 83° W. _Mavila_. May possibly be what has since been called _Mobile_, and the_Rio Grande_ or great river was most probably the Mississippi. All theother points are involved in impenetrable obscurity, or would require anextended discussion inadmissible on the present occasion. In the courseof the chapter some conjectures will be attempted respecting thegeography of the wanderings of Soto, and his adventurous followers, whose sole object appears to have been to search for mines of theprecious metals, in which they were altogether unsuccessful. 

One circumstance, to be gathered from the peregrinations of Soto seemsworthy of remark; that the scattered tribes then occupying the southernportion of North America which he visited, were more agricultural thanwhen the country came afterwards to be colonized by the English, and notaddicted to the horrible practices of the North American savages oftorturing their prisoners taken in war. Perhaps they were afterwardsextirpated by a more savage race from the northwest, who have nohereditary chiefs, as were found by Soto. From these differences, andtheir worship of the sun and moon, the tribes met with by Soto wereprobably branches of the Natches, a nation which will be described inthe sequel of this work, and which does not now exist. 

SECTION I. 

_Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon_. 

After the settlement of Hispaniola in peace by Obando, Juan Ponce deLeon was appointed lieutenant of the town and territory of Salveleon inthat island. Learning from the Indians of that district that there wasmuch gold in the island of Borriquen, now called San Juan de PuertoRico, or Porto Rico, he procured authority from Obando to go over tothat island, which he reduced[122]. He was afterwards appointed by theking of Spain to the government of that island, independent of theadmiral Don James Columbus. In a war between De Leon and the natives, wonderful havoc was made among these poor people by a dog belonging tothe governor, called Bezerillo, insomuch that the Indians were moreafraid of ten Spaniards with this dog than of a hundred without him, onwhich account the dog was allowed a share and a half of all the plunder, as if he had been a cross-bow-man, both in gold, slaves, and otherthings, all of which was received by his master[123]. 

[Footnote 122: Herrera, I. 327. ]

[Footnote 123: Herrera, I. 339. ]

Having acquired much wealth, and being deprived of the government ofPorto Rico, Juan Ponce de Leon determined upon making discoveries to thenorthwards, that he might gain honour and advance his estate[124]. Forthis purpose, he fitted out three ships well manned and stored withplenty of provisions, with which he sailed from the port of St Germanon Thursday the 3d of March 1512, steering for _Aguada_. Next night hestood to the N. W. And by N. And on the 8th of the same month came toanchor at the shoals of _Babecua_, near the _Isola del Viejo_, in lat. 22°-1/2 N. Next day he anchored at one of the Bahama or Lucayos islandscalled _Caycos_, and then at another called _Yaguna_, in lat. 24° N. Onthe 11th he came to the island of _Amaguayo_, and then passed _Manegua_, in lat 24°-1/2 N. He came to _Guanahani_, in lat. 25-1/2 N. On the 14th, where he refitted the ships before crossing the bay to windward of theLucayos. This island of Guanahani was the first land discovered by theadmiral Don Christopher Columbus in the New World, and by him called_San Salvador_. From thence De Leon steered to the north-west, and onSunday the 27th of March, being Easter-day, called _Pasqua de Flores_ bythe Spaniards, he saw and passed by an island. Continuing the samecourse till Wednesday 30th of March, when the wind became foul, healtered his course to W. N. W. And on the 2d of April came to nine fathomswater a league from the land, in lat. 30° 8' N. Running along the landin search of a harbour, he anchored at night in eight fathoms near theshore. Believing the land to be an island, he gave it the name of_Florida_, because it appeared very delightful with many pleasantgroves, and all level, as also because first seen during Easter, whichthe Spaniards call _Pasqua de Flores_, or _Florida_. At this place Poncewent on shore to take formal possession. 

[Footnote 124: Id. II. 33. We now enter upon the discovery of Florida, which will be found regularly referred to the fragments of its History, as scattered through the work of Herrera, at each respectivetransition. --E. ]

On Friday the 8th of April he continued his course along the coast asbefore; and next day changed to the S. And by E. Till the 20th, when heperceived some _bohios_, or Indian huts on the coast, off which he cameto anchor. Next day the ships continued their course along shore, butmet with so strong a current as drove them back though with a fair wind. The two ships nearest the shore dropt their anchors, but the force ofthe current was so great as to strain their cables. The third was abrigantine, and farther out at sea; which either found no bottom foranchoring, or did not perceive the current, so that it was carried tosea and lost sight of by the rest, though the weather was fair. Beinginvited on shore by the natives, Ponce landed, and the nativesimmediately endeavoured to seize the boat, oars, and arms of theSpaniards, who were forced to fight in their own defence, during whichtwo of them were wounded with darts and arrows pointed with sharp bones. Night parted the combatants, and Ponce collected his people with somedifficulty, having done very little damage to the Indians, and returnedto the ships. He sailed next day along the coast to a river, which henamed _Rio de la Cruz_, where he proposed to wood and water and to waitthe return of the brigantine. He was opposed at this place by sixtyIndians, one of whom was made prisoner, that he might learn Spanish, andbe able to give information respecting the country. Leaving at thisplace a stone with an inscription, he doubled the Cape of Florida onSunday the 8th of May, giving it the name of _Cabo de las Corrientes_, or Cape Currents, because they are there stronger than the wind; afterwhich he came to anchor near an Indian town called _Aboaia_. All thiscoast, from Cape _Arracifes_ to Cape _Corrientes_ lies north and southone point east, being clear and free from rocks and shoals, with sixfathoms water near the shore. 

After passing Cape Corrientes, he sailed on till he fell in with twoislands to the southwards, in lat. 27° N. At one of these, which henamed _Santa Martha_, about a league in circumference, he watered. OnFriday the 13th of May, he sailed along a shoal with a chain of islands, to one called _Pola_, in 26° 30' N. Between these islands and thecontinent is a spacious sea like a bay. On the 15th of May he proceededten leagues along the chain of small islands, to two white ones which hecalled _Los Martires_ in 26° 15' N. He continued along the coast, sometimes N. Sometimes N. E. Till the 23d of May, and on the 24th ranalong the coast to the southwards as far as some small islands that layout at sea, still believing that he was coasting along the shore of alarge island. As the anchorage between these small islands and the coastappeared convenient for the purpose, he continued there till the 3d ofJune taking in wood and water, and at the same time careened one of theships named the St Christopher. At this place the Indians for the firsttime came off in canoes to view the Spaniards, who refused to venture onshore though repeatedly invited. Seeing the Spaniards about to heave oneof the anchors, on purpose to shift its situation, the Indians laid holdof the cable as if to draw the ship away; on which the long-boat wassent after them, and the crew going on shore took four women and broketwo old canoes. No hostilities of any moment occurred, and the Indianseven bartered some skins and low gold with the Spaniards for trinkets. 

On Friday the 4th of June, while waiting for a wind to go in quest of acacique named _Carlos_, who was reported by the Indians to have gold, anIndian came on board who was able to converse with the Spaniards, andwho was consequently supposed to be a native of Hispaniola or of some ofthe other islands possessed by the Christians. This man desired them toremain at their present anchorage, as the cacique intended to send goldto barter. Accordingly, they soon after saw twenty canoes approaching, some of which were lashed two and two together. Some of these canoeswent to the anchors, which they endeavoured to weigh, but being unableattempted to cut the cables, while others of them drew near the shipsand began to fight. The long-boat well manned and armed was sent againstthem, and put them to flight, taking four prisoners and killing severalof the Indians. Ponce sent two of the prisoners to tell the cacique thathe was willing to make peace with him, although he had slain one of theSpaniards. Next day the boats were sent to sound the harbour, and someof the men landed, when they were assured by the Indians that thecacique would come next day to trade; but this was a mere feint to gaintime, as at eleven o'clock eighty canoes well equipped and full of menattacked the ship nearest the shore, and fought till night without doingany harm, as all their arrows fell short, and they durst not come nearfor fear of the cross-bows and great guns. At length they retired, andthe Spaniards having staid nine days resolved to return to St Domingoand Porto Rico, endeavouring to discover some islands by the way ofwhich they had received accounts from the Indians. Ponce accordingly setsail on his return on the 14th of June, and sailed among islands tillthe 21st, when he arrived at the small islands called _Las Tortugas_, orthe tortoises, because the crews took 170 of these creatures in a shorttime of one night in one of these islands, and might have had more ifthey pleased. They also took fourteen dog-fishes[125], and killed atleast 5000 seagulls and other birds. 

[Footnote 125: Probably Sharks. --E. ]

On the 24th, leaving Tortugas, they steered S. W. And by W. On the 26ththey saw land, which they sailed along till the 29th, when they came toanchor to trim their yards and sails, but could not tell what country itwas. Most of the Spaniards believed they were on the coast of Cuba, because they found canoes, dogs, knives, and others tools of iron. Onthe 25th of July they were among a cluster of low islands, stillignorant of where they were, till Ponce sent to view an island whichappeared to be Bahama, as indeed it was said to be by an old woman whomthey found in another island, and in which they were confirmed by apilot named Diego Miruelo, who happened to be there in a boat fromHispaniola. Having ranged backwards and forwards till the 23d ofSeptember, and refitted the ships, Juan Ponce resolved to send one ofthem to take a view of the island of Bimini, which the Indians reportedto contain much wealth, and to have a spring which made old people youngagain. Juan Perez de Ortubia was appointed captain of that ship, andAntonio de Alaminos pilot. They took two Indians along with them topoint out the shoals, which were so numerous that it was both difficultand dangerous to get through among them. Twenty days afterwards, JuanPonce returned to Porto Rico, and was followed some time after byOrtubia, who had found the island of Bimini, which was large, pleasant, and abounding in good water and delightful groves; but the wonderfulspring was not be discovered. It is certain that Juan Ponce de Leon, besides the main design of discovering new islands which all theSpaniards then aspired to, was desirous of finding out the spring ofBimini and a certain river in Florida, in both of which it was assertedby the natives of Cuba and Hispaniola that old people became young againby bathing in their waters. It is likewise well known that many of thenatives of Cuba, firmly believing the existence of such a river, hadgone over into Florida in search of it, and had built a town therebefore the coming of the Spaniards to the West Indies, and that theirdescendents continue there to this day. This report prevailed among allthe princes or caciques in these parts, who were all so anxious to findout this wonderful river, that there was not a river, brook, or lake inall Florida in which some of them had not bathed, and many still persistin the belief that it is the river now called Jordan at Cape _SantaElena_, without reflecting that the Spaniards first gave it that name in1520, when the country of Chicora was discovered. 

Although this voyage turned out to little or no account to Juan Ponce, it yet encouraged him to go to court to sue for some reward for havingdiscovered this new country, which he still continued to believe anisland or cluster of islands, and which opinion was retained by theSpaniards for some years. Yet this voyage was actually beneficial onanother account, by the discovery of a passage to Spain from the WestIndies through the channel of Bahama, which was first performed by thepilot Alaminos. For the better understanding the voyage of Ponce, itmust be observed that the Lucayo or Bahama Islands consist of threegroups, the _first_, or Bahama cluster gives name to the passage, and inwhich the currents are most impetuous: The _second_ is called _De losOrganos_; and the _third_ the _Martyrs_, which are next to the _Cayos delas Tortugas_, or Turtle Keys to the westwards; which last are not to beseen from any distance, being all low sands, and in consequence manyships have perished on them, and all along the Bahama channel, and onthe islands of Tortugas. Havannah in the island of Cuba and Florida, aresouth and north of each other; and between them are thesebefore-mentioned islands of Organos, Bahama, Martyrs, and Tortugas, having a channel with a violent current, twenty leagues across in thenarrowest part between Havannah and the Martyrs, and fourteen leaguesfrom the Martyrs to Florida. The widest part of this channel is fortyleagues, with many shoals and deep channels between these, but has nosafe passage for ships, and is only practicable for canoes. But thispassage from the Havannah for Spain, is along the channel of Bahama, between the Havannah, the Martyrs, the Lucayos, and Cape Canaveral. 

 * * * * *

No farther attempt appears to have been made towards the conquest andsettlement of Florida by the Spaniards, till the year 1528, when Panfilode Narvaez made a most disastrous expedition to that country, which willform the subject of the ensuing section of this chapter; except thatabout the year 1525, the licentiate Luke Vasquez de Ayllon sailed withthree ships for that country from Santiago in the island ofHispaniola[126]. Vasquez arrived with his small armament at Cape SantaElena in Florida, where he found an Indian town called _Oritza_; sincenamed _Chicora_ by the Spaniards, and another town in the neighbourhoodcalled _Guale_, to which the Spaniards have given the name of_Gualdape_. At this place is the river _Jordan_, so named from the pilotby whom it was discovered, and where Vasquez lost one of his ships. Heproceeded however in his enterprise with the other two ships, and landedtwo hundred men upon the coast of Florida; but being himselfunacquainted with military discipline, and little regarded by his men, his troops were defeated by the natives and mostly slain. The few whoescaped returned to Hispaniola; some alleging that Vasquez was of thenumber, while others assert that he was slain in Florida. In thisunfortunate expedition, from which great consequences had been expected, no other towns but the two above mentioned were seen in Florida; and bythis disaster all attempts for the conquest and settlement of thatcountry were laid aside for some time, more especially as all thenatives who had been there met with appeared poor and miserable, andhaving very small quantities of gold and silver, and even what littlethey had appeared to have been brought to them from remote parts of thecountry. 

[Footnote 126: Herrera, III. 367. ]

SECTION II. 

_Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquerFlorida; together with some account of that Country_[127]

[Footnote 127: Id. IV. 27. ]

The abortive attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to supersede Cortes in thecommand of the expedition against Mexico has been already related. Heafterwards endeavoured to settle a colony at the _Rio de las Palmas_ inthe bay of Mexico, whence he was expelled by the arrogance of Nunno deGuzman, who had been appointed governor of the adjoining province ofPanuco, and endeavoured to appropriate the territories belonging toothers in his neighbourhood to his own advantage and emolument in themost unjustifiable manner. In March 1528, Narvaez sailed from Cuba withfour ships and a brigantine for the conquest of Florida, having a forceof about four hundred men with eighty horses. During the voyage, thesquadron was carried among the shoals of Canarreo by the unskilfulnessof the pilot Meruelo, where the ships got aground and remained forfifteen days constantly touching with their keels and unable to get intodeep water. At the end of this period a storm at south brought so largean accession of water from the bay upon these flats that the ships gotoff. At _Guaniguanigo_ they encountered another storm in which they werenear perishing, and met with a third at Cape Corrientes. Three daysafter getting to windward of Cape St Antonio, they were driven bycontrary winds to within twelve leagues of the Havannah; and when aboutto put in there for shelter were carried back by a south wind to thecoast of Florida, where they arrived on the 12th of April, and came toanchor in the mouth of a bay where they could perceive some Indian hutson the shore[128]. Alonzo Enriquez, the comptroller of the armament, hailed the natives from a small island in the bay, and procured fromthem some fish and venison by means of barter. 

[Footnote 128: Having no indications whatever of the place of landing, it is quite impossible to attempt tracing the steps of Narvaez in hisshort and disastrous expedition to Florida. --E. ]

Next day, Narvaez went on shore with as many men as the boats couldcarry, and found the dwellings of the natives abandoned, one of thembeing large enough to contain three hundred men. In the houses werefound a number of fishing nets, and along with these a sort of tabor ordrum, ornamented with gold bells. On the day following, Narvaez landedall the rest of his men, and forty-two horses, the others having diedduring the voyage. Narvaez took formal possession of the country in thename of the king of Spain. Some of the Indians drew near that day, buthaving no interpreter they could not be conversed with, though itappeared by their threatening signs that they warned the Spaniards toleave their country. On the same day Narvaez marched northwards into thecountry, with forty men and six horses, and came to a large bay whichseemed to penetrate far into the interior. Having halted at that placefor the night, he returned next day to the ships. The pilot Meruelo wassent in the brigantine to find out a harbour for the squadron, and toendeavour to procure provisions. Having taken four prisoners, some maizewas shewn them, to endeavour to discover if the natives were acquaintedwith that grain, as none had been seen hitherto in the country. Theyaccordingly offered by signs to lead the Spaniards to where some of itcould be procured, and guided them to the town or village where theydwelt, where some maize was growing in a field in the environs. In thesame place, they found some Spanish chests, in each of which was a deadbody wrapped up in painted deers skins; and as the commissary JuanXuarez considered this to be some idolatrous institution, he ordered thechests and bodies to be burned. They likewise found some pieces of linenand woollen cloth, with several plumes of feathers which seemed to havecome from Mexico, and a small quantity of gold. Being interrogated bysigns whence these things were procured, the Indians made themunderstand by similar means that there was great abundance of gold in aprovince at a very great distance called _Apalache_[129]. 

[Footnote 129: The name of Apalache is now given to a large bay on thewestern coast of East Florida, and towards its northern extremity, thebottom or northern extremity of which is in lat. 30° N. And long. 67°13' W. Where a small river named St Marks enters the sea. The riverApalachicola, likewise named R. Des Cahuilas, or Catahoche, runs intothe western part of the same bay by two mouths, the easternmost of whichis about fifteen miles S. W. Of St. Marts River, and western mouth abouttwenty miles farther to the W. S. W. The same name is applied to the southwestern extremity of the great range of mountains in the middle statesof North America; dividing the Atlantic country from the western waterswhich run into the Ohio, called Blue Mountains, Alleghany Mountains, andApalachean Mountains. These last divide North Carolina from the sourcesof the Tenassee and Cumberland rivers. A part likewise of Georgia, eastfrom the Apalachicola river, along the northern boundary of EastFlorida, is still named the Apalachi country. --E. ]

Twelve leagues from thence they came to an Indian town consisting offifteen houses, near which there was great plenty of maize just ripe. Narvaez and others were of opinion that they should march immediatelyinto the interior, sending the ships in search of a safe harbour on thecoast; but the treasurer of the expedition, Alvar Nunnez Gabeza de Vaca, advised that they should all embark till such time as a safe harbourcould be discovered. The other opinion prevailed, and the whole landforces set out upon their march on the 1st of May, being about threehundred foot and forty horse, every man carrying two pounds of biscuit, and half a pound of bacon. With only that scanty provision, theyproceeded for fifteen days, finding nothing to eat in the country, except some _palmetoes_ like those of Andalusia, and without seeing anytowns, house, or Indians in the whole way. At this time they came to ariver which they crossed, some by swimming and others on rafts orfloats, which employed them a whole day in consequence of the strengthof the current. They were opposed by about two hundred Indians on theopposite bank, who only threatened them without coming to blows. Ofthese they took six prisoners who conducted the Spaniards to theirdwellings, where they found a considerable quantity of Indian corn, which proved a great relief to their urgent necessities. From this placetwo officers were sent with a detachment in search of the sea-coast, inhopes of establishing a communication with the ships; but all they foundwas a creek only fit for receiving canoes. 

After a short stay, they marched onwards in quest of the province of_Apalache_, which the Indians had reported to be rich in gold, guided inthe way by some of their prisoners. After marching fifteen days withoutmeeting with any inhabitants, they fell in with an Indian chief, who wasdressed in a painted deers skin, carried on the back of one of hissubjects, and attended by a great number of Indians, some of whom wentbefore him playing upon a kind of pipes made of reeds. On being informedby signs that the Spaniards were in search of the province of Apalache, he seemed to intimate that he was an enemy to the people of thatcountry. The Spaniards gave this cacique beads, hawk-bells, and othersuch trinkets, and continued their march. They came that night to ariver which was so rapid that they durst not venture to cross it onfloats, and were therefore obliged to construct a canoe for thatpurpose. Juan Velasquez ventured to attempt crossing it by swimming hishorse, but both were drowned, and the Indian attendants on the caciquedrew the drowned horse from the river and eat him for their supper. Ontheir arrival at the town belonging to the cacique, they were suppliedwith Indian corn, and next day were guided on their way through thickwoods, in which the road was obstructed by many fallen trees, and thefragments of others which had been shivered by lightning, as the countrywas subject to severe thunderstorms. On the 25th of June, Narvaez andhis people came in sight of Apalache, without having been perceived byany of the inhabitants; and, though weary and hungry they were all inhigh spirits, thinking themselves at the end of their labours, and thatthey should find some great treasure in recompence of their fatigues. Some horsemen immediately entered the place, in which they found onlywomen and children; but the men soon returned and attacked them withtheir bows and arrows, and were soon repulsed, yet killed thecomptrollers horse. This town of Apalache contained forty low huts orcabins, enclosed among thick woods and morasses in which they foundabundance of maize, deer-skins, mantles, head-dresses for women, andstones for grinding corn, but no gold. All the country, from the placewhere the Spaniards landed to Apalache was one continued sandy flat, yetthickly overgrown with woods of walnut, laurel, liquid-amber, cedar, savine, oak, pine, and palmetoes; interpersed with many swamps ormorasses which were very troublesome to pass, and many fallen treeswhich lay athwart the way. In their march they saw three different kindsof deer, hares, rabbits, bears, and _lions_[130], with other wildbeasts; and among these an animal called the opossum, which carries itsyoung in a pouch under the belly till they are able to shift forthemselves. The country is cold[131], and has good pasture for cattle. In the woods and marshes through which they passed they saw manydifferent kinds of birds, as geese, ducks, herons, partridges, falcons, hawks, and many others. Two hours after the arrival of the Spaniards, the inhabitants of Apalache came to demand their wives and children, allof whom were set free; but as the cacique was detained they were muchdispleased, and came next day to assault the place, endeavouring to setfire to their own houses, but on the appearance of the Spaniards theyfled to the morasses; and next day a similar attempt was made but withthe same consequences. 

[Footnote 130: It is hardly necessary to say that there are no lions inAmerica. The Spaniards must accordingly have given this name to thecougar, now called the panther by the North Americans, a very inferiorspecies of the feline race. --E. ]

[Footnote 131: This must be considered as in comparison with the climateof Cuba and Hispaniola, to which the Spaniards had been long accustomed, as the climate of Florida is certainly hot in reference to any part ofEurope. --E. ]

The Spaniards remained twenty-five days at this place, during which timethey made three incursions into the country to some distance, finding itevery where ill-inhabited and difficultly penetrable, owing to similarobstacles with those they had already encountered. From, the caciquewhom they had in custody, they were informed that Apalache was one ofthe best towns in these parts, and that on going farther inland the landwas worse and more thinly peopled. He added, that at nine days journeysouthwards there was a town called _Aute_ near the sea, inhabited by atribe in amity with him, who had plenty of provisions. Taking thisinformation into consideration, and especially as the Indians ofApalache did them considerable injury by frequent assaults, and alwaysretreated to their fortresses in the marshes, the Spaniards determinedupon returning towards the sea. On the second day of their retrogrademarch, they were attacked by the Indians while passing across a morass, and several both men and horses were wounded, without being able to takevengeance on their enemies, as they always fled into the water. TheseIndians were of large stature and well made, very nimble, and wententirely naked, being armed with bows as thick as a mans arm and twelvespans long. They marched in this manner, under continual assaults, foreight days, at the end of which period they came to the town of Aute, where they got Indian corn, pompions, kidney-beans, and otherprovisions. From this place the treasurer, Cabeza de Vaca, was sent witha party to endeavour to find the sea; but came back in three days, reporting that the sea was far off, and he had only been able to reachsome creeks which penetrated deep into the land. They had alreadytravelled two hundred and eighty leagues from the place at which theyfirst landed, in all which way they had seen neither mountain nor evenany thing which could be called a hill[132]. The men were become muchdejected and very sickly, and no longer able to travel so as toendeavour to make their way back to where they left the ships; in whichmiserable condition it was resolved to build some barks for the purposeof making their way along shore in search of the ships. They accordinglyconstructed five barks, each of them twenty cubits long, which theycaulked with the husks of palmetoes, making ropes of the manes and tailsof their horses, and sails of their shirts; but were hardly able to findenough of stones to serve for ballast and anchors. 

