A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. 

BY

ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. 

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. 

VOL. IV. 

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:AND T. CADELL, LONDON. MDCCCXXIV. 

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ADVERTISEMENT TO THE FOURTH VOLUME. 

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Twelve months have now elapsed since the first half volume of this workwas offered to the public. The favourable reception it has experiencedgives the Editor reason to hope that he has fulfilled the engagementswhich he came under at its first appearance, and is a powerful inducementto continue his utmost exertions to preserve and improve the character ofthe work. In the four volumes which are now published, several extensiveand important original articles are introduced, which have not hithertoappeared in any similar collection, and had not even been previouslytranslated into English. These materially contribute towards the ampleinformation which was formerly announced, in the Preface to the _first_Volume, as a leading object in this Collection. In the subsequent parts ofthe work, every effort shall be made to fill up its several divisions withoriginal articles of similar interest and equal importance. 

Encouraged by a satisfactory and increasing sale, the progress ofpublication has been somewhat hastened, beyond what was originallypromised in the Prospectus and Conditions; as the _whole_ of the fourthVolume is now published, at the period when only its _first half_ was tohave appeared. It is intended to repeat this anticipation occasionally, bythe publication of two numbers or half-volumes at once, when opportunityoffers. While this may gratify one portion of our readers, it is not meantto preclude others from continuing to be supplied, as before, with thenumbers or half volumes at regular intervals, in their own option. 

EDINBURGH, _1st Jan_, 1812. 

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CONTENTS OF VOL. IV. 

PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED. 

CHAP. V. History of the discovery and conquest of Mexico, continued. 

SECT. VI. The Spaniards commence their march to Mexico; with an account of the war in Tlascala, and the submission of that nation. 

 VII. Events during the march of the Spaniards from Tlascala to Mexico. 

 VIII. Arrival of the Spaniards in Mexico, and transactions there till the arrival of Narvaez to supersede Cortes. 

 IX. Expedition of Narvaez to supersede Cortes in the command, and occurrences till his defeat by Cortes. 

 X. Occurrences from the defeat of Narvaez, to the expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, and the subsequent battle of Otumba. 

 XI. Occurrences from the battle of Otumba, till the march of Cortes to besiege Mexico. 

 XII. Transactions of Cortes and the Spaniards, from their march against Mexico, to the commencement of the siege of that city. 

 XIII. Narrative of occurrences, from the commencement of the siege of Mexico to its reduction, and the capture of Guatimotzin. 

 XIV. Occurrences in New Spain, immediately subsequent to the reduction of Mexico. 

 XV. Expeditions sent by Cortes to reduce the provinces of the Mexican empire. 

 XVI. Expedition of Garay to colonize Panuco. 

 XVII. Narrative of various expeditions for the reduction of different provinces in New Spain. 

 XVIII. Negociations of Cortes at the court of Spain, respecting the conquest and government of Mexico. 

 XIX. Of an expedition against the Zapotecas, and various other occurrences. 

 XX. Narrative of the expedition of Cortes to Higueras. 

 XXI. Return of Cortes to Mexico, and occurrences there previous to his departure for Europe. 

 XXII. Narrative of occurrences, from the departure of Cortes to Europe till his death. 

 XXIII. Concluding observations by the Author. 

CHAP. VI. History of the discovery and conquest of Peru, by FranciscoPizarro; written by Augustino Zarate, treasurer of that kingdom, a fewyears after the conquest. 

Introduction. 

SECT. I. Of the discovery of Peru, with some account of the country and its inhabitants. 

 II. Transactions of Pizarro and the Spaniards in Peru, from the commencement of the conquest, till the departure of Almagro for the discovery of Chili. 

 III. Occurrences from the departure of Almagro for Chili, to his capture by Pizarro, being the first part of the civil wars in Peru. 

 IV. Expeditions of Pedro de Valdivia into Chili, and of Gonzalo Pizarro to Los Canelos. 

 V. Conspiracy of the Almagrians and Assassination of Pizarro. 

CHAP. VII. Continuation of the early history of Peru, after the death ofFrancisco Pizarro, to the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, and there-establishment of tranquillity in the country; written by AugustinoZarate. 

SECT. I. From the revival of the civil wars in Peru, to the close of the administration of Vaca de Castro, the first governor appointed from Spain. 

 II. Commencement of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, and renewal of the civil war in Peru by the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro. 

[Illustration: Viceroyalty of Mexico Published 1 Jan'y 1812 by W'mBlackwood Edin'r. ]

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

PART II. 

BOOK II. CONTINUED. 

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CHAPTER V. 

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF MEXICO, WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1568, BY CAPTAIN BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, ONE OF THE CONQUERORS. --_Continued_. 

SECTION VI. 

_The Spaniards commence their March to Mexico; with an account of the Warin Tlascala, and the submission of that Nation_. 

Everything being in readiness for our march to Mexico, we were advised byour allies of Chempoalla to proceed by way of Tlascala, the inhabitants ofthat province being in friendship with them and constantly at war with theMexicans; and at our requisition, we were joined by fifty of the principalwarriors of the Totanacas[1], who likewise gave us 200 _tlamama_, or menof burden, to draw our guns and to transport our baggage and ammunition[2]. Our first day's march on the 16th of August 1519, was to _Xalapan_, andour second to _Socochima_, a place of difficult approach, surrounded byvines. During the whole of this march, the main body was kept in compactorder, being always preceded by an advance of light infantry, and patrolesof cavalry. Our interpreters informed the people of this place, that wewere subjects of the great emperor Don Carlos, who had sent us to abolishhuman sacrifices and various other abuses; and as these people were alliesof Chempoalla and independent of Montezuma, they treated us in a friendlymanner. We erected a cross at this place, explaining its signification andgiving them information of many things belonging to our holy faith, andexhorting them to reverence the cross. From this place we proceeded by adifficult pass among lofty mountains to _Texotla_, the people of whichplace were well disposed to us, as they also paid no tribute to Montezuma. Continuing our march through desert lofty mountains, we experiencedexcessive cold, with heavy falls of hail, and came next day to a pass, where there were some houses and large temples, and great piles of woodintended for the service of the idols. Provisions were scarce during thetwo last days, and we now approached the confines of the Mexican empire, at a place called _Xocotlan_; to the cacique of which place Cortes sent amessage informing him of our arrival. The appearance of this place evincedthat we were entering upon a new and richer country. The temples and otherbuildings were lofty, with terraced roofs, and had a magnificentappearance, being all plastered and white-washed, so as to resemble someof our towns in Spain; on which account we called this place _Castelblanco_. 

In consequence of our message, the cacique and other principal persons ofthe town came out to meet us, and conducted us to our quarters, where theygave us a very poor entertainment. After supper, Cortes inquiredrespecting the military power of Montezuma, and was told that he was ableto bring prodigious armies into the field. The city of Mexico wasrepresented as of uncommon strength, being built on the water, with nocommunication between the houses, houses, except by means of boats orbridges, each house being terraced, and only needing the addition of aparapet to become a fortress. The only access to the city was by means ofthree causeways or piers, each of which had four or five apertures for thepassage of the waters, having wooden bridges which could be raised up, soas to preclude all access. We were likewise informed of the vast wealthpossessed by Montezuma, in gold, silver, and jewels, which filled us withastonishment; and although the account we had already received of themilitary resources of the empire and the inaccessible strength of thecapital might have filled us with dismay, yet we were eager to try ourfortunes. The cacique expatiated in praise of Montezuma, and expressed hisapprehension of having offended him by receiving us into his governmentwithout his leave. To this Cortes replied, That we had come from a fardistant country by command of our sovereign, to exhort Montezuma and hissubjects to desist from human sacrifices and other outrages; adding: "Inow require all who hear me, to renounce your inhuman sacrifices, cannibalfeasts, and other abominable customs; for such is the command of GOD, whomwe adore. " The natives listened to all this in profound silence, andCortes proposed to the soldiers to destroy the idols and plant the holycross, as had been already done at Chempoalla; but Father Olmedorecommended that this should be postponed to a fitter opportunity, lestthe ignorance and barbarism of the people might incite them to offerindignity against that holy symbol of our blessed religion. 

We happened to have a very large dog along with us, which belonged toFrancisco de Lugo, which used to bark very loud during the night, to thegreat surprise of the natives, who asked our Chempoallan allies if thatterrible animal was a lion or tiger which we had brought to devour them. They answered that this creature attacked and devoured whoever offended us;that our guns discharged stones which destroyed our enemies, and that ourhorses were exceedingly swift and caught whoever we pursued. On this theothers observed that with such astonishing powers we certainly were_teules_. Our allies also advised them to beware of practising any thingagainst us, as we could read their hidden thoughts, and recommended themto conciliate our favour by a present. They accordingly brought us severalornaments of much debased gold, and gave us four women to make bread, anda load of mantles. Near some of the temples belonging to this place I sawa vast number of human skeletons arranged in such exact order that theymight easily be counted with perfect accuracy, and I am certain there wereabove an hundred thousand. In another part immense quantities of humanbones were heaped up in endless confusion. In a third, great numbers ofskulls were suspended from beams, and watched by three priests. Similarcollections were to be seen everywhere as we marched through this districtand the territories of Tlascala. 

On consulting the cacique of Xocotla respecting the road to Mexico, headvised us to go through Cholula; but our allies strongly dissuaded usfrom that route, alleging that the people were very treacherous, and thatthe town was always occupied by a Mexican garrison, and repeated theformer advice of going by Tlascala, assuring us of a friendly receptionthere. Cortes accordingly sent messengers before us to Tlascala announcingour approach, and bearing a crimson velvet cap as a present. Althoughthese people were ignorant of writing, yet Cortes sent a letter by hismessengers, as it was generally understood to carry a sanction of themessage which was to be delivered. We now set out for Tlascala, in ouraccustomed order of march, attended by twenty principal inhabitants ofXocotla. On arriving at a village in the territory of Xalacingo[3], wherewe received intelligence that the whole nation of the Tlascalans were inarms to oppose us, believing as to be in alliance with their inveterateenemies the Mexicans, on account of the number of Mexican subjects whoattended our army. So great was their suspicion on this account, that theyimprisoned our two messengers, for whose return we waited two days veryimpatiently. Cortes employed the time in exhorting the Indians to abandontheir idolatry and to reconcile themselves to our holy church. At the endof these two days, we resumed our march, accompanied by two of theprincipal people of this place whom Cortes demanded to attend us, and wesoon afterwards met our messengers who had made their escape, either owingto the negligence or connivance of their guards. These messengers were inextreme terror, as the people of Tlascala threatened to destroy us andevery one who should adhere to us. As a battle was therefore to beexpected, the standard was advanced to the front, and Cortes instructedthe cavalry to charge by threes to the front, never halting to givethrusts with their lances, but urging on at speed with couched lanceslevelled at the faces of the enemy. He directed them also, when theirlance was seized by the enemy, to force it from them by the efforts of thehorse, firmly grasping the butt under the arm. At about two leagues fromthe last resting-place, we came to a fortification built of stone and lime, excellently constructed for defence, and so well cemented that nothing butiron tools could make an impression on it. We halted for a short time toexamine this work, which had been built by the Tlascalans to defend theirterritory against the incursions of their Mexican enemies; and on Cortesordering us to march on, saying, "Gentlemen follow your standard the holycross, through which we shall conquer;" we all replied, "Forward in thename of God, in whom is our only confidence. "

After passing this barrier some distance, our advanced guard descriedabout thirty of the Tlascalan troops, who had been sent to observe us. Cortes sent on the cavalry to endeavour to take some of these menprisoners, while the infantry advanced at a quick pace to support theadvanced guard. Our cavalry immediately attacked, but the Tlascalansdefended themselves bravely with their swords, wounding some of the horsesseverely, on which our people had to kill five of them, but were unable tomake any prisoners. A body of three thousand warriors now sallied out uponus with great fury from an ambush, and began to discharge their arrows atour cavalry; but as our artillery and musquetry were now ready to bearupon them, we soon compelled them to give way, though in a regular manner, and fighting as they retreated; leaving seventeen of their men dead on thefield; and one of our men was so severely wounded as to die a few daysafter. As the day was near a close, we did not attempt any pursuit; butcontinued our march, in which we soon descended from the hills into a flatcountry, thickly set with farm-houses, among fields of maize and theMaguay plant. We halted for the night on the banks of a brook, where wedressed our wounds with the _grease of a fat Indian_ who was slain in theskirmish; and though the natives had carried away all their provisions, wecaught their dogs when they returned at night to the houses, and made acomfortable supper of that unusual fare. Next day, after recommendingourselves to God, we resumed our march against the Tlascalan army; bothcavalry and infantry being duly instructed how to act when we came tobattle; the cavalry to charge right through, and the infantry to preservea firm array. We soon fell in with the enemy, to the number of about 6000men in two bodies, who immediately attacked us with great spirit, discharging their arrows, shouting, and sounding their martial instruments. Cortes halted the army, and sent three prisoners to demand a peaceableconference, and to assure them we wished to treat them as brothers;ordering at the same time the notary Godoy, to witness this messageofficially. This message had no effect, as they attacked us more fiercelythan before, on which Cortes gave the word, _St Jago, and on them_. Weaccordingly made a furious onset, slaying many with the first dischargesof our artillery, three of their chiefs falling on this occasion. They nowretreated to some uneven ground, where the whole army of the state ofTlascala, 40, 000 in number, were posted under cover, commanded by_Xicotencatl_, the general in chief of the republic. As the cavalry couldnot act in this uneven ground, we were forced to fight our way through aswell as we were able in a compact column, assailed on every side by theenemy, who were exceedingly expert archers. They were all clothed in whiteand red, with devices of the same colours, being the uniform of theirgeneral. Besides the multitudes who discharged continual flights of arrows, many of them who were armed with lances closed upon us while we wereembarrassed by the inequality of the ground; but as soon as we got againinto the plain, we made a good use of our cavalry and artillery. Yet theyfought incessantly against us with astonishing intrepidity, closing uponus all around, so that we were in the utmost danger at every step, but Godsupported and assisted us. While closely environed in this manner, anumber of their strongest warriors, armed with tremendous two-handedswords, made a combined attack on Pedro de Moron, an expert horseman, whowas charging through them accompanied by other three of our cavalry. Theyseized his lance and wounded himself dangerously, and one of them cutthrough the neck of his horse with a blow of a two-handed sword, so thathe fell down dead. We rescued Moron from the enemy with the utmostdifficulty, even cutting the girths and bringing off his saddle, but tenof our number were wounded in the attempt, and believe we then slew ten oftheir chiefs, while fighting hand to hand. They at length began to retire, taking with them the body of the horse, which they cut in pieces, anddistributed through all the districts of Tlascala as a trophy of victory. Moron died soon after of his wounds, at least I have no remembrance ofseeing him afterwards. After a severe and close conflict of above an hour, during which our artillery swept down multitudes out of the numerous andcrowded bodies of the enemy, they drew off in a regular manner, leavingthe field to us, who were too much fatigued to pursue. We took up ourquarters, therefore, in the nearest village, named _Teoatzinco_, where wefound numbers of subterraneous dwellings. This battle was fought on the 2dSeptember 1519. The loss of the enemy on this occasion was veryconsiderable, eight of their principal chiefs being slain, but how manyothers we know not, as whenever an Indian is wounded or slain, he isimmediately carried off by his companions. Fifteen of them were madeprisoners, of whom two were chiefs. On our side fifteen men were wounded, one only of whom died. As soon as we got clear of the enemy, we gavethanks to God for his merciful preservation, and took post in a strong andspacious temple, where we dressed our wounds with the fat of Indians. Weobtained a plentiful supply of food from the fowls and dogs which we foundin the houses of the village, and posted strong guards on every side forour security. 

We continued quietly in the temple for one day, to repose after thefatigues of the battle, occupying ourselves in repairing our cross-bows, and making arrows. Next day Cortes sent out seven of our cavalry with twohundred infantry and all our allies, to scour the country, which is veryflat and well adapted for the movements of cavalry, and this detachmentbrought in twenty prisoners, some of whom were women, without meeting withany injury from the enemy, neither did the Spaniards do any mischief; butour allies, being very cruel, made great havoc, and came back loaded withdogs and fowls. Immediately on our return, Cortes released all theprisoners, after giving them food and kind treatment, desiring them toexpostulate with their companions on the madness of resisting our arms. Helikewise released the two chiefs who had been taken in the precedingbattle, with a letter in token of credence, desiring them to inform theircountrymen that he only asked to pass through their country in his way toMexico. These chiefs waited accordingly on _Xicotencatl_, whose army wasposted about two leagues from our quarters, at a place called_Tehuacinpacingo_, and delivered the message of Cortes. To this theTlascalan general replied, "Tell them to go to Tlascala, where we shallgive them peace by offering their hearts and blood to our gods, and byfeasting on their bodies. " After what we had already experienced of thenumber and valour of the enemy, this horrible answer did not afford usmuch consolation; but Cortes concealed his fears, and treated themessengers more kindly than ever, to induce them to carry a fresh message. By inquiry from them he got the following account of the number of theenemy and of the nature of the command enjoyed by its general. The armynow opposed to us consisted of the troops or quotas of five great chiefs, each consisting of 10, 000 men. These chiefs were _Xicotencatl_ the elder, father to the general, _Maxicotzin_, _Chichimecatecle, _Tecapaneca_cacique of _Topeyanco_, and a cacique named _Guaxocinga_[4]. Thus 50, 000men were now collected against us under the banner of Xicotencatl, whichwas a white bird like an ostrich with its wings spread out[5]. The otherdivisions had each its distinguishing banner, every cacique bearing thesecognizances like our Spanish nobles, a circumstance we could not creditwhen so informed by our prisoners. This formidable intelligence did nottend to lessen the fears which the terrible answer of Xicotencatl hadoccasioned, and we prepared for the expected battle of the next day, byconfessing our sins to our reverend fathers, who were occupied in thisholy office during the whole night[6]. 

On the 5th of September, we marched out with our whole force, the woundednot excepted, having our colours flying and guarded by four soldiersappointed for that purpose. The crossbow-men and musketeers were ordered tofire alternately, so that some of them might be always loaded: Thesoldiers carrying swords and bucklers were directed to use their pointsonly, thrusting home through the bodies of the enemy, by which they wereless exposed to missile weapons; and the cavalry were ordered to charge athalf speed, levelling their lances at the eyes of the enemy, and chargingclear through without halting to make thrusts. We had hardly marched halfa quarter of a league, when we observed the whole army of the enemy, covering the plain on every side as far as the eye could reach, eachseparate body displaying its particular device or standard, and alladvancing to the sound of martial music. A great deal might be said ofthis tremendous and long doubtful battle, in which four hundred of us wereopposed to prodigious hosts, which surrounded us on every side, fillingall the plains to the extent of two leagues. Their first discharges ofarrows, stones, and double-headed darts covered the whole ground which weoccupied, and they advanced continually till closed upon us all around, attacking us with the utmost resolution with lances and two-handed swords, encouraging each other by continual shouts. Our artillery, musketry, andcross-bows plied them with incessant discharges, and made prodigious havocamong the crowded masses of the enemy, and the home thrusts of ourinfantry with their swords, prevented them from closing up so near as theyhad done in the former battle. Yet with all our efforts, our battalion wasat one time completely broken into and separated, and all the exertions ofour general was for some time unable to get us again into order; at length, however, by the diligent use of our swords, we forced them from among us, and were able again to close our ranks. During the whole battle ourcavalry produced admirable effects, by incessant charges through thethickest of the enemy. We in some measure owed our safety, under God, tothe unwieldy multitude of the enemy, so that some of the divisions couldnever get up to the attack. One of the grand divisions, composed of thewarriors dependant on _Guaxocinga_, was prevented from taking any share inthe battle by _Chichemecatecle_[7], their commander, who had been provokedby some insulting language by Xicotencatl respecting his conduct in thepreceding engagement, of which circumstance we received informationafterwords. The circumstance of these divisions not joining in the battle, slackened the ardour of the rest, more especially after they hadexperienced the terrible effects of our cavalry, artillery, and otheroffensive weapons; and one of their greatest chiefs being killed, they atlength drew off from the fight, and were pursued to a short distance byour cavalry. In this great battle, one only of our soldiers was killed, but seventy men and all our horses were wounded. I had two wounds, one byan arrow and the other by a stone, but they were not sufficient to make meunfit for duty. Thus again masters of the field, we gave thanks to God forhis merciful preservation, and returned to our former post, first buryingour dead companion in one of the subterraneous houses, which was filled upand levelled, that his body might not be discovered by the enemy. Wepassed the ensuing night in a most comfortless situation, not being ableto procure even oil and salt, and exposed to excessive cold winds from thesnowy mountains. 

Cortes sent a fresh message by three of our prisoners and those who hadcarried his former message, demanding a free passage to Mexico, andthreatening to destroy the whole country in case of refusal. On theirarrival at Tlascala, they found the chiefs much cast down at theirrepeated losses, yet unwilling to listen to our proposals. They sent fortheir priests and wizards, who pretended to foretel future events bycasting lots, desiring them to say if the Spaniards were vincible, andwhat were the best means of conquering us; likewise demanding whether wewere men or superior beings, and what was our food. The wizards answered, that we were men like themselves, subsisting upon ordinary food, but didnot devour the hearts of our enemies as had been reported; alleging thatthough invincible by day, we might be conquered at night, as we derivedall our power from the influence of the sun. Giving credit to thisresponse, Xicotencatl received orders to make an immediate attack on ourquarters during the night. He marched accordingly with ten thousandwarriors, and made a night attack on our post in three places at once: Butour outposts kept too good guard to be taken by surprise, and we wereunder arms in a moment to receive them. They met with so warm a reception, that they were soon forced to turn their backs; and as it was clearmoon-light, our cavalry pursued them with great effect, so that theyreturned to their camp heartily repenting of their night attack; insomuchthat it was reported they sacrificed two of their priests for deceivingthem to their hurt. In this action one only of our allies was killed, andtwo Spaniards wounded; but our situation was far from consolatory. Besidesbeing dreadfully hard harassed by fatigue, we had lost fifty-five of oursoldiers from wounds, sickness, and severity of the weather, and severalwere sick. Our general and Father Olmedo were both ill of fevers: And webegan to think it would be impossible for us to reach Mexico, after thedetermined resistance we had experienced from the Tlascalans. 

In this extremity several of the officers and soldiers, among whom I wasone, waited on Cortes, and advised him to release his prisoners and tomake a fresh offer of friendship with the Tlascalans through these people. He, who acted on all occasions like a good captain, never failing toconsult with us on affairs of importance, agreed with our present advice, and gave orders accordingly. Donna Marina, whose noble spirit andexcellent judgment supported her on all occasions of danger, was now ofmost essential service to us, as indeed she often was; as she explained inthe most forcible terms to these messengers, that if their countrymen didnot immediately enter into a treaty of peace with us, that we wereresolved to march against their capital, and would utterly destroy it andtheir whole nation. Our messengers accordingly went to Tlascala, wherethey waited on the chiefs of the republic, the principal messenger bearingour letter in one hand, as a token of peace, and a dart in the other as asignal of war, as if giving them their choice of either. Having deliveredour resolute message, it pleased GOD to incline the hearts of theseTlascalan rulers to enter into terms of accommodation with us. The twoprincipal chiefs, named Maxicatzin and Xicotencatl the elder[8], immediately summoned the other chiefs of the republic to council, togetherwith the cacique of Guaxocingo the ally of the republic, to whom theyrepresented that all the attacks which they had made against us had beenineffectual, yet exceedingly destructive to them; that the strangers werehostile to their inveterate enemies the Mexicans, who had been continuallyat war against their republic for upwards of an hundred years, and had sohemmed them in as to deprive them of procuring cotton or salt; andtherefore that it would be highly conducive to the interests of therepublic to enter into an alliance with these strangers against theircommon enemies, and to offer us the daughters of their principal familiesfor wives, in order to strengthen and perpetuate the alliance between us. This proposal was unanimously agreed upon by the council, and notice wasimmediately sent to the general of this determination, with orders tocease from hostilities. Xicotencatl was much offended at this order, andinsisted on making another nocturnal attack on our quarters. On learningthis determination of their general, the council of Tlascala sent ordersto supersede him in the command, but the captains and warriors of the armyrefused obedience to this order, and even prevented four of the principalchiefs of the republic from waiting upon us with an invitation to come totheir city. 

After waiting two days for the result of our message without receiving anyreturn, we proposed to march to Zumpacingo, the chief town of the districtin which we then were, the principal people of which had been summoned toattend at our quarters, but had neglected our message. We accordinglybegan our march for that place early of a morning, having Cortes at ourhead, who was not quite recovered from his late illness. The morning wasso excessively cold, that two of our horses became so exceedingly ill thatwe expected them to have died, and we were all like to perish from theeffects of the piercing winds of the _Sierra Nevada_, or Snowy Mountains. This occasioned us to accelerate our march to bring us into heat, and wearrived at Zumpacingo before daybreak; but the inhabitants, immediately ongetting notice of our approach, fled precipitately from their houses, exclaiming that the _teules_ were coming to kill them. We halted in aplace surrounded with walls till day, when some priests and old men cameto us from the temples, making an apology for neglecting to obey oursummons, as they had been prevented by the threats of their generalXicotencatl. Cortes ordered them to send us an immediate supply ofprovisions, with which they complied, and then sent them with a message toTlascala, commanding the chiefs of the republic to attend him at thisplace to establish a peace, as we were still ignorant of what had takenplace in consequence of our former message. The Indians of the countrybegan to entertain a favourable opinion of us, and orders were given bythe Tlascalan senate that the people in our neighbourhood should supply usplentifully with provisions. 

At this time some of the soldiers resumed their mutinous complaints, particularly those who had good houses and plantations in Cuba, whomurmured at the hardships they had undergone and the manifold dangers withwhich we were surrounded. Seven of their ringleaders now waited on Cortes, having a spokesman at their head, who addressed the general in a studiedoration, representing, "That above fifty-five of our companions hadalready perished during the expedition, and we were now ignorant of thesituation of those we had left at Villa Rica. That we were so surroundedby enemies, it was hardly possible to escape from being sacrificed to theidols of the barbarians, if we persisted in our present hopelessenterprize. Our situation, they said, was worse than beasts of burden, whohad food and rest when forced to labour, while we were oppressed withfatigue, and could neither procure sleep or provisions. As therefore thecountry now seemed peaceable and the enemy had withdrawn, the presentopportunity ought to be taken for returning immediately to Villa Rica, onpurpose to construct a vessel to send for reinforcements from Cuba; adding, that they lamented the destruction of our shipping, a rash and imprudentstep, which could not be paralleled in history, " Cortes answered them withgreat mildness; "That he was satisfied no soldiers ever exhibited morevalour than we, and that by perseverance alone could we hope to preserveour lives amidst those great perils which God hitherto delivered us from, and that he hoped for a continuance of the same mercy. He appealed to themto say if he had ever shrunk from sharing in all their dangers; whichindeed he might well do, as he never spared himself on any occasion. As tothe destruction of the ships, it was done advisably, and for mostsubstantial reasons; and as the most illustrious of our countrymen hadnever ventured on so bold a measure, it was better to look forward withtrust in God, than to repine at what could not now be remedied. Thatalthough the natives we had left behind were at present friendly, allwould assuredly rise against us the moment we began to retreat; and if oursituation were now bad, it would then be desperate. We were now in aplentiful country; and as for our losses by death and fatigue, such wasthe fortune of war, and we had not come to this country to enjoy sportsand pastimes. I desire therefore of you, who are all gentlemen, that youno longer think of retreat, but that you henceforwards shew an example tothe rest, by doing your duty like brave soldiers, which I have alwaysfound you hitherto. " They still continued to urge the danger of persistingin the march to Mexico; but Cortes cut them short, saying, That it wasbetter to die at once than live dishonoured: And being supported by allhis friends, the malcontents were obliged to stifle their dissatisfaction, as we all exclaimed that nothing more should be said on the subject. 

Our deputation from Zumpacingo to Tlascala was at length successful; asafter four repeated messages from the chiefs of the republic, theirgeneral Xicotencatl was obliged to cease hostilities. Accordingly fortyIndians were sent by him to our quarters with a present of fowls, bread, and fruit. They also brought four old women in tattered clothes, someincense, and a quantity of parrots feathers. After offering incense toCortes, one of the messengers addressed him as follows: "Our general sendsthese things to you. If ye are _teules_, as is reported, and desire humanvictims, take the hearts and blood of these women as food: We have notsacrificed them to you, as you have not hitherto made known your pleasure. If ye are men, we offer you fowls, bread, and fruit; if benignant _teules_, who do not desire human sacrifices, here are incense and parrots feathers. "Cortes replied, That we were men like themselves, and never put any one todeath except in our own defence: That he had repeatedly required them tomake peace with us, which offer he now renewed, advising them no longer tocontinue their mad resistance, which must end in their own ruin and thedestruction of their country: That our only object in coming among them, was to manifest the truths of our holy religion, and to put an end tohuman sacrifices, by command from God and our emperor. These men werespies, who had been sent by Xicotencatl to gain information of thestrength and disposition of our quarters; and we were informed of this byour Chempoallan allies, who had learnt from the people of Zumpacingo thatXicotencatl intended to attack us. On this information, Cortes seized fourof the messengers, whom he forced by threats to confess, that theirgeneral only waited for their report to attack us that night in ourquarters. He then caused seventeen of the Tlascalan messengers to bearrested, cutting off the hands of some and the thumbs of others, and sentthem back in that condition to Xicotencatl with a message, that he wouldwait his attack for two days, after which, if he heard nothing fartherfrom him, he would march with his Spaniards to seek him in his post. Onthe return of his spies in a mutilated state, Xicotencatl, who wasprepared to march against us, lost all his haughtiness and resolution, andwe were informed that the chief with whom he had quarrelled, now quittedthe army with his division. 

The approach of a numerous train of Indians by the road from Tlascala wasannounced by one of our videts, from which we all conceived hopes of anembassy of peace, which it actually was. Cortes ordered us all immediatelyunder arms, and on the arrival of the embassy, four old men advanced toour general, and after making three several reverences, touching theground with their hands and kissing them, they offered incense, and said:That they were sent by the chiefs of Tlascala to put themselveshenceforwards under our protection, and declared that they would on noaccount have made war upon us, if they had not believed we were allies ofMontezuma, their ancient and inveterate enemy. They assured him that thefirst attack had been made upon us by the Otomies without theirapprobation, who believed they might easily have brought our small numberas prisoners to their lords of Tlascala. They concluded by solicitingpardon for what had passed, assuring us that their general and the otherchiefs of Tlascala would soon wait upon us to conclude a durable peace. Cortes in his answer, assumed a severe countenance, reproaching them forthe violence they had been guilty of, yet, in consideration of theirrepentance, he accepted their presents, and was willing to receive them tofavour, as he wished for peace; but desired them to inform their chiefs, if they delayed waiting upon him, he would continue his hostilities tillbe had ruined their whole country. The four ambassadors returned with thismessage to their employers, leaving their attendants with the provisionsin our quarters. We now began to entertain hopes of their sincerity, toour great satisfaction, as we were heartily tired of the severe andhopeless war in which we had been so long engaged. 

The news of the great victories which we had gained over the Tlascalanssoon spread over the whole country, and came to the knowledge of Montezuma, who sent five principal nobles of his court to congratulate us on oursuccess. These men brought a present of various articles of gold, to thevalue of 1000 crowns, with twenty loads of rich mantles, and a message, declaring his desire to become a vassal of our sovereign, to whom he waswilling to pay an yearly tribute. He added a wish to see our general inMexico, but, owing to the poverty of the country and the badness of theroads, he found himself under the necessity to deprive himself of thatgreat pleasure. Cortes expressed his gratitude for the present, and hissatisfaction at the offer of their sovereign to become tributary to ouremperor; but requested the Mexican ambassadors to remain with him till hehad concluded his arrangements with the Tlascalans, after which he wouldgive them a definitive answer to the message of Montezuma. Whileconversing with the Mexican ambassadors, Xicotencatl, with fifty of hisprincipal warriors all in uniform habits of white and red, came to waitupon Cortes with great respect, who received them very courteously, causing the Tlascalan general to sit down beside him. Xicotencatl thensaid, That he came in the name of his father and the other chiefs of theTlascalan nation, to solicit peace and friendship, to submit themselves toour sovereign, and to ask pardon for having taken up arms against us, which had proceeded from their dread of the machinations of Montezuma, whowas always desirous of reducing their nation to slavery. Their country, hesaid, was very poor, as it possessed neither gold, jewels, cotton, norsalt; the two latter they were prevented from obtaining by Montezuma, whohad also deprived them of all the gold their fathers had collected. Theirpoverty, therefore, must plead their excuse, for not bringing satisfactorypresents. He made many other complaints against the oppressions ofMontezuma, and concluded by earnestly soliciting our friendship andalliance. Xicotencatl was strong made, tall, and well proportioned, havinga broad and somewhat wrinkled face, and grave aspect, appearing to beabout thirty-five years old. Cortes treated him with every mark of respect, and expressed his high satisfaction that so brave and respectable a nationshould become our allies, and subjects to our sovereign; but warned themseriously to beware of repeating the offences they had been guilty oftowards us, lest it should occasion an exemplary punishment. The Tlascalanchief promised the utmost fidelity and obedience, and invited us to cometo their city; which Cortes promised to do as soon as he had concluded hisbusiness with the Mexican ambassadors, and Xicotencatl took his leave. 

The ambassadors of Montezuma endeavoured to impress Cortes with distrustof the sincerity of the Tlascalans; asserting that their professions ofpeace and friendship were only meant to betray us, as they would certainlymurder us while in their city. To these representations Cortes answeredthat he was resolved to go to Tlascala, that he might ascertain thesincerity of their professions; and that any such attempt as the Mexicanssurmised would only bring on its own condign punishment. The ambassadorsthen requested Cortes to delay his march for six days, that they mightreceive fresh instructions from their sovereign, to which he acceded fortwo reasons, because of the state of his own health, and that theobservations of the ambassadors seemed to require serious consideration. He now sent a messenger to Juan Escalente at Villa Rica, informing him ofall that had happened, and requiring him to send some vessels ofsacramental wine, and some consecrated bread, all that we had brought withus having been used. We at this time got the people of Zumpacingo topurify and white wash one of their temples, in which we erected a loftycross. Our new friends the Tlascalans supplied us amply with provisions, particularly fowls and _tunas_, or Indian figs; and repeatedly invited usto their capital, but with this last we could not immediately comply, owing to the engagement with the Mexican ambassadors. At the end of thesixth day, as agreed upon, six nobles arrived from Montezuma, with apresent of gold to the value of 3000 crowns, and 200 rich mantles; with acomplimentary message, desiring us on no account to trust the Tlascalansor to go to their capital. Cortes returned thanks for the present, and thewarning respecting the Tlascalans, whom he said he would severely punishif they attempted any treachery: and as he was just informed of theapproach of the chiefs of Tlascala, he requested the Mexican ambassadorsto wait three days for his final answer. 

The ancient chiefs of Tlascala now arrived at our quarters, borne inlitters or hammocks, and attended by a large train of followers. Thesewere Maxicatzin, Xicotencatl the elder, who was blind, Guaxocinga, Chichimecatecle, and Tecapaneca the allied cacique of Topeyanco. Aftersaluting Cortes with great respect, the old blind chief Xicotencatladdressed him to the following effect: "We have often sent to requestpardon for our hostilities, which were caused by our suspicions that youwere in alliance with our enemy Montezuma. Had we known who and what youwere, we would have gone down to the coast to invite you from your ships, and would have swept the roads clean before you. All we can now do is toinvite you to our city, where we shall serve you in every thing within ourpower; and we beg you may not listen to the misrepresentations of theMexicans, who are our enemies, and are influenced by malice against us. "Cortes returned thanks for their courtesy, saying that he would havevisited them ere now, but wanted men to draw his cannons. On learning this, five hundred of the natives were assembled for this service in less thanhalf an hour, and Cortes promised to visit their capital next day. Weaccordingly began our march early next morning, the Mexican ambassadorsaccompanying us at the desire of Cortes, and keeping always near hisperson that they might not be insulted by their Tlascalan enemies. Fromthis time the natives always gave Cortes the name of Malintzin, signifyingthe lord or captain of Marina, because she always interpreted for him intheir language. We entered the city of Tlascala on the 23d September 1519, thirty-four days after our arrival in the territories of the republic. Assoon as we began our march, the chiefs went before to provide quarters forus; and on our approach to the city, they came out to meet us, accompaniedby their daughters and other female relations: each tribe separately, asthis nation consisted of four distinct tribes, besides that which wasgoverned by the cacique of Topeyanco. These tribes were distinguished fromeach other by different uniforms, of cloth made of _nequen_, as cotton didnot grow in their country. The priests, came likewise to meet us, in longloose white garments, having their long hair all clotted with bloodproceeding from recent cuts in the ears, and having remarkably long nailson their fingers; they carried pots of incense, with which they fumigatedus. On our arrival, the chiefs saluted Cortes with much respect, and thepeople crowded to see us in such numbers that we could hardly make our waythrough the streets, presenting Cortes and the cavalry with garlands ofbeautiful and sweet smelling flowers. 

We at length arrived at some large enclosed courts, in the apartments, around which our lodgings were appointed; when the two principal chiefstook Cortes by the hand and conducted him into the apartment which wasdestined for his use. Every one of our soldiers were provided with a matand bed-clothes made of _nequen_ cloth. Our allies were lodged close by us, and the Mexican ambassadors were accommodated, by desire of Cortes, in theapartment next his own. Though we had every reason to confide in theTlascalans, Cortes used the most rigid military precautions for our safety;which, being observed by the chiefs, they complained of as indicatingsuspicion of their sincerity; but Cortes assured them this was the uniformcustom of our country, and that he had the most perfect reliance on theirtruth. As soon as an altar could be got ready, Cortes ordered Juan Diaz tocelebrate the mass, as Olmeda was ill of a fever. Many of the nativechiefs were present on this occasion, whom Cortes took along with himafter the service into his own apartment, attended by those soldiers whousually accompanied him. The elder Xicotencatl then offered a present, consisting of a small quantity of gold and some pieces of cloth, not worthtwenty crowns altogether, and expressed his fear that he might despise sopaltry a present, which he excused on account of the poverty of theirnation, occasioned by the extortions of Montezuma, from whom they wereforced to purchase peace at the expence of every thing valuable belongingto them. Cortes assured them that he valued their gift, small as it was, more than he would a house full of gold from others, as it was a testimonyof their friendship, which he greatly valued. Xicotencatl then proposedthat a strict alliance should be formed between the two nations, and thatour chiefs should accept their daughters in marriage, offering his own toCortes, who thanked him for these marks of friendship. The chiefs remainedwith Cortes a whole day, and as Xicotencatl was blind, Cortes permittedhim to examine his head, face, and beard with his hands, which he did withmuch attention. 

Next day the chiefs brought five daughters of their principal caciques, who were much handsomer than the other women of the country, each attendedby a female slave. On this occasion Xicotencatl presented his own daughterto Cortes, and desired him to assign the others among his principalofficers. Cortes thanked him for the mark of regard, but that for thepresent the ladies must remain with their parents, as we must first obeythe commands of our God, and the orders of our sovereign, by abolishinghuman sacrifices and other abominations, and by teaching them the truefaith in the adoration of one only God. He then shewed them a beautifulimage of the holy Mary, the queen of heaven, the mother of our Lord by thepower of the Holy Ghost, conceived without sin, adding, That if theywished to become our brethren, and that we should marry their daughters, they must renounce their idolatry, and worship our God, by which theywould not only benefit their temporal concerns, but would secure aneternal happiness in heaven; whereas by persisting in the worship of theiridols, which were representations of the devils, they would consignthemselves to hell, where they would be plunged eternally into flames offire. This and a great deal more excellently to the purpose, being wellexplained to them by our interpreters, the chiefs made answer to thefollowing effect: That they readily believed all they had now heardrespecting the excellence of our God and his saints, and might in time beable to understand the subject of his exhortations; but that if they werenow to renounce the religion of their ancestors in their old age to pleaseus, the priests and people would rebel against them; more especially asthe priests had already consulted their gods, who had commanded them on noaccount to omit the human sacrifices and other ancient customs, asotherwise they would send famine, pestilence, and war into their country:They requested, therefore that nothing more might be said on this subject, as they could not renounce their gods but with their lives. When thesubject of this conference was reported to father Olmedo, who was a wiseand good man, he advised the general not to urge the matter any fartherfor the present, as he was adverse to forced conversions, such as had beenalready attempted at Chempoalla; and that to destroy the idols were aneedless act of violence, unless the principles of idolatry wereeradicated from their minds by argument as they would easily procure otheridols to continue their worship. Three of our cavaliers, Alvarado, de Leon, and De Lugo, gave a similar advice to Cortes, and the subject wasjudiciously dropped, which might have again excited the Tlascalans toinveterate enmity. 

Soon after this we got permission to clear out and purify one of thetemples, which was converted into a Christian church, and had an altar andcross erected. Here the ladies who were destined to be the brides of ourofficers, having been instructed in the principles of the Christianreligion were baptized. The daughter of Xicotencatl was named Donna Luisa, and being taken by the hand by Cortes, was presented by him to Alvarado, saying to her rather that this officer was his brother, with whicharrangement the old cacique seemed perfectly satisfied. Almost the wholeprovince of Tlascala came afterwards to depend upon this lady, paying rentand homage to her. She had a son by Alvarado named Don Pedro, and adaughter Donna Leonora, who inherited her mothers domains, and is now thewife of Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin to the Duke of Albuquerque, bywhom she has four or five sons. In right of his wife Donna Luisa, Alvaradobecame lord, and almost sovereign of Tlascala. As far as I can remember, the niece, or daughter of Maxicatzin, named Donna Leonora, and remarkablyhandsome, was given to Velasquez de Leon. I have forgotten the names ofthe other ladies, all stiled Donnas, but they were assigned to De Oli, Sandoval, and Avila. After the ceremonies were concluded, the natives wereinformed that the crosses were erected in order to expel the evil spiritswhich they had been in use to worship. 

Cortes obtained considerable information from the two principal chiefs ofTlascala, Xicotencatl, and Maxicatzin, relative to the military andpolitical state of Mexico. They said that Montezuma had an army of anhundred thousand warriors, occupying all the cities of the neighbouringstates, which were subject to his dominions, with strong garrisons, andforcing them to pay heavy tributes in gold, manufactures, productions ofthe soil, and victims for sacrifice, so that his wealth and power wereexceedingly great; but that all the districts which were under subjectionto him were exceedingly dissatisfied with his tyranny, and inclined totake part with his enemies. Their own state of Tlascala had been in almostcontinual wars with the Mexicans for above an hundred years, and formed aleague for mutual defence with the people of Guaxocingo[9]; but wereprincipally vexed by inroads from the Mexican garrison in Cholula, fromwhich city the troops of Montezuma were able to come by surprise on theTlascalan territories. They described the city of Mexico as of greatstrength, being built in the lake, and only accessible by narrow causeways, with wooden bridges, and having no access to most of its houses but bydrawbridges or boats. They described the arms of the Mexicans asconsisting of double-headed darts, which were projected by a kind ofslings, lances having stone heads, an ell in length, and both edges assharp as a razor, and two-handed swords, edged likewise with sharp stones, besides shields and other defensive armour. The chiefs shewed large_nequen_ cloths, on which their various battles were represented, with allthose different kinds of weapons. They alleged that their country wasanciently inhabited by a people of great stature and very barbarousmanners, who had been extirpated by their ancestors, and produced athigh-bone which they said had belonged to one of these giants. I stood byit, and it equalled my height, though I am as tall as most men. We sentthis bone to Spain for the inspection of his majesty. The chiefs told usthat their idols had long ago predicted, that a people was to arrive fromthe distant lands where the sun rises, and to subdue their country, andthey believed we were those to whom the prediction applied. Cortes saidthat this was certainly the case, and that our great emperor had sent usto establish a lasting friendship between our nation and them, and to bethe instruments of shewing them the only way of Salvation: To which we allsaid Amen!

While we were in Tlascala a volcano near Guaxocingo threw out greatquantities of flames, and Diego de Ordas went up to examine it, attendedby two Spanish soldiers, and some of the principal Indians. The nativesdeclined going any nearer to the volcano than the temples of_Popocatepeque_, but De Ordas and his two Spanish comrades ascended to thesummit of the mountain, and looked down into the crater, which is a circleof near a quarter of a league diameter. From this peak also, they had adistant view of the city of Mexico, which was twelve or thirteen leaguesfrom the mountain. This was considered as a great feat, and De Ordas, onhis return to Spain, got royal authority to bear this volcano in his arms, which is now borne by his nephew who dwells in La Puebla. This volcano didnot throw out flames for a good many years afterwards, but it flamed withgreat violence in 1530. We observed many wooden cages in the city ofTlascala, in which the victims intended for sacrifice were confined andfattened; but we destroyed all these, releasing the unhappy prisoners, whoremained along with us, as they dared not to return to their own homes. Cortes spoke very angrily to the Tlascalan chiefs, exhorting them toabolish this horrible custom of human sacrifices, and they promisedamendment; but immediately, on our backs being turned, they resumed theirancient abominations. 

[1] Clavigero says that Cortes had some troops of the Totanacas, among whom were forty nobles, serving at the same time as auxiliaries, and as hostages for the fidelity of their nation. --Clavig. II. 30. 

[2] In Clavigero, II. 29. The army of Cortes on this occasion is stated to have amounted to 415 Spanish infantry and 16 cavalry. --E. 

[3] In Clavigero, II. 31. Iztacmaxitlan is said to have been the next stage after leaving Xocotla, and is described as a populous district, with a strong city or fortress on a high rock, defended by barbicans and ditches. --E. 

[4] In Clavigero, II. 31. Xicocentcatl Maxicatizin, is given as the name of one chief; and only _three_ other lords or great caciques are said to have then borne sway in the Tlascalan republic, Tlekul, Xolotzin, and Citlalpocatzin. The person named Chichimecatecle by Diaz, is called Chichimeca Teuchtli by Clavigero: But it is impossible to reconcile the differences between these authors respecting the other names of the chiefs, nor is it important. --E. 

[5] Clavigero, II. 37. Says the grand standard of the republic of Tlascala, used on this occasion, was a golden eagle with expanded wings. --E. 

[6] According to Clavigero, II. 37. Xicotencatl, to show how little he regarded the Spaniards, sent them 300 turkeys and two hundred baskets of _tamalli_, to recruit their strength before the approaching battle. --E. 

[7] Called the son of Chichimeca Teuctli by Clavigero; perhaps his name was Guaxocingo, and Diaz, after a long interval of time, transposed the names of the father and son. --E. 

[8] It has been already mentioned that Clavigero writes these two as the names of one man, Xicotencatl Maxicatzin, informing us that the latter name signifies the elder. --E. 

[9] This place, so often mentioned by Diaz, seems to be the same called Huexotzinco by Clavigero. --E. 

SECTION VII

_Events during the March of the Spaniards from Tlascala to Mexico_. 

After a stay of seventeen days, in Tlascala to refresh ourselves after ourlate severe fatigues, and for the recovery of our wounded companions, itwas resolved to resume our march to the city of Mexico, though the richsettlers of Cuba still endeavoured to persuade Cortes to return to VillaRica. This resolution also gave much uneasiness to our new Tlascalanallies, who used every argument to make us distrust the courteous mannersof Montezuma and his subjects, whom they alleged to be extremelytreacherous, and would either fall upon and destroy us on the firstfavourable opportunity, or would reduce us to slavery. In the event ofhostilities between us and the Mexicans, they exhorted us to kill them allyoung and old. Cortes thanked them for their friendly counsel, and offeredto negociate a treaty of peace and amity between them and the Mexicans;but they would by no means consent to this measure, saying that theMexican government would employ peace only as a cover for treachery. Onmaking inquiry as to the best road to Mexico, the ambassadors of Montezumarecommended that by Cholula, in which we should find good accommodation;but the Tlascalans earnestly entreated us to go by Huexotzinco which wasin alliance with them, representing the Cholulans as a perfidious people. But Cortes determined to take the road of Cholula, intending to remain inthat city till he could secure a safe and peaceable reception at Mexico;he sent therefore a message to the chiefs of Cholula, to inform them ofhis intentions, and to express his dissatisfaction at their conduct in nothaving been to wait upon him. While engaged in preparations for ourdeparture, four of the principal nobles of Mexico arrived with a richpresent, consisting of gold to the value of 10, 000 crowns, and ten balesof mantles of the finest feather-work. After saluting Cortes with profoundrespect, they said that Montezuma was astonished at our long residenceamong so poor and base a people as the Tlascalans, and that he requestedwe would come without delay to his capital. Cortes assured them that hewould very soon pay his respects to their sovereign, and requested theywould remain along with him during the march. He also at this timeappointed Pedro de Alvarado, and Vasquez de Tupia, to go as hisambassadors to Montezuma, with instructions to examine the city of Mexico. These gentlemen set out accordingly, along with the former Mexicanambassadors, but were soon recalled, in consequence of a remonstrance fromthe army. At this time I was confined by my wounds, and was ill of a fever, and consequently incapable of attending minutely to all that passed. 

In return to our message, the chiefs of Cholula sent a very dry anduncourteous answer by four men of low degree, and without any present. Asthis was obviously done in contempt, Cortes sent the messengers back toinform the chiefs, that he would consider them as rebels if they did notwait upon him personally in three days; but, if they complied with thisrequisition, he was willing to accept them as friends and brothers, andhad much intelligence of great importance to communicate to them. Theysent back, saying, that they durst not come into the country of theirinveterate enemies the Tlascalans, who they were sure had grosslymisrepresented both them and Montezuma to us, but engaged to give us anhonourable reception in their city. When the Tlascalans found we weredetermined upon taking the road of Cholula, contrary to their advice, theyproposed that we should take 10, 000 of their best warriors along with us;but our general considered this number as too many for a visit of peace, and would only accept 3000, who were immediately made ready to attend us. Using every proper precaution for our safety, we began our march fromTlascala, and arrived that evening at a river about a league from Cholula, where there is now a stone bridge, and encamped here for the night. Someof the chiefs came to congratulate our arrival in their neighbourhood, andgave us a courteous invitation to visit their city. We continued our marchnext day, and were met near the city by the chiefs and priests, alldressed in cassocks of cotton cloth, resembling those used by theZapotecans. After presenting incense to Cortes, the chiefs made an apologyfor not waiting upon him at Tlascala, and requested that so large a bodyof their enemies might not be permitted to enter their city. As thisrequest appeared reasonable, Cortes sent Alvarado and De Oli, to desireour allies to hut themselves without the city, which they did accordingly, imitating the military discipline of the Spaniards, in the arrangement oftheir camp and the appointment of centinels. Before entering the city, Cortes explained the purpose of his mission in a long oration, in the samemanner as he had already done at all the other places during the march. Toall this they answered that they were ready to yield obedience to oursovereign in all things, but could not abandon the religion of theirancestors. We then marched on in our usual compact order, attended only byour allies from Chempoalla, and the Indians who drew our artillery, andconveyed our baggage, and entered the city, all the streets and terracesof which was filled with an immense concourse of people, through whom wewere conducted to our appointed quarters, in some large apartments, whichconveniently accommodated our army and all our attendants. 

While we remained in this place, a plot was concerted by the Mexicanambassadors for the introduction of 20, 000 warriors belonging to Montezuma, who were to attack us in conjunction with the people of Cholula; andseveral houses were actually filled with poles and leather collars, bymeans of which we were to have been bound and carried prisoners to Mexico. But God was pleased that we should discover and confound theirmachinations. During the first two days, we were perfectly wellentertained; but on the third no provisions were sent us, and none of thechiefs or priests appeared at our quarters. Such few of the inhabitants aswe happened to see, speedily withdrew with a malicious sneer; and onCortes applying to the Mexican ambassadors to procure provisions for us asusual, some wood and water only were brought to us by a few old men, as ifin derision, who said that no maize could be procured. This day, likewise, some ambassadors arrived from Montezuma, who desired in very disrespectfulterms on no account to approach Mexico, and demanded an immediate answer. Cortes gave them a mild answer, expressing his astonishment at thealteration in the tone of their sovereign, but requested a short delaybefore giving his definitive answer to their message. He then summoned ustogether, and desired us to keep on the alert, as he suspected some greatact of treachery was in agitation against us. As the chiefs of Cholula hadrefused to wait upon him, Cortes sent some soldiers to a great templeclose to our quarters, with orders to bring two of the priests to him asquietly as possible. They succeeded in this without difficulty; and, having made a trifling present to the priests, he inquired as to thereason of the late extraordinary conduct of the Cholulan chiefs. One ofthese who was of high rank, having authority over all the temples andpriests of the city, like one of our bishops, told Cortes that he wouldpersuade some of the chiefs to attend him, if allowed to speak with them;and, being permitted to go away for that purpose, he soon brought severalof the chiefs to our quarters. Cortes reproved them sharply for the changein their behaviour to us, and commanded them to send an immediate supplyof provisions, and likewise to provide him next day with a competentnumber of people to convey our baggage and artillery, as he meant then toresume his march to Mexico. The chiefs appeared quite confounded and panicstruck, yet promised to send in provisions immediately, alleging in excusefor their conduct, that they had been so ordered by Montezuma, who wasunwilling that we should advance any farther into his dominions. 

At this time, three of our Chempoallan allies called Cortes aside, andtold him that they had discovered several pitfals close to our quarters, covered over with wood and earth, and that on examining one of these theyfound its bottom provided with sharpened stakes. They informed him alsothat all the terraces of the houses near our quarters had been recentlyprovided with parapets of sod, and great quantities of stones collected onthem, and that a strong barricade of timber had been erected across one ofthe streets. Eight Tlascalans arrived also from their army on the outsideof the town, who warned Cortes that an attack was intended against us, asthe priests of Cholula had sacrificed eight victims on the preceding nightto their god of war, five of whom were children; and that they had seencrowds of women and children withdrawing from the city with their valuableeffects, all of which were sure signs of some impending commotion. Cortesthanked the Tlascalans for this instance of their fidelity, and sent themback to the camp with orders to their chiefs to hold themselves inreadiness for any emergency. He then returned to the chiefs and priests, to whom he repeated his former orders, warning them not to deviate fromtheir obedience, on pain of instant condign punishment, commanding them atthe same time to prepare 2000 of their best warriors to accompany him nextday on his march to Mexico. The chiefs readily promised to obey all hiscommands, thinking in this manner to facilitate their projected treachery, and took their leave. Cortes then employed Donna Marina to bring back thetwo priests who had been with him before, from whom he learnt, thatMontezuma had been lately very unsettled in his intentions towards us, sometimes giving orders to receive us honourably, and at other timescommanding that we should not be allowed to pass. That he had latelyconsulted his gods, who had revealed that we were all to be put to death, or made prisoners in Cholula, to facilitate which he had sent 20, 000 ofhis troops to that place, half of whom were now in the city, and the restconcealed at the distance of a league. They added, that the plan ofattack was all settled, and that twenty of our number were to besacrificed in the temples of Cholula, and all the rest to be conveyedprisoners to Mexico. Cortes rewarded them liberally for theirintelligence, and enjoined them to preserve the strictest secrecy on thesubject, commanding them to bring all the chiefs to his quarters at anappointed time. He then convened a council of all the officers, and suchsoldiers as he most confided in, before whom he laid an account of theinformation which he had received, desiring their advice as to the bestconduct to be pursued in the present alarming emergency. Some proposed toreturn immediately to Tlascala, and others proposed various measures, butit was the universal opinion that the treachery of the Cholulans requiredto be severely punished, as a warning to other places. It was accordinglyresolved to inflict condign punishment on the Cholulans within the courtswhere we were quartered, which were surrounded by high walls, but in themeantime, to continue our preparations for resuming the march, in order toconceal our intentions. We then informed the Mexican ambassadors, that wehad discovered the treacherous intentions of the Cholulans, who pretendedthat they acted by orders of Montezuma, which we were convinced was afalse aspersion. They solemnly declared their ignorance of thesetransactions; but Cortes ordered them to have no farther intercourse withthe inhabitants of the city, and sent them to his own quarters under astrong guard for the night, during the whole of which we lay upon our arms, ready to act at a moments warning. 