[Footnote 132: Their wandering had probably been in the country of theCreeks, in the western parts of Georgia, and the two rivers they crossedmay have been the Catahehe and Mobile; but we have no indications fromwhich to form any conjecture as to the part of the coast on which theybuilt their ill-fated barks. --E. ]

They embarked on the 22d of September, after having eaten all theirhorses, and having lost above forty of their men from sickness, besidesseveral who were slain by the Indians. Their barks were hardly able tocarry them, and they had no sailors among them to direct their perilousnavigation. After five days painful progress among intricatecreeks[133], they came at last to an island, where they found fivecanoes abandoned by the Indians, and on going into a house they foundsome dried skates which were a very acceptable though scanty relief totheir necessities. Proceeding onwards with the help of these canoes, they suffered extremely for want of water, during which five of themdied in consequence of drinking sea-water too freely. Owing to thisnecessity they were again obliged to land on the continent, where theyfound water and fish ready dressed in some Indian houses. At night thesepeople attacked them, and the cacique of Apalache whom they had hithertokept along with them made his escape, leaving a mantle of sables behindhim so strongly scented with ambergris that it could be smelt from aconsiderable distance. Obliged to reimbark, and the weather provingstormy, the barks were all dispersed, and none of them ever more heardof except that in which Cabeza de Vaca was, which was thrown ashore. Panfilo de Narvaez and most of his men were assuredly lost in the storm, or destroyed by the Indians on shore; though there was a foolish reportlong current that he had penetrated to the South Sea. 

[Footnote 133: These intricacies may possibly have been between MobileBay, and the western bay of Spiritu Santo at the mouths of theMississippi. --E. ]

 * * * * *

SECTION III. 

_Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss ofNarvaez. _

When cast on shore, as mentioned at the close of the former section, Cabeza de Vaca and the people along with him were relieved by theIndians; and on endeavouring again to put to sea, the bark was overset, three of the Spaniards were drowned, and Cabeza and a few more got againon shore, naked and without arms. On seeing the miserable plight ofthese unhappy Spaniards, the Indians came to them with provisions, satdown by them and lamented their misfortunes, carried them to theirhouses, and made fires by the way to warm them, otherwise they must haveperished with the cold, as they were naked and it was now the month ofNovember. They were put into a house with a good fire, the nativesdancing all night close by them, which the Spaniards were sadly afraidwas a prelude to their being sacrificed next day. But as they wereplentifully supplied with provisions they began to recover their spiritsand confidence next day. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were soonafterwards joined by the Spaniards who had escaped from the wreck ofanother bark. At first they were in all eighty men; but in a short timetheir number was reduced to fifteen, as they were forced to winter onthe island, exposed to excessive cold and great scarcity of provisions. Owing to their misfortunes, they called this _Isola de Mal-hado_, or theisle of Bad-Luck[134]. 

[Footnote 134: As we have no information in the text which could lead tosuppose that Cabeza ever crossed the great river Missisippi, eitherbefore landing on the island of Mal-hado, or in his subsequent journeyto New Spain, the isle of Bad-Luck may have been to the west of theMissisippi. --E. ]

The inhabitants of this island were of large stature, their only weaponsbeing bows and arrows. The men had one of their nipples bored, wearing apiece of reed in the hole, and a similar ornament in their under lip. They dwelt in this island from October to February, feeding much oncertain roots. In the months of November and December they caught fishin a kind of wears inclosed with reeds; but these were not to be got atany other time. At the latter end of February, when all the roots wereeaten, they were forced to remove from the island in search of foodelsewhere. These natives were extraordinarily fond of their children, the parents and kindred lamenting for such as died during a whole year, after which they completed the funeral ceremonies, and washed off theblack paint they had worn in token of mourning. They did not lament forthe death of the old, alleging that they had lived their time, and thatthey took away the food which ought to go to the children. All the deadwere buried, except the _physicians_[135], whose bodies were burnt, andtheir ashes kept for a year, after which these ashes were mixed withwater and drank by the relations of the deceased. Every man wascontented with one wife; but these physicians had usually two or threeeach, who lived together very amicably. When a man engages to marry thedaughter of another, he gives her all he possesses, and sends to thefather of his bride every thing he kills, and in return his diet is senthim from the house of his father-in-law, as he is not permitted to enterthe house during the first year of the marriage. Should hisfather-in-law or any of the brothers of his wife meet him during thattime, they always look down and pass on without speaking; yet in thatperiod the woman converses freely with the father or other relations ofher husband. These customs are observed both in the island of _Mal-hado_and through all the country of Florida for fifty leagues inland. When ason or brother dies, the people of the house will rather starve than goin quest of any thing to eat during three months, in all which time therelations of the family send in all that is necessary for theirsustenance. Owing to this, several families in Mal-hado were in greatstraits while the Spaniards resided among them, as many had died and thesurvivors strictly observed the custom. The houses in the island were ofmats, and strewed with oyster shells, on which they lay at night starknaked round the fire. The inhabitants of the province of_Tegesta_[136], reaching from the Martyrs to Cape Cannaveral, feedbetter than those Indians among whom Cabeza resided, beingextraordinarily expert fishers. Two of them will venture out in a smallcanoe to attack, whales when any are seen upon the coast. One of themsteers or paddles the canoe; while the other, being provided with two orthree stakes and a mallet, leaps into the sea as soon as he sees a whalerise to the surface, gets upon its head, and immediately drives one ofthe stakes into one of the spiracles or blowing holes by which the whalebreathes. The whale immediately dives to the bottom; and when forced tocome up again to breathe, he repeats the operation and plugs up theother spiracle, so that it cannot get breath and is soon suffocated. When the whale dies, they fasten a line of withes or twisted branches toits neck, and tow it to the shore, where it serves a long while for themto feed upon. 

[Footnote 135: So called by the translator of Herrera, but perhaps thesewere a kind of priests or conjurers. --E. ]

[Footnote 136: In some modern maps _Tegesta_ is considered as thesouthern extremity of the province of East Florida. --E. ]

Cabeza de Vaca and the remnant of his unfortunate companions remained inthe isle of Mal-hado till the end of April 1529, by which time all thefood in the island being devoured, the whole population was forced byhunger to go over to the continent of Florida, where they fed upon wildberries. The Spaniards were obliged to act as physicians to the natives, as otherwise they were refused food. In the exercise of this profession, they made the sign of the cross on the parts affected, reciting the_Pater noster_, and prayed to God to heal their patients, who allaffirmed that they derived great benefit from these ceremonies, andsupplied the Spaniards with food in return. There were two languagesused among these natives within a very little distance, those who spokethe one being called _Capoques_, and the others _Han_. When the nativeshappened to meet together after a long separation, they would often sitdown and weep for half an hour before they began to converse. 

All the remaining Spaniards, to the number of fourteen, went away alongthe coast, leaving Cabeza de Vaca behind, who happened to be sick andunable to travel. On his recovery, he had to search among the water forroots[137] on which to support himself. Wearied of this uncomfortablemanner of life, and being entirely naked, he went away among a tribecalled the _Charrucos_, who dwelt among mountains, where he fared muchbetter, as he turned merchant, going about from place to place barteringsuch things as they wanted, and in this way he travelled over forty orfifty leagues of the coast. He dealt in sea-shells like those of snailswhich were used as beads, and in a different kind of shells which wereused instead of knives; and in return for these he procured deer-skins, vermillion, and ochre, with which the natives paint themselves, flintsfor pointing arrows, a kind of bitumen with which these arrow heads arefastened, and reeds with which the arrow shafts are made, as also tuftsof deers hair dyed red, which are used as ornaments. By means of thistrade Cabeza de Vaca had liberty to go wherever he pleased, and was wellreceived wherever he went, receiving provisions in return for hismerchandize. 

[Footnote 137: Probably the translator has mistaken the original of thispassage, and Cabeza may have searched for shell fish adhering to theroots of trees under water. --E. ]

Cabeza de Vaca continued in this mode of life to the year 1535, alwayswell entertained, and always travelling towards the south west to gainground in hopes of regaining his liberty by getting out of the countryinto Mexico[138]. Though naked and alone, and enduring much hunger andcold, he enjoyed his liberty, and remained six years in that part of thecountry, always in hopes of being able to bring away his two remainingcountrymen, Oviedo and Alanis, who had tarried in the island ofMal-hado. At length Alanis died, and he set off along with Oviedo. Coming to a creek near a mile in breadth, supposed by them to be thatcalled _Del Espiritu Santo_[139], they were informed by some Indiansthat they would find three men like themselves farther on, whose namesthey told. They also said that the Indians had slain Orantes, Valdivieso, Huelva, Esquibel, and Mendez[140]; but that the three whostill lived were very ill used, especially by the boys, who kicked, beat, and abused them for their amusement. At this time the Indianstreated Cabeza and Oviedo very ill, so that Oviedo went back along withsome of the natives, but Cabeza stayed and they two never met more. 

[Footnote 138: Herrera, V. 92. ]

[Footnote 139: It is quite impossible to form any reasonable conjectureas to the situation of this creek, which could not be the bay ofEspiritu Santo in East Florida; nor that of the same name nearlyopposite in West Florida at the mouth of the Missisippi. --E. ]

[Footnote 140: There is considerable difficulty to understand thetranslation here, as Mr Stevens does not seem to have understood hisoriginal. Orantes appears in the sequel to have been still alive; but wemust take the translation as it is, not having the original toconsult. --E. ]

Two days after the departure of Oviedo, the Indians with whom Orantesresided came to the banks of this creek to eat nuts, on which they fedtwo months of the year. Orantes went to visit Cabeza who had been hiddenby some Indians who favoured him, and it was a great satisfaction tothese friends to meet, though in great trouble as being naked andmiserable in a land of savages. They agreed to endeavour to proceed tothe south-west, but to remain with the Indians till the nuts wereconsumed, and then to remove along with them to another place where theyfed upon _tunas;_ because if they should attempt to escape the Indianswould kill them. 

All the rest belonging to the expedition had perished, some having beenstoned to death by the natives, and others drowned, among whom wasPanfilo de Narvaez, as Figueroa, who was present, related to Cabeza. Among these Indians who fed upon _tunas_ they endured much hunger, asthere was not enough for them all. In that country there were grey andblack wild cattle of low stature, like those of Barbary, having verylong hair, but their flesh was coarser than the beef of Spain. Havingconcerted to make their escape, the Indians among whom they lived had aquarrel on account of a woman, and parted company, so that the Spaniardswere obliged to separate likewise, but agreed to meet again at the sameplace next year, which they did accordingly, but were again separated onthe very day when they meant to have fled. Yet they appointed to meetagain on the 1st of September, when the moon was full. Two of them cameon the 13th and Orantes on the 14th, when they actually fled. Coming toa tribe of Indians called _Avares_, they were well received and procuredplenty of provisions, as these people had learnt that the Christiansperformed cures. That same night three Indians came to wait upon themwho were troubled with pains in their heads, desiring Castillo to curethem, and as soon as he had blessed them with the sign of the cross theybecame well; in reward for which they brought _tunas_ and venison, andblazed abroad the wonderful cures which had been performed upon them bythe strangers. In consequence of this so many persons came to be cured, and brought with them such abundance of provisions that the Spaniardsknew not how to dispose of it, and the Indians made a solemn dance forjoy of the cures. The Spaniards intended to have proceeded farther, buton being informed that the country through which they meant to travelwas desert, the tunas all eaten, and the climate excessively cold, theyagreed to remain with the Avares all winter, who went five days journeyinto the country to feed on a sort of fruit called _yeros_. When theyhad settled their habitation near a river, many Indians came with theirsick to be cured by Castillo, who blessed them and prayed to God to curethem, as this was the only means they had for subsistence. Next morningthey were all well to the great satisfaction and astonishment of theIndians; and for which the Spaniards returned thanks to God, confidingthat he would deliver them out of their miserable bondage. 

Departing from the _Avares_, the Spaniards came to certain tribes ofIndians called _Maliconas_, _Susolas_, and _Atayos_, among whom theirwonderful cures were already known, so that many sick persons werebrought to them. But as Castillo was a man who feared God, and despairedof being able to do them good on account of his unworthiness, Cabeza deVaca was obliged to officiate in his stead. Taking along with himOrantes and the mulatto Estevanillo, he went to visit a sick person in avery dangerous condition, being almost dead, with his eyes turned in hishead, and no pulse; and so confident were the Indians of his approachingdeath that his house was already pulled down according to their customon such occasions. Cabeza took off the mat from the dying man, prayed toGod to restore him to health, and when he had several times blessed theman and breathed on him, the attendants presented him with a bow andarrows and a basket of _tunas_, conducting him to cure others in thesame manner. After this the Spaniards returned to their quarters, andwere informed by the Indians that the dying man had got up, spoken tohis friends, and eaten with them, and that all the rest of theirpatients were in perfect health. The fame of these cures spread over allthe country, so that many other sick persons were brought to them to behealed, bringing presents of provisions. According to their account, theSpaniards remained eight moons among the _Avares_, neither Orantes norEstevanillo having yet performed any cures, though so much importunedthat they were at length forced to comply, being called the _children ofthe sun_. Being intent on prosecuting their journey, they fled one daysjourney into the country of the _Maliconas_, where they fed for twelvedays on a small kind of fruit till the _tunas_ were ripe. Having enduredmuch hunger there for some time, they were directed to the habitationsof another tribe which spoke the same language. To add to theirsufferings, they lost their way, and it rained very much whichdistressed them greatly, as they were entirely naked. They rested thatnight in a wood, where they roasted tunas as food. Next morning, whenendeavouring to find out their way, they met a number of women andchildren who all ran away to call the men, who conducted the Spaniardsto their village, consisting of fifty houses. The natives gazed on thestrangers with much fear and admiration, touching their faces andbodies; and when recovered from their fright they brought their sick tobe cured by them, and even forbore from eating themselves that theymight supply the Spaniards with food. 

So great is the want of food in all the country from the isle ofMal-hado to this district of the Maliconas, that the natives are oftenthree days without eating; on which account it is the custom of mothersto suckle their children till twelve years of age, and they never haveany intercourse with their husbands till two years after delivery. Whena married pair do not agree, it is customary for them to part and formnew connections, but this is never done when they have children. Whenthe men fall out among themselves they only use their fists or cudgels, never employing their bows and arrows in private broils; and on theseoccasions the women only venture to interpose to part them. TheseIndians are very brave, and are as vigilant against their enemies as thebest soldiers in Europe. They dig ditches, throw up entrenchments, makeloop-holes, lay ambushes, and use various stratagems with great art andpatience, usually killing each other by surprise in the night. They arevery cruel, are always ready on any alarm, and are watchful ofopportunities to take revenge and to gain advantage over any want offoresight in their enemies. When actually engaged in battle, they have astrange manner of skipping about from side to side, to prevent theirenemies from taking aim, and they shoot their arrows in a stoopingposture, to prevent being observed. Their languages are exceedinglyvarious, changing almost at each town. 

Coming to another town, the Indians brought their children to touch thehands of the Spaniards, giving them meal made of a fruit like carobs, which was eaten along with a certain kind of earth, and was very sweetand agreeable. Departing from thence, after passing a great river thewater of which reached to their breasts, they came to a town of anhundred houses, whence the people came out to meet them with greatshouts, clapping their hands on their thighs, and making a kind of musicby means of hollow gourds with stones in them. These Indians receivedthem with great kindness, carrying them to their houses withoutsuffering their feet to touch the ground, and great numbers flocked tothem to be blessed. Next day they continued their journey, and were wellreceived by the next Indians, who supplied them with plenty of venison, and brought their sick to be cured. They were equally well treated bythe next succeeding tribe, by whom so great rejoicing was made for theirarrival, that they could not sleep for the noise. They observed astrange custom among all these Indians, who, when they escorted theSpaniards to another tribe, always plundered the houses they came to. Cabeza and his companions were much concerned at this; but those who hadlost their goods in this manner made quite light of the matter, desiringthem not to be troubled at it, as they would repay themselves farther onamong tribes who were very rich. At this place the Spaniards began toperceive a chain of mountains which they thought extended towards NewSpain, and to which they now directed their journey accompanied by theIndians, who pillaged as usual wherever they went. When their guidesretired, their new hosts presented the Spaniards with such things asthey had hidden, being beads, vermillion, and some small bags of silver. 

At this place the Spaniards agreed not to make for the mountainouscountry, where the inhabitants were reported to be ferocious, but tocontinue in the low country in which the people were extremelycourteous. Many men and women loaded with water bore them company, andtheir authority was so great that no one would presume to drink withouttheir leave. In this part of their journey they proceeded along a river, having been abandoned by their Indian guides, and were supplied withsome meal made of Indian corn by two women. About sun-set they came to avillage of about twenty houses, where the inhabitants were in great fearof being plundered by their guides; but were quite rejoiced on seeingthem come alone. Next morning, when the Spaniards were about to depart, the inhabitants of the former town came in a body and plundered that inwhich they had spent the night; telling the inhabitants that thesestrangers were children of the sun and cured the sick, though able todestroy them all, and therefore that they must be respected; they toldthem likewise to go and plunder the next town according to custom, andto carry the strangers on their way. The Spaniards were accordingly welltreated by this tribe, who carried them on for three days to a placehaving many houses, sending some before to give an account of what theothers had said of the Spaniards, to which they added much of their owninvention, being fond of novelty and much addicted to lying, especiallywhere any advantage was expected. The Spaniards were well received, andtheir guides plundered as much as they could find and then returned totheir own habitations. From this place the Spaniards travelled abovefifty leagues along the face of a mountain, and came to a town of fortyhouses, in one of which they were shewn a large copper hawks-bellornamented with a face, which these people valued highly, saying thatthey got it from a neighbouring tribe. Travelling from thence sevenleagues over a mountain, the stones of which were iron ore, they came tosome houses on the banks of a river, where the principal men came out tomeet them, having their children on their backs, and presented theSpaniards, with small bags of fine sand and powdered antimony, withwhich they daub their faces, and gave them also beads and cloaks made ofdressed skins. The food at this place was tunas and the kernels of pineapples, better than those of Spain, but smaller, as were the trees[141]. 

[Footnote 141: This surely is a mistake of the translator, as pineapples do not grow on trees, nor are their kernels the edible part. Itmay possibly have been pine nuts, or something of a similar kind. --E. ]

At this place a man was brought to Cabeza who had been wounded by anarrow, the point of which as he said had reached his heart and gave himmuch pain, being still there, and he was to all appearance in extremedanger. Cabeza opened his breast with a knife and extracted the arrowhead with much difficulty, after which he stitched up the wound andstaunched the bleeding with the scrapings of a cows hide. The point ofthe arrow was exhibited all over the country, and caused much rejoicing. After some days, Cabeza removed the stitches, and the man was quitesound, declaring himself free of pain. This cure acquired the Spaniardsso great reputation that they could do any thing they pleased. From thisplace they proceeded through so many different tribes that it weretedious and indeed impossible to mention them all; and all the way eachtribe as they conducted the Spaniards to the next, plundered theirneighbours in succession. Through the whole journey the Spaniards had somuch company that they knew not how to turn themselves. During theirjourney the Indians killed many deer, hares, pigeons, and other birds bymeans of their arrows and spears, all of which they presented to theSpaniards, and would not use them for their own necessities withoutleave. Sometimes they were attended by above four thousand persons atonce, which was extremely troublesome, as none of them would either eator drink till the Spaniards had blessed the food and drink and breathedon them. 

They travelled in this manner for upwards of thirty leagues, at the endof which the mode of their reception was considerably changed as theIndians who accompanied them ceased plundering; yet the tribe at whichthey arrived offered every thing they had, which was divided among theescort, who then returned to their own dwellings, and this triberecovered what they had given away in a similar manner on accompanyingthe Spaniards to the next tribe. In the course of their journey howeverthe Spaniards had to travel for more than fifty leagues through a craggymountainous country, where they suffered extremely for want of food, till at length they arrived at a plain country where they met with akind reception, and where their escort received abundance of goods andprovisions and then returned to their own habitations. As the peoplefarther on were at war with the tribe where the Spaniards then were, twowomen were sent on to inform the hostile tribe of the approach of theChristians, as it was usual among these people, even when at war, tocontinue an intercourse of trade by means of their women. Continuingtheir journey, the Spaniards were inclined to change the route more tothe northwards, as no person came to meet them from the tribe to whichthe women were sent; but the Indians who accompanied them objected tothis measure, as they alleged that the natives in that direction werewicked and cruel, and that besides they would be unable to procure foodor water. As the Spaniards were displeased at this interruption, theIndians declared themselves ready to go with them wherever they werepleased to command, even though sure to perish, and they accordinglywent on; but as many of the Indians fell sick, and eight of them died inthis part of the journey, the other tribes were thrown into greatconsternation, believing that they should all die upon being visited bythe Spaniards. So great was the dread and reverence in which theSpaniards were held by the Indians, who imagined they were the cause ofthe sickness and death of their countrymen, that they earnestlyentreated the Spaniards not to be angry with them. Cabeza de Vaca andhis companions became apprehensive that this mortality might estrangethe Indians from them, and therefore prayed earnestly to God to put astop to the sickness, and accordingly all who were sick beganimmediately to recover. 

Three days journey from thence, Orantes and Estevanillo went under theguidance of a female slave to a village in which her father lived, andwhere they saw the first houses that were built in any thing likeregular order, the inhabitants of which cultivated kidney-beans, pompions, and maize. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions went to thisplace, dismissing their former conductors. At this town a new custombegan among the natives. Instead of coming out to meet the Spaniards ashad been the case hitherto, the inhabitants were all seated in theirhouses, hanging down their heads with their hair before their eyes, andall their goods in a heap in the middle of the floor, presenting allthey possessed to the strangers. These natives were well shaped andindustrious, and their language easily comprehended. The women and suchmen as were unfit for war were dressed in mantles made of deer skins. After remaining two days among these Indians, who directed them to go inthe first place up a river to the northwards, where they would findabundance of wild cattle, and then to turn westwards, in which directionthe natives cultivated maize. Following this direction, they proceededfor thirty-four days across the country, till they came at length to theSouth Sea. In this journey the Spaniards suffered prodigious hardshipsand were reduced to extremity by famine, having to pass through theterritories of a tribe which feeds on pounded straw for a considerableportion of the year, and they had the misfortune to come among them atthat period. At length they came to a better country, in which thenatives had tolerable houses, with plenty of corn, pompions, andkidney-beans, the people being decently dressed in cotton mantles. Fromthis place their former conductors returned well pleased with the thingsthey procured according to the usual customs among the natives. Cabezaand his companions travelled above an hundred leagues with muchsatisfaction in this country, blessing God for having brought them atlength into a land of plenty, as besides vegetable food in abundance, the natives killed venison and other game, and presented the Spaniardswith cotton mantles, coral beads procured from the South Sea, turquoisestones, and several arrow heads made of emeralds, which they procuredfrom a neighbouring nation in exchange for various coloured plumes offeathers. 

In this country the women were more modestly clothed than any they hadhitherto seen. Every person, whether sick or well, came to the Spaniardsto be blessed, believing them to be men come down from heaven, so thattheir authority was unbounded among the natives. It fortunately happenedthat the Spaniards could make themselves understood wherever they went, although they only knew six of the Indian languages, which would havebeen of little use if Providence had not preserved them, considering thevast multiplicity of languages spoken among the detached tribes ofAmerica. Wherever they travelled, the tribes who happened to be at warimmediately made peace at their approach, that they might have theopportunity of seeing the Christians; who thus left them all in amity, and exhorted them wherever they went to worship the one only true Godwho had created the heaven and earth, the sun, moon, and stars, and allother things, and from whom proceeded all blessing. The Spaniardslikewise earnestly urged them to refrain from injuring one another bygoing to war or taking away the goods of others, with many similarinstructions, all of which were well received. The whole country alongthis coast seemed well peopled, and abounded in provisions, as thenatives sowed maize and kidney beans thrice a-year. In one town thenatives used poisoned arrows, their points being dipped in the juice ofsome kind of fruit or plant. At this place they staid three days; andafter a days journey, coming to another town, they were obliged to stopfor fifteen days, owing to the river being in flood. At this placeCastillo observed an Indian who had a sword buckle and a horse shoehanging from his neck, who alleged that he got them from heaven; but onbeing farther interrogated, he said that some bearded men had come fromheaven to that river, having horses, spears, and swords, who had goneagain to sea, where they and their spears plunged under water, butappeared afterwards above it again. Cabeza and his companions joyfullygave thanks to God for hearing some news of Christians after their longand distressing sojourn among the barbarians, and hastened on theirjourney to find them the sooner, telling all the Indians that they weregoing to order these bearded men not to kill or make slaves of thenatives nor to do them any harm. 

In continuing their journey they passed through a considerable extent offruitful and agreeable country, which was totally destitute ofinhabitants, all the Indians having fled to the mountains for fear ofthe Spaniards. They came at length to the top of a hill where a greatnumber of Indians had withdrawn, who presented them with a vast quantityof corn, which they gave to the poor famished natives who had escortedthem thither. Continuing their journey, they observed many indicationsof Spaniards having been in the country, and they pressed onwards givingpraise to God that their long and miserable captivity seemed near aclose. One day, while Cabeza and Estevanillo were in advance, accompanied by eleven Indians, they overtook four Spanish horsemen, whowere much astonished at being accosted in their own language by personsin their strange garb and appearance. Cabeza requested to be conductedto their commander, Diego de Alcaraz, who informed him they were now in_New Galicia_, and about thirty leagues from the town of San Miguel. Castillo and Orantes then came up, attended by above six hundred of theIndians who had deserted their habitations from fear of the Spaniards. By their means all the others were induced to return to their houses inpeace and to sow the land. Cabeza and his three companions having takenleave of the Indians who accompanied them with many thanks for theirprotection, travelled twenty-five leagues farther to a place called_Culiacan_[142], where they arrived much spent with long fatigue andafter having endured much hunger and thirst during their arduous andanxious peregrinations through the vast wilderness from Florida to NewGalicia. 

[Footnote 142: Culiacan, or Hueicolhuacan, on a river of the same namewhich discharges itself into the Vermilion Sea or Gulf of California, isin lat. 24° 50' N. Long. 106° 40' W. In the province of Cinaloa. Cabezade Vaca and his companions had therefore followed an oblique course fromthe north-east in the south of Louisiana entirely across the continent, to the south-west, from about the latitude of 31° to 25° both north; ajourney in all probability exceeding 1200 English miles in a straightline. The beginning of their journey seems to have been to the west ofthe Missisippi, as that great river is not mentioned; neither indeed dowe find any indications of the Rio Bravo del Norte, which they mustnecessarily have crossed. --E. ]

Melchior Diaz, who was captain and alcalde of the province, receivedthem with singular humanity, giving praise to God for having deliveredthem out of their tedious and miserable captivity, and requested them touse their endeavours to appease the Indians of that part of the country, who were in arms against the Spaniards. This they most readilyundertook, and sent messages by some of the Indians to the neighbouringcaciques, three of whom came to Culiacan attended by thirty Indians, bringing presents of feathers and emeralds. In conversation with theseIndians about their religious belief, they said they believed in a beingnamed _Aguar_, the lord of all things, who resided in heaven and sentthem rain when they prayed to him for it; such being the tradition theyhad learnt from their fathers. Cabeza told them that _Aguar_ was GOD theCreator of heaven and earth, who disposed all things according to hisholy will, and who, after this life, rewarded the good and punished thewicked. He exhorted them therefore to believe henceforwards in this onlytrue God, to return to their houses and live in peace, to build a housefor the worship of God after the manner of the Christians, and when anySpaniards came to visit them, that they should meet them with crosses intheir hands, and not with bows and arrows; promising, if they did this, that the Spaniards would be their good friends and would teach themevery thing they ought to know, that God might make them happy in thenext life. All this the Indians engaged to perform. Cabeza de Vaca andhis companions went on from Culiacan for San Miguel[143], attended by afew Indians, the natives by the way coming out to meet them in greatnumbers with presents, whom they exhorted to become Christians as theywere now subjects to the king of Spain. They all received these advicesin the most friendly manner, requesting to have their children baptized. While on the road they were overtaken by Alcaraz, by whom they wereinformed that all the deserted country through which they had latelytravelled was again well peopled and in peace, and that the Indians wereall occupied in sowing their lands. 

[Footnote 143: San Miguel is not to be found in the most recent map ofNew Spain by M. De Humboldt; that name may possibly have been given tothe city of Mazatlan, in lat. 23° 15' N. On the coast of Cinaloa. --E. ]

Cabeza de Vaca and his companions judged that the extent of countrythrough which they had travelled, from Florida on the Atlantic to SanMiguel on the South Sea, could not be less than two hundredleagues[144], as they declared upon oath before a notary at San Miguelon the 15th of May 1536, before whom likewise they subscribed anarrative of all the incidents of their weary pilgrimage. After restingfifteen days in San Miguel, they proceeded to the city ofCompostella[145], a distance of an hundred leagues, where Nunno deGuzman then was, by whom they were kindly received and furnished withclothes and all other necessaries. From thence they went to Mexico, where they arrived on the 22d of July, and met with a courteousreception from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. Leaving Castillo andEstevanillo at Mexico, Cabeza de Vaca and Orantes proceeded to VeraCruz, whence they passed over into Spain in 1537. 

[Footnote 144: Two hundred Spanish leagues of 17-1/2 to the degree, orabout 800 English miles. It has been already stated in a former notethat the direct distance they had travelled could not be less than 1200miles, probably 1600 allowing for deflections. --E. ]

[Footnote 145: San Miguel and Compostella are both omitted in the mostrecent map of New Spain by Humboldt, though both are inserted inGovernor Pownalls map of North America; in which San Miguel is placedabout 27 miles S. E. From Culiacan, and Compostella 230 miles S. S. E. FromSan Miguel; all three near the western coast of New Spain, the former inthe province of Culiacan, the latter in that of Guadalaxara--E. ]

We learn from Herrera[146], that Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca was sentout in 1540 as governor of the incipient Spanish settlements on the RioPlata, in which expedition he was accompanied by his former companion indistress Orantes. In the year 1545, he was made prisoner by somemutinous officers of the colony and sent into Spain, where his conductwas cleared by the council of the Indies, yet he was not restored to hisgovernment. 

[Footnote 146: Herrera, V. 342, 390, 402. ]

SECTION IV. 

_Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand deSoto_[147]. 

[Footnote 147: Herrera, V. 223--239. --This narrative, as will be seen bythe series of quotations from Herrera, is broken down by that writerinto detached fragments, in consequence of rigid attention tochronological order. In the present instance these are arranged into oneunbroken journal, but with no other alteration in the text. It is one ofthe most curious of our early expeditions of discovery, bearing stronginternal evidence of having been taken by Herrera from an originaljournal, and so far as we know has never been adopted into any formerCollection. --E. ]

Ferdinand De Soto, had served with much reputation in Castilla del Oroand Nicaragua, and went with Pizarro upon the conquest of Peru, beingeven promoted for his worth and valour to the distinguished office oflieutenant-general under Pizarro. On the breaking out of thedisturbances between the factions of Pizarro and Almagro, he was so muchdisgusted that he returned into Spain, without having acquired theriches that his services and good qualities deserved, considering theimmense wealth which was found in Peru. Aspiring to undertake somebrilliant enterprise suited to his lofty genius, he petitioned the kingto be allowed to undertake the conquest of Florida, which was readilygranted to him, as he was a person of experience, of a fine presence andgraceful carriage, and well fitted by the strength of his constitutionto encounter the hardships incident to such hazardous enterprises. Sincethe entire failure and destruction of Panfilo de Narvaez and hisarmament, as already related, no one had hitherto offered to attempt thereduction of that country till now. Among the terms granted to Soto onthis occasion, he was appointed governor of the island of Cuba, whichwas to serve as a place of arms from whence to conduct the intendedconquest of Florida. On the design of this enterprise being made public, near a thousand men were soon raised for the expedition, among whom weremany gentlemen of good birth, encouraged by the reputation of thecommander, and the hopes of acquiring wealth. 

Ten ships were fitted out at San Lucar for carrying out the troops andall the necessary stores, which set sail on the 6th of April 1538, accompanying the fleet for New Spain, the whole being under the supremecommand of the adelantado Ferdinand de Soto so far as the island ofCuba, after which the _flota_ was to be commanded by Gonzalo de Salazar, the factor of New Spain. To shew his proud and turbulent disposition, onthe first night after going to sea, Salazar pushed a cannon shot a-headof all the fleet to affront the admiral, who immediately ordered a shotto be fired at him. The ball went through all the sails of Salazars shipfrom the poop to the head; and by a second shot, all the side of hisship was torn immediately above the deck. Salazars ship becameunmanageable from the injury done to her sails, and on the admiralpushing forwards the two ships ran foul of each other and were both inimminent danger of perishing in the dark, but by cutting all the riggingof the other ship the admiral got clear. Soto was so highly incensed bythis haughty conduct of Salazar that he had well nigh ordered him to bebeheaded; but forgave him on submission and promise of better behaviourin future. 

The fleet arrived safe at Santiago in Cuba. Not long before this aSpanish ship commanded by Diego Perez had an engagement of four dayscontinuance with a French privateer, separating courteously by mutualconsent every night, and recommencing furiously every morning; but theFrenchmen slipped off during the fourth night. Immediately on hisarrival in Cuba, Soto sent orders to repair the Havannah, which had beenburnt by some French privateers, and he ordered a fort to be built forthe protection of that place. Having sent some persons of skill todiscover and examine the harbours along the coast of Florida, andappointed his lady to administer the government of Cuba in his absence, he prepared to enter upon the great object of his expedition. 

Accordingly, having embarked nine hundred men and three hundred andthirty horses, he sailed from the Havannah on the 12th of May 1539, andcame to anchor on the last day of that month in the Bay of _EspirituSanto_ on the coast of Florida[148]. He immediately landed three hundredmen, who lay on shore all night without seeing a single native. Aboutday-break next day the Spanish detachment was attacked by a prodigiousmultitude of Indians, and compelled to retreat precipitously to theshore. Basco Porcallo de Figuero was sent with a party to their relief, as the Indians pressed hard upon them with incessant flights of arrows, and the Spaniards being raw soldiers unaccustomed to arms or disciplineknew not how to resist. On the approach of Porcallo the Indians wereobliged to retire in their turn; yet killed that commanders horse withan arrow, which pierced through the saddle lap and penetrated a spandeep into the horses body. All the forces were now landed, and marchedabout two leagues inland to a town belonging to the cacique_Harrihiagua_[149], who had fled to the mountains lest he should becalled to account for his cruelty to the Spaniards who had been hereformerly along with Panfilo de Narvaez. None of these were now alive inthe country except one man named Juan Ortiz, who had been saved by thewife of the cacique, who abhorred the cruel disposition of her husband. By her assistance, Ortiz had been enabled to make his escape to anothercacique named _Mucozo_, who protected him and used him well. Havinglearned where this man was, Soto sent Baltasar de Gallegos with sixtyhorsemen to bring him to the camp, wishing him to act as interpreterwith the natives. At the same time Mucozo was sending Ortiz with anescort of fifty Indians to offer peace to the Spaniards. These Indianswere all stark naked, except that each wore a small clout, but theirheads were ornamented with great plumes of feathers. They all carriedbows in their hands, and all had quivers well filled with arrows. 

[Footnote 148: It has been already mentioned that there are two bays ofthis name, one in _East_, and the other _West_ Florida. There can be nodoubt that the one here mentioned in the text is the former of these, inlat. 27° 48' N. Long. 83° 20' W. It lies on the western coast of EastFlorida, and runs about 35 miles into the land, dividing at its headinto two coves or bays named Hillsborough and Tampa. --E. ]

[Footnote 149: This name considerably resembles the names of men andplaces in Hispaniola and Cuba, hence we may conjecture Harrihiagua tohave been cacique over some of the emigrants said to have gone from Cubato Florida, as mentioned in the first section of this chapter. --E. ]

Immediately on seeing the horsemen, the Indians ran for shelter into thewood, being afraid of an attack, and the raw Spaniards went full speedafter them in spite of their commander. Ortiz alone remained in the openplain, and was assaulted by Alvaro Nieto with his lance. Ortiz leaped toone side to avoid the lance, and called out in the Indian languagehaving forgot his own by long disuse, but fortunately made the sign ofthe cross, on which Nieto asked if he were Juan Ortiz. Answering in theaffirmative, Nieto took him up behind him on his horse and carried himto his captain Gallegos, who was gathering his men that had dispersed inpursuit of the Indians. Some of the natives never stopped till theyreached the town of their cacique, but others were appeased, and seeingone of their companions wounded they exclaimed bitterly against Ortiz, as it had happened through his inadvertence. Soto was much pleased thathe had got Ortiz, whom he greatly caressed. He was likewise very kind tothe Indians who had accompanied him, and ordered the one who had beenwounded to be carefully dressed; and sent by them a message to thecacique Mucozo, thanking him for his kind usage of Ortiz, and offeringhis friendship. 

Ortiz could give very little account of the country, as his wholeemployment under his first master had been to carry wood and water, andhe had never ventured to go out of sight of the other who used him well, lest he might be suspected of endeavouring to escape; but he had beentold that the interior of the country was pleasant and fertile. Mucozocame to visit Soto, who entertained him and gave him some Spanishtrinkets to secure his friendship. Soon afterwards the mother of thecacique came weeping to the Spaniards, demanding to have her sonrestored, and begging that he might not be slain. Soto endeavoured tosooth and reassure her, yet she ate of such victuals as were offeredwith much hesitation, asking Ortiz whether she might eat in safety, asshe was fearful of being poisoned, and insisting that Ortiz should tasteevery thing in the first place. Mucozo remained a week among theSpaniards, amusing himself with the novelty of every thing he saw, andmaking many inquiries respecting the customs of Spain. During this timeSoto endeavoured to learn some particulars respecting the country, remaining always with his troops at the town belonging to Harrihiagua, because near the Bay of the Holy Ghost. At this time he dismissed theships, that his men might have no hopes of getting away from thecountry, following in this measure the example of many ancient andmodern commanders, and among these Cortes on his invasion of Mexico. Hereserved however four of his ships to serve upon particular occasions. 

Soto used every means to acquire the friendship of Harrihiagua, givingstrict charges that no damage should be done in his country, beingextremely unwilling to give the first cause of offence, but nothingcould prevail on that cacique to enter into any friendly connection. Assome of the men were sent out daily, under a strong escort, to bring inforage for the horses, they were one day suddenly assailed by amultitude of Indians, making such hideous yells as scared them for sometime. Before the Spaniards could recover from their panic, the Indianslaid hold of a soldier named Grajal, whom they carried off without doingany other harm. More Spaniards coming out on this alarm, the Indianswere pursued on the track for two leagues by twenty horsemen, when theywere found among some tall reeds eating, drinking, and making merry withtheir women, and bidding Grajal eat, as they told him they would use himbetter than Ortiz. On hearing the trampling of the horses all the menfled, leaving the women and children with Grajal, whom they hadstripped naked. The Spaniards returned well pleased with Grajal and thewomen and children, all of whom Soto set free along with some men whohad been made prisoners formerly, on purpose if possible to conciliatethe cacique and his subjects. 

After remaining three weeks in that place, Soto sent a detachment ofsixty horse and an equal number of foot under Gallegos to explore thecountry beyond the districts belonging to Harrihiagua and Mucozo, whichbelonged to a cacique named _Urribarracuxi_. On asking guides fromMucozo for this expedition, he refused it saying that it would betreacherous to furnish guides for doing injury to his friend andbrother-in-law. The Spaniards answered that they meant no injury, and hemight send his friend notice of their intended visit, as they wereresolved at all events to go. In that part of the country they foundmany wild vines, walnut-trees, mulberry, plum, oak, pine, and othertrees resembling those which grow in Spain, and the open fields appearedpleasant and fertile. But they found Urribarracuxi's town, which was atthe distance of seventeen leagues, entirely abandoned, and could by nomeans prevail upon him to come out of the woods or to contract anyfriendship with them, though he likewise entirely refrained from doingthem any harm. Gallegos sent back word to inform Soto of the nature ofthe country he had explored, and that there were plenty of provisions inthe town to which he had penetrated. Being anxious to take Harrihiaguaprisoner, his lieutenant Vasco Porcallo went out with a party on thatservice, though Soto advised him to send some other person. WhenHarrihiagua learnt the object of this expedition, he sent word toPorcallo that his labour would be all in vain, as the roads were so badhe would never be able to reach the place in which he dwelt. Porcallohowever persisted, and coming to a deep morass which his men refused toenter, he spurred on his horse to set a good example; but his horse soonfloundered in the morass and Porcallo fell off and was nearly stifled. Considering that he was well up in years and had a good estate, Porcalloconsidered this as a warning to him to desist from such dangerous andfatiguing enterprises, for which reason he asked leave to return toCuba, and distributed his horses, arms, and provisions among the troops, leaving his son Gomez Xuarez de Figuero well equipped behind him tocontinue the enterprise, which was better fitted for younger men, and inwhich Gomez acquitted himself like a man of honour. 

On receiving intelligence from Gallegos of the pleasantness of theinterior country, Soto determined to advance with the bulk of his men, leaving Calderon to command at the town belonging to Harrihiagua withforty horsemen, to secure the ships, provisions, and stores. On thisoccasion he gave strict orders to Calderon, to give no offence to theIndians, but rather to wink at any injuries they might offer. Soto didnot think proper to halt in the town of Mucozo, lest he might beburdensome to him and his people with so great a force, though thatfriendly cacique offered to entertain him. But he recommended to Mucozoto be kind to the Spaniards who had been left at the Bay of the HolyGhost. Soto marched N. N. E. To the town of Urribarracuxi, but neglectedto make proper marks in the country through which he travelled, whichwas a great fault, and occasioned much trouble in the sequel. On comingto the town of Urribarracuxi, he used every possible endeavour toprevail upon that cacique to enter into friendship, but quiteineffectually. Endeavouring to penetrate farther into the country insearch of that cacique, they came to a morass which was three leaguesover, and the road through which was so difficult as to take two days ofhard labour; and next day the advanced party or scouts returned sayingthat it was quite impossible to proceed farther in that direction, onaccount of a number of rivers which took their rise in the great morassand intersected the country in every direction. Three days wereineffectually spent in searching for some way to pass onwards, Sotobeing always among the foremost to go out upon discovery. During thisperiod the Indians made several excursions from the woods and morassesto assail the Spaniards with their arrows, but were generally repelledwithout doing any harm, and some of them made prisoners, who, to regaintheir liberty, pretended to shew the passes to the Spaniards, and ledthem to such places as were not fit for the purpose. On their knaverybeing discovered, some of them were torn in pieces by the dogs, which sointimidated the rest, that at length one of them undertook to guidethem, and very easily brought them into the open country. 

Soto and his men came soon afterwards to another morass, which had twolarge trees and some branches laid across its narrowest part to serve asa bridge. Soto sent two of his soldiers who were good swimmers to repairthe bridge, but they were set upon by many Indians in canoes from whomthey difficultly escaped after being severely wounded. But as theIndians no more appeared at this pass, the bridge was soon repaired, andthe army passed over into the province or district of another caciquenamed _Acuera_; who, upon receiving an offer of peace, sent back foranswer that he would rather have war than peace with vagabonds. Sotocontinued twenty days in this country, during which time the Indianskilled fourteen Spaniards who had straggled from the main body, whoseheads they carried to their cacique. The Spaniards buried the bodies oftheir companions wherever they found them; but the Indians dug them upagain and hung their quarters upon trees. In the same time the Spaniardsonly killed fifty Indians, as they were always on their guard and keptamong the woods and swamps. Leaving the town of Acuera, to which theydid no harm, Soto continued his march inland for _Ocali_, keeping adirection a little to the east of north, through a fertile country freefrom morasses. At the end of about twenty leagues they came to Ocali, atown of about six hundred houses, abounding in Indian corn, pulse, acorns, dried plums, and nuts. The cacique and all his people hadwithdrawn into the woods, and at the first message desiring them to comeout sent a civil evasive answer, but complied at the second summons withsome apprehension. 

Going some days afterwards accompanied by this cacique to examine ariver over which it was intended to lay a bridge, there appeared aboutfive hundred Indians on the other side, who shot their arrows towardsthe Spaniards, continually crying out "go away with you, vagabondrobbers!" Soto asked the cacique why he permitted his subjects to behavein this manner; to which he made answer that many of them had thrown offtheir obedience because he had entered into friendship with theSpaniards. Soto therefore gave him permission to rejoin his subjects, onpromising to return, but which he never did. The proposed bridge overthis river was constructed of two cables stretched across, having plankslaid between them, of which they procured abundance fit for the purposein the woods. By this means the whole force inarched across with theutmost ease and satisfaction, the Spaniards on this occasion becomingengineers and pioneers to build bridges and construct roads, after themanner of the ancient Romans. As the guides had fled, the Spaniards madeprisoners of thirty other Indians to shew them the roads, whom theytreated well and presented with baubles so much to their satisfaction, that they conducted the army for sixteen leagues through a fine opencountry to the district of _Vitacucho_ which was about fifty leagues incircumference and was then divided among three brothers. 

On coming to a town called _Ochilé_ about break of day, the Spaniardssurrounded it before the natives were aware; but on hearing the drumsand trumpets they ran out, and finding all the avenues blockaded theystood on their defence though the cacique was invited to enter intofriendship. He continued for some time to resist; but as his peopleperceived that the Spaniards released the prisoners without doing themany harm, they represented this to their chief, on which, making avirtue of necessity, he submitted to Soto and was well treated. Afterthis, he accompanied Soto, with many of his people, and conducted theSpaniards into a spacious and delightful vale in which there were manyscattered habitations. The cacique sent likewise to acquaint hisbrothers that the Spaniards were marching through to other countries, only requiring to be supplied with provisions on their way, and did noharm to those who accepted their friendship. One of the brothersreturned a favourable answer, and treated the Spaniards with greatrespect; but the eldest and most powerful of the three, would not allowthe messengers to return, and sent afterwards a reproof to his brothers, who he said had acted like foolish boys, and might tell the strangersthat, if they ventured into his country, he would roast one half of themand boil the other. But as Soto sent another kind message to him, heconsented to visit Soto accompanied by five hundred warriors gailyadorned after their fashion, and was received with much civility andpresented with such ornamental trinkets as pleased him much. He wasgreatly astonished at the appearance of the Spanish troops, and askedpardon for his rude and threatening expressions, promising to makeamends by his future good conduct. This cacique, named _Vitacucho_, wasabout thirty-five years of age, strong limbed, and of a fierce aspect. Next day the Spanish army entered Vitacucho's town in martial order. Itconsisted of about two hundred houses or cabins, besides a great manyothers scattered all over the country. All the towns in this countryhave no other names except those of the caciques to which theyrespectively belong. After remaining two days in this town making merry, the two younger caciques asked permission of Soto to return to their owndistricts, which was granted, and having received some presents fromSoto, they went away well pleased. 

Vitacucho continued slily for some time to behave respectfully to Sotoand the Spaniards, yet contriving how best to destroy them. For thispurpose he concerted with all his neighbours, whom he persuaded that itwas proper and necessary to destroy these wicked vagabonds who had comeinto their country to reduce them to servitude. He imparted his designto four Indians who attended Soto in quality of interpreters, whom heinformed that he had ten thousand well armed Indians in readiness to aidhim in the execution of this enterprise, and that he proposed to roastsome of the Spaniards, to boil others, to hang up another part on theloftiest tress, and to poison all the rest in such a manner as to pineand rot away for a long time before they died. Being desired to keep thesecret and to give their opinion of this design, they answered that theyapproved it highly, as an exploit worthy of his wisdom and valour, andthat nothing could be better contrived. Vitacucho thus encouraged, determined to persevere, and sent notice to his confederates to holdthemselves in readiness; but the four Indians, satisfied of theimpracticability of the design, owing to the excellent discipline andvigilance of the Spaniards, made a discovery of the whole plot to JuanOrtiz, who communicated it without delay to Soto. In a council of theofficers held to consult how to act in this emergency, it was thoughtbest to take no immediate notice of the matter, except standingvigilantly on their guard as if ignorant of the treacherous intention ofthe cacique, but to contrive to make him fall into his own snare. 

When the day concerted between Vitacucho and his confederates forputting their enterprise into execution was come, the crafty caciquerequested Soto to go with him out of the town to see his subjects whomhe had drawn up in martial array for his inspection, that he might beacquainted with his power, and with the manner of fighting practisedamong the Indians. Soto was a prudent man well versed in the art of war, in which he had gradually risen by his merit. On this occasion hecourteously accepted the proposal of the cacique, saying that it waslikewise customary among the Spaniards, to shew honour to their friendsby displaying their troops in order of battle. The Spanish forcesaccordingly marched out in good order, prepared for whatever mightoccur; and the better to conceal his suspicions, and the purpose he hadnow in view, he walked out of the town on foot along with the cacique. The Indian warriors, to the number of about ten thousand men, were founddrawn up in good order at some distance from the town, having their leftwing protected by a wood and their right by two lakes. They were wellequipped after their manner, their heads adorned with high plumes offeathers of herons, swans, and cranes. Their bows lay beside them on theground, and their arrows were covered over with grass, to make it appearthat they were unarmed. Besides the main body in the position beforementioned, they had a wing on each flank advanced into the plain. 