During this anxious night, the wife of one of the caciques, who had takena great liking to Donna Marina, came secretly to visit that lady, informing her of the plot, invited her to take refuge in her house fromthe danger which was about to overwhelm us, and proposed to give her for ahusband the brother of a boy who was along with her. Donna Marina, withher usual presence of mind, agreed to every thing proposed with aprofusion of thanks, and said she only wanted some one to take charge ofher effects before leaving the Spanish quarters. In course of thisconversation, Marina acquired particular information of every part of thismysterious affair, which the old woman told her had been communicated toher three days before by her husband, who was chief of one of thedivisions of the city, and was now with his warriors, giving directionsfor their co-operation with the Mexican troops, and who had latelyreceived a gold drum from Mexico, as an ensign of command. Donna Marinadesired the old woman and her son to remain in her apartment till she wentin search of her valuables; but went immediately to Cortes, to whom shecommunicated all the information she had received, adding that herinformer was still in her apartment. Cortes immediately sent for the oldwoman, who being confronted by Donna Marina, repeated every thing exactlyas before, which agreed in all respects with the information he hadalready received from others. 

When day appeared, the hurry of the chiefs, priests and people in comingto our quarters as appointed, and their apparent satisfaction, was asgreat as if we had been already secured in their cages. They brought amuch greater number of warriors to attend us than had been required, insomuch that the large courts in which we were quartered were unable tocontain them. We were all prepared for the event, having a strong guard ofsoldiers posted at the gate of the great court, to prevent any one fromescaping. Cortes mounted on horseback, attended by a strong guard; and ashe saw the people crowding in at the gate, he said to us, "See how anxiousthese traitors are to feast on our flesh! But GOD will disappoint theirhopes. " He ordered the two priests who had given him the information toretire to their houses that they might escape the intended slaughter. Every one being arrived in the great court, he commanded the chiefs andpriests to draw near, to whom he made a calm remonstrance on the treacheryof their conduct towards us, which was explained by Donna Marina. He askedthem why they had plotted to destroy us, and what we had done to deservetheir enmity, except exhorting them to abandon their barbarous andabominable customs, and endeavouring to instruct them in our holyreligion? Their evil intentions, he said, had been obvious, by withdrawingtheir women and children from the city, and by insultingly sending us onlywood and water, when we required provisions. He said he was perfectlyacquainted with the ambush which was placed in the road by which we meantto march, and with all the other contrivances they had made for ourdestruction; and that in recompence of our proffered friendship, and ofall the holy services we intended them, he knew that they meant to killand eat us, and that the pots were already on the fire, prepared with salt, pepper, and _tomatas_, in which our dissevered limbs were to be boiled. Heknew that they had doomed twenty of us to be sacrificed to their idols, towhom they had already immolated seven of their own brethren. "Since youwere determined to attack us, " said he in conclusion, "it had been moremanly to have done so openly like the Tlascalans, and not to have resortedto mean and cowardly treachery. But be assured that the victory which yourfalse gods have promised is beyond their power, and the punishment of yourtreason is now ready to burst on your guilty heads. "

The astonished chiefs confessed every thing which was laid to their charge, but endeavoured to excuse themselves, by laying the whole blame on theorders they had received from Montezuma. "Wretches, " said Cortes, "thisfalsehood is an aggravation of your offence, and such complicated crimescan never be permitted to pass unpunished. " He then ordered a musket to befired, as a signal to commence the slaughter, for which we all stoodprepared. We immediately fell furiously on the multitudes who wereinclosed within the walls of our quarters, and executed their meritedpunishment in such a manner as will be long remembered by the remainingnatives of Cholula. A vast number of them were put to death on the spot, and many of them were afterwards burned alive. In less than two hours, ourTlascalan allies arrived in the city, having been previously instructed inour plan, and made a terrible slaughter in the streets of the city; andwhen the Cholulans ceased to make resistance, they ravaged the city, plundering it of every thing valuable they could lay hold of, and makingslaves of all the inhabitants who fell in their way. On the day following, when intelligence reached Tlascala of the transactions at Cholula, greatnumbers crowded to the devoted city, which they plundered without mercy. It now became necessary to restrain the fury of the Tlascalans, and Cortesgave orders to their chiefs to withdraw their troops from the city, withwhich they immediately complied. 

Quiet being in some measure restored, some chiefs and priests who presidedover a distant quarter of the city, which they pretended had not beenengaged in the conspiracy, waited in an humble manner on Cortes, andprayed a remission of the punishment which had already fallen so heavilyon their townsmen. The two before mentioned priests, and the old womanfrom whom Donna Marina had procured such material information, cameforward likewise, and joined in the same petition, and Cortes determinedto shew clemency to the rest of the city, yet seemed still in great rage. He called the Mexican ambassadors into his presence, in whose presence hedeclared that the whole inhabitants of the city and dependancy of Cholulahad richly merited to be utterly extirpated for their treachery; but thatout of respect to the great Montezuma, whose vassals they were, heconsented to pardon them. He then ordered the Tlascalans to liberate theirprisoners, which they in some measure complied with, setting free many ofthose they intended to have reduced to slavery, yet retained a prodigiousbooty in gold, mantles, cotton, and salt. Having proclaimed an amnesty tothe Cholulans, he reconciled them and the Tlascalans who had ancientlybeen confederates; and being desired to appoint a new chief cacique ofCholula, in place of the former who had been put to death, Cortes inquiredto whom that dignity belonged of right, and being informed that thebrother of the late head cacique ought to succeed according to their laws, he nominated him to the office. As soon as the inhabitants had returned totheir houses, and order was restored in the city, Cortes summoned all thechiefs and priests to a conference, in which he explained to them theprinciples of our holy religion, earnestly exhorting them to renouncetheir idolatry, and the odious practices connected with it; and, as aninstance of the uselessness of their idols, he reminded them how much theyhad been lately deceived by the false responses imposed upon them in theirnames: He proposed to them therefore, to destroy their senseless idols, and to erect an altar and cross in their stead. The latter was immediatelycomplied with, but Father Olmedo advised him to postpone the former to amore favourable opportunity, from a due consideration of our uncertain andperilous situation. 

Cholula was then a large and populous city, much resembling Valladolid, situated on a fertile plain which was thickly inhabited, and all itssurrounding district was well cultivated with maize, maguey, and pepper. There were above a hundred lofty white towers in the city, belonging todifferent idol temples, one of which was held in very high estimation, that principal temple being more lofty even than the great temple ofMexico. An excellent manufacture of earthen ware was carried on at thisplace, the various articles of which were curiously painted in differentpatterns, in red, black, and white, and from which the city of Mexico andall the surrounding countries were supplied, as Castile is from Talaveraand Placencia. In the numerous temples of this city there were many cages;which were filled with men and boys, fattening up for sacrifice, all ofwhich Cortes caused to be destroyed, sending the miserable captives hometo their respective houses. He likewise gave positive orders to thepriests to desist in future from this most abominable custom, which theypromised to refrain from, but they forgot their promises as soon as theauthority of our irresistible arms was removed. 

On hearing the melancholy fate of their companions in Cholula, the Mexicantroops who were posted in ambush, with trenches and barricades to opposeour cavalry, made a precipitate retreat to Mexico, whether they carried anaccount to Montezuma of the failure of his plot for our destruction; buthe had already heard the news of his misfortunes from two of hisambassadors, whom Cortes had dismissed for the purpose. It was reportedthat he immediately ordered a solemn sacrifice to his gods, and shuthimself up for two days with ten of his chief priests, engaged in rigiddevotional exercises, on purpose to obtain a response from his godsrespecting his future destiny; and we afterwards learnt that the priestsadvised him, as from their gods, to send an embassy to exculpate himselffrom having any connection with what had passed in Cholula, and toinveigle us into Mexico; where, by cutting off the supply of water, or byraising the bridges on the causeways, he might easily destroy us, ordetain us in slavery to breed people like ourselves for his service. 

Having remained fourteen days in Cholula, Cortes consulted in regard toour future operations with a council of those officers and soldiers whowere most sincerely attached to his person, as indeed he never engaged inany matter of importance without taking our advice. In this consultation, it was determined to send a respectful message to Montezuma, informing himthat we were on our way to pay our respects to him by the orders of ourown sovereign. Our messenger was likewise desired to relate the whole lateevents which had occurred at Cholula, where the treachery which had beenconcerted against us had come to our knowledge, from which nothing couldbe concealed which concerned our welfare, and that we had desisted frompunishing the people of that city to the full extent which they deserved, entirely out of respect to him, whose vassals they were. That the chiefsand priests had given out that all they had done or intended to do was byhis orders; but we could not possibly believe that so great a monarch, after the many marks of friendship with which he had honoured us, could beguilty of such infamous proceedings; being convinced, if he had meditatedhostility, he would have met us honourably in the field of battle: But atthe same time to assure him, that day or night, field or town, fair battleor villainous stratagem, were all the same for us, as we were alwaysprepared for every emergency. Montezuma had become exceedingly thoughtfuland alarmed on account of the failure of the plot in Cholula, and now sentan embassy of six of his chief nobles to wait on Cortes, with a present tothe value of 2000 crowns in gold, and several bales of fine mantles. Theambassadors saluted Cortes with profound respect, and delivered a messagein which Montezuma endeavoured to exculpate himself from any concern inthe affair of Cholula, and in conclusion, invited the general to his court. Cortes treated these ambassadors with his usual politeness, and retainingthree of them to serve as guides on our march to Mexico, he sent on theothers to inform Montezuma that we were on our way to his capital. Whenthe Tlascalan chiefs understood our determination to proceed, they renewedtheir former warnings to beware of treachery from the Mexicans, and againoffered to send 10, 000 of their warriors along with us. But Cortes, afterthanking them for their friendly solicitude and proffered aid, remarked, as he had done before, that so large a body of troops was incompatiblewith an amicable visit, but requested they would furnish 1000 men for ourbaggage and artillery, which they immediately provided. Our faithfulChempoalan allies, being afraid of the resentment of the Mexicans fortheir revolt, begged permission to return to their district, and Cortesdismissed them with a handsome present, sending letters by them toEscalente at Villa Rica, containing an account of our proceedings. 

We marched from Cholula in our usual compact order, prepared forwhatsoever might befal, sending out patroles of our cavalry by threes infront, supported by a detachment of light infantry as an advanced guard. On our arrival at a small village called Izcalpan, in the district ofHuexotzinco, about four leagues from Cholula, we were met by the chiefsbearing provisions, and a small present of gold. They requested ourgeneral to consider only the good will of the givers, not theworthlessness of the gift, as they were very poor; and, while theyendeavoured to dissuade him from attempting to proceed to Mexico, theyalso informed him, that, on ascending the next mountain, he would find tworoads, the one of which leading by Chalco was broad and open, while theother leading by Tlalmanalco, though originally equally convenient, hadbeen recently stopped up and obstructed by means of trees felled across itto render it difficult, though it was in reality shorter and more securethan that of Chalco, on which road the Mexicans had placed a large partyof troops in ambush among some rocks, for the purpose of attacking us bysurprise on the march. They advised us therefore, if we were determinedto persevere, to choose the obstructed road, and offered to send a numberof their people to clear it for us. Cortes thanked them for their goodadvice, of which he would avail himself by the blessing of GOD. Havinghalted for the night at Izcalpan, we resumed our march early the nextmorning, and reached the summit of a mountainous ridge about noon, wherewe found the two roads exactly as they had been described to us. We haltedhere in order to deliberate on our procedure, when Cortes called theMexican ambassadors to explain the meaning of the felled trees. Pretendingignorance on this subject, they advised him to take the road of Chalco, where they said he would be well received. Cortes chose however to takethe other road, and sent on our Indian allies to clear the way before us. As we ascended the mountain, the weather became piercingly cold, and weeven had a considerable fall of snow, which covered the whole countryround about. We at length arrived at certain houses which had been builton the very top of the mountain for the accommodation of travellers, wherewe found an abundant supply of provisions, and having placed proper guards, we halted here for the night. We resumed our march next morning, andarrived by the hour of high mass at the town of Halmanalco, where we werehospitably received. The people of the neighbouring districts of Chalco, Amaquemecan, and Ajotzinco, where the canoes are kept, waited on Cortes atthis place with a present of about 150 crowns in gold, some mantles, andeight women. Cortes received them affably, and promised them hisfriendship and protection; explaining to them, as on former occasions, thedoctrines of our holy faith, exhorting them to abandon their idolatry andbarbarous immolation of human victims, informing them that he was sentamong them by a powerful monarch to redress wrongs, and to lead them inthe way of eternal salvation. On this the people began to make loudcomplaints of the tyranny of Montezuma, who deprived them of their wivesand daughters if handsome, forcing the men to work like slaves in theconveyance of stones, timber, and corn, and appropriating their lands tothe service of his temples. Cortes gave them kind assurances of speedyredress, but recommended to them to be patient yet a little while. 

Just as we were going to set out from Tlalmanalco, four of the principalnobles of the court of Mexico arrived with presents from Montezuma, andhaving made their customary obeisance, they addressed Cortes in thefollowing manner: "_Malinatzin_! our sovereign sent this present to you, and desires us to say, that he is grieved you should take so much troublein coming from a distant country to visit him. He has already made you beinformed that he will give you much gold, silver, and _chalchihuis_ foryour _teules_, if you will give up your intention of coming to Mexico. Wenow repeat this request in his name, that you will return; and he willsend after you a great treasure in gold, silver, and jewels for your king, with four loads of gold for yourself, and a load for each of your brethren. It is impossible for you to proceed to Mexico, as the whole Mexicanwarriors are in arms to oppose you; besides which you will find the roadsbad, and will be unable to procure provisions. " Embracing the ambassadorswith much politeness, and having returned thanks for their present, Cortesexpressed his astonishment at the changeableness of Montezuma, who thusalternately invited and deprecated his presence. He begged them to thankMontezuma for the splendid offers he had made of treasure to the emperor, himself, and his soldiers; but it was quite impossible for him to turnback, especially when so near the capital, as his orders from his ownsovereign were to pay his respects to theirs in person; it was quiteuseless, therefore, to send him any more such messages, for he wasresolved to proceed; and if Montezuma should desire his departure afterhaving seen him, he would be ready at his command to return to his owncountry. 

Having thus dismissed the ambassadors, we continued our march, and as ourallies had informed us that Montezuma intended to put us all to death, after our entry into his city, we were filled with melancholy reflectionson our hazardous situation; recommending our souls therefore to the LORDJESUS CHRIST, who had already brought us in safety through so manyimminent dangers, and resolving to sell our lives at a dear rate, weproceeded on our march. We halted at a town named Iztapalapan, one half ofthe houses of which were built in the water, and the rest on dry land, andtook up our quarters there for the night. While preparing early nextmorning to recommence our march, information was brought by a sentinelthat a great number of Mexicans in rich dresses were on the road towardsour quarters, on which Cortes again dismissed us. Four principal nobles ofMexico now presented themselves with profound respect before our general, whom they informed that Cacamatzin, lord of Tezcuco, and nephew to thegreat Montezuma was approaching, and begged that he would remain in hispresent situation to receive him. Cacamatzin soon followed in vast pomp, borne in a magnificent litter, adorned with jewels and plumes of greenfeathers, set in branched pillars of gold. His litter was carried by eightnobles, who assisted him to alight, and then swept the way before him ashe came up to Cortes. Our general embraced the prince, and made him apresent of three of the jewels named _margajitas_, which are figured withvarious colours. The only purpose of this visit seemed to have beencomplimentary, as he addressed Cortes in these words: "I, and these lords, have come by order of the great Montezuma, to conduct you to yourresidence in our city. " We then set forwards in our usual array for Mexico, the road being crowded on both sides with innumerable multitudes ofnatives, and soon arrived at the causeway of Iztapalapan, one of thosewhich leads to the capital. 

When we contemplated the number of populous towns so closely situated inregard to each other, some on the water, and others on the firm ground, wecould not help comparing this wonderful country to the enchanted scenes weread of in Amadis de Gaul, so magnificent were the towers and temples andother superb edifices of stone and lime, which seemed everywhere to riseout of the water. Many of us were disposed to doubt the reality of thescene before us, and to suspect we were in a dream; and my readers mustexcuse the manner of my expressions, as never had any one seen, heard, oreven dreamt of any thing which could compare to the magnificence of thescene we now beheld. On approaching Iztapalapan, we were received byseveral of the highest nobles of the Mexican empire, relations ofMontezuma, who conducted us to the lodgings appointed for us in that place, which were magnificent palaces of stone, the timber work of which werecedar, having spacious courts and large halls, furnished with canopies ofthe finest cotton. After contemplating the magnificence of the buildings, we walked through splendid gardens, containing numerous alleys plantedwith a variety of fruit trees, and filled with roses, and a vast varietyof beautiful and aromatic flowers. In these gardens there was a fine sheetof clear water, communicating with the great lake of Mexico by a canal, which was of sufficient dimensions to admit the largest canoes. Theapartments of the palace were everywhere ornamented with works of art, admirably painted, and the walls were beautifully plastered and whitened;the whole being rendered delightful by containing great numbers ofbeautiful birds. When I beheld the delicious scenery around me, I thoughtwe had been transported by magic to the terrestrial paradise. But thisplace is now destroyed, and a great deal of what was then a beautifulexpanse of water, is now converted into fields of maize, and all is soentirely altered that the natives themselves would hardly know the placewhere Iztapalapan stood. 

SECTION VIII

_Arrival of the Spaniards in Mexico, Description of that Court and City, and Transactions there, till the Arrival of Narvaez on the coast tosupersede Cortes, by order of Velasquez_. 

Next day, being the 8th of November 1519, we set out on our way into thecity of Mexico along the grand causeway, which is eight yards wide, andreaches in a straight line all the way from the firm land to the city ofMexico, both sides of the causeway being everywhere crowded withspectators, as were all the towers, temples, and terraces in every part ofour progress, eager to behold such men and animals as had never been seenin that part of the world. A very different sentiment from curiosityemployed our minds, though every thing we saw around us was calculated toexcite and gratify that passion in the highest degree. Our little army didnot exceed four hundred and fifty men, and we had been told at every stepof our march, that we were to be put to death on our arrival in the cityinto which we were now about to enter. That city was everywhere surroundedby water, and approachable only by long moles or causeways interrupted inmany places by cross cuts, which were only to be passed by means ofbridges, the destruction or removal of any of which would effectuallyprevent the possibility of retreat. In these circumstances I may fairlyask my readers, what men in the world but ourselves would have ventured onso bold and hazardous an enterprize?

Proceeding along the broad causeway of Iztapalapan, we came to a placecalled _Xoloc_, where a smaller causeway goes off obliquely from the greatone to the city of _Cojohuacan_, we were met by a numerous train of thecourt nobles in the richest dresses, who were sent before Montezuma tocompliment us on our arrival, after which Cacamatzin and the other nobleswho had hitherto attended us, went to meet their sovereign, who nowapproached in a most magnificent litter, which was carried by four of hishighest nobles. When we came near certain towers, almost close to the city, Montezuma was lifted from his litter, and borne forwards in the arms ofthe lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, Tacuba, and Cojohuacan, under asplendid canopy, richly adorned with gold, precious stones hung round likefringes, and plumes of green feathers. Montezuma was dressed and adornedwith great magnificence, his mantle being all covered with gold and gems, a crown of thin gold on his head, and gold buskins on his legs ornamentedwith jewels. The princes who supported him were all richly dressed, but indifferent habits from those in which they had visited us; and severalother nobles in fine dresses, went before the monarch, spreading mantleson the ground to prevent his feet from touching it. Three nobles precededthe whole, each carrying a golden rod, as a signal of the presence oftheir great monarch. All the natives who attended Montezuma, except thefour princes, kept their eyes fixed on the ground, no one daring to lookhim in the face. On the approach of Montezuma, Cortes dismounted andadvanced towards him with every token of profound respect, and waswelcomed by the Mexican monarch to his metropolis. Cortes then threw uponthe neck of Montezuma a collar of the artificial jewels called_margajitas_, being glass beads of various colours, set in gold; afterwhich he advanced, meaning to embrace Montezuma, but the surroundingnobles prevented him, by taking him respectfully by the arms, consideringthis as too great familiarity. It appeared to me that on this occasionCortes offered to yield the right hand to Montezuma, who declined thismark of respect, and placed our general on his right. Cortes then made acomplimentary discourse to Montezuma, expressing his joy in having seen sogreat a monarch, and the great honour he had done him, by coming out tomeet him, as well as by the many other marks of favour he had alreadyreceived. Montezuma made a gracious reply, and giving orders to theprinces of Tezcuco and Cojohuacan to conduct Cortes and the rest of us tothe quarters assigned to us, he returned to the city in the same state inwhich he had come to meet us, all the people standing close to the walls, not daring to look up; and as we followed the royal attendants, we passedon without any obstruction from the multitudes in the streets. It wereimpossible to reckon the innumerable multitudes of men, women, andchildren which thronged everywhere in the streets, on the canals, and theterraces on the house tops, during the whole of our passage through thecity of Mexico. So strongly is every thing I saw on this memorable dayimprinted on my memory, that it appears to me only as yesterday. Glory toour Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who gave us courage to venture on sohazardous an enterprize, and preserved us amid so many dangers: Andpraised be his holy name, who hath permitted me to write this true history;though not so full and satisfactory as the subject merits. Amen!

Lodgings were provided for us in the palace which had formerly beenoccupied by Azayacatl, not far from the western gate of the great temple. Here Montezuma had a secret treasury of gold and valuables, which he hadinherited from his father Azayacatl, and we were placed here, becausebeing considered as _teules_, they thought we were properly lodged in theneighbourhood of their idols. The entry to this palace was through a largewalled court, and the whole was very light, airy, clean, and pleasant, with large and lofty apartments. That allotted for our general wassituated on a raised platform; and for each of us mats were provided tosleep upon, having little canopies over them, after the fashion of thiscountry. On our arrival at the gate of this palace, Montezuma, who hadpreceded us, took Cortes by the hand and led him to the apartment destinedto his particular use, and having placed a rich collar of gold round thegenerals neck, he said on taking leave of him, "Malinatzin, you and yourfriends are now in your own house, refresh and repose yourselves. " We weredistributed to our several apartments by companies, having our artilleryposted in a convenient situation, and every thing was arranged in such amanner as to be prepared for any emergency. A plentiful and even sumptuousentertainment was provided for us, to which we sat down with muchsatisfaction. This is a full and true account of our adventurous andmagnanimous entry into the city of Mexico, on the 8th of November 1519. 

After Montezuma had taken a repast in his own palace, and was informed wehad done the same, he returned to our quarters attended by a great retinueof nobles. Cortes received him in the middle of the hall, where Montezumatook him cordially by the hand, and they sat down together onmagnificently ornamented seats. Montezuma made a very pertinent speech, inwhich he observed, "That he rejoiced at the arrival of such valiantcaptains and warriors in his dominions. He had before heard of a Spanishcaptain who had arrived at Pontonchan, and of another who came upon thecoast in the preceding year with four ships, and had wished to see thesemen, but was disappointed. Now that we were actually arrived in hisdominions, he was happy to offer every favour in his power to grant, beingconvinced we were those men predicted by the gods to his ancestors, who, coming from that part of the world in which the sun rises, were to acquirethe government of this country, as we had fought with such astonishingvalour ever since our arrival, representations of all our battles havingbeen sent him in painting. " Cortes replied, "That he and all his brethrencould never sufficiently repay the many favours we had received from hisbounty; that we certainly were those men to whom the Mexican propheciesrelated, being the vassals of the great and powerful emperor Don Carlos, to whom many great princes were subject; and who, hearing of the fame andmagnificence of the great Montezuma, had sent us to request that he andhis subjects would embrace the Holy Christian religion, abandoning theirfalse gods and senseless idols, and abolishing their barbarous humansacrifices, by which means he would preserve the souls of himself, hisfamily, and subjects from perdition. " Cortes enlarged on this and othertopics in a most edifying manner, promising to communicate moreparticulars hereafter. Montezuma then presented a quantity of valuableornaments of gold to our general, with a present of some gold, and threeloads of mantles to each of our captains, and two loads of mantles to eachof the soldiers. After this he asked Cortes if all his soldiers werebrothers and vassals to our emperor. To this Cortes answered that theywere all brothers in love and friendship, men of rank in our own country, and servants of our great sovereign. Montezuma then departed, with mutualcompliments, after giving orders that we should be amply provided withevery thing we needed; particularly fowls, fruit, and corn, stone millsfor grinding our corn, and women to make bread, and to supply us dailywith plenty of grass for our horses. 

Next day being appointed for making a visit to Montezuma, Cortes went tothe royal palace accompanied by captains Alvarado, De Leon, Ordas, andSandoval, with five soldiers. Montezuma met him in the middle of the greathall, attended by his relations, all others being excluded from theapartment in which he happened to be, except on certain occasions ofimportance. After mutual compliments of ceremony, Montezuma took Cortes bythe hand, and led him to a seat on his own right hand, placed on anelevated platform in the saloon. Cortes then said, "That he came to him inthe name and for the service of the only true God, who was adored by theChristians, the Lord Christ Jesus, who had died to save us and all men. Heendeavoured to explain the mystery of the cross, as an emblem of thecrucifixion, by which mankind had been redeemed. He recounted thesufferings and death of our Lord and Saviour, who had risen on the thirdday and ascended to heaven, where he now reigns, the creator of theheavens, and the earth, and the sea, and all that they contain. Heasserted, that those idols which the natives held as gods, were devilswhich dared not to remain wherever the holy cross was planted. That as allmankind were brothers, the offspring of the same first pair, our gloriousemperor lamented the loss of their souls, which would be brought by theiridols into everlasting flames, and had sent us to apply a sure remedy, byabolishing the worship of idols, the bloody and inhuman sacrifices oftheir fellow men, and their other odious customs so contrary to the law ofGod: And that our emperor would send them holy men hereafter to explainall these things more fully. " To this Montezuma replied, "Malinatzin! I ammuch indebted to your emperor for sending you so far to inform me of allthese things, of which I have already heard by means of my ambassadors whohave visited you in my name, and to which hitherto we have made no reply. We have always worshipped our gods, whom we consider to be just and good, and have no doubt yours are so likewise. It had always been his wish tosee us from the first time he had heard of our arrival on his coasts, because he believed we were they of whom their ancient prophecies mademention, and his gods had now granted his desire. That our being refusedentrance into his cities was none of his fault; having been done by hissubjects without orders, who were terrified by the accounts they hadreceived of us, which reported that we were furious _teules_, who carriedthunder and lightning along with us, that our horses eat men, and othersuch foolish stories. That he now saw we were valiant and wise men, forwhich he highly esteemed us, and would give us proofs of his favour. " Thenchanging the manner of his discourse to gaiety, he added "Malinatzin! Yournew friends the Tlascalans have informed you that I am like a god, andthat every thing about me is gold, silver, and jewels. But you now seethat I am like other men, and that my houses are of lime, stone, andtimber. It is true that I am a powerful sovereign, and have great riches, which I have inherited from my ancestors. You will now treat these reportswith the same contempt that I do the ridiculous stories which I have beentold of your having command over the elements. " To this Cortes replied, that the accounts of enemies were never to be depended on; and made ahandsome compliment to Montezuma on his power and grandeur. Montezuma thenordered in a rich present, giving Cortes a quantity of gold, with tenloads of rich stuffs to be divided between him and his captains, and toeach of us five soldiers, he gave two gold collars, each worth ten crowns, and two loads of mantles. The gold given on this occasion was worth abouta thousand crowns, and the whole was given with so much affability andindifference, as made him appear truly munificent. Cortes now took leave, it being the hour of dinner, and we retired impressed with high respectfor the liberality and princely munificence of Montezuma. 

The great Montezuma appeared to be about forty years of age, of goodstature, well proportioned, and rather thin. His face was rather long, with a pleasant expression, and good eyes, and his complexion ratherfairer than the other Indians. His hair was short, just covering his ears, and his scanty beard was thin, black, and well arranged. His person wasvery clean and delicate, as he bathed every evening; and his manners werea pleasing compound of gravity and good humour. He had two lawful wives, who were princesses, and a number of mistresses; but his visits to thesewere conducted with such secrecy as only to be known by his most familiarservants; and he lay under no suspicion of unnatural vices, so commonamong his subjects. The clothes he wore one day were not used for fourdays after. His guard consisted of two hundred nobles, who had apartmentsadjoining his own. Certain persons only among these were permitted tospeak to him, and when they went into his presence, they laid aside theirordinary rich dresses, putting on others quite plain but clean, enteringhis apartment barefooted, with their eyes fixed on the ground, and makingthree profound reverences as they approached him. On addressing him, theyalways began, Lord! my Lord! great Lord! and when they had finished, healways dismissed them in few words; on which they retired with their facestowards him, keeping their eyes fixed on the ground. I observed likewise, that all the great men who waited upon him on business, always entered thepalace barefooted and in plain habits, never entering the gate directly, but making a circuit in going towards it. 

The cooks of the palace had above thirty different ways of dressing meats, which were served up in earthen vessels of a very ingenious constructionfor keeping their contents always hot. For Montezumas own table abovethree hundred dishes were dressed every day, and more than a thousand forhis guards. Montezuma sometimes went before dinner to inspect thepreparations, on which occasions his officers pointed out to him whichwere the best, explaining what birds or flesh they were composed of. It issaid that the flesh of young children was sometimes dressed for his table;but after Cortes had spoken to him respecting the barbarity of thisinhuman custom, it was no longer practised in the palace. The ordinarymeats were domestic fowls, pheasants, geese, partridges, quails, venison, Indian hogs or _pecaris_, pigeons, hares, rabbits and many other animalsand birds peculiar to the country; the various meats being served up onblack and red earthen-ware made at Cholula. In the cold weather while athis meals, a number of torches were lighted up, of the bark of a treewhich has an aromatic smell and gives no smoke; and to prevent the glareand heat of those from being troublesome, rich screens ornamented withgold and paintings of their idols were interposed between Montezuma andthe torches. At his meals he was seated on a low throne or chair, at atable of proportional height covered with white cloths and napkins, fourbeautiful women attending to present him with water for his hands, invessels named _xicales_, having plates under them, after which they gavehim towels to dry his hands. Two other women attended with small cakes ofbread; and when he began to eat, a large screen of gilt wood was placedbefore him, to prevent him from being seen. Four ancient nobles, who werehis relations and served as councillors and judges, stood beside thethrone, with whom he occasionally conversed, giving them a part of what hewas eating, which they received with profound respect, and eat withoutlifting their eyes from the ground. Fruit of all kinds produced in thecountry was served up to him at table, of which he eat in great moderation;and a certain liquor prepared from cocoa, said to be of a stimulant andstrengthening nature, was presented to him from time to time in goldencups. All the time he continued at table his guards and all others in ornear his apartment had to preserve the most profound silence, under painof death. Owing to the before-mentioned screen which concealed him frompublic view, we could not see all the circumstances here described frominformation. But I noticed above fifty jars of foaming chocolate broughtinto the hall, some of which was presented to him by the female attendants. During the repast, various Indians were introduced at intervals for hisamusement: Some of these were hump-backed, ugly, and deformed, who playedvarious tricks of buffoonery, and we were told that others were jesters, besides which there were companies of singers and dancers in which he wassaid to take great delight; and to all these he ordered vases of chocolateto be distributed. When the repast was ended, the four female attendantsalready mentioned, after removing the cloths, presented him again withwater to wash his hands, during which he continued his conversation withthe four old nobles, who then took their leaves with much ceremony. He wasthen presented with three small hollow canes highly ornamented, containingan herb called tobacco mixed with liquid amber; and when he was satisfiedwith the buffoons, dancers, and singers, he smoked for a short time fromone of these canes, and then laid himself to sleep. I forgot to mention inits proper place that, during the time of dinner, two beautiful women wereemployed in making certain small delicately white cakes, of eggs and otheringredients, which they presented on plates covered with napkins toMontezuma; and then another kind of bread was brought to him in longloaves, as likewise plates of a kind of cakes resembling wafers orpancakes. When Montezuma had concluded his meal, all his guards anddomestics sat down to dinner, and as well as I could judge, above athousand dishes of the various eatables already mentioned were served upto them, with immense quantities of fruit, and numerous vessels of foamingchocolate. His establishment, including his women and inferior servants ofall kinds, was amazingly numerous, and must have occasioned prodigiousexpence, yet the most perfect regularity was preserved amid that vastprofusion. The steward of his household, or major-domo, was at this time aprince named _Tapiea_, who kept an account of all the royal rents in a setof books or symbolical representations which occupied an entire house. 

Connected with the palace of Montezuma there were two large buildingsfilled with every kind of arms, both offensive and defensive, some ofwhich were richly ornamented with gold and jewels; such as large and smallshields, some of the latter being so contrived as to roll up in a smallcompass, and to let fall in action so as to cover the whole body; muchdefensive armour of quilted cotton, ornamented with various devices infeather work; helmets or casques for the head made of wood and bone, adorned with plumes of feathers; immense quantities of bows, arrows, darts, and slings; lances having stone heads or blades six feet long, so strongas not to break when fixed in a shield, and as sharp as razors; clubs ortwo-handed swords, having edges of sharp stones; and many other articleswhich I cannot enumerate. In the palace there was a magnificent aviary, containing every kind of bird to be found in all the surrounding country, from large eagles down to the smallest paroquets of beautiful plumage. Inthis place the ornamental feather-work so much in repute among theMexicans, was fabricated, the feathers for this purpose being taken fromcertain birds called _Quetzales_, and others, having green, red, white, yellow, and blue feathers, about the size of our Spanish pyes, the name ofwhich I have forgot. There were also great numbers of parrots, and geeseof fine plumage; all these birds breeding in the royal aviary, and beingannually stripped of their feathers at the proper season, to supply theworkers in feather-work. There was likewise a large pond of clear water, in which were kept a number of large birds of a red colour with very longlegs, resembling those called _Ipiris_ in Cuba, and called flamingos bythe Spaniards. In another great building we saw a temple dedicated to thewar gods, in which were kept great numbers of ferocious beasts, as tigers, lions of two species, one of which called _Adive_ resembled a wolf; alsofoxes, and other smaller animals, all of them carnivorous. Most of thesewere bred in this menagerie, and were fed upon game, fowls, and dogs, and, as I was informed, on the bodies of the sacrificed human victims. Theirmanner of sacrifice was said to be as follows: They open the breasts ofthe living victim with large stone knives, offering his heart and blood totheir gods; they feast on the head and limbs, giving the bodies to bedevoured by the wild beasts, and hanging up the skulls in the temples astrophies of their misguided piety. In this place likewise there were manyvipers and serpents, the most dangerous of which have a kind of rattle ontheir tails, making a noise like our castanets. These are kept in vesselsfilled with feathers, where they breed, and are fed with human flesh andthe carcases of dogs. I was assured, after our expulsion from Mexico, thatthese animals were fed for many days on the bodies of our companions whoperished on that occasion. These ravenous beasts and horrid reptiles arefit companions for their infernal deities; and when they yelled and hissed, that part of the palace might be likened to hell itself. 

The town in which most of the Mexican artists resided was called_Azcapozalco_, about a league from the city of Mexico, in which were manyshops and manufactories of those who wrought in gold, silver, andjewellery, whose productions surprised the ablest Spanish artist on beingcarried over to Spain. Their painters were also exceedingly expert, as maybe judged from what we still see among them; as there are now three Indianpainters in Mexico, named Marcos de Aquino, Juan de la Cruz, and Grespillo, who are not inferior to Michael Angelo or Berreguete among the moderns, and might even have vied with Apelles. The fine cotton manufactures of theMexicans were principally brought from the province of Costitlan. Thewomen likewise of Montezumas family of all ranks, were exceedingly expertin these kinds of work, and were continually employed; as were alsocertain females who lived together in a kind of secluded societies, likeour nuns. One division of the city was entirely inhabited by Montezumasdancers and posture-makers; some of whom danced like those Italians whomwe call _Matachines_; others played various tricks by means of stickswhich they balanced in many curious ways; and others had a strange mannerof flying in the air. Montezuma had also great numbers of carpenters andhandicrafts of various descriptions continually employed in his service. His gardens were of great extent, irrigated by means of canals, and shadedby an infinite variety of trees; having stone baths, pavilions forentertainments or retirement, theatres for shows and for the singers anddancers, and many other particulars, all of which were kept in the nicestorder by a great number of labourers who were constantly at work. 

Four days after our arrival in Mexico, Cortes sent a message to Montezumaby Aguilar, Donna Marina, and a young page named Orteguilla, who alreadybegan to understand the language, requesting permission to take a view ofthe city, which was immediately granted; but as he was afraid we mightoffer some insult to his temple, he went thither in person attended by agreat retinue, and in similar pomp as when he came to meet us on enteringMexico; two nobles preceding the cavalcade carrying sceptres in theirhands, as a signal of the approach of the monarch. Montezuma was carriedin his magnificent litter, carrying a small rod in his hand, half of whichwas gold and the other half wood: and on coming to the temple, he quittedthe litter and walked up the steps attended by many priests, where heoffered incense and performed many ceremonies in honour of his war gods. Cortes marched at the head of his small band of cavalry, followed by mostof the infantry under arms, into the great square, accompanied by many ofthe court nobles; where we were astonished at the prodigious crowds ofpeople, the vast quantities of merchandize exposed for sale, and theamazing regularity which everywhere prevailed; all of which our Mexicanattendants carefully pointed out to us. Every different commodity had itsown particular place, which was distinguished by an appropriate sign oremblem. There were dealers in gold, silver, feathers, jewels, mantles, chocolate, skins both dressed and undressed, sandals, manufactures of theroots and fibres of _nequen_, and so forth. In one place great numbers ofmale and female slaves were exposed for sale, most of whom were fastenedby the neck in leather collars to long poles. The market for provisionswas amply stocked with fowls, game, dogs, vegetables, fruit, articles offood ready dressed, salt, bread, honey, sweet pastry or confectionary ofvarious kinds, and many other articles. Other parts of the great squarewere appropriated for the sale of earthen ware, wooden furniture, such astables and benches, fire-wood, paper, hollow canes filled with tobacco andliquid amber ready for smoking, copper axes, working tools of variouskinds, wooden vessels richly painted, and the like. In another part manywomen sold fish, and small loaves of a kind of mud taken out of the lakeresembling cheese. The makers of stone blades were employed in shapingthem out of the rough materials. The dealers in gold had the native metalin grains as it comes from the mines, in transparent tubes or quills, sothat it could easily be seen; and the gold was valued at so many mantles, or so many xiquipils of cocoa nuts, in proportion to the size of thequills. The great square was enclosed all round by piazas, under whichthere were great stores of grain, and shops for various kinds of goods. Onthe borders of the adjoining canals there were boats loaded with humanordure, used in tanning leather, and on all the public roads there wereplaces built of canes and thatched with straw or grass, for theconvenience of passengers in order to collect this material. In one partof the square was a court of justice having three judges, and theirinferior officers were employed in perambulating the market, preservingorder, and inspecting the various articles. 

After having satisfied our curiosity in the square, we proceeded to thegreat temple, where we went through a number of large courts, the smallestof which seemed to me larger than the great square of Salamanca, thecourts being either paved with large cut white stones, or plastered andpolished, the whole very clean, and inclosed by double walls of stone andlime. On coming to the gate of the great temple, which was ascended by 114steps, Montezuma sent six priests and two nobles to carry up Cortes, whichhe declined. On ascending to the summit, which consisted of a broadplatform, we observed the large stones on which the victims were placedfor sacrifice, near which was a monstrous figure resembling a dragon, andmuch blood appeared to have been recently spilt. Montezuma came out of anadoratory or recess, in which the accursed idols were kept, and expressedhis apprehension to Cortes that he must be fatigued by the ascent, towhich Cortes answered that we were never fatigued. Montezuma, taking ourgeneral by the hand, pointed out to him the different quarters of the city, and the towns in the neighbourhood, all of which were distinctly seen fromthis commanding eminence. We had a distinct view of the three causeways bywhich Mexico communicated with the land, and of the aqueduct ofChapoltepec, which conveyed an abundant supply of the finest water to thecity. The numbers of canoes which were continually seen passing betweenMexico and all the towns on the borders of the lake, carrying provisionsand merchandise, was really astonishing. We could see, as we had beenoften told, that most of the houses of this great city, and of the othersin the neighbourhood which were built in the water, stood apart from eachother, their only communication being by means of drawbridges or canoes, and that all their roofs were terraced and battlemented. We saw numeroustemples and adoratories in the great city below, on the causeways, and inthe adjacent cities, all resembling so many fortresses with towers, wonderfully brilliant, being all whitewashed. The noise and bustle of themarket in the great square just below, was so great that it might easilyhave been heard almost at the distance of a league; and some of ourcompanions who had seen both Rome and Constantinople, declared they hadnot seen any thing comparable in these cities, for convenient and regulardistribution or numbers of people. 

After having admired the magnificent prospect around, Cortes requested ofMontezuma to shew us their gods. After consulting with his priests, he ledus into a kind of saloon in a tower, having a timber roof richly wrought, under which stood two altars highly adorned, and behind these two giganticfigures resembling very fat men. That on the right was _Huitzilopochtli_, the god of war, having a broad face and terrible eyes, all covered overwith gold and jewels, and having his body twisted round with goldenserpents. His right hand held a bow, and in his left there was a bundle ofarrows. Round his neck was a string of the figures of human heads andhearts made of pure gold, intermixed with precious stones of a blue colour. Close by him stood a small image representing his page, carrying a lanceand shield richly adorned with gold and jewels. Before the great idolstood a pan of fire, in which three hearts of human victims were thenburning along with copal. The whole walls and floor of the apartment wasstained with human blood, and had a most offensive smell, worse than anyslaughter-house. On the left of Huitzilopochtli stood another giganticfigure, having a countenance like a bear, with great shining eyes. Thename of this last was _Tezcatlipoca_, who was said to be the god of theinfernal regions, and to preside over the souls of men[1]. He was likewiseconsidered as the brother of the god of war. His body was covered all overwith figures representing little devils with tails of serpents, and wasrichly adorned with gold and jewels. Before this idol lay an offering offive human hearts. On the summit of the whole temple was a recess havingits wood-work very highly ornamented, where we saw a figure half human andthe rest like an alligator, all inlaid with jewels, and partly covered bya mantle. He was considered as the germ and origin of all created things, and was worshipped as the god of harvests and fruits. Here likewise thewalls and altar were stained with blood like the others, and so offensivethat we were glad to retire in all haste. In this place there stood a drumof prodigious size, the head of which was made of the skin of a largeserpent, which resounded, when struck, with a noise that might be heard atthe distance of two leagues, and gave out a sound so doleful, that itmight be named the drum of hell. This dreadful drum, the horrid sound oftheir horns and trumpets, and the shocking sight of their greatsacrificial knives, the remnants of human victims, and their blood-stainedaltars and fanes, made me anxious to get away from this horrible scene ofhuman butchery, detestable smells, and abominable sights. 

Addressing himself to Montezuma, half jest half earnest, Cortes expressedhis astonishment how so wise a prince could adore such absurd and wickedgods; and proposed to substitute the cross on the summit of the tower, andthe images of the Holy Virgin and her ever-blessed SON in the adoratories, instead of those horrid idols, assuring him that he would soon beconvinced of the vanity of his idolatry, and the deception practised onhim by these inhuman priests. Montezuma was much displeased with theseexpressions, saying that he would not have admitted us to the temple if hehad known we were to insult his gods, who dispensed health, good harvests, seasonable weather, and victory, and whom they were bound in duty andgratitude to adore. Cortes dropped the subject and proposed to withdraw, to which Montezuma assented, observing that he must remain, and atone byan expiatory sacrifice for having admitted us into the temple. Cortes thentook leave of the king, and we descended the steps, to the greatinconvenience of our invalids. If I am not quite so correct as I wish andought to be in many of the things which I relate and describe, I must begmy readers to consider the situation in which I then served, being underthe necessity of giving more attention to the orders of my officers thanto the surrounding objects of curiosity. The temple which we had justvisited covered a prodigious extent of ground, and diminished graduallyfrom the base to the platform on the top, having five concavities likebarbicans between the middle and the top, but without parapets. On thebroad platform of the summit there was a tower in which the images wereplaced. But as there are many paintings of temples in the possession ofthe conquerors, one of which I have, it will be easy to form an idea ofthe structure of this temple from these representations[2]. It was said bythe Mexicans, that numerous offerings of gold, silver, jewels, productionsof the earth, and human victims were deposited under the foundations ofthis great temple at the time of its erection; and it is certain, when theground on which it stood was afterwards dug up for the church of St Jago, that we found great quantities of gold, silver, and other valuables onsinking the new foundations. A Mexican also, who obtained a grant of partof this ground, discovered a considerable treasure, about which there wasa law-suit for the royal interest. This account was confirmed by KingGuatimotzin, who assured us that the circumstances were recorded inancient historical paintings. At a small distance from the great temple, there stood a tower, having a gate or entrance always open, like the mouthof an enormous monster, ready to devour those who entered this hell orhabitation of the demons. At this horrible door there stood many frightfulidols, beside which there was a place for sacrifice, and within there werepots full of water ready to boil the flesh of the victims, which formedthe horrible repasts of the priests. The idols were like serpents anddevils, and the place, all smeared over with human blood, was furnishedwith knives for sacrifice like the slaughter-house of a butcher. Inanother part of the buildings there were great piles of wood, and areservoir of water supplied by a pipe from the great aqueduct ofChapoltepec. In one of the courts there was a temple, all besmeared withblood and soot, surrounded by the tombs of the Mexican nobility. Inanother court there were immense piles of human bones, all regularlyarranged. Every temple had its peculiar idols, and each its regularestablishment of priests, who were dressed in long black vestments, something between the dress of our canons and the Dominican friars. Theyall wore their hair long and clotted with blood, and their ears were alllacerated in honour of their abominable idols. At some distance from thetemple of the tombs, there was another of which the idols were said topreside over marriages; and all the courts were surrounded by low housesfor the priests and their numerous assistants. Hard by these was a largebuilding in which great numbers of the Mexican young women resided, as ina nunnery, till they were married. They were devoted to the worship of twofemale deities, who presided over marriages, to whom they sacrificed inorder to obtain good husbands. I have thus been diffuse in describing thisgreat temple, as it was by far the largest and most splendid in Mexico;yet the temple of Cholula was still higher, having 120 steps. This wasbuilt on a different plan from that of Mexico, and was held in highveneration by the natives. The temple of Tezcuco also was very large, being ascended by 117 steps, and all these differed in their structure, though they all agreed in having a number of outer courts, and a doubleinclosure. Every province of this country had its own peculiar gods, whowere supposed to have no concern with those of other provinces, so thatits gods and idols were quite innumerable. Having effectually fatiguedourselves in examining the objects I have just described, we retired toour quarters. 

As Montezuma was entirely adverse to the proposal of Cortes for convertingthe great temple of Mexico into a Christian church, he was exceedinglydesirous to have a chapel and altar in our quarters, and made applicationto Montezuma through one of his principal nobles to have materials forthis purpose. This request was immediately complied with, and as abundanceof timber and native workmen were sent immediately, it was completed inthree days. In this new chapel mass was celebrated every day, though welamented the want of wine for the holy eucharist, as it had been allexpended during the illness of Cortes, Olmedo, and others, while we werein the dominions of Tlascala. We were extremely regular in our devotions, both because it was our duty, and that we might impress a favourableopinion of our holy religion on Montezuma and his subjects. While ourcarpenters were looking out for a proper place in which to fix the holycross of our chapel, they observed the appearance of a door in one of thewalls of our quarters which had been closed up. Cortes caused this to beprivately opened, and an apartment was found within, in which countlessriches were deposited. The secret soon transpired, and we went all to viewthe concealed treasury. I was then a young man, and it seemed to me thatall the treasures of the world gathered together could not have reachedthe amount of what we then saw. It was thought prudent to close up thedoor of this place, and to conceal our knowledge of it and its contents toa proper opportunity. 

About this time Cortes convened a council of four captains and twelvesoldiers, of those in whom he had most confidence, among whom I was, inorder to consult upon our present situation and future procedure. Havingduly considered how obviously we had been hitherto guided and preserved bythe mercy of GOD, and how the natives, though now kind, might soon changethrough their native fickleness, and notwithstanding the presenthospitality of Montezuma, he might at any time plot our destruction, weunanimously resolved, on the suggestion of Cortes, that the most effectualmeasure for our security was to make that monarch our prisoner and theguarantee of our safety. We knew not but we might all be poisoned in ourfood, and no gift which he could make us, not even all his fatherstreasures which we had just discovered, could compensate to us for thecontinual alarms in which we lived. Some of the officers present at thecouncil, proposed to induce Montezuma by some plausible pretext to come toour quarters, when we could easily seize him without resistance or danger. It was observed by some of our soldiers, that we were not now soplentifully supplied with provisions by the royal officers as at our firstcoming; and that our interpreter, Aguilar, had been secretly informed bytwo of our Tlascalan allies, that they had noticed several indications ofevil intentions towards us among the Mexicans, for the last two days. After a long consultation, we agreed to adjourn the consideration of themeans of executing our resolution till next day; and in the meantime thereverend Father Olmedo was consulted on the subject, and we prayed GOD toguide and direct our proceedings for the best, in our present ticklish anddangerous situation. Next day, two Tlascalans arrived secretly withletters from Villa Rica, with an account that Escalente and six Spaniardshad been slain in a battle with the Mexicans, and that the inhabitants ofChempoalla and the neighbouring mountains, who had submitted to us, hadrevolted back to the Mexican government, refusing to supply provisions, orto work on the fortifications, insomuch, that the remaining garrison ofVilla Rica were in much distress and knew not how to act. These letterssaid likewise, that the high opinion which the natives had adopted withrespect to the Spaniards was much altered for the worse, since they foundthey could be killed like other men. This intelligence gave us muchaffliction. It was the first defeat we had experienced since our landing;and had produced a most alarming change in our situation, and in theopinions of the Mexicans. Before this, we were in possession of wealth, and were considered as invulnerable, and almost like demigods; but werenow lowered in the estimation of the natives, almost to a level withthemselves, in whose power we were. It now seemed more necessary than everto our very existence that we should secure the person of Montezuma;considering that if we failed in the attempt, we might as well perish inwhat seemed our only chance of safety, as wait to be overwhelmed by thewhole power of the Mexican empire. Before I proceed to narrate the sequelof our transactions in Mexico, I shall give an account of the misfortunewhich befel Escalente[3]. 

It has been already mentioned, that about thirty native chiefs ofdistricts in the neighbourhood of Villa Rica, had voluntarily submitted toour government at Chiahuitztla. After our little army had penetrated tothe capital of the Mexican empire, the commander of a garrison belongingto Montezuma endeavoured to levy contributions from some of these our newsubjects: and when this was represented to Escalente, who commanded atVilla Rica, he sent orders to the Mexican officers to desist, as otherwisehe would be under the necessity of chastising them, though he wished toremain in peace and friendship with the subjects of Mexico. To this theMexican officers sent a haughty reply, saying that he would find them inthe field. On receiving this answer, Escalente, who was a brave man, setout with forty of his own soldiers, and two thousand of our allies of theTotanaca nation to march against the Mexicans, whom he found pillaging thecountry, and immediately attacked them. Our allies were always afraid ofthe Mexicans, and fled at the first shower of arrows, leaving theSpaniards to get out of the scrape as well as they might. They made theirretreat with great difficulty to Villa Rica[4], where Escalente and six ofhis soldiers died of their wounds. A Spanish soldier named Arguello, ofgreat bodily strength, with a large head, and thick frizzled beard, wastaken alive, but died of his wounds. The Mexican captains reported thewhole of this affair to Montezuma, to whom they brought the head ofArguello; and it is said that Montezuma trembled when he beheld it, andordered it to be taken out of the way. He reproached his captains for nothaving overwhelmed the whole of that small number of Spaniards with theirnumerous forces; but they alleged that a supernatural being fought againstthem, assisting and encouraging the Spaniards, and struck terror intotheir men. 