Soto and the cacique advanced into the plain towards the Indian army, each attended by twelve chosen men. The Spanish troops moved forwards inorder of battle on the right of Soto, the cavalry being in the middle ofthe plain, while the infantry moved close to the wood on the left of theIndians. When Soto and Vitacucho were arrived at the place where it waspreviously known that the cacique intended to have given a signal forattacking the Spaniards, who were now all in readiness and fullyinstructed how to act, Soto gave notice to his army to commence theattack by ordering a musket to be fired off. The twelve Spaniards whoattended Soto immediately seized the cacique according to theinstructions they had received for that purpose; and Soto mounting hishorse led on the Spanish cavalry to the charge, being always foremost onevery occasion, whether for fighting or hard labour. The Indians took uptheir arms and resisted the Spaniards as well as they could by repeatedflights of arrows, even killing the horse on which Soto rode, as theychiefly aimed at the horses of which they stood in much fear. Soto soongot another horse from his page, and as the cavalry now penetrated themain body of the Indians their whole army took to flight, some seekingfor safety in the wood and others by throwing themselves into the lakes. All who fled along the open plain were either killed or made prisoners. About nine hundred of the Indians took shelter in the smaller lake, which was immediately surrounded to prevent their escape, and theSpaniards likewise kept up an incessant attack upon them with theirfire-arms and cross-bows, to induce them to surrender. Although in thewater, the Indians continued to shoot as long as their arrows lasted, many of them standing on the backs of their comrades, who were swimming, till their arrows were spent, and then giving similar aid to others. They continued in this manner from about ten in the morning tillmidnight, always surrounded by the Spaniards, refusing to surrenderthough assured of their lives. At length many of the feeblestsurrendered, after being fourteen hours in the water. As the restobserved that no injury was offered to the prisoners, they mostlysurrendered next day at noon, when they had been above twenty-four hoursin the water; and it was observed that they came out excessively tired, hungry, sleepy, and swollen. Seven still obstinately remained in thewater till about seven in the evening; when Soto, thinking it a pitysuch resolute men should perish, ordered twelve Spaniards to swim tothem, with their swords in their mouths, who dragged them all outhalf-drowned. Care was taken to recover them; and when asked the reasonof their obstinacy, they alleged that as commanders, they were willingto convince their lord that they were worthy of their rank, by dying inhis service and leaving a good name behind them, even expressing adesire that they had been permitted to perish. Four of these men wereabout thirty-five years of age. The other three were lads abouteighteen, the sons of chiefs, who had obeyed the summons of Vitacucho, in hopes of acquiring honour, and were unwilling to return homevanquished. Soto presented some small mirrors and other baubles to theseyouths and dismissed them; but he told the four commanders, in presenceof Vitacucho, that they all deserved to be put to death for havingbroken their plighted faith, yet he forgave them in hopes that theywould take warning by what had now befallen them, and behave better forthe future. He then invited Vitacucho to dine at his own table everyday, being of opinion that more was to be gained among these barbariansby kind usage than severity, unless when indispensably necessary. 

The prisoners taken on this occasion amounted to above a thousand men, who were distributed as servants among the Spanish troops. Vitacuchogave these men secret orders to fall upon and destroy the Spaniardswhile at dinner, and appointed the seventh day after the engagement forthe execution of this new plot. On that day, while Vitacucho as usualwas at dinner along with Soto and the principal Spanish officers, hestarted up on a sudden and gave a loud _whoop_ or war cry, which was theappointed signal of attack, and laying hold of Soto gave him so violenta blow with his fist as knocked him to the ground, and immediately fellupon him endeavouring to kill him; but the other officers who were atdinner killed Vitacucho immediately. On hearing the signal from thecacique, all the other Indians attacked their masters, some withfire-brands, others with the cooking kettles, pitchers, or whatever theycould get hold of, of which the fire-brands did most harm; but as theSpaniards immediately seized their arms in their defence, all theIndians were slain. 

Four days after this fray, the troops marched to another town called_Osachile_ after the name of its cacique. Coming to a river which couldnot be forded, it was proposed to construct a bridge similar to thatemployed on a former occasion; but on account of opposition from a bodyof Indians on the farther bank it was necessary in the first place todrive these away. For this purpose an hundred men armed with muskets andcross-bows were ferried over on six rafts, and thirty horsemen got overby swimming their horses. The Indians then fled, and the bridge wasconstructed in the same manner as formerly described, over which all therest of the army passed. About two leagues after crossing the river, thearmy came to some corn-fields with scattered houses, and were galled forsome time by the Indians, who lurked among the standing maize, whencethey discharged their arrows at the Spaniards: But they were soon put toflight and several of them speared by the cavalry. On arriving atOsachile they found the town abandoned, and the cacique of that placecould never be persuaded to make his appearance. Some Indians were madeprisoners on this march, who were more tractable than any they hadhitherto met with, and undertook to act as guides. It was now necessaryfor the Spaniards to consider of a proper place in which to pass thewinter, and as there had been much talk about the province or districtof Apalache, as producing gold, the army only halted two days atOsachile, and recommenced their march in the direction of Apalache. After marching twelve leagues through a desert wilderness, they came toa swamp half a league over, where the pass was defended by aconsiderable number of Indians. An engagement ensued in which severalwere killed on both sides, and the Spaniards were foiled for that day. But on the next, after a bloody encounter, the Spaniards drove theIndians from the swamp and got possession of the pass, all of which wasfordable except about forty paces in the middle, over which there was abridge of trees made fast together. 

Having crossed the swamp, a very thick wood was found on the other side, above a league and half through, which the army had great difficulty topenetrate, neither indeed was it able to pass through the wood in oneday. During this difficult march, an hundred horsemen armed with targetsled the van, and were followed by an hundred musqueteers andcross-bow-men, all of whom carried axes to hew down trees and make aclear space for the army to encamp, which it did in the middle of theforest, and was all night long disturbed by the incessant war-hoops ofsurrounding Indians. Next day they continued their march through thewood, which now became more open, but they were constantly harassed bythe Indians, more especially as the cavalry could be of very littleservice among the trees, and wherever there were any open spaces, theIndians had cut down trees to obstruct the passage. After getting out ofthis forest into the open country, they marched two leagues farther, killing or making prisoners of all the Indians who attempted to make anyopposition; so that the natives became at length convinced that theywere unable to destroy the Spaniards or to expel them from the country. The army now encamped at the commencement of the cultivated landsbelonging to the _Apalaches_, but the Indians still continued to annoythem, by continually pouring flights of arrows into the camp. 

Next day the army marched two leagues through a perpetual succession offields of Indian corn, interspersed with straggling houses, and werefrequently vexed by lurking Indians who shot off their arrows and thenran away. At the farther side of this cultivated plain, they came to adeep brook running through a wood, the ford of which was fortified bypalisades or fallen trees, to prevent the passage of the cavalry: But ahundred of them alighted from their horses, and cleared the way withtheir swords and targets in spite of the Indians, who fought with muchobstinacy, and did not give way till many of them were slain, but someof the Spaniards were killed in this engagement. They marched fourleagues next day with little opposition: and the day following wereinformed _Capasi_, cacique of Apalache, had taken post at the distanceof two leagues with a large body of brave Indians intending to give thembattle. The horse immediately advanced to attack him, and took some ofhis men, but Capasi made his escape. The town of Apalache, of which theynow took possession, consisted of two hundred and fifty houses, havingseveral other small dependent towns or villages, and many detachedcabins or farm-houses scattered over the cultivated fields. The countrywas fertile and agreeable, the climate excellent, and the nativesnumerous and warlike. After some days rest, parties were sent out indifferent directions to explore the country. Those who penetratednorthwards into the interior, reported that the country was excellent, fertile, populous, and free from woods and swamps; while those who wentsouth towards the coast, found a rugged, barren, and impracticablecountry, being the same through which Cabeza de Vaca had travelled. 

It being now the month of October, Soto determined to winter in thisplace; for which purpose he ordered sufficient fortifications to beconstructed for defence, and provisions to be stored up for the supplyof his army. He likewise sent back a party by the same way which thearmy had marched, being an hundred and fifty leagues to the bay of theHoly Ghost[150], to bring away the cavalry that had been left there torejoin the rest of the army. He also sent a message to Capasi, the onlycacique who had been hitherto met with having a proper name differentfrom that of his town, requesting him to come in and make peace with theSpaniards, to which he would by no means consent. Being informed thatCapasi had intrenched himself in the middle of a wood about eightleagues from Apalache, Soto marched against him and assailed hisfortified post. The Indians defended themselves for some time with greatbravery; but at length begged quarter which was granted, and Capasi wasbrought out on mens shoulders; as he was either so fat and unwieldy, orso much disabled by some distemper, that he was unable to walk, and wastherefore carried on a kind of litter or bier, or crawled on his handsand knees. Soto returned well pleased at this good fortune to hisquarters at Apalache, expecting that the Indians would give him no moredisturbance, now that their chief was in his hands. But matters turnedout quite otherwise; for having no ruler the Indians became even moredisorderly and troublesome than before, and refused to obey the commandof Capasi to remain in peace with the Spaniards. 

[Footnote 150: Although in the text the general direction of the marchof Soto is mentioned as to the N. E. There is every reason to believe itmust have been to the west of north, into the country of what are nowcalled the _Creek_ Indians. The town of Apalache in which Soto spent thewinter 1539-40 may have been on the river Catahoche otherwise called ofApalachicola, or on the Alibama, which runs into the Mobille. Therestill is a place known by the name of Apalache near the mouth of theMobille river. --E. ]

Under these circumstances, when Soto complained to the cacique of theperpetual hostilities of his people, Capasi pretended, if he werepermitted to go to a place about six leagues from Apalache, to which thehead men of the tribe had retired, that they would obey his orders onseeing him among them and agree to peace. Soto accordingly gave hispermission, and Capasi went to the place indicated, carried as usual ona bier, and accompanied by a strong guard of Spaniards. The cacique thenissued orders for all his people to appear before him next day, havingsome important matters to communicate. The Spaniards posted theirguards for the night and went to rest, believing every thing secure; butwhen day appeared next morning neither the cacique nor any of hisattendants were to be found. Taking advantage of the centinels fallingasleep, Capasi had crept out from among them on all fours, after whichhis Indians carried him off to some more secure place than the former, as he was never more seen. The Spanish escort returned much ashamed ofthemselves to Soto, pretending that Capasi and his attendants must havebeen carried off through the air, as it was impossible for him to havegot away from among them in any other manner. Soto prudently accepted ofthis excuse, saying with a smile that the story was very probable as theIndians were notable sorcerers. He was unwilling to punish his men fortheir negligence, being always more desirous to gain the affection ofhis soldiers by kind usage, as far as consistent with militarydiscipline, that they might be ready to endure the fatigue and danger heexpected to encounter in the prosecution of his enterprise. 

SECTION V. 

_Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida_[151]. 

[Footnote 151: Herrera, V. 507. --541. ]

We have already mentioned that Soto, having determined to spend thewinter 1539 at Apalache, sent a detachment back to Harrihiagua on thebay of the Holy Ghost, to bring away Captain Calderon and the men whohad been left there. This detachment consisted of thirty horse under thecommand of Juan de Anasco. On coming to the ford of the river Ocali, Anasco was obliged to pass it by means of rafts, as the river wasflooded; and though they used the utmost diligence, the Indians were upin arms on both sides of the river to oppose him, so that the Spaniardshad to fight both to the front and rear while their baggage, horses, andselves were wafted over. Having got safely over, they found it necessaryto go to the town, as one of their comrades was quite benumbed inpassing the river. Believing the Spaniards more numerous than theyreally were, the Indians only defended their town till their wives andchildren were got away to a place of safety, and then abandoned theplace, of which Anasco took possession. The Spaniards made four largefires in the marketplace, on purpose to restore their benumbed comrade, to whom likewise they gave the only clean shirt they had among them. They likewise dried their clothes and saddles, which had been all wettedin passing the river, and furnished their wallets with provisions fromthe stores of the Indians. In the mean time, ten horses at once wereallowed to feed, while all the rest stood ready bridled in case ofattack. About midnight an alarm was given by the centinels of theapproach of a numerous body of Indians; on which the whole partymounted, tying the benumbed man who was now somewhat recovered, fastupon his horse which was led by another soldier, and set off on theirmarch with so much expedition that they were five leagues from the townby day-break next morning. In this manner they continued their journeywith as little delay as possible, going on at a round trot wherever theyfound the country inhabited, and walking their horses in passing throughthe wilderness. 

On the seventh day after leaving Apalache, Pedro de Atienza was takenvery ill, and died a few hours afterwards. Having travelled that daynear twenty leagues they arrived at the great swamp[152] in the evening, and remained all night on its border, making great fires to keep themwarm as the weather was extremely cold. Next morning, on attempting topass, the horses refused on account of the excessive cold; but aboutnoon the sun yielding some heat, they got across; On the third dayafter, while continuing their march with the usual diligence, theyobserved the track of horses, and some appearance of their having used apool of water by the way side. Their horses even took heart at theseappearances, smelling the track of others, and Anasco and his men weremuch rejoiced, having been previously afraid that Calderon and histroops had either gone away to Cuba, or had been slain by the Indians. About sunset of this day, being the tenth after leaving Apalache, theycame in sight of Harrihiagua, just as the horse patrole was leaving thetown. The new comers set up a loud shout for joy at seeing theirfriends, and Calderon came immediately out to welcome them with equalsatisfaction. 

[Footnote 152: A great swamp is laid down in lat. 81° N. On thefrontiers between Georgia and East Florida, at the head of the rivers ofSt Mary and St Mark, the former of which flows east to the Atlantic, andthe latter south-west into the Bay of Apalache. --E. ]

When the cacique Mucozo learnt the arrival of Anasco, he went to visithim, and brought the horse belonging to the man who had died by the way, which had been left in a meadow with the saddle hanging to a tree, whichlikewise was brought in by an Indian on his back, not knowing how tofasten the girths. Mucozo inquired after the health of Soto in afriendly manner, and expressed his sorrow that the other caciques werenot of the same friendly disposition with himself. Calderon and Anascoconsulted together as to the best way of going back to Apalache. As thestores of provisions shoes and clothes which had been provided liberallyby Soto for the expedition were very large and could not be removed toApalache, it was agreed to leave all these under the charge of Mucozo. It was likewise resolved that Anasco should proceed by sea with two ofthe brigantines to the Bay of Aute, which he had discovered whendetached by Soto to explore the country to the south of Apalache, whileCalderon was to go by land. Accordingly, every thing being in readiness, seven days after the arrival of Anasco, Calderon set out by land forApalache with seventy horse and fifty foot soldiers, all the rest goingby sea along with Anasco. 

On the second day of his march, Calderon came to the town of Mucozo, andwas hospitably entertained by that friendly chief. Nothing remarkablehappened during this march till they came to the great swamp, exceptthat one horse was killed by an arrow which penetrated through hisbreast to his bowels. These Indians are such powerful archers that theyhave been known to shoot through four folds of mail; for which reasonthe Spaniards laid aside their European armour, and used a kind which isstuffed with cotton, called _escaupiles_, to defend both themselves andtheir horses. Calderon travelled with very little opposition ordifficulty all the way to the swamp of Apalache, where the Indiansattacked him desperately and killed one of his horses. Next day he wasagain attacked, and disturbed all the ensuing night, the Indiansconstantly upbraiding the Spaniards as vagabonds and robbers, andthreatening to quarter them. On the following day Calderon and his menreached Apalache, where ten or twelve of his people died of theirwounds. Anasco arrived safe with the remainder of the Spaniards at theBay of Aute[153], whence he marched by land to Apalache. Having nowcollected his whole force at Apalache, Ferdinand de Soto sent DiegoMaldonado with the brigantines to explore the coast to the westwards, ordering him to return in two months with a particular description ofall the ports, creeks, and headlands he might fall in with. Maldonadoexecuted these orders; and on his return reported that he had discovereda very excellent harbour, called _Achusi_, sixty leagues to thewestwards of Aute[154], whence he brought two Indian prisoners. Sotothen sent Maldonado with the brigantines to the Havannah, carryingletters to his lady, and directed him to inform the colonists of Cubathat he had found an excellent harbour in Florida, and that the countrywas pleasant and fertile, by way of encouraging settlers to come over. 

[Footnote 153: No bay is now known of this name, but it may possiblyhave been that now known by the name of Mobille. --E. ]

[Footnote 154: This distance from Mobille Bay would lead us considerablyto the west of the Missisippi, perhaps to Ascension Bay, or perhaps tothe entrance of Ouachas Lake. --E. ]

It happened one day that seven Spanish horsemen riding out from the townof Apalache saw an Indian man and woman gathering old kidney-beans inthe fields. Immediately on seeing the horsemen the man took up the womanin his arms and carried her into the wood, whence he returned with hisbow and arrows to attack the horsemen, who would have saved his life onaccount of his bravery, calling out to him to yield; but he was sodesperate that he wounded them all, and when his arrows were expended hegave one of them so violent a blow with his bow on the head-piece thatit stunned him, on which provocation he killed the Indian with hislance. While Soto wintered in Apalache, he used every exertion to obtainintelligence respecting the country towards the west, in order toprepare for extending his discoveries in the spring; and among theIndians who were brought to him on this occasion, was one aboutseventeen years of age who had been a servant to some Indian travellingmerchants. 

From this youth he was informed that, about thirteen of fourteen daysjourney farther on, there was a province called _Cofachiqui_[155], whichproduced gold, silver and pearls. This intelligence was very pleasing tothe Spaniards, and made them wish anxiously for the season in which tomarch forwards. During all the winter, which the Spaniards spent inApalache, when any parties of them went out into the country, theIndians seldom failed to kill some of the men or horses with theirarrows, yet always kept at a distance or among the woods, carefullyavoiding to encounter them in the open fields. 

[Footnote 155: Perhaps the country of the Chicasaws. --E. ]

The season being at length come, in the spring of 1540, for taking thefield, Soto set out on his march from Apalache towards the north, and onthe third day encamped in a peninsula formed by a swamp, having woodenbridges of communication with the dry land. This being an elevatedsituation, several towns could be seen from the encampment, which wasstill in the district belonging to Apalache. The Spaniards rested heretwo days, during one of which seven men strolled out from the campwithout orders, six of whom were slain by the Indians before they hadgot two hundred paces from the camp, and the seventh difficultly escapedwith two wounds. Leaving the province of Apalache, the Spaniards nowentered that called _Atalpaha_, the first town they came to beingabandoned by the natives. Six of the principal people remained behind, who were brought before Soto, whom they boldly asked whether he was forpeace or war with their nation. Soto answered by means of hisinterpreter that he had no inclination for war, as his only intentionwas to pass through their country, yet desired that his people might besupplied with provisions. To this they answered, if such were hisintentions there was no occasion to have made them prisoners, and if heconducted himself in a friendly manner he might depend on bettertreatment than he had received at Apalache. They accordingly dispatchedsome of the common people to desire the natives to return to theirhouses to serve the Spaniards, whom they conducted to a better town, where the cacique came to ratify a peace, which was punctually observedduring three days that Soto remained there. 

From that place they advanced for ten days to the northwards along thebanks of a river, through a fertile country, in which all theinhabitants behaved in a friendly manner. After this they entered theprovince of _Achalaqui_, which was poor, barren, and thinly inhabited, having very few young men, and the old people being mostlyshort-sighted and many of them quite blind. Quickening the march throughthis bad country they came to the province of _Cofachi_, where, besidesother presents, Soto gave the cacique some boars and sows for a breed, having brought above three hundred of these animals with him to Florida, where they increased very fast, as the Spaniards had no occasion to killthem, getting abundance of other provisions. During this expedition, Soto made it an invariable practice, before entering any province, tosend a message to the cacique offering peace and demanding leave to passthrough his dominions, that the natives might not be alarmed at theappearance of so many armed strangers; and besides it was always hiswish to employ fair means in his intercourse with the Indians, ratherthan force. He accordingly sent a message to the cacique of _Cofa_ withthe usual requests of peace, provisions and a free passage, with whichthe cacique complied, coming himself to meet the Spaniards, for whom heappointed quarters and plenty of provisions. The land being plentiful, Soto and his army rested here five days. The next province belonged to abrother of Cofa, named Cofaqui, who came out to meet the Spaniardsattended by a great number of his people, all finely adorned with plumesof feathers, and wearing mantles of rich sables and other valuable furs. After this friendly reception, the cacique went away to another town, leaving his own entirely for the accommodation of the Spaniards. Thiscountry abounded in maize or Indian corn, which is used by the Indiansas wheat is in Europe. They had also abundance of dried fruits; butflesh was rare, being only what they procured by hunting, as they had nodomesticated animals. 

Next day, Cofaqui returned to Soto, offering a supply of provisions anda strong escort of armed Indians, to enable the Spaniards to cross adesert or wilderness of seven days journey leading to the next provinceof Cofachiqui[156]. Immediately there appeared four thousand Indians tocarry burdens, and the like number armed, to accompany the Spaniards. 

[Footnote 156: The word _Cofa_ seems to have signified lord or chiefamong these Indians; as we have four successive chiefs in the text, named Cofa, Co-fachi, Cofa-qui, and Cofa-chiqui. --E. ]

On seeing so great a number of men, Soto was on his guard like a goodsoldier and prudent commander, that he might not be taken by surprise. On this occasion the cacique made a speech to the commander of hisforces, enjoining him, as he knew the ancient enmity subsisting betweenhim and the people of Cofachiqui, that he should not let slip thepresent favourable opportunity of taking severe revenge upon theirenemies, considering that he was now supported by these valiantstrangers. The Indian commander, throwing off his mantle of furs, flourished a two-handed sword or war-club, the ensign of his command, and told his lord in pompous terms what he would do for his service. Onthis, the cacique took from his own shoulders a rich mantle of sables, thought by the Spaniards to be worth a thousand ducats, which he putupon the shoulders of his general, and placed a splendid plume offeathers on his head. The presentation of a mantle and plume of feathersis considered among the Indians as the highest honour which can bebestowed. 

There were two Indians among the Spaniards who were extremely familiar, named ordinarily Mark and Peter though not baptized. On the night beforecommencing the new march for Cofachiqui, Peter made a violent outcry asif in danger of being slain. All the forces turned out under arms onthis alarm, and found Peter in great trepidation and distress. Healleged that the devil and a number of his imps had threatened to killhim if he acted as a guide to the Spaniards, and had dragged him aboutand beaten him so unmercifully that he had assuredly been killed if theyhad not come to his assistance; and, since the great devil fled from twoChristians, he begged to be baptized that he might be a Christian likethem and able to drive away the devil. This appeared to be no fiction, by the bruises and swelling which Peter exhibited; and accordingly Sotogave him in charge to the priests, who remained with him all night andbaptized him; and next day he was mounted on horseback, being unable towalk on account of the drubbing he had got from the Devil!

The two armies marched apart, pursuant to the wise precautions adoptedby Soto. The Indians kept excellent order, having a regular van and rearguard, and making those who carried the provisions and baggage keep inthe centre. Every night the two armies lay at some distance, eachappointing their own guards. On the third day of the march from Cofaquithey entered upon the wilderness, through which they marched for sixdays, finding the country very agreeable. They had two rapid rivers tocross, at both of which the cavalry was made to form a kind of wallabove the ford to break the force of the stream, by which means they allgot safe over. On the seventh day both Spaniards and Indians were muchat a loss, as the road they had hitherto followed was now at an end, sothat they knew not which way to take through the rest of the wilderness. Soto asked the Indian general how it could possibly happen that amongeight thousand men of his nation, more especially as they had alwaysbeen at war with the people to whose country they were going, no oneshould know the road. The Indian chief answered that none of them hadever been there; for the war was never carried on by means of completearmies, as they merely killed or made prisoners of each other, when theychanced to meet at the fisheries on the rivers, or while hunting; and asthe people of Cofachiqui were most powerful, his countrymen did notventure so far into the wilderness, by which reason they wereunacquainted with the country. He farther assured Soto that he mightrely on the probity and good faith both of the cacique and himself, whohad no intention of fraud or perfidy; yet he might if he pleased takewhat hostages he thought proper for his security, and if that were notsufficient, he would submit to lose his own head, and that all his menshould be put to death, wherever they were found to harbour any evilintentions. 

Satisfied with these assurances, Soto sent for Peter the Indian, who waslikewise at a loss, as he had not been in these parts for five years. They marched on however the rest of that day, without knowing any thingof the road, yet found the woods easily passable. Towards evening theyarrived at a great river which could not be forded[157]. Thiscircumstance added greatly to their perplexity, as they now had onlyseven days provisions, which would not hold out till they could makerafts to pass this river. Next day Soto sent off four severaldetachments in different directions to explore the country, with ordersto return in five days; and with each of these went a thousand Indians, to assist in finding the way of which they were in search. The Indianswho carried the baggage, and who remained at the encampment, went outevery morning armed, and returned at night with herbs, roots, birds, some small land animals, and a little fish, part of which they gave tothe Spaniards; but this scanty supply was quite insufficient for theirnecessities. Soto now ordered some of the swine which accompanied thearmy to be slaughtered, and distributed eight ounces of their fleshdaily to every one of his men. Even this was only protracting theirmisery, yet all shewed wonderful patience, as their commander gave thema good example. 

[Footnote 157: In the utter impossibility to trace the route of Soto, itmay even appear absurd to suppose that this may have been the Tenasse orHogohegee River, formerly called the Cherokee River; yet he assuredlymarched in various directions through the interior country of NorthAmerica, westwards of the present states of Virginia, the Carolinas, andGeorgia, to the north of modern West Florida, now occupied by theCreeks, Cherokees, Catawbas, Chactaws, and Chickasaws. --E. ]

Three of the detachments that had been sent out on discovery returned onthe sixth day unsuccessful. But the commander of the fourth, Juan deAnasco, who had gone up the banks of the river, sent back four horsemento inform Soto that he had found a small town on the same side of theriver, which had a good store of provisions, and had seen several townsstill higher up, where there was a good deal of cultivated land. Themessengers brought with them many ears of _zara_[158], and some cowshorns, without knowing whence these were procured, not having hithertoseen any cows in the country. The Indian general _Patofa_ and his men, who accompanied Anasco, killed all the inhabitants of that town whomthey could lay hands on, taking off their _skulls_[159], and plunderingthe temple or place of burial, where the best of the effects weresecured. This town was in the province of _Cofachiqui_; and as theIndians accompanying the Spaniards did much injury to the country, Sotonow sent them home again to prevent any farther harm being done underhis auspices; and by making presents to the Indian general and the otherchiefs, and supplying them with provisions for their journey, they wentaway well satisfied. Soto now advanced with the Spaniards through apleasant and plentiful country, but which was abandoned by the nativeson account of the ravages and slaughters that had been committed byPatofa and his people. 

[Footnote 158: This word, left unexplained by the translator of Herrera, perhaps means some species of millet cultivated by the Indians. --E. ]

[Footnote 159: This ought in all probability to have been translated_scalps_. --E. ]

Three days afterwards, to avoid going on at random, Soto sent on JuanAnasco with thirty horse to explore the country. Anasco set out a littlebefore night, and after proceeding about two leagues, he heard thebarking of dogs and the noise of some children, and saw some lights; buton going towards the place for the purpose of trying to seize one or twoIndians from whom to gain intelligence, he found that the town was onthe other side of the river. He halted therefore at a place which seemedto be used as a landing for canoes; and having fed and rested thehorses, he returned to give Soto an account of what he had observed. Soto went accordingly next day with an hundred horse and an equal numberof foot to view the town; and as the Indians fled on seeing theSpaniards, the two Christian Indians, Peter and Mark called to themacross the river that no harm was intended. Upon this six Indiansventured across the river in a canoe, and came to wait on Soto, who wasseated in a chair, which was always carried with him to receive thenatives in state, as the customs of these people required. Onapproaching Soto, the six Indians made their obeisances; first to thesun, then to the moon, and lastly to the Spanish commander, whom theyasked whether he was for peace or war with their nation. He answered bymeans of his interpreter, that he was desirous of peace, and requirednothing from them but provisions for his people. They replied that theywillingly accepted of peace, but were sorry to say that they were veryscarce of provisions in consequence of a pestilence which had latelyraged among them; but they would inform their sovereign of his demands, who happened to be a young unmarried woman. When they had deliveredtheir message to the princess, two large canoes covered with awningswere seen to set out from the town on the other side of the river, intoone of which seven or eight women embarked, and six men in the other. Among the women was the princess who ruled over the tribe; andimmediately on coming to Soto, she sat down on a stool before him, whichher people brought for her use, and after some complimentary discourse, she expressed her sorrow for the scarcity which then existed in hercountry, but that having two storehouses filled with provisions forrelieving the necessities of her subjects, she would give him one ofthese, and hoped he would leave her in possession of the other. She saidlikewise that she had two thousand measures of maize at another town, which she would give him, and would quit her own house and half the townto accommodate him and his people, and if that did not suffice, that thewhole of the town should be cleared for his use. Soto thanked her in acourteous manner for her friendly offers, declaring that he would beperfectly satisfied with whatever she was pleased to give. While he wasspeaking, she took off a string of pearls which she wore round her neck, and gave it to Juan Ortiz the interpreter to present it in her name toSoto, as she could not deliver it with her own hands withouttransgressing the rules of decorum[160]. Soto stood up and received itwith much respect, and presented her in return with a ruby which he woreon his finger. Thus peace was ratified with this princess, who nowreturned to the other side of the river, all the Spaniards admiring herbeautiful appearance and good behaviour. 

[Footnote 160: The circumstance of great quantities of pearls beingfound in this part of the country tends in some measure to confirm theidea of Soto being now on the Tenasse River. In the most recent maps ofthis part of America, a part of this river near its great bend, where itsweeps round from a S. W. To a N. N. W. Direction, is distinguished by theappellation of the _Muscle Shoals_, and it is well known that thefresh-water muscles are often very productive in pearls. --E. ]

After this all the Spanish force was transported across the river, onrafts and in canoes, four horses being drowned in the passage. TheSpaniards were all commodiously quartered in the middle of the town, andthe country round was found to be extraordinarily fertile. The mother ofthe princess of this tribe was a widow, and resided about twelve leaguesfrom this town in great retirement; and on being sent for by herdaughter to see the strangers, she not only refused, but sent a severereproof to her daughter for admitting those persons of whom she knewnothing. Soto sent Juan Anasco with thirty horse, with a respectfulmessage to the old lady inviting her to come to visit him. Anasco wasaccompanied on this occasion by an Indian of considerable rank, whoseemed pensive and melancholy. After travelling some leagues, theystopped for rest and refreshment, and sat down under the shade of a treeto partake of a repast. Throwing off his mantle of sables, the Indiantook the arrows one by one from his quiver, which were very curiouslymade of reeds, having heads of bones with _three points_[161] all ofthem feathered on three sides, and both them and his bow beautifullypainted with some kind of bituminous substance, as smooth and glossy asthe finest varnish. The last arrow which he drew out was headed withflint, sharp-pointed, and double-edged like a dagger. Seeing that theSpaniards were all intent upon observing the curious arrows, he cut hisown throat with the flint-headed arrow, and immediately fell down dead. The other Indians who accompanied Anasco said that in their opinion hehad killed himself because he was carrying a message which he believedwas disagreeable to the old lady. A short time after this, as Anasco wasstill proceeding, one of the Spaniards observed that they were goingblindly in search of a woman who was said to have gone to hide herselffrom them in another place; and as Soto already had the daughter in hispower, he had no occasion for the mother also, and as their number wassmall they were exposed to much danger, and had much better return tohead-quarters. As this advice was universally approved of, they turnedback. 

[Footnote 161: Perhaps this ought to have been _triangular_ pointedheads. --E. ]

Three days afterwards Soto sent twenty Spaniards up the river in twocanoes at the request of the daughter to seek her mother, under theconduct of an Indian who offered to conduct them to her place ofconcealment. While on this expedition, the Spaniards recollected thatPeter and Mark had reported there was both gold and silver in thatprovince; but upon search they found much copper of a golden colour, andgreat plates of _ore_[162] which was very light and mouldered away likeearth, which probably had deceived the young Indians. A wonderfulquantity of pearls were found, and the old lady gave them leave to gointo a sacred house where the chiefs or nobles of the tribe were buried, to take what pearls were there, and to another temple, or sepulchrerather, near the town, in which the bodies of her own ancestors werereposited, where they found pearls in still greater abundance. In theserepositories of the dead they found a number of wooden chests in whichthe bodies were laid; and beside them in baskets made of reeds therewere great quantities of large and seed pearls, as also garments bothfor men and women, made of skins and fine furs. So great was theabundance of pearls found on this occasion, that the kings officersweighed five hundred pounds weight. As Soto was unwilling to encumberhis troops with so much additional weight, he proposed that no more thanfifty pounds should be then taken, to send to the Havannah to learntheir value; but as they were already weighed, the officers begged thatthey might be all carried away, to which he consented, and gave hiscaptains two handfuls of pearls as large as pease to make strings ofbeads or rosaries. 

[Footnote 162: These large plates of _ore_, were probablysilver-coloured mica; and the golden-coloured copper in the text mayhave been bright yellow pyrites. --E. ]

Leaving Cofachiqui, the army came to another town called _Tolomeco_, ina temple or charnel-house more properly of which place, opposite theresidence of the chief, they found strings of large pearls hanging onthe walls, and others in chests, with many fine garments like thoseformerly mentioned; and in rooms over this charnel-house were greatnumbers of pikes with copper heads resembling gold, and clubs, staves, and axes of the same metal, and bows, arrows, targets, andbreast-plates. Soto would not take away any of these, being resolved tocontinue his march. Accordingly, taking leave of the princess ofCofachiqui, he divided the army into two parts for the betterconvenience of provisions, retaining the immediate command of one, andconfiding the other to the charge of Baltasar de Gallegos. In this orderthey moved on to the province of Chalaqui; and next day were exposed tosuch a storm of wind, lightning, and hail, that many of them must haveperished, but for the shelter afforded by the trees, as the hail-stoneswere as large as pigeons eggs. On the sixth day of this new march, theycame to the valley of Xaula, a pleasant country to the N. N. E. Thesailors who accompanied the army believed the river which flowed pastCofachiqui to be the same which is known on the coast under the name of_Santa Ellena_; and computing their marches at four leagues a-day, itappeared that the forces had come two hundred leagues from Apalache toXaula[163]; which, with an hundred and fifty leagues from the Bay of theHoly Ghost to Apalache, made four hundred and ten leagues in all[164]. 

[Footnote 163: Two hundred Spanish leagues would amount to near 800English miles. But as the march, was entirely in an uncertain andprobably changing direction, this estimate does not assist indetermining any thing of its extent Eight hundred miles would reach, even from Espiritu Santo Bay, to beyond the Ohio. --E. ]

[Footnote 164: The numbers in the text are obviously corrupt, as theparticulars do not agree with the sum; but it is impossible to corrector reconcile them, neither indeed is it of much consequence, as noestablishment was made in Florida by Soto, and the names of the placeshe visited are now unknown and uninteresting. Four hundred and tenSpanish leagues, or 1640 English miles, would carry us into UpperCanada. --E. ]

The Spanish forces rested a fortnight in the vale of Xaula, which wassubject to the princess of Cofachiqui, though a separate province, beinginduced to this delay by finding abundance of all things, and on purposeto recruit their horses. Leaving this place, they marched one daythrough an agreeable country, and then five days over an unpeopledmountain[165], though not disagreeable, as it had many fine groves, waters, and pasture-grounds, the way over being about twenty leagues. Four Indian chiefs who accompanied them by order of the princess ofCofachiqui, sent to require the cacique of _Guanale_ to receive theSpaniards with kindness, or otherwise to declare war against him. Whileon the march, a foot-soldier named Juan Terron pulled a little bag fromhis wallet full of large well-coloured pearls not pierced, which heoffered to a horseman, who advised him to keep them as the general meantsoon to send to the Havannah, where he might purchase a horse for themto ease him from marching on foot. On this refusal, Terron threw hispearls on the ground, alleging they were troublesome to carry, and theywere picked up by his comrades. He sorely repented of this afterwards, as he was informed they would have been worth 6000 ducats in Spain. TheSpaniards stopped four days at Guanale, and in five days march fromthence they reached _Ychiaha_, a town situated on an island in the riverabout five leagues in length. As the general always made inquiry everywhere concerning the country farther on, the cacique of Ychiaha told himthere were mines of yellow metal about thirty leagues from thence, andpresented him with a long string of large pearls, which would have beenof extraordinary value if they had not been bored. As Soto seemed toprize them, the cacique said there were many such in the burial place ofhis ancestors which he was welcome to take if he pleased. In return Sotopresented the cacique with some pieces of velvet and satin, with whichhe was much gratified. Two soldiers were sent on, accompanied by a partyof Indians, to view the reported mines of yellow metal, who reportedthat they were only copper, that the country was fruitful, and that theyhad been well treated by the inhabitants. Some of the men likewise wereordered to drag the river for the pearl oysters, where they soon broughtup large quantities, which were laid on a fire to make them open theirshells, and the pearls were taken out somewhat damaged by the heat. Asoldier who boiled some of these oysters, while eating one of them, almost broke his teeth on a pearl as big as a hazle-nut, which hepresented to Soto for his lady, as it was bright and well shaped; butthe general refused it, desiring him to keep it to purchase horses, andin return for his good will paid the kings fifth out of his own money, its value being estimated at 400 ducats. Soto was exceedingly generousand obliging to his soldiers, making no distinction between himself andthem, in clothes, eating, lodging, or enduring hardships, and enjoyedtheir entire confidence and affection. 

[Footnote 165: If correct in the idea of Soto having crossed theTenassee, the mountainous district here indicated may have been theCumberland mountains, between the Tenassee and Cumberland Rivers. --E. ]

From Ychiaha, the Spaniards proceeded onwards to Acoste, where thecacique received them with ill-will, and an open breach had like to havetaken place; but Soto prevented this by conciliatory management, andstill preserved the peace, which had not been infringed since leavingApalache. Next day the Indians of Acoste became better humoured, andhaving contented them, Soto crossed the river into the large province of_Coza_, through which he marched for an hundred leagues, finding itevery where populous and fertile, and the Spaniards were every wherereceived in a friendly manner, well treated, and commodiously lodged. Atthe town of Coza, the cacique came out to meet Soto attended by athousand Indians wearing plumes of feathers and rich mantles of furs. The town consisted of about five hundred houses along the side of theriver, and here the Spaniards were most hospitably entertained. Whiledining one day with Soto, the cacique requested he would spend thewinter in his country and establish a colony there; and indeed it wasbetter land than any that the Spaniards had hitherto passed through. Soto thanked him for his friendly offer; but said that it was necessaryfor him in the first place to explore the country farther on, that hemight be able to judge what articles were necessary for trade, and thathe might give orders for seeds and all other requisites, after which hewould return and accept his offer. He staid twelve days at this place, more to oblige the cacique than on any other account; and then set outtowards the sea, which he had long designed, making a semicircular turnthat he might march back by a different route to explore the country, meaning to make his way to the port of _Anchusi. _

In five days march he reached _Talisse_, a town fortified withentrenchments of timber and earth, on the frontiers of the territoriesof the cacique of _Tascaluza_, who was in enmity with the cacique of_Coza_, who went so far with the Spaniards on purpose to intimidateTascaluza. At this place Soto was received by a son of Tascaluza, onlyeighteen years of age, and so tall that none of the Spaniards reachedhigher than his breast. This young man offered his fathers complimentsof friendship to the Spaniards, and conducted Soto to Tascaluza, whoreceived him sitting after their manner on a kind of chair, with a greatnumber of men standing round him; and though the different commanderscame up successively to salute him, no one stirred till Soto cameforwards, when the cacique stood up and advanced twenty paces to meethim. Tascaluza was like a giant, much taller than his son, well-shaped, and of a good aspect. The Spaniards were well received, abundantlysupplied, and commodiously quartered. They set out again on their marchon the third day; and as the cacique Tascaluza chose to accompany them, one of the baggage horses belonging to Soto was selected for him to rideupon. When mounted, his feet reached within, a span of the ground. Hewas not fat, as his waist was hardly a yard in compass, and he did notseem to exceed forty years of age. In the course of this days march, after coming to a fortified town, the Spaniards had to cross the river, which they did with considerable difficulty, being badly supplied withrafts or floats. On taking up their quarters for the night, twoSpaniards were amissing; and when the Indians were asked about them, they answered in a haughty manner, _they were not given to our keeping_, so that it was strongly suspected they were murdered. Upon this cause ofjealousy, and being likewise privately informed that the cacique hadassembled a great number of men at a place called Mavila, under pretenceof serving the Spaniards, Soto sent three confidential officers to viewthat place, which was about a league and a half from quarters. Theyreported that they had seen no person by the way, but that Mavila was amuch better fortified place than, any they had hitherto seen in Florida. 

As the Spaniards were bound for Mavila, and under circumstances veryconsiderable suspicion as to the good intentions of Tascaluza and hissubjects, they marched with the utmost circumspection. Soto led the vanin person, consisting of an hundred horse and an hundred and fifty foot. He was accompanied by Tascaluza, and as he marched with diligence, hearrived at Mavila at eight in the morning, the main body not coming upfor a considerable time after. The town of Mavila was seated in a plain, enclosed by a double row of piles with timbers laid athwart, and theinterstices rammed full of straw and earth, so that it looked like awall smoothed by a masons trowel. At every eighty paces distance, therewas a tower or platform where eight men could stand to fight, havingmany loop holes. It likewise had two gates. Though it only consisted ofeighty houses, these were so large that each could have contained athousand men. In the middle of the town was a large square ormarket-place, into which when Soto and the cacique were come and haddismounted, Tascaluza, pointed out to the interpreter a house in whichthe general might take up his quarters and another for his kitchen, saying that huts and barracks were provided for the rest of theSpaniards on the outside of the town. To this Soto made answer, that, when the major-general came up, he would distribute the troops to properquarters. 

Tascaluza now retired into a house where all his chiefs were assembled, on purpose to consult how best to kill all the Spaniards, which he hadbeen long plotting to accomplish. It was proposed in this council toattack them in their present divided state, before the rest of theSpaniards could get forwards to the town; but another opinion prevailed, which was to allow them all to assemble, as the Indian chiefs had alarge force concealed in the houses of the town, and thought themselvesperfectly able to encounter with the Spaniards. When the meat wasdressed at the quarters of Soto, Juan Ortiz the interpreter was sentwith a message to Tascaluza desiring his presence; but he was refusedadmission to deliver his message, and on pressing to get in, an Indiancame to the door exclaiming angrily, "What would these unmannerlyvagabonds have with my lord? Down with the villains, there is noenduring their insolence!" He immediately bent his bow, and levelled atsome Spaniards who were in the street; but Baltasar de Gallegos, whohappened to be close by, gave him a cut on the shoulder which cleft himto the middle. An Indian youth now let fly six or seven arrows atGallegos, which did him no harm as he was in armour, after which theIndian gave him three or four strokes on the helmet with his bow, butGallegos killed him with two thrusts of his sword. The moment theseIndians were slain an alarm was given, and above seven thousandwarriors, who had been concealed in the large houses of the town, rushedout into the streets and drove all the Spaniards out of the town. 

The Spaniards who managed best on this alarm, ran immediately to mounttheir horses, which had been left tied on the outside of the town; whileothers cut the halters or reins that the Indians might not shoot them. Others remained tied, and were slain by the Indians. Such of theSpaniards as had been able to mount their horses, with others who nowarrived, charged the Indians who were engaged with the infantry, makingroom for them to draw up in regular order. Having re-established theirranks, a troop of horse and a company of foot made so furious a chargeon the Indians that they drove them into the town, and attempted to getin at the gate after them; but they were received by such a volley ofarrows and stones as compelled them to retire two hundred paces, yetwithout turning their backs, in which consisted their safety. As theIndians followed them, they made a fresh charge, and drove the Indiansback to the town, yet dared not to venture too near the wall; and thefight continued in this manner for some time, alternately gaining andlosing ground, several of the Spaniards being killed and wounded. Finding they had the worst of it in the open field, the Indians keptclose behind the walls of the town. On this Soto alighted from hishorse, causing others to do the same, and advanced up to the gate at thehead of a party armed with targets, under cover of which two hundred menwith axes hewed down the gate and rushed in, not without much hazard andsome loss. Others of the Spaniards contrived to mount the wall, helpingeach other, and hastened to succour those who had gained the gate. Seeing the Spaniards had forced their way into the town, which theydeemed impregnable, the Indians fought desperately in the streets, andfrom the roofs of the houses, for which reason these were set on fire bythe Spaniards. After entering the town, Soto remounted his horse, andcharged a body of Indians in the market-place, killing many with hisspear; but, raising himself in the stirrup to make a home thrust, anarrow penetrated through his armour and wounded him in the hip, so thathe could not regain his seat: yet, not to discourage his men, hecontinued to fight during the remainder of the action, though obliged tostand the whole time in the stirrups. Another arrow pierced quitethrough the spear of Nunno de Tovar, near his hand, but did not breakthe shaft of the lance, which continued to serve after the arrow was cutoff. 

The fire which had been put to the houses burned fiercely, as the houseswere all of wood and covered with thatch, by which great numbers of theIndians perished. About four in the afternoon, being sensible of theirown weakness and that they were likely to be worsted, the Indian womenbegan to join in the battle, armed with the spears, swords, andpartizans which the Spaniards had lost, some even with bows and arrows, which they managed as dexterously as their husbands, and some armed onlywith stones exposed themselves courageously in the heat of the action. The foremost of the Spanish main body, which had fallen greatly behindthe van little thinking of what was to happen, on hearing the noise oftrumpets, drums, and shouts, gave the alarm to the rest, and hasteningforwards came up about the close of the engagement. At this time many ofthe Indians got over the wall into the fields, and endeavoured to makehead against the newly arrived Spaniards, but were soon slain. On thearrival of the Spanish main body, about twelve fresh horsemen made afurious charge on a large body of Indian men and women who stillcontinued the battle in the market-place, and soon routed them withgreat slaughter. This ended the fight about sunset, after it had lastednine hours, being on St Lukes day in the year 1541[166]. 

[Footnote 166: The date of 1541 seems here erroneous, Soto havinglanded in 1539, and spent only one winter in the country, thetransactions in this part of the text ought only to refer to the year1540. --E. ]

During the night and next day, Soto ordered the best possible care to betaken of the wounded, some of whom died for want of proper necessaries, no bandages, lint, oil, or medicines being to be had, as all thesethings had been plundered along with the other baggage at thecommencement of the battle by the Indians, and having been carried intothe town were all there burnt along with the houses. Forty-eightSpaniards were slain in this battle; thirteen others died shortly oftheir wounds, and twenty-two some time afterwards, so that the entireloss was eighty-three men, besides forty-five horses, which were muchmissed, as the cavalry constituted the main strength of the army. It wasreckoned that eleven thousand Indians perished, four thousand of whomwere found dead without the town, and young Tascaluza among them. Thedead bodies within the town were computed at three thousand, as thestreets were all full of them; and it was believed that upwards of fourthousand were consumed by fire in the houses, for above a thousandperished in one house, as the fire began at the door and they were allstifled. When the Spaniards afterwards scoured the country round, manywere found to have died of their wounds in various parts, and some ofthem four leagues from the town. The body of the cacique Tascaluza couldnot be found, whence it was concluded that he had perished in theflames, a victim to his eager desire to destroy the Spaniards, which hehad anxiously premeditated from the first notice he had received oftheir arrival in the neighbourhood of his territories. It was reportedby some women who were made prisoners, that on the Indians of Talissecomplaining of having been ordered by their cacique to carry the baggageof the Spaniards, Tascaluza had exhorted them to have a little patience, as he would soon deliver up these strangers to them as slaves. Thesewomen said that they were strangers who had accompanied their husbandsat the invitation of Tascaluza, who had promised to give them scarletand silk dresses, and fine jewels to wear at their dances, and to dividethe Spaniards and their horses among them. They said likewise that allthe women of the surrounding country, married and single, had collectedon this occasion; as it had been given out that an extraordinaryfestival was to be held in honour of the Sun, after the destruction ofthe Spaniards. Besides the destruction of their baggage on thisoccasion, the Spaniards lost all the wine, chalices, and holy vestmentsfor celebrating the mass, so that in future they could only haveordinary prayers and sermons, without any consecration or communion, till after their return among Christians. 

The Spaniards remained a fortnight at Mavila, making frequent excursionsinto the country, where they found plenty of provisions. From twentyIndians whom they took prisoners, they were informed that there were nowarriors left to oppose them in all the surrounding country, as all thebravest men of the nation and its allies had been slain in the battle. At this time they received the intelligence that Maldonado and GomezArias were making discoveries along the coast; and Soto was muchinclined to have established a colony at the port of _Achiusi_ or_Anchusi_[167], to carry on trade with another establishment twentyleagues up the country, but this was opposed by some of his officers, who thought the Spanish force too small for subduing so warlike apeople, considering the experience they had of their fierceness in thebattle of Mavila. They objected likewise that they saw no reason forexposing themselves to such hazards, without hope of reward, as they hadfound no mines in all the vast extent of country they had travelledover. This opposition was exceedingly perplexing to Soto, as he hadexpended the whole of his substance on the expedition, and was afraidhis men would desert him if he came near the coast, when he was not in acondition to raise new forces. For these reasons he resolved topenetrate into the interior of the country; and, being disgusted atseeing all his projects disappointed, he never succeeded afterwards inany of his undertakings. 