Having finally resolved to seize Montezuma, we spent the whole nightbefore proceeding on that hazardous enterprize in earnest prayer to GOD, that what we were about to do might redound to his holy service; and inthe morning we arranged the manner in which this our resolution was to beexecuted. Our cavalry and infantry were all ordered to be in readiness forinstant action, and as it was usual with us to go always fully armed, thiscircumstance gave no suspicion to the Mexicans. Leaving the whole of hisforces prepared to act in case of need, Cortes proceeded to the palace, attended by five of his captains, Alvarado, Sandoval, De Leon, De Lugo, and Avila[5], with the interpreters Donna Marina and Aguilar, havingfirst sent a message to the king, intimating his intention to wait uponhim. Montezuma supposed that this visit of Cortes was on occasion of theaffair which had lately occurred at Chiahuitztla, and that our general wasmuch displeased on that account, yet sent back that he would be glad tosee him. Our general, _and we that were with him_, immediately went to theroyal apartment, and after paying his respects as usual, Cortes addressedMontezuma to the following effect through his interpreters: "He wasastonished that so brave and magnanimous a monarch, who had shewn so muchfriendship for us on all occasions, should have clandestinely given ordersto his troops in _Totonacapan_[6] to make an attack upon the Spaniardswhom he had left at Villa Rica, in which one of them had been killed, andour allies the Totonacas had been pillaged and destroyed without mercy. "Cortes intentionally concealed the death of Escalente and his six soldiers, not wishing that the extent of our loss on this occasion should be knownto the Mexicans. He then charged Montezuma as the author of the treacherywhich had been attempted against us in Cholula, saying, that he hadhitherto refrained from speaking on that subject, from motives of esteemand respect; but, from the late hostile attack by his governor ofTotonacapan, and having learned that the officers of the court wereplotting to cut us off in Mexico, it became necessary for us to useeffectual measures to secure our safety. For this purpose therefore, andin order to prevent the ruin of the city of Mexico, it was necessary thathis majesty should go immediately to our quarters, assuring him if he gavethe smallest alarm, or made any resistance, the officers and soldiers thenpresent would put him instantly to death. On hearing this proposalMontezuma was so petrified with terror and amazement that he seemed tohave lost all sensation for a time. After recovering a little, hepositively denied having given any orders to Quauhpopoca the governor ofNauhtlan to attack our troops under Escalente; and taking from his wristthe signet of Huitzilopochtli, which he employed on all occasions ofimportance to confirm and enforce his orders, he gave it to one of hisofficers whom he commanded to bring Quauhpopoca to court without delay toanswer for his conduct. Then assuming a dignified air, he declined theproposal of quitting his palace with disdain, declaring that he would notbe constrained to take so humiliating a step. Cortes endeavoured toexplain the necessity of his immediate compliance, and the king persistedin his refusal, so that the conversation drew to considerable length, halfan hour at least having elapsed. The captains who accompanied Cortesbecame impatient of delay, fearing that great numbers of the Mexicansmight collect to the rescue of their sovereign, and that we should beoppressed under superior force. In this dilemma, De Leon exclaimed in hisrough voice to Cortes: "Why, Sir, do you waste so many words? Tell him, that if he does not instantly yield himself our prisoner, we will plungeour swords into his body: Let us now assure our lives or perish. "Montezuma was much struck with the manner in which De Leon expressedhimself, and asked Donna Marina what he had said. She answered with muchdiscretion, by mildly advising him to consent immediately to go along withus, assuring him that he would be treated with all the honour and respecthe could desire, whereas she was convinced we would put him to death if herefused or even hesitated. Montezuma then offered to put his legitimateson and two daughters into the hands of Cortes, as hostages, and earnestlyentreated that he might not be exposed before his subjects as a prisoner. But Cortes assured him that nothing short of what had been originallyproposed could satisfy us, and that all remonstrances were unavailing. Atlast he was obliged to consent, saying, "I trust myself with you, let usgo! let us go! since the gods will have it so. " Our captains gave himevery assurance of their perfect esteem and respect, begging of him not tobe offended at their conduct, which was indispensably necessary to theirown safety, and requested that he would say to his officers that he wentof his own free will, and by the advice of his gods and priests. Hismagnificent state litter was now brought for his accommodation, and heproceeded to our quarters in his accustomed pomp, attended by his guards, where he was received and entertained with every mark of respect; yet ourposts and centinels were properly placed in every direction to guardagainst his escape or rescue. He was soon waited on by the princes of hisfamily, and all the principal Mexican nobles, who came to inquire thereason of this change of abode, and whether it was his wish that theyshould attack us. But he told them that he intended to remain with us fora few days, and commanded them to take no steps which might disturb thepeace of the city. 

Thus we accomplished the seizure of the great Montezuma. He was attendedin our quarters with the same magnificence as in his own palace; his wives, family, and officers being constantly with him, and having always twentychiefs or counsellors in his presence. He bathed twice a-day, and appearedcalm and resigned to his fate. Ambassadors came to him from all theprovinces of his empire; some to deliver the accustomed tribute, andothers to transact various affairs of importance, all of which wasdispatched in the usual manner. I perfectly remember that however greatmight be the princes or chiefs who had to wait upon him, they always tookoff their rich dresses and put on plain and coarse _nequen_ clothes, andcame into the royal apartments in this habit, barefooted, not enteringdirectly, but making a circuit by the wall. On entering the presence theykept their eyes cast down on the ground, and after three profoundreverences, always began their addresses in these words, _lord! my lord!great lord!_ They then displayed certain cloths before him, on which thebusiness they came upon was represented by painting, the particulars ofwhich they explained pointing out the figures by means of nicely polishedrods or wands. While this was going on, two old nobles always stood besidethe king, who attentively considered every circumstance, on which theygave him their opinions, and he then dispatched the affair in few words. The person who had the business with the king then withdrew without reply, making three profound reverences as before, always keeping his eyes on theground, and his face to the throne till out of sight. On leaving the royalapartments, they reassumed their rich dresses, in which they walked aboutthe city. 

The messengers who had been dispatched with the royal signet to arrest theofficers against whom Cortes had complained for the attack on Escalente, soon returned with them to Mexico. I know not what passed in the royalpresence when they appeared before the king; but he sent them immediatelyto Cortes to do with them as he pleased. On their examination, when theking was not present, they avowed all that had happened in Totonacapan, but said that they had acted by orders from Montezuma, by whom they hadbeen commanded to levy the royal tribute, and even to attack the Spaniardsif they should support the refractory subjects of the empire. On Montezumabeing charged with this, he endeavoured to exculpate himself; but Cortestold him, that although his participation in the guilt of his officers wasapparent, and although he had been commanded by his own sovereign topunish with death all who had inflicted death on any of the Spaniards, yethe had so great a regard for his majesty, that he would sooner loose hisown life than do him any injury. Notwithstanding these assurances, Montezuma was in great fear of being put to death. Cortes sentenced theMexican officers to be burnt alive in front of their kings palace, whichwas immediately carried into execution; and to prevent any commotion whilethis was taking place, he ordered Montezuma to be put in irons. Theunfortunate king could not suppress his sense of this indignity, and weptaloud when the fetters were put on. After the execution was over, Corteswent into the apartment of Montezuma, attended by his five captainsformerly mentioned, and took off the irons with his own hands, assuringhim with a cordial embrace, that he loved him more even than a brother, and that he hoped soon to extend his dominions to more than double theirpresent size. He is said also to have told him that he was now at libertyto return to his own palace, if he so wished; but we understood thatCortes ordered the interpreters to inform Montezuma, that he was inclinedto set him at liberty, but that the other officers refused their consent. The spirit of the unfortunate king was now entirely subdued, and the tearsran down his cheeks while Cortes was speaking: He declined the offer withthanks, well knowing the emptiness of his words; adding, that he thoughtit most prudent to remain where he was, to prevent an insurrection in thecity. Montezuma requested Cortes to give him his page, Orteguilla, a youthwho had already made considerable progress in the Mexican language. Cortesimmediately complied, and Orteguilla remained afterwards constantly aboutthe kings person, as Montezuma took great delight in inquiring from himmany particulars respecting the manners and customs of Europe; and, fromhis knowledge of the language, Orteguilla was of great service to us inthe sequel, by communicating every circumstance that was of importance forus to be made acquainted with. Montezuma continued to reside among us, always treated with the utmost respect and attention, as no officer andsoldier, even Cortes, ever came into his presence or even passed him, without taking of his helmet. He always treated us in return with muchcourtesey. 

The Mexican officers who were publickly executed, were four in number. Ofthese Quauhpopoca was the principal, two of the others were named _Coatl_and _Quiabuitl, _ but I have forgot the name of the fourth[7]. As soon asthis punishment was made known throughout the provinces of the Mexicanempire, it occasioned universal terror among the natives, and the peopleof Tontonacapan immediately returned to submission to our garrison atVilla Rica. --Let me now pause, and request my readers to consider thetrain of our heroic acts which I have already related. _First_, wedestroyed our ships, by which we cut off all hope of retreat. _Secondly_, we entered the city of Mexico, in spite of the many alarming warnings wehad received. _Thirdly_, we made Montezuma, the sovereign of that greatand populous empire, a prisoner, in the midst of his own palace andcapital, surrounded by numerous guards. _Fourthly_, we publickly burnt hisofficers in front of his palace, and put the king in irons during theexecution. I now frequently revolve upon these great events in my old age, which still appear as fresh in my memory as if they had only happenedyesterday. I say to myself, it was not we who did those mighty things, butwe were guided therein by the hand of God. For without his direction, howwas it to be conceived that so small a number as we were, not amounting tofour hundred and fifty men, should have dared to seize and put in irons, and publickly burn his officers for obeying his orders, in a city largerand more populous than Venice, and 1500 leagues from our own country. 

It was necessary to appoint a successor in the command at Villa Rica, andaccordingly Cortes gave the command to Alonzo de Grado, an indifferentsoldier, but a good speaker, a handsome man, a musician, and a readywriter, who had always been adverse to our marching to Mexico, and was thechief orator on these occasions, in conveying the sentiments of theopposite party to Cortes. On notifying this appointment, Cortes said tohim jocularly, "Senior de Grado, you are now commandant of Villa Rica. Seethat you fortify it well; but I charge you not to go to war with thewicked Indians, lest they kill you as they have done Juan de Escalente. "This was said ironically, as Cortes well knew he would not venture out ofhis garrison for any consideration. As we noticed the concealed meaning ofCortes in these words, we could hardly refrain from laughing aloud. Hethen enjoined him to be kind to the natives, and to protect them fromoppression; to use all diligence in completing the fortifications of thewooden fort, and to cause two large chains to be made from the old iron ofthe destroyed ships, by the smiths at Villa Rica, which were to be sentimmediately to Mexico. De Grado, on arriving at his government, assumed alofty demeanour, and ordered the neighbouring Indians who were allied withus, to send him gold and females slaves, neglecting the fortifications, and spending his time in feasting and deep play. What was still worse, heplotted with the adherents of Velasquez to deliver up to him the post withwhich he had been entrusted. When Cortes learned these things, he repentedof having employed a person whose bad dispositions he well knew in a postof so much importance, and sent therefore Sandoval, our alguazil-major tosupersede him. Sandoval was accompanied by Pedro de Ircio, who used toamuse him with anecdotes of the families of the Conde de Ureno and DonPedro Giron, by which means he gained the favour of Sandoval, who neverceased promoting him till he got him to the rank of captain. On hisarrival at Villa Rica, Sandoval arrested De Grado, and sent him prisonerto Mexico, under a guard of Indians, by order of Cortes, who would not seehim on his arrival, but ordered him to be confined in the stocks, where heremained two days. De Grado afterwards made his peace, and got the officeof contador, in place of Avila, who was sent over to Hispaniola asprocurador. Sandoval made himself exceedingly popular among the natives inthe neighbourhood of Villa Rica, and diligently applied to complete thefortifications. He likewise sent to Mexico by order of the general, allthe ironwork necessary for the construction of two vessels which wereordered to be built for sailing on the lake. 

Every day after mass Cortes went with all his officers to pay his respectsto Montezuma, asking his orders, the king always affecting to be perfectlycontented with his situation. On these occasions the discourse frequentlyturned upon the principles of our holy faith, and the power of our emperorDon Carlos. At other times Montezuma and Cortes used to play at a gamecalled _totoloque_ by the Mexicans, in which they aim with golden balls atcertain other objects made of gold. Once, when Cortes and Alvarado wereplaying against Montezuma and his nephew, the king said in a jocularmanner, that he would not allow _Tonatiu_, for so he called Alvarado onaccount of his handsomeness, to mark, as if he cheated; on which we allfell a laughing, as we knew Alvarado was rather given to exaggeration. Onthese occasions, Cortes gave all his winnings among the Mexican attendantsof the king; and Montezuma distributed his among us soldiers of the guard. Indeed he every day made presents to all of us who attended him, andparticularly to Velasquez de Leon, the captain of his guard, who alwaystreated him with much respect and attention. One night, a soldier namedTruxillo, was guilty of a very disrespectful action within his hearing, atwhich Montezuma was much offended, and asked the page Orteguilla who hadcommitted this extreme rudeness. Orteguilla told him that Truxillo was aperson of low birth, and knew no better, and then gave him an account ofour different ranks and characters, by which he was much gratified. Hesent next day for Truxillo, and after reproving him for his unmannerlybehaviour, made him a present worth five crowns. Next night, Truxillocommitted a similar rudeness, in hopes to get more gold, but Montezumacomplained to De Leon, who ordered Truxillo to be relieved, after which hegave him a severe reprimand. Another night, a soldier named Pedro Lopezhappened to be unwell, and cursed that dog of an Indian, meaning Montezuma, for occasioning so much trouble. The king overheard this and discoveredits meaning, on which he complained to Cortes, who ordered the man to bewhipped. After this, proper discipline and strict silence were preservedby the guard, which greatly pleased the king, who knew us all, and used toaddress us by our names, and was always very kind to us. I was then ayoung man, and always behaved to him with much respect. The page hadinformed him that I had been twice on the coast of his empire before thearrival of Cortes, and that I had desired him to say to his majesty that Iwould be much obliged to him for a handsome Indian girl. He verygraciously complied with this request, and calling me before him, addressed me to the following effect: "Bernal Diaz, the young woman I nowpresent to you is the daughter of one of my principal nobles; treat herwell, and her relations will give you as much gold, and as many mantles asyou can desire. " I respectfully kissed his hand, thanking him for hisgracious condescension, and prayed God to bless and prosper him. On whichhe observed, that my manner spoke me of noble extraction, and he orderedme three plates of gold, and two loads of mantles. In the morning, afterhis devotions, according to the manner of his country, Montezuma used toeat a light breakfast of vegetables seasoned with _agi, _ which is a kindof pepper. He then employed a full hour in the dispatch of business, inthe way I have formerly mentioned, being attended at this time by twentycounsellors; and in this way, sometimes amusing himself, and sometimesmeditating on his situation, he spent the time of his confinement among us. He had many mistresses, and he used often to give away some of these inmarriage among his officers and particular friends. Some of these ladiesfell to our lot, and the one I got was a lady of high birth, as she shewedby her manner; after her baptism she was called Donna Francisca. 

After the iron materials, with sails and cordage had arrived from VillaRica, Cortes asked leave from Montezuma to build two brigantines for thepurpose of his amusement on the lake, and also that he would order thenative carpenters to assist in their construction. Montezuma readilyconsented, and as there was plenty of oak at no great distance, the workwent on expeditiously under Martin Lopez our principal ship-builder, sothat the two brigantines were soon built, launched, and rigged. While thiswas going on, Montezuma begged to be allowed to perform his devotions inthe great temple, that his friends and subjects might be satisfied helived among us by his own choice, and the permission of his gods. Cortesgranted this, under a strict caution to beware of doing any thing thatmight bring his life in hazard, as he would send a strong guard along withhim, with orders to put him to death instantly if any commotion shouldarise among the people. Cortes likewise insisted that no human sacrificesshould be permitted on the occasion. All this being agreed to, Montezumaset out for the temple in his usual pomp, attended by four of our captains, and an hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers, Father Olmedo being likewisepresent, to prevent any human sacrifice. Montezuma came out of his litternear the temple, where he was met by a number of priests, who carried himup the steps. They had sacrificed four Indians the night before to theiraccursed idols, as all our endeavours were insufficient to stop thatabominable practice, which we were forced to connive at for a season, being afraid to do any thing which might occasion an insurrection. Afterremaining a short time at his devotions, Montezuma came down from thetemple, and returned to our quarters in much good humour, and madepresents to all of us who had attended him. 

Our two brigantines were now afloat on the lake, fully equipped, andmanned by expert sailors, and were found to obey both sail and oar to awish. When Montezuma learnt this, he requested to go a-hunting to acertain district which was full of game, all other persons beingprohibited from hunting there under pain of death. Cortes grantedpermission, giving warning that his life would pay the forfeit of thesmallest attempt to escape, and offered him the use of our ships to conveyhim to the hunting ground, which he accepted with much pleasure. The kingand his suit embarked in the swiftest of the two vessels, and the otheraccommodated his son and a number of nobles. Four of our captains attendedthe king, with a guard of two hundred soldiers, and four brass guns, withtheir ammunition and artillery-men, were embarked on the occasion. The windwas fresh, and our sailors took great delight in exerting their utmostskill. Our ships seemed to fly along the lake, and left a prodigiousmultitude of the canoes of the Mexicans far behind. Montezuma landed atthe place kept for his hunting, which abounded in game, so that he soonprocured a great quantity of various kinds, such as deer, hares, andrabbits; and having satisfied himself with sport, he reimbarked and cameback to Mexico. We discharged our artillery during the voyage, which gavehim much amusement. He delighted us all by his affability and noblebehaviour, and was held by every one of us in the highest respect. Ithappened one day, while three of our captains were in his presence, that ahawk flew into the apartment in pursuit of a quail, both these birds anddoves being bred about the palace. On this occasion our officers andsoldiers admired the beauty and fine flight of the hawk, and Montezuma wascurious to know the subject of their discourse: It was accordinglyexplained to him, as likewise that we were accustomed to tame hawks, andto fly them from our hands in pursuit of game. On this Montezuma gaveimmediate orders to have the hawk caught for us, and the very same birdwas caught and brought to us next morning. 

Cacamatzin prince of Tezcuco, the largest town in the empire next toMexico, took great umbrage at hearing that his uncle Montezuma had beenkept many days prisoner by the Spaniards, and that we had opened thetreasury of his ancestors. He therefore called a meeting of his principalvassals, and of the neighbouring princes or great feudatories of theMexican empire, among whom was the lord of Matlatzinco, a renowned warriorand near relation of Montezuma, who was reported to have some pretensionsto the throne. His intention in summoning these princes was to persuadethem to assemble their forces, in order to attack us, and on making thisproposal to the assembled chiefs, he of Matlatzinco offered to concur withhis whole force, on condition that they would raise him to the throne ofMexico. But Cacamatzin alleged that he had a preferable claim to thatdignity, and declared he would destroy the Spaniards with his own forces, for which purpose he entered into arrangements with his partizans inMexico. The whole of this plan was reported to Montezuma, who immediatelycommanded his nephew Cacamatzin to desist from his preparations, andcommunicated the information he had received to Cortes, who had alreadyreceived some notice of what was going forwards, but not to the fullextent. Cortes immediately proposed to go at the head of a detachment ofthe Spaniards, and a large body of Mexican troops, and to destroy Tezcuco;but as this proposal did not please Montezuma, Cortes sent a message toCacamatzin, requiring him to desist from his war-like preparations, anddeclaring his wish to have him for a friend. Cacamatzin answered, that hewould not become the dupe of plausible words like others, and meant soonto pay us a visit, when he would listen to what we had to say. In a secondmessage, Cortes warned him not to proceed to hostilities, which wouldcertainly occasion the death of his uncle; but he replied, that he caredneither for Montezuma nor Cortes, and was determined to act as he thoughtproper. 

Cacamatzin had a brother named Cuitcuitzcatzin, who resided in Mexico, having been obliged to take refuge there in consequence of a familyquarrel. As this was known to us, Cortes proposed that Cacamatzin shouldbe brought to Mexico, where we would seize him unless he agreed topreserve the peace, or might substitute his brother in the government ofTezcuco. Montezuma agreed to send for him, and assured us if he refused tocome, he would give orders to bring him by force. Cortes thanked the kingfor this instance of his fidelity, declaring that he now only remained inMexico to protect him against his rebellious subjects, and would feelhappy to reinstate him in his own palace, but could not prevail on therest of the Spanish captains to agree to this measure. Montezuma said inreply, that he would immediately transmit information to Cacamatzin, thathis present residence was entirely of his own free will, and by the adviceof their gods; for Montezuma was perfectly aware of the simulation ofCortes in his declarations, and endeavoured to fight him with his ownweapons. He accordingly sent a message to the prince in the proposed terms;but Cacamatzin understood the manner in which his uncle was constrained toact, and declared his determination to assail our quarters within fourdays, saying that Montezuma was a despicable monarch, for having neglectedto attack us at the Port of Chalco, as he had advised. That he wasresolved to be avenged of the wrongs which we had heaped upon Montezumaand his country, and that if the throne of Mexico should fall to his lotduring the contest, he would liberally reward all who assisted him againstthe Spanish invaders. Several of the Mexican chiefs who were along withCacamatzin, expressed their scruples about entering into war without theorders of their legitimate sovereign, and proposed to send to him forinstructions. Cacamatzin was enraged at this proposal, as adverse to hisviews of assuming the crown of the Mexican empire, and immediately orderedthree of the most refractory into custody; by which procedure the restwere intimidated into compliance with his plans. He then sent a message toMontezuma, representing the disgrace into which he had fallen, by joininghimself with wizards and magicians, and declared his resolution to destroyus all. Montezuma was much offended by the proud independence assumed byhis nephew, whom he now resolved to circumvent and make prisoner. For thispurpose he entrusted his signet to six of his captains, whom he commandedto shew it to certain other leaders among his subjects, who were not wellaffected to the prince, and to communicate to them his orders to seizeCacamatzin and bring him prisoner to Mexico. These men went accordingly towhere Cacamatzin was consulting with the confederate chiefs on thearrangement of his expedition; and shewing the royal signet with whichthey were entrusted, they secured him and five of his principal chiefswithout opposition, and brought them away to Mexico. Cacamatzin, beingbrought into the presence of Montezuma, was reproached by him for hisdisobedience and treason, and then delivered over to Cortes; but the otherprisoners were released. 

Arrangements were immediately made for raising Cuitcuitzcatzin, one of thebrothers of Cacamatzin, to the principality of Tezcuco; who wasaccordingly invested with this dignity in the presence, of Montezuma, andsent over with a splendid retinue to take possession of the government[8]. This important business being completed to our entire satisfaction, wecontinued to reside in Mexico, paying our court to Montezuma with theutmost demonstrations of respect, yet detaining him always a prisoner inour quarters. 

Cortes now resumed a proposal which had been formerly made, for Montezumaacknowledging the sovereignty of our emperor over him and his dominions;to which Montezuma replied, that he would summon a council of all hisdependent princes, which he did accordingly, and almost the whole of themattended in the course of ten days. Among a few who absented themselves onthis occasion, was the chief of Matlatzinco, who has been alreadymentioned as renowned for his warlike prowess. He sent back an answer, that he would neither obey the summons nor pay any more tribute. Montezumawas much incensed by this contumacious message from his vassal, and sentofficers to apprehend him, but they were unable to succeed. The princesand feudatories being all assembled, Montezuma reminded them of theancient prophecies, by which it was foretold to their ancestors, that apeople was to come from the region of the rising sun, to whom the empireof the country was to be transferred. He added, that he believed theSpaniards to be the people spoken of in that prophecy; and had sacrificedto his gods in vain to give him a distinct revelation on the subject, butthey referred him to the former responses, and commanded him to ask nomore. From all this he concluded that they willed him to yield obedienceto the king of Castile, who was the sovereign of these strangers. "I now, "said he in conclusion, "beseech you to agree to this submission, which isrequired of me by the Spaniards. During the eighteen years which I havereigned, I have ever been a kind monarch to you, and you have always beenfaithful subjects. Since our gods will have it so, let no one refuse thisinstance of obedience which I now ask. " The princes, with many sighs andtears, promised to do every thing he might desire. Montezuma, who wasstill more affected than they, sent a message to inform Cortes, that heand his princes would tender their allegiance to our emperor next day. This was accordingly done at the time appointed, in presence of all ourofficers and many of our soldiers, none of whom could refrain from tears, at beholding the distress and agitation of the great and generousMontezuma on this humiliating occasion. 

Some time afterwards, when Cortes and his captains were conversing withMontezuma on various topics, the general made inquiry relative to the goldmines of the empire, when Montezuma informed him that the richest of thesewere in the province of Zacatula or Zacatollan, and said that the gold wasprocured by washing the earth, the small grains of metal sinking to thebottom during the operation. He also said that it was obtained from tworivers in the province of Guztepeque, where the natives were not subjectsto his empire; but, if Cortes chose to send some troops to that place, hewould order his officers to accompany them. Cortes accordingly sent thepilot Umbria and two soldiers to examine the mines of Zacatula; and senthis relation Pizarro, to the territories of Chinantla and Zapoteca. Pizarro was then a young man, and at that time his name and that of Peru, now so famous, were both equally unknown. Pizarro, who was one of ourcaptains, took with him four soldiers who were used to mining, and fourMexican nobles; and Montezuma presented Cortes with a map of the wholenorthern, or rather eastern coast of the Mexican empire, admirablyrepresented in painting, extending at least an hundred and forty leagues, all the way to Tabasco. Among the rivers said to produce gold, was that ofHuatzocoalco, which Cortes wished to have examined, and Diego de Ordasoffering himself for this purpose, was reluctantly accepted by Cortes, ashe was a person on whom he depended for sound judgment and wholesomeadvice on occasions of importance. Before his departure, Montezuma toldOrdas, that the power of the crown of Mexico did not extend over thecountry to which he was going, but that he was welcome to the assistanceof the frontier garrisons. Umbria returned first from his mission, bringing with him gold to the value of three hundred crowns and reportedthat the mines might be made very productive, if they were as expertlymanaged as those of Hispaniola and Cuba. Two principal persons of thedistrict accompanied him to Mexico, who brought a present of gold to thevalue of about a hundred crowns, and offered to submit themselves andcountry to the sovereignty of our emperor. Umbria and his companionsdescribed the country which they had visited as extremely rich andpopulous, and he and his companions appeared to have done somethinghandsome for themselves on the expedition, which Cortes winked at in orderto make up for some former differences. 

Ordas, on his return, said that he had passed through very populousdistricts, in all of which he was well received. That he found severalbodies of Mexican troops on the frontiers, of whose outrages the nativesof the country made heavy complaints, on which account he had severelyreprehended the commanders of the troops, threatening them with a similarpunishment with what had been inflicted on the lord of Nauhtlan. He hadsounded the river of Huatzcoalco, where he found three fathoms water onthe bar at low tide in the shallowest part, and still deeper within, wherethere was a place very proper for a naval establishment. The caciques andnatives treated him with much hospitality, and offered themselves asvassals to our emperor, but complained loudly against the exactions ofMontezuma and his officers, and pointed out a place where they had latelyslain many of the Mexican troops, which they had named _Cuilonemequi, _ orthe Place of Slaughter of the Mexicans, on whom they bestowed the mostopprobrious epithets. He represented the soil of the country as wellfitted for tillage and the rearing of cattle, and the port as wellsituated for trade with Cuba, Hispaniola, and Jamaica; but as inconvenient, from its distance from Mexico, and unhealthy owing to the morasses in itsvicinity. Pizarro returned from Tustepeque or Tzapotecapan, with gold ingrains to the value of a thousand crowns. He reported, that in going intothe mountains inhabited by the Chinantlans, they flew to arms and wouldnot permit the Mexicans to enter into their country, threatening to putthem all to death; but admitted him and his Spaniards with great attention. He brought several of the chiefs of that country along with him to Mexico, who wished to shake off the Mexican yoke, and to become subjects to ouremperor. Cortes then inquired at Pizarro for the soldiers who hadaccompanied him, when Pizarro answered, that finding the country rich andthe people friendly, he had left them to make a plantation of cocoa, andto explore the rivers and mines. Cortes said nothing to him in public, butgave him a severe private reprimand for employing the soldiers in suchfoolish pursuits, contrary to his orders, and immediately sent a messagecommanding their return to head-quarters. 

Cortes now proposed to Montezuma to order a general contribution in goldto be collected through the whole of his dominions, as a tribute to ouremperor, and also that he should deliver up his treasure for the samepurpose. Montezuma accordingly sent orders to his officers in thosedistricts where the mines were situated, commanding them immediately totransmit a certain quantity of gold plates, of the size usually paid astribute, two of which were sent as patterns. He remarked at the same time, that there were many districts of the empire from which gold was not to beexpected in any considerable quantity, as they had no mines, and thenatives had only such golden toys among them as they had inherited fromtheir ancestors. Much gold was immediately transmitted to Mexico from therich provinces in compliance with the order; but when it was communicatedto the refractory lord of Matlatzinco, formerly mentioned, he haughtilyanswered, that he would pay no tribute, for he had as good a right asMontezuma to the throne of Mexico. Montezuma was much enraged at thisinsolent message, and immediately sent some trusty officers with hissignet, who succeeded in apprehending this redoubted chief. On beingbrought prisoner into the presence of the king, he behaved with so muchinsolence that Montezuma ordered him to be put to death; but Cortesinterceded for him, and got his punishment transmuted to imprisonment. Heeven endeavoured to make a friend of this chief, and proposed to have himset at liberty, but Montezuma insisted that he should be kept in chainsalong with Cacamatzin. 

Twenty days after the orders had been issued for collecting the tribute, it was all brought to Mexico, on which Montezuma summoned Cortes into hispresence, along with the captains and the soldiers who formed his usualguard, and addressed us as follows: "Being indebted to your great king, whom I much esteem for having sent you as his ambassadors to me from sogreat a distance, and as I am convinced by the prophecies transmitted tous by our ancestors, and confirmed by our gods, that he is destined torule over us, take this gold, which is all I could collect on so short anotice, and also the treasure which I inherited from my ancestors whichyou have already seen; send all this to your emperor, and let it berecorded in your chronicles that this is the tribute from his vassalMontezuma. Besides all this, I shall give you for your monarch, a quantityof our most valuable jewels, which we call _calchihuis_[9], every one ofwhich is worth two loads of gold, and three tubes for shooting darts orpellets, so richly adorned with jewels that he will be pleased with them. Accept all this as an instance of my good will, for it is the last of mytreasure. " We all immediately took off our helmets, and gave our heartythanks to Montezuma for his munificent and liberal gift, which Cortespromised should be presented to the emperor with a just representation ofthe merits of the donor. We were employed for three days in taking topieces the gold contained in the various ornamental articles in theconcealed treasury, which was now delivered up to us by the command ofMontezuma, in which we were assisted by the royal goldsmiths from the townof Escapuzalco. When separated and weighed, these articles weighed to thevalue of above 600, 000 crowns, besides many other articles of value, andexclusive of gold in plates and bars, and in its rough state as broughtfrom the mines. All this gold was melted down by the goldsmiths, and castinto bars of three fingers breadth, all of which were stamped with theroyal arms, with our entire approbation. The rest of the present ofMontezuma was worthy of great admiration, consisting of the jewels called_calchihius_ ornamented tubes covered with gold and jewels, beautifulembroideries of pearls and feathers, plumes of feathers, and an endlessvariety of rich manufactures; and it was unanimously agreed by us all notto take these rich ornaments to pieces. 

After the royal officers had weighed and valued the gold, which exceeded, as I have already mentioned, 600, 000 crowns, exclusive of the silver andother ornamental articles, it was proposed to deduct the royal fifth, andto distribute the shares among the officers and soldiers. Cortes proposedto postpone the division till we acquired more treasure, and had moreexact weights: But the soldiers were clamorous for an immediate division, as we perceived that above a third part had disappeared since the variousarticles were taken to pieces, Cortes and the captains and others beingcontinually carrying it away and concealing it for their own use. It wasat length agreed to make the division next day, when it was still found toexceed 600, 000 crowns in weight. On making the division, Cortes in the_first_ place caused a fifth to be laid aside for his majesty; _secondly_, a fifth for himself, as had been agreed upon; _thirdly_, a portion toreimburse the naval expenditure incurred by Velasquez, the destruction ofthe ships, and all the expences of the expedition from Cuba; _fourthly_, for the expences of the agents whom we had sent to Spain; _fifthly_, forthe shares of our companions who were in garrison at Villa Rica; _sixthly_, for the value of the horses which had been killed; _seventhly_, for thereverend Father Olmeda and our captains; _eighthly_, double shares for thecavalry, musketeers, and crossbow-men. When all these deductions were madefrom the stock, the shares which remained for each soldier were hardlyworth acceptance, not exceeding 100 crowns a-man. We were obliged tosubmit, having no one to appeal to for justice; yet many were veryclamorous, whom Cortes secretly endeavoured to appease, giving a little toone and a little to another in private, and feeding all with fair promises. Our captains got chains of gold made for them by the Mexican workmen, Cortes did the same, and had a superb service of gold plate made for histable. Many of our soldiers, who had been fortunate in secreting plunder, had golden ornaments made for their use, and gave themselves up to deepgaming, for which purpose they made cards from drum-heads; and thus wepassed our time in Mexico. One Cardenas, a pilot, who had a wife andchildren, seeing that all the immense treasure of Montezuma had dwindleddown to paltry shares of a hundred crowns, made loud complaints of theinjustice he and all of us had experienced. On this coming to the ears ofCortes, he called us together, and gave us a long honied speech, wonderinghow we should be so clamorous about a paltry sum of gold, as the wholecountry, with all its rich mines, would soon be ours, by which we wouldall have enough to make us lords and princes, and I know not all what. After this he distributed presents secretly among the most clamorous, andpromised Cardenas to send home 300 crowns to his wife and children. 

All men are desirous of acquiring riches, and the desire generallyincreases with the acquisition. As it was well known that a great manyvaluable pieces of gold had been abstracted from the treasury, suspicionnaturally fell upon several persons who appeared to have more gold thantheir shares amounted to. Among these, it was noticed that Velasquez deLeon had some large chains of gold, and many trinkets and ornaments ofthat metal, in the hands of the Mexican workmen, which the treasurer Mexiaclaimed as having been purloined. De Leon resisted this, alleging that ithad been given him by Cortes before the gold was run into bars. Mexiareplied that Cortes had concealed enough, and had already taken too muchfrom the soldiers, without giving him so great a quantity, and insisted onrestitution. Both were valiant men, and their quarrel rose to such aheight, that they drew their swords, and each of them received two woundsbefore they could be parted. Cortes ordered them both under arrest and tobe put in chains; but spoke privately to De Leon, who was his intimatefriend, to submit quietly, and released Mexia in consideration of hisholding the office of treasurer. Velasquez was a strong active man, andused to walk much in the apartment where he was confined, and as Montezumaheard the rattling of his chains, he inquired who it was, and intercededwith Cortes for his liberation. Cortes told him that Velasquez was a madfellow, who would go about robbing the Mexicans of their gold if notconfined. Montezuma replied, if that were all, he would supply his wants, and Cortes affected to release him as a favour to the king, but banishedhim to Cholula, whence he returned in six days, richer than before by theking's bounty. 

About this time, the king offered to give Cortes one of the princesses hisdaughter in marriage. Cortes received this offer with much gratitude, butsuggested the propriety of having her in the first place instructed in theChristian religion, with which Montezuma complied, though he stillcontinued attached to his own false worship and brutal human sacrifices. Cortes and his captains were much scandalized by this persistence ofMontezuma in idolatry, and thought it their duty as Christians, to runeven the risk of occasioning a rebellion of the Mexicans by destroying theidols and planting the true cross in their place; or if that could not benow accomplished, to make a chapel for Christian worship in the temple. Onthis determination, seven officers and soldiers attended Cortes and FatherOlmedo to wait upon Montezuma, to whom they communicated their wish, andtheir resolution to employ force if necessary. The king was much alarmed, and earnestly begged leave to consult with his priests on the subject. Cortes seemed touched with his situation, and made a signal to theofficers and soldiers to retire, leaving him and Olmedo with the king. Hethen told him, that he would endeavour to prevail on the officers to besatisfied for the present, if a part of the great temple was appropriatedfor the reception of an altar and crucifix, by which his majesty wouldsoon be convinced of the falsehood of his erroneous worship[10]. To thisproposal Montezuma reluctantly consented, with the appearance of muchagitation and deep sorrow; and, an altar and crucifix being erected, masswas solemnly celebrated in the new chapel, for the care of which a properperson was appointed. 

The whole time of our stay in this city was one continued series of alarms, sufficient to have destroyed us if we had not been supported by divineinterposition. By this last measure, through the representations of thepriests, acting on the prejudices of the people, our dangers were muchincreased. Their gods, as the priests alleged, threatened to desert them, unless we were destroyed for this violation of the temple, and anuniversal determination was formed to obey this manifestation of theircommands. This resolution of the people was conveyed to Montezuma by thepriests, and all his principal warriors; who, besides this subject ofcomplaint on the score of religion, made many other representationsrespecting our misconduct, ever since our arrival in the empire. The pageOrguetilla communicated many alarming circumstances which he had observed, to Cortes, respecting frequent secret conferences between Montezuma andhis priests and nobles, and the angry and melancholy appearances which hehad frequently seen the king assume on these occasions. Cortes was alarmedby this intelligence, and immediately waited on the king accompanied byhis interpreters and five of his captains. Montezuma seemed muchdistressed during this conference, and declared to Cortes that he wasextremely grieved at the manifestation of the will of his gods that weshould all be put to death or expelled from Mexico: He therefore, as oursincere friend, earnestly recommended that we should not run the risk ofincurring the indignation of his subjects, but should save our lives by aretreat whilst that remained within our power. Cortes and the rest werenaturally much alarmed at this; but Cortes answered that he wasprincipally concerned, because in the first place, he had no vessels forreturning into his own country, and in the next place he would be underthe necessity of taking Montezuma along with him, that he might presenthim to our emperor. He therefore entreated Montezuma to use everyinfluence to restrain his priests and warriors from proceeding to violence, until we had time to build three ships for our conveyance, and offeredimmediately to send our ship-builders to fell timber and construct thevessels on the coast, requesting the king to order the assistance of hiscarpenters for this purpose, that there might be no delay. He repeated hisrequest, that Montezuma would employ all his influence to prevent anyinsurrection in the city, and his endeavours to appease his priests andgods, providing that no human sacrifices were resorted to for that purpose. Martin Lopez, our principal ship-builder, was immediately dispatched toVilla Rica to commence building the three ships, which were put on thestocks without delay. During this interval, we remained in Mexico full ofterror of being attacked by the whole force of a numerous and warlikepeople, exasperated by the insults we had heaped on their sovereign andtheir religious belief. Our apprehensions were continually kept alive bythe information we received from Donna Marina, and the page Orteguilla;who, by understanding the language, obtained much information which mustotherwise have escaped our knowledge. We kept however constant guard overMontezuma, and the strictest military discipline in our quarters, sleepingalways in our armour, and having our horses saddled and bridled everynight. Without meaning it as any boast, I may say this of myself, that myarmour became as easy and familiar to me as if it had been a soft down bed. And so habituated am I to this, that now in my old age, when I make thecircuit of my district, I never take a bed along with me, unless attendedby stranger gentlemen, when I do so merely to avoid the appearance ofpoverty or avarice. Yet, even when I have one, I always sleep in myclothes; neither can I rest throughout the night, but get up tocontemplate the stars, walking about without hat or cap, as I used to doon guard; yet thank GOD I never get cold, nor am I the worse for thispractice. This is to be a true soldier! My readers must pardon thisdigression, which does not proceed from vanity, but to let him know whatkind of men we were, the real conquerors of Mexico[11]. 

[1] Clavigero calls this the god of providence, the soul of the world, the creator of heaven and earth, and the master of ill things, the rewarder of the just and the punisher of the wicked. --E. 

[2] Along with the work of Bernal Diaz, and in the history of Mexico by Clavigero, there are representations of ancient Mexican temples. In both they consist of six frustums of truncated pyramids, placed above each other, having a gallery or open walk around at each junction, and straight outside stairs reaching between each gallery, not unlike the representations that have been ideally formed of the tower of Babel. --E. 

[3] Clavigero pretends that the defeat and death of Escalante were known to Cortes and his followers while at Cholula. This is highly improbable, both from the narrative of Diaz, and because Cortes would not certainly have put himself entirely in the power of Montezuma, after this unequivocal demonstration of resolute enmity. --E. 

[4] In the original of Diaz they are said to have retreated to Almeria, but this is an obvious mistake. Almeria, according to Clavigero, II. 55, was the name given by the Spaniards to Nauhtlan, a city on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, thirty-six miles north of Villa Rica, which was governed by Quauhpopoca for Montezuma, and by whom the Mexican detachment was commanded by which Escalente was defeated. --E. 

[5] It is obvious from a circumstance in the sequel of this story that Diaz and other soldiers attended Cortes on this occasion. Clavigero, II. 77. Says there were twenty-five soldiers besides the five captains, who repaired two by two to the palace, and joined Cortes there as if by accident. This daring transaction took place eight days after the arrival of Cortes in the city of Mexico. --E. 

[6] Diaz calls this Tuzapan; but as Nauhtlan was in the country of the Totonacas, called Totonacapan by the Mexicans, we have chosen here and everywhere else that this could be done with certainty, to adopt the orthography of Clavigero. --E. 

[7] According to Clavigero, II. 82. Quauhpopoca, his son, and fifteen other nobles were cruelly put to death on this occasion. Diaz names the principal chief Quetzalpopoca. --E. 

[8] Diaz says that he assumed the name of Don Carlos on this occasion; but does not allege even that he had been baptised. This name was probably merely imposed upon him by the Spanish soldiery; or he may have acquired it on becoming a Christian after the conquest of Mexico was completed. --E. 

[9] It is impossible now to say what were these jewels so much valued by the Mexicans. Clavigero, I. 422, enumerates among their precious stones, "Emeralds, amethysts, cornelians, turquoises, and others not known in Europe. " In another passage, I. 424, he mentions many small red stones similar to rubies, as among the Mexican curiosities transmitted to Charles V. By Cortes. --E. 

[10] We are duly sensible of the divine super-excellence of Christianity, and the gross barbarism of idolatry joined with abominable human sacrifices. Yet, the mere change of two crossed sticks and the images of Saint Somebody or Saint Nobody, for the idols of the Mexicans, under pretence of introducing the pure religion of the meek and holy Jesus, seems in our humble opinion a mere _qui pro quo_; and, when taken in conjunction with the proposed conversion by military execution, and the introduction of the bloody tribunal of the Inquisition, not one iota less idolatrous or less barbarous. --E. 

[11] Bernal Diaz neglects to accommodate his readers with the very useful appendage of dates; it therefore may be proper to remark that the Spaniards entered the city of Mexico for the first time on the 8th November 1519; and as Cortes left it in the beginning of May 1520, in his march against Narvaez, he had now spent about six months in the capital of a mighty empire, with hardly 450 soldiers. --E. 

SECTION IX. 

_Expedition of Narvaez to supersede Cortes in the command, and occurrencestill the Defeat of that Officer by Cortes at Chempoalla_. 

The Bishop of Burgos, who was president of the council of the Indies, boreunlimited sway in that department of the Spanish government during theabsence of the emperor in Flanders. Owing to the representations ofVelasquez against Cortes, he sent orders to him to seize and make us allprisoners at every hazard, as rebellious subjects. Velasquez thereforefitted out a fleet of nineteen ships from the Island of Cuba, in which heembarked an army of fourteen hundred soldiers, eighty of whom were cavalry, eighty musketeers, and eighty crossbow-men, with twenty pieces of cannon, and all necessary ammunition and appointments, giving the command in chiefto Pamphilo de Narvaez. Such was his animosity against Cortes and us forhaving thrown off our dependance upon him, that he made a journey of aboveseventy leagues from the Havanna on purpose to expedite the preparations. At this time, the royal audience of St Domingo and the brethren of theorder of St Jerorimo, being satisfied of our loyalty and great exertionsin the service of God and the emperor, sent over the oydor Lucas Vasquezde Aillon to Cuba, with positive injunctions to stop the sailing of thearmament against us; but as Velasquez was confident in the support of thebishop of Burgos, he gave no heed to the orders communicated to him byAillon, who therefore went along with the armament, that he mightendeavour as much as possible to prevent injury to the public service byhis mediation and influence, and be at hand if necessary, to takepossession of the country for the emperor, in virtue of his office. 

Narvaez arrived safe with his whole fleet in the harbour of St Juan deUlua, except that he lost one small vessel during the voyage. Soon afterhis arrival, the soldiers who had been sent by Cortes to that part of thecountry in search of mines, went on board, and it is said gave thanks toGod for being delivered from the command of Cortes and the dangers of thecity of Mexico. Finding them in this mood, Narvaez ordered them to beplentifully supplied with wine, to make them more communicative. Cervantesthe jester, who was one of these soldiers, under pretence of facetiousness, exposed to him all the discontents of our soldiers respecting thedistribution of the treasure we had obtained, and informed him also of thebad state of the garrison in Villa Rica under Sandoval. The arrival ofthis new armament was soon communicated to Montezuma, who concealed theintelligence for some time from Cortes, and opened a privatecorrespondence with Narvaez, to whom he sent many rich presents. Narvaez, in his correspondence with Montezuma, said every thing that was badagainst Cortes and his troops, representing the whole of us as outcastsand robbers, and that the emperor, hearing of our evil conduct, and thatwe detained the great Montezuma in custody, had sent the presentexpedition for the express purpose of liberating him and putting us all todeath. This intelligence gave great satisfaction to Montezuma, who thoughtwe must necessarily be all destroyed, as he had got an exact account oftheir force represented to him in paintings: He accordingly transmittedvery magnificent presents to Narvaez, and could ill conceal thesatisfaction he had derived from the intelligence. Montezuma concealed thenews of this armament from Cortes, who observed and was astonished at thealteration which it had produced on the kings manners and behaviour. Atlength however, from the circumstance of Cortes making him two visits inone day, Montezuma became apprehensive of the general procuringintelligence from any other quarter, and told him the news, pretendingonly to have just heard of it himself. Cortes expressed the utmost joy atthe intelligence, and Montezuma shewed him the representations which hadbeen transmitted to him, by which he learnt every thing he wished to knowon the subject. He immediately left the king and communicated theintelligence to the troops, who got immediately under arms, and firedseveral vollies in token of our joy. We soon noticed, however, that Corteswas exceedingly pensive when alone, of which we could not divine the cause;till he soon afterwards convinced us, and explained that the armament wasevidently designed against us; and he now, partly by promises and partlyby gifts, as from his bounty of what was ours by good right, made interestwith us to stand firmly by him in the approaching contest with Narvaez. 

From what had been told him by Cervantes and our other deserters, Narvaezwas induced to send a deputation to Sandoval, demanding him to surrenderthe port of Villa Rica. He appointed three persons on this errand, Guaveraa clergyman of abilities, Amarga, a relation of Velasquez, and one Vergara, a scrivener. Sandoval had received information of the arrival of thearmament, and prepared to defend his post, as he rightly guessed that itwas destined to act against us. He sent off all his invalids to an Indianvillage at some distance, and exhorting his soldiers to stand by him, heerected a gibbet, and placed a guard on the road to Chempoalla. On thearrival of the deputation from Narvaez at Villa Rica, they were astonishedto meet none but Indians, as Sandoval had ordered all the soldiers toremain in their quarters, and remained at home himself; they knew not wellhow to proceed, but at length guessing by the appearance of the house thatit belonged to the governor, they went in. Guavera immediately began theconversation, by representing the greatness of the force under Narvaez, and its object, which was to arrest Cortes and all his followers astraitors, and concluded by summoning Sandoval to surrender himself and hispost to general Narvaez. Sandoval was much displeased, and told him, if itwere not for the protection of his holy function, he would punish hisinsolence in calling those traitors who were more faithful subjects thaneither Narvaez or his employer Velasquez. He desired him to carry hisdemand to Cortes at Mexico, who would settle the business with him at thatplace. Guavera insisted to execute the commission on which he was sent, and ordered the scrivener Vergara to produce the authority under whichthey acted. But Sandoval stopped him, saying, "I know not whether yourpapers be true or false; but if you attempt to read any here I will orderyou to receive a hundred lashes. " On this, Guavera exclaimed, "Why do youmind these traitors? read your commission. " Sandoval, calling him a lyingrascal, ordered them all to be seized: On which a number of Indians, whohad been previously instructed, came in and threw nets over them, andinstantly set out with them on their backs for Mexico, to which they werecarried post by relays of Indians, through the several large and populoustowns by the way, with a rapidity that confounded them, hardly knowingwhether they were alive or dead, the whole seeming as if done byenchantment. Sandoval sent Pedro de Solis to accompany them, by whom hewrote a hasty letter to Cortes, giving him an account of all he knew. Whenthe general got notice of their arrival in Mexico, he ordered us all underarms, released them immediately from their trammels, and made an apologyfor the rudeness of Sandoval, whom he greatly blamed. He entertained themwith great hospitality and respect, giving them plenty of gold, and sentthem back in a few days as gentle as lambs, who had come out against himas furious as lions. 

Our general was one whose resources were never exhausted, and it must notbe concealed that his officers and soldiers supported him through all hisdifficulties by our valour in the field and our wisdom in council. On thisoccasion, we determined that it was proper to send letters to Narvaez andothers of the new army, which they might receive previous to the return ofGuavera. In these, we earnestly urged that no rash steps might be taken toendanger our general interest, by inciting the Indians to rise upon us;and held out every inducement of interest and friendship to the followersof Narvaez to bring them over to our party, not forgetting to treatsecretly with such as we thought might be easiest wrought upon, as bothGuavera and Vergara had informed Cortes that Narvaez was by no means ongood terms with his officers, among whom gold well applied would workwonders. In his letters to Narvaez, Cortes adjured him by their formerfriendship, not to give encouragement to the Mexicans to rise and destroyus, seeing that they were ready to have recourse to any extremity toliberate Montezuma, whose dispositions were much altered for the worsesince the arrival of this new armament, and the opening a correspondencebetween him and Narvaez. He was convinced, he said, that the expressionswhich Narvaez had been reported to use, could never have come from so wisea man, but must have been fabricated by such wretches as the buffoonCervantes; and he concluded by offering an unlimited submission to theauthority of Narvaez. Cortes wrote also to the secretary Andres de Duero, and Lucas Vasques the oydor, taking care to accompany his letters withvaluable presents of gold. On receiving the letter from Cortes, Narvaezturned it into ridicule, handing it about among his officers, speaking ofus all as traitors whom he would put to death without mercy. He declaredhe would cut off and eat the ears of Cortes, and a great deal of suchbraggart nonsense, and of course made no answer to the letters. Just atthis time Father Olmedo arrived, bringing with him the private letters andpresents. He went in the first place to wait upon Narvaez, intending toassure him that Cortes would be proud to serve under his command; butNarvaez would not listen to him, and did nothing but abuse both Cortes andhim. He accordingly desisted from that part of his commission whichrelated to an agreement with Narvaez, and applied himself to thedistribution of presents among the officers with so much judgment andsuccess, that he soon won over all the principal officers to our party. If the oydor Vasques was originally disposed to favour Cortes, he wasentirely so on seeing the magnificent presents which were now distributedwith so much liberality; which formed a striking contrast with the avariceof Narvaez, who used to enjoin his major domo to take heed that not amantle were missing, as he had marked down every article committed to hischarge. This penuriousness set all his officers against him, which heattributed to the intrigues of Vasques; and as there was a differencebetween them, because Narvaez neglected to inform him respecting everything sent in by order of Montezuma, of which he ought to have beeninformed as oydor, an irreconcileable quarrel ensued; and depending on thefavour of the bishop of Burgos, Narvaez caused the oydor to be arrested, and sent prisoner to Cuba or Spain, I know not which. But during thevoyage, Vasques prevailed on the captain of the ship to land him inHispaniola, where he so represented the treatment he had received to theAudience and the Jeronimites, that they complained to the council ofCastile, but ineffectually, owing to the influence of the bishop of Burgosin favour of Narvaez. About this time too, a gentleman named Oblanco, maderemonstrances to Narvaez respecting his violence, saying a good deal infavour of Cortes and his troops, with which Narvaez was so much offendedthat he threw him into prison; which Oblanco took so much to heart that hedied three days after. 

Soon after the arrival of Father Olmedo, Guevara and his two companionsreturned from Mexico, and launched out in praise of Cortes, reporting themany expressions of respect he had used in speaking of Narvaez; and, commending the services he had already performed to our emperor, theyexpatiated on the advantages which would result from uniting their forces, instead of fomenting a civil war. All this put Narvaez into such a ragethat he refused to see them any more, and commanded them to be silent onthis hateful subject. They carried their discourse therefore among theircomrades; and when they saw how well furnished with gold these men hadreturned from Mexico, they began seriously to wish themselves in the armyof Cortes. 

Narvaez now quitted the coast with his army and took possession of thetown of Chempoalla; immediately on his arrival seizing by force the youngwomen who had been given to the officers of Cortes by their parents, withall the gold and mantles which had been left in the custody of the fatcacique along with the ladies, when we set out on our march to Mexico. When the cacique complained of this to Narvaez, and of the robberiescommitted by his soldiers, saying that Cortes and his soldiers conductedthemselves in quite a different manner, a bragging fellow calledSalvatierra exclaimed, "See what fear these Indians are in for the sorryfellow Cortes!" yet this boaster, who was so ready with his tongue, wasthe most cowardly wretch I ever beheld, when we came afterwards to attackthe army of Narvaez. About this time, Narvaez transmitted to Cortes a copyof the commission he had received from the governor of Cuba, theparticulars of which I shall detail hereafter. Cortes received regularintelligence of every thing done by Narvaez, partly from the friends hehad made in the adverse army and partly from Sandoval, who now informedhim that five persons of consideration had joined from the army of Narvaez, who alleged for their reason, that being the relations of the oydorVasquez, who had met with such injurious treatment, they had little hopesof being themselves well used; and he added, that these persons saidNarvaez meant very soon to march to Mexico against us. On this being madeknown to such of us as Cortes used generally to consult with, he agreedwith us in opinion that it was advisable for us to march immediatelyagainst Narvaez and his army, leaving the command in Mexico with Alvarado;and we left under his charge all those men who were not inclined to be ofthe present hazardous expedition, and all whom we suspected to have aninclination for the party of Narvaez or Velasquez. We also left withAlvarado a sufficient supply of provisions, in case the Mexicans shouldrefuse to supply him, and because the late harvest had been deficient, inconsequence of too dry a season. Our quarters were strengthened by theaddition of a good pallisade, and, besides four heavy guns, we left agarrison of eighty-three men, twenty-four of whom were armed with musketsor cross-bows: a very inadequate force, surely, for keeping the great andpopulous city of Mexico in awe. 

Previous to our departure, Cortes paid a visit to Montezuma, whoquestioned him very anxiously about the difference between him and Narvaez, as both were vassals of the same sovereign, and desired an explanation ofthe charges which the new comers had made against us, that we wereoutcasts and traitors. He likewise asked if he could serve us in any way, expressing an apprehension of our safety, considering the greatsuperiority under Narvaez. Cortes replied in a cheerful manner, that hehad not sooner informed him of our intended departure, lest it might givehim concern; that we certainly were all subjects to the same monarch, butthat the report of our being traitors and fugitives was utterly false, aswe had come into his country with full authority from our sovereign. As tothe other party destroying us by their superiority in numbers, that didnot depend on them, but on the will of our Lord and his holy mother, whowould support us. He added, that our sovereign ruled over many differentcountries, the inhabitants of some of which were more valiant than thoseof others; that we were all true Castilians, while the commander of ouropponents was a Biscayan, and his majesty would soon see the differencebetween us, as he trusted by the blessing of God to bring them all back asprisoners. He concluded by recommending in the strongest terms toMontezuma, to use his utmost endeavours to prevent any insurrection in thecity during our absence; as, on his return, he would assuredly punish allin a most exemplary manner who behaved amiss. Montezuma promised to doevery thing which Cortes required, and even offered to assist us with fivethousand of his warriors, which Cortes politely declined, knowing indeedthat the king had not that in his power, if he even wished to have done so. Then requesting Montezuma to cause due respect to be paid to that part ofthe great temple which had been consecrated to the Christian worship, heembraced Montezuma with much cordiality and took leave. He then calledAlvarado and the garrison which was to remain in Mexico, all of whom hestrictly enjoined to be extremely watchful, and to take special care notto allow Montezuma to escape; promising to make them all rich on hisreturn, if he found they had done their duty. On this occasion of leavingMexico, he left the clergyman Juan Diaz with Alvarado, and some otherpersons whose fidelity he questioned. 

We began our march from Mexico in the beginning of May 1520[1], making ourfirst halt at Cholula. From that place we sent a message to the senate ofTlascala, requiring them to assist us with four thousand of their warriors. They sent us twenty loads of fowls, saying that they were ready at anytime to join us in war against Indians, but begged to be excused if wewere marching against our own countrymen. At this time likewise, Cortessent orders to Sandoval to join our little army with the whole of hisgarrison that was fit for duty, at a place named Tampinequeta orMitalaquita[2], twelve leagues from Chempoalla. We marched in regularorder without baggage, having always two confidential soldiers in advanceabout a days journey, who were directed not to keep the main road, but togo always by those in which cavalry could not march, and whose especialbusiness was to inquire for intelligence respecting the motions of Narvaez, which they were to communicate without delay to Cortes. When we hadproceeded a considerable way on our march, one of our advanced partiesfell in with four Spaniards belonging to the army of Narvaez, who werebringing to Cortes a copy of his commission and instructions ascaptain-general in New Spain. On being brought to the general, theysaluted him respectfully, and he immediately dismounted in order to hearwhat they had to say. Alonzo de Mata, who was at the head of thedeputation, produced his papers and began to read them; but Cortes stopthim short, demanding if he were a royal notary; as in that case, byshewing his commission, he would be implicitly obeyed, but if he had nosuch authority, he certainly would not be allowed to read any pretendedorders. "The commands of his majesty, " said Cortes, "I shall submit towith the utmost humility; but, I desire that the original may be produced. "Mata was confounded at these words, as he held no office whatever underthe crown, and was entirely at a loss how to proceed. But Cortes relievedhim from his embarrassment, telling him our destination, and that he wasready to receive any message from his general, of whom he always spokewith great respect, but would listen to no orders that were not sanctionedby the royal authority. We halted for some time at this place, and Corteshad some private conferences with these agents of Narvaez, with whom heused such powerful arguments that he made them his firm friends. Theyreturned to Chempoalla, quite loud in their praises of Cortes, crying uphis generosity to the skies, and made a magnificent report of the richesof our soldiers, many of whom had ornaments of gold on their arms, andsome of them gold chains and collars about their necks. 

Next day, Sandoval joined with the garrison of Villa Rica, to the numberof about seventy men, with whom came the five Spaniards who had desertedfrom Narvaez, who were very graciously received by Cortes. Sandovalreported that he had sent two of his soldiers, a little time before intothe quarters of Narvaez, who went disguised like Indians, having each aload of fruit for sale, and their complexions so completely resembled thenatives that they were never suspected. They went immediately to thequarters of the braggart Salvatierra, who gave them a string of yellowbeads for their fruit, and sent them to cut grass for his horse on thebanks of a small rivulet. They brought home the last load of grass in theevening, and having fed the horse, they remained about the place tillnight, listening to the conversation of Salvatierra, whom they heardobserving to some of his companions, how luckily they had come at thepresent moment to deprive the traitor Cortes of the 700, 000 crowns whichhe had obtained from Montezuma. When it was dark, our disguised soldiersgot privately out of the house, and took away Salvatierras horse with thesaddle and bridle, and meeting another horse by the way, which happenedto be lame, they brought it along with them. Cortes laughed heartily atthis exploit; and we learned afterwards that Salvatierra gave muchamusement to the soldiers of Narvaez, by his absurd behaviour ondiscovering the trick which had been played upon him. 

It was now resolved in a general consultation of our little army, to senda letter in all our names to Narvaez, by the hands of Father Olmedo, ofwhich the following is the purport: "We had rejoiced on hearing of thearrival of so noble a person with so fine an army, by which we expectedgreat advantages to have been derived to our holy religion and to theservice of our sovereign; but on the contrary he had reviled us astraitors, and had occasioned the whole country to revolt. Our general hadalready offered to resign to him whatever provinces or territories hemight be inclined to occupy, but nothing would serve him except treatingour general and us as rebels, who had proved ourselves by our actionsfaithful subjects to the emperor. If he came by the authority of acommission from his majesty, we demanded to see the original within threedays, for which purpose we had advanced to this place, and were ready toobey it in all humility and reverence: but, if he had no such authority, we required him to return immediately to Cuba, and not to make any attemptto throw the country which we had conquered into confusion; as otherwisewe should deem it our bounden duty to send him as a prisoner to hismajesty, to be dealt with according to his royal pleasure. We declaredthat he was answerable for all the lamentable consequences which mightfollow from his unlawful conduct; and that we had sent this letter by itspresent conveyance, since no royal notary could undertake to deliver ourremonstrance in due form, after the violence which he had committedagainst his majesties oydor Vasquez, a treasonable act, the perpetrator ofwhich our general was bound to apprehend and bring to justice, and forwhich we now cited him to appear and answer for his conduct. " This letterwas concluded in terms of great respect, and was signed by Cortes, all thecaptains, and several of the most confidential of the soldiers. It wassent by the reverend Father Olmedo, accompanied by a soldier named Ulagre, whose brother was in the army of Narvaez as commander of his artillery. Olmedo waited on Narvaez with great respect on his arrival at Chempoalla;and proceeded afterwards to execute the secret commission with which hehad been entrusted, by a liberal distribution of gold among certainofficers of the army of Narvaez, among whom were Rodrigo Mira, Ulagre, andAndres de Duero, which last he invited to pay a visit to Cortes. Narvaezsoon began to suspect the real object of Olmedo, and was much inclined tohave made him a prisoner: but Duero, who had much influence over Narvaez, both on account of his situation and because they were in some degreerelated, represented the impropriety of such an outrage against a personof his holy functions, and dissuaded him from doing so. He also suggestedto him the great probability of his being able to gain over the soldiersof Cortes to his party, by means of a little policy. By these arguments heappeased Narvaez for the present, and went immediately to Olmedo whom heinformed of all that had passed. 

Shortly afterwards, Narvaez sent for Olmedo, who requested to speak withhim in private; when he told him good-humouredly that he knew hisintentions of making him a prisoner, in which he was much to blame, asthere was no one whatever more devoted to his service, and he knew thatthere were many persons with Cortes, who would gladly see their commanderdelivered up to his excellency; in proof of which he had a letter whichCortes had written at the suggestion of these very persons who wished todeliver him up; which letter was so full of ridiculous absurdities that hewas frequently tempted to throw it away, but would now with his permissionlay it before him. He accordingly went, as he pretended for the letter, which he alleged was with his baggage, but in reality to bring Duero andothers along with him, that they might witness its delivery. In order tocontrive an interview with Cortes, Duero proposed that a communicationshould be opened between Narvaez and him; and Augustin Bermudez, a secretfriend of Cortes, proposed that Duero and Salvatierra should be sent onthis business, well knowing the character of Salvatierra to be disinclinedto any such employment. It was at last settled that Duero should wait uponCortes, and invite him to a conference with Narvaez at a convenient placebetween the two armies, where they might treat of an accommodation andarrange their future measures: And it was resolved that Narvaez shouldmake him prisoner at the conference, for which twenty of his mostconfidential soldiers were prepared. Duero carried intelligenceimmediately to Cortes, and Father Olmedo remained at the quarters ofNarvaez, having scraped acquaintance with Salvatierra, under pretence ofrelationship, with whom he dined every day. 

On first learning the arrival of Narvaez, Cortes sent one of his soldiersnamed Barrientos, who had served in Italy and was well acquainted with themanagement of the pike, to the province of the Chinantlans, who had latelyentered into alliance with us. That nation used lances or pikes muchlonger than ours, having heads of sharpened stone, and Barrientos wasdirected to obtain 300 of these lances for our use. There was plenty ofexcellent copper in the country of the Chinantlans, and Barrientos wasdirected to get two heads of this metal for each lance, and these wereexecuted so ingeniously that they were better made even than the patternsent. He also obtained a promise of 2000 warriors of that nation to joinus, who were to be armed in the same manner, but they did not arrive tillafter we had overcome Narvaez. All this being settled, Barrientos arrivedat our quarters attended by 200 Chinantlans carrying the lances he hadprocured. On trial these were found excellent, and we were immediatelyexercised in their use. A muster was now made of our force, which amountedto two hundred and six men, including fife and drum, with five mountedcavalry, two artillery-men, few cross-bows, and fewer musketeers. Thisbeing the force, and such the weapons, with which we marched against anddefeated the vastly superior army of Narvaez. 

I have formerly mentioned that the secretary Duero and the contador Lareshad negociated the appointment of Cortes as general of our expedition, andthat they were to enjoy equal shares with him in all the treasure heshould acquire. Lares was some time dead, and Duero seeing how wealthyCortes had become, used the colour of the proposed treaty between Narvaezand Cortes, in order to have an opportunity of an interview with Cortes, that he might remind him of their agreement. Cortes not only promisedfaithfully to perform his engagement, but promised him an equal commandwith himself, and an equal share of territory when the conquest of thecountry was completed. It was accordingly agreed upon between them, inconcurrence with Augustin Bermudez, who was alguazil-major of the army ofNarvaez, and many other officers whom I do not name, to get Narvaez putout of the command in favour of Cortes. In order to confirm these in hisinterest, and to gain over others, Cortes was more liberal than ever inhis presents, and on the present occasion loaded the two Indians whoattended on Duero with gold. On one of the days of intercourse, afterCortes and Duero had been a considerable time together in private, and haddined, Duero asked him on mounting his horse to go away, if he had anyfarther commands. To this Cortes replied, "Remember what has been settledbetween us, or if you don't, I shall be in your quarters before three days, and you shall be the first person at whom I will throw my lance. " Dueroanswered laughing, that he would not fail, and immediately set off for thequarters of Narvaez, where he is reported to have said that Cortes and allhis men were ready to submit to the command of Narvaez. Soon after this, Cortes sent for Juan Velasquez de Leon, a person of much consideration, who had always been greatly attached to him, though a near relation of thegovernor of Cuba. On coming to his quarters, Cortes addressed him insmooth and persuasive terms, which he could always assume atpleasure:--"Duero has informed me that Narvaez is anxious to see you athis quarters, and that it is generally believed I am completely ruined ifyou go there. Now my worthy friend, I desire you to put on your gold chain, mount your grey mare, take all your gold along with you and more which Iwill give you; go immediately and fix yourself with Narvaez, anddistribute the gold which I confide to you according to my directions. "Velasquez was perfectly willing to do as he was desired, but objected tothe measure of carrying his own treasure along with him, and after asecret conference with Cortes he set out for Chempoalla. De Leon arrivedthere by day-break, and as the Indians were rejoiced to see him, the newssoon reached Narvaez, who came out to meet and embrace him. After payinghis compliments, Velasquez said his only object there was to endeavour tomake an amicable arrangement between Narvaez and Cortes; upon whichNarvaez took him aside and asked him how he could propose to treat forsuch a traitor? Velasquez desired that no such injurious epithet might beused in his presence, as Cortes was a most zealous and faithful officer. Narvaez then offered to make him second in command under himself if hewould renounce Cortes; but Velasquez declared he would never quit one whohad done such signal services for God and the emperor. 

By this time all the principal officers in the army of Narvaez had come upto salute Velasquez, who was an universal favourite, as he was very politeand well bred, and had a fine person and handsome countenance. At thistime he cut a fine martial figure, as he had a massy gold chain which madetwo turns round his body and over his shoulders, so that he impressedevery one with respect. Bermudez the alguazil-major and Duero wished muchto have had some private communication with Velasquez; but just at thistime Captain Gamarra, Juan Yuste, Juan Buono, and Salvatierra thebraggadocio, persuaded Narvaez to give private orders for taking Velasquezinto custody, for having spoken so boldly in defence of Cortes; but theothers who had come over to the interest of Cortes, strongly representedthe impropriety and impolicy of such rash conduct, and Narvaez again spokein a friendly manner to Velasquez, whom he invited to dine with him, andentreated his assistance to bring Cortes and the rest of us into his power. Velasquez now agreed to forward this design, but represented Cortes asheadstrong and resolute, advising that Narvaez and he should divide thecountry between them, each taking separate provinces. At this time Olmedocame up, and advised Narvaez to order his troops under arms, thatVelasquez might see them and report to Cortes, who would be terrified whenhe knew their strength. The troops were accordingly turned out in revieworder, and Velasquez complimented Narvaez on their number and martialappearence, wishing him an increase of his power. Narvaez said he hopedVelasquez was now satisfied how easily he could crush Cortes and hisdespicable force; to which Velasquez replied, he hoped they knew how todefend themselves. 

Velasquez dined next day with Narvaez, where a captain in his army who wasnephew to the governor of Cuba happened to be, who used very insultinglanguage respecting Cortes. On this Velasquez requested of Narvaez, thatsuch insulting language might not be allowed in his hearing; but the othergentleman continued his abuse, and even took great liberties withVelasquez himself; who, laying his hand on his sword, asked permissionfrom Narvaez to chastise that base liar. The other officers who werepresent interfered to prevent mischief, and advised both Velasquez andOlmedo to retire. Velasquez accordingly mounted his excellent grey mare, in his helmet and coat of mail, with his gold chain about his shoulders, and took leave of Narvaez, who returned his salute with apparent coldness. The young captain was again very violent in his abuse; on which Velasquezswore by his beard, that he should see in a few days what stuff he wasmade of. Then, taking a hasty leave of the bystanders, he put spurs to hisgood grey mare and was soon out of sight, as he had some hint or suspicionthat Narvaez might send after him, and even saw some horsemen following himapparently for that purpose, but he was too well mounted for their pursuit. 

In about two hours after Velasquez had left our camp to visit Narvaez, thedrum beat to arms, and our little army set forwards on our march forChempoalla. We killed two wild hogs on our way, which our soldiersconsidered as a good omen of our ultimate success. We halted for the nighton the side of a rivulet, having the ground for a bed, stones for ourpillows, and heaven for our canopy, and arrived next day at the placewhere the city of Vera Cruz is now built, which was then an Indian villagein a grove of trees. Being mid-day and the weather extremely sultry, westopped here for rest and refreshment, being much fatigued by the weightof our lances and armour. While here, a report was brought from one of ourout-posts that some horsemen were in sight, who turned out to be Velasquezand Olmedo, who were received by Cortes, and all of us with much joy, andwe all came round them to hear the news. Velasquez told Cortes in whatmanner he had executed his commission and distributed the presents amongthe officers of Narvaez. Then our merry Father Olmedo gave an account bywhat finesse he had persuaded Narvaez to read our letter; how he had madethe foolish braggart Salvatierra believe they were cousins, and of theridiculous bravadoes he uttered, as how he would kill Cortes and all of usin revenge for the loss of his horse; then how he had prevailed on Narvaezto turn out his troops in review, merely to laugh at him; and in all thesestories he mimicked Narvaez and Salvatierra most admirably, so that welaughed and enjoyed ourselves as if going to a wedding-feast, though wewell knew that on the morrow we must conquer or die, having to attackfive times our number. Such is the fortune of war! After the heat of theday was over, we proceeded on our march, and halted for the night at ariver about a league from Chempoalla, where there is now a bridge and adairy farm. 

After the departure of Father Olmedo and Velasquez from the quarters ofNarvaez, some of his officers gave him warning of the secret practicesgoing on, and advised him to be on his guard, as Cortes had many friendsin his army. The fat cacique of Chempoalla, being terrified for beingcalled to account by Cortes for delivering up the women and mantles thathad been confided to his care, was extremely vigilant in watching all ourmotions. Finding that we drew near Chempoalla, he said to Narvaez, "Whyare you so careless! _Malinatzin_ and his _teules_ will come upon you bysurprise and put you all to death. " Narvaez, being confident in his vastsuperiority, laughed heartily at the fears of the fat cacique, yet did notneglect the warning. In the first place, he declared war against us asrebels, with fire, sword, and rope, and then drew up his whole army, cavalry, artillery, and infantry, in a plain about a quarter of a leaguefrom Chempoalla, where he resolved to wait for us; all of which we learnedfrom a soldier, named El Galleguillo, who either deserted to us, or wassent by Duero to Cortes. The day happened to be very rainy, and the troopsof Narvaez, being unaccustomed to hardships, and despising our smallnumber, became restless and dissatisfied with their situation, on whichhis officers advised him to march them back to quarters, which he did, placing all his guns in a line before the house in which he lodged. Helikewise placed a grand guard of forty cavalry on the road by which wewere expected to advance, and some cavalry videts and active foot soldiersat the ford where we must pass on our way to Chempoalla. Twenty of hiscavalry were also appointed to patrole during the whole night around hisquarters. All this was done by the advice of his officers, who wereanxious to get under cover, and who alleged it was absurd to suppose thatCortes would venture to attack them with so pitiful a handful of men, andthat he only advanced from ostentation, or to induce them to come to anagreement. On returning to quarters, Narvaez publickly offered a reward oftwo thousand crowns to whoever should kill Cortes or Sandoval; and hestationed as spies at the ford, Gonzalo Carrasco, who now dwells in LaPuebla, and a soldier named Hurtado. He also filled his own quarters, andthose of Salvatierra, Gamarra, and Buono, with musketeers, crossbow-men, and soldiers armed with partizans or halberts. 

On arriving at the river which runs through the rich meadows about aleague from Chempoalla, having appointed trusty out-guards, Cortessummoned all his officers and soldiers round him, and addressed us asfollows: "Gentlemen! you well know that the governor of Cuba selected meas your general, although there are many among you as worthy of thecommand. You also know that it was publickly proclaimed and believed amongus, that we were to conquer and colonize this country, whereas ourinstructions were only to barter with the natives for gold. You willrecollect my determination to have returned to Cuba, to give an account ofmy mission to Velasquez, when I was required by you to remain and colonizethe country for his majesties service, appointing me your captain-generaland chief magistrate, till his majesties pleasure was made known, and thatwe have in consequence essentially served God, and the interest of oursovereign. I beg leave to remind you, that we have written to the king, giving him a full account of this country, and all that we have done andsuffered for his service, requesting that the government might not beconferred on any unworthy person, and how we transmitted all the treasureto his majesty that we had obtained. You likewise know, that fearing thearts and influence of the bishop of Burgos and his favourite Velasquez, wecame to a resolution to maintain his majesties rights and government inthis country, till his royal mandate, duly authenticated, should beproduced to us. I must now remind you to what dangers you have beenexposed in various sanguinary battles, what hardships you have sufferedfrom hunger and fatigue, and the inclemencies of the weather, having oftenbeen obliged to sleep on the ground in rain, wind, and snow, during allwhich, above fifty of your companions have died, and many of your ownwounds are still unhealed. I recal to your remembrance, your numeroussufferings by sea and land, and the perils of Tabasco, Tlascala, andCholula, where the boilers were already on the fires in which your limbswere to have been prepared for the barbarous repast of your savage enemies. And lastly, your hazardous entry into Mexico, the seizure of its powerfulsovereign, and its occupation in the face of an immense and warlikepopulation for more than six months. Let me now state the reward of allthese dangerous and brilliant services. Narvaez is sent here by yourenemies the governor of Cuba and bishop of Burgos, to strip you of yourwell-earned fame and dear-bought treasures. By aspersing your characterswith the great Montezuma he has occasioned the defection of the nativeswho had submitted to our government, and he proclaims exterminating waragainst us with fire, sword, and rope, as if we were infidel Moors. " Hesaid a great deal more to the same purpose, exalting our merits and valourto the skies, and after a profusion of compliments and promises, heconcluded by observing that this Narvaez, who had come to deprive us ofour lives and properties, and had imprisoned the royal oydor forendeavouring to defend us, only held his command through the favour of ourgreat enemy the bishop of Burgos; and it became us therefore, as faithfulsubjects, to make a bold stand in defence of the royal rights, and our ownlives and properties: He therefore now wished to know our determination onthe subject. 

The whole officers and soldiers declared unanimously that we were ready tofollow him, and determined to conquer or die. We desired, therefore, thatwe might hear no more said about an accommodation with Narvaez, or apartition of the country; as in that case we would plunge our swords intohis body, and elect another chief. Cortes highly extolled our spiriteddeclaration, saying that he expected no less from men of our valour;adding a multitude of fine promises and flattering assurances that hewould make us all rich and great. Then adverting to the approaching attack, he earnestly enjoined us to observe the strictest discipline, and the mostprofound silence, observing that success in battle often depended a greatdeal more on prudent conduct and precise obedience, than on the mostdetermined bravery: He well knew, he said, that our ardour would promptevery one of us to strive who should be most forward in the battle, but itwas indispensably necessary that we should be distributed into companies, having each our distinct duties to perform. The first thing necessary tobe done, was to seize the enemies artillery, and for this duty he selectedseventy soldiers, among whom I was one, over whom he appointed to thecommand his relation Pizarro, an active young man, but then as littleknown to fame as the kingdom of Peru. Our farther orders were, as soon aswe had got possession of the guns, that we were to join and support thedetachment which was to attack the quarters of Narvaez. This duty wasassigned to Sandoval at the head of seventy select men; and, as he wasalguazil-major of our army, he was provided with a formal warrant toarrest the body of Pamphilo de Narvaez, for having imprisoned an officerof his majesty, and to put him to death in case of resistance. Cortes alsopromised a reward of three thousand crowns to the first soldier who shouldlay hands on Narvaez, two thousand to the second, and one thousand to thethird. Juan Velasquez de Leon was appointed with a third body of seventymen, to seize his relation Diego Velasquez; and Cortes retained a body ofreserve of twenty men, to act whatever he might see occasion, and inparticular to support the intended attack on the quarters of Narvaez andSalvatierra, which were in the lofty temple of Chempoalla[3]. Having thusarranged the troops and instructed our leaders, he addressed us in a shortspeech, saying, That he well knew the army of Narvaez was four times morenumerous than we, but they were unaccustomed to arms, and many of them ill;he trusted therefore in this unexpected attack, that God would give usvictory, and that it was better to die gloriously than to live dishonoured. I have often reflected on this circumstance, that in all his addresses tous, he never once mentioned a word respecting those in the army of Narvaezwho were our friends; in which he acted the part of a wise commander, making us to rely entirely on our own prowess, without counting on anyassistance. Our three detachments were now formed, having each theircaptains at their head, explaining to us our particular duties, while wemutually encouraged each other to hope for victory. Pizarro, our leader, directed us to rush forwards upon the guns, with our lances at the charge, and immediately on getting possession, the artillery-men who were attachedto our division, were to point and fire them against the quarters ofNarvaez. Those who happened at this moment to be deficient in defensivearmour, would have given every thing they had in the world for a morion, ahelmet, or a breast-plate. Our countersign for the engagement was _SpirituSanto_, that of Narvaez _Santa Maria_. Just before marching, CaptainSandoval, who had always been my intimate friend, called me aside, andmade me promise, if I survived the capture of the guns, I should seek outand attach myself to him during the rest of the battle. 

All things being arranged, we remained waiting the order to march, andreflecting with much anxiety on what was before us. I was stationed at anadvanced post, where soon afterwards a patrole came to me, asking if I hadheard any thing, to which I answered that I had not. A corporal came up tomy post soon after, who said that Galleguillo, the deserter from Narvaez, was missing, and was suspected of having come among us as a spy, for whichreason Cortes had given orders to march immediately. The drum was soonheard beating for us to fall in, and the captains were calling over theircompanies. We joined the column, and soon after found the missing soldiersleeping under some mantles to relieve his fatigue, as he had not beenaccustomed to hardships. We marched on at a quick pace, and in profoundsilence, and on arriving at the river, surprised the two videts of Narvaez, one of whom we made prisoner, and the other flying into the town before us, spread the alarm of our approach. Owing to rain the river was deeper thanusual, and the ford was difficult to pass, from loose stones and theweight of our armour. Carrasco the videt, whom we had taken, exclaimed toCortes, "Do not advance, Senior Cortes, for Narvaez and all his force isdrawn out to receive you. " We proceeded, however, with all expedition, andon coming to the town, heard the other man who had escaped giving thealarm, and Narvaez calling on his officers to turn out. Our company was atthe head of the column; and rushing on with charged lances, we soon madeourselves masters of the guns, the artillery-men having only time todischarge four, one only of which took effect, and killed three of our men. Our whole force now advanced, and brought down seven of the enemiescavalry; but we could not for some time quit the guns, as the enemy keptup a smart discharge of musketry and arrows from the quarters of Narvaez. Sandoval and his company pressed forwards to climb the steps of the temple, in which attempt he was resisted by the enemy, with musketry, partizans, and lances, and was even forced down six or seven steps. At this time, seeing that the artillery was no longer in danger of being rescued, ourcompany, with Captain Pizarro at their head, went to the assistance ofSandoval, when we jointly made the enemy give ground in their turn; and atthis critical moment I heard Narvaez crying out, "Santa Maria assist me!they have slain me, and beat out one of my eyes!" On hearing this weshouted out, "Victory! victory! for the Espiritu Santo! Narvaez is dead!"Still we were unable to force our way into the temple, till Martin Lopez, who was very tall, set the thatch on fire, and forced those within to rushdown the steps to save themselves from being burnt to death. SanchesFarfan laid hold on Narvaez, whom we carried prisoner to Sandoval, alongwith several other captive captains, continually shouting, "Victory!victory! Long live the king and Cortes! Narvaez is slain!"

While this was going on with us, Cortes and the rest of our army wereengaged with some of the enemy who occupied some other lofty temples. Whenthe cause of our shouts was understood, Cortes notified to them the fallof their commander, proclaiming that all who did not instantly submitshould be put to death; yet those who were in the temple, commanded byDiego Velasquez and Salvatierra would not submit, till Sandoval with halfof our body, and the captured guns, forced his way into the temple andmade them all prisoners. Sandoval now returned to take charge of Narvaez, who was doubly ironed; and we now, had in custody besides him, Salvatierra, Diego Velasquez, Gamarra, Juan Yuste, Juan Buono, and many other principalpersons. At this time Cortes came in unobserved, extremely fatigued; andaddressing Sandoval, said it was impossible to describe the labour he hadexperienced; then asked, "What has become of Narvaez?" Sandoval told himthat Narvaez was here safe. Cortes then said, "Son Sandoval, keep goodwatch over him and the other officers. " After which he hastened away, andcaused proclamation to be made, that all should lay down their arms andsubmit. The whole of this happened during the night, during which therewere frequent showers, with intervals of moon-shine; but at the moment ofattack it was extremely dark, with multitudes of fire flies, which thesoldiers of Narvaez mistook for the lighted matches of our musketry. Narvaez was badly wounded, and had one of his eyes beaten out, on whichaccount he requested to send for Master Juan the surgeon; and while he wasgetting his eye dressed Cortes entered the room, when Narvaez said to him:"Senior Cortes! thank your good fortune for having made me your prisoner. "Cortes answered, That his thanks were due to God and his valiant soldiers, who had succeeded in more difficult achievements since they came to NewSpain; and he considered the arrest of the royal oydor was more daringthan our present attack. He then left the room, with strict injunctions toSandoval to keep strict guard. Narvaez and the rest of the capturedofficers were removed into a more secure apartment, where I and some otherconfidential soldiers were appointed for their guard, and Sandoval gave mea private order to allow no one to speak with Narvaez. 

Cortes knew that forty of the enemies cavalry were still at an outpost onthe river, and that it was necessary to keep a good look out, lest theymight attack us for the rescue of their officers. He sent, therefore, DeOli and De Ordas to speak with them, on two horses which were foundfastened in a wood, and guided by one of the soldiers of Narvaez. By theirarguments and fair promises, the horsemen were all persuaded to submit, and came back with them for that purpose to the town. It was now clear day, and Cortes was seated in an arm-chair, with an orange-coloured mantle overhis shoulders, and his arms by his side, surrounded by his officers andsoldiers. He received the salutations of the cavaliers, as they came upsuccessively to kiss his hand, with amazing affability, embracing them allmost cordially, and politely complimenting them. Among these were Bermudez, Duero, and several others, who were secretly his friends already. Each ofthe cavaliers, after paying his respects, went to the quarters assignedfor their lodgings. Ever since day-break, the drums, fifes, and timbals ofthe army of Narvaez never ceased their music in honour of Cortes, thoughnone of us had spoken a word to them on the subject. A comical fellow of anegro, who belonged to the band, danced for joy, shouting out; "Where areyour Romans now? They never achieved so glorious a victory with such smallnumbers!" We could not silence these noisy fellows, till Cortes orderedthem to be confined. In this action, a gentleman of Seville, andstandard-bearer to Narvaez, Roxas, one of his captains, and two others, were killed, and many wounded; one also of the three who deserted from usto him was killed, and several wounded. The fat cacique also, who tookrefuge in the quarters of Narvaez on our approach, was wounded, and Cortesordered him to his house, to be there well taken care of. As forSalvatierra, who had made so many boasts, his own soldiers said they neversaw so pitiful a fellow. When he heard our drum he was in a terriblefright, and when we shouted out victory, he declared he had a pain at hisstomach, and could fight no more. Diego Velasquez, who was wounded, wastaken by his relation Juan Velasquez de Leon to his own quarters, where hewas well taken care of, and treated with the utmost attention[4]. 

The reinforcement of warriors which Cortes had been promised fromChinantla, marched into Chempoalla soon after the conclusion of the action, under the command of Barrientos, who had marshalled them in a very shewymanner, in regular files, lancemen and archers alternately, 1500 in number, accompanied with colours, drums, and trumpets, and making a most warlikeappearance, to the great astonishment of the soldiers of Narvaez, whothought they were double the number. Our general received them with muchcourtesy, and as their services were no longer needed, he made themhandsome presents, and dismissed them with thanks. 

The army of Narvaez being now secured, Cortes sent F. De Lugo to order allthe captains and pilots of the fleet to come to Chempoalla, and directedall the ships to be dismantled, to cut off all communication with Cuba. One Barahona, afterwards an inhabitant of Guatimala, had been confined byNarvaez, and was now set at liberty, who was in a very weak state when hejoined us. The captains and pilots of the fleet came on shore to pay theirrespects, and Cortes bound them all by oath not to leave him, appointingPedro Cavallero, one of their number, admiral of the whole fleet now inhis possession; and, as more ships were expected from Cuba, gave himorders to dismantle them all as they arrived, and to send the captains andpilots to head-quarters. All these important matters being arranged, andhis authority completely established, Cortes proceeded to such measures asseemed proper for extending and securing the conquest and discovery of NewSpain. For this purpose, Velasquez de Leon was appointed to conduct anexpedition to the river of Panuco, with 220 soldiers, 20 of which weretaken from among ourselves, and 100 from the soldiers of Narvaez: And wasto be accompanied by two ships, on purpose to extend the discovery of thecoast. Diego de Ordas, was appointed with a similar force, to establish acolony in the province of Guacocualco, or Coatzacualco; and as thatcountry was well adapted for breeding cattle, he was directed to send toJamaica for horses, mares, bulls, and cows, for the purpose ofestablishing an independent supply in the country. All the prisoners werereleased, except Narvaez and Salvatierra, who still had the pain in hisstomach. Cortes also gave orders to restore all their horses and arms tothe soldiers of Narvaez, which gave us all much dissatisfaction, but wewere obliged to submit. On this occasion I had to resign a good horse witha saddle and bridle, two swords, three daggers, and a shield. Avila andFather Olmedo, speaking on this subject to Cortes, said he resembledAlexander the Great, who was always more generous to the vanquished, thanto his own conquering soldiers. Indeed as fast as Cortes received gold orother valuables, he gave away all to the captains of the other army, quiteforgetful of us who had made him what he was. Cortes protested that he andall he had was entirely devoted to our service, as he would shew by hisfuture conduct; but that his present procedure was necessary for ourcommon interest and safety, we being so few, and the others so numerous. Avila, who was of a lofty disposition, remonstrated in an imperious manner, and Cortes was forced to dissemble with him at the time, knowing him to bea brave man; he pacified him therefore with presents and flatteringpromises, to prevent any violence, but took care in future to employ himin distant business, as his agent first in Hispaniola, and afterwards inSpain. 

There happened to come over in the army of Narvaez, a negro who was ill ofthe small-pox, a most unfortunate circumstance for the people of New Spain, as the disease spread with astonishing rapidity through the country, anddestroyed the natives by thousands, as they used to throw themselves intocold water in the height of the disease, with the nature of which theywere utterly unacquainted. Thus multitudes of unfortunate souls werehurried into eternity, without an opportunity of being received into thebosom of the holy Catholic church. At this time, such of our soldiers ashad been in distant garrisons, applied to Cortes to receive their sharesof the gold which had been got in Mexico. As far as I can remember, hereferred them to a place in Tlascala, desiring that two persons might besent to receive it at that place; and I shall have occasion to mentionthe result hereafter. 

[1] The date is supplied in the text from attentive consideration of dates mentioned by Diaz in the sequel, and in this date Clavigero, II. 97, agrees. Diaz gives no account of the strength of Cortes on the present occasion, but afterwards mentions 206 soldiers, with five horsemen and two gunners, independent of 70 more who joined under Sandoval from the garrison of Villa Rica. This would make the whole force 285 soldiers, against 1400 who were under the command of Narvaez. --E. 

[2] No such place is to be found in the map of Clavigero, nor in that recently published by Humbolt. --E. 

[3] These numbers, as arranged for the attack on Narvaez, only amount to 230 men. At the occupation of Mexico the Spanish army is said to have been about 450, besides the garrison of Villa Rica. Eighty-three men are stated to have been left in Mexico under the command of Alvarado, which would still leave 367 to march under Cortes for Chempoalla, to which 70 being added from Villa Rica under Sandoval, would raise the amount of the army now under Cortes to about 437 men, so that about 207 are unaccounted for in the arrangement for the attack, besides Ordas, and other eminent captains are not now mentioned in the text. We may, therefore, reasonably conclude, that these captains and the unaccounted for remaining force of Cortes, were left at the ford of the river, about a league from Chempoalla, as a rear guard, on which to retreat in case of a defeat, or may have formed a main body for the assault. --E. 

[4] This victory of Cortes over Narvaez took place on the 26th May 1520. --E. 

SECTION X. 

_Occurrences, from the Defeat of Narvaez, 26th May 1520, to the Expulsionof the Spaniards from Mexico, on the 1st, and the Battle of Otumba on the4th of July of the same Year_. 

The wheel of fortune is ever in motion, evil following closely upon good. This was strongly exemplified with us at this time, as our late successeswere speedily followed by melancholy news from Mexico by express, informing us that an insurrection had broke out in that city, thatAlvarado was besieged in his quarters, which the natives had set on fire, after killing seven of his men and wounding many; for which reasonAlvarado earnestly entreated immediate succour. It is not to be expressedhow much this news afflicted us all. In consequence of this distressingintelligence, Cortes countermanded the expeditions which were to havemarched under De Leon and De Ordas, and determined upon an immediateforced march to Mexico. We left Narvaez and Salvatierra as prisoners atVilla Rica, under the charge of Roderigo Rangel, who was likewise directedto collect all the stragglers, and to take care of the invalids, who werenumerous: Just as we were ready to march, four principal nobles arrivedfrom the court of Montezuma, who made a heavy complaint against Alvarado, who had assaulted them while dancing at a solemn festival in honour oftheir gods, which had been held by his permission, and stating that theyhad been constrained to take up arms in their own defence, during whichseven of the Spanish soldiers were slain. Cortes made them a short answer, saying that he would shortly be at Mexico, when he would make properinquiry and set all to rights, with which answer they had to return toMontezuma, who was much displeased with the insulting tone in which it wasgiven, more especially as a great number of his subjects had been killedby Alvarado. Before commencing our march, Cortes made a speech to thesoldiers of Narvaez, exhorting them to forget all past animosities, andnot to let the present opportunity be lost of serving both his majesty andthemselves; and by way of inducement, gave them a magnificent picture ofthe riches of Mexico, to a participation in which their faithful conductwould entitle them. They one and all declared their resolution to obey hisorders, and to proceed immediately to Mexico, which they would hardly haveagreed to if they had known its strength, and the numerous martialpopulation of that city. 

We arrived at Tlascala by very long marches, where we were informed thatthe Mexicans had made incessant attacks on Alvarado, until Montezuma andthey received intelligence of the defeat of Narvaez; after which they haddesisted, leaving the Spaniards in great distress, owing to excessivefatigue from their continual exertions, and much in want of water andprovisions. At Tlascala, Cortes made a general muster and inspection ofour army, which now amounted to thirteen hundred men, of whom nearly anhundred were cavalry, and a hundred and sixty armed with muskets andcrossbows. We were here joined by two thousand Tlascalan warriors, andmarched from hence to Tezcuco, where we were very ill received, everything bearing the appearance of disaffection. 

On St John's day, 24th of June 1520, we again entered Mexico[1], where wemet with a very different reception from what we had experienced on ourformer entry, on the 8th November 1519, seven months and a half before. Not one of the nobles of our acquaintance came now to meet us, and thewhole city seemed to have been deserted by its inhabitants. On enteringour quarters, Montezuma advanced to embrace Cortes, and to congratulatehim on his victory; but our general turned from him with disdain, andwould neither speak to him nor listen to his address, on which the kingreturned to his apartment much cast down. Cortes made inquiry into thecauses and circumstances of the late commotion, from all of which it wasevident that it had neither been instigated nor approved by Montezuma; asif he had chosen to act against our garrison, they might all have been aseasily destroyed as only seven. Alvarado said, that the Indians wereenraged at the detention of their sovereign, and by the erection of thecross in their temple; and that when they went, as they said by order oftheir gods, to pull it down, all their strength was unable to move it fromits place; and that Montezuma had strictly enjoined them to desist fromall such attempts. In justification of himself, Alvarado alleged that thefriends and subjects of Montezuma had planned the attack upon him for theliberation of their sovereign, at the time when they believed Cortes andhis army had been destroyed by Narvaez: And being questioned why he hadfallen on the Mexicans, while holding a festival in honour of their gods, he pretended that he had intelligence of their hostile intentions from apriest and two nobles, and thought it safest to be beforehand with them. When pressed by Cortes to say whether the Mexicans had not asked andobtained his permission to hold that festival, he acknowledged it was so, and that he had fallen upon them by anticipation, that he might terrifythem into submission, and prevent them from going to war with theSpaniards. Cortes was highly displeased with the conduct of Alvarado, andcensured him in the strongest terms. 

Alvarado alleged that during one of the attacks of the Mexicans on hisquarters, he had endeavoured to fire off one of his guns and could not getthe priming to take fire; but sometime afterwards, when they were in greatdanger, the gun went off of itself and made prodigious havock among theenemy, who were thus miraculously repulsed, and the Spaniards saved frominevitable destruction. He said also, that the garrison being in greatdistress for water, they sank a pit in one of the courts, when immediatelya spring of the sweetest water sprung up. I know that there was a springin the city which often produced tolerably fresh water[2]. Glory be to GODfor all his mercies! Some alleged that Alvarado was excited to this attackby avarice, in order to plunder the Indians of their golden ornamentsduring the festival; but I am satisfied his attack proceeded from amistaken idea of preventing insurrection by terror. It is certain, thateven after the massacre at the temple, Montezuma used every endeavour toprevent his subjects from attacking our people: but they were so enragedthat nothing could restrain their eager thirst for vengeance. 

During our march, Cortes had launched out to the new comers in warmeulogiums on the riches of Mexico, the power and influence which he hadacquired, and the respect and obedience of the Mexicans, filling them withpromises and expectations of enjoying gold in abundance. From thenegligent coldness of his reception in Tezcuco, and the similarappearances in Mexico, he became vexed, disappointed, and peevish;insomuch, that when the officers of Montezuma came to wait upon him, andexpressed the wishes of their master to see him, Cortes exclaimed angrily:"Away with the dog, wherefore does he neglect to supply us. " The captainsDe Leon, De Oli, and De Lugo, happening to be present on this occasion, entreated him to remember the former kindness and generosity of theMexican sovereign, and to treat him with moderation. This only seemed toirritate Cortes so much the more, as it appeared to censure his conduct, and he indignantly answered: "What obligations am I under to the wretch, who plotted secretly against me with Narvaez, and who now neglects tosupply us with provisions?" The captains admitted that this ought to bedone, and Cortes being full of confidence in the great military power henow commanded, continued a haughty demeanour to the Mexican noblemen whostill waited his pleasure. Turning therefore to them, he desired them totell their master, that he must immediately order markets to be held, andprovisions to be supplied for his troops, or to beware of the consequences. These lords understood the general import of the injurious expressionswhich Cortes had used against Montezuma, and made a faithful report to himof all that passed. Whether it may have proceeded from rage on account ofthese opprobrious expressions against their sovereign, or from a planpreviously concerted to fall upon us, I know not, but within a quarter ofan hour, a soldier dangerously wounded came running into our quarters, andreported that the whole people were in arms against us. This man had beensent by Cortes to bring over to our quarters the daughter of Montezuma andother Indian ladies, who had been left under the charge of the cacique ofTacuba, when we marched against Narvaez. He was returning with theseladies, when the people attacked him in great numbers on the causeway ofTacuba, where they had broken down one of the bridges, and had once seizedhim, and were forcing him into a canoe to carry him off to be sacrificed;but he extricated himself by a violent effort, and got away with twodangerous wounds. 

Cortes immediately ordered out a detachment of 400 men under Ordas, to seewhat was the matter, and to endeavour to pacify the people; but he hadhardly proceeded the length of a street, when he was assailed by immensenumbers of the natives, some in the street, and others from the terracedtops of the houses, who killed eight of his men on the first discharge ofmissiles, and wounded mostly the whole of his men, himself in three places. Finding it impossible to proceed, Ordas retreated slowly towards ourquarters, and soon after lost another soldier, who did astonishing featsof valour with a two-handed sword. The streets were so crowded withenemies, and we were so incessantly attacked in front and rear, and fromthe roofs, that for a long while he was unable to force his way. Neitherthe effect of our fire-arms, nor the most efficacious use of our otherarms could deter the natives from closing in upon us hand to hand, andfoot to foot; but at length Ordas forced his way back, having lost in alltwenty-three of his men. Our quarters were attacked by prodigiousmultitudes at the same moment that the attack on Ordas began, and theypoured in such incessant discharges of missile weapons, that they soonwounded above forty-six of our men, of whom twelve afterwards died. Evenafter the retreat of Ordas, the enemy continued their attacks, and atlength set fire to various parts of the buildings forming our quarters, thinking to burn us alive or to stifle us with smoke; and we were reducedto the necessity of tearing down some parts of the building, and to throwearth upon other parts, to extinguish the fire. All the courts and openplaces of our quarters were thickly strewed with arrows, stones, and darts, which had been thrown at us; and we were occupied the whole day and night, in repelling the incessant assaults, repairing the breaches in ourdefences, dressing our wounds, and preparing for future assaults. At dawnof the ensuing morning, we sallied out with our whole force, determined toconquer or to impress them with respect. The Mexicans met us with theutmost resolution, and though we fought almost in despair, their numberswere so immense, and they continually brought up such strongreinforcements of fresh troops, that even if we had all been Hectors orOrlandos, we could not have forced them to give ground. It is quiteimpossible to give any adequate idea of the obstinacy and violence of thisbattle. Though in every reiterated charge we brought down thirty or fortyof the enemy, it had no effect, as they returned upon us with moreviolence and desperation than before; our musketry and cannon made noimpression that was not instantly replaced; and if at any time they gaveground, it was only to draw us farther from our quarters, to make ourdestruction more sure. In the midst of all this, the stones and dartswhich were launched upon us from the terraces of the house tops did usastonishing injury. Some of our soldiers who had been in the wars of Italydeclared, that neither among Christians or Turks, nor even in the Frenchartillery, had they ever seen such desperate fighting as now among theseIndians. We were at length forced to retreat to our quarters, which wereached with infinite difficulty, after losing ten or twelve of our menkilled, and almost every one of us severely wounded. 

After our return, we were busily occupied in preparing for a general sallyon the next day after but one, with four military engines of strong timberlike towers, each of which was calculated to contain twenty-five men undercover, with portholes for the artillery, and for muskets and crossbows. During this interval we had likewise to repair the breaches which theMexicans had made in our walls, and to resist their attempts to scale them, often in twenty places at once. The Mexicans constantly used the mostinjurious language against us; saying that the voracious animals in thegreat temple had been kept fasting for two days, that they might be readyto devour our bodies, when we were sacrificed to their gods. They assuredus at the same time that our allies were to be put into cages to fatten, and that they would soon recover our ill got treasure. Sometimes theyadjured us in the most plaintive terms to restore their king to liberty, and they annoyed us without ceasing by flights of arrows, constantlyshouting and whistling. On the ensuing morning at day-break, having firstrecommended ourselves to GOD, we sallied out from our quarters with theturrets, such as I have seen in other places, and called _mantas_ or_burros_. Our column was headed by a party of musketeers and crossbow-men, and our cavalry on our flanks, occasionally charging the enemy. Ourpurpose was to assail the great temple, which by its elevation and strongenclosures, served as a citadel to the Mexicans, and we advanced thereforein that direction, accompanied by our turrets; but the enemy resisted allour efforts with the most determined obstinacy. I will not attempt torelate all the circumstances of this desperate battle, or the difficultywhich we had to encounter in driving the enemy from a very strong housewhich they occupied. The arrows of the Mexicans wounded many of our horses, notwithstanding that they wore defensive armour; and when our cavalryattempted at any time to charge or to pursue the enemy, they threwthemselves into the canals, while others sallied out from the houses onboth sides with long lances, assailing our people in the rear and on bothflanks. It was utterly impossible for us to burn the houses, or to pullthem down, as they all stood singly in the water, communicating only bymeans of draw-bridges; and it was too dangerous for us to attempt reachingthem by swimming, as they showered vollies of stones upon us by slings, and threw large stones upon our heads from the terraces of their housetops. Even when a house was set on fire, it was very long of taking effect;and even when we succeeded, the flames could not communicate to the otherhouses, as they were all separated by canals, and their roofs wereterraced, not thatched. 

At length we reached the great temple, into which four thousand of theMexicans immediately rushed, independent of other large bodies who werepreviously stationed there for its defence. They defended their templewith the most obstinate valour, and for some time prevented us from beingable to ascend, our turrets, musketry, and cavalry, being of no avail toforce them to give ground. The pavements of the temple courts were sosmooth, that the horses fell when our cavalry attempted to charge. Theyopposed us in front from the steps of the great temple, and assailed uswith such fury on both flanks and in the rear, that though our guns sweptoff a dozen or fifteen of them at every discharge, and though in eachcharge of our infantry we killed many of them with our swords and lances, they continually filled up the chasms we had made among them, and theirnumbers and resolution were so great that we could not make any permanentor effectual impression. We were even forced to abandon our _mantas_ orturrets, which the enemy had demolished. At length, by a desperate effort, we forced our way up the steps, and in this assault Cortes shewed himselfa hero. Our battle in this place was most desperate, every man among usbeing covered with blood, and above forty of our number lay dead on thespot. We reached with infinite difficulty the place where we had formerlyset up the image of the blessed Virgin, which was not to be found, as ithad been removed by order of Montezuma, either through fear or fromdevotion to his idols. We set fire to the buildings, and burnt down a partof the temples of Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca; and while some of uswere employed in setting fire to the buildings, and others fighting, inwhich our Tlascalan allies seconded us most gallantly, above threethousand Mexican nobles, headed by their priests, made a most severeattack, and drove us down eight or ten of the steps. Others of the enemyfrom the corridors, or within the railings and concavities of the temple, assailed us on every side with arrows and other missiles, so that we wereunable even to maintain the ground we had gained. We were constrainedtherefore to retreat, every man of us being wounded, and forty-six of ournumber slain. We regained our quarters with the utmost difficulty, whichthe enemy had almost gained possession of, as they had been continuallyendeavouring to carry them by assault during our absence, or to set themon fire. But they desisted in a great measure from the assault on ourarrival, yet continued to throw in perpetual showers of arrows, darts, andstones. In the course of this most terrible engagement, we made two of thechief priests prisoners, whom we carried along with us to our quarters. Ihave often seen representations of this battle in Mexican paintings, bothat Mexico and Tlascala, in which the various incidents were represented ina very lively manner. Our ascent to the great temple; the setting thetemple on fire; the numerous warriors defending it in the corridors, frombehind the rails, and in the concavities, and others on the plain ground, in the courts of the temple, and on all sides of us; many of our men beingrepresented as dead, and all of us covered with wounds. In these paintings, the destruction of our turrets is conspicuously represented as a mostheroic achievement. 

The night which succeeded this unfortunate battle was passed by us in amost melancholy state; repairing the breaches which had been made in thewalls of our quarters, dressing our wounds, burying our slain companions, and consulting upon measures for extricating us from our present almosthopeless situation. The followers of Narvaez heaped maledictions on Cortesfor leading them to Mexico, and Velasquez came in for an ample share oftheir abuse, for having induced them to quit their peaceful habitations inCuba. The enemy assembled around us again at day-break, and assailed ourquarters with greater fury than ever, insomuch that our fire-arms wereinsufficient to repel them, though they mowed them down in great numbers. In this desperate situation, Cortes sent for Montezuma, whom he desired toaddress his subjects from a terrace, desiring them to desist from theirattacks, assuring them that we would immediately evacuate the city. Onreceiving this message, Montezuma burst into tears, exclaiming, "What doeshe want with me now? I have been reduced to my present unhappy state onhis account, and I neither wish to see him nor to live any longer?" Hetherefore dismissed the messengers with a refusal, and it is reported thathe added, that he desired not to be any more troubled with the false wordsand specious promises of Cortes. Father Olmedo and Captain De Oli went towait upon him, and used all possible expressions of respect and affectionto induce him to comply with the request of Cortes. To this he replied, that he did not believe any thing he could now do would be of any avail, as the Mexicans had elected another sovereign, and were resolved not toallow a single Spaniard to quit the city alive. He made his appearancehowever at the railing of a terraced roof, attended by many of oursoldiers, and made a very affectionate address to the people below, earnestly entreating a cessation of hostilities, that we might evacuateMexico. As soon as Montezuma was perceived, the chiefs and nobles madetheir troops to desist from the attack, and commanded silence. Then fourof the principal nobles came forwards, so near as to be able to holdconversation with Montezuma whom they addressed, lamenting the misfortuneswhich had befallen him and his family. They told him that they had raised_Cuitlahuatzin_[3] to the throne; that the war would soon be ended, asthey had promised to their gods never to desist till they had utterlydestroyed the Spaniards; that they offered up continual prayers for thesafety of Montezuma their beloved sovereign, whom they would venerate andobey as formerly, as soon as they had rescued him from our hands, andhoped he would pardon all they had done for the defence of their religionand independence, and their present disobedience. Just as they concludedthis address, a shower of arrows fell about the place where Montezumastood; and though the Spaniards had hitherto protected him by interposingtheir shields, they did not expect any assault while he was speaking tohis subjects, and had therefore uncovered him for an instant; in thatunguarded state, three stones and an arrow hit him on the head, the arm, and the leg, wounding him severely. Montezuma refused every assistance, and all the endeavours of Father Olmedo could not prevail upon him toembrace the holy Catholic faith, neither could he be prevailed upon tohave his wounds attended to. When informed of his death, Cortes and ourcaptains lamented him exceedingly, and all of us soldiers who had beenacquainted with his generosity and other amiable qualities, grieved as forthe loss of a father. He was said to have reigned seventeen years, and tohave been the best of all the sovereigns who had ruled over Mexico; havingfought and conquered in three pitched battles, while subjugating otherstates to his dominions. 

After the death of Montezuma, Cortes sent two of our prisoners, a noblemanand a priest, with a message to the new sovereign Cuitlahuatzin, to informhim of the melancholy event, which had happened by the hands of his ownsubjects; to express our grief on the occasion; and our wish thatMontezuma might be interred with that respect which was due to his exaltedcharacter. Cortes likewise informed these messengers, that he did notacknowledge the right of the sovereign whom the Mexicans had chosen, asthe throne ought to belong to the son of the great Montezuma, or to hiscousin, who was now a prisoner in our quarters. He desired them also tosay, if they would desist from hostilities, we would immediately march outof their city. He then ordered the body of Montezuma to be carried out bysix nobles, and attended by most of the priests whom we had takenprisoners, desiring them to deliver the body of their deceased monarch tothe Mexican chiefs, according to his dying injunctions. We could hear theexclamations of sorrow which were expressed by the people, at the sight ofthe body of their late sovereign; but our message was unavailing, as theyrecommenced their attack on our quarters with the utmost violence, threatening that in two days we should all pay with our lives for thedeath of their king and the dishonour of their gods, as they had now asovereign whom we could not deceive as we had done by the good Montezuma. 

Our situation was now exceedingly alarming, and on the day after the deathof Montezuma, we made another sally towards that part of the city whichcontained many houses built on the firm ground, meaning to do all theinjury we could, and, taking advantage of the causeway, to charge throughthe enemy with our cavalry, hoping to intimidate them by severe militaryexecution, so as to induce them to grant us a free passage; we accordinglyforced our way to that part of the city, where we burnt down about twentyhouses, and very nearly reached the firm land[4]. But the injury we didthe enemy was dearly purchased by the death of twenty of our soldiers, andwe were unable to gain possession of any of the bridges, which were allpartly broken down, and the enemy had constructed barricades orretrenchments in various places to obstruct the cavalry, wherever theycould have done most essential service. Thus our troubles and perplexitiescontinually increased, and we were forced again to fight our way back toour quarters. In this sally, which took place on a Thursday, Sandoval andothers of our cavalry acted with great bravery; but those who came withNarvaez, not having been accustomed to such service, were timorous incomparison with our veterans. The number and fury of our enemies increaseddaily, while our force was diminished by each successive attack, and fromour wounds we were become less able for resistance. Our powder was almostentirely expended; provisions and water became scarce; our friendMontezuma was no more; all our proposals for peace were rejected; thebridges by which we might have retreated were broken down; and in finenothing but death in its direst form of immolation to their horrible idolsappeared before us. In this state almost bordering on despair, it wasresolved by Cortes in a consultation with all his confidential officersand soldiers, to make an attempt to quit the city during the night, as wewere in expectation to find the enemy less upon their guard than in theday time. In order to deceive them, a message was sent by one of theirchief priests who had been made prisoner, engaging to give up all thetreasure in our possession, if they would give us permission within eightdays to quit the city. Four days before this, one Botello, who pretendedto be an astrologer, predicted that if we did not leave Mexico on thisvery night, that none of us would ever get out of it alive, adding manyother foolish particulars to his prophecy. 