[Footnote 167: It is quite impossible to conjecture even where thisplace may have been situated; perhaps it is the same bay or creekformerly called Auche, and may have been that now called Mobille Bay. The Mavila of the text may likewise have been on the river now calledMobille. We know that the _b_ and _v_ are often interchanged in theSpanish names of places and persons; as for example Baldivia andValdivia are both applied to the original Spanish conqueror of Chili. Inthe present instance, Mavila may afterwards have been changed to Mabila, and then by the French to Mobille. All this however is mereconjecture. --E. ]

When the sick and wounded were so far recovered as to be able to travel, Soto set out from Mavila, and marched through a fine country for threedays, after which they entered the province of _Chioza_, where thenatives refused to receive him in a peaceable manner. They abandonedtheir town, and took post to defend the passage of a very deep river inwhich were many craggy places. At this pass above eight thousand Indianscollected, some of whom crossed in canoes to attack and harass theSpaniards: But Soto caused some trenches to be made, in which heconcealed several bodies of musqueteers, targeteers, and crossbow-men, who fell upon the rear of the Indians, who forbore to repeat theseattempts after having been twice discomfited in this manner. As it wasfound impossible to cross over in the face of so large a force ofIndians in the ordinary manner, two very large piraguas were privatelybuilt in the woods, which were got ready in twelve days, and were thendrawn out of the wood on rollers by the Spaniards with the assistance oftheir horses and mules. These were launched into the river without beingperceived by the Indians; and forty musqueteers and crossbow-men wereembarked in each with a few horses, and these pushed across the riverwith the utmost diligence. They were descried however, by five hundredIndians who were scouring the country, who with loud cries gave thealarm to the rest, and all hastened to defend the pass. Most of theSpaniards were wounded while on the water, as the Indians continuallyshot their arrows against them unopposed. One of the piraguas gotstraight across to the landing, but the other was forced some way downby the current, and had to be towed up. Two horsemen landed from thefirst piragua, who drove the Indians above two hundred paces back, andmade four several charges before any reinforcement could land; but atlength were joined by other four horsemen, and made several desperatecharges on the Indians, so as to allow of the infantry getting on shore;but as these were almost all wounded, they were obliged to take shelterin an Indian town hard by. Soto came over in the second trip of thepiraguas, accompanied by sixty men; and the Indians, on seeing theSpanish force increase, retired to a fortified town in theneighbourhood, whence they frequently sallied out to skirmish with theSpaniards; but as the cavalry killed many of them with their spears, they evacuated that place during the night. 

The Spaniards now broke up their piraguas, keeping the iron work forfuture service, and advanced farther into the country. In four days theyreached a town called _Chicoza_[168], well situated in a fertilecountry among brooks and surrounded by abundance of fruit trees. Resolving to spend the winter in this place, Soto caused it to befortified, huts to be built for the accommodation of his troops, and allthe provisions that could be procured to be collected. At this placethey remained in peace for about two months, the horsemen makingfrequent excursions into the surrounding country in quest of provisions. Such Indians as happened to be made prisoners on these occasions wereimmediately set at liberty, receiving various trinkets for themselvesand presents for their chiefs, with messages desiring them to repair tothe Spanish quarters to enter into terms of peace and amity. The chiefssent presents of fruit in return, and promised soon to visit the Spanishgeneral. Soon afterwards they began every night to alarm the Spaniards;and one night three considerable bodies of them drew near the town aboutmidnight, and when about an hundred paces from the entrenchments theyset up loud shouts and made a prodigious noise with their warlikeinstruments; after which, with burning wreaths of a certain plant tiedround their arrows, they set the town on fire, all the houses beingthatched. Undismayed at this calamity, the Spaniards repaired to theiralarm posts, and Soto issuing out in his _escaupil_ or cotton armour, mounted his horse and went to attack the Indians, being the first tokill one of the assailants with his spear; as upon all occasions ofdanger he gave a wonderful example of cool and intrepid courage. Somesick Spaniards and several horses were burnt on this occasion; butCaptain Andres de Vasconcelos with four horsemen fell with such fury onthe enemy that he forced them to retire. Soto, being eager to slay anIndian who particularly distinguished himself in this action, leanedforwards so much that he and the saddle fell off; but being bravelyrescued by his men, he mounted again and returned to the fight. Atlength after two hours hard fighting, the Indians were constrained tofly, and were pursued as far as they could be seen by the light from theburning houses, after which Soto sounded a retreat. In this fatal night, the Spaniards lost forty men and fifty horses, twenty of them beingburnt. All the swine likewise perished in the fire, except a few thatbroke out of an enclosed yard. During this engagement prodigious shotsof arrows were made by the Indians, one of which pierced through bothshoulder-blades of a horse, and came out four fingers breadth on theopposite side. 

[Footnote 168: This word seems to have almost the same sound withChicasaw, and Soto may on his present return into the interior havecrossed the river Yazous, which flows into the Missisippi in lat. 32°30' N. A short way above the Natches. --E. ]

Soto now thought proper to remove the army to a town named _Chicacolla_, about a league from that which had been burnt; and, having fortifiedthese new quarters, the Spaniards were obliged to make new saddles, spears, targets and clothes, to supply the places of those which hadbeen burnt. The clothes were made of goats skins[169]. At this place theSpaniards spent the rest of the winter, during which they sufferedextreme hardships for want of clothes, as the weather was excessivelycold. Being sensible that they had done much harm to the Spaniards inthe late night attack, the Indians returned again to make a similarattempt; but their bow-strings being wetted by violent rain, theywithdrew, as was learnt from an Indian prisoner. They returned howeverevery night to alarm the Spaniards, of whom they always wounded some;and though the cavalry scoured the country every day four leagues round, they could meet none of the natives, so that it was wonderful how theyshould come nightly from so great a distance. 

[Footnote 169: More probably of deer skins found in the Indian towns, asgoats certainly were not among the indigenous animals of NorthAmerica. --E. ]

The Spaniards contrived to shift in a very miserable manner atChicacolla till about the latter end of March 1542[170], when theyresumed their march. At the end of about four leagues, the advancedguard returned with a report that they had seen an Indian fort whichappeared to be defended by about four thousand warriors. After viewingit, Soto told his soldiers that it was indispensably requisite todislodge these people, who would otherwise annoy them with nightattacks, and that it was likewise necessary to do this that they mightpreserve the reputation they had already gained in so many provinces ofthe country. This fort, called _Alibamo_[171], was of a square form, each side being four hundred paces in length, and the gates were so lowthat the horsemen could not ride in, similar in all respects to what hasbeen already said respecting Mavila. [172] The general therefore gaveorders to three companies of infantry to assail the gates, those whowere best armed being placed in front. When they were all ready tobegin the assault, a thousand Indians sallied out from the town, alladorned with plumes of feathers, and having their bodies and facespainted of several colours. At the first flight of arrows, five of theSpaniards were shot, three of whom died of their wounds. To prevent thedischarge of more arrows, the Spaniards immediately closed and drove theIndians in at the gates, which they entered along with them, makingdreadful havock with their swords, as may easily be imagined, theIndians being all naked. To escape from the infantry, the Indians threwthemselves from the walls, by which means they fell into the hands ofthe horsemen, who slew many of them with their spears. Others of theIndians endeavoured to escape by swimming a river behind the fort; but asquadron of horse passed the river, and killed many of them, so that onthe whole two thousand Indians were supposed to have been slain in thisbattle. During this engagement, an Indian challenged Juan de Salinas tosingle combat, which he accepted, and when his comrade made offer tocover him with his target, he refused, saying that it was a shame fortwo Spaniards to engage one Indian. Salinas shot his bolt through thebreast of the Indian, and in return the Indians arrow went through theneck of the Spaniard. 

[Footnote 170: Herrera persists in the error already noticed ofadvancing his chronology a year, as hitherto between May 1539 he hasonly accounted for two winters, and ought consequently to have been nowonly in the spring of 1541. --E. ]

[Footnote 171: At present Toulouse, built on the scite of an Indianvillage called Alibama, stands on a river of the same name, which flowsinto the left or east side of the Mobille River in the back part ofGeorgia, and seems to have been surrounded by a tribe called theAlibamons. If this be the place indicated in the text, it is quiteadverse to the idea of Chicoza being to the north-west of theYazous. --E. ]

[Footnote 172: These square forts of logs rammed full of earth may havegiven rise to the entrenchments which have lately occasioned somespeculation in America, as having belonged to a people more advanced incivilization than the present race of savage hunters. --E. ]

At this time the Spaniards were reduced to great distress from want ofsalt, owing to which they were afflicted with lingering fevers, of whichseveral died, and their bodies stunk so violently, that there was nocoming near them. As a remedy for this evil, the Indians taught them tomake a lye of the ashes of a certain herb, into which they dipped theirfood by way of sauce. At this time likewise the Spaniards were put tomuch trouble for interpreters, on account of the great diversity oflanguages, so that they were obliged to employ thirteen or fourteenothers besides Juan Ortiz, among the various tribes they met with intraversing the country; but so acute were the natives, that such oftheir women as happened to live with the Spaniards were able tounderstand them in two months. After three days march from Alibamo, theSpaniards came to another town named _Chisca_, on a river to which theygave the name of _El Grande_[173] or the Great River, as it was thelargest they had yet seen. Coming upon this place by surprise, most ofthe inhabitants were made prisoners; but some of them made their escapeto the residence of the cacique, which stood on a high and difficultascent, to which the only access was by means of stairs. Though old andsick, the cacique was coming down to attack the Spaniards, whom hethreatened to put all to death, but he was stopped by his women andservants. As there was no proper access for the horsemen to assail theresidence of the cacique, and besides as Soto was always more inclinedto carry his purposes by gentle means than by the exertion of force, hevery courteously offered to enter into peace and amity with this caciqueand his people. In less than three hours, more than four thousandIndians assembled at the residence of the cacique, among whom there wasgreat difference of opinion as to the choice of peace or war with theSpaniards, many of them inclining to war as accordant with the naturalferocity of their dispositions. The opinion however of the wiserprevailed, who deemed it better to make peace, by which they mightrecover their wives and children, and retrieve their property withoutbloodshed, and might save their corn, which was then ripe, from beingdestroyed. Peace was accordingly concluded, on condition that theSpaniards should not insist upon going up to the residence of thecacique; the prisoners were set at liberty, all the plunder of the townrestored, and the Spaniards were supplied with provisions. 

[Footnote 173: From what will appear in the sequel, there can scarcelybe a doubt that this great river must have been the Missisippi. According to the Governor Pownall's map of North America, Soto fell inwith this river in 1541, about the lat. Of 34° 30' N. In the country ofthe Chicasaws and to the west of the Yazous, near where we have alreadysupposed Chicoza to have been situated. --E. ]

Having rested sixteen days in Chisca, on purpose to give time for thesick and wounded to recover, during which time they gained thefriendship of the cacique, the Spaniards resumed their journey, and wentfour days along the river in search of some place in which it could becrossed, as the banks were everywhere high and almost perpendicular, andclosely wooded. Although above six thousand Indians, with great numbersof canoes, were seen posted on the opposite side of the river, it wasdeemed necessary to get across in search of provisions, for whichpurpose two large piraguas were ordered to be built. In the mean timefour Indians came to the camp, and having made their adorations to thesun and moon, they addressed Soto in the name of their cacique, biddinghim welcome to his territories, and offering his friendship. The generalreturned a courteous answer, and was well supplied with provisions forhis forces during his stay, but could never prevail on the cacique tovisit him, who always excused himself under pretence of sickness; but itwas afterwards found that this peace was concluded by the Indians onpurpose to save their harvest, which was then ready to be carried home. In fifteen days the two piraguas were finished for crossing the river, although some damage was done by the Indians from the opposite side bymeans of their canoes; but the Spaniards drove them always away, as theykept a constant guard concealed behind trenches. These piraguas were solarge as to contain an hundred and fifty foot and thirty cavalry, all ofwhom embarked in sight of the Indians, and plied up and down the riverwith sails and oars; and the Indians were so astonished and intimidatedby the sight of such huge floating machines, that they abandoned theopposite bank of the river and dispersed. 

After passing the river, the Spaniards came to a town of about fourhundred houses, constructed upon some high bluffs or ridges near anotherriver[174], and surrounded by spacious fields of Indian corn, andabundance of fruit-trees of several kinds. The Spaniards werecourteously received at this place by order of the cacique, named_Casquin_[175], who resided at a different town higher up the river, andsent to compliment the Spanish commander. After resting six days, theyproceeded up the banks of the river, through a plentiful and populouscountry, till they came to the town where Casquin resided, who receivedand entertained them with great attention and kindness. 

[Footnote 174: This other river may have been the St Francis, whichflows into the west side of the Missisippi a little above where Soto issupposed to have crossed. --E]

[Footnote 175: The memory of this name perhaps is still preserved in asmall river or creek, called Kaskin-opa, which runs into the east sideof the Missisippi about 20 miles below the mouth of the Ohio. Thesituation indeed is materially different from that in which Soto issupposed to have found the cacique named Casquin in the text; but theroaming tribes of Indians frequently change their places of residence, as influenced by success or misfortune in war and hunting. --E. ]

Three days after their arrival, the cacique waited upon Soto, and, aftermaking his obeisance to the sun and moon, he said "he was persuaded theSpaniards worshipped a better God than the Indians, since he had giventhem victory with so small a number over such multitudes of Indians:Wherefore he requested that Soto would pray to his God to send rain, ofwhich they were in great want. " The general answered, that though he andall his men were sinners, they would humbly pray to God to shew mercy. Having accordingly ordered a cross to be erected on a hill, he and allthe forces, except a guard left to protect the quarters, went in solemnprocession to adore the cross, accompanied by the cacique and someIndians, the Christian priests singing the litanies, and all thesoldiers joining in the responses. Being come to the cross, many prayerswere recited on their knees, after which they returned to their quarterschanting appropriate psalms. Above twenty thousand natives stood gazingat this religious procession, some on the same side of the river, andothers on the opposite bank, all of whom occasionally set up loudshouts, as if begging of God to hear them. It pleased God to answertheir humble prayers, as towards midnight there fell sufficient rain tosatisfy the wants of the Indians, and the Christians returned solemnthanks for the mercy which God had been pleased to grant at theirintercessions. 

Nine days afterwards, the Spaniards again set out on their march, accompanied by Casquin and a great number of Indians carrying water andother necessaries. The cacique was also accompanied by five thousand ofhis warriors, as he was at war with the cacique of the next adjoiningtribe, and took the opportunity of the Spaniards to assist in the war. During this march they spent three days in getting across a great swamp, when they came in sight of Capaha[176], being the frontier town of thenext tribe. This place was fortified on three sides by a wet ditch fortyfathoms wide and ten fathoms deep, into which water was conveyed fromthe great river by a canal three leagues in length. The fourth side, which had no ditch, was secured by high and thick palisades. As thecacique of Capaha was unprovided for resistance, he went away on seeingthe approach of his enemies along the canal in a canoe, and shelteredhimself in a fortified island in the great river. Many of his subjectsaccompanied him, and those who remained were butchered by the followersof Casquin, who took the whole scalps[177] of all they killed to carryhome as trophies. They plundered the town, and took many prisoners, among whom were two beautiful women, wives of the cacique. They likewisedemolished the burial-place belonging to Capaha, throwing about thebones of his ancestors, and recovered the scalps of their own countrymenwhich were hung up there as memorials of victory. All this evil was donebefore the arrival of Soto and the Spaniards, who had not been informedby Casquin of the enmity between him and Capaha. He would even havedestroyed the town, if he had not feared giving offence to Soto. 

[Footnote 176: On the western bank of the Missisippi, and in the countryof the Akansas, there are two Indian towns named Kappas or Quapa, whichmay possibly have some connection with the Capaha of the text. --E. ]

[Footnote 177: On all occasions the text of Herrera, as translated byStephens, names these savage trophies of massacre sculls, which we haveventured to call scalps, consistent with the now universal practice ofthe North American savages. Possibly the entire scull might be theoriginal trophy, for which the scalp was afterwards substituted as moreportable. --E. ]

On the coming up of the Spaniards, Soto sent a message to the fugitivecacique by means of some prisoners, offering peace; but Capaha would nothear of any friendly intercourse, and loudly declared his resolution totake ample vengeance of his enemies. Learning that the Spanish commanderwas making preparations for an attack on Capaha, Casquin requested himto wait for sixty canoes which he had ordered up the river, by means ofwhich the army could be transported to attack the fortified island. Inthe mean time the troops of Casquin marched through the country of theirenemies, which they laid waste on all sides, and in their course setfree some of their own countrymen who were there in captivity, and hadbeen lamed by cutting the sinews of one of their legs to prevent themfrom running away. On going in the canoes to attack the island, a greatpart of its coast was inaccessible, being overgrown with thick briarsand brambles, which formed an impenetrable barrier, and the onlyaccessible part was fortified by several rows of strong palisades. Sotoordered two hundred of his Spanish soldiers to endeavour to land alongwith the Indians belonging to Casquin. On this occasion one Spaniard wasdrowned by too great eagerness to get first to land; but the restmanaged so well that they soon gamed the first palisade, on which thewomen and children belonging to the defenders set up a terrible cry ofconsternation. A desperate opposition was made at the second palisade, in which consisted the last refuge of the defenders. The subjects ofCapaha reviled those of Casquin, calling them cowardly dogs, who hadnever ventured before to attack that place, and threatened them withample vengeance when the valiant strangers had left the country. Thesubjects of Casquin were so intimidated by these threats and the braveopposition they experienced, that in spite of every thing their caciquecould say they took to flight, carrying off forty of the canoes, andwould have done the same with the other twenty, had not two Spaniardsthat were left in charge of each defended them with their swords. Beingthus deserted by their allies, and having no horses to act against theIndians, the Spaniards began to retire; and when the Indians proposed topursue them, Capaha restrained them, thinking this a favourableopportunity to embrace the peace he had before rejected, and theSpaniards accordingly retired unmolested. 

Next day, without taking any notice whatever of Casquin, Capaha sentfour messengers to Soto, apologizing for having before refused peace, which he now sued for, and requested leave to wait upon him. Soto waswell pleased with this, and returned a suitable answer. Accordingly, Capaha came next day to the town, attended by an hundred Indians finelyadorned with plumes of feathers; and before waiting on the general wentto the sepulchre of his forefathers, where he gathered together thebones with anxious care, kissed them with much reverence, and replacedthem in their chests or coffins. On coming into the presence of Soto, hepaid his compliments with a good grace, and though only about twenty-sixyears of age gave an intelligent account or the affairs of his country. Turning to his enemy Casquin, he addressed him as follows: "I supposeyou are now well pleased at having seen what you never expected, forwhich you may thank the power of these valiant strangers: But when theyare gone, you and I shall understand each other. In the mean time I praythe sun and moon to send us good seasons. " Being informed of what Capahahad said, the general without giving time to Casquiu to reply, assuredCapaha that he and his Spaniards had not come into the country toinflame the enmity of the tribes, but to reconcile them. After morefriendly discourse of this nature, Capaha consented to be friends withCasquin, and the two chiefs sat down to dinner with Soto. After therepast, the two women who belonged to Capaha and had been takenprisoners were brought in and restored to him, at which he seemed wellpleased, yet presented them to Soto, who declined accepting them; butCapaha desired him to give them to any one he pleased, as they shouldnot stay with him, and they were accordingly admitted among thefollowers of the Spanish army. 

At this time the Spaniards suffered excessively for want of salt, whenthey were informed by some Indians that there was plenty to be had, andlikewise of the metal they called gold only about four leagues fromthence. Soto accordingly sent Ferdinand de Silvera and Pedro Morenounder the guidance of these Indians to the place, ordering them likewiseto examine diligently into all the circumstances of the country theypassed through. They returned after eleven days with six loads of rocksalt, as clear as crystal, and one load of fine copper; and reportedthat the country they had passed through was rather barren and thinlyinhabited. On receiving this report, the general resolved to return inthe first place to Casquin, and thence to proceed towards the west, having marched northward all the way from Mavila, in order to remove toa distance from the sea. After resting five days at Casquin, theymarched other five days down the river, where at a town in the provinceof _Quiguate_ the inhabitants fled without any hostilities, but theyreturned in two days and the cacique made an apology for his absence. Inthe interval, the inhabitants of that place wounded two of theSpaniards, which the general thought proper to overlook under thepresent circumstances. Departing from Quiguate after a sojourn of sevendays, they arrived in five days more at the province of _Colima_, marching still down the river, and were received in a friendly manner. At this place they found another river having blue sand, which was saltto the taste. The Spaniards being much in want of salt, steeped some ofthis sand in water, which they strained and boiled, and procuredexcellent salt to their great joy; yet some ate of it so voraciouslythat ten of them died. 

Departing from this province of Colima, which the Spaniards named _DeSal_, or the Salt Country, they marched four days through an uninhabitedwilderness, after which they came to a province called _Tula_[178]. Onapproaching the first town, the whole population both male and femalecame out to oppose them, and a battle ensued in which the Indians weredefeated, and the Spaniards rushed into the town along with thefugitives; and as the inhabitants obstinately refused to submit orsurrender they were all massacred. After this, on Reynoso Cabeza deVaca[179] going into one of the houses, he was suddenly beset by fivewomen who had hidden themselves in a corner, who would have stifled himif he had not been rescued by two soldiers who came in upon hearing hiscries for assistance, and who were forced to kill the women before theycould extricate him from their hands. From this place Soto sent outparties of his cavalry to view the country. When any Indians were madeprisoners in these excursions, they used to throw themselves on theground, exclaiming "_either kill me or leave me_, " refusing obstinatelyto accompany the Spaniards, or to give any account of the country. Atthis place the Spaniards found several well dressed cows hides, thoughthey could never learn from whence they came[180], and likewise othergood skins of various kinds. Four days after the arrival of theSpaniards at this place, they were attacked one morning early bysurprise by a large party of Indians, in three several places at once, all calling out _Tula! Tula!_ continually, which was considered as awatch-word to know each other in the obscurity and confusion of theattack. The Spaniards seized their arms in all haste, invoking theblessed virgin and their patron apostle St Jago for aid, as they were inthe utmost peril. In this battle the Indians fought with great clubs, aweapon which had not been seen before in Florida. The Indians continuedthe assault with such obstinacy till after sunrise, and the Spaniardshad been so completely surprised, that they were forced to lay aside allpunctilios of military discipline, each using his utmost individualefforts for safety, and the officers even submitting to fightoccasionally under the command of their inferiors. At length the Indianswere repulsed, and retired unpursued by the Spaniards, of whom four werekilled and a good many wounded. 

[Footnote 178: It is proper to observe that this place is named Fula onanother occasion by Herrera. --E. ]

[Footnote 179: This may have been a relative of Alvar Nunnez Cabeza deVaca, whose adventures in escaping from the disastrous expedition ofPanfilo de Narvaez to Florida have been related in the third section ofthis chapter. --E. ]

[Footnote 180: It is however well known that buffaloes are found invarious parts of North America. --E. ]

While the Spaniards after the battle were surveying the dead, andlooking at the dreadful wounds made by their swords and spears, anIndian started up from among the dead, on which Juan de Caranza ran toattack him. But the Indian gave him such a stroke with a Spanishbattle-axe he had laid hold of, as to cleave his target and wound him inthe arm. On this Diego de Godoy came up to assail him, but was soondisabled. Francisco de Salazar came on next, and made several thrusts atthe Indian who skulked behind a tree, but at length gave Salazar soviolent a blow on the neck that he dropped from his horse. The fourthSpaniard who came against this single Indian was Gonzalo Silvestre, whoconducted himself with more caution. Having avoided a blow aimed at himby the Indian, he gave him in return a back stroke with his sword on theforehead, which glanced down his breast, and cut off his left hand atthe wrist. The Indian rushed on aiming a blow at the face of Silvestre, who warded it off with his target, underneath which he with another backstroke cut him almost in two at the waist. The general and many otherswent up to see this Indian who had made himself so remarkable by hisvalour, and to admire the wonderful cut he had received from GonzaloSilvestre; who was well known at the court of Madrid in 1570, by hisvalour and dexterity. 