As it was determined to endeavour to force our way from the city, aportable bridge of very strong timber was prepared for enabling us to passover the canals or passages in the causeway, where the enemy had brokendown the bridges; and one hundred and fifty of our soldiers, with fourhundred Tlascalan allies, were appointed for conveying, guarding, andplacing this bridge. The advanced guard of an hundred of our youngest andmost active men, was commanded by Sandoval, assisted by Azevedo, De Lugo, De Ordas, and De Tapia, with eight of the captains that came with Narvaez. The rear guard of an hundred men, mostly those of Narvaez, and the greaterpart of our cavalry, was confided to Alvarado and Velasquez de Leon. DonnaMarina and Donna Luisa, with the Mexican chiefs who were prisoners, wereplaced under an escort of thirty Spanish soldiers and three hundredTlascalans: Our general, with Avila, Oli, and other officers, and fiftysoldiers, formed a body of reserve to act where they might be most needed. The rest of our soldiers and allies, with the baggage, formed a main bodyalong with which the prisoners and their especial escort was to move, under protection of the van and rear guards. By the time that all thesearrangements were completed, it drew towards night, and Cortes caused allthe gold, which had hitherto been kept in his apartment, to be broughtinto the great hall of our quarters, when he desired Avila and Mexia, thekings officers, to take charge of what belonged to his majesty, assigningthem eight wounded horses and above fourscore Mexicans for its conveyance. When these were loaded with all the gold they were able to carry, a greatdeal more remained heaped up in the saloon. Cortes then desired hissecretary Hernandez and other notaries to bear witness that he could nolonger be responsible for this gold; and desired the soldiers to take asmuch as they pleased, saying it were better for them to have it, than toleave it to their Mexican enemies. Upon this many of the soldiers ofNarvaez, and some even of our veterans, loaded themselves with treasure. Iwas never avaricious, and was now more intent on saving my life than onthe possession of riches: I took the opportunity, however, of carrying offfour calchihuis from a casket, though Cortes had ordered his major-domo totake especial care of this casket and its contents, and these jewels wereof infinite use to me afterwards, as a resource against famine, as theyare highly prized by the Indians. The memorable night of our leavingMexico, was dark, with much mist and some rain. Just before midnight, thedetachment having charge of the portable bridge moved off from ourquarters, followed in regular succession by the other divisions of ourarmy. On coming to the first aperture in the causeway of Tacuba orTlacopan, by which we retreated as being the shortest, the bridge was laidacross, and was passed by the vanguard, the baggage, artillery, part ofthe cavalry, the Tlascalans with the gold. Just as Sandoval and his partyhad passed, and Cortes with his body of reserve, the trumpets of the enemywere heard, and the alarm was given on every side, the Mexicans shoutingout, "_Tlaltelulco! Tlaltelulco_[5]! out with your canoes! the teules aremarching off, assail them at the bridges!" In an instant the enemyassailed us on every side, some on the land and others in their canoes, which swarmed on the lake and the canals on both sides of our road, and sonumerous were they and so determined that they entirely intercepted ourline of march, especially at the broken bridges, and from this momentnothing but confusion and dismay prevailed among our troops. It rained soheavily that some of the horses became restive and plunged into the waterwith their riders; and to add to our distress our portable bridge wasbroken down at this first gap, and it was no longer serviceable. The enemyattacked us with redoubled fury, and as our soldiers made a braveresistance, the aperture became soon choked up with the dead and dying menand horses, intermixed with artillery, packs and bales of baggage, andthose who carried them, all heaped up in the water. Many of our companionswere drowned at this place, and many were forced into canoes and hurriedaway to be sacrificed. It was horrible to hear the cries of theseunfortunate captives, calling upon us for aid which we were unable to give, and invoking the blessed Virgin and all the saints in vain for deliverance. Others of our companions escaped across those gaps in the causeway, byclambering over the confused mass of dead bodies and luggage by which theywere filled, and were calling out for assistance to help them up on theother side; while many of them, thinking themselves in safety when theygot to the firm ground, were there seized by the Mexicans, or killed withwar clubs. All the regularity which had hitherto guided our march was nowutterly lost and abandoned. Cortes and all the mounted officers andsoldiers galloped off along the causeway, providing for their ownimmediate safety, and leaving all the rest to save ourselves as we bestmight: Nor can I blame them for this procedure, as the cavalry could donothing against the enemy, who threw themselves into the water on bothsides of the causeway when attacked, while others, by continual flights ofarrows from the houses, or with long lances from the canoes on each side, killed and wounded the men and horses. Our powder was all expended, sothat we were unable to do any injury to the Mexicans in the canoes. Inthis situation of utter confusion and derout, the only thing we could dowas by uniting together in bands of thirty or forty, to endeavour to forceour way to the land: When the Indians closed upon us, we exerted ourutmost efforts to drive them off with our swords, and then hurried ourmarch to get over the causeway as soon as possible. Had we waited for eachother, or had our retreat been in the day, we had all been inevitablydestroyed. The escape of such as made their way to land, was due to themercy of God who gave us strength to force our way; for the multitudesthat surrounded us, and the melancholy sight of our companions hurriedaway in the canoes to instant sacrifice, was horrible in the extreme. About fifty of us, mostly soldiers of Cortes, with a few of those who camewith Narvaez, stuck together in a body, and made our way along thecauseway through infinite difficulty and danger. Every now and then strongparties of Indians assailed us, calling us _luilones_, their severest termof reproach, and using their utmost endeavours to seize us. As soon as wethought them within reach, we faced about and repelled them with a fewthrusts of our swords, and then resumed our march. We thus proceeded, until at last we reached the firm ground near Tacuba, where Cortes, Sandoval, De Oli, Salcedo, Dominguez, Lares, and others of the cavalry, and such of the infantry as had got across the bridge before it was brokendown, had already arrived[6]. 

On our approach, we heard the voices of Sandoval, De Oli, and Morla, calling on Cortes to return to the assistance of those who were still onthe causeway, who loudly complained of being abandoned. Cortes replied, that it was a miracle any should have escaped, and that all who returnedto the bridges would assuredly be slain: Yet he actually did return withten or twelve of the cavalry and such of the infantry as had escapedunhurt, and proceeded along the causeway to attempt the succour of such asmight be still engaged. He had not gone far when he met Alvarado badlywounded, accompanied by three of our soldiers, four of those belonging toNarvaez, and eight Tlascalans, all severely wounded and covered with blood. These Alvarado assured him were all that remained of the rear-guard, Velasquez de Leon and about twenty of the cavalry, and above an hundred ofthe infantry, who had belonged to his division, being all slain, or madeprisoners and carried away to be sacrificed. He said farther, that afterall the horses were slain, about eighty had assembled in a body and passedthe first gap on the heaps of luggage and dead bodies; that at the otherbridge the few who now accompanied him were saved by the mercy of God. Ido not now perfectly recollect in what manner he passed that last aperture, as we were all more attentive to what he related of the death of Velasquezand above two hundred of our unhappy companions. As to that last fatalbridge, which is still called _Salto de Alvarado_, or the Leap of Alvarado, we were too much occupied in saving our own lives to examine whether heleaped much or little. He must, however, have got over on the baggage anddead bodies; for the water was too deep for him to have reached the bottomwith his lance, and the aperture was too wide and the sides too high forhim to have leaped over, had he been the most active man in the world. Inabout a year after, when we besieged Mexico, I was engaged with the enemyat that very bridge which was called Alvarados Leap, where the enemy hadconstructed breastworks and barricades, and we all agreed that the leapwas impossible. One Ocampo, a soldier who came with Garay, who used toamuse himself with lampoons, made one on this supposed feat of Alvarado, saying, "That fear made him give that prodigious leap, leaving Velasquezand two hundred more to their fate as he leaped for his life. " As Cortesfound, by the information of Alvarado, that the causeway was entirelyfilled by the enemy, who must have intercepted all the rest of ourcompanions, he returned to Tacuba, where all who had escaped were nowcollected. Messengers had been already sent from Mexico, ordering all thepeople of Tacuba, Ezcapuzalco, Tenajocan, and other neighbouring cities onthat side of the lake, to collect and attack us; and they now began tosurround us in the inclosed courts of Popotla where we had taken shelter, harassing us with stones and arrows, and even attacking us with lances, many of which were headed with the swords which we lost during our retreat. We defended ourselves against this attack as well as we could, and madeseveral sallies to drive them off. But, as the enemy continually increasedin number, it was determined to endeavour to reach Tlascala, for whichpurpose we set out under the direction of six or seven of our allies whowere well acquainted with the country. After a fatiguing march by anindirect road, during which we were much harassed by the enemy, who pliedus with stones and arrows, we reached some houses on a hill near a temple, where we defended ourselves, and took such care as we could of our wounds;but could get no provisions. After the conquest of Mexico, a church wasbuilt on the site of this temple, and dedicated to _Nuestra Senora de losRemedios_, our Lady of Succour, to which many ladies and other inhabitantsof Mexico, now go in procession to pay nine days devotion[7]. 

Our wounds had become extremely painful from cold, and want of properdressings, and we now bound them up as well as we could. We had to deplorethe loss of great numbers of our valiant companions, most of the soldiersof Narvaez having lost their lives by being overloaded with gold. PoorBotello the astrologer was killed among the rest. The sons of Montezuma, Cacamatzin who had been prince of Tezcuco, and all the other prisoners, among whom were some Mexican princes, lost their lives on this fatal nightof our retreat from Mexico. All our artillery were lost. We had onlytwenty-three horses remaining, and very few crossbows; and our situationwas melancholy and desperate in the extreme, having no other resource butto endeavour to reach Tlascala, and even there our reception wasexceedingly uncertain[8]. After dressing our wounds, and making arrows forour crossbows, during which employment we were incessantly harassed in ourpresent post, we proceeded at midnight on our march, under the directionof our faithful Tlascalans. Some of those who were badly wounded had towalk with the aid of crutches; others were assisted on each side by someof their companions; and those who were utterly unable to supportthemselves were placed upon lame horses. Thus, making head against theenemy with as many of the infantry as could bear arms, and having thecavalry who were able to act in front and on our flanks, with the woundedSpaniards and allies in the centre, we marched on continually harassed bythe enemy, who reviled us, saying that we should soon meet our destruction;words that we did not then understand. I have forgot to mention thesatisfaction we all enjoyed at finding Donna Marina and Donna Luisa hadbeen saved in our retreat from Mexico. Having crossed among the first, they had been brought safe to Popotla by the exertions of two brothers ofDonna Luisa, all the rest of the female Indians having been lost in theretreat. 

On this day we reached a large town named Gualtitlan[9]. From that placewe continued our march, still harassed at every step by the enemy, whosenumbers and boldness increased as we advanced, insomuch that they killedtwo of our lame soldiers and one of our horses at a difficult pass, wounding many both of our horses and ourselves. Having repulsed them, wereached some villages, where we halted for the night, making our supper ofthe slain horse[10]. We began our march very early next morning, and hadonly proceeded about a league, believing ourselves now almost in safety, when three of our videts came in with a report that the whole extent of aplain through which we must necessarily pass was covered over by aninnumerable army. This intelligence was truly terrifying to our smallnumbers, worn out with fatigue and privations, and covered with wounds;yet we resolved to conquer or die, as we had indeed no other alternative. We were immediately halted and formed in order of battle, the infantrybeing directed to use their swords only in thrusts, by which we exposedourselves less to the weapons of the enemy, and the cavalry were orderedto charge clear through at half speed, with their lances levelled at thefaces of the enemy, never stopping to make thrusts. While recommendingourselves to God and his Holy Mother, and invoking the aid of St Jago, theenemy began to close around us, and we resolved to sell our lives dearly, or force our way through. The infantry being drawn up in a solid column, and our cavalry formed in bodies of five, we proceeded to the attack. Itis impossible to describe the tremendous battle which ensued: How weclosed hand to hand, and with what fury the enemy attacked us, wounding uswith their clubs and lances and two-handed swords; while our cavalry, favoured by the even surface of the plain, rode through them at will withcouched lances, bearing down the enemy wherever they came, and fightingmost manfully though they and their horses were all wounded. We too of theinfantry did our best, regardless of our former wounds and of those we nowreceived, closing up with the enemy, and using every effort to bear themdown with our swords. Cortes, Alvarado, and De Oli, though all wounded, continued to make lanes through the throng of the enemy, calling out to usto strike especially at the chiefs, who were easily distinguished by theirplumes of feathers, golden ornaments, rich arms, and curious devices. Thevaliant Sandoval encouraged us by his example and exhortations, exclaiming, "Now is the day of victory! Trust in God, who will still preserve us to dohim service. " We were all resolute to conquer or die, and were assuredlyassisted by the Lord Jesus Christ, the Holy Virgin, and St Jago; as wasafterwards certified by a chief belonging to Guatimotzin, who was presentin this battle. Though some were killed and many wounded, we continued tomaintain our ground, yet the enemy never relaxed in their efforts. Atlength it was the will of God, that Cortes, accompanied by Sandoval, DeOli, Alvarado, Avila, and other captains, came up to that part of theenemy in which their commander-in-chief was posted, who was distinguishedfrom all the rest by his rich golden arms, and highly adorned plume offeathers, and the grand standard of the army[11]. Immediately on Cortesperceiving this chief, who was surrounded by many nobles wearing plumes offeathers, he exclaimed to his companions, "Now, gentlemen, let us chargethese men, and if we succeed the day is our own. " Then, recommendingthemselves to God, they charged upon them, and Cortes struck the Mexicanchief and threw down his standard, he and the other cavaliers effectuallybreaking and dispersing this numerous body. The Mexican chief, however, was making his escape, but was pursued and slain by Juan de Salamanca, whoseized his rich plume of feathers and presented it to Cortes, saying, thatas he had first struck the Mexican general and overthrown the standard, the trophy of the conquest was his undoubted right. 

It pleased God, that the enemy should relax in their efforts immediatelyon learning the death of their general and of the numerous chiefs whosurrounded him. On perceiving that they began to retreat, we forgot ourhunger, thirst, fatigue, and wounds, and thought of nothing but victoryand pursuit. Our scanty cavalry followed them up close, dealingdestruction around them on every side; and our faithful allies fought likelions, mowing down all before them with the arms which the enemy threwaway to facilitate their flight. On the return of our cavalry from thepursuit, we gave humble thanks to God for our unexpected victory andmiraculous preservation. Never had the Mexican empire collected togetherso large a force as on this occasion; being composed of all the warriorsof Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlalcopan, headed by the whole nobility of thesenations, magnificently armed and adorned, and all determined not to leavea single trace of us upon earth. This great and decisive battle was foughtin the neighbourhood of a place called Obtumba, Otumba, or Otompan. I havefrequently seen it, and all the other battles we fought against theMexicans, antecedent to the final conquest, admirably represented inMexican paintings. It is now proper to mention, that we entered Mexico torelieve Alvarado on the 24th of June 1520, with upwards of 1300 soldiers, including 97 cavalry, 80 musketeers, and 80 armed with crossbows; havingwith us a great train of artillery, and 2000 warriors of our allies theTlascalans. Our flight from Mexico was on the 1st of the succeeding monthof July, and the battle of Obtumba on the 4th of that month. In Mexico, during our passage of the causeway, on our march, and in the battle, welost above 870 soldiers, including 72 of those belonging to Narvaez, andfive Spanish women, who were put to death at a place called Tustepeque. Upwards of 1200 of our Tlascalan allies were also killed; as were Juan deAlcantara and two more who had been sent from Chempoalla for the share ofthe gold assigned to the garrison of Villa Rica, who were robbed andmurdered. Upon the whole, all who were concerned in the treasure came tobad fortune; and thus a much greater proportion of the soldiers of Narvaezperished in the flight from Mexico than of our veterans, as they hadavariciously loaded themselves with gold on that unhappy night[12]. 

[1] We are not writing the history of the conquest of Mexico, yet may be allowed to say that Cortes committed a gross military error, in entering Mexico without establishing a strong communication of posts between that insulated city and the land, along one of the causeways; which he might easily have done along the shortest causeway of Tacuba or Tlacopan, or by the aqueduct of Chapoltepec. --E. 

[2] It is to be noticed that the lake in which the city of Mexico was built contained water so salt as to be unfit for drinking. --E. 

[3] This prince, whom Diaz names Coadlavaca, was brother to Montezuma, prince of Iztapalapan, and Tlachcocoatl, or grand general of the Mexican army. --E. 

[4] The expression in the text, of having nearly reached the firm land, is rather obscure, and may possibly mean that they had nearly forced their way along one of the causeways leading from the insular city to the continental shore of the lake. --E. 

[5] Tlaltelulco was the name of that division of the city of Mexico through which the Spaniards marched in their way towards the causeway of Tacuba, and was probably used to summon the inhabitants of that quarter to the attack. --E. 

[6] Clavigero, II. 116, says that the miserable remnant of the Spaniards assembled in Popotla, a village near Tacuba or Tlacopan. Diaz is often negligent of dates, but we learn in a subsequent passage, that this disastrous retreat from Mexico was on the 1st of July 1520. --E. 

[7] This place is about nine miles W. N. W. From Mexico, and only about a mile and a half from Tacuba. Its Mexican name, according to Clavigero, was Otoncalpolco. It is almost in an opposite direction from the road to Tlascala, but was probably chosen on purpose to avoid the populous hostile vale of Mexico, and to get as soon as possible among the hills, and among some of the conquered tribes who bore the Mexican yoke with impatience. Clavigero says that the Spaniards procured at this place some refreshments from a tribe of Otomies, who inhabited two neighbouring hamlets. --E. 

[8] The distance from where they now were to Tlascala was between 80 and 90 miles in a straight line; but as they chose a very circuitous route, by the west and north of the lakes in the vale of Mexico, before turning south-eastwards to Tlascala, their march must have much exceeded that distance. --E. 

[9] Named Quauhtitlan by Clavigero, and Guautitlan, Huauhtitlan or Teutitlan, in Humboldts map of the Vale of Mexico. --E. 

[10] As related in the text, this march to the villages appears to have been made on the same day with that to Guauhtitlan, and the battle of Otumba or Otompan, to have been fought on the second day of the march from Popotla or _Los Remedios_. But the distances and difficulty of the march renders this almost impossible. The chronology and distances, taking the names of some of the stages from Clavigero, II. 117, and the distances from Humboldts map, may have been as follows; Retreat from Mexico to Popotla, 1st July, 9 miles. March to Quauhtitlan, 2d July, 10 miles. To Xoloc, 3d July, 13 miles. To Zacamolco, 4th July, 10 miles. To Otompan, 5th July, 3 miles:--and indeed these dates are sufficiently confirmed by Diaz himself in the sequel. --E. 

[11] According to Clavigero, II. 118, this standard was a net of gold fixed to a staff ten palms long, which was firmly tied to his back, and was called by the Mexicans Tlahuizmatlaxopilli. --E. 

[12] Cortes entered Mexico with above 1300 men, and there were there under Alvarado about 75. Of these above 870 were slain, down to the close of the battle of Otumba; so that about 500 still remained under the command of Cortes. Diaz reckons only 440; but these were probably exclusive of such as were entirely disabled from service by their wounds. --E. 

SECTION XI. 

_Occurrences from the Battle of Otumba till the march of Cortes to besiegeMexico_. 

Immediately after the victory, we resumed our march for Tlascala, cheeredby our success, and subsisted on a kind of gourds, called _ayotes_, whichwe found in the country through which we passed. We halted for the nightin a strong temple, being occasionally alarmed by detached parties of theMexicans, who still kept hovering about us, as if determined to see usout of their country. From this place we were rejoiced at seeing themountains of Tlascala, being anxious to ascertain the fidelity of theseallies, and to hear news from our friends at Villa Rica. Cortes warned usto be exceedingly cautious of giving any offence to the Tlascalans, andparticularly enforced this advice on the soldiers of Narvaez, who wereless accustomed to discipline. He said that he hoped to find our alliessteady in their attachment; but if they should have changed in consequenceof our misfortunes, although we were now only 440 strong, all wounded andill armed, we still possessed vigorous bodies and firm minds to carry usthrough, if necessary, to the coast. We now arrived at a fountain on theside of a hill, where we came to a rampart built in ancient times as aboundary between the state of Tlascala and the dominions of Mexico. Wehalted here, and then proceeded to a town called Gualiopar, or Huejotlipan, where we halted one day, and procured some food for which we were obligedto pay. Immediately on our arrival being announced at Tlascala, ourfriends Maxicatzin, Xicotencatl, Chichimecatl, the chief of Huexatcinco, and others, came to wait upon Cortes, whom they embraced, yet kindlyblamed him for having neglected their advice to distrust the treachery ofthe Mexicans. They wept for the losses we had sustained, yet rejoiced atour escape, and praised our valiant actions; assuring us that they wereassembling 30, 000 of their warriors to have joined us at Obtumba. Theywere rejoiced to see Donna Marina and Donna Luisa, and lamented the lossof the other ladies. Maxicatzin in particular bewailed the fate which hadbefallen his daughter and Velasquez de Leon, to whom he had given her. They invited us to their city, where we were kindly received, and where wereposed in peace and safety after our many and severe hardships. Corteslodged in the house of Maxicatzin, Alvarado in that of Xicotencatl, andthe other officers were distributed among the houses of the nobles, allthe soldiers being likewise supplied with comfortable quarters andabundant food. Here in the midst of our friends, we recovered from ourwounds and fatigues, all except four who died. 

Soon after our arrival, Cortes made inquiry after certain gold to thevalue of 40, 000 crowns, the share belonging to the garrison of Villa Rica, which had been sent here from Mexico; and was informed by the Tlascalanchiefs, and by a Spanish invalid left here when on our march to Mexico, that the persons who had been sent for it from Villa Rica had been robbedand murdered on the road, at the time we were engaged in hostilities withthe Mexicans. Letters were sent to Villa Rica, giving an account of allthe disastrous events which had befallen us, and desiring an immediatesupply of all the arms and ammunition that could be spared, and to send usa strong reinforcement. By the return of the messengers, we were informedthat all was well at Villa Rica and the neighbourhood, and that thereinforcement should be immediately sent. It accordingly arrived soonafter, consisting in all of _seven_ men, three of whom were sailors, andall of them were invalids. They were commanded by a soldier named Lencero, who afterwards kept an inn still known by his name; and for a long whileafterwards, _a Lencero reinforcement_ was a proverbial saying among us. Wewere involved in some trouble by the younger Xicotencatl, who hadcommanded the Tlascalan army against us on our first arrival in theircountry. This ambitious chieftain, anxious to be revenged upon us for thedisgrace he had formerly sustained, on hearing of our misfortunes and ourintended march to Tlascala, conceived a project for surprising us on ourmarch and putting us all to death. For this purpose, he assembled many ofhis relations, friends, and adherents, to whom he shewed how easily wemight all be destroyed, and was very active in forming a party andcollecting an army for this purpose. Although severely reproached by hisfather for this treacherous design, he persevered in his plan; but theintrigue was discovered by Chichimecatl, his determined enemy, whoimmediately communicated the intelligence to the council of Tlascala, before whom Xicotencatl was brought prisoner to answer for his treacherousintentions. Maxicatzin made a long speech in our favour, representing theprosperity which their state had enjoyed ever since our arrival, byfreeing them from the depredations of their Mexican enemies, and enablingthem to procure salt from which they had been long debarred. He thenreprobated the proposed treachery of the younger Xicotencatl, against menwho certainly were those concerning whom the prophecy had been handed downby their ancestors. In reply to this, and to a discourse from his fatherto the same purpose, the young man used such violent and disrespectfullanguage, that he was seized and thrown down the steps of the council-hallinto the street, with such violence that he narrowly escaped with his life. Such was the faithful conduct of our Tlascalan allies, and Cortes did notthink it prudent to push the matter any farther in our present ticklishsituation. 

After remaining twenty two days in Tlascala, Cortes resolved uponattacking the adjoining provinces of Tepejacac and Zacatula, on account ofsome murders the inhabitant of these districts had committed on theSpaniards; but the soldiers of Narvaez were decidedly averse from enteringinto any new war, as the slaughter of Mexico and the battle of Obtumbamade them anxious to renounce Cortes and his conquests, and to return assoon as possible to their houses and mines in Cuba. Beyond all the rest, Andres Duero was heartily sick of his junction with Cortes, regretting thegold he had been forced to leave in the ditches of Mexico. These men, finding that words were of no avail to persuade Cortes to relinquish hisplans of conquest, made a formal remonstrance in writing, stating theinsufficiency of our force, and demanding leave to return to Cuba. Cortesurged every reason he could think of to induce them to concur in hisschemes; and we who were his own soldiers, requested him on no account topermit any one to depart, but that all should remain to serve the cause ofGod and the king. The malcontents were forced reluctantly to acquiesce, murmuring against Cortes and his expeditions, and us who supported him, who, they said, had nothing but our lives to lose[1]. We now, therefore, set out on an expedition to chastise these districts, without artillery orfire-arms of any kind, all of which had been left in the Mexican canals. Our force consisted of 16 cavalry, 424 of our own infantry, mostly armedwith swords and targets, and about 4000 Tlascalans. We halted at aboutthree leagues from Tepejacac, but the inhabitants had deserted theirhouses on our approach. Having got some prisoners during the march, Cortessent them to the chiefs with a message, intimating that he came to demandjustice for the murder of eighteen Spaniards in their territories, and fortheir admitting Mexican troops into their country; and threatening themwith fire and sword if they did not immediately submit to his authority. By our messengers and two Mexicans, they sent back a message, ordering usto return immediately, or they would put us all to death, and feast uponour bodies. Upon this it was determined in a council of the officers, thata full statement of all that had passed, should be drawn up by a royalnotary, denouncing slavery on the Mexicans or their allies who had killedany Spanish subjects, after having submitted to the authority of the king. When this was drawn up and authenticated, we sent once more to requiretheir submission, giving notice of the inevitable consequences of theirdisobedience. But they returned an answer like the former. Both sidesbeing prepared for battle, we came to action with them next day; and asthe enemy were drawn up in open fields of maize, our cavalry soon put theenemy to flight with considerable loss, though they made an obstinateresistance. In this battle our Tlascalan allies fought bravely; and, inthe pursuit, we took a good many prisoners, all of whom were made slavesof. After this victory, the natives sued for peace, and we marched to thetown of Tepejacac to receive their submission; and finding it an eligiblesituation, being in a fertile district, and on the road to Villa Rica, Cortes founded a colony in the place, naming it _Segura de la Frontera. _Municipal officers were appointed, and a branding-iron for marking thosenatives who were taken and reduced to slavery. We made excursions fromthis place through the surrounding district, and to the towns of Cachula, Tecamechalco, Guayavas, and some others, taking many prisoners, who wereimmediately branded for slaves; and in about six weeks we reduced thepeople to order and obedience. 

At this time Cortes was informed from Villa Rica, that a vessel hadarrived there commanded by Pedro Barba, his intimate friend, who had beenlieutenant to Velasquez at the Havanna, and had now brought over thirteensoldiers and two horses; as also letters from Velasquez to Narvaez, ordering to send Cortes, if alive, to Cuba, that he might be sent toCastile, such being the orders of the bishop of Burgos. On the arrival ofBarba in the harbour, the admiral appointed by Cortes went on board in aboat well armed, but with the arms concealed. When on board, the admiralsaluted Barba, inquiring after the health of Velasquez, and the othersinquired for Narvaez, and what had become of Cortes. They were told thatNarvaez was in possession of the country, and had acquired great riches, while Cortes was a fugitive, wandering about with only twenty followers. They then invited Barba and the rest on shore; but the moment they enteredthe boats, they were ordered to surrender themselves prisoners to Cortes. The ship was dismantled, and the captain and crew, together with Barba andhis men, sent up to us at Tepejacac, to our great satisfaction; for thoughwe did not now suffer much in the field, we were very unhealthy fromcontinual fatigue, five of our men having died of pleurisies of late. Francisco Lopez, afterwards regidor of Guatimala, came along with thisparty. Barba was kindly received by Cortes, whom he informed that anothersmall vessel might be expected with provisions in about a week. It cameaccordingly, having on board Roderigo de Lobera, with eight soldiers and ahorse. These were circumvented like the others, and sent up to us, bywhich we were much pleased to procure an accession to our small force. 

About this period, Cuitlahuitzin, who had been elected sovereign of Mexicoin place of his brother Montezuma, died of the small-pox, andQuauhtemotzin, or Gautimotzin, was chosen in his stead, a young man oftwenty-five years of age, of fine appearance, exceedingly brave, and soterrible to his subjects that every one trembled at his sight. Onreceiving notice of the reduction of Tepejacac, he became apprehensive oflosing his other provinces, yet neglected no precautions to preserve thechiefs in their obedience, and sent considerable bodies of troops to theprovinces nearest to where we were, to watch our motions. But theseMexican troops injured the cause they were sent to support, becoming verydisorderly, plundering and maltreating the people whom they were sent todefend, or to keep under subjection. Provoked by these injuries, theruling people of these provinces deputed four chiefs to negociate withCortes, offering to submit to him, provided he would expel the Mexicans. Cortes immediately acceded to this proposal, and detached all the cavalryand crossbow-men of our army under De Oli, with as many of our otherinfantry as made up a force of 300 men, to which a considerable number ofTlascalan allies were joined. While our people were on their march, theyreceived such formidable accounts of the number and force of the enemy, asentirely deprived the soldiers of Narvaez of all inclination for militaryexpeditions. They mutinied, and told De Oli that, if he were determined topersevere, he might go alone, for they were resolved to quit him. De Oliremonstrated with them in vain, though supported by all the old soldiersof Cortes, and was compelled to halt at Cholula, whence he sent word toCortes of his situation. Cortes returned an angry answer, ordering him toadvance at all events. De Oli was now in a violent rage at those who hadoccasioned this reprimand from the general, and ordered the whole to marchimmediately, declaring he would send back all who hesitated, to be treatedby Cortes as their cowardice deserved. On his arrival within a league ofGuacacualco, he was met by some of the native chiefs, who informed him howhe might best come upon the enemy. He accordingly marched against theMexican forces, whom he completely defeated and put to flight, after asharp action, in which eight of our men were wounded, and two horseskilled. Our allies made a great slaughter of the Mexicans during thepursuit. The Mexicans fell back to a large town called Ozucar, where theyjoined another great body of their countrymen, who fortified themselves inthat post, and broke down the bridges. De Oli pursued with as many of histroops as could keep up with him; and having passed the river by theassistance of his friends of Guacacualco, he again attacked the Mexicans, whom he again defeated and dispersed, losing two more of his horses. Hereceived two wounds himself on this occasion, and his horse was wounded inseveral places. He halted two days after his double victory, receiving thesubmission of all the neighbouring chiefs, after which he returned withhis troops to Segura de la Frontera. De Oli was received with applause byCortes and all of us; and when we laughed at him for the hesitation of hismen, he joined with us heartily, saying he would take the poor soldiers ofCortes on the next expedition, and not the rich planters who came withNarvaez, who thought more of their houses and estates than of militaryglory, and were more ready to command than to obey. 

Cortes now got information from Villa Rica of the arrival of a shipcommanded by one Comargo, having upwards of seventy soldiers on board, allvery sickly. This vessel had belonged to an expedition sent from Jamaicaby Garray to establish a colony at Panuco; the other captain, Pineda, andall his soldiers, having been put to death by the natives, and their shipburnt. On finding, therefore, the ill success of that adventure, and thathis men were afflicted with diseases of the liver from the unhealthynature of the country, Camargo had come to Villa Rica for assistance. Heis said to have been perfectly acquainted with the state of affairs in NewSpain; and, on his arrival at Villa Rica, he immediately disembarked hissoldiers, and went to Segura de la Frontera by slow marches, where he andhis men were received with the utmost kindness by Cortes, and everypossible care was bestowed for his and their recovery; but he and severalof his soldiers soon died. By reason of their swollen bodies anddiscoloured countenances, we used to call these men _the green paunches_. That I may not interrupt the thread of my narrative, I shall mention inthis place, that all the rest of this armament which was destined forPanuco, arrived at our port of Villa Rica at different and irregularperiods, Garray continually sending us reinforcements, which he meant forPanuco, as he believed his intended colony at that place was going onsuccessfully. The first of these reinforcements after Camargo consisted offifty soldiers with seven horses, under the command of Michael Diaz de Auz. These men were all plump and jolly, and we gave them the nickname of the_Sir-loins_. Shortly after him another vessel brought forty soldiers withten horses, and a good supply of crossbows and other arms. These werecommanded by an officer named Ramirez, and as all his soldiers wore verythick and clumsy cotton armour, quite impenetrable by arrows, we calledthem the _Pack-horses_. 

Being thus unexpectedly reinforced by upwards of an hundred and fifty men, and twenty horses, Cortes determined to chastise the Indians of Xalatcingo, Cacatame, and other towns near the road to Villa Rica, who had beenconcerned in the murder of those Spaniards who had been sent from VillaRica for the treasure. For this purpose he sent a detachment of twohundred veterans, among whom were twenty horsemen, and twelve armed withcrossbows, under the command of Sandoval, who had likewise along with hima strong detachment of Tlascalans. Being informed that the Indians of thatdistrict were in arms, and reinforced by Mexican troops, Sandoval sent amessage, offering pardon for the murder of the Spaniards, if they wouldsubmit to our government, and return the treasure. Their answer was, thatthey would eat him and all his men, as they had done the others. Sandoval, therefore, immediately marched into their country, and attacked them intwo places at once, and though both the natives and the Mexicans defendedthemselves with great bravery, they were soon defeated with considerableloss. On going into some of their temples after the victory, our peoplefound Spanish cloths, arms, saddles, and bridles, hung up as offerings totheir gods. The inhabitants of this district submitted themselves to hismajesties government, but were unable to return the treasure, as it hadbeen sent to Mexico. Sandoval remained three days in this districtreceiving the submission of the inhabitants, whom he referred to Cortesfor their pardon, and then returned to head-quarters, carrying a number ofwomen and boys along with him, who were all branded as slaves. I was noton this expedition, being ill of a fever, attended with a vomiting ofblood; but, being bled plentifully, I recovered by the blessing of God. Inpursuance of orders from Sandoval, the chiefs of these tribes and of manyothers in the neighbourhood, came to Cortes and submitted themselves tohis authority. Sandoval was sent in the next place to chastise theinhabitants of a district called Xocotlan, who had murdered nine Spaniards, having with him an hundred infantry, thirty cavalry, and a strong body ofTlascalans. On entering the district, he summoned the people to submissionunder the usual threats; but, as they had a considerable body of Mexicanforces to aid them, they returned for answer, that they would acknowledgeno other government than that of Mexico. Sandoval, therefore, put histroops in motion, cautioning the allies not to advance to the attack tillthe enemy were broken by our troops, and then to fall upon the Mexicansespecially. Two large bodies of the enemy were found posted in strong androcky ground, very difficult for our cavalry, insomuch, that beforeSandoval could drive them from this post, one of his horses was killed, and nine wounded, as likewise were four of his soldiers. They were atlength driven from this post into the town of Xocotlan, where they tookpost in the temples and some large walled courts; but were dislodged fromthese and put to flight with great slaughter, our Tlascalan allies givinggood assistance, as they were incited by the hopes of abundant plunder. Sandoval halted two days in this place, to receive the submission of thechiefs, who begged pardon for what had passed, promising future obedience, and to supply us plentifully with provisions. On being ordered to restorethe effects of the Spaniards whom they had slain, they replied that everything of that kind had been burnt. They said, likewise that most of theSpaniards whom they had slain were eaten by them, except five, whom theysent to Guatimotzin[2]. 

These expeditions were productive of the best effects, as they extendedthe fame of Cortes and the Spaniards through the whole country for valourand clemency; and our general became more dreaded and respected thanGuatimotzin, the new sovereign of Mexico, insomuch that his authority wasresorted to on all occasions of importance. The small-pox at this timecommitted dreadful ravages in New Spain, cutting off vast numbers of thenatives, and among the rest, many of the chiefs and princes of the countrybecame victims to this dreadful calamity. On these occasions, theclaimants for succession to the vacant chiefships resorted to Cortes, assovereign of the country, for his decision, which they uniformly submittedto. Among the rest, the lordship of Guacacualco and Ozucar became vacant, and the various claimants submitted their claims to the decision of Cortes, who decided in favour of a nephew of the late Montezuma, whose sister hadbeen married to the former cacique of the district. 

All the country around Tlascala and to the eastwards being now reduced tosubjection, an order was issued to bring all the prisoners to a largehouse in the town of Segura, that the fifths belonging to the king andCortes might be deducted, and the rest divided among the troops. Theprisoners consisted of women, boys, and girls, as the men were found toodifficult to keep, and our Tlascalan friends performed every service forus that we could desire, such as carrying our baggage, ammunition, andprovisions, and all other drudgery. The prisoners were confined all night, and the repartition took place next morning. In the first place the king'sfifth was set aside, and then that which belonged to Cortes; but when theshares of the soldiers came to be distributed, there remained only aparcel of old miserable jades, and it was found that some person had beenin the depot during the night, who had taken away all the young andhandsome women. This occasioned much clamour among the soldiers, whoaccused Cortes of injustice, and the soldiers of Narvaez swore no suchthing had ever been heard of in the Spanish dominions as two kings and twofifths. One Juan de Quexo was very loud in his complaints on this occasion, declaring that he would make it known in Spain how we had been abused byCortes, more especially in regard to the gold at Mexico, where only thevalue of 300, 000 crowns appeared at the division, whereas 700, 000 crownsworth were produced at the time of our flight. Many of the soldiers loudlycomplained of having their women taken from them, after they had giventhem clothes and ornaments, saying they had only expected to have paid thefifth of their values to the king, and then that each would have got backhis own. Cortes protested that better regulations should he adopted infuture, and got the affair hushed up with smooth words and fair promises;yet he soon attempted even worse than this. It may be remembered, that, onthe fatal night of our retreat from Mexico, all the treasure was produced, and every soldier was allowed to take as much as he pleased. On thisoccasion, many of the soldiers of Narvaez, and some of our own, loadedthemselves with gold. Cortes now learned that a quantity of gold in barswas in circulation among the troops at La Frontera, who were much engagedin deep play, and forgot the old adage, that riches and amours should beconcealed. He now issued an order for all the gold to be delivered withina given time, under severe penalties for disobedience, and promised toreturn back a third part to all who delivered their gold, but that allshould be forfeited in case of failure or evasion. Many of the soldiersrefused obedience to this arbitrary order, and from some Cortes took theirgold by way of loan, yet rather by force than with their consent. Many ofour captains, and those who had civil offices in the colony, werepossessed of gold, and at length Cortes was glad to quash the order andsay no more about the matter. 

The officers who had come with Narvaez thought the present interval oftranquillity was a favourable opportunity to renew their solicitations forleave to return to Cuba, to which Cortes at length consented, and gavethem one of the best ships in the harbour, which was victualled withsalted dogs, fowls, maize, and other provisions of the country. By thisship, Cortes sent letters to his wife Donna Catalina and her brother JuanSuarez, giving them an account of all that had happened in New Spain, andsent them some bars of gold and Mexican curiosities. The following wereamong the persons who now returned to Cuba, having their pockets welllined after all our disasters. Andres de Duero, Augustin Bermudez, JuanBuono, Bernardino de Quesada, Francisco Velasquez, Gonsalo Carrasco, whoafterwards returned to New Spain, and lives now in La Puebla, MelchiorVelasquez, one Ximenes, who now lives in Guaxaca, and went over at thistime for his sons, the commendator Leon de Cervantes, who went to bringover his daughters, who were very honourably married after the conquest ofMexico; one Maldonado of Medelin, an invalid, a person named Vargas, andCardinas the pilot, he who talked about the two kings, to whom Cortes gavethe three hundred crowns he had formerly promised for his wife anddaughters. We remonstrated with Cortes for allowing so many persons toquit the army, considering how weak we were already, on which he observed, that he did it partly to get rid of their importunities, and partlybecause they were unfit for war, and it was better to have a few goodsoldiers than many bad ones. Alvarado was sent to see these men safelyshipped off, and he sent at this time Diego de Ordas and Alonzo de Mendozato Spain, with instructions of which we were ignorant, except that theywere meant to counteract the malice of the bishop of Burgos, who haddeclared us all traitors. De Ordas executed his commission to good purpose, and got the order of St Jago for himself, and the volcano of Popocatepetladded to his arms. Cortes sent also Alonzo de Avila, contador of New Spain, and Francisco Alvarez, to Hispaniola, to make a report to the court ofroyal audience, and the brothers of the order of Jeronymites, of all thathad taken place, particularly in regard to Narvaez, and supplicating themto represent our faithful services to the emperor, and to support ourinterests against the enmity and misrepresentations of Velasquez and thebishop of Burgos. He sent likewise De Solis to Jamaica to purchase horses. It may be asked how Cortes was able to send agents to Spain, Hispaniola, and Jamaica, without money. But, although many of our soldiers were slainin our flight from Mexico, and much treasure lost in the ditches andcanals of Mexico, yet a considerable quantity of gold was saved, as theeighty loaded Tlascalans were among the first who passed the bridge, andafterwards delivered all their gold to Cortes[3]. But we poor soldiers hadenough ado to preserve our lives, all badly wounded, and did not troubleourselves to inquire what became of the gold, or how much was brought off. It was even rumoured among us, that the share belonging to the garrison ofVilla Rica, the carriers of which had been robbed and murdered, went afterall to Spain, Jamaica, and other places; but as Cortes lined the pocketsof our captains with plenty of gold, all inquiry on this head was stopped. 

It may be wondered how Cortes should send away so valiant a captain asAlonzo de Avila on an affair of negociation, when he had several men ofbusiness in his army who could have been better spared, such as Alonzo deGrado, Juan Carceres _the rich_, and several others. The true reason was, that Avila was too ready to speak out on all occasions to obtain justicefor the soldiers, and therefore Cortes sent him away that he might nolonger be opposed and thwarted in his proceedings; and that he might givehis company to Andres de Tapia, and his office of contador to Alonzo deGrado. 

Having now determined to undertake the siege of Mexico, Cortes left agarrison of twenty men, mostly sick and invalids in Frontera, under thecommand of Juan de Orozco, and marched with the rest of the army into thecountry of Tlascala, where he gave orders to cut down a quantity of timber, with which to construct a number of vessels to command the lake of Mexico. These ships were to be built under the direction of Martin Lopez, anexcellent shipwright, and a valiant soldier, in which he was assisted byAndres Nunez, and old Ramirez, who was lame from a wound. Lopez conductedmatters with great spirit, insomuch that in a very short time he had allthe timber cut down, shaped, and marked out for the vessels, ready to beput together. The iron work, anchors, cables, sails, cordage, and allother necessaries for the vessels were procured from Villa Rica, whenceall the smiths were sent up to the army to give their assistance. As pitchwas unknown among the natives, four sailors were sent to the pine forestsof Huetzotzinco, to obtain a supply of that article, in which theysucceeded. 

On our arrival at Tlascala, we learnt that our good friend and faithfulally Maxicatzin had fallen a sacrifice to the small-pox. Cortes lamentedthe death of this good man as that of a father, and put on mourning out ofrespect to his memory, in which he was imitated by many of our officersand soldiers. As there was some difficulty in regard to the succession, Cortes conferred the vacant dignity on the legitimate son of the deceasedchief, as he had desired a short time before his death, on which occasionhe had strictly enjoined all his family and dependents to persevere intheir alliance with us, as we were undoubtedly destined to rule theircountry according to their ancient traditions. The other chiefs of theTlascalans offered their best services, in providing timber for ourvessels, and engaged to aid us with all their military force inprosecuting the war against Mexico. Cortes accepted their offer with everymark of gratitude and respect; and even prevailed on the elder Xicotencatl, one of their principal caciques, to become a Christian, who wasaccordingly baptised with great ceremony, by the name of Don Lorenzo deVargas. 

Just as we were about to begin our march, intelligence came from VillaRica of the arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, loaded withmilitary stores, horses, and merchandize, and having thirteen soldiers onboard. The owner, who was likewise on board, was one Juan de Burgos, butthe vessel was commanded by Francisco Medel. Cortes sent immediate ordersto purchase the whole cargo, and all the people came up to join us to ourgreat satisfaction. Among these were one Juan del Espinar, afterwards avery rich man, and two others named Sagredo, and Monjaraz a Biscayan, whohad two nephews of the same name in our army. Monjaraz never went upon anyexpedition or engagement along with us, always feigning to be sick, thoughhe omitted no opportunity to boast of his courage. Once, while we werebesieging Mexico, he went up to the top of a high temple, as he said tosee how the natives fought; and by some means which we could never findout, he was killed that day by some of the Indians. Those who had knownhim in Hispaniola, said it was a just judgment, for having procured thedeath of his wife, a beautiful and honourable woman, by means of falsewitnesses. 

All the timber for our vessels being in readiness, and every thingprepared for our expedition against Mexico, it was debated in our councilof war in what place we should establish our head-quarters, in order toprepare our measures for investing that city. Some strongly recommendedAyotcingo as most convenient for that purpose, on account of its canals. Cortes and others preferred Tezcuco, as best adapted for making incursionsinto the Mexican territory, and that place was accordingly fixed upon. Weaccordingly began our march from Tlascala immediately after the junctionof our last reinforcement from Villa Rica, consisting of the soldiers whocame with Medel and De Burgos. 

[1] A long digression is here omitted, in which Diaz severely reprehends the account given by Gomara of this and other transactions in his history of the conquest of Mexico, altogether uninteresting to the English reader. --E. 

[2] Clavigero, II. 132, mentions about this time an expedition against Tochtepec, a considerable town on the river of Papaloapan, in which Salcedo and a detachment of 80 Spaniards were entirely cut off. --E. 

[3] This must have been a very considerable treasure. On one occasion, Clavigero reckons a load of gold at 800 ounces. The eighty Tlascalans might therefore carry off 64, 000 ounces, which at £4 the ounce, is worth £256, 000 Sterling, and of considerably more efficacious value in those days than a million is now. --E. 

SECTION XII. 

_Transactions of Cortes and the Spaniards from their March against Mexico, to the Commencement of the Siege of that City_. 

We began our March from Tlascala on the 26th of December 1520, with thewhole of our Spanish force, and accompanied by ten thousand of ourTlascalan allies[1], and halted that night within the territories of thestate of Tezcuco, the inhabitants of which place supplied us withprovisions. We marched about three leagues on the 27th, when we halted atthe foot of a ridge of mountains, finding the weather extremely cold. Early next day we began to ascend the mountains, the bad roads having beenmade more difficult by the enemy, by means of ditches and felled trees, which were removed by the exertions of our allies. We proceeded with theutmost order and precaution, having an advanced guard of musketeers andcrossbow-men, and our allies cleared the way to enable our cavalry toadvance. After passing the summit of the mountain, we enjoyed the gloriousprospect of the vale of Mexico below, with the lakes, the capital risingout of the waters, and all its numerous towns and cultivated fields; andgave thanks to GOD, who had enabled us again to behold this astonishingscene of riches and population, after passing through so many dangers. Wecould distinctly perceive numerous signals made by smoke in all the townstowards Mexico; and a little farther on, we were resisted by a body of theenemy, who endeavoured to defend a bad pass at a deep water-run, where thewooden bridge had been broken down; but we soon drove them away, andpassed over, as the enemy contented themselves with shooting their arrowsfrom a considerable distance. Our allies pillaged the country as we wentalong, which was contrary to the inclination of our general, but he wasunable to restrain them. From some prisoners whom we had taken at thebroken bridge, we were informed that a large body of the enemy was postedon our line of march, intending to give us battle; but it appearedafterwards that they had separated in consequence of dissentions among thechiefs, and we soon learnt that a civil war actually existed between theMexicans and the state of Tezcuco. The small-pox also raged at this time inthe country, which had a great effect in our favour, by preventing theenemy from being able to assemble their forces. 

Next morning we proceeded on our march for Tezcuco, which was about twoleagues from the place where we had halted for the night; but we had notproceeded far, when one of our patroles brought intelligence that severalIndians were coming towards us bearing signals of peace, and indeed wefound the whole country through which we marched this day in perfecttranquillity. On the arrival of the Indians, we found them to consist ofseven chiefs from Tezcuco, sent as ambassadors by Coanacotzin, the princeof Tezcuco or Acolhuacan. A golden banner was carried before them on along lance, which was lowered on approaching Cortes, to whom theambassadors bowed themselves in token of respect. They then addressed ourgeneral in the name of their prince, inviting us to his city, andrequesting to be received under our protection. They denied having takenany part in the attacks which we had experienced, earnestly entreatingthat no injury might be done to their city by our allies, and presentedtheir golden banner to Cortes, in token of peace and submission. Three ofthese ambassadors were known to most of us, as they were relations ofMontezuma, and had been captains of his guards, when we were formerly atMexico. The ambassadors were assured by Cortes that he would use hisutmost efforts to protect the country, although they must well know thatabove forty Spaniards and two hundred of our allies had been put to deathin passing through their territories when we retreated from Mexico. Cortesadded, that certainly no reparation could now be made for the loss of ourmen, but he expected they would restore the gold and other property whichhad been taken on that occasion. They asserted that the whole blame ofthat transaction was owing to Cuitlahuatzin, the successor of Montezuma, who had received the spoil and sacrificed the prisoners. Cortes found thatvery little satisfaction could be got from them for the past, yet wishingif possible to make them now our friends, he earnestly entreated theTlascalan chiefs to prohibit their warriors from pillaging the country, and his wishes were strictly complied with, except in regard to provisions. After this conference was ended, we proceeded to a village namedGuatinchan or Huexotla, at a small distance from Tezcuco, where we haltedfor the night. 

Next morning, being the 31st December 1520, we marched into Tezcuco, whereneither women or children were to be seen, and even the men had asuspicious appearance, indicating that some mischief was intended againstus. We took up our quarters in some buildings which consisted of largehalls and inclosed courts, and orders were issued that none of thesoldiers were to go out of their quarters, and that all were to be on thealert to guard against surprize. On the soldiers being dismissed to theirrespective quarters, the Captains Alvarado and De Oli, with some soldiers, among whom I was, went up to the top of a lofty temple, from which we hada commanding view, to observe what was going on in the neighbourhood. Wecould see all the people everywhere in motion, carrying off their childrenand effects to the woods and the reedy borders of the lake, and to greatnumbers of canoes. Cortes wished to have secured Coanacotzin, who had sentus the friendly embassy, which now appeared to have been merely a pretextto gain time; but it was found that he and many of the principal personsof Tezcuco had fled to Mexico. We posted strong guards, therefore, inevery direction, and kept ourselves in constant readiness for action. Cortes soon learnt that factions existed in Tezcuco, and that many of thechiefs were adverse to their present prince, and remained in their houses, while those of the opposite faction had withdrawn. Cortes sent for thosechiefs next morning, from whom he learnt, that they considered theirpresent prince, Coanacotzin, as an usurper, he having murdered his elderbrother, Cuicutzcatzin, who had been placed on the throne by Montezuma andCortes, and that Coanacotzin owed his elevation to the favour ofGuatimotzin, the present sovereign of Mexico. They pointed out a youthnamed Ixtlilxochitl as the rightful heir of Acolhuacan, who was broughtimmediately to Cortes, and installed without delay in the government. Cortes prevailed upon him to become a Christian, and had him baptised withgreat solemnity, standing godfather on the occasion, and giving him hisown name, Don Hernando Cortes Ixtlilxochitl; and to retain him in theSpanish interest and in our holy faith, he appointed three Spaniards toattend upon him, Escobar, who was made captain or governor of Tezcuco, Anthonio de Villa Real, and Pedro Sanches Farfan. In the next place, Cortes required the new prince of Tezcuco to supply him with a number oflabourers to open up the canals leading to the lake, on purpose to admitour vessels which were to be put together at Tezcuco. He also informed himof our intentions to besiege Mexico, for which operation the young princeengaged to give all the assistance in his power. The work on the canalswas conducted with all expedition, as we never had less than seven oreight thousand Indians employed[2]. As Guatimotzin, the reigning monarchof Mexico, frequently sent out large bodies of troops in canoes on thelake, apparently with the hope of attacking us unprepared, Cortes usedevery military precaution to guard against any sudden attack, by assigningproper posts to our several captains, with orders to be always on thealert. The people in Huexotla, a town and district only a few miles fromTezcuco, who had been guilty of murdering some of our countrymen on aformer occasion, petitioned Cortes for pardon, and were taken into favouron promise of future fidelity. 

Before his elevation to the throne of Mexico, Guatimotzin had been princeor cacique of Iztapalapa, the people of which place were determinedenemies to us and our allies[3]. We had been now twelve days in Tezcuco, where the presence of so large a force occasioned some scarcity ofprovisions, and even our allies began to grow somewhat impatient of ourinactivity. From all these considerations, Cortes determined upon anexpedition to Iztapalapa, against which place he marched at the head of 13cavalry 220 infantry, and the whole of our Tlascalan allies. Theinhabitants had received a reinforcement of 8000 Mexican warriors, yetthey fell back into the town on our approach, and even fled into theircanoes and the houses which stood in the water, allowing us to occupy thatpart of the town which stood on the firm land. As it was now night, wetook up our quarters for the night and posted our guards, unaware of astratagem which had been planned for our destruction. On a sudden therecame so great a body of water into the streets and houses, that we hadbeen all infallibly drowned if our friends from Tezcuco had not given usinstant notice of our danger. The enemy had cut the banks of the canals, and a causeway also, by which means the place was laid almost instantlyunder water. We escaped with some difficulty, two only of our allies beingdrowned; but all our powder was destroyed, and we passed a veryuncomfortable night, without food, and all wet and very cold; and werevery much provoked at the laughter and taunts of the Mexicans from thelake. At daybreak, large bodies of Indians crossed over from Mexico andattacked us with such violence, that they killed two of our soldiers andone horse, and wounded many of us, and were repelled with much difficulty. Our allies also suffered considerable loss on this occasion; but the enemywere at last repulsed, and we returned to Tezcuco very little satisfiedwith the fame or profit of this fruitless expedition. Two days after ourretreat from Iztapalapa, the inhabitants of these neighbouring districts, Tepetezcuco, Obtumba or Otompan, and some others in that quarter, sent tosolicit pardon for the hostilities they had formerly committed against us, alleging in excuse that they had acted by the orders of their sovereignCuitlahuatzin, the immediate successor of Montezuma. Cortes, knowing thathe was not in a situation to chastise them, granted them pardon on promiseof future obedience. The inhabitants also of a place which we namedVenezuela, or Little Venice, because built in the water, who had beenalways at variance with the Mexicans, now solicited our alliance, andengaged to bring over their neighbours to our party. This circumstance wasof much importance to our views, from the situation of that place on thelake facilitating our future operations, especially those of our navalforce. 

We soon afterwards received intelligence, that large bodies of Mexicantroops had attacked the districts which were in alliance with us, by whichthe inhabitants were compelled to fly into the woods for shelter, or totake refuge in our quarters. Cortes went out with twenty of our cavalryand two hundred infantry, having Alvarado and De Oli along with him, todrive in the Mexicans. The real cause of contention on the presentoccasion was concerning the crop of maize growing on the borders of thelake, which was now fit to reap, and from which the natives had been inuse to supply our wants, whereas it was claimed by the Mexicans, asbelonging to the priests of their city. Cortes desired the natives toinform him when they proposed to cut down this corn, and sent upwards of ahundred of our men and a large body of our allies to protect the reapers. I was twice on that duty, and on one of these occasions, the Mexicans cameover to attack us in above a thousand canoes, and endeavoured to drive usfrom the maize fields; but we and our allies drove them back to theirboats, though they fought with great resolution, killed one of oursoldiers and wounded a considerable number. In this skirmish, twenty ofthe enemy were left dead on the field, and we took live prisoners. 

Chalco and Tlalmanalco were two places of material importance to us atthis time, as they lay in the direct road between Tlascala and ourhead-quarters at Tezcuco, but both of them were garrisoned by Mexicantroops; and though Cortes was at this time solicited by several importantdistricts to enable them to throw off the yoke of Mexico, he considered itas of the first necessity to dislodge the Mexicans from these two towns, on purpose to open a secure communication with our allies, and to coverthe transport of our ship timber from Tlascala. He sent therefore a strongdetachment of fifteen horse and two hundred infantry under Sandoval and DeLugo, with orders to drive the Mexicans from that part of the country, andto open a clear communication with Villa Rica. During the march, Sandovalplaced ten of his men as a rear guard, to protect a considerable number ofour allies who were returning home to Tlascala loaded with plunder. TheMexicans fell upon this weak rear-guard by surprise during the march, killing two of our men and wounding all the rest; and though Sandoval madeall the haste he could to their rescue, the Mexicans escaped on boardtheir canoes with very little loss. He now placed the Tlascalans insecurity, by escorting them beyond the Mexican garrisons, and sent forwardthe letter of our general to the commandant of Villa Rica, by which he wasenjoined to send what reinforcements he could possibly spare to Tlascala, there to wait until they were quite certain that the road from thence toTezcuco was clear. Sandoval, after seeing the Tlascalans safe upon theirjourney, returned towards Chalco, sending word secretly to the inhabitants, who were very impatient under the Mexican yoke, to be in readiness to joinhim. He was attacked on his march through a plain covered with maize and_maguey_, by a strong body of Mexican troops, who wounded several of hismen; but they were soon repulsed and pursued to a considerable distance bythe cavalry. Sandoval now prosecuted his march to Chalco, where he foundthe cacique of that place had recently died of the small-pox, havingrecommended his two sons on his deathbed to the protection of Cortes, ashe was convinced we were the bearded men who, according to their ancientprophecy, were to come from the eastern countries to rule over this land, and had therefore commanded his sons to receive the investiture of theirstate from the hands of Cortes. Sandoval set out therefore for Tezcuconext day, talking along with him the two young lords of Chalco, and manyof the nobles of that place, carrying a present of golden ornaments to ourgeneral worth about 200, 000 crowns. Cortes accordingly received the youngprinces of Chalco with great distinction, and divided their fathersterritories between them; giving the city of Chalco and the largest shareof the district to the elder brother, and Tlalmanalco, Aytocinco, andChimalhuacan to the younger. 

About this time, Cortes sent a message to Guatimotzin, the reigningsovereign of Mexico, by means of some prisoners whom he enlarged for thispurpose, inviting him in the most conciliatory terms to enter into atreaty of peace and friendship; but Guatimotzin refused to listen to anyterms of accommodation, and continued to carry on the most determined andunceasing hostility against us. Frequent and loud complaints were made byour allies of Huexotla and Coatlichan of the incursions made upon theirterritories in the neighbourhood of the lake by the enemy, on the oldquarrel about the fields which had been appropriated for the priests whoserved in the temples of Mexico. In consequence of these hostilities sonear our head-quarters, Cortes went with a strong detachment, with whichhe came up with the enemy about two leagues from Tezcuco, and gave them socomplete a defeat, that they never ventured to shew themselves there anymore. It was now resolved to bring the timber which had been prepared inTlascala for constructing our naval force on the lake of Mexico; for whichpurpose Sandoval was sent with a force of 200 infantry, including 20musketeers and crossbow-men, and 15 cavalry, to serve as an escort. He waslikewise ordered to conduct the chiefs of Chalco to their own district;and before they set out, Cortes effected a reconciliation between theTlascalans and the inhabitants of Chalco, who had been long at variance. He gave orders likewise to Sandoval, after leaving the chiefs of Chalco intheir own city, to inflict exemplary punishment on the inhabitants of aplace which we call _Puebla Moresca_, who had robbed and murdered fortyof our men who were marching from Vera Cruz to Mexico, at the time when wewent to relieve Alvarado. These people had not been more guilty than thoseof Tezcuco, who indeed were the leaders in that affair, but they could bemore conveniently chastised. The place was given up to military execution, though not more than three or four were put to death, as Sandoval hadcompassion upon them. Some of the principal inhabitants were madeprisoners; who assured Sandoval that the Spaniards were fallen upon by thetroops of Mexico and Tezcuco in a narrow pass, where they could only marchin single file, and that it was done in revenge for the death ofCacamatzin. 

In the temples at this place, our men found the walls and idols smearedwith the blood of our countrymen, and the skins of two of their faces withtheir beards on were found hung upon the altars, having been dressed likeleather. The skins also of four of our horses were found hung up astrophies; and they saw written on a piece of marble in the wall of one ofthe houses: "Here the unfortunate Juan Yuste and many of his companionswere made prisoners. " Yuste was one of the gentlemen who came over withNarvaez and had served in the cavalry. These melancholy remains filledSandoval and his men with grief and rage; but there were no objects onwhich to wreak their vengeance, as all the men were fled, and noneremained but women and children, who deprecated their anger in the mostmoving terms. Sandoval therefore granted them pardon, and sent them tobring back their husbands and fathers, with a promise of forgiveness oncondition of submission and future obedience. On questioning them aboutthe gold they had taken from our people, they assured him it had all beenclaimed by the Mexicans[4]. 

Sandoval continued his route towards Tlascala, near which he was met by avast body of Indians commanded by Chichimecatl, accompanied by MartinLopez, and employed in transporting the ship timber. Eight thousand mencarried the timber all ready shaped for our thirteen vessels, with thesails, cordage, and all other materials. Eight thousand warriors attendedin arms to protect the bearers of the timber; and two thousand carriedprovisions for the whole[5]. Several Spaniards joined us along with thisescort, and two other principal chiefs of the Tlascalans, Ayotecatle andTeotlipil. During the march, only some small bodies of the enemy appeared, and these always at a distance; but it was deemed necessary to use theutmost vigilance, to avoid the danger of a surprise, considering the greatlength of the line of march[6]. Sandoval accordingly sent a strongdetachment of Spanish troops as an advanced guard, and posted others onthe flanks; while he remained with the rear guard which he assigned to theTlascalans. This arrangement gave great offence to Chichimecatl; but hewas reconciled to this post, on being told that the Mexicans would mostprobably attack the rear, which was therefore the post of honour, becauseof more danger. In two days more, the whole escort arrived in safety atTezcuco; the allies being all dressed out in their gayest habits, withgreat plumes of feathers, and splendid banners, sounding their horns andtrumpets, and beating their drums, as in triumph for the expected fall ofMexico. They continued marching into Tezcuco for half a day, amidcontinual shouts of "Castilla! Castilla! Tlascala! Tlascala! Long live theemperor Don Carlos!" Our timber was now laid down at the docks which hadbeen prepared for this purpose; and, by the exertion of Martin Lopez, thehulls of our thirteen brigantines were very soon completed; but we wereobliged to keep a very careful guard, as the Mexicans sent frequentparties to endeavour to set them on fire. 

The Tlascalan chiefs were very anxious to be employed on some enterprizeagainst their ancient enemies the Mexicans, and Cortes resolved to indulgethem by an expedition against Xaltocan, a town situated on an island of alake to the northward of the great lake of Mexico or Tezcuco, which is nowcalled the lake of St Christopher. Leaving therefore the charge of theimportant post of Tezcuco with Sandoval, who was enjoined to use theutmost vigilance, and giving orders to Martin Lopez to have the vesselsall ready for launching in fifteen days, he set out on the expeditionagainst Xaltocan with 250 Spanish infantry, 30 cavalry, the whole force ofthe Tlascalans, and a body of warriors belonging to Tezcuco[7]. Onapproaching Xaltocan, our army was met by some large bodies of Mexicantroops, whom the cavalry soon dispersed and drove into the woods. Thetroops halted for the night in some villages in a very populous country, and were obliged to keep on the alert, as it was known that the enemy hada strong force in Xaltocan, to which place a strong body of Mexicans hadbeen sent in large canoes, and were now concealed among the deep canals inthat neighbourhood. Next morning, on resuming their march, our troops wereexceedingly harassed by the enemy, and several of them wounded, as ourcavalry had no opportunity to charge them, the ground being muchintersected by canals. The only causeway which led from the land to thetown had been laid under water, so that our troops could not approach, andour musquetry had little or no effect against the enemy in the canoes, asthey were defended by strong screens of timber. Our people began todespair of success, when some of the natives of Tezcuco pointed out aford with which they were acquainted, by which our people were enabled, under their guidance, to make their way to the causeway leading into thetown leaving Cortes and the cavalry on the main land. Our infantry forcedtheir way into the town, where they made a considerable slaughter of theMexicans, driving the remainder of them and many of the inhabitants of thetown to take shelter in their canoes. They then returned to Cortes, bringing with them a considerable booty in gold, slaves, and mantles, having only lost one soldier in this exploit. Next day, Cortes marchedthrough a thickly peopled and well cultivated country against a large townnamed Quauhtitlan, which we found deserted, and in which we halted for thenight. On the ensuing day, we marched to another large town calledTenayoecan, but which we named _Villa de Serpe_, or the Town of Serpents, on account of some enormous figures of these animals which were found inthe temples, and which these people worshipped as gods. This place waslikewise deserted by the inhabitants, who had withdrawn with their effectsinto places of safety. From thence we marched to Escapuzalco, or the townof the goldsmiths, which was also deserted, and thence to Tacuba orTlacopan, to which our troops had to cut their way through considerablebodies of the enemy. Our troops halted here for the night, and wereassailed next morning by several successive bodies of the enemy, who hadformed a plan to draw us into an ambuscade, by pretending to take flightalong the fatal causeway of Tacuba, where we had suffered so much on ourretreat from Mexico. This partly succeeded, as Cortes and his troopspursued them along the causeway across one of the bridges, and wereimmediately surrounded by prodigious numbers of the enemy, some on theland and others in canoes on the water. Cortes soon perceived his mistake, and ordered a retreat, which was made with the utmost firmness andregularity, our men constantly keeping a-front to the enemy and givingground inch by inch, continually fighting. In the confusion of thissurprise, Juan Volante, who carried the colours, fell from the bridge intothe lake, and the Mexicans were even dragging him away to their canoes;yet he escaped from them and brought away his colours. In this unfortunateaffair, five of our soldiers were slain, and a great many wounded. Corteshalted for five days at Tacuba[8], during which there were many skirmisheswith the enemy, and then marched back to Tezcuco, the Mexicans continuingto harass him by frequent attacks; but having drawn them on one occasioninto an ambuscade, in which they were defeated with considerable slaughter, they desisted from any farther attack. On arriving at our head-quarters inTezcuco, the Tlascalans, who had enriched themselves with plunder duringthe expedition, solicited permission to go home that they might securetheir acquisitions in their own country, which Cortes readily consented to. 

During four days after our return from this expedition, the Indians ofseveral neighbouring districts came in with presents and offers ofsubmission. Although Cortes was well aware that they had been concerned inthe murder of our men after the retreat from Mexico, he received them allvery graciously, and dismissed them with promises of protection. Aboutthis time likewise, several nations who had joined with us in alliancemade strong representations of the outrages which had been committed uponthem by the Mexicans, of which they produced paintings in their manner, and earnestly entreated succour. But Cortes could not grant them therequired assistance, as our army, besides having suffered loss by severalbeing killed and many wounded during the late hostilities, was now grownvery unhealthy. He gave them, however, fair promises, but advised them torely more upon their own exertions and the assistance of our other allies, for which purpose he issued orders to all the districts in our alliance toassemble in arms against the common enemy. They accordingly collectedtheir forces, and came to action in the field with the Mexicans, andexerted themselves with so much vigour that they gained the victory. Theprovince of Chalco was however an object of principal importance to us, asthe possession of that country was essentially necessary to preserve ourcommunication with Tlascala and Villa Rica, and being likewise a fertilecorn country, contributed largely to the subsistence of our army. As itwas much harassed by the enemy, Cortes sent Sandoval with a detachment ofabout 250 of our troops, cavalry and infantry, to clear it of the Mexicans, and accompanied by a body of warriors from Tezcuco and such of ourTlascalan allies as still remained with our army. Sandoval set out fromTezcuco on the 12th of March 1521, and arrived next morning at Tlalmanalco, where he learnt that the Mexican forces were posted at a large town calledGuaztepeque or Huaxtepec. Being now joined by the warriors of Chalco, Sandoval halted for the night at the town of Chimalcan; and next morninggave orders to his musketeers and crossbow-men to attack the enemy, whowere posted in strong ground; the troops who were armed with swords andtargets, were formed into a compact body of reserve; and the cavalry, being formed in small bodies of three each, were directed to charge assoon as the firing had made an impression on the enemy. While advancing inthis order, Sandoval perceived the Mexican forces drawn up in three largecolumns or dense battalions, and thought proper to change his originalplan, and to endeavour to break through them by a cavalry charge. Placinghimself, therefore, at the head of the cavalry, he immediately proceededto the charge, exclaiming, "St Jago! fall on, comrades!" The main body ofthe enemy was partly broken by this charge, but immediately closed againand stood firm; and the nature of the ground was so much in favour of theMexicans, that Sandoval found it necessary to endeavour to drive them fromtheir post in the manner first proposed, into the open ground in the rear. For this purpose he made the musketeers and crossbow-men attack the enemyin front, and those armed with swords and targets to turn their flanks, ordering also the allies to come forward to the attack, and directed thecavalry to be ready to charge at an appointed signal. Our troops at lengthforced them to retreat, but they immediately occupied another strongposition in their rear, so that Sandoval and the cavalry were unable tomake any considerable impression upon them. In one of the charges in thisdifficult broken ground, the horse of Gonzalo Dominguez fell with him, andhe was so much injured that he died in a few days afterwards: His loss wasmuch regretted by the army, as he was esteemed as brave as either Sandovalor De Oli. Our army broke the enemy a second time, and pursued them to thetown, where they were suddenly opposed by not less than 15, 000 freshwarriors, who endeavoured to surround our troops: But Sandoval caused themto be attacked on both flanks, when they fled towards the town, endeavouring however to make a stand behind some recently constructedworks; but our troops followed them up so vigorously that they had no timeto rally, and were constrained to take shelter in the town. As his troopswere much fatigued, and had got hold of a good supply of provisions, Sandoval thought proper to allow them some repose, and they began toprepare their victuals, in which they were soon interrupted by an alarm ofthe enemy approaching. They were ready for action in a moment, andadvanced to meet the enemy, fortunately in an open place; where, after asmart action, the enemy were constrained to retreat behind their works;but Sandoval pushed on the advantage with so much impetuosity, that hesoon drove them from their works, and compelled them to evacuate the townwith the utmost precipitation. 

Sandoval took up his quarters in a very extensive and magnificent garden, which contained a number of large handsome buildings, and many admirableconveniencies fit for the residence of a great prince; but our soldiershad not then time to examine all its beauties, as it was more than aquarter of a league in length. I was not in this expedition, beingconfined under cure of a bad wound in my throat, which I received by alance in the affair at Iztapalapa, and of which I still carry the marks;but I saw this fine garden about twenty days afterwards, when Iaccompanied Cortes to this place. Not being on this expedition, I do notin my narrative say _we_ and _us_ on this occasion, but _they_ and _them_;yet every thing I relate is perfectly true, as all the transactions ofevery enterprize were regularly reported at headquarters. Sandoval nowsummoned all the neighbouring districts to submit, but to little purpose, as the people of Acapistlan or Jacapichtla answered by a defiance. Thisgave much uneasiness to our allies of Chalco, as they were assured theMexicans would immediately attack them again on the Spaniards returning toTezcuco. Sandoval was rather averse from engaging in any new enterprize, as a great number of his men were wounded, and the soldiers of Narvaezdisliked risks of every kind; but our allies of Chalco were anxious toreduce that place, and were strongly supported in this opinion by LuisMarin, a wise and valiant officer; and as the distance was only twoleagues, Sandoval acquiesced. On his advance, the enemy assailed him withtheir missile weapons, and then retired to their strong post in the town. Our allies were not very much disposed to attack the works, in which theSpaniards shewed them the way, some even of the cavalry dismounting tofight on foot, and leaving the rest in the plain to protect the rear. Ourpeople at length carried the place, but had a good many wounded in theassault, even Sandoval himself. Though our allies were rather tardy in theassault, they made up for it after the place was carried, saving theSpaniards the trouble of putting the enemy to death; and indeed we oftenblamed the ferocious cruelty of our allies, from whom we saved many of ourIndian enemies. At this time indeed, our countrymen thought themselvesbetter employed in searching for gold and taking good female prisoners, than in butchering a parcel of poor wretches who no longer attempted anydefence. 

Sandoval returned to Tezcuco with many slaves and considerable plunder, and just as he arrived at head-quarters, even before he had time to make areport to Cortes of the success of his late expedition, an express arrivedfrom Chalco with information that they were in a more perilous situationthan before. Guatimotzin was enraged at the defection of the inhabitantsof Chalco, and determined to inflict upon them the most exemplarychastisement. For this purpose, he sent a force of 20, 000 Mexican warriorsacross the lake in 2000 canoes, with orders to lay waste the wholedistrict with fire and sword. On the communication of this intelligence toCortes, he was exceedingly enraged at Sandoval, believing that this hadbeen occasioned by his negligence, and he gave him orders to returninstantly to the defence of Chalco, refusing even to hear his relation ofwhat he had already done. Sandoval was much hurt at this treatment, yetwent back to Chalco with all possible expedition; but found the businessover before his arrival, as the inhabitants of that province, havingsummoned their neighbours to their aid, had already repelled the Mexicaninvasion, and Sandoval had only to return to head-quarters with theprisoners. 

At this period a proclamation was issued, by which all the soldiers wereordered to bring in the Indian prisoners to be branded, and to pay forthem the royal dues. I have already mentioned the treatment we formerlymet with at Tepeaca on a similar occasion, but we were worse used now atTezcuco if possible. In the first place a fifth was taken away for theking; then another fifth for Cortes; and, what was still worse, most ofthe good female slaves were abstracted during the night. We had beenpromised that all the slaves should be rated according to their value; butthe officers of the crown valued them as they thought proper, and at amost exorbitant rate. In consequence of this, the poor soldiers for thefuture passed their slaves as servants, denying that they were prisonersof war, to avoid the heavy duty; and such as were in favour with Cortes, often got their slaves marked privately, paying him the composition. Manyof the slaves who happened to fall to bad masters, or such as had a badreputation, used to run away; but their owners always remained debtors fortheir estimated value in the royal books, so that many were more in debton this account than all the value of their share in the prize gold couldpay for. About this time likewise, a ship arrived at Villa Rica from Spainwith arms and gunpowder, in which came Julian de Alderete, who was sentout as royal treasurer. In the same vessel came the elder Orduna, whobrought out five daughters after the conquest, all of whom were honourablymarried. Fra Melgarejo de Urrea, also, a Franciscan friar, came in thisvessel, bringing a number of papal bulls, to quiet our consciences fromany guilt we might have incurred during our warfare: He made a fortune ofthese in a few months, and returned to Spain. Several other persons cameby this vessel, among whom were, Antonio Caravajal, who still lives inMexico, though now very old; Geronimo Ruyz de la Mora; one Briones who washanged about four years afterwards for sedition at Guatimala; and AlonzoDiaz, who now resides in Valladolid. We learned by this ship, withinfinite satisfaction, that the bishop of Burgos had been deprived of allpower over the affairs of the West Indies, as his majesty had been muchdispleased with his conduct in regard to our expedition, after havingreceived a true account of our eminent services. 

Scarcely were we apprised of the success of the inhabitants of Chalco andtheir confederates, when a new urgent message arrived from Chalco forassistance against a fresh invasion of the Mexicans. The brigantinesintended for securing the command of the lake were now ready to launch, and we were all anxious to commence the siege of Mexico, yet Cortes wassensible of the importance of Chalco to the success of our ultimateoperations, and determined to march in person to its support. Leaving thecommand in Tezcuco to Sandoval, Cortes marched for Chalco on Friday the5th of April 1521, at the head of 300 infantry, including twentycrossbow-men, and fifteen musketeers, with thirty cavalry, and a largebody of the auxiliaries of Tezcuco and Tlascala, meaning to clear thedistrict of Chalco and the environs of the lake from the Mexicans. In thisexpedition, our general was accompanied by the treasurer Alderete, Melgarejo the Franciscan friar, with the captains Alvarado de Oli, andTapia, and I also was on this expedition. We halted during the first nightat Tlalmanalco, and reached Chalco next day, when Cortes convened all thechiefs of that state, to whom he communicated his intention of proceedingvery soon to attack Mexico, in which they engaged to give him all theassistance in their power. We continued our march next day to Chimalhuecanor Chimalacoan, a town in the province of Chalco, where above twentythousand warriors had assembled to join us, belonging to our allies ofChalco, Guaxocingo, Tlascala, Tezcuco, and other places, being the largestbody of our allies that I had hitherto seen together. These were attractedby the hope of plunder, and by a voracious appetite for human flesh, justas the vultures and other birds of prey follow our armies in Italy, inorder to feast on dead bodies after a battle. 

At this place we were informed that the Mexican forces, and their alliesor subjects in that neighbourhood, were in the field to oppose us. Cortestherefore issued orders to the army to be always ready for action at amoments warning, and we proceeded on our march next morning early, afterhearing mass, our route lying between two ridges of rocks, the summits ofwhich were fortified and filled with large bodies of the enemy[9], whoendeavoured by outcries and reproaches to incite us to attack them. But wepursued our march to Guaztepeque or Huaxtepec, a large town on thesouthern declivity of the mountains, which we found abandoned. Beyond thisplace we came to a plain in which water was very scarce, on one side ofwhich was a lofty rock having a fortress on the summit which was filledwith troops, who saluted us on our approach with showers of arrows andstones, by which three of our soldiers were wounded at the first discharge. Cortes ordered us to halt, and sent a party of cavalry to reconnoitre therock, who reported on their return that the side where we then were seemedthe most accessible. We were then ordered to the attack, Corral precedingus with the colours, and Cortes remained on the plain with our cavalry toprotect the rear. On ascending the mountain, the Indians threw down greatfragments of rock, which rolled among us and rebounded over our heads in amost frightful manner, so that it was wonderful how any of us escaped. This was a most injudicious attack, and very unlike the usual prudence ofour general. One soldier, named Martin Valenciano, though defended by ahelmet, was killed at my side. As we continued to ascend, three moresoldiers, Gaspar Sanches, one named Bravo, and Alonzo Rodriguez, wereslain, and two others knocked down, most of the rest being wounded, yet wecontinued to ascend. I was then young and active, and followed closebehind our ensign, taking advantage of any hollows in the rock for shelter. Corral was wounded in the head, having his face all covered with blood, and the colours he bore were all torn to rags. "Senor Diaz, " said he to me, "let us remain under cover, for it is impossible to advance, and it is allI can do to keep my hold. " On looking down, I noticed Pedro Barba thecaptain of our crossbows climbing up with two soldiers, and takingadvantage as we had done of the concavities of the rock. I called to himnot to advance, as it was impossible to climb much farther, and utterlyout of our power to gain the summit. He replied in lofty terms, to keepsilence and proceed; on which I exerted myself and got a good way higher, saying we should see what he would do. At this moment a shower of largefragments of rocks came tumbling down, by which one of the soldiers alongwith Barba was crushed to death, after which he did not stir a stephigher. Corral now called out to those below, desiring them to report tothe general that it was utterly impossible to advance, and that evenretreat was infinitely dangerous. On learning this, and being informedthat most of us were wounded and many killed, as he could not see us onaccount of the inequalities of the rock, Cortes recalled us by signal, andwe came back in a very bloody and bruised condition, eight of our partyhaving been slain. Three even of the cavalry were killed on the plain andseven wounded, by the masses of rock, which rebounded to a great distanceafter their descent from so great a height. 

Numerous bodies of Mexicans were lying in wait for us, intending to haveattacked us while engaged in the ascent, and now advanced towards us inthe plain; but we soon drove them before us, on which they took shelteramong some other rocky ridges. We pursued them through some narrow passesamong the rocks, and found they had taken shelter in another very strongfortress, similar to that from which we had been repulsed. We desisted forthe present, and returned to our former post in search of water, our menand horses having been unable to procure any during the whole of this day. We found some appearance of springs at the foot of the rock, but they hadbeen drawn dry by the great numbers of the enemy, and nothing remained butmud. Being under the necessity of endeavouring to procure water, wereturned again to the second fortress, which was about a league and a halffrom the first, where we found a small village with a grove of mulberrytrees, in which we discovered a very scanty spring. The people abovedischarged their missile weapons on our approach, seeming to be much morenumerous than in the former place, and they were so situated that no shotfrom us could reach them. For some way up the rock, there were evidentpaths, but it seemed to present insurmountable difficulties against anyattack. Fortunately for us there was another rock which commanded that onwhich the enemy were posted, and within shot, to which all our fire-armsand crossbows were detached, and the rest of our infantry proceeded toclimb up the garrisoned rock slowly and with infinite difficulty. Theenemy might easily have destroyed us by rolling down fragments of rocks onour heads, but their attention was called off from their main defence byour missiles, though rather at too great distance to produce much effect;yet having killed several of the enemy, they lost heart and offered tosubmit. On this, Cortes ordered five of their chiefs to come down, andoffered to pardon them for their hostile resistance, on condition thatthey should induce those in the other fortress to surrender, which theyaccordingly engaged for. Cortes then sent the captains Xaramillo and deIrcio, with the ensign Corral and a party of men, among whom I was, toascend the rock which had surrendered, giving us orders not to touch agrain of maize. I considered this as full permission to do ourselves allthe good in our power. We found this fortress to consist of an extensiveplain on the summit of a perpendicular rock, the entrance to which did notexceed twice the size of the mouth of an oven. The whole plain was full ofmen, women, and children, but they had not a drop of water. Twenty oftheir warriors had been slain by our shot, and a great many wounded. Alltheir property was packed up in bales, among which there was aconsiderable quantity of tribute, which had been collected on purpose tobe sent to Mexico. I had brought four of my Indian servants along with me, whom I began to load, and four of the natives whom I engaged in my service;but Captain De Ircio ordered me to desist, or he would report me to thegeneral, putting me in mind that Cortes had forbidden us to touch a grainof maize. I answered that I had distinctly heard the orders about themaize, and for that reason I took the bales. But he would not allow me tocarry any thing away, and reported me on our return to Cortes, expecting Ishould receive a reprimand; Cortes, however, observed that he was sorry Ihad not got the plunder, as the dogs would laugh at us and keep theirproperty, after all the evil they had done us. De Ircio then proposed toreturn; but Cortes said it was not now time. The chiefs now returned fromthe other fortress, having induced its garrison to submit; and we returnedto Huaxtepec that we might procure water. Our whole force was lodged forthe night in the buildings belonging to the noble garden which I formerlymentioned, and I certainly never saw one of such beauty and magnificence. Our general and others who walked over all its extent, declared that itwas most admirably disposed, and equalled the most magnificent they hadever seen in Spain. 

We marched next day towards the city of Cuernabaca or Quauhnahuac. TheMexicans who occupied that place came out to fight us, but were soondefeated and pursued to Teputztlan or Tepatlan, which we took by storm, and made a considerable booty of Indian women and other spoils. Cortessummoned the chiefs of this place to come in and submit; and on theirrefusal, and on-purpose to impress the inhabitants of other places withterror, he ordered about the half of this town to be set on fire. At thistime, the chiefs of a town called Yauhtepec came to Cortes and made theirsubmission. Next day, we returned to Cuernabaca, which is a large town ina very strong situation, being defended by a deep ravine with a smallrivulet, which precludes all access except by two bridges, which theinhabitants had broken down on our approach. Cortes was informed of a fordabout half a league above the town which was practicable for the cavalry, to which he marched, by which the main strength of the enemy was drawn offto oppose him. We of the infantry searched for means to pass the ravine, and at length discovered a very dangerous pass by means of some treeswhich hung over from both sides, by the help of which about thirty of usand a considerable number of our Tlascalan allies got across. Three fellinto the ravine, one of whom broke his leg. It was a most terrifyingpassage, and at one time I was quite blind with giddiness. Having got overand formed, we fell unexpectedly on the flank and rear of the enemy, andbeing now joined by a party of the cavalry, we soon drove the enemy fromthe field into the neighbouring woods and rocks. We found considerableproperty in the town, and we were here all lodged in the buildings of alarge garden belonging to the cacique of the district. A deputation oftwenty of the chiefs of the Tlahuican nation now waited on Cortes, offering to submit their whole country to his authority, and threw all theblame of their hostilities on the Mexicans. 

The object of our next march was against Xochimilco, a large city on thefresh water lake of Chalco, in which most of the houses are built. As itwas late before we left Quauhnahuac, and the weather was exceedinglysultry, our troops suffered excessively for want of water, which was notto be procured on our route. Many of our allies fainted, and one of them, and also one of our soldiers died of thirst. Seeing the distress of thearmy, Cortes ordered a halt in a pine forest, and sent forwards a party insearch of relief. As I saw my friend De Oli about to set off, I took threeof my Indian servants and followed the party, who endeavoured to persuademe to return; but I was resolute, and De Oli at length consented, tellingme I should have to fight my way. At the distance of about half a leagueour cavalry came to some villages on the side of a ridge of mountains, where they found water in the houses, and one of my servants brought me alarge jar full of water. Having quenched my thirst, I now determined toreturn, as the natives had taken the alarm, and were gathering to attackus. I found Cortes just about to resume the march, and gave him and theofficers, who were with him a hearty draught from my jar. The whole armynow moved forward to the villages, where a scanty supply of water wasprocured. It was now near sunset, and the cavalry came in with a reportthat the whole country had risen against us, on which account we haltedhere for the night, which was very rainy with much wind, as I wellremember, being on the night guard. Several of our soldiers were taken illhere with inflammation of their mouth and throat, owing to their havingeaten a species of artichoke to quench their thirst. 

We resumed our march early next morning, and arrived about eight o'clockat Xochimilco[10]. I can give no idea of the prodigious force of the enemywhich was collected at this place to oppose us. They had broken down thebridges, and fortified themselves with many parapets and pallisades, andmany of their chiefs were armed with the swords which we lost during ourflight from Mexico, which they had polished very nicely. The attack at thebridge lasted above half an hour, several of our people getting across byswimming, in which attempt some were drowned, and we were assailed at oncein front and rear and on both flanks. At length our cavalry got on firmground, after losing several men, and we drove the enemy before us; butjust at this time a fresh reinforcement of at least 10, 000 Mexicansarrived, and received the charge of the cavalry with great intrepidity, and wounded four of our men. At this moment the good chesnut horse onwhich Cortes rode fell under him among a crowd of the enemy, who knockedhim down, and great numbers gathering around were carrying him off, when abody of our Tlascalan allies came up to his rescue, headed by the valiantDe Oli, and remounted him, after he had been severely wounded in the head. De Oli also received three desperate sword wounds from the enemy. As allthe streets of the town were full of Mexican warriors, we had to divideinto a number of separate bodies in order to fight them; but we who werenearest the place in which our general was in such danger, being alarmedby the uncommon noise and outcry, hurried there, where they found him andabout fifteen of the cavalry in a very embarrassing situation, amidparapets and canals where the horse had no freedom to act. We immediatelyattacked the enemy, whom we forced to give ground, and brought off Cortesand De Oli. On first passing at the bridge, Cortes had ordered the cavalryto act in two divisions on purpose to clear our flanks: They returned atthis time all wounded, and reported that the enemy were so numerous anddesperate, that all their efforts wore unavailing to drive them away. Atthe time the cavalry came in, we were in an enclosed court, dressing ourwounds with rags and burnt oil; and the enemy sent in such showers ofarrows among us that hardly any escaped being wounded. We all now salliedout upon the enemy, both cavalry and infantry, and made considerable havocamong them with our swords, so that we drove them away and they gave overtheir attempt to storm our post. Having now some relaxation, Cortesbrought our whole force to the large enclosures in which the temples weresituated; and on some of us ascending to the top of one of the temples, where we had a commanding view of Mexico and the lake, we perceived abouttwo thousand canoes full of troops coming to attack us. A body of tenthousand men were likewise seen in full march by land for the same purpose, and the enemy had already fully that number in and about the town. Welearned from five chiefs whom we had made prisoners, that this immenseforce was destined to assault our quarters that night; for which reasonstrong guards were posted at all the places where the enemy were expectedto disembark; the cavalry were held in readiness to charge upon them onthe roads and firm ground; and constant patroles were kept going aboutduring the night. I was posted along with ten other soldiers to keep guardat a stone and lime wall which commanded one of the landing-places, andwhile there we heard a noise occasioned by the approach of a party of theenemy, whom we beat off, sending a report to Cortes by one of our number. The enemy made a second attempt, in which they knocked down two of our men;but being again repulsed, they made an attempt to land at a differentplace, where there was a small gate communicating with a deep canal. Thenight was extremely dark, and as the natives were not accustomed to fightin the night time, their troops fell into confusion; and instead of makingtheir attack in two opposite places at the same time, they formed in onebody of at least 15, 000 men. 

When our report reached Cortes, he came to us attended by nine or ten ofthe cavalry, and as he did not answer my challenge, I and my comradeGonzalo Sanchez, a Portuguese from Algarve, fired three or four shots atthem; on which knowing our voices, Cortes observed to his escort, thatthis post did not require to be inspected, as it was in charge of two ofhis veterans. He then observed that our post was a dangerous one, andcontinued his rounds without saying any more. I was afterwards told thatone of the soldiers of Narvaez was whipped this very night for negligenceon his post. As our powder was all expended, we were ordered to prepare agood supply of arrows for the crossbows, and were employed all the rest ofthe night in heading and feathering these, under the direction of PedroBarba, who was captain of the crossbow-men. At break of day the enemy madea fresh attack and killed one Spaniard, but we drove them back, killingseveral of their chiefs, and took a great many prisoners. Our cavalry hadbeen ordered out to charge the Mexicans, but finding them in great force, they sent back for assistance. The whole of our army now sallied forth andcompletely defeated the enemy, from whom we took several prisoners. Fromthese men, we learned that the Mexicans intended to weary us out byreiterated attacks, on which account it was resolved to evacuate the placenext day. In the mean time, having information that the town containedmuch wealth, we got some of the prisoners to point out the houses in whichit was contained, which stood in the water of the fresh water lake, andcould only be approached by small bridges over the canals, leading from acauseway. A considerable number both of our men and of the allies went tothese houses, from which they brought away a great deal of booty in cottoncloth and other valuable articles, and this example was followed by others. While thus employed, a body of Mexicans came upon them unexpectedly incanoes, and besides wounding many of our men, they seized four soldiersalive, whom they carried off in triumph to Mexico; and from these menGuatimotzin learnt the smallness of our number, and the great loss we hadsustained in killed and wounded. After questioning them as much as hethought proper, Guatimotzin commanded their hands and feet to be cut off, and sent them in this mutilated condition through many of the surroundingdistricts, as an example of the treatment he intended for us all, and thenordered them to be put to death. 

On the ensuing morning we had to sustain a fresh attack, as had regularlybeen the case during the four days we remained in Xochimilco, but which wenow determined to quit. Before commencing our march, Cortes drew up thearmy in an open place a little way out of the town, in which the marketswere held, where he made us a speech, in which he expatiated on thedangers we had to encounter in our march, and the strong bodies of theenemy we might expect to oppose our retreat, and then warmly urged us toleave all our plunder and luggage, that we might not be exposed to dangerin its defence. We remonstrated, however, that it would be a cowardly actto abandon what we had so hardly won, declaring that we felt confident ofbeing able to defend our persons and property against all assailants. Hegave way, therefore, to our wishes, and arranged the order of our march, placing the baggage in the centre, and dividing the cavalry and crossbowsbetween the van and rear guards, as our musketry was now useless for wantof powder. The enemy harassed us by continual assaults all the way fromXochimilco to Cuyocan, or Cojohuacan, a city on the borders of the lake, near one of the causeways leading to Mexico, which we found abandoned, andwhere we took up our quarters for two days, taking care of our wounds, andmaking arrows for our crossbows. The enemy which had especially obstructedus on this march, consisted of the inhabitants of Xochimilco, Cuyocan, Huitzilopochco, Iztapalapa, Mizquic, and five other towns, all ofconsiderable size, and built on the edge of the lake, near one another, and not far from Mexico. On the third morning we marched for Tlacopan orTacuba, harassed as usual by the enemy, but our cavalry soon forced themto retire to their canals and ditches. During this march, Cortes attemptedto lay an ambush for the enemy, for which purpose he set out with tenhorsemen and four servants, but had nearly fallen into a snare himself. Having encountered a party a Mexicans who fled before him, he pursued themtoo far, and was suddenly surrounded by a large body of warriors, whostarted out from an ambuscade, and wounded all the horses in the firstattack, carrying off two of the attendants of Cortes to be sacrificed atMexico, the rest of the party escaping with considerable difficulty. Ourmain body reached Tacuba in safety, with all the baggage; but as Cortesand his party did not appear, we began to entertain suspicions of somemisfortune having befallen him. On this account, Alvarado, De Oli, Tapia, and I, with some others, went to look for him in the direction in which wehad last seen him. We soon met two of his servants, who informed us ofwhat had happened, and were shortly afterwards joined by Cortes, whoappeared extremely sad, and even shed tears. 

When we arrived at our quarters in Tacuba, which were in some largeenclosed courts, it rained very heavily, and we were obliged to remainexposed for about two hours. On the weather clearing up, the general andhis officers, with many of the men who were off duty, went up to the topof the great temple of Tacuba, whence we had a most delightful prospect ofthe lake, with all its numerous cities and towns, rising as it were out ofthe water. Innumerable canoes were seen in all directions, some employedin fishing, and others passing with provisions or merchandize of all kinds. We all gave praise to God, who had been pleased to render us theinstruments for bringing the numerous inhabitants of so fine a country tothe knowledge of his holy name; yet the bloody scenes which we had alreadyexperienced in Mexico, filled us with melancholy for the past, and evenwith some apprehension for the future. These recollections made Cortesexceedingly sad, regretting the many valiant soldiers he had already lost, and the brave men whom he might still expect to fall before he could beable to reduce the great, strong, and populous city of Mexico tosubmission[11]. Our reverend Father Olmedo, endeavoured to console him, and one of our soldiers observed, that such was the fortune of war, andthat our general was in a very different situation from Nero, when hecontemplated his capital on fire. Cortes replied, that he felt melancholywhile reflecting on the fatigues and dangers we should still have to passthrough; but that he should soon take effectual measures for bringing thegreat object in view to a speedy conclusion. Having no particular purposeto serve by remaining in Tacuba, some of our officers and soldiersproposed to take a view of the causeway where we had suffered so severelyon the fatal night of our flight from Mexico; but this was considereddangerous and imprudent. We accordingly proceeded on our march byEscapozalco, which was abandoned by the enemy on our approach, toTerajoccan, which was also deserted, and thence to Coatitlan or Guatitlan, where we arrived excessively fatigued, as it never ceased raining duringthe whole of that day. We took up our quarters in that place for the night, which was excessively rainy; and, though the enemy gave us some alarmsduring the night, I can testify that no proper watch was kept, owing tothe inclemency of the weather, as my post was not visited either by roundsor corporal. From Coatitlan, we continued our march by a deep miry road, through four or five other towns, all abandoned, and arrived in two daysat Aculman or Oculman, in the territory of Tezcuco, where we received thepleasing intelligence that a reinforcement had arrived to us from Spain. Next day we proceeded to Tezcuco, where we arrived worn out with woundsand fatigue, and even diminished in our numbers. 

Soon after our return to Tezcuco, a conspiracy was formed for theassassination of our general, at the head of which was one Antonio deVillafana, an adherent of Velasquez, and some of the other soldiers whohad come over with Narvaez, but whose names I do not choose to mention, and the conspirators had even communicated their plan to two principalofficers, whom I will not name, one of whom was to have been appointedcaptain-general on the death of Cortes. They had even arranged matters forthe appointment of alguazil-major, alcaldes, regidor, contador, treasurer, veedor, and others of that kind, and of captains and standard-bearer tothe army, all from among the soldiers of Narvaez. All the principaladherents of Cortes were to have been put to death, and the conspiratorswere to have divided our properties, arms, and horses, among themselves. This business was revealed to Cortes, only two days after our return toTezcuco, by the repentance of one of the conspirators, whom he amplyrewarded. The general immediately communicated the intelligence toAlvarado, De Oli, Sandoval, Tapia, Luis Marin, and Pedro de Ircio, whowere the two alcaldes for the time, also to me, and to all in whom hereposed confidence. We all accompanied Cortes, well armed, to the quartersof Villafana, where he found him and many others of the conspirators, andtook him immediately into custody. The others endeavoured to escape, butwere all detained and sent to prison. Cortes took a paper from the bosomof Villafana, having the signatures of all his accomplices; but which heafterwards pretended that Villafana had swallowed, to set the minds of theconspirators at rest, as they were too numerous to be all punished in thepresent weak state of our army. Villafana was immediately tried, and madea full confession; and his guilt being likewise clearly established bymany witnesses, the judges, who were Cortes, the two alcaldes, and De Oli, condemned him to die. Having confessed himself to the reverend Juan Diaz, he was hanged from a window of the apartment. No more of the conspiratorswere proceeded against; but Cortes thought it prudent to appoint a bodyguard for his future security, selected from among those who had been withhim from the first, of which Antonio de Quinones was made captain. 

At this period an order was issued for bringing in all our prisoners tobe marked, being the third time since we came to the country. If thatoperation were unjustly conducted the first time, it was worse the second, and this time worse than ever; for besides the two fifths for the king andCortes, no less than thirty draughts were made for the captains; besideswhich, all the handsome females we had given in to be marked, were stolenaway, and concealed till it became convenient to produce them. 

As the brigantines were entirely finished, and the canal for their passageinto the lake was now sufficiently wide and deep for that purpose, Cortesissued orders to all the districts in our alliance, near Tezcuco, to sendhim, in the course of ten days, 8000 arrow-shafts from each district, madeof a particular wood, and as many copper heads. Within the appointed time, the whole number required was brought to head-quarters, all executedbetter than even the patterns. Captain Pedro Barba, who commanded thecrossbows, ordered each of his soldiers to provide two cords and nuts, andto try the range of their bows. Cortes ordered all the cavalry to havetheir lances new-headed, and to exercise their horses daily. He sentlikewise an express to the elder Xicotencatl at Tlascala, otherwise calledDon Lorenzo de Vargas, to send 20, 000 of the warriors of Tlascala, Huixotzinco and Cholula; and he sent similar orders to Chalco andTlalmanalco; ordering all our allies to rendezvous at Tezcuco on the dayafter the festival of the Holy Ghost, 28th April 1521. And on that day, Don Hernandez Ixtlilxochitl of Tezcuco, was to join us with all his forces. Some considerable reinforcements of soldiers, horses, arms, and ammunitionhad arrived from Spain and other places, so that when mustered mustered onthe before-mentioned day by Cortes, in the large enclosures of Tezcuco, our Spanish force amounted to the following number: 84 cavalry, 650infantry, armed with sword and buckler, or pikes, and 194 musketeers andcrossbow-men, in all 928 Spaniards. From this number he selected 12musketeers or crossbow-men, and 12 of the other infantry, for rowers toeach of the vessels, in all 312 men, appointing a captain to each vessel;and he distributed 20 cannoneers through the fleet, which he armed withsuch guns as we had that were fit for this service. Many of our men hadbeen formerly sailors, yet all were extremely averse from acting as rowerson the present occasion; for which reason the general made inquiry as tothose who were natives of sea-ports, or who had formerly been fishers orseafaring men, all of whom he ordered to the oars; and though some of thempled their gentility as an exemption, he would hear of no excuse. By thesemeans he obtained 150 men for this service, who were in fact in a muchbetter situation than we who bore the brunt and danger of the war on land, as will appear in the sequel. When all this was arranged, and the crewsembarked along with their commanders, each brigantine hoisted a royalstandard, and every one a distinguishing flag. Cortes likewise gave thecaptains written instructions for their guidance, dividing them intosquadrons, each of which was to co-operate with a particular leader of theland forces. 

Cortes now issued the following general orders to the army: 1. No personto blaspheme the Lord Jesus, his Virgin Mother, the Holy Apostles, or anyof the Saints, under heavy penalties. 2. No soldier to maltreat any of ourallies in their persons or properties. 3. No soldier to be absent fromquarters on any pretence. 4. Every soldier to keep his arms, bothoffensive and defensive, in the best order. 5. No soldier to stake hishorse or arms in gaming. 6. No soldier to sleep out of his armour, orwithout his arms beside him, except when disabled by wounds or sickness. Lastly, the penalty of death was denounced for sleeping on guard, for asentinel quitting his post, for absence from quarters without leave, forquitting the ranks in the field, or for flight in battle. 

At this time our allies of Tlascala arrived under the command ofXicotencatl the younger, who was accompanied by his two brothers. Some ofthe warriors of Huexotzinco and Cholula came along with the Tlascalans, but not in any great numbers[12], yet the alacrity of our allies was suchthat they joined us a day previous to that which was appointed by Cortes. They marched in with great military parade, each of the chiefs carrying astandard with their national device, a white spread eagle, and they wereall in high spirits, shouting out, Castilla! Castilla! Tlascala! Tlascala!From the arrival of their van, till the rear came in, took up three hours. Cortes received them with great courtesy, promising to make them all richon their return to their native country, and dismissed them with manycompliments to their respective quarters. 

Cortes made the following arrangement of our land army for the investmentof Mexico, distributing our forces in three separate divisions, under therespective commands of Alvarado, De Oli, and Sandoval, reserving tohimself to act where his presence might be most necessary, and taking inthe mean time the command of the fleet. Pedro de Alvarado, under whom Iserved, had 150 infantry, 30 cavalry, 18 musketeers and crossbow-men, and8000 Tlascalans, and was ordered to take post at Tacuba, having threecaptains under his command, his brother Jorge de Alvarado, PedroGuttierrez, and Andres de Monjara, having each a company of 50 infantry, with a third of the musketeers and crossbow-men, the cavalry beingcommanded by Alvarado in person. --Christoval de Oli commanded the seconddivision, having under him Andres de Tapia, Francisco Verdugo, andFrancisco de Lugo, with 175 infantry, 30 cavalry, 20 musketeers andcrossbows, and 8000 of our Indian allies. This division was ordered totake post at Cuyoacan or Cojohuacan. --The third division, under thecommand of Gonzalo de Sandoval, who had under him captains Luis Marin andPedro de Ircio, consisted of 150 infantry, 24 cavalry, 14 musketeers andcrossbows, and above 8000 Indian warriors, was to take post at Iztapalapa. The division of Alvarado and De Oli were ordered to march from Tezcuco bythe right, going round the northern side of the lake, and the third, underSandoval, by the left, to the south end of the lake; and his march beingmuch shorter, he was ordered to remain in Tezcuco until Cortes should sailout with the fleet[13]. 

Before setting out on their march, Alvarado and De Oli directed our Indianallies to go on a day before us, that we might not be interrupted by theirnumbers, and ordered them to wait for us when they reached the Mexicanterritory. While on their march, Chichimecatl remarked that Xicotencatl, the commander in chief of the Tlascalans was absent; and it was found thathe had secretly gone off from Tezcuco for Tlascala on the preceding night, in order to take possession of the territory and property of Chichimecatl, thinking this a good opportunity during the absence of that chief and hiswarriors, and being in no apprehension of any opposition, now thatMaxicatzin was dead. Chichimecatl returned immediately to Tezcuco, toinform Cortes of what had taken place; and our general sent five chiefs ofTezcuco and two Tlascalan chiefs, to request Xicotencatl to return. Heanswered, that if his old father and Maxicatzin had listened to him, theywould not have been now domineered over by Cortes and the Spaniards, andabsolutely refused to go back. On this haughty answer being reported toCortes, he immediately sent off an alguazil with four horsemen and fiveTezcucan chiefs, ordering them to seize and hang Xicotencatl wherever theycould find him. Alvarado interceded strongly for his pardon, butineffectually; for though Cortes seemed to relent, the party who arrestedXicotencatl in a town subject to Tezcuco, hung him up by private ordersfrom Cortes, and some reported that this was done with the approbation ofthe elder Xicotencatl, father to the Tlascalan general. This affairdetained us a whole day, and on the next the two divisions of Alvarado andDe Oli marched by the same route, halting for the night at Aculma orAlcolman, a town belonging to the state of Tezcuco, where a very ruinousquarrel was near taking place between our two commanders and theirdivisions. De Oli had sent some persons before to take quarters for histroops, and had appropriated every house in the place for his men, markingthem by setting up green boughs on the terraces; so that when Alvaradoarrived with his division, we had not a single house for us to lodge in. Our soldiers were much irritated at this circumstance, and stoodimmediately to their arms to fight with those of De Oli, and the twocommanders even challenged each other; but several of the more prudent ofthe officers on both sides interposed, and a reconciliation was effected, yet Alvarado and De Oli were never afterwards good friends. An express wassent off immediately to apprize Cortes of this misunderstanding, who wroteto all the people of any influence in the two divisions, greatlycondemning the circumstances of this disagreement, which might haveproduced fatal consequences to our whole army, and earnestly recommended areconcilement. We continued our march for two days more, by severalMexican cities, which were abandoned by their inhabitants; and passingthrough Coatitlan, Tenajoccan and Itzcapuzalco, where our allies waitedfor us, we proceeded for Tacuba, otherwise called Tlacopan. 

[1] According to Clavigero, II. 135, the Spanish force at this time amounted to forty cavalry, divided into four troops, and 550 infantry, in nine companies: But he swells the auxiliary force of the Tlascalans to 110, 000 men. --E. 

[2] In the very imperfect maps of Diaz and Clavigero, Tezcuco is placed near the mouth of a rivulet which discharges itself into the lake of Mexico: In the former, the buildings are represented as extending two miles and a half along the rivulet, and coming close to the edge of the lake; but the map of Clavigero has no scale. In the map given by Humboldt, Tezcuco is placed on a rising ground, near two miles from the edge of the lake. But the lake has since the time of Cortes been much diminished in extent by a grand drain, insomuch that Mexico, formerly insulated, is now a mile and a half from the lake. --E. 

[3] On this occasion Diaz mentions the inhabitants of Chalco, Tlalmalanco, Mecameca, and Chimaloacan, as the allies of the Spaniards; but these states do not appear to have submitted to the Spaniards till afterwards. Cortes employed the interval, from his arrival at Tezcuco in the end of December 1520, to the investment of Mexico, at the end of May 1521, five months, in detaching a great number of the native states from their dependence upon Mexico. --E. 

[4] From the circumstance of the gold, it is probable Yuste and his companions had been slain on their retreat from Mexico, not on their way there as stated in the text. From this and other similar incidents, of parties of Spaniards having been slain in different places after the retreat from Mexico, it is highly probable that several detached parties made their escape, who missed forming a junction with Cortes. He, it will be recollected, made a detour round the west and south sides of the lake; and it is probable that they had turned to the east, as the nearest and most direct way to Tlascala and Villa Rica. --E. 

[5] Clavigero, II. 146, exaggerates the armed escort to 30, 000 Tlascalan warriors, commanded by three chiefs, Chichimecatl, Ayotecatl, and Teotlipil. Diaz calls the two last, Teuleticle and Teatical; but though his facts are fully more to be depended upon, Clavigero may be accounted better versant in Mexican orthography. --E. 

[6] Clavigero, II. 146, quotes Diaz as saying that it extended six miles from front to rear. This may very likely have been the case, but Diaz nowhere specifies the length of the line. --E. 

[7] Clavigero says, 350 Spanish infantry, 25 horsemen, and 30, 000 Tlascalans, with six small cannon. --E. 

[8] Clavigero, II. 147, says that Cortes endeavoured at this time, but in vain, to come to an amicable agreement with the court of Mexico. --E. 

[9] In this expedition Cortes appears, by the information of Clavigero, II. 152, to have crossed the southern mountains of the Mexican vale, and to have reduced Huastepec, Jautepec, Quauhnahuac, and other towns belonging to the Tlahuicas, who were subject to the Mexican empire; thus judiciously using his endeavours to strengthen his own party and to weaken that of the Mexicans, before proceeding to assail the capital of that powerful empire. --E. 

[10] This beautiful city was the largest in the vale of Mexico, after the capital and the royal residences of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and was famous for its floating gardens, whence it derived its name, signifying flower gardens in the Mexican language. --Clavig. II. 155. 

[11] Diaz mentions a poem circulated at the time, as beginning in reference to the melancholy of Cortes on this occasion, somewhat in the following strain:

 In Tacuba was Cortes, with many a gallant chief; He thought upon his losses, and bow'd his head with grief. 

[12] Clavigero, II. 159, carries the number of allies which joined Cortes on this occasion, to more than 200, 000 men. In his enumeration of the several divisions of the army appointed for the investment of Mexico, Diaz makes the Indian allies very little more than 24, 000 warriors. --E. 

[13] Diaz mentions, that about this time intelligence came to Tezcuco, that three of our soldiers who had been left by Pizarro to search for mines in the country of the Zapotecas had been put to death by the Mexicans, one only, named Barrientos, having escaped to Chinantla, where he was protected by the natives. --E. 

SECTION XIII. 

_Narrative of Occurrences from the commencement of the Siege of Mexico toits Reduction, and the Capture of Guatimotzin_. 

Having thus, by the occupation of Tacuba, commenced the investment of thegreat and populous city of Mexico, we soon found the enemy around us ingreat numbers; and as the first operation, it was determined on thefollowing day, that our divisions should march to Chapoltepec to destroythe aqueduct at that place, by which the city of Mexico was supplied withfresh water. We set out accordingly with our allies, and although theenemy attacked us on our march, we repelled them and succeeded in ourobject of cutting off the pipes, so that from that time the city of Mexicowas deprived of fresh water. It was now determined to endeavour topenetrate to the city of Mexico by the causeway of Tacuba, or at least toattempt getting possession of the first bridge on that causeway; but onour arrival there, the prodigious number of boats which covered the wateron both sides, and the multitude of Mexican troops which thronged thecauseway to oppose us, was perfectly astonishing. By the first flight ofarrows which they discharged against us, three of our men were slain andthirty wounded; yet we advanced to the bridge, the enemy retiring beforeus, as if by a concerted stratagem, so that we were exposed on both flanks, on a narrow road only twenty feet wide, as a butt for the innumerablearrows of the Mexicans in the canoes, and neither our musquetry norcrossbows were of any avail against the people in the canoes, as they wereeffectually protected by high wooden screens. The horses of our cavalrywere all wounded, and when at any time they made a charge upon the enemy, they were almost immediately stopt by barriers and parapets which theenemy had drawn across the causeway for the purpose, and from whence theydefended themselves with long lances. Likewise, when the infantry advancedalong the causeway, instead of abiding our attack, the enemy threwthemselves into the water and escaped by swimming or into their canoes, returning incessantly to the attack. We were thus engaged for more than anhour to no useful purpose, the enemy continually increasing in number, byreinforcements from every part of the lake; and our allies, instead ofbeing serviceable, only encumbered the causeway and hindered our movements. Finding that we were unable any longer to resist the multitude of enemieswho assailed us perpetually from the water, and almost with entireimpunity, we determined to retreat to our quarters in Tacuba, having eightof our men slain and above fifty wounded, and were closely followed up andmuch harassed by the enemy during our retreat. De Oli laid the blame ofthe disaster of this day on the rashness of Alvarado. 