After remaining twenty days in Tula, the Spaniards departed from thence, accompanied only by one Indian woman and a boy belonging to that place, the former having attached herself to Juan Serrano de Leon, and theother to Christopher de Mosquera. In two days march, they came to theterritory of Vitangue, through which they marched for four days, andthen took up their quarters in a well built town, which they foundabandoned. The situation of this place was advantageous, as it wasinclosed with good palisades and there was plenty of provisions both forthe men and horses; and as the winter advanced with hasty strides, Sotoresolved to remain here till the ensuing spring, although the Indianswere continually troublesome, and rejected every proposal for peace. 

SECTION VI. 

_Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto_[181]. 

[Footnote 181: Herrera, VI. 1--30. ]

Soto and his men accordingly took up their quarters in the town ofVitangue at the latter end of the year 1541[182]. As during their abodeat this place, the Spaniards often went out to kill deer, rabbits, androe-bucks, all of which were plentiful and good in the surroundingcountry, they were frequently on these occasions way-laid by theIndians, who discharged their arrows at them from ambushments and thenmade their escape. A great deal of snow fell during the winter, but asthe Spaniards had abundance of fire-wood and provisions, among which wasexcellent fruit, they lived in tolerable comfort and in plenty. Thecacique of the province, desirous of becoming acquainted with thestrength and numbers of the Spaniards, that he might know how best toattack them, sent several messages to the general under pretence ofoffering to visit him. At first the Spaniards admitted these people intotheir quarters even under night; but at length Soto began to suspectsome sinister purpose, by the frequency of these messages, and gaveorders that no more of them should be admitted at night, reproving thosewho did not chastise and turn back these unseasonable visitors. Inconsequence of these orders, one of the centinels killed an Indian whoimpudently endeavoured to force his way into the town next night, forwhich he was much commended by the general. 

[Footnote 182: At this place the text returns to the true date of 1541, quite conformable with the whole tenor of the narrative, and fullyconfirming our observations respecting erroneous dates in the text onformer occasions. --E. ]

Towards the end of winter, several parties were sent out in differentdirections to endeavour to procure Indians for carrying the baggage, whobrought in very few. Upon this Soto set out himself on a similarexpedition, with 100 horse and 150 foot. After a march of twenty leaguesinto the province of _Naguaten_, which was very populous, he attacked atown by surprise one morning at day-break, and returned with manyprisoners. In April 1542, the Spaniards broke up from their winterquarters at Vitangue, and in seven days through a fruitful countryarrived without opposition at the chief town of Naguaten, where theyfound abundance of provisions, and remained seventeen days. On the sixthday after their arrival, a message was brought from the cacique, toexcuse himself for not having visited the general and offering hisservices. Soto received this messenger with much civility, and sent backa courteous answer. Next day four chiefs came attended by 500 servantswith a large quantity of provisions, saying they had been sent by theirlord to attend upon the general, but the cacique never made hisappearance. 

On departing from Naguaten, and after the Spaniards had marched twoleagues, they missed a gentleman of Seville, named Diego de Guzman, whohad always hitherto behaved himself well, but was much addicted togaming. On inquiry it was found that Guzman had lost every thing he hadat play the day before, among which was a good black horse and abeautiful young Indian woman to whom he was much attached. He hadpunctually delivered up every thing he had lost, except the woman, whomhe promised to yield up in five days. It was concluded therefore thatthe reason of his disappearance was from shame of having abandonedhimself to gaming, and owing to his love for the woman. On thisoccasion, the general required of the four chiefs belonging to Naguatento restore Guzman, or that he would detain them as prisoners. Theyaccordingly sent to inquire after him, and it was found that he had gonealong with the woman to the cacique, whose daughter she was, that theIndians used him well, and that he refused to return. Upon this, one ofthe four chiefs asked permission of the general to go and inquire thereason of Guzman refusing to come back, and requested a letter to thedeserter to that effect, saying that it was not reasonable he and hiscomrades should be reduced to slavery for the fault of another personwho renounced his country and deserted from his commander. Sotoaccordingly ordered Baltasar de Gallegos, who was the friend andtownsman of Guzman, to write him a letter reproving his behaviour andadvising him to return; promising in the name of the general that hishorse and arms should be returned, or others given in their room. TheIndian who carried this letter was ordered to threaten the cacique withhaving his country laid waste if he did not restore Guzman. Themessenger returned in three days, bringing back the letter, havingGuzmans name wrote upon it with a piece of burnt stick, and an answerperemptorily refusing to return. Along with this letter, the caciquesent a message, declaring that he had done nothing to oblige Guzman tostay, and did not think himself obliged to force him back, but would onthe contrary be well pleased if many others of the Spaniards would staywith him, all of whom should be well used: And if the general thoughtproper on this account to kill the four chiefs who were in his power andto ruin the country, he certainly might do so, but it would in hisopinion be extremely unjust. Perceiving that it was impossible to induceGuzman to return, and that the cacique was in the right, Soto dismissedthe four chiefs with some presents, and continued his progress. 

After five days march through the province of Naguaten, the Spaniardsentered upon a new territory called _Guacane_, inhabited by a fierce andwarlike tribe, who obstinately refused to be at peace with them. In allthe houses of this tribe, _wooden-crosses_ were found; supposed to havebeen occasioned by what Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had taught intheir progress through some other provinces of Florida, from whencethese crosses had been conveyed to this province and severalothers[183]. Soto, having now lost half of his men and horses, was verydesirous to establish some colony, that the fatigues and dangers whichhad been endured by him and his men might turn out to some usefulpurpose. With this view he was now anxious to return to the great river, repenting that he had not built a town at _Achusi_, as he once designed. He had now a strong inclination to found a colony in some convenientsituation near the great river; where he could build two brigantines tosend down to the sea, to give notice of the large and fertile provinceshe had discovered, considering that if he should happen to die, all thefruits of his labours would be lost. Having marched eight days throughthe hostile province of _Guacane_, he proceeded by long marches insearch of the great river through seven extensive provinces, some ofwhich were fertile. In some of these the Spaniards were received in afriendly manner, as they used every possible means to avoid war, becausetheir numbers were so much diminished, and they feared the summer mightpass away before they could reach the great river. Having entered theprovince of _Anilco_, they marched thirty leagues through it to a townof four hundred houses, having a large square in which the residence ofthe cacique stood on an artificial mount on the bank of the river, whichwas as large as the Guadalquiver at Seville. On their approach to thisplace, the cacique drew out 1500 warriors to combat the Spaniards; yetas soon as they drew near, all the Indians fled without shooting asingle arrow, and crossed the river in canoes and on floats, carryingoff their women and children, only a small number being taken by theSpaniards. Soto sent several messages to the cacique requesting peace, but he constantly refused to be seen or to send any answer. 

[Footnote 183: In Governor Pownalls map of North America, Soto is saidto have reached a place called Caligoa in Louisiana on a branch of a Redriver, in lat. 36° N. And about 230 miles west from the Missisippi. --E. ]

Leaving Anilco, and crossing the river on which it stood withoutopposition, the Spaniards marched through an extensive unpeopledwilderness overgrown with wood, and came into the province ofGuachacoya. The first town they came to was the capital of the province, and was situated on several hillocks at the side of the great river, onone of which hillocks stood the residence of the cacique. Being taken bysurprise, as he had received no intelligence of the approach of theSpaniards in consequence of being at war with Anilco, the cacique ofGuachacoya saw no likelihood of being able to defend his town, and madetherefore a precipitate retreat across the river with his people incanoes and floats, carrying off as many of their effects as they could. 

The wars which were carried on among the tribes inhabiting the variousdistricts or provinces of Florida, were not intended to deprive eachother of their dominions, neither did they ordinarily engage in pitchedbattles with their whole forces; but consisted chiefly in skirmishes andmutual surprises, carried on by small parties at the fishing-places, inthe hunting grounds, among the corn-fields, and on the paths through thewilderness. Sometimes they burnt the towns of their enemies, but alwaysretired into their own country after any exploit; so that their warlikeenterprises seemed rather for exercise in the use of arms, and to shewtheir valour, than for any solid or public purpose. In some places theyransomed or exchanged prisoners. In others they made them lame of a legin order to retain them in their service, more from pride and vain glorythan for any substantial use or benefit[184]. 

[Footnote 184: It is perhaps singular that no mention is made of thecruel manner in which the North American Indians were in use to puttheir prisoners to death. Probably that practice was then confined tothe tribes farther to the north and west. --E. ]

Three days after the arrival of the Spaniards at Guachacoya, the caciquebecame acquainted with the unfriendly reception they had received atAnilco. Though a barbarian, he could perceive the advantage which mightbe derived from that circumstance to obtain revenge upon his enemies, byan alliance with the warlike strangers. He sent therefore four of hisinferior chiefs to wait upon the Spanish general attended by aconsiderable number of Indians loaded with fish and fruit, and desiringpermission to wait upon him at the end of four days. Soto accordinglyreceived the messengers with great courtesy, and sent back a friendlyanswer; yet the wary cacique sent fresh messengers every day to see inwhat disposition the Spanish general was. At length, being satisfiedthat Soto was disposed to receive him well, he made his appearanceattended by ten chiefs splendidly dressed after their manner, in fineplumes of feathers, and rich furs, but all armed. Soto received them ina friendly manner, and had a long discourse, with the cacique in one ofthe spacious rooms belonging to his residence, by the intervention ofinterpreters. At one time the cacique happened to sneeze, on which allthe Indians who were present bowed their heads and extended their arms, in token of salute; some saying, _the sun preserve you_, others _the sunbe with you_, and others _may the sun make you great_, with othercomplimentary expressions of similar import. Among other discourse atthis interview, the cacique proposed to Soto to return into the provinceof Anilco to take revenge on the cacique for his enmity, and offered tosupply 80 canoes to carry the Spaniards down the great river and up thatof Anilco, the distance being only twenty leagues, when the rest of thearmy marching by land might form a junction in the centre of the enemiescountry. As Soto was inclined to take a full view of the country, meaning to form a settlement between these two provinces, where he mightbuild his brigantines, he agreed to this proposal, and accordinglyorders were given out to prepare for the march. Juan de Guzman wasordered to embark with his company on board the canoes, which werelikewise to carry 4000 Indians, and who were expected to join the forceswhich marched by land at the end of three days. Soto and the rest of theSpanish forces marched by land, being accompanied by Guachacoya with2000 warriors, besides a large number carrying the provisions. 

They all met at the time appointed, and as the Anilcans were unable tooppose the groat force which came against them, the Guachacoyans enteredthe town killing all they met, without regard to age or sex; committedall imaginable barbarities, broke open the sepulchres scattering andtrampling on the bones, and took away the scalps of their countrymen andother trophies which the Anilcans had hung up in commemoration of theirvictories. On seeing the barbarity of his allies, Soto sounded aretreat and ordered the Spaniards to turn the Indians out of the town, wishing anxiously to put a stop to any farther mischief, and to preventit from being set on fire. But all his efforts were ineffectual, as theGuachacoyans thrust burning brands into the thatch of the houses, whichsoon took fire, and the town was utterly destroyed. The Spaniards andtheir allies now returned to Guachacoya, where Soto gave orders forcutting down and hewing timber with which to build the brigantines, andto prepare iron work for their construction; designing when the vesselswere finished to cross the river into a province named _Quiqualtangui_, which was very fertile and populous, the cacique of which had a town offive hundred houses, but who could never be induced to listen toproposals of peace from the Spaniards: On the contrary, he had sworn bythe sun and moon, that he would give battle to these vagabond robbers, and would hang up their quarters on trees. The general endeavoured toappease him with presents and fair words, being always generous towardsthe leaders of the barbarians, endeavouring to bear with and softentheir savage manners, and to conciliate their friendship. By this wiseconduct he had hitherto been able to subsist his troops for so long atime among so many fierce and savage nations. 

While engaged in these things, Soto was seized with a violent fever, which increased upon him so that he soon perceived it would provemortal. He made therefore his will, and endeavoured to prepare for deathlike a good Christian. That nothing might be left unprovided for, heappointed in presence of all his officers and principal followers LuisMoscoso de Alvarado to succeed him in the command till the king mightorder otherwise; and after commending the virtue and bravery ofAlvarado, he entreated and commanded all to yield him implicitobedience, even taking their oaths to that purpose, and represented tothem how necessary it was for them all to be united and obedient, fortheir own preservation among these barbarous nations. He then took anaffectionate leave of all his officers and soldiers, and departed thislife on the seventh day of his illness, after performing all the dutiesof a zealous Christian. Ferdinand de Soto was of a comely appearance andpleasant countenance, and of affable and generous dispositions. He wasan excellent soldier, and managed his weapons with much dexterity bothon foot and on horseback; skilful and experienced in all militaryaffairs; always brave and cool in action, and the foremost in everyenterprise of danger: severe in punishing when necessary, yet easy toforgive, and always inclined to please his soldiers when that might bedone without lessening his authority. At his death he was only forty-twoyears of age, and had expended his whole fortune, exceeding 100, 000ducats on this romantic and fruitless expedition. His death wasuniversally lamented among his followers, as he had acquired theiruniversal love and esteem by his excellent qualities and conduct. It wasthought necessary to bury him under night, that his death might not beknown to the Indians, nor the place of his interment, lest they shouldinsult his remains; but in spite of all their precautions the secret wasrevealed; for which reason they hollowed out a log of oak into whichthey put his body, and sunk it in the middle of the great river, at aplace where it was a quarter of a league across and nineteen feet deep. 

When the funeral of the general was over, Luis de Alvarado assembled hisofficers to hold a council upon the present state of their affairs. After thanking them for admitting him as their commander, and making astatement of their numbers, arms, and ammunition, he desired they woulddetermine upon what was best to be done, considering the fierceness andinveterate enmity of the barbarous nations by whom they were surrounded:Whether to prosecute what had been previously resolved upon by theirlate lamented general, or to devise some other measure for extricatingthemselves from the country, declaring that he was ready to proceedaccording to their opinion and advice. In their answer, the officersthanked him for the compliment he paid them, but referred thedetermination respecting their future proceedings to himself, and againsubmitted to obey him as their commander. The death of Soto had made agreat change in the minds of the Spanish forces, who now determined toabandon the country they had taken so much pains to discover. Accordingly, they set out on the 5th of July 1542, and marched above 100leagues to the westwards, through a barren and desert country[185]. Onleaving Guachacoya they were joined by an Indian youth of about sixteenyears of age, whom they did not observe till the fourth day of theirmarch. Suspecting him of being a spy, Alvarado asked him who he was andwhat was his object in following them. He said that he had fled fromGuachacoya, because the chief whom he served was at the point of death, and he had been appointed to be buried alive along with his master, asit was the custom of the country to inter women and servants along withgreat personages, to minister to them in the next world. 

[Footnote 185: Though not directly so expressed in the text; it may beinferred from circumstances in the after part of the narratives that thepresent object of Alvarado and the Spaniards, was to endeavour to findtheir way by land to the northern part of New Spain. --E. ]

At the end of the 100 leagues of wilderness, the Spaniards came to aprovince called _Auche_, where they were well received, and where theyrested for two days. Still determined upon proceeding to the westwards, they were informed that they had a desert wilderness of four daysjourney to cross, and received a supply of provisions sufficient for thejourney, with a guide to conduct them through the wilderness. But afterhaving marched for eight days in that direction, still in theunhospitable and unpeopled wilds, and having been three days withoutIndian corn, they discovered that they had been imposed upon and werelikely to perish of famine. Alvarado now ordered a dog to be let looseupon the faithless guide; who acknowledged that he had received ordersfrom the cacique of Auche to lead them into the heart of the desert thatthey might there perish, because he did not think himself able tocontend with them in arms. He craved pardon therefore of the general forhaving obeyed the orders of his chief, and engaged to lead the army inthree days more, still proceeding to the westwards, to an inhabitedcountry where they would find provisions. But the Spaniards were soincensed against him for leading them into the present alarmingsituation, that they would not listen to his apology or promises, andpermitted the dogs to devour him. Thus left in the utmost want ofprovisions, and utterly ignorant of the country, the Spaniards held ontheir way towards the west for other three days, during which they hadto subsist upon any wild plants they could find; and at length came toan inhabited though barren country. They here procured the means ofsubsistence, particularly beef, and saw many fresh cows hides, thoughthe Indians never shewed them any cows[186]. While the Spaniards wereproceeding on their march through this province, which they denominated_De los Vaqueros_[187], or the tribe of cow-herds, they observed anIndian approach from the skirts of a wood, and believing he might havebrought some message from the cacique, they permitted him to draw near. But as soon as he was within reach, he levelled an arrow at five or sixsoldiers who stood together, who fortunately escaped the danger bystepping to a side; but the arrow flew among some Indian women who weredressing provisions for their masters, pierced one of them quitethrough, and wounded another in the breast, so that both died. On thealarm being given, Baltasar Gallegos, who happened to be at hand, overtook the Indian before he could get back to the wood, and slew him. 

[Footnote 186: Unquestionably because they had none to produce. The beefand the hides were assuredly acquired by hunting the wild Americanbuffaloe or bison. --E. ]

[Footnote 187: In this rare instance our maps throw some light on thetext. Nearly in the latitude of the mouth of the Ohio, but 700 or 800miles west from the Missisippi, there is a nation named the ApachesVaqueros, probably the same indicated in the text. The route thitherfrom the Missisippi leads through several tribes of savage Indians, named Ozages, Paducas, and Kanzez. --E. ]

Having travelled above thirty leagues westwards through this province ofthe cow-herds, they discovered a ridge of vast mountains still fartherto the west, which from their own scouts and the information of theIndians, they learnt were barren, desert, and unpeopled. They were alsoinformed, that if they bent their course to the right hand, they wouldcome into a desert country; but that to the left, though a longer way, they would travel through inhabited and plentiful countries[188]. Considering what they had endured in their late march through the desertintervening between Auche and the country of _Los Vaqueros_, they haddetermined upon giving up their first plan of proceeding by land toMexico, thinking it better to return to the great river, and so proceedto the sea pursuant to the plan originally proposed by their lategeneral. They accordingly took long marches to the _southwards_, takingcare not to offend the barbarians, yet they were teased by frequentattacks while leaving the country of the cow-herds. On one of theseoccasions a soldier was wounded by an arrow, which penetrated throughhis greaves and thigh, and passing through the saddle lap, ran twofingers breadth into the horses side, the arrow being made of reed withno other head than the reed itself hardened in the fire and sloped to apoint. The wounded soldier was lifted from his horse, the arrow beingpreviously cut off between his thigh and the saddle, and he was left tocure himself, as he had formerly performed many wonderful cures on hiscomrades with only oil and wool, assisted by prayers. But since thebattle of Mavila, in which all the oil was lost, he had never attemptedto cure either others or himself, though twice wounded before, believingthat the cure could not be performed without oil and dirty wool. In thisdistress, he swore that he would not submit to the surgeons, and wouldrather die than allow them to dress his wound. Having no oil, hesubstituted hogs lard, and procured some wool from an Indian mantle, asthe Spaniards had now no shirts or any other linen among them, and tothe astonishment of every one he was so sound in four days that he wasable to mount his horse on the fifth day. He now begged pardon of thesoldiers for having allowed so many of his comrades to perish, byrefusing to cure them, as he had believed the efficacy of his mode ofcure depended on the oil, but as he now found that it consisted in theholy words he had pronounced over the dressings, he desired they mightagain recur to him when wounded, and he would exert himself as formerly. This soldier, named Sanjurgo Gallego, was very chaste, a good Christian, ever ready to serve all men, and had many other virtues[189]. 

[Footnote 188: There is some ambiguity in the text, from which it isdifficult to ascertain whether the left and right hand of their generalline of march is now to be respectively considered as south and north, or the contrary. But as coupled with their intended return towards thegreat river, now to the east, the _left_ means probably the _north_, andthe _right_ the _south_. --E. ]

[Footnote 189: Though not mentioned in the text, it is not improbablethat Gallego had formerly placed considerable dependence on the use of_holy_ oil, or chrysm. The whole secret of his surgery seems to haveconsisted in the application of bland oils, and leaving nature tooperate, without the employment of the ancient barbarous methods ofcure, by tents, escharotics, cautery, and heating inflammatoryapplications; which in modern times, abandoned by surgeons, have beenadopted by farriers. --E. ]

After leaving the territories of the cow-herds, the Spaniards marchedfor twenty days through the lands of other tribes. Being of opinion thatthey had declined too much from, the direction of Guachacoya, to whichplace they now proposed returning, the Spaniards now directed theircourse eastwards, still inclining somewhat towards the _north_, so thatin this way they crossed the direction they had formerly gone in theirmarch from Auche to the country of the cow-herds, yet without perceivingit. When at length they reached the great river, it was the middle ofSeptember, having travelled three months from leaving Guachacoya; andthough they had fought no pitched battle during all that time, theywere never free from alarm night or day, so that they had lost fortysoldiers during this last useless and circuitous march. The Indians onevery opportunity shot all who happened to stray from the main body, andwould often crawl on all fours at night into their quarters, shoot theirarrows, and make their escape, unseen by the centinels. To add to theirdistresses, the winter now began to set in, with much rain, snow andexcessive cold weather. On coming to where they proposed quartering forthe night, though wet, cold, weary and hungry, they were obliged to sendparties in advance to secure them, generally, by force, and after allwere mostly under the necessity of procuring provisions by means oftheir swords. Besides all this, they were often forced to constructrafts or floats on which to pass rivers, which sometimes occupied themfive or six days. The horsemen were frequently obliged to pass the nighton horseback, and the infantry to stand up to their knees in mire andwater, with hardly any clothes to cover them, and such as they hadalways wet. Owing to these accumulated hardships, many of the Spaniardsand their Indian attendants fell sick, and the distemper proceeded tothe horses, so that sometimes four or five men and horses died in a day, and sometimes seven, whom they scarcely had leisure to bury for haste inpursuing their march. 

In this miserable condition they came to the great river about thelatter end of November[190]. In their march on the west side of thegreat river, from leaving the territory of Guachacoya to their arrivalat their new winter quarters, they had marched by estimation 350leagues, and lost 100 men and 80 horses by the way, without countingtheir Indian servants, who were of vast use. This was the only fruit oftheir long and painful march westwards in quest of New Spain, and ofrefusing to follow the plan which had been devised by their late generalfor descending the great river to the sea. At this period they were muchgratified by finding two contiguous towns on the great river of 200houses each, which were enclosed by a wet ditch drawn from the river. They were now reduced to 320 foot and 70 horse, or 390 in all, who nowremained of 900 men and 330 horses which had landed in the bay ofEspiritu Santo at the end of May 1539, four years and a half before. Yetinured to hardships and accustomed to conquer, they immediately attackedand gained possession of these towns, from which the inhabitants fled, having heard of the irresistible valour of the Spaniards from othertribes. They had the good fortune to find plenty of provisions in thesetowns, and to remain undisturbed by the Indians, so that they soonrecovered from their fatigues; yet several died in consequence of theirpast sufferings, and among the rest Juan Ortiz, their chief interpreterand an excellent soldier. 

[Footnote 190: They were already said to have reached it in the middleof September. The discrepancy may either be an oversight of Herrera; orthey took from the middle of September to the end of November, indescending the right bank of the great river to where they passed thewinter, having come to it much higher up than they intended. --E. ]

Having determined to take up their quarters at this place, theyfortified one of the towns to serve as quarters for the winter. Thisprovince, called _Aminoya_, lay seventeen leagues farther up the riverthan Guachacoya, to which they had endeavoured to direct their course onreturning from the province of _Los Vaqueros_. Being somewhat recoveredtowards the end of January 1543, they set to work to cut down andprepare timber for building their brigantines. At this place, an oldIndian, who had been unable to make his escape along with the rest, objected to their staying in their present quarters for the winter, saying that the river was in use to overflow every fourteen years, andthat this was the expected season of its doing so. They refused howeverto profit by this information, of which they had sufficient reason torepent in the sequel. The return of the Spaniards to the great river wassoon known in all the neighbouring districts. Upon which the cacique ofAnilco, to prevent them from favouring the Guachacoyans as formerly, sent an embassy to Alvarado, offering his friendship and making mightypromises. The ambassador sent upon this occasion by Anilco was his _Apu_or lieutenant-general, who brought great abundance of fruit and otherthings to the Spaniards, and 200 Indian, servants to attend upon themand supply their wants. Having delivered his message, the Apu sent backthe answer to the cacique, and remained with the Spaniards. The caciqueof Guachacoya came likewise to wait upon the Spanish general, with agreat present, to confirm the former friendship, and though he saw thelieutenant of his enemy among the Spaniards, he took no notice of thecircumstance. On consultation about the brigantines, it was found thatit would require seven of them to accommodate all the people; and thetimber being all hewed and ready, the work was begun in earnest, andoccupied their utmost diligence all the months of February, March andApril 1543, during all which time they were amply supplied with allnecessaries by Anilco, who even furnished them with blankets and mantlesto defend themselves from the cold. These articles of clothing weremanufactured by the Indians from an herb resembling mallows, which hasfibres like those of flax; and the dresses which are made of thissubstance are afterwards dyed according to their fancies. On the presentoccasion, the Spaniards reserved the new blankets and mantles furnishedby Anilco for sails to their brigantines, and broke up those which wereold and useless to serve as oakum for caulking their vessels. Of thesame materials the Spaniards made all kinds of cordage for theirbrigantines, from the smallest ropes up to cables; and in every thingthe cacique Anilco, to whom they had formerly done so much injury, assisted the Spaniards to the utmost of his power, while Guachacoya wasexceedingly dissatisfied at seeing the intimacy between them. 