Next day[1], though we were all extremely solicitous for the two captainsto remain together, De Oli proceeded with his division to take possessionof Cojohuacan, according to the orders he had received from Cortes; butthis separation was assuredly extremely ill judged; as, if the enemy hadknown the smallness of our numbers at the two stations, they might havefallen upon and destroyed us separately, during the four or five days thatwe remained divided before the arrival of Cortes with the brigantines. Inall that time we never ventured to make any more attempts against theMexican causeways, but the enemy frequently sent bodies of their troops tothe main land to make attacks on our quarters, on which occasions wealways drove them away. 

Sandoval with his division did not leave Tezcuco until the fourth dayafter the feast of Corpus Christi[2], when he marched through a friendlycountry by the south side of the lake, and arrived without interruption infront of Iztapalapa. Immediately on his arrival, he commenced an attack onthe enemy, and burnt many of the houses in that part of the town whichstood on the firm land; but fresh bodies of Mexican warriors came over incanoes and by the causeway of Iztapalapa to relieve their friends in thetown, and made a determined resistance against Sandoval. While theengagement was going on, a smoke was observed to arise from a hill abovethe town, which was answered by similar signals at many other pointsaround the lake, which were afterwards found to have been made to apprizethe enemy of the appearance of our flotilla on the lake. On this, theefforts of the enemy against Sandoval were much relaxed, as their canoesand warriors were recalled to oppose our naval force; and Sandoval wasthus enabled to take up his quarters in a part of the town of Iztapalapa;between which and Cojohuacan the only means of communication was by acauseway or mound dividing the lake of Chalco from that of Mexico orTezcuco, which passage was at that time impracticable in the face of theenemy. 

"Before proceeding to the narrative of the siege of Mexico, it may beproper to give some account of the situation of the city of Mexico, andthe mounds or causeways by which it communicated with the land at theseveral posts which were occupied by Cortes for its investment[3]. Thecity of Mexico was built partly on an island and partly in the water, atthe west side of a considerable salt lake, named sometimes the lake ofTezcuco, and sometimes the lake of Mexico, and appears to have been abouta mile from the firm land. It communicated with the land by three moundsor causeways; that of Tepejacac on the north, about three miles long, measuring from the great temple in centre of Mexico; that usually calledof Iztapalapa on the south, nearly five miles in length; and that ofTacuba or Tlacopan on the west, about two miles long, likewise measuringfrom the temple; but at least a mile may be abstracted from each of thesemeasurements, on account of the extent of the city from the great templeto the commencement of the causeways. About the middle of the southerncauseway called that of Iztapalapa, another causeway branched offobliquely to the south-east, to the town of Cojohuacan; and at the placewhere these two causeways united stood the town of Xoloc, partly on thesides of the causeways, but chiefly in the water intersected by canals andditches. Besides these three grand causeways for communicating with theland, there was a smaller mound about two miles south from the causeway ofTacuba, from a town named Chapoltepec, along which the aqueduct, or pipes, for supplying Mexico with fresh water was carried; but this appears tohave been too narrow for allowing any passage, at least the Spaniards donot seem to have availed themselves of it, in their long and arduousendeavours to force their way into Mexico. Near the south-west angle ofthe salt lake of Mexico, it communicated by a narrow neck or strait withthe fresh water lake of Chalco; and at their junction a mound or causewayhad been constructed across, to prevent the admixture of the salt andfresh lakes, having a town called Mexicaltzinco at the eastern extremityof this mound. Iztapalapa stood in the western end of the peninsula, between the lakes of Mexico and Chalco, but on the borders and in thewaters of the former. The whole fertile vale of Mexico or Anahuac, aroundthese two lakes, and some others to the north of the great lake, wasthickly planted with cities, towns, and villages, and highly cultivated, containing and giving subsistence to a prodigious population. The extentof this extraordinary valley, elevated nearly 8000 feet above the level ofthe sea, is about 50 miles from north to south, and forty miles from eastto west; being surrounded on every side by ridges of lofty mountains, someof them perpetually covered with snow, and rising to about 10, 000 feet inperpendicular elevation above the ocean. "

When Cortes brought out his fleet of brigantines upon the lake, he went inthe first place to attack an insular rock close beside Mexico, on which avast number of the inhabitants of that city and other places in theneighbourhood had taken shelter. Immediately on perceiving his intentions, their whole force collected from every part of the lake, and proceededagainst him in not less than 4000 large canoes full of warriors. Onperceiving this immense number of boats coming to attack him, Corteswithdrew with his brigantines into an open part of the lake, ordering hiscaptains to wait patiently for a breeze of wind which then began to blow. As the enemy supposed that this movement proceeded from fear, theyimmediately closed up around the flotilla with shouts of triumph. The windnow sprung up, and the whole fleet made sail through the throng of canoes, plying their oars at the same time, and run down and overset great numbersof the Mexican canoes, compelling all the rest to fly for shelter to therecesses and shallows on the borders of the lake. After this, Cortes madesail to Cojohuacan[4], where he was again attacked by the Mexicans, bothby means of their canoes on the water, and from their temples on the land:But Cortes brought four guns to bear upon them, by which he didconsiderable execution. During this action his powder magazine blew up, owing to some mismanagement of the gunners, by which many of his peoplewere wounded. This unfortunate accident obliged him to detach his smallestbrigantine to Sandoval for a supply of ammunition. He remained atCojohuacan for two days with the flotilla, repairing the injury his shiphad sustained from the explosion. 

When we were assured that the flotilla was out upon the lake, Alvaradomarched out with our division to the causeway of Tacuba, as far as thebridge, in which we were constantly engaged with the enemy to very littlepurpose, except that we repaired the passes in our rear as we advanced, and did not now suffer the cavalry to come upon the causeway, as we hadfound by experience that they were of very little service, and besidesthat their horses were exposed to much danger. Finding that he could notsufficiently annoy the enemy in his present post at Iztapalapa, where theMexicans had possession of the houses which were built in the water, Sandoval advanced by a causeway to a more commanding situation[5]. Whenthis was noticed from Mexico, a large detachment of warriors came over incanoes, with orders to cut the causeway in the rear of our troops. Cortesobserved this, and immediately made sail with his vessels to the relief ofSandoval, giving orders at the same time to De Oli to march a body oftroops by the causeway for the same purpose. Having relieved Sandoval bythese means, Cortes ordered him to remove with his division fromIztapalapa to Tepeaquilla or Tepejacac, where the church of our Lady ofGuadalupe now stands, in which many wonderful miracles have been performed. 

As it was impossible for our troops to advance on the causeways, unlesstheir flanks were secured from attacks by water, the flotilla wasappointed to this service in three divisions, one of which was attached toeach of the three detachments of our land force: Four brigantines beingallotted to Alvarado, six to De Oli, and two to Sandoval[6]; twelve in all, the thirteenth having been found too small for service, and was thereforelaid up, and her crew distributed to the rest, as twenty men had beenalready severely wounded in the several vessels. Alvarado now led ourdivision to attack the causeway of Tacuba, placing two brigantines on eachflank for our protection. We drove the enemy before us from several oftheir bridges and barricades; but after fighting the whole day, we wereobliged to retreat to our quarters at night, almost all of us wounded bythe incessant showers of stones and arrows of the enemy. We werecontinually assailed on the causeway, by fresh troops of warriors, carrying different banners or devices; and our brigantines wereexcessively annoyed from the terraces of the houses which stood in thewater; and as we could not leave a party to keep possession of what we hadacquired during the day, the enemy repossessed themselves of the bridgesat night, and repaired and strengthened their parapets and other defences. In some places they deepened the water, digging pits in the shallow places, and placing the canoes in ambush, which they secured against the approachof our brigantines by means of pallisades under water. Every day we wereemployed in the same manner, driving the enemy before us, and every nightwe returned to our quarters to bind up our wounds. The cavalry were of noservice, on account of the barricades defended by long lances; and thesoldiers even did not choose to risk their horses, as their price at thistime was from eight hundred to a thousand crowns. One Juan, a soldier fromCatalonia, used to heal our wounds by charms and prayers, which by themercy of God recovered us very fast; and this being observed by our allies, all their wounded men applied to Juan, who had more business on his handsthan he was able for. But whether whole or wounded, we were obliged to goout daily against the enemy, as otherwise our companies would have beenreduced to less than half their strength. Our ensign was disabled almostevery day, as he could not at the same time carry his colours and defendhimself from the enemy. We were abundantly supplied with corn, but weremuch in want of refreshments for the wounded men; our chief resource being_tunas_ or Indian figs, cherries while in season, and a plant called_quilities_ by the natives. The situation of the other two attacks wasprecisely similar to ours. Every day, when we marched to the attack, asignal was made from the great temple of Tlaltelolco, the great divisionof Mexico nearest Tacuba, on which the enemy rushed out against us, andwere continually relieved by fresh troops, marching out in succession. Finding that we gained nothing by these daily attacks, we changed our planof operations. On our causeway there was a small open space, on whichstood some buildings for religious worship, where we formed a lodgment, and established a post, leaving our cavalry and allies to secure our rearin Tacuba, whence we were supplied with provisions. Though very badlylodged in this place, as every shower of rain came in upon us, wemaintained this post and advanced a little towards the city every day, filling up the trenches which intersected the causeway, and pulling downthe houses on each side, and using their materials to strengthen ourdefences. We found it extremely difficult to set the houses on fire, norcould the flames communicate from house to house, as all the houses wereseparated by canals and ditches. During this operation we were subjectedto great danger, as the enemy destroyed us from their terraces when weendeavoured to swim over from the causeway to these detached houses. 

In this manner we gained some ground every day, which we secured byparapets and other defences, and preserved during the night. Everyevening at sunset, the company which was first for duty, was entrustedwith the advanced post, to which they sent forty men; the second companysent an equal number at midnight, and the relieved guard did not quittheir post, but had to remain sleeping on the ground; the third companydid the same the same two hours before day-break, and the second now laydown to sleep, so that we now had 120 men on guard. Sometimes our wholedetachment had to remain under arms the whole night, especially on thefollowing occasion: We learnt from some of our prisoners, that theMexicans intended to force our post by a great effort, which would havefrustrated the other two attacks. For this purpose, all the warriors ofnine towns around the lake, including those of Tacuba, Izcapuzalco, andTenajocan, were by a joint attack upon our rear to carry off our baggageand destroy our bakery in Tacuba, while the Mexicans were to assail us infront on the causeway. We immediately communicated this intelligence toour cavalry and allies at headquarters, warning them to keep on the alert. In pursuance of this plan, we were attacked both in front and rear forseveral successive nights, from midnight to day-break. Sometimes the enemycame on with a prodigious noise of shouting and military instruments, andat other times stole upon us in profound silence; but their night attackswere never made with so much resolution as those during the day. Yet wewere harassed to death with continual watching, fatigue, and wounds, andconstantly exposed to cold winds and almost incessant rain. Our post wasreduced to a mere splash of mud and water, and our only food was maize andmiserable herbs. When we complained, the only comfort given us by ourofficers, was that such is the fortune of war. Yet all our efforts, fatigues, and privations, were of little avail; as the parapets wedestroyed and the ditches we filled up during the day, were uniformlyreplaced next night by the enemy. 

The destruction of the aqueduct of Chapoltepec, from which so much hadbeen expected, by cutting off the water which supplied the city of Mexico, was unavailing, neither could we starve them into a surrender, as theywere regularly supplied with every thing they wanted by means of theircanoes from the towns around the lake. In order to prevent this, two ofour brigantines were ordered to cruize every night on the lake, tointercept these supplies. This measure answered the purpose in some degree, but not effectually, as some of the canoes escaped into the city everynight. At this time the Mexicans laid a plan to surprise our two cruizingbrigantines. Having concealed thirty of their largest piraguas among sometall reeds on the borders of the lake, they sent several canoes, as ifcarrying provisions, to decoy our vessels into the snare, and even fixed anumber of large wooden piles under water at the place to which our vesselswere to be inveigled. On the appearance of the decoy-canoes, our twovessels made immediately towards them, the canoes rowing away towards theambush followed by our brigantines. As soon as they arrived at the place, the thirty piraguas immediately surrounded them, and wounded every officer, soldier, and mariner on board, by their first flight of arrows. Ourvessels could not move on account of the piles, and the enemy continuedthe assault with the utmost vigour. One of the captains, named Portilla, was slain, and Captain Pedro Barba, the commander of our crossbows, diedof his wounds. This ambush completely succeeded, as the two brigantinesfell into the hands of the enemy. They belonged to the principal divisionof our flotilla, which was commanded by Cortes in person, who was muchexasperated by the loss; but he soon repayed the enemy in their own way. He constantly sent out some vessels every night to scour the lake, and onone occasion they brought in some prisoners of consequence, from whom helearnt that the enemy had formed another ambuscade of forty large piraguasand as many canoes. He now laid a plan to turn their schemes againstthemselves; for which purpose he sent six vessels one night with muffledoars, to conceal themselves in a water-cut at the edge of the lake, covered with bushes and tall reeds, about a quarter of a league from theambushment of the enemy. A single brigantine was then sent out early inthe morning, as if in search of the canoes which carried provisions toMexico, and having the prisoners on board to point out the place where theenemies fleet lay concealed. The enemy sent as before some loaded canoesto decoy the brigantine towards the ambush, and our vessel pursued themuntil near the place, where it lay-to, as if fearful to approach. TheMexican fleet now sallied out upon them, and our brigantine rowed awaytowards the place where the six others were concealed, closely followed upby the enemy. When arrived near enough, the brigantine fired two shots asa signal, on which the other vessels pushed out against the enemy, runningdown many of their vessels, dispersing all the rest, and making a greatnumber of prisoners. This sickened them at ambushments, and fromhenceforwards they did not attempt to cross the lake in their canoes soopenly. 

Our three divisions of the land army continued to pursue their plan forgradually advancing along the causeways. Always as we gained ground, wepulled down the houses on each side, filling up the ditches or canalswhich intersected the causeways, and strengthening our posts; in which, and in all the operations of the war, we were excellently seconded by ourbrave Tlascalan allies. On our attack, the Mexicans broke down one of thebridges in the rear of their own barricades and parapets, leaving onenarrow passage at a place where the water was very deep as a decoy, andeven dug trenches and pitfalls where the water was more shallow, placingpallisades in the deep water to prevent the approach of our vessels, andconstructing parapets on both sides of the breach. They had also a numberof canoes in readiness to sally out upon us on a concerted signal. Whenall these preparations were in readiness, they made a combined attack uponus in three several directions. One body advanced towards our rear fromthe side of Tacuba, a second directly on our front along the causeway fromthe city, and the third by the ruins of the houses which we had destroyed. We repulsed the enemy on all sides; and one party of us, having forcedthem from the works at the broken bridge, crossed the water up to ournecks at the place they had left open for us, and rashly pushed on to anopen place where there were some large temples and towers. We were hereassailed on all sides by fresh troops from the houses and terraces, andthose whom we pursued faced about and fought us in front. We now found itnecessary to retreat, which we did with the utmost order till we came tothe pass at the broken bridge, which was occupied by the enemy in canoes;and as the others pressed upon our rear, we were forced to throw ourselvesinto the lake and to get over any way we could. Those who could not swimgot entangled among the concealed ditches and pits in the shallow water, where the enemy closed in upon us, wounding the whole party, and eventaking five of our soldiers alive. The vessels which came to our reliefwere unable to approach, on account of the pallisades, and they lost twoof their soldiers on this occasion. It was wonderful we were not alldestroyed at this dangerous pass. At one time I was laid hold of by anumber of the enemy; but God gave me strength to disengage my arm, andwith the assistance of my good sword, I extricated myself from their grasp. Though wounded, I escaped to the dry ground, where I fainted and remainedfor some time insensible, owing to my great exertions and the loss ofblood. When the enemy had me in their clutches, I recommended myself tothe aid of God and his blessed Mother, and they heard my prayer: Glory beto them for all their mercies! From the time that we had cleared theflanks of our post by the destruction of the houses, Alvarado had broughta part of his cavalry thither; and one of them, who had crossed along withus at the broken bridge, lost both his horse and his own life. Fortunatelyall the rest were then with Alvarado in Tacuba; for if they had been withus they must have all been destroyed from the tops of the houses andtemples, as the action took place almost within the city of Mexico. Theenemy was much elated by the success of this day, and continued to assailour posts day and night. Cortes was much displeased at the defeat we hadsustained, which he attributed to our having neglected his orders; whichwere always to fill up the cuts in the causeway as we advanced, by meansof timber and rubbish. 

In the space of four days, counting from our late defeat, we filled up thegreat aperture at the broken bridge, and established our advanced post atthis place, but lost six of our soldiers in the course of this operation. The enemy established a post directly in front of us, which they securedby a ditch and parapet, so as to protect themselves from our shot. Theymade a large fire in front of their post, by which they were concealedfrom our view, except when they had occasion to renew the fire, which wassometimes extinguished by the frequent heavy rains which prevailed at thisseason. They kept profound silence on guard, except when interrupted byloud whistling, which they used as signals. Every morning we marchedagainst the enemy, with whom we fought during the whole day, and retreatedto our post towards evening, covered with wounds. Before retreating, wesent back our allies, whose numbers embarrassed us in the narrow causeway, and then fell back step by step, flanked by our armed brigantines, andfiring on the enemy as they pressed upon us during the retreat. 

About this time, the inhabitants of the cities on the lake grew weary ofthe long protracted warfare, and sent deputations to our general, offeringto submit themselves to his authority, and declaring that they had beenconstrained by the Mexicans to persist hitherto in their hostilitiesagainst us. Cortes received them very graciously, and assured them of hisprotection, providing that they should conduct themselves properly for thefuture, and give him their assistance by supplying canoes and provisionsto our army, and in the construction of barracks for the troops. Theyreadily promised all this, but performed very badly. Cortes had huts builtfor his detachment[7]; but the rest of us remained exposed to the weather, which was exceedingly severe and distressing, as it rained almostincessantly during June, July, and August. 

Our detachment on the causeway of Tacuba continued our approach towardsMexico, filling up every ditch and canal as we advanced by means of thematerials of the houses which we destroyed; and we every day gainedpossession of temples or houses, which stood apart from each other, and ofthe bridges by which they communicated. To avoid jealousy, our threecompanies took the duties of working and fighting alternately, our alliesgiving most important assistance in pulling down the houses and filling upthe ditches and cross-cuts of the causeway. Every evening the whole of ourmen stood to their arms, and we sent off our allies before us, beforeretreating to our post for the night. During all this time, Sandoval, whocarried on his approach from Tepejacac, was obliged to sustain continualattacks from the enemy; as likewise was Cortes, who now commanded at thethird attack. 

On his side there was an out-post of the Mexicans, at a place where one ofthe apertures in the causeway was too deep to be forded, and which hadbeen strongly fortified by the enemy. He made a successful attack on thisplace, where he commanded in person, although the enemy made a braveresistance both by land and water; but he was obliged to retire at nightwithout filling up the ditch, and he lost four Spaniards killed, and hadabove thirty wounded, the pass being commanded from the terraces ofseveral houses in the water, and his brigantines were unable to getforward to protect his flanks, owing to the piles which the enemy hadfixed under water. Guatimotzin and his Mexicans defended themselves withamazing bravery and resolution, trusting to wear us out and destroy us bycontinual assaults. On the 21st of June, the anniversary of the day of ourfirst entry into Mexico, the enemy assailed us at every point of all ourthree attacks, both by land and water, in front, flanks, and rear, abouttwo hours before day. The number fit for duty at our post on the causewayof Tacuba was 120 men, and all the allies attached to our detachment, wereas usual off the causeway during the night. It was with the utmostdifficulty that we were able to resist and repulse the enemy, of whom agreat number were killed and wounded, losing two of our own soldiers. Theenemy repeated their assaults on all the posts for two other nightssuccessively; and on the third morning, just at day-break, theyconcentrated their whole force and made a desperate attack on our post. Ifour allies had been with us we should have been all lost. On this occasionour cavalry saved our rear, and our brigantines did signal service byclearing our flanks. After a most severe and long doubtful contest, webeat off the enemy and made four of their chiefs prisoners, eight of oursoldiers being slain in this tough affair. I fear my readers may be tiredof this constant repetition of battles, which my duty of historiancompels me to relate: But if I were to give an account of every actionwhich took place during the ninety-three days in which we were engaged inthe siege of this great, strong, and populous city, every day and night ofwhich time brought a perpetual succession of battles and assaults, my workwould be without end, and would more resemble Amadis de Gaul and otherromances of chivalry than a true history, which it really is. 

Cortes became impatient of delay, and proposed in a council of war to makea general assault on the city, marching at once by all the three causeways, and uniting our whole force in the great square, whence we could commandall the streets leading to that centre of Mexico. Some of the members ofthe council objected greatly to this plan, giving the preference to ourpresent system of advancing gradually, filling up the ditches as weproceeded, and destroying the houses to make roads and defences of theirmaterials. They alleged that if we were to succeed in forcing our way intothe great square, we should in our turn be besieged in the heart of thecity, exactly as we had been before our flight from Mexico, and beinvolved in much greater difficulties than now; as the enemy would beenabled to environ us with their whole force by land and water, and wouldcut off all possibility of our retreat, by cutting through the causeways. But Cortes, after hearing all these well founded reasons, still adhered tohis own plan, and issued orders for the whole army, including the allies, to attack the city next day, and to use our utmost efforts to getpossession of the great square. On the next morning therefore, havingrecommended ourselves to God in the solemn service of the mass, all ourthree detachments marched to attack the posts of the enemy on theirseveral fronts. In our attack commanded by Alvarado, most of the Spaniardswere wounded at the first ditch and parapet of the enemy; one Spaniard wasslain, and above a thousand of our allies were killed or wounded. In theattack commanded by Cortes in person, he carried every thing before him atfirst, and having driven the enemy from a post where the water was verydeep and the causeway very narrow, he imprudently pushed on after theenemy followed by the Indian allies. The enemy induced him by frequenthalts and feigned resistance to continue the pursuit, having even narrowedthe causeway on purpose, and Cortes negligently omitted to fill up thedeep ditch which he had passed. When the enemy perceived that our generalhad fallen into the snare which they had laid for him, they attacked himwith fresh troops in front, while numerous canoes filled with warriorsissued out at an appointed signal and assailed him both on the flanks andrear, his brigantines being unable to approach for his defence by thepallisades under water. Retreat became now indispensably necessary, whichwas at first conducted with perfect regularity; but when they came to thenarrow part of the causeway, which was all covered with mud and water, theretreat changed to an absolute flight, our people flying from the enemywith their utmost speed, without even attempting to defend themselves. Cortes used every effort to rally his men, but all in vain, and waswounded in the leg at the narrow pass by some of the enemy from the canoes. At this pass, six of our horses were killed, and seventy-two Spaniardswere carried off alive. At this moment six Mexican chiefs seized Cortes, but by the will of God, Christoval de Olea, that valiant soldier, andanother brave man named Lerma flew to the rescue of our general. De Oleakilled four of the chiefs with his own hand, and gallantly lost his lifein defence of Cortes, while Lerma narrowly escaped. Other brave soldiersarrived at this moment to his aid, among whom was Quinones the captain ofhis guards. By these men he was lifted out of the water and hurried offfrom among a crowd of the enemy. At this critical moment, Guzman hismajordomo, brought up a horse on which our wounded general was mounted. The enemy followed up their success with increasing ardour, Cortes and theshattered remains of his troops, retreating to their quarters with theutmost difficulty, pursued to the last by the Mexicans. 

After our first attack, in which we defeated the enemy and drove them fromtheir post, we were met by fresh bodies of the enemy, marching in greatparade, bearing rich plumes of feathers and ornamented standards. Oncoming near, they threw down before us five bleeding heads, saying thesewere the heads of Cortes and his officers, and that we should soon meetthe same fate. They then marched up, and fought us hand to hand with theutmost valour, insomuch that we were at length compelled to retreat. Asusual, we gave orders to our allies to clear the way, by retreating beforeus; but the sight of the bloody heads had done this effectually, and not aman of them remained on the causeway to impede our flight. Our cavalrymade several charges this day, but our great safety depended upon two gunswhich raked the whole causeway, and were admirably managed by Pedro Morena, an excellent officer, whose services this day were singularly useful, asthe whole causeway was crowded by the enemy. Before we arrived at ourquarters, and while pursued by the enemy, we heard the shrill timbals andmournful sound of the great drum from the summit of the temple of the godof war. The priests were then sacrificing the hearts of ten of ourcompanions to their accursed idols, and the sound of their dismal drum, which might be heard at almost three leagues off, might be imagined to bethe music of the infernal deities. Soon after this, the horn ofGuatimotzin was heard, giving notice to the Mexican officers either tomake prisoners of their enemies, or to die in the attempt. It is utterlyimpossible to describe the fury with which they assailed us on hearingthis dreadful signal, though the remembrance is still as lively as if nowpassing before me: I can only say, that it was the good pleasure of Godthat we got back in safety to our post; praised be his mercy now and forever. Amen! We were ignorant of the fate of our other detachments. Sandoval was more than half a league from us, and Cortes still farther. The melancholy sight of the heads of our countrymen, and the loss of oneof our brigantines in which three of our soldiers were slain, filled uswith melancholy, and we almost thought that we had reached the last hourof our lives. Our captured vessel was afterwards recovered by CaptainXaramillo. In the action of this day, Captain Caravajal, a most gallantofficer, had the honour of being the first who broke through the enemiespallisades with his vessel: He now lives in La Puebla, and has been eversince entirely deaf, having lost his hearing this day by excessiveexertion. 

Most of the soldiers in the detachment of Cortes were wounded, a good manyslain, and a great number taken prisoners, so that on his arrival in hisquarters, where he was immediately attacked, his men were little able todefend themselves. To add to their distress, the enemy threw into theirpost four bleeding heads, saying they were those of Alvarado, Sandoval, and two other officers, in order to impress the soldiers of Cortes withthe belief that the two other detachments had been as roughly handled astheir own. On beholding this horrid spectacle, Cortes was severelyagitated, and his heart sunk within him; yet he kept up appearances, encouraging his men to stand to their arms and defend their post againstthe enemy. He now sent Tapia with three others on horseback to ourquarters, to ascertain our situation. They were attacked on their way byseveral bodies of the enemy, who had been sent out by Guatimotzin toobstruct our communications; but they forced their way through, and foundus engaged with the Mexicans. 

On his side, Sandoval went on victoriously till the defeat of Cortes, whenthe enemy sent a powerful reinforcement against him, by whom he was veryvigorously assailed; and in the first assault they killed two of his menand wounded all the rest, Sandoval himself receiving three wounds, one ofwhich was on the head. As they had done at the other posts, they threwdown six bleeding heads, pretending they were the heads of Cortes and hisprincipal officers, and threatening Sandoval and his men with a similarfate. Sandoval was not to be intimidated, and encouraged his men to behavethemselves bravely; yet, seeing no chance of ultimate success, he broughthis people back to their quarters, many of them being wounded, but havingonly two slain. After this, though severely wounded himself, he left thecommand of his quarters with Captain Luis Marin, and set out on horsebackto have an interview with Cortes. Like Tapia, he was frequently attackedby the enemy on the road, yet made his way to Cortes, whom he addressedwith condolence and astonishment, asking the occasion of his severemisfortune. Cortes laid the blame on Alderate, for neglecting to fill upthe bad pass where the enemy threw his men into confusion; but thetreasurer denied the charge, saying that Cortes had not given any suchorders, but hurried on his men after the feigned retreat of the enemy. Infact Cortes was much blamed for his rashness, and for not sending theallies soon enough out of his way. About this time, Cortes was agreeablysurprised by the arrival of two of his brigantines, which he had givenover for lost. Cortes requested Sandoval to visit our quarters at Tacuba, being unable to go there himself, as he was apprehensive the brunt of theattack might now fall upon our post. Sandoval arrived about the hour ofvespers, when he found us occupied in repelling the enemy, some of themhaving attacked us by the causeway, and others from the ruined houses. Iand several other soldiers were at this time up to our middles in thewater, engaging the enemy in defence of a brigantine which had run aground, and of which the enemy were endeavouring to gain possession. Just asSandoval arrived, we got her afloat by a great exertion, after the enemyhad slain two of her crew and badly wounded all the rest. The enemycontinued their attack with the utmost violence, and Sandoval received ablow on the face with a stone. He called out to us to retreat; and as wedid not fall back as fast as he wished, he repeated his orders, asking usif we wished to have all the cavalry destroyed. We then retreated to ourpost, and though the two guns under Moreno frequently swept the causeway, the execution they made did not prevent the enemy from pursuing us to ourworks. 

We remained for some time at our quarters comparatively at rest, recounting the events which had occurred at our post, and listening to arelation of what had taken place at the two others. On a sudden, we werestruck by the horrifying sound of the great drum, accompanied by thetimbals, horns, and trumpets of the temple of the god of war: And, shocking to tell! we could distinctly see our unfortunate companions whohad been made prisoners, driven by blows to the summit of the diabolicaltemple. On their arrival at the platform, we could see the miserablevictims decorated for sacrifice, with plumes of feathers on their heads, and fans in their hands, when they were forced to dance to the infernalmusic before the accursed idols. After this, we saw them stretched ontheir backs on the stone of sacrifice, where their hearts were cut outalive, and presented yet palpitating to the damnable gods of the enemy, and their bodies drawn by the feet down the steps. "O merciful GOD ofHeaven, " said we among ourselves, "suffer not that we too may besacrificed by these wretches!" My readers may conceive how poignant wereour reflexions at this horrible scene, more especially as we were utterlyunable to afford the smallest aid to our poor friends, whom we saw thusbutchered before our eyes. At this moment the enemy assailed our post ingreat force; but we maintained it with determined resolution, and drovethem back with much loss. During this assault, they reviled us, sayingthat their gods had promised to deliver the whole of us into their hands, and they threw over some of the mangled remains of the horrible repastthey had made on our countrymen, sending round other portions among theneighbouring towns, as a bloody memorial of their victory over us. Sandoval and Tapia, on their return to Cortes, reported the valiant mannerin which we defended our post; and Sandoval mentioned me in particularwith approbation, saying many handsome things of me, which it would beimproper for me to repeat, though the facts were perfectly well known toall the army. 

Our new allies on the lake had suffered considerably from the resentmentof the enemy, who had taken from them above half their canoes: Yet somecontinued firm in their alliance with us, out of hatred to the Mexicans;and others satisfied themselves with looking on, without attempting tomolest us. In consequence of our recent losses, having lost near eightymen, killed and prisoners, and seven horses, and almost all the rest of usbeing wounded, Cortes issued orders to cease from our attacks for fourdays. But the enemy continued their attacks daily, and even gained ground, making new ramparts and ditches. We had a deep ditch and very defensibleramparts in front of our post; and during this cessation from offensiveoperations, the whole of our infantry kept guard on the causeway everynight, flanked by our brigantines, one half of our cavalry patroling inTacuba, and the other half on the causeway to protect our rear. Everymorning we prepared ourselves to resist the attacks of the enemy, whocontinued every day to sacrifice some of our miserable companions. Duringtheir daily and incessant attacks, they reviled us, saying, that theirgods had promised to permit them to destroy us all within eight days; yetthat our flesh was too bitter to be eaten: And truly I believe that thiswas miraculously the case. The threats of the Mexicans, and theirdeclaration that their gods had promised to deliver us into their hands ineight days, had such an effect upon our allies, combined with the badappearance of our affairs, that they almost entirely deserted from usabout this time. The only one who remained with Cortes, was Suchel, otherwise called Don Carlos, brother to our ally the prince of Tezcuco, with about forty followers. The chief of Huexotzinco remained in the campof Sandoval with about fifty of his warriors; and the brave Chichimecatl, with the two sons of Don Lorenzo de Vargas of Tlascala, and about eightyTlascalans, continued with us in the quarters of Alvarado. When they wereasked the reason of the desertion of their countrymen, they said, that theMexican gods had predicted our destruction, and the younger Xicotencatlhad foretold from the first we should all be put to death; they saw thatmany of us were killed and all wounded, and they had already had abovetwelve hundred of their own number slain; And, considering us all devotedto inevitable ruin, they had fled to avoid sharing our fate. Though Cortessecretly thought there was too much reason in what they alleged, he yetassumed a cheerful appearance of perfect security as to the ultimateresult of the enterprize, and used his utmost endeavours to reassure ourremaining friends, turning the hopes and predictions of the Mexicans andthe promises of their false gods into ridicule, and had the good fortuneto persuade our few remaining friends to abide with us. The Indian DonCarlos, or Suchel of Tezcuco, who was a brave warrior and a wise man, strongly represented to our general that he had hitherto acted on a mosterroneous plan, especially considering the relative situations of us andthe enemy. "If you cut off their means of procuring water and provisions, "he observed, "how is it possible that the many _xiquipils_[8] of warriorscan subsist? Their provisions must be at last expended: The water of theirwells is salt and unwholesome, and their only resource is from the presentrainy season. Combat them, therefore, by means of hunger and thirst, anddo not throw away your own force by unnecessary violence. " Cortes embracedSuchel, thanking him for his salutary advice; which indeed had alreadymore than once occurred to ourselves, but we were too impatient to actwith so much prudence. Our general began therefore to act upon this newsystem, so judiciously recommended by our friend of Tezcuco, and sentorders to all the detachments to confine themselves entirely to thedefensive for the next three days. As the canoes of the enemy werenumerous, our brigantines never ventured singly on the lake; and as theyhad now found out the way to break through the pallisades of the enemy, byusing both sails and oars when favoured by the wind, we became absolutemasters of the lake, and were able to command all the insulated houses atany distance from the city; and as the brigantines could now break throughthe pallisades of the enemy, they could always secure our flanks, while wewere engaged in filling up the ditches in our front, which we dideffectually in a very few days, Cortes even assisting in person to carrybeams and earth for that purpose. 

Every night of this period during which we remained on the defensive, theenemy continued their infernal ceremonies, sacrificing some of ourunfortunate companions, which we could distinctly see as their temple wasbrightly illuminated; the accursed drum continually stunned our ears, andthe shrieks and yells of the multitudes who surrounded the temple were attimes perfectly diabolical. Christoval de Guzman was the last executed, who remained eighteen days in their hands. We learned every minutecircumstance respecting these horrible sacrifices from our prisoners, whotold us, that after each successive sacrifice, their war god renewed hispromise of delivering us all into their power. Sometimes, even during thisperiod, the enemy employed some of our own crossbows against us, obligingour unfortunate companions who were in their custody to shoot them off;but our post was protected by the excellent management of the two guns byMorena, and we every day advanced, gaining possession of a bridge or aparapet. Our brigantines also were of infinite service, as they werecontinually intercepting the canoes which carried water and provisions tothe enemy, and those which were employed in procuring a certain nutritivesubstance from the bottom of the lake, which, when dry, resembles cheese. Twelve or thirteen days had now elapsed after the time when the Mexicanpriest had predicted we had only eight days to live. Our allies, therefore, recovered their courage when they saw the fallacy of the prediction, andat the requisition of our steady friend Suchel, two thousand warriors ofTezcuco returned to our quarters, with whom came Pedro Farfan and AntonioVillareal, who had been left by Cortes at that city. About the same time, many bodies of warriors returned to us from Tlascala and other places inour alliance. After their return, Cortes called the chiefs together, towhom he made a speech; partly reprimanding them for having abandoned us, and partly encouraging their future fidelity by confident hopes of victory, and promises of reward, and concluded by earnestly admonishing them not toput any of their Mexican prisoners to death, as he wished to negociatepeace with Guatimotzin. 

Though the heavy rains which fell at this season were both incommodiousand distressing to us, they operated in our favour, as the enemy alwaysrelaxed their efforts against us during their continuance. By slow butsteady perseverance, we had now considerably advanced into the city at allthe three attacks, and had even reached the wells of brackish water whichthe enemy had dug, and which we now destroyed. Our cavalry could now actfreely through the whole space which we had gained, as we had carefullylevelled the causeway behind us, destroying all the houses on each sidefrom which we could be annoyed, and carefully fortified our several fronts. Cortes deemed the present conjuncture favourable for offering peace to theMexicans, and proposed to three of our principal prisoners to carry amessage to Guatimotzin to that effect; but they declined the commission, alleging that he would put them to death. They were at length prevailedupon to comply, and were instructed to represent to Guatimotzin in thename of Cortes: "That from respect to the family of the great Montezuma, and that he might prevent the destruction of the capital and the loss ofso many lives, he was willing to enter into a treaty of peace and amity;desiring Guatimotzin to reflect that he and his people were now cut offfrom all supplies of water and provisions; and that all the nations whohad formerly been the vassals of Mexico, were now in alliance with theSpaniards. " A great deal more was added, to the same effect, all of whichwas perfectly understood by the messengers. Before they went into the city, they required a letter from Cortes, to serve them as a token of credence;with which they waited on their sovereign, weeping and lamentingthemselves bitterly, as they knew the danger to which they were exposed. At first, Guatimotzin and his principal chiefs were filled with rage andindignation at the proposal; but he at last consented to call a council ofall the princes, chiefs, and principal priests of the city, before whom helaid the message of Cortes, and even expressed his own inclination to comeinto terms of peace, considering the inefficacy of their resistance, thedesertion of their allies, and the miseries to which the people werereduced. The priests obstinately opposed every idea of peace. Theyrepresented the hostile conduct of the Spaniards to their nation eversince they first came into the country; their profanation of the templesand idols of their gods; their injurious treatment of the great Montezuma, and of all the other princes who had fallen under their power; the deathof the two sons of Montezuma, the seizure of the royal treasures, and thedestruction of the city. They reminded Guatimotzin of his own martial fame, which would be sullied and disgraced by submission; insisting, that allthe offers of Cortes were only insidiously meant to enslave and circumvent;and concluded by repeating the assurances of victory which they hadreceived from their gods. Guatimotzin yielded to these arguments, anddeclared his resolution to fight to the last: He gave orders, therefore, to husband their provisions with the utmost frugality, to use their utmostendeavours to procure supplies under night, and to sink new wells invarious parts of the city. Our army had remained two days quietly in theirposts, waiting an answer to our pacific message. On the third, we werefuriously assailed on all points by large bodies of the enemy, who rushedupon us like lions, closing up as if utterly regardless of their lives, and using their utmost efforts to make us prisoners; all the while, thehorn of Guatimotzin being continually sounded, to inspire them with fury. For seven days we were thus continually assailed: After watching all night, we had to go into action every morning at day-break; and having fought thewhole day, we retired in the evening to a miserable regale of maize calces, with _tunas_ or Indian figs, herbs, and _agi_ or pepper. Our recentpacific offer was employed as a subject of contempt, for which theyreproached us as cowards; saying that peace belonged only to women, armsand war to brave men. 

It has been already mentioned, that the horrible fragments of our wretchedcompanions had been sent round the provinces of the Mexican empire, toencourage them to rise in support of the sovereign and his capital. Inconsequence of this, a great force assembled from Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and other places about eight leagues from Mexico, which was intended foran attack on our rear, while the Mexicans should attack us in front. Onthe assemblage of this force, they committed horrible ravages on thecountry in our rear, seizing numbers of children in order to sacrificethem to their idols. To disperse this hostile assemblage, Andres de Tapiawas detached with twenty cavalry and an hundred infantry, and effectuallyexecuted his commission, driving the enemy back to their own country withgreat loss. Soon after his return, Cortes sent Sandoval with a detachmentto the assistance of the country around Quauhnahuac, or Cuernabaca. Muchmight be said of this expedition, were I to enter into a detail: but itmay suffice, that it was more like a peaceable triumph than a warlikeexpedition, yet proved of most excellent service to us, as Sandovalreturned accompanied by two chiefs of the nation against which he wassent[9]. Cortes, after these successes, sent a second message toGuatimotzin, reminding him of the distresses to which his people werereduced, and expressing great anxiety to save the city of Mexico fromdestruction, which could only be done by immediate submission; and toconvince him that all hopes of assistance from his former allies were nowat an end, he sent this message by the two chiefs who had accompaniedSandoval. Guatimotzin refused any answer, but sent back the chiefs unhurt. The enemy continued their daily assaults upon the advanced works of ourseveral attacks, increasing even in their fury if possible, and exultinglyexclaiming, _Tenitotz re de Castila? Tenitotz axa a!_ "What says theking of Castile? What does he now?"

We still continued to advance towards the centre of Mexico, regularlydestroying the houses on both sides of us, and carefully fortifying ouradvanced post; and we now perceived a considerable relaxation in theefforts of the enemy, who were not so eager as formerly to open up theditches; yet they continued to attack us with the utmost fury, as ifcourting death. But we too had now serious cause of alarm, as ourgunpowder was almost entirely expended. At this critical moment, and mostfortunately for us, a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with soldiers andordnance stores, all of which, together with the men, were immediatelysent to Cortes by Rangel, who commanded at Villa Rica. This vesselbelonged to an armament which had been fitted out by Lucas Vasquez deAillon, and which had been destroyed or dispersed near Florida. On thearrival of this reinforcement, Cortes and all the army determined to makea grand push for the great square in that part of the city calledTlaltelolco, as it would become an excellent place of arms, on account ofsome principal temples and other strong buildings which were theresituated. For this purpose, each of our divisions continued their dailyefforts to advance in our usual cautious manner. Cortes got possession ofa small square in which were some temples, on the beams of which many ofthe heads of our sacrificed companions were placed, their hair and beardsbeing much grown. I could not have believed this, if I had not myself seenthem three days afterwards, when our party had worked their way to thesame place, after having filled up three canals. In twelve days afterwards, they were all reverently buried by us in that place where the Church ofthe Martyrs is now built. 

Our detachment under Alvarado continued to advance, and at last forced theenemy from the barricades they had thrown up to defend the great square, which cost us two hours hard fighting. Our cavalry was now of mostessential service in the large space which was now laid open, and drovethe enemy before them into the temple of the god of war, which stood inthe middle of the great square. Alvarado determined to gain possession ofthe temple; for which purpose he divided his forces into three bodies, oneof which, commanded by Guttierrez de Badajoz, he ordered to gainpossession of the temple, while with the other two he occupied theattention of the enemy below. A large force of the enemy, headed by thepriests, occupied the platform of the temple, with all its idolsanctuaries and galleries, and repulsed the troops of Guttierrez, drivingthem down the steps. The body to which I belonged was now ordered byAlvarado to their support. We advanced boldly to the assault, and havingascended to the platform, we drove the enemy from the post, of which wetook possession, setting fire to their abominable idols, and planting ourstandard in triumph on the summit of the temple. The view of this signalof victory greatly rejoiced Cortes, who would fain have joined us; but hewas still a quarter of a league from the place, and had many ditches tofill as he advanced. In four days more, both he and Sandoval had workedtheir way up to the great square of Tlaltelolco, where they joined us, andthus communications from all our three attacks were opened up to thecentre of Mexico. 

Our attack on the temple was truly perilous, considering the number of theenemy, the height and difficulty of the ascent, and the fury with whichthey continued to fight against us, even after we had attained theplatform and set their idols on fire, and it was night before we couldcompel them to abandon the summit. The royal palaces were now levelledwith the ground, and Guatimotzin had retired with his troops to a moredistant quarter of the city towards the lake[10]. Still, however, theenemy attacked us every day, and at night pursued us into our quarters;and though apparently reduced to the last extremity, they made no offertowards peace. Cortes now laid a plan for drawing the enemy into an ambush:For this purpose, he one night placed 30 of our cavalry, with 100 of ourbest foot soldiers, and 1000 Tlascalans, in some large houses which hadbelonged to a principal nobleman of Mexico. Next morning he went in personwith the rest of our army to attack a post at a bridge, which was defendedby a large force of the Mexicans. After continuing the assault for sometime, Cortes slowly retreated with his men, drawing the enemy after him bythe buildings in which the ambush lay concealed. When he had led them to asufficient distance, he gave the concerted signal, by firing two guns inquick succession. We immediately sallied out, and having thus enclosed theenemy between us, we made a terrible havoc among them, and from that timethey never ventured to annoy us on our nightly retreat. Another trap waslaid for the enemy by Alvarado, which had not the same success; but as Iwas now doing duty with the division which Cortes commanded in person, Iwas not present, and cannot, therefore recount the particulars. Hithertowe had continued to retreat every night to the posts we had established onthe causeways, which were at least half a league from the great temple;but we now quitted these posts, and formed a lodgment for the whole armyin the great square of Tlaltelolco, where we remained for three dayswithout doing any thing worth notice, as Cortes wished to abstain fromdestroying any more of the city, in hopes of prevailing on Guatimotzin toaccept of peace. He sent, therefore, a message, requesting him tosurrender, giving him the strongest assurances that he should continue toenjoy the sovereignty, and should be treated with every honourabledistinction; and he accompanied this message with a considerable presentof provisions, such as fowls, game, bread, and fruit. Guatimotzinpretended to be inclined towards a pacification, and even sent four of hisprincipal nobles to propose an interview between him and our general. Butthis, was a mere stratagem to gain time for strengthening hisfortifications, and making preparations to attack us; as from the exampleof what had befallen his uncle Montezuma, and the suggestions of hisadvisers, he was afraid to trust himself in our hands. The mask was soonthrown off, and the enemy attacked us with such extreme violence, andhaving taken us in some measure by surprise, that they had some success atfirst, killing one of our soldiers and two horses; but in the end we drovethem back with considerable loss. 

Cortes now ordered us to proceed on our former system, of advancing dailyagainst that part of the city which was occupied by Guatimotzin, fillingup the ditches and destroying the houses as we proceeded; and weaccordingly gained ground as formerly. Guatimotzin, on seeing this, madeanother offer of an interview with our general, proposing the conferencemight take place across a large canal. To this Cortes readily assented, and went accordingly to the appointed place, but Guatimotzin neverappeared; instead of which he sent some of his principal nobles, who saidthe king was apprehensive of being shot during the conference. Cortesengaged by the most solemn oaths that no injury should be offered, but allto no purpose. At this time two of these nobles played a most ridiculousfarce: They took out from a sack a fowl, some bread, and a quantity ofcherries, which they began to eat deliberately, as if to impress us withthe belief that they had abundance of provisions. When Cortes found thatthe proposed conference was only a pretext to gain time, he sent a messageof defiance to Guatimotzin and retired. For four days after this, we werenot attacked by the enemy; but numbers of famished Mexicans used tosurround our quarters every night. Cortes pitied their wretched situation, and ordered us to refrain from hostilities, always hoping that the enemywould offer terms of accommodation. One of our soldiers, named Sotela, whohad served in Italy, was always boasting of the great battles he had seen, and of the wonderful military engines which he was able to construct, andparticularly that he could make a machine for throwing stones, by which hewould destroy the whole of that part of the city which Guatimotzinoccupied, in a very few days. Cortes was at last induced to listen to him, and all kinds of materials were brought for him to construct his engine. Stone and lime was procured; the carpenters were set to work to preparetimber; two strong cables were made; and a number of large stones werebrought, which the machine was to project. When all was ready, a stone wasplaced in the engine, and it was played off against the quarters ofGuatimotzin. But instead of taking that direction, the stone flew upvertically into the air, and returned exactly to the place whence it waslaunched. Cortes was angry and ashamed at the result, and ordered themachine to be destroyed, reproaching the soldier for his ignorantpresumption. 

Sandoval was now sent with the command of the flotilla, to act againstthat division of the city in which Guatimotzin still held out. He wasordered to spare the Mexicans as much as possible, but to destroy all thehouses and advanced works which the enemy possessed in the lake. On thisoccasion, Cortes ascended to the high platform of the great temple, attended by many of his officers and soldiers, to observe the movements ofthe fleet. Guatimotzin, on observing the approach of Sandoval, became veryapprehensive of being made prisoner, and determined to attempt making hisescape. For this purpose he had already fifty large piraguas in readiness, on board of which he embarked with his family, principal officers andcourtiers, and all their most valuable effects, and endeavoured to escapeby the lake to the main land; all the piraguas taking different directions, in order to distract the pursuit of the brigantines. At this time Sandovalwas occupied in tearing down some houses, that he might clear his waytowards the quarters of Guatimotzin, of whose flight he got immediatenotice. He set out therefore immediately in pursuit, giving strict ordersto all the captains of his brigantines to offer no injury or insult to theroyal fugitive; but to keep a watchful eye on that vessel in whichGuatimotzin was supposed to have embarked, using every effort to take it, and paying no attention to the rest. In particular, he directed GarciaHolguin, who commanded the swiftest sailing vessel of the fleet, to makefor that part of the shore to which it was supposed Guatimotzin was mostlikely to go. Holguin accordingly fell in with several piraguas, one ofwhich, from the superior appearance of its structure and awning, hesupposed to be that which carried the king. He called out to the people onboard to bring to, but without effect, and then ordered his musketeers andcross-bows to present. On seeing this, Guatimotzin called out to them notto shoot, acknowledging who he was, and declared his readiness to submit, requesting to be taken immediately to the general, and entreating that hisqueen, children, and attendants might not be ill treated. Holguin receivedhim and his queen with the utmost respect, placing them and twenty of thenobles who attended them on the poop of his vessel, setting suchrefreshments before them as he had in his power, and ordered the piraguaswhich carried the royal effects to follow untouched. At this time, perceiving that Holguin had made Guatimotzin prisoner, and was carryinghim to Cortes, Sandoval made a signal for all the brigantines to close upwith him, and ordered his rowers to exert every effort to bring him upwith Holguin. On getting alongside, Sandoval demanded Guatimotzin to bedelivered up to him, as commander of the naval force, but Holguin refused, and many high words passed between them. One of the vessels was sent toinform Cortes of the great event which had taken place, and by the samemeans he learnt the dispute which had occurred between Sandoval andHolguin. He immediately sent the Captains Marin and De Lugo with orders tobring the whole party to his quarters on the summit of the great temple, ordering them to treat Guatimotzin and his queen with the highest respect. In the meantime, he ordered a state canopy to be arranged as well as hecould, with cloths and mantles, to receive his prisoners, and a table tobe spread with such refreshments as could be procured. 

On the approach of the prisoners, Cortes went forward to meet the king, whom he embraced with much respect, and shewed all possible attention tohis followers. The unfortunate monarch sinking under his affliction, addressed Cortes as follows, with his eyes full of tears: "_Malinatzin!_ Ihave done every thing in my power to defend my kingdom and people, but allmy efforts have been in vain, and I am now your prisoner; I request of you, therefore, to draw your dagger and stab me to the heart. " Cortes used hisbest endeavours to console him, assuring him of his high esteem for thevalour and firmness he had exerted, that he should continue to reign asformerly, and that he had only required his submission when all reasonablehope of defence was gone, in order to avoid the utter destruction of hiscapital and people. Cortes then inquired after the queen, and was toldthat she and her female attendants remained in the piragua till their fatewas decided. He then ordered them to be sent for, and treated them withall respect. As the evening drew on, and it threatened to rain, the wholeroyal family was sent to Cojohuacan, under the care of Sandoval, and asufficient escort. Guatimotzin was about twenty-three or twenty-four yearsof age, of a noble appearance, both in person and countenance, havinglarge and cheerful features, with lively eyes, and his complexion was veryfair for an Indian. His queen, who was the niece[11] of Montezuma, wasyoung and very handsome. 

The whole army was now ordered to withdraw from the great temple ofTlaltelolco, and to return to their original head-quarters. Cortesproceeded to Cojohuacan, where he took the command in person, sendingSandoval to resume his station at Tepejacac, and our division, underAlvarado, retired to Tacuba. Thus was the important seige of Mexicobrought to a successful conclusion, by the capture of Guatimotzin and hisfamily at the hour of vespers, on the day of St Hypolitus, 13th of August1521. Glorified be our Lord Jesus Christ, and his Holy Virgin Mother, Amen!

In the night after the capture of Guatimotzin, about midnight, there wasthe greatest tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain I ever witnessed. Butall the soldiers were as deaf as if they had been an hour in a belfrey, and all the bells ringing about their ears. This proceeded from thecontinual noise they had been accustomed to from the enemy during the_ninety-three days_[12] of this memorable siege: Some bringing on theirtroops to attack us on the causeways, with loud shouts, and shrillwhistling; others in canoes assailing our flanks; some at work on thepallisades, water courses, and stone parapets, or preparing theirmagazines of arms, and the shrieks and yells of the women, who suppliedthe warriors with stones, darts, and arrows; the infernal noise of theirtimbals, horns, and trumpets, and the dismal drum, and other shockingnoises, perpetually sounding in our ears: All of which immediately ceasedon the capture of Guatimotzin. In consequence of the dispute betweenSandoval and Holguin threatening unpleasant consequences, Cortes relatedto them from the Roman history the dispute between Marius and Sylla, about the capture of Iugurtha, which was ultimately productive of veryfatal civil wars. He assured them that the whole affair should berepresented to the emperor Don Carlos, by whose arbitration it should bedecided. But in two years after, the emperor authorised Cortes to bear inhis arms the seven kings whom he had subdued, Montezuma, Guatimotzin, andthe princes of Tezcuco, Cojohuacan, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Matlatzinco. 

It is absolutely truth, to which I swear _amen_! that all the lake, thehouses, and the courts were filled with dead bodies, so that I know nothow to describe the miserable spectacle. All the streets, squares, courts, and houses of Tlaltelolco, were so covered by them, that we could not takea single step without treading on or between the bodies of dead Indians. The lake and the canals were full of them, and the stench was intolerable. It was for this reason that our troops retired from the city immediatelyafter the capture of Guatimotzin: Cortes was himself ill for some time, owing to the dreadful effluvia arising from the putrifying bodies. I haveread the history of the destruction of Jerusalem, but I cannot conceivethat the mortality even there exceeded what I was witness to in Mexico; asall the warriors from the most distant provinces of that populous empirewere concentrated there, and almost the whole garrison was cut off intheir almost perpetual encounters with us, or perished of famine. 

Our vessels were now in the best situation for service; as those on boardhad ready access to the houses in the water, which were beyond our reach, whence they carried away all the best of the plunder. Their crews alsodiscovered a great many valuable articles which the Mexicans had concealedamong the tall reeds on the borders of the lake, and they intercepted agreat deal that the inhabitants of the city endeavoured to carry away intheir canoes; all of which was beyond our reach: Indeed the wealth whichour mariners procured at this time was quite incalculable, as Guatimotzinand all his chiefs declared that far the greater part of the publictreasure fell into their hands. 