On the other side of the river there lay a large and fertile provincecalled _Quiqualtanqui_, the cacique of which was a haughty warlikeyouth, who believed that although the Spaniards were now buildingvessels to convey them out of the country, they might yet return ingreater numbers to enslave the natives. For this reason he determined todestroy them, and assembled forces from all parts of the country, boththose of his, own tribe and from all the tribes around. Having concludedan extensive confederacy and begun his preparations for war, he sent afriendly message to Alvarado to lull him into security, advising all hisconfederates to do the same. The general gave them all favourableanswers, yet kept himself carefully on his guard. _Quiqualtanqui_invited Anilco to join in the confederacy, instead of which he gavenotice of it to the Spaniards. It was not known how Guachacoya stoodaffected on this occasion, but he was suspected of having hostileintentions, as he made no communication of the conspiracy. Theconfederates continued to send frequent messages and presents to theSpaniards to discover what they were doing; and though repeatedly warnednot to come to their quarters under night they took no notice of it. Onenight that Gonzalo Silvestre happened to stand centinel in the secondwatch, the moon shining very bright, he observed two armed Indians intheir plumes of feathers, passing over the ditch on a tree that layacross instead of a bridge. These men came to a postern which theyentered without asking leave, on which Silvestre gave one of them a cuton the forehead, on which he immediately fled. The other Indian, withoutwaiting for his wounded companion, got into the canoe on the river andgave the alarm to his party. The wounded man, missing the tree acrossthe ditch, swam over and cried out for assistance when he came to theriver, on which some of his friends came and carried him off. Atsunrise, Quiqualtanqui sent four messengers demanding that Alvaradoshould punish the centinel for having been guilty of a breach of thepeace, more especially, as the wounded man was a chief. Four othermessengers arrived at mid-day on a similar errand, saying that thewounded chief was at the point of death; and four more came in theafternoon affirming that he was dead, and insisted that the centinelshould be publicly punished, since the action he had committed was anaffront to all the Indians of the confederacy. Alvarado boldly answered, that they had been previously and repeatedly warned never to come to theSpanish quarters under night, being always welcome and honourablytreated through the day. He added that though sincerely sorry for whathad happened, he could not possibly punish the centinel who had onlydone his duty according to military discipline, neither would hissoldiers allow of any such thing being done. The confederates thoughtfit to connive at this transaction, satisfied that Alvarado was a man ofinvincible courage and wise conduct; yet resolved upon executing theirdesign against the Spaniards as soon as possible. 

Being eager to get away from the country, the Spaniards labouredindefatigably in fitting out the vessels, even the best gentlemen amongthem using the utmost diligence; while those who were not handy in theseveral occupations about the brigantines employed themselves in huntingand fishing to procure provisions for the rest. Among other fish takenon the present occasion, one was taken by means of a hook of suchenormous dimensions, that the head alone weighed forty pounds. Theconfederate Indians under Quiqualtanqui continued their warlikepreparations, being much encouraged by knowing that Ferdinand de Sotowas dead, that the number of the Spaniards was very much diminished, andthat very few horses were left. So confident were they of success, thattwo of their spies desired some of the Indian women who served theSpaniards to be patient, for they would soon be freed from theirbondage to these vagabond robbers, as they were all to be slain. But thewomen disclosed this to their masters. When the night happened to bevery still, the noise of many people could be heard from the oppositeside of the river; and the Spaniards could distinctly see numerous firesat regular distances, as of the quarters of a large army. But it pleasedGod to confound the evil designs of these Indians, by an inundation ofthe river, which began on the 10th of March 1543, and increased withprodigious rapidity, so that on the 18th which was Palm Sunday, when theSpaniards were in procession, for they observed all the religioussolemnities, the water broke in at the gates of the town, and there wasno going along the streets for long after but in canoes. This inundationwas forty days of rising to its greatest height, which was on the 20thof April, at which time it extended above twenty leagues on each side ofthe river, so that nothing could be seen in all the country around butthe tops of the trees, and the people had to go every where in canoes. 

During the time of this terrible inundation, Alvarado sent twentySpaniards to Anilco to request a supply of rosin, blankets, and cordagefor completing the equipment of the vessels, and these men were sent infour canoes lashed two and two together, to prevent them from beingoverset by the trees which were under water. On coming to the town ofAnilco, they found it destroyed, though twenty leagues from the Spanishquarters, and the inundation had extended five leagues farther. GonzadoSilvestre who commanded these Spaniards was greatly in favour of thecacique Anilco, because he had restored to him a youth who hadaccompanied the Spaniards on their march to the westwards, who perfectlyunderstood the Spanish language, and was so much attached to theSpaniards as to be very averse from returning to his father. On thisoccasion Anilco supplied Silvestre with every thing of which he was inwant. 

It pleased God that the water began to subside towards the latter end ofApril; yet so slowly that on the 10th of May there was no going aboutthe streets of the town on account of the deep mire with which they werefilled. This was the more distressing to the Spaniards as they werebarefooted, all their shoes having been burnt at Mavila, and the shoesthey had since been able to make, being of untanned leather, were likeso much tripe as soon as wet. At the latter end of May, the great riverreturned to its usual channel, and the confederated Indians again drewtheir forces together to execute their original design against theSpaniards, of which they received intelligence from Anilco; who likewiseinformed Alvarado of the signals which had been concerted by theconfederates for the better prosecution of their enterprise, and evenoffered to assist the Spaniards with 8000 well armed warriors, and thatif they chose to retire into his country the confederates would not dareto attack them. Alvarado returned thanks for these friendly offers, butdeclined accepting them; because as he intended to go down the river andto quit the country, he did not deem it proper either to take refuge inthe territory of Anilco or to accept the assistance of his warriors, aseither of those might draw upon him the confederated hostility of hisneighbours: But he promised, if it should please God ever to put it inhis power, Anilco should not have cause to repent the service he hadbeen of to the king of Spain, or the kindness he had shewn to theSpaniards. In conclusion, he recommended to Anilco to discontinue anyfarther intercourse with him, lest he might give umbrage to theconfederated caciques. Many of the Spaniards were so puffed up by thefriendly offers of Anilco, that they endeavoured to persuade Alvarado toaccept the proferred aid, and prosecute an offensive war, thinking iteasy to subdue these people. But Alvarado was quite sensible of hispresent weakness, and determined to leave the country as soon aspossible; besides which he did not deem it prudent to confide too muchon the fidelity of Anilco. 

Four days afterwards, exactly conformable to the information receivedfrom Anilco, a numerous embassy arrived from the confederated caciques, intended to spy out the posture of the Spaniards, to enable them toconcert measures for the intended attack. Having rigidly examined thesepretended messengers, it was debated among the leaders of the Spaniardswhat ought to be done with these fraudulent envoys. Some were for givingthem fair words, as had been the practice hitherto; but it was finallyresolved to punish them in an exemplary manner, that the caciques mightknow their treachery was discovered, which might perhaps prevent theexecution of their designs. Accordingly though the messengers on thisoccasion were very numerous, thirty only were selected who had theirhands cut off, and were sent back in this guise to their employers, witha message signifying that the Spaniards had all along been aware oftheir villainy. This severe example proved successful, insomuch that theconfederacy was immediately dissolved, and the forces retired to theirrespective countries. Yet as the Spaniards had only built seven greatboats, they thought they might possibly be more successful by water, andthey agreed to collect a great number of canoes to attack them whilegoing down the river. 

As the Spaniards believed that their only safety depended upon goingdown the river as soon as possible, they hastened the completion oftheir vessels; and as they had not enough of iron for the constructionof whole decks, they satisfied themselves with quarter-decks andfore-castles to secure the provisions, laying planks only a midships. Every thing relative to the brigantines being completed, they gatheredall the Indian corn, pulse, and dried fruit they could procure; madebacon of all the swine that were left alive, except eighteen theycarried with them alive, and two boars and two sows which they gave toeach of the two caciques who were their friends. With the lard of theslaughtered swine, they tempered rosin instead of pitch and tar forpaying their vessels. They likewise provided a number of canoes; part ofwhich were lashed two and two together to carry thirty horses whichstill remained alive, and answered well for the purpose; the rest weredistributed among the brigantines, each having one at her stern to serveas a boat. On midsummer day 1543 the brigantines were launched into thegreat river, and on St Peters day, the 29th of that month, every thingbeing in readiness, the brigantines and canoes having defences made ofboards and skins to fend off the arrows, they took leave of the friendlycaciques, Anilco and Guachacoya, and set sail down the great river. 

Two captains were appointed to each brigantine, that when one hadoccasion to land the other might remain on board in charge of thevessel. About 350 Spaniards embarked, all that remained of 900 who hadoriginally landed in Florida. Near thirty Indian men and women were onboard each vessel, all of their own free will, as they declared theywould rather die with their masters than remain behind. Accordingly onSt Peters day before mentioned, about sunset, after Alvarado had givenregular instructions to all his officers and encouraged his men, theybegan their voyage, holding on their course down the river both withsails and oars, all that night and the next day and night. But on thefollowing day they were opposed by a fleet of near 1000 canoes belongingto the confederated caciques, some of which were so large as to havetwenty-five paddies on each side, and carrying many armed men besidesthe rowers. These large canoes were called the _admirals_, as beingsupposed to have the principal commanders on board. One was painted red, another blue, and others of several colours; the men on board havingtheir bodies painted of the same colours as the canoes, as were theirbows. All this splendid shew, with the variegated plumes of feathers onthe heads of the warriors, made a grand display. While they rowed afterthe Spaniards, they kept time to their songs, which were said by theinterpreters to signify, "That the vagabond strangers should all beslain on the water, and become food for the fishes. "

After taking a close view of the Spanish brigantines, the Indiansdivided their fleet of canoes into three equal squadrons, plying upclose to the bank on the starboard side; and when up with thebrigantines, the van forming a long and narrow line a-head, crossed theriver obliquely passing close by the brigantines, into which they allsuccessively threw in a shower of arrows, by which several Spaniardswere wounded notwithstanding their targets and baricades. The othersquadrons did the same in regular order, and as the brigantinescontinued on their course, the squadrons of canoes continuedsuccessively to repeat similar charges, both day and night, expecting inthis manner to destroy all the Spaniards by degrees. The Spaniards heldon their way for ten successive days and nights, continually assailed inthis manner by the Indians, and doing some execution in their turn bymeans of their crossbows, all their musquets having been turned intoiron work for the brigantines, having become useless as all their powderwas expended. At the end of these ten days, the Indian fleet drew backfrom the Spaniards to the distance of about half a league. TheSpaniards, still advancing came in sight of a small town, and supposedfrom the Indians leaving them that they were now near the sea, havingrun by estimation 200 leagues, as they used both sails and oars, andwent straight down the river without stopping in any place. Beingdesirous of procuring provisions, Alvarado ordered 100 men to land, witheight horses; and as the Indians immediately abandoned their town, theyprocured plenty of provisions of all sorts. In this town likewise theyfound leather made of goats skins, some white, and some of variouscolours, and other skins of different kinds well dressed, and manymantles. They found here a long slip of the finest sables, eight ells inlength and an ell broad, adorned at regular distances with strings ofpearls and small tufts of seed pearl, regularly placed. GonzaloSilvestre who commanded on this enterprise, got this rarity to hisshare, which was supposed to be some ensign of war, or some ornament fortheir dances. 

As many Indians appeared collecting in the fields, and the canoes werereturning to attack the brigantines, Alvarado ordered the trumpets tosound a retreat to recall Silvestre and his men on board. On thisoccasion the Spaniards were obliged to abandon their horses, which theIndians immediately shot to death with their arrows. When the party wasall returned to the brigantines, the Spaniards resumed their voyage downthe river, followed by the canoes, which did not now retain their formerorder, but followed in several separate squadrons. On the thirteenth dayof their voyage down the great river, one of the brigantines happeningto fall about an hundred paces behind the rest, the Indians immediatelyattacked and even boarded it, and would in all probability have madethemselves master of it, had not the other brigantines come up to itsrescue. However the Indians carried off the canoe from the stern, inwhich were five sows that had been reserved for a breed. 

On the sixteenth day of the voyage, one Estevanez, a desperate yetclownish fellow, who was vain of the reputation he had acquired by hisintrepidity, took away the canoe from the stern of the brigantine inwhich he was embarked, and persuaded five other soldiers to accompanyhim, saying that he was going to perform an exploit to gain fame, and toobtain leave of the captain of the vessel, he pretended that he wasgoing to speak with the general. When he had got clear of thebrigantine, he immediately made towards the enemy, crying out _fall onthem! they run!_ When Alvarado saw this mad action he endeavoured torecall Estevanez by sound of trumpet, and sent about forty men after himin several canoes under the command of Juan de Guzman, to bring backEstevanez whom Alvarado intended to hang for his breach of discipline. At the same time the brigantines furled their sails and rowed up againstthe stream to support the canoes. The Indian canoes, which covered thewater for an extent of a quarter of a league, retreated a little way onpurpose to separate the Spanish canoes from the brigantines; on which, quite frantic at seeing them give way, Estevanez pushed on, followed bythe other canoes which were sent to bring him back. The Indian canoesthen drew up in form of a crescent, and when the Spanish canoes werewell advanced among them, those Indian canoes which formed the horn orpoint on the right, attacked them so furiously athwart ships that theysunk them all, by which means all the Spaniards were drowned, and if anyhappened to appear above water, they were either shot with arrows, orhad their brains dashed out by the paddles. Thus forty-eight Spaniardsperished, only four escaping of all that were in the canoes. The Indiansheld on their pursuit of the brigantines all that day making continualrejoicings for their victory. On the _seventeenth_ day at sun-rise, whenthe Indians had paid their adorations to the sun with hideous cries, anda prodigious noise of drums, horns, and trumpets, they ceased thepursuit of the Spaniards and retired, having continued the chase aboutfour hundred leagues. 

The river was now estimated by the Spaniards to be _fifteen_ leaguesacross, from which they concluded they were near the sea, yet did notventure to quit the main stream for fear of hidden danger. Thus holdingon their course, on the nineteenth day of their voyage they came to thesea, computing that they had run little short of 500 leagues[191], fromthe place where they built their brigantines. Being ignorant whereaboutthey were, they cast anchor at an island, where they rested three daysto recover from their long fatigues and continual watching, and to refittheir brigantines. They here computed how far they had been up thecountry, and as already mentioned estimated the distance from where thebrigantines were built to the sea at near 500 leagues: And as the riverwas there nineteen feet deep and a quarter of a league over, theyconjectured that the source of the river might be still 300 leaguesfarther up the country, or 800 leagues in its whole course. When theSpaniards had been three days in this island, they observed seven canoesto issue from a place overgrown with tall reeds, and come towards them. When within hearing, a gigantic man, as black as a negro, stood up inthe headmost canoe and addressed them in the following harangue:"Wherefore do you vagabond robbers stroll about this coast, disturbingits inhabitants? Get you gone speedily by one of the mouths of the greatriver, and let me not find you here after this night, or I will kill youall and burn your ships!" After this he withdrew among the reeds, andAlvarado sent Gonzalo Silvestre with 100 men in the remaining canoes toexamine the inlet among the reeds. Of these men seventeen were armedwith cross-bows and three had long bows taken from the Indians, as thewant of musquets had induced the Spaniards to use the arms of theirenemies, at which they were become skilful. On getting into the creek orinlet among the reeds, Silvestre found sixty small canoes drawn up inreadiness to receive him, which he immediately attacked, and oversetthree of them at the first shock, wounding many of the Indians; and asall the rest of the canoes immediately fled, Silvestre and his partyreturned to the brigantines. 

[Footnote 191: Five hundred Spanish leagues at 17-1/2 to a degree, orabout four English miles, would amount to about 2000 miles of voyagedown the Missisippi; but we have no sufficient warrant in the text toascertain the league used by Herrera, neither is it probable that theSpaniards on this occasion could make any computation nearly accurate. The only reasonable conjecture on this subject is from the number ofdays employed in descending the river, which the text informs us was_nineteen_, three of which we may suppose were occupied in differentstoppages. We know likewise from Imlays Description of Kentucky, p. 126, that the ordinary rate of descending the Missisippi is about 80 miles aday. On these data, the Spaniards made a voyage down that river of about1280 English miles, from which we may conclude that they had winteredsomewhere about the situation of New Madrid, in lat. 36° 30' N. Orperhaps nearly opposite the junction of the Ohio with the greatriver. --E. ]

Leaving the island, and going out into the open sea, the Spaniards nowbore away to the westwards to endeavour to find their way to New Spain, always keeping the coast of Florida[192] on their starboard-side orright hand. They knew not whereabout they were, and had neither chartnor compass to guide their course, neither had they any instrument tofind the latitude; but they satisfied themselves in the hope of reachingNew Spain by following the coast. During all the first day and night, they continued to sail among the fresh water of the great river. Afterthis they held on their course for fifteen days without any thingremarkable taking place; only that they were under the necessity oflanding every day to procure water, as they had no vessels in which tocarry any store on board. At the end of that period they got among aparcel of small islands, which were frequented by such multitudes of seafowl that the entire surface was covered by their nests, so that therewas scarcely room to tread. These furnished an ample supply ofprovisions, though their flesh had somewhat of a fishy taste. Next daythey landed on a pleasant shore covered with trees, to procure water;and while looking about in search of shell fish, some pieces of bitumenwere found resembling pitch, and upon farther search they were fortunateenough to find the source whence it flowed. On finding this convenience, they thought proper to repair or careen their brigantines, which hadbecome leaky, which they did by means of this bitumen melted along witha proper quantity of hogs lard. This work occupied them for eight days, during which time they only saw eight Indians, to whom they gave sometrinkets they had yet remaining, without asking any questions respectingthe country where they now were, as all their hopes and wishes centeredin arriving in New Spain. 

[Footnote 192: It has been already noticed that the term Florida is usedin the whole of this chapter in a very extended sense, being applied toall of North America to the north of the Gulf of Mexico. Immediately onleaving the great river or Missisippi, and sailing to the west, thecoast is new known under the name of Louisiana. --E. ]

They proceeded on their voyage keeping as close as possible to theshore, for fear of being driven out to sea by the north wind, andlikewise for the convenience of fishing, as they had nothing else now toeat, for which reason they always made some stay wherever they foundgood fishing-grounds. They continued always in this manner, coasting theland which lay to starboard, the wisest among them being quite ignorantwhereabout they were, yet always satisfied that by holding this coursethey must at length get to New Spain if not swallowed up by the waves. At the end of fifty-three days after leaving the great river, the northwind of which they had been so long in dread began to blow with greatfury[193]. On this occasion five of the vessels which kept close underthe land sought shelter in a creek; but the other two, being somewhatfarther out at sea, were in great danger of perishing. They were allstark naked, having only clouts hung before them, and were almostdrowned with wet and benumbed with cold, as part of them had continuallyto bale out the water from their vessels while the rest handed thesails. At length the gale somewhat moderating, they were able to shape acourse to the westwards, and having been twenty-six hours in greatdistress without food or sleep, they discovered land about sunset. Oneyoung man who had been twice before upon the coast said that he nowknew the land, though he could not say in what country it was: But hesaid that part which seemed black was a high bluff impracticable shore, while that which had a white appearance was a clean soft sandy beach, and advised them to endeavour to make for that part before night, as ifthe wind should drive them on the black coast there would be noprobability of saving their lives. The officers of the brigantine inwhich this young man was endeavoured by signs to make known what wasintended to the other vessel, and then made direct for the white coastfollowed by the other, and before sunset ran both vessels aground on thesandy beach, after which they lightened both vessels by carrying everything on shore, and propped them up to keep them from oversetting. Having thus landed, two men undertook to go in quest of the otherbrigantines. 

[Footnote 193: By this time their course must have long been almost duesouth along the coast of the new kingdom of Leon, and province of NuevoSantander. --E. ]

Next day three parties were sent out in different directions to discoverthe country. The two parties which went along the coast to the right andleft soon returned with some broken pieces of earthen ware, of the kindswhich are made at Talavera and Malaga in Spain, which gave them muchsatisfaction to think that they must now be in the neighbourhood oftheir countrymen. Gonzalo Silvestre, who went up the country with thethird party, at the end of a quarter of a league saw some Indiansfishing on a lake[194], and two others gathering fruit from the trees. The Spaniards endeavoured to lay hold of these two Indians, but one ofthem escaped by swimming over the lake. Silvestre found likewise in acottage two small baskets of fruit, a turkey, a cock and two Spanishhens, and some conserve of _maguey_. Still holding fast the Indian, Silvestre went back to his comrades at the sea-side, and to all theinquiries they made of the Indian as to where they were, his only answerwas _Brezos! Brezos!_ which, as they afterwards learnt, was meant tosignify that he belonged to a Spaniard named Christoval de Brezos. Onrejoining his companions, Silvestre found them rejoicing at the sight ofthe broken earthen dishes; but they were still more gratified at seeingthe Spanish poultry, and the Indian being now reassured on finding hewas in the hands of Spaniards, told them they were in the province ofPanuco, and that the other brigantines had gone up the river Tampico tothat city, which was ten leagues off. He said likewise that he belongedto one Christoval de Brezos; and that a cacique resided only at thedistance of a league and a half who could read and write. Accordinglythey gave the Indian some toys and sent him to the cacique; and in fourhours afterwards the cacique came to them attended by eight Indians, loaded with fowls, fish, fruit, and Indian corn, and brought them paper, pens, and ink, that they might write an account of their arrival andsituation to the governor of Panuco. 

[Footnote 194: Probably the lake of _Tamiagua_, a few miles south fromthe river _Tampico_, into which, as will be found in the sequel, theother five brigantines had got at the beginning of the storm. In thiscase, the two brigantines had run upon a spit which separates that lakeor lagoon from the sea. --E. ]

The two men who had gone in search of the five brigantines, found themin the river Tampico, so that the whole company met at the end of eightdays, all barefooted and almost entirely naked, having only some scantycoverings of the skins of deer, bears, and other animals. The governorof Panuco treated them with much attention, and sent advice of theirsituation to the viceroy of Mexico, who ordered them to be sent withoutdelay to that city, and sent them four horse-loads of shirts, shoes, andother necessaries, besides medicines and sweetmeats. After recoveringfrom their fatigues, the men were ready to destroy their officers fornot having settled in Florida, where there was such plenty of pearls andrich furs. On their march to Mexico, which was made in severaldetachments to avoid mischief, the people everywhere ran to see thempass as so many monsters. At Mexico they were clothed and kindly treatedby the rich inhabitants; and as discord soon broke out again among them, for having abandoned so fine a country as Florida, the viceroy appeasedthem by promising to undertake the enterprise speedily in person alongwith them, when they should all have good pay, and that he would providefor them in the mean time. When clothed, some of the adventurersreturned into Spain, others remained in Mexico, and others went intoPeru, while some entered into monasteries; and thus all these bravesoldiers were dispersed. 

Those persons who had been sent by the late general, Ferdinand de Soto, when he first advanced into the interior of Florida, to bring himsupplies from the Havannah, faithfully obeyed his orders, as they sailedfrom thence four several years, and plied all along the coast to findhim, but could never hear any tidings of him or any of his men, till, inthe year 1543, arriving at Vera Cruz in October, they learnt that theremains of the expedition had been conducted to Mexico. --_This relationhas been faithfully taken from that which was transmitted to the king, immediately after the close of that unfortunate enterprise_. 

END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.