Soon after the capture of Guatimotzin, it was ordered on his suggestion, that all the remaining inhabitants of Mexico should remove to theneighbouring towns, in order to have the the city cleared of the deadbodies, to restore its salubrity. In consequence of this order, all thecauseways were full for three days and nights, of weak, sickly, andsqualid wretches, men, women, and children, covered with filth, worn outby famine and disease, so that the sight was shocking in the extreme. Whenall were gone who had been able to get away, we went to examine thesituation of the city, which was as I have already described, in a mostmiserable state. All the streets, courts, and houses were covered withdead bodies, among whom some miserable wretches were crawling about in thedifferent stages of the most offensive diseases, occasioned by famine, themost unnatural food, and the pestilential smell of the corrupting carcases. Even the trees were stripped of their bark, and the ground had beeneverywhere dug up in search of any kind of roots it might be able toafford. Not a drop of water could be any where procured; and though it wasthe constant practice of all these nations to feast on the prisoners theytook in war, not one instance occurred, in the midst of their extremedistress, of their having preyed on each other: and certainly there neverexisted in the history of this world any instance of a people who sufferedso severely from hunger, thirst, and warfare. I must here observe, that inall our combats, the Mexicans seemed much more anxious to carry oursoldiers away alive, that they might be sacrificed to their gods, than tokill them. 

After a solemn service of thanks to God for our victory, Cortes determinedupon giving a feast in Cojohuacan to celebrate our triumph, as a vesselhad arrived at Villa Rica with abundance of hogs, and a cargo of wine. Heinvited all his officers, and all the soldiers of particular estimation tothis entertainment, and we all accordingly waited upon him at the timeappointed. When we came to sit down to dinner, there were not tables andcovers prepared for more than half of us, so that the company fell intosad confusion. The wine occasioned many to commit follies and other worsethings. Some leapt over the tables, who were afterwards unable to get outat the doors, and many rolled down the steps, who could not walk home totheir quarters. The private soldiers, in high expectations of immenseplunder, declared they would buy horses with gold trappings, and thecrossbow-men swore they would henceforth use only golden arrows. When thetables were removed, the soldiers danced in their armour, with the fewladies who were present; but the disproportion was very great, and thescene became truly ludicrous. Father Olmedo became quite scandalized atthe conduct of the visitors at the feast, and was so disgusted at what wasgoing on during the dances, that he complained to Sandoval, who reportedto Cortes that the good Father was grumbling and scolding out of allmeasure. Our general, always prudent in his proceedings, came up to Olmedo, affecting to disapprove of the indecent conduct of his guests, andrequested of him to order a solemn mass and thanksgiving, and to give thesoldiers a sermon on their religious and moral duties. The good father wasquite delighted at this proposal; and accordingly the crucifixes and theimage of the blessed Virgin were carried in solemn procession, amid ourdrums and military ensigns; Olmedo chanted the litany and administered thesacrament, and we all gave thanks to God for our victory. 

Cortes now dismissed the Tlascalan chiefs and our other allies, who hadrendered most important services during our long protracted warfare, making them many compliments and great promises, that he would make themall rich and great lords, with extensive territories and numerous vassals, so that they all departed in high spirits: But they had secured somethingmore substantial than empty promises, as they were all well laden with theplunder of Mexico. Neither were they behind our enemies in their cannibalfeasts, of which they had reserved some portions to give to their friendson their return. 

Now that I have concluded the narrative of so many furious and bloodyengagements, through which the Almighty has been pleased to protect me, Imust confess, that the sight of so many of my companions sacrificed aliveto the war-god of the Mexicans, inspired me with fear. This may appear tosome as an indication of want of courage, yet in that time I consideredmyself, and was looked upon by all as a valiant soldier, and was neverexceeded by any in bold achievements. But when I saw the palpitatinghearts of my companions taken out alive, and their legs and arms cut offto be served up in the barbarous feasts of our cannibal enemies, I fearedit might one day be my own lot; and in fact the enemy had me twice intheir hands, but by the blessing of God I escaped from their savage grasp. Yet I ever afterwards remembered the dreadful scene which I had witnessed, and on going to battle was much depressed and uneasy, fearing to be doomedto that cruel death. Yet I always recommended myself to God and hisblessed Mother, and the moment I was engaged with the enemy all fear leftme. Let those valiant cavaliers who have been in desperate battles andmortal dangers decide on the cause of my fears, for I declare I never knewwhat fear was till I saw the savage immolation of my seventy-twocompanions: In my own opinion it was from excessive courage, as I wasfully aware of the extent of danger which I was voluntarily about toencounter. I have related many engagements in this history, at which I wasnot present; for even if my body had been of iron I could not have beenpresent at all, and I was much oftener wounded than whole. 

[1] According to Clavigero, II. 162, the 30th of May 1521, on which day Cortes dated the commencement of this memorable siege. --E. 

[2] Corpus Christi fell that year, according to Clavigero, on the 30th May, so that the occupation of Iztapalapa, by which the investment of Mexico was completed, was on the 3d of June. 

[3] The whole of this topographical account of Mexico and its approaches is added by the editor, and has been placed in the text, distinguished by inverted commas, as too long for a note. A plan is added, constructed from a comparison of the maps in Diaz and Clavigero, both evidently drawn without any actual survey, and corrected by means of the excellent map of the vale of Mexico given by Humboldt. By means of a great drain, made considerably posterior to the conquest, the lake has been greatly diminished in magnitude, insomuch that the city is now above three miles from the lake; so that the accurate map of Humboldt does not now serve for the ancient topography of Mexico and its near environs. --E. 

[4] It is hard to guess which way the brigantines could get there, as by the maps both of Diaz and Clavigero, the great double causeway of Xoloc or Iztapalapa, ought to have completely prevented his penetrating to that part of the lake. It was probably Xoloc against which this attack was made, and Diaz may have mistaken the name after an interval of fifty-one years; for so long intervened between the siege of Mexico in 1521, and 1572, when he informs us his history was concluded. --E. 

[5] Perhaps along the mound or causeway of Mexicaltzinco; by which he approached towards the great causeway of Xoloc, and the position of De Oli at Cojohuacan. --E. 

[6] Though not mentioned by Diaz, this necessarily implies that one of the bridges of each causeway must have been taken possession of by the Spaniards, to allow the brigantines to get through into those parts of the lake which were intersected by the causeways. --E. 

[7] Though not especially mentioned by Diaz, it appears that Cortes had taken the immediate command of the detachment of De Oli, at Cojohuacan, which formed the southern attack. --E. 

[8] On some former occasions the xiquipil has been already explained as denoting eight thousand men. --E. 

[9] Clavigero, II. 180, supplies the brevity used by Diaz on this occasion. He says that the chiefs of the districts of Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and Cohuixco came to Cortes and entered into a confederacy with him against Mexico; by which means, added to his former alliances, he was now able to have employed "more warriors against Mexico than Xerxes did against Greece. " Clavigero everywhere deals in monstrous exaggeration, while Diaz is uniformly modest, and within due bounds of credibility. Even in the few _miracles_ of which Diaz makes mention, his credulity is modestly guarded by devout fear of the holy office. --E. 

[10] The whole western division of Mexico called Tlaltelolco was now in possession of the Spaniards, and probably destroyed by them to secure their communications; and the miserable remnant of the brave Mexicans had retired into the eastern division, named Tenochtitlan. --E. 

[11] According to the genealogy of the Mexican kings in Clavigero, I. 240, this princess, whose name was Tecuichpotzin, was queen successively to her uncle Cuitlahuatzin, and her cousin Guatimotzin. After the conquest, she became a Christian, by the name of Donna Elizabeta Montezuma, marrying three noble Spaniards in succession; and from her descended the two noble families of Cano Montezuma, and Andrea Montezuma. Montezuma left likewise a son, Don Pedro Johualicahuatxin Montezuma, whose male descendants failed in a great-grandson; but there are several noble families both in Spain and Mexico descended from that sovereign of Mexico in the female line. --E. 

[12] We have formerly said, on the authority of Clavigero, that the siege of Mexico commenced on the 30th of May, and as it ended on the 13th of August, the siege, by this mode of reckoning, could only have lasted 76 days. It is highly probable, therefore, that the commencement of the siege must have been on the 13th of May, and the 30th of Clavigero may only be an error of the press. --E. 

SECTION XIV. 

_Occurrences in New Spain immediately subsequent to the reduction ofMexico_. 

As soon as Cortes had leisure to think of objects of internal regulation, he gave orders to have the aqueduct restored by which the city of Mexicowas supplied with water, and to have the city cleared of the dead bodiesand repaired, so that it might be again habitable within two months. Thepalaces and houses were ordered to be rebuilt, and a certain portion ofthe city was allotted for the natives, while another part was reserved forthe residence of the Spaniards. Guatimotzin made application to ourgeneral, in the name of many of his principal nobles, requesting that alltheir women of rank who had been taken by our soldiers, might be restoredto their husbands and fathers. This was a matter of considerabledifficulty; yet the general allowed a search to be made, with an assurancethat all should be delivered up who were inclined to return. Every housewas accordingly searched; and though many were found, three only of thewhole number were inclined to return to their families; all the restexpressed their abhorrence at the idolatry of their countrymen, besideswhich, many of them declared that they were pregnant, and refused to quitthe soldiers to whom they were attached. 

One of the first public works undertaken in Mexico was an arsenal for thereception of our flotilla which had been of such signal service during thesiege. To the best of my remembrance, Alvarado was appointed alcalde, orchief magistrate, till the arrival of Salazar de la Pedrada. It wascurrently reported that Guatimotzin had thrown great quantities of gold, silver, and jewels, into the lake four days before his capture, and it waswell known that our allies had got large plunder as well as our own menwho served in the brigantines, and many of us suspected that Cortes waswell pleased that Guatimotzin had concealed much treasure, as he expectedto procure the whole for himself. It was then proposed in the army, thatGuatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba, his most confidential counsellor, should be put to the torture, to extort confession of where the treasurewas secreted; this horrid act was certainly greatly against theinclination of Cortes, yet he was forced to leave the unfortunate king andthe lord of Tacuba at the disposal of those avaricious wretches, whoalleged that our general objected to this infernal measure that he mightsecure the gold for himself. In answer to all interrogatories on thesubject of the treasure, the royal Mexican officers uniformly protestedthat no more existed than what had been produced; which, when melted, didnot exceed the value of 380, 000 crowns; so that, when the royal fifth andthat for Cortes were deducted, those of the conquerors who were notfriends to Cortes were exceedingly dissatisfied. All that could beextorted by the inhuman procedure of torture from the king and prince was, that they had thrown some treasure into the lake, together with themuskets and other arms captured during our flight from Mexico in thepreceding year, four days before the surrender. The place indicated wasrepeatedly searched to no purpose by our best divers; but a sun of solidgold, similar to one we got from Montezuma, with many ornaments of smallvalue, were found in a deep pond near his residence. The prince of Tacubadeclared under the torture that he had buried some gold at a place aboutfour leagues from Tacuba; but when Alvarado and six soldiers accompaniedhim there, of whom I was one, he declared he had no gold, and had onlysaid so in hope of dying on the road. In fact the treasury was reducedvery low before the accession of Guatimotzin. I and several other gooddivers searched that part of the lake which had been indicated byGuatimotzin, but we found only some small pieces of gold, which wereimmediately claimed by Cortes and Alederete the treasurer; who likewisesent down other persons in their own presence, but all they got did notreach the value of ninety crowns. We were all miserably disappointed tofind our shares so small; insomuch that Olmedo and all the captainsproposed to Cortes to divide the whole which belonged to the army amongthe wounded, the lame, the blind, and the sick, all who were soundrenouncing their claims. We were all curious to know what our sharesamounted to, and it at length appeared that the share of a horseman wasonly an hundred crowns. I forget how much belonged to a foot soldier; butit was so small that none of us would accept the paltry sum, moreespecially the soldiers of Narvaez, who never liked Cortes. 

Many of our soldiers had incurred heavy debts. A crossbow cost fiftycrowns, a musket a hundred, a horse eight hundred or a thousand, and everything else in proportion. Our surgeon, master Juan, and Doctor Murcia ourapothecary and barber, charged very high, and there were various othersources of debt, all to be satisfied from our miserable dividends. Theserequired to be regulated; and accordingly Cortes appointed two respectablepersons, Santa Clara and Lerena, to arbitrate all claims, which wereordered to be cleared off within two years according to their award. Thevalue also of the gold was debased, to serve us in our dealings with themerchants from Spain and Cuba; but it had the opposite effect, as theycharged more than double the difference on their goods. On these abusesbeing known at court, our emperor was pleased to prohibit the farthercurrency of this base metal, ordering it to be all received in payment ofcertain duties, and no more of it to be made; and as two goldsmiths weredetected for putting off base metal with the legal mark of good, they werehanged for the fraud. 

As the best way to rid himself of troublesome demands, Cortes resolved tosend off colonies to make settlements at convenient situations. Sandovalwas sent for this purpose to occupy Coatzacualco and Tzapotecapan, thesouth-eastern provinces of the Mexican empire. Juan Velasquez to Colima, and Villa Fuerte to Zacatollan, the most westerly provinces on the southsea. Christoval de Oli to take possession of the kingdom of Michuacan, andFrancisca de Orozco to Guaxaca or Oaxaco. The native chiefs of the distantprovinces could hardly be brought to believe that Mexico was destroyed, and sent deputations to ascertain the truth of the report, bearing largepresents of gold to Cortes, and submitting themselves as vassals to ouremperor. Many came in person to Mexico, and even brought their children tosee the fallen condition of that great power which they had once held insuch awe and terror, expressing themselves in their own language, as whoshould say, _Here stood Troy_. My readers may be curious to know how we, the conquerors of Mexico, after encountering so many fatigues and dangersto gain possession of that city, should now so readily abandon it insearch of new settlements. To this I answer: The books containing therecord of the Mexican revenues were examined to find whence Montezmna hadobtained the valuable articles of tribute, such as gold, cocoa, and cotton, and we all wished to remove to these productive districts. Some especiallywere led by the example of Sandoval, who was known to be the particularfriend of Cortes, and who would not, as they thought, be sent upon anunprofitable errand. We all knew that the vicinity of Mexico had neithermines, plantations, nor manufactures, being entirely occupied in thecultivation of maize and _maguey_, which did not afford sufficientprospects of advantage, and we anxiously removed therefore to other places, where we were miserably disappointed. I among others, went to Cortes andasked permission to accompany Sandoval to his government: "Brother Diaz, "said he, "you had better stay with me: If you are resolved to accompanyyour friend Sandoval, you may certainly go; but on my conscience you willrepent. " All the gold got into the hands of the royal officers, as theslaves were purchased by the soldiers at a public sale. The variousdetachments were sent out at different periods to occupy the provinces, but all within two months after the reduction of Mexico. 

At this time, Christoval de Tapia, _veedor_ of Hispaniola, arrived atVilla Rica with a commission to assume the government of New Spain, byorder of the emperor and under the direction of the bishop of Burgos. Helikewise brought letters from the bishop to Cortes and many persons in thearmy, recommending him to be received with honour as governor, promisinggreat rewards to all who should assist him in assuming the government, with severe threats of punishing all who opposed him: besides these sealedletters, he had many others which he was authorised to address as he sawoccasion. Tapia in the first place presented his commission to Alvarado, who now commanded at Villa Rica, who received it with the highest respect, saying that it did not belong to him to decide on so important a subject, and it would be proper, therefore, to assemble the alcaldes and regidorsof the settlement, that the commission might be verified in their presence, and that it might be certainly known it came regularly from his majesty. This did not exactly suit the views of Tapia, who was advised to proceedto Mexico, and to produce his commission to the general; he thereforeforwarded to Cortes the letter of the bishop, and wrote to him on thesubject of his mission to New Spain, using smooth and persuasive terms, and Cortes was by no means behind hand in the civility of his reply. Cortes, however, sent off expresses to some of his most confidentialofficers whom he had previously detached to settle colonies, ordering themto go to meet Tapia, who had already begun his journey to Mexico, and wasmet with on the road by Alvarado, Sandoval, Valdenegro, Andres de Tapia, and Father Olmedo, all persons in the confidence of Cortes, by whomChristoval de Tapia was persuaded to go back to Chempoalla, and to producehis commission to them. Having examined it and finding it genuine, theyplaced it on their heads in token of respect and submission to the will ofthe emperor, yet hesitated as to acknowledging Tapia for governor, alleging that it was necessary in the first place to be assured of hismajestys pleasure in the present state of New Spain, which had beenconcealed from his knowledge by the bishop of Burgos, to serve his ownprivate views and to favour Tapia and Velasquez, one of whom it wasalleged was to marry his niece. Tapia saw evidently that it would be noeasy matter to enter upon his office of governor, and fell sick withvexation. The before-mentioned deputies informed Cortes by letter of allthat had passed, and advised him to try the all-powerful influence of goldon the would-be governor. Cortes complied with this advice, andtransmitted a good quantity of golden ingots by return of the express, bymeans of which his friends gratified the avarice of Tapia, under pretenceof purchasing one of his ships, with some horses and negroes; and Tapiaset sail in his other vessel for Hispaniola, where he was very illreceived by the royal audience and the Jeronymite brotherhood, as he hadundertaken this business contrary to their express orders. 

I have formerly mentioned some particulars of an unsuccessful expeditionset on foot by Garray, the governor of Jamaica, for the establishment of acolony on the river of Panuco; and as Cortes was informed that Garrayintended to resume that project, he resolved to anticipate him, considering the country on that river as included in New Spain. Havinglikewise been informed that Narvaez, who still continued a prisoner atVilla Rica, had held some confidential intercourse with Tapia, in which headvised him to quit the country as soon as possible, and to lay astatement of the whole before his patron the bishop of Burgos; Cortessent orders to Rangel, now commandant at Villa Rica, to send up Narvaez toCojohuacan, where Cortes resided until the palace he meant to inhabit atMexico was completed. On appearing before Cortes, Narvaez fell on hisknees and endeavoured to kiss his hand; but Cortes raised and embraced him, and treated him with the utmost kindness. His residence in Mexico beingready for his reception, Cortes went to live there in great splendour, marking out a plan for the restoration of the city, in which ampleallotments were made for churches, monasteries, and public buildings, withsquares and markets, all the rest of the ground being set apart for theprivate inhabitants; and both so speedily and splendidly was this capitalrestored, that all who have seen it allow there is not in Christendom alarger, better built, or more populous city. While thus employed, intelligence was brought to Cortes that the province of Panuco was in arms, and had killed many of the soldiers whom he had sent to make a settlementat that place. He resolved, therefore, to proceed to Panuco in person, asall his most confidential officers were now absent on different duties. 

By this time our strength had been considerably augmented, both by meansof those formerly mentioned who had been on the expedition to Floridaunder Aillon, and by several who had come over along with Tapia, and bythe arrival of many adventurers from the islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, andJamaica. De Oli, likewise, had now returned from Mechoacan, which he hadreduced to submission, bringing with him the principal cacique of thatcountry and several other chiefs, with a considerable quantity of gold. Cortes therefore left a respectable garrison in Mexico, under Diego deSoto, and set out on his march for Panuco[1] with 130 cavalry, 250infantry, and 10, 000 Mexican warriors. As this expedition was veryexpensive, Cortes, wished the charge to be defrayed from the royal funds, but the officers of the treasury refused, under the pretext that it hadbeen undertaken from motives of private interest, to prevent Garray fromestablishing a colony in that place, and not for the public service. ThePanuchese, otherwise called the Guastecas and Naguaticas, were numerousand warlike, and had collected a force of above 70, 000 warriors, withwhich they fought two battles against Cortes in the course of a few days, in which three Spaniards, four horses, and above a hundred Mexicans wereslain; but we obtained the victory in both actions, with such slaughterof the rebels, as deprived them of all inclination to renew the war forthe present. By means of Father Olmedo and some prisoners, the Panuchesewere now induced to submit. Cortes in the next place proceeded with halfhis army across the river Chila, to reduce the natives who had murderedthe messengers whom he sent to require their submission. On crossing theriver, the enemy fell upon our troops with great fury, but were soondefeated, and our people advanced to a town in which they found abundanceof provisions. Some of our soldiers, on going into a temple next morning, found the remains of some of our men, and even recognized their features, a melancholy sight to us all; but we carefully collected and buried theirremains. From this place our detachment marched to another, where theenemy concealed some of their troops among houses, intending to fall uponour men when the cavalry had dismounted; but as their plan was discoveredit failed of success, yet they fought valiantly for half an hour, evenrallying three times, contrary to the usual custom of the Indians, andthree of our soldiers were so badly wounded that they afterwards died. Onthe ensuing day, our soldiers scoured the country, and in some desertedtowns they found a number of earthen vessels filled with a species of winein underground cellars. After having marched for five days through thecountry in various directions, the detachment returned to the river Chila, and Cortes again summoned the the country to submission. They promised tosend a deputation for that purpose in four days, for which Cortes waited, but to no purpose; he therefore sent a large body of Mexicans, during adark rainy night, across a lake to attack one of their largest towns, which was entirely destroyed; after which most of the country submitted, and Cortes established a town of 130 houses about a league from the riverof Chila, which he named Estevan del Puerto, leaving 63 Spanish soldiersto keep the country under subjection, and giving the command of all theneighbouring country to Pedro Valego. Before leaving this country, Corteswas informed of three districts, which had now submitted, the inhabitantsof which had been very active in the murder of the Spaniards at Panuco onthe former occasion, and who had entered into a resolution to fall uponthe new settlement as soon as he quitted the country. He marched thereforeagainst them, and destroyed their towns, which they re-established soonafter his departure. In consequence of the loss of a vessel which Corteshad ordered to bring provisions from Villa Rica, this new settlement wasreduced to much distress. The inhabitants of this province of Panuco werethe most barbarous of all the tribes in New Spain, being cruel to excess, exceedingly addicted to human sacrifices, drunken, filthy, and wickedbeyond belief. They frequently rebelled, and were as often punished in amost exemplary manner; but all would not reduce them under good government:But when Nunez de Guzman became governor of New Spain, he reduced thewhole nation to slavery, and sold them among the different Islands of theWest Indies. 

On his return towards Mexico, Cortes received complaints of variousdepredations having been committed by the inhabitants of the neighbouringmountains on the peaceable districts of New Spain[2], He determinedtherefore to chastise these lawless tribes while on his way; but theyanticipated him, by assaulting his rear in a difficult pass of themountains, where they got possession of a considerable portion of thebaggage. But our Mexican allies severely revenged this insult, and madeprisoners of two of the principal hostile chiefs who were both hanged. After this victory, Cortes suspended hostilities, and having summoned thepeople to appear before him, they came in and submitted, on which Cortesappointed the brother of the cacique who had been put to death to thevacant government. About this time Alonza de Avila, who was formerlymentioned, returned with full powers from the royal audience and theJeronymite brotherhood, to continue our conquests, to make settlements ofland and colonies according to the established rules in Hispaniola andCuba, and to brand slaves: And he brought notice that these tribunals hadtransmitted a report of the steps they had now taken to the government inSpain, whence it was transmitted to the emperor, then in Flanders. IfAvila had been in New Spain at the arrival of Tapia, he might have provedtroublesome, as he was entirely devoted to the Bishop of Burgos, havingbeen bred up in his house. On this account, and by the advice of Olmedo, Cortes gave him the command of the district of Guatitlan, one of the mostprofitable in New Spain, and also made him a considerable present of gold, and many flattering words and promises by which he gained him overentirely to his interest, insomuch that he sent him soon afterwards intoSpain as his agent, carrying a large quantity of gold, pearls, and jewelsto the emperor, together with several gigantic human bones that were foundin a temple at Cojohuacan, similar to those which had been formerly sentfrom Tlascala, as already mentioned[3]. Besides these things, he carriedover three Mexican tigers, and many other curious things which I do notnow remember. One part of the business of this agency, was to carry amemorial from the _cabildo_ of Mexico, and from us the conquerors of NewSpain, soliciting to be supplied with bishops and clergy of holy life andexemplary manners, and requesting that all offices of honour and emolumentmight be conferred on us who had conquered this vast empire for oursovereign, and that the supreme government might be confided to ourgeneral Cortes. We requested that his majesty might be pleased to prohibitany lawyers from coming among us, who would throw us into confusion withtheir learned quibbles; and we farther represented the insufficientcommission of Christoval de Tapia, who had been sent out by the Bishop ofBurgos, merely for the purpose of effectuating a marriage between him andthe bishops niece. We deprecated the interference of the bishop in theaffairs of New Spain, which had already obstructed our efforts of conquestin the service of his majesty, and had manifested great enmity against usby prohibiting the Casa de Contratation of Seville from sending us anysupplies. We concluded by declaring ourselves ready to receive hismajesties commands with the most perfect submission and obedience, but thatwe had deemed it our bounden duty to lay all these particulars before hismajesty, which had hitherto been artfully kept from his knowledge. On hispart, Cortes sent a memorial to the king of twenty-one pages long, inwhich he left no argument unemployed to serve his own and our interest. Heeven requested permission to go over to the island of Cuba, and to sendthe governor Velasquez a prisoner to Spain, that he might be tried andpunished for the injuries he had done to the public service, andespecially for having sent an order to put Cortes to death. 

Our agents sailed from Vera Cruz on the 20th December 1522, and noparticular occurrence happened on the voyage to the Terceras or Açores, except that one of the tigers broke loose and wounded some of the sailors, who were likewise obliged to kill the other on account of its ferocity. Atthe island of Tercera, Captain Quinones lost his life in a duel, occasioned by a quarrel about a lady, by which means our business was leftin the hands of Alonzo de Avila. In continuing his voyage to Europe, hewas taken by a French privateer, commanded by one Jean Florin, who tookanother ship from Hispaniola with a valuable cargo of sugar and hides, and20, 000 crowns in gold, and many pearls; so that with this and our treasurehe returned very rich to France, where he made magnificent presents to theking and admiral of France, astonishing every body at the magnificence ofthe presents which we had transmitted for our emperor. The king of Franceobserved on this occasion, that the wealth which we supplied from NewSpain was alone sufficient to enable our sovereign to wage war against him, although Peru was not then discovered. It was also reported that the kingof France sent a message to our emperor, saying, That as he and the kingof Portugal had divided the world between them, he desired to see the willof our father Adam, to know if he had made them exclusively his heirs. Inhis next expedition, Florin was made prisoner by a strong squadronbelonging to Biscay, and was hanged in the island of Teneriffe. 

Avila was made a close prisoner in France, but by gaining the friendshipof the officer to whose custody he had been confided, he was enabled tocorrespond with his friends in Spain, to whom he transmitted all thedocuments with which he had been entrusted, which were all laid before theemperor Don Carlos by Martin Cortes, our generals father, and Diego deOrdas, by means of the licentiate Nunez, _relator_ of the royal council, who was cousin to Cortes. The emperor was pleased, on due consideration ofthese documents, to order that all favour should be shewn to our general, and that the proceedings respecting the government of New Spain should besuspended until his majesty returned into Spain. 

We were much disappointed on receiving intelligence of the loss of ourtreasure, and the detention of our agent in France; yet Cortes honourablyreserved the district of Guatitlan for Avila, notwithstanding hiscaptivity, and gave it three years afterwards to a brother of Alonzo deAvila, who was then promoted to be _contador_ of Yucutan. 

[1] The province here named Panuco, is situated on the coast of the gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of a considerable river which drains the superfluous waters of the Mexican vale, named at first Rio del Desague, then Rio de Tula, and Rio Tampico at its mouth, in about lat. 22° 15' N. The Modern town of Panuco is about 200 miles almost due north from Mexico. --E. 

[2] These were probably the Chichimecas and Otomies, who inhabited to the north-west of the Mexican empire. --E. 

[3] From these slight notices, nothing certain can be gathered respecting these large bones: Yet there is every reason to believe they must have been of the same kind with those now familiar to the learned world, under the name of _Mammoth_. The vale of Mexico has every indication of having once been an immense inland lake, and the other _big bones_ of North America have all been found in places of a similar description. The greatest deposit of these hitherto known, is at a place called _big-bone-swamp_, near the Mississippi, in the modern state of Kentucky. --E. 

SECTION XV. 

_Expeditions of Gonzalo de Sandoval, Pedro de Alvarado, and others, forreducing the Mexican Provinces_. 

After the settlement with Christoval de Tapia, the Captains Sandoval andAlvarado resumed the expeditions with which they had been before entrusted, and on this occasion I went along with Sandoval. On our arrival atTustepeque[1], I took my lodgings on the summit of a very high tower of atemple, for the sake of fresh air, and to avoid the musquitoes, which werevery troublesome below. At this place, seventy-two of the soldiers whocame with Narvaez and six Spanish women were put to death. The wholeprovince submitted immediately to Sandoval, except the Mexican chief whohad been the principal instrument of the destruction of our soldiers, whowas soon afterwards made prisoner and burnt alive. Many others had beenequally guilty, but this example of severity was deemed sufficient. 

Sandoval, in the next place, sent a message to the Tzapotecas, who inhabita mountainous district about ten leagues from Tustepeque or Tututepec, ordering them to submit to his authority; and on their refusal, anexpedition was sent against them under Captain Briones, who according tohis own account had served with reputation in the wars of Italy. Hisdetachment consisted of 100 Spanish infantry, and about an equal number ofIndian allies; but the enemy were prepared for him, and so completelysurprised him in a difficult pass of the mountains, that they drove himand his men over the rocks, rolling them down to the bottom, by whichabove a third of them were wounded, of whom one afterwards died. Thedistrict inhabited by the Tzapotecas is of very difficult access amongrocky mountains, where the troops can only pass in single file, and theclimate is very moist and rainy. The inhabitants are armed with longlances, having stone heads about an ell long, which have two edges assharp as razors, and they are defended by pliable shields which covertheir whole bodies. They are extremely nimble, and give signals to eachother by loud whistlings, which echo among the rocks with inconceivableshrillness. Their province is named Tiltepeque[2]; which, after itssubmission, was confided to the charge of a soldier named Ojeda. On hisreturn to quarters, Sandoval ridiculed Briones on the bad success of hisexpedition, asking him if he had ever seen the like in Italy; for Brioneswas always boasting of his exploits there, as how he had severed men intwo, and the like. Briones was sore displeased with these sarcasms, andswore he would rather fight against the Turks or Moors than the Tzapotecas. There was another district of the Tzapotecas called Xaltepec, which wasthen at war with a neighbouring tribe, and who immediately, on beingsummoned by Sandoval, sent a deputation of their chiefs to wait upon himwith handsome presents; among which was a considerable quantity of gold, partly made into toys, and partly in ten little tubes. Their chiefs weredressed in long cotton robes, richly embroidered, and reaching to theirfeet, like the upper garments worn by the Moors. They requested to beassisted by some of our soldiers against their enemies, whom they namedthe Minxes. The state of our force at this time did not permit him tocomply with this request, but he promised to transmit their request to ourgeneral at Mexico, with an application for an auxiliary force to be sentthem, and said he could only now send a small number of his men along withthem, to observe the nature of the passes, but his real object was toexamine their mines. With this answer he dismissed them all except three, sending eight of us along with them to explore the country and its mines. 

There was another soldier of the same name with myself in this party, forindeed there were three of us in the army named Castillo. At that time Iprided myself on my dress, and was called _Castillo the beau_. My namesakewho went on the present expedition was named _Castillo the thoughtful_, ashe was of slow speech, never replying to a question for a long while, andthen answering by some absurdity. The third was called _Castillo theprompt_, as he was always very ready and smart in all his words. On ourarrival at the district of Xaltepec, the Indians turned over the soil inthree different rivers, in each of which they found gold, and soon filledthree tubes with it as large as a mans middle finger, with which wereturned to Sandoval, who now thought that all our fortunes would be made. He took a district to himself, from which he very soon procured gold tothe value of 15, 000 crowns. He gave the district of Xaltepec, whence wehad obtained the gold, to Captain Luis Marin, but it turned out veryindifferently. He gave me a very profitable district, which I wish to GodI had kept; it consisted of three places, named Matalan, Oztoequipa, andOriaca, where the _ingenio_ of the viceroy is now situated; but I thoughtit more consistent with my character as a soldier to accompany Sandoval inhis military expeditions. Sandoval called his town Medellin, after thebirth-place of Cortes; and the Rio de las Vanderas, from which he procuredthe 15, 000 crowns, was for some time the port where the merchandise fromSpain was discharged, until Vera Cruz became the emporium. 

We now marched into the province of Coatzacualco, through the district ofCitla[3], which is about twelve leagues in length and breadth, and is verypopulous, having a fine climate and abounding in provisions. The chiefsimmediately submitted. On our arrival at the river of Coatzacualco, whichis the governing district of all the neighbouring tribes, the chiefs didnot make their appearance on being summoned, which we considered as anindication of hostility, which was in fact their first intention; butafter five days, they came in and made their submissions, presenting sometrinkets of fine gold to Sandoval. By his orders, they collected a hundredcanoes, in which we crossed the river, sending four soldiers in advance toexamine and report the state of the country. A town was founded in thisplace, which we named Villa del Espiritu Santo, because on that day wedefeated Narvaez, using that expression as our watchword, and because wecrossed this river on the same day. In this place the flower of our armywas established, which at this time mustered eighty cavalry, a greaternumber in proportion than five hundred is now, horses being then veryscarce and dear. Having examined the surrounding districts, Sandovaldivided them among the different settlements. To the settlement ofCoatzacualco, he allotted Cuetzpaltepec, Tepeca, Chinantla, the Tzapotecas, Copilco, Cimatan, Tabasco, Cachula, the Zoques, Techeapa, Cinacatan, theQuilenes, and Papanahausta. We had a long litigation afterwards with thedistrict of Vera Cruz about three of these, Cuetzpaltepec, Chinantla, andTepeca; with Tabasco about Cimatan and Copilco; with Chiapa or Guatimala, concerning the Quilenes and Zoques; and likewise with the town of StIldefonso about the Tzapotecas. I regretted having fixed myself in thisplace, as the lands were very poor, and every thing turned out to mydisadvantage. We might indeed have done well enough if we had been left inour original situation; but as new settlements were successively formed, ours were curtailed to accommodate them, so that our colony fell intodecay; and from being the best, and containing the greatest number of thetrue conquerors of Mexico, it has now very few inhabitants. 

About this time Sandoval received intelligence of the arrival of DonnaCatalina, the lady of our general, in the river of Aguayalco[4], accompanied by her brother. La Zembrana also with her family came alongwith her, and Donna Elvira Lopez _the tall_, who married Juan de Palma, who was afterwards hanged. We all went to pay our respects to the ladies, the roads being almost impassable owing to constant heavy rain. Havingescorted Donna Catalina and the rest to our town of Coatzacualco, orEspiritu Santo, intelligence was sent to Cortes of their arrival, and theyset out soon afterwards for Mexico. Cortes was sorry for their coming, buthe received them with great pomp, and we heard about three monthsafterwards that Donna Catalina had died of an asthma. 

Villafuerte had been sent to Zacatula, and Juan Alvarez Chico to Colima, two provinces on the south sea to the west of Mexico, but wereunsuccessful; on which Cortes sent Christoval de Oli to reduce theseprovinces to submission. The natives attacked him on his march, killingtwo of his soldiers; yet he reached the station of Villafuerte, who wasafraid to stir out, and had four even of his soldiers killed by the enemyin the town where he resided. I do not know what became of Captain JuanAlvarez, but I believe he lost his life about this time in some actionwith the natives. De Oli reduced both provinces to submission and returnedto Mexico, where he was hardly arrived when intelligence was brought thatthey had again rebelled; on which Cortes sent Sandoval with a small partyof veterans to take the charge of them. He punished the ringleaders of therebellion, and regulated them in so effectual a manner, that theycontinued ever afterwards submissive. 

On the departure of Sandoval with the ladies, several of the districtssubjected to Coatzacualco rebelled, killing the soldiers who wereappointed to collect the tribute; among which were the Tzapotecas ofXaltepec, Cimatan and Copilco, the first being difficult of access onaccount of its rugged mountains, and the two others because of lakes andmarshes, so that they were not reduced to subjection without greatdifficulty. While Captain Luis Marin was engaged in reducing thesedistricts, Juan Buono arrived at our settlement in a small vessel. Heimmediately called us all together, and endeavoured to persuade us tosubmit to Christoval de Tapia as governor of New Spain, being ignorant ofthe return of that person to Hispaniola. Buono had a number of unaddressedletters from the bishop of Burgos, making large offers to such as wouldfurther his views of superseding Cortes, and which Buono had adiscretionary power of directing to any persons that he supposed mightsupport the cause in which he was engaged, and which he accordinglytransmitted to those who held offices in the settlement. Among the rest, Iwas offered the appointment of regidor. When Buono learnt that Tapia hadleft the country, he seemed much disappointed. We referred him to Cortesat Mexico, to which place he went. I know not what passed between him andCortes, but I believe the general sent him back to Spain with some moneyin his pocket. 

Among the tribes that courted our alliance after the conquest of Mexico, was a people of the Tzapotecan nation, named the Tutepecs, who earnestlyrequested our assistance against a hostile tribe, who bore the same namewith themselves, and whom they represented as possessing a very richcountry. Accordingly, in the year 1522, Alvarado marched from Mexico witha detachment of 180 soldiers, cavalry and infantry, with orders to taketwenty more on his march through the district of Oaxaco, and also to visitand reduce during his march certain mountainous districts which were saidto be in rebellion. Alvarado was forty days on his march between Mexicoand Tutepec, and was very hospitably received on his arrival, being lodgedin the most populous part of the city, where the houses stood closetogether, and were thatched with straw, it not being the custom of thatpart of the country to have terraced roofs, on account of their climatebeing very sultry. By the advice of Father Olmedo, Alvarado removed hisquarters to a more open part of the town; as in case of any treacherybeing intended, the natives might easily have set fire to the firstquarters. In this place, Alvarado was plentifully supplied with provisions, and the principal chief made him every day some rich present of gold; andamong other things gave him a pair of golden stirrups, made according to apattern. Yet, only a few days after, the cacique was made a prisoner, onthe information, as was said, of the Indians of Tecuantepec, that he meantto burn the Spaniards in the quarters which had been assigned them in thetemples. Some of the Spaniards alleged that Alvarado made him a prisonerin order to extort gold for his ransom. However this may have been, hedied in prison of vexation, after Alvarado had got from him to the valueof 30, 000 crowns. His son was permitted to succeed him in the government, from whom Alvarado obtained more gold than he had done from the father. Alvarado now established a colony, which was called _Segura_, because mostof the colonists came from Tepeaca, named by us Segura de la Frontera. 

Alvarado set out soon afterwards on his return to Mexico with all hiswealth, as Cortes had written to him to bring all the treasure he possiblycould, which he intended to send into Spain. The soldiers were muchdissatisfied at being thus excluded from any share, and several of thementered into a conspiracy to assassinate Alvarado and his brothers. One ofthe conspirators, named Tribejo, gave information of the plot to FatherOlmedo, only a few hours before it was intended to have been executed; andthe reverend Father informed Alvarado, just as he was riding out alongwith some of the conspirators. He continued his intended excursion for ashort way; then turning suddenly, he complained of a pain in his side, saying he must go back for a surgeon to bleed him. On his arrival atquarters, he immediately sent for his two brothers, together with thealcaldes and alguazils of the settlement, whom he ordered to arrest theconspirators, two of whom were hanged. Alvarado returned to Mexico withhis gold; but the colonists finding all the gold taken away, and that theplace was hot and unhealthy, infested with musqutioes, bugs, and othervermin, and themselve and slaves fast dying, they abandoned the settlement, some going to Mexico, and others to different places. Cortes was muchdispleased at this abandonment, and finding on inquiry that it had beendone by a resolution of the alcaldes and regidors in full cabildo, hecondemned them to suffer death; but their punishment, at the intercessionof Olmedo, was mitigated to banishment. Thus the settlement of Segura fellto the ground, which had been established in a very fertile country, butexceedingly unhealthy. By the cruelty and extortion of Alvarado, the mindsof the natives were alienated, and they threw off their allegiance; but hereduced them again to submission, and they continued afterwards to behavethemselves peaceably. 

[1] This expedition appears to have been for the reduction of certain provinces to the south-east of the vale of Mexico, now forming the intendency of Oaxaca, inhabited by the Mixtecas and Tzapotecas. The Tustepeque of the text, was probably a town on the Boca de Chacahua on the South Sea, now called Tututepec, in lat. 15º 50' N. And long. 100º 15' E. On the very imperfect map of Clavigero, it is named Tototepec, and is placed in the country of the Mixtecas. --E. 

[2] Named, more appropriately, in the map of Clavigero, Tzapoteca-pan. --E. 

[3] I suspect this ought to be named Chinantla. --E. 

[4] This way probably be some corruption of the native name of the Rio Coatzacualco, or Huaxacualco; by giving it the ordinary Spanish prefix _agua_; which signifies water, or a river, with the native termination _cualco_. --E. 

SECTION XVI. 

_Some Account of the Expedition of Francisco de Garay for the Colonizationof Panuco_. 

Having formerly mentioned the expedition fitted out by Francisco de Garay, the governor of Jamaica, it seems proper to give a more particular accountof that affair in this place. Hearing of the great riches which DiegoVelasquez was likely to acquire from New Spain, and of the fertilecountries which had been discovered on the continent of the West Indies, and encouraged by the means he now possessed of prosecuting discoveriesand conquests, he determined to try his own fortune in that career. Forthis purpose he sent for and discoursed with Alaminos, who had been ourchief pilot, from whom he received so favourable an account of thesecountries, that he sent Juan de Torralva, a person in whom he couldconfide, to solicit the bishop of Burgos to grant him a commission forsettling the country on the river of Panuco; and having succeeded in thispreliminary step, he fitted out an armament of three ships, with 240soldiers, under the command of Alonzo Alvarez Pineda, who was defeated bythe Panuchese, one ship only escaping, which joined us at Villa Rica, asalready related. Receiving no intelligence of the fate of his firstarmament, Garay sent a second, which also arrived at our port. Having nowexpended a great deal of money to no purpose, and having learnt the goodfortune of Cortes, he became more than ever desirous to secure theadvantages he expected to derive from his commission. With this view hefitted out thirteen ships, in which he embarked 136 cavalry, and 840 footsoldiers, mostly musqueteers and crossbow-men, of which he took thecommand in person. He sailed with this great armament from Jamaica, on the24th June 1523, and arrived safe at the port of Xagua in the island ofCuba, where he received information that Cortes had reduced the provinceof Panuco to subjection, and had sent a petition to the emperor to get acommission for governing his new acquisition. He was here informed of theheroic deeds of Cortes and his companions, and in particular of our havingdefeated the large force of Narvaez, while we had only 270 soldiers. 

Struck with awe at the power and abilities of our general, he solicitedthe licentiate Zuazco to mediate between him and Cortes, that he might bepermitted to take possession of the government of Panuco, in pursuance ofhis commission from the bishop of Burgos. 

Garay shortly afterwards set out with his armament, and being driven by astorm into the river Palmas[1], he disembarked there, intending to marchby land to Panuco, having first exacted an oath of fidelity from histroops; and he even nominated the various officers of his colony, which heintended to name Garayana. Having marched for two days along the sea-shore, through a marshy uninhabited country, he arrived at some villages, wherethe inhabitants entertained him hospitably, but many of his soldiersstraggled about robbing and maltreating the people. Garay at lengtharrived at Panuco, where his soldiers expected all their difficultieswould end, but it was almost a desert, as it had been much wasted in thewar with Cortes, and the natives concealed what remained, so that theyfound nothing but bare walls, where they were tormented with mosquitos andevery kind of vermin. Garay could get no intelligence of his fleet, andlearnt from a Spaniard who had fled from punishment and lived among theIndians, that the province of Panuco was poor and unhealthy; and as thisman gave a very favourable account of Mexico, many of Garays soldiersdeserted from him, and went off for Mexico, plundering the natives ontheir way. Garay found himself in a bad plight, and sent one of hisofficers, named Diego de Ocampo, to sound the disposition of Vallejo, whowas governor of St Estevan del Puerto for Cortes, and to notify theappointment of Garay to the government of this country. Vallejo gave afavourable answer, requesting the soldiers might be restrained frommaltreating the inhabitants; but sent off an express to Cortes, solicitinga strong reinforcement or the immediate presence of the general. Onreceiving this intelligence, Cortes immediately sent off Alvarado, Sandoval, Father Olmedo, and Gonzalo de Ocampo, brother to Diego de Ocampo, who was with Garay, giving them a copy of the royal instructions, by whichall his conquests were left under his command till the dispute between himand Velasquez were judicially settled. 

On the arrival of Garay in the neighbourhood of St Estevan, Vallejo learntfrom five deserters that the troops were scattered negligently in a largetown called Nacoplan, on which he concerted a plan for coming on them bysurprise, and made forty of them prisoners, alleging that they had invadedthe country without a commission, and had plundered the inhabitants wholived under his government. Garay threatened Vallejo with the vengeance ofthe court of Spain for this outrage, and demanded the immediate release ofhis soldiers; on which Vallejo requested to see his commission, which, iffrom his majesty, he would obey in all humility. Just at this time arrivedthe deputies from Cortes, and Diego de Ocampo, being then first alcalde ofMexico, made a formal remonstrance against the entrance of Garay with anarmed force into the government of another person. Several days were spentin remonstrances and replies on both sides, during which time many ofGarays troops deserted from him. 

Two of the ships belonging to Garay were lost in a tempest, and theremainder took shelter in the mouth of the river, when Vallejo secretlynegotiated with their officers to join the party of Cortes. He at lengthcontrived to inviegle the whole of the fleet up the river to the port ofSt Estevan, where he made all their officers and men prisoners in the nameof Cortes; but Father Olmedo persuaded him to set them at liberty. Theunfortunate Garay entreated the officers of Cortes to restore his shipsand to compel his troops to return to their duty, promising to give up hisintended settlement at Panuco, and to retire to the river Palmas. Theyagreed to this, and used every measure to induce the deserters to return, but with little effect; as they alleged they had already discharged theirengagement in coming to Panuco, and they despised Garay. In this hopelessstate, Garay was persuaded to write to Cortes, stating his situation, andrequesting his protection and assistance, in consideration of their formerfriendship. Cortes engaged to do what he desired, and invited him to cometo Mexico, where he was honourably received, and promised every redress, referring him to Olmedo, Sandoval, and Alvarado, to agree with him on theterms. At the suggestion of Olmedo, a marriage was proposed between DonnaCatalina Cortes y Pizarro, the daughter of Cortes, and the eldest son ofGaray, who had a command in the fleet. Cortes agreed to this, giving hisdaughter a liberal fortune, and agreed that Garay should establish acolony on the river Palmas, in which he engaged to give him everyassistance in his power. Garay now interceded with Cortes to allow Narvaezto return to Cuba, for which favour Narvaez was extremely thankful, andtook leave of Cortes with many professions of gratitude. Soon afterwards, Garay was seized with a pleurisy, of which he died in four days, leavingCortes and Father Olmedo his executors. As his armament was left without ahead, a competition arose among his officers for the vacant command; butyoung Garay was ultimately made general. This gave great offence to thesoldiers, in consequence of which they dispersed about the country insmall bodies of fifteen or twenty men, pillaging the natives as if theyhad been among Moors. This enraged the Indians, who laid a plot to cut offthe Spaniards, which they executed so effectually that in a very shorttime they sacrificed and eat above five hundred of the soldiers of Garay, in some of the towns upwards of a hundred of them being destroyed at onetime. In other places they fell upon the stragglers, whom they massacredalmost without resistance; and, encouraged by this success, they even roseagainst the settlement of Estevan in such numbers, that they could hardlybe resisted by Vallejo and seven or eight of the veterans of Cortes, whoinduced many of Garays soldiers to abide by them in the open field, wherethree battles were fought, in one of which Vallejo was slain, and a greatnumber of Spaniards wounded. The Indians became at length so bold anddesperate, that they one night killed and burned forty Spaniards, amongwhom were several belonging to Cortes, and destroyed fifteen horses. WhenCortes heard of these proceedings he was much enraged, and would have gonein person to suppress the rebellion, but was then confined by a broken arm;wherefore he sent Gonzalo de Sandoval, with 100 infantry, 50 cavalry, 15musqueteers, and two field-pieces, accompanied by 8000 Mexican andTlascalan warriors, giving orders to reduce the country so completelyunder subjection that they might not have power to give any fartherdisturbance. 

Sandoval was a person of much vigilance when he had any important businessin hand, and made no delay in marching against the enemy, who hadconcentrated their forces in two narrow defiles. Sandoval divided hisforces into two bodies, but was so obstinately resisted, that he drew offhis forces, feigning to retreat to Mexico, followed by the Indians, whomhe completely deceived, making an unexpected countermarch at midnight, bywhich he gained possession of the passes; yet not till he had lost threehorses, and had a great many of his men wounded. On passing the defiles, he found himself opposed in front by an immense body of Indians, who hadcollected on receiving notice of his countermarch. He concentrated hiswhole force into one solid column; and as his cavalry were inexperiencedin the service, he gave them full instructions never to halt makingthrusts, as the Indians always seized the lances when wounded, and oftenwrested them from the hands of our men; but ordered them to clap spurs totheir horses on such occasions, firmly grasping their lances, and thusforce them from the enemy by the strength of their horses. Having placedguards and patroles, and ordered the horses of the cavalry to remain allnight saddled and bridled, he made the troops repose under arms on thebanks of a river, placing the Mexican and Tlascalan warriors at a shortdistance from the Spanish troops, knowing by experience that the allieswere of more harm than benefit in a night attack. At day-break nextmorning, Sandoval put his troops in motion, and was soon fronted by threelarge bodies of the enemy, who endeavoured to surround him. Forming hiscavalry in two squadrons, he attacked the enemy with such spirit that theywere soon broken and dispersed, with the loss of two soldiers and threehorses on his side. The allies made terrible havock after this victory, burning and plundering all before them, till the arrival of the army at StEstevan. The remains of this colony were found in a miserable condition, and the soldiers of Garay assured him that its preservation was entirelyowing to the bravery and conduct of our few veterans who were there. Sandoval divided his army into several bodies, which he entrusted to thecommand of the veterans, and sent them to overrun the neighbouringdistricts, with orders to send in all the provisions they could collect, being unable to go out himself, as he was badly wounded. In the course ofthree days, his parties sent in many prisoners of the ordinary class, andfive chiefs; but Sandoval released the common people, and ordered histroops to make no more prisoners, except of such chiefs as had beenconcerned in or present at the murder of the Spaniards. In a few daysSandoval was able to take the field, and by skilful measures he madeprisoners of twenty caciques, who had commanded where no less than sixhundred Spaniards were slain. He then summoned all the neighbouring townsto send their chiefs to him to treat of peace and submission: Some obeyed, but others neglected to attend, and he thought it best to dissimulate withthe latter for the present, till he had informed Cortes what had beenalready done, and had received his orders as to the disposal of theprisoners and his future procedure. Cortes, who now conferred the vacantcommand of St Estevan on Sandoval, ordered all who had been any wayconcerned in the murder of the Spaniards to be punished with death, as anexample to deter others from being guilty of the like offence, directingDiego de Ocampo, as alcalde-major, to take the necessary steps againstthem, with orders to execute all who should be found guilty. He gaveorders likewise to conciliate the natives by all possible means, and toprevent the soldiers of Garay from committing any future outrages. Twodays after the receipt of these orders, the accused caciques were broughtto trial; and many of them being found guilty by evidence, or by their ownconfession, were publickly executed, some being burnt and others hanged. Many also were pardoned; and all the districts which had belonged to thecaciques who suffered on this occasion, were restored to their children orother heirs. Ocampo now proceeded against all those Spaniards who had beenguilty of outrages, going about the country in bands, plundering andmurdering the natives, or who had invited other soldiers to desert to them;and having collected them together, he shipped them off for Cuba. To Juande Grijalva, who had been commodore of the fleet under Garay, Cortesoffered the alternative of a present of 2000 crowns, and a passage to Cuba, or an honourable reception at Mexico. But Grijalva and all the otherofficers belonging to Garay preferred going to Cuba. When Sandoval andOcampo had thus reduced the settlement to order, and cleared it of thesetroublesome inmates, they returned to Mexico, leaving the command at StEstevan to an officer named Vallecillo; and on their arrival at thecapital, they were received by Cortes and others with the distinctionwhich their services richly merited[2]. 

[1] This is probably the river of Nueva Santander, about 100 miles north from the Rio Tampico or river of Panuco--E. 

[2] A very uninteresting episode, respecting the misfortunes of the liceniate Zuazo, who has been formerly mentioned, is here omitted, as having no reference whatever to the general history in hand: It is sufficient to say that, after many perils by sea and land, Zuazo came to Mexico, where Cortes gave him the office of alcalde-major, which seems to have resembled our provost-marshal, or chief military judge. --E. 

SECTION XVII. 

_Narrative of various Expeditions for the Reduction of different Provincesin New Spain_. 

As the views of Cortes were always lofty, so was he always well supportedby the talents and bravery of his officers and soldiers. After his powerwas thoroughly established in the great city of Mexico and its moreimmediate dependencies, and in the districts or provinces of Guaxaca, Zacatula, Colima, Vera Cruz, Panuco, Coatzacualco, and others, as alreadyrelated, he was informed that there were populous nations and rich minesin the province of Guatimala; and he resolved to send a military forceunder Alvarado, to conquer and colonize that country. Alvarado, therefore, was dispatched to that province, with 300 infantry, 135 cavalry, 200Tlascalans and Cholulans, and 100 Mexicans[1], and four field-pieces. Alvarado was instructed to bring those nations to submission by peacefulmeans, if possible; and Father Olmedo accompanied him, on purpose topreach the doctrines of our holy religion to the natives; and at allevents, to insist upon all the prisons and cages that were used for humanvictims being destroyed, the prisoners set free, and the utter abolitionof human sacrifices and cannibal feasts. This expedition left Mexico onthe 13th of December 1523; and Alvarado during his march, received thesubmission of the district known by the name of the Rocks of Guelama, where he received many rich contributions in gold. Having passed thedistricts belonging to the Tzapotecas of Tecuantepec, and by Soconusco, atown containing above 15, 000 houses, Alvarado came to the neighbourhood ofa place named Zapotitlan, where, at a bridge over a river, he was opposedby a very numerous body of warriors who disputed the passage with so muchbravery, that many of the soldiers were wounded and one horse killed; andit required three very hard fought battles before the Spaniards were ableto break through and disperse the enemy. 

From this place, continuing his march, Alvarado was continually harassedby the Indians of Quetzaltenango, and came at length to a defile in a highmountain, where the ascent was about a league and a half. On arriving atthe summit, a remarkably fat woman was found in the act of sacrificing adog, which is an infallible token of intended hostilities; and immediatelyafterwards, great numbers of armed Indians were seen advancing on allsides, in a difficult broken ground, where the cavalry of Alvarado wereunable to act. In this rough and impracticable place, above 6000 of thewarriors of Utatlan, a district adjoining to Quetzaltenango, made anattack upon our troops; and being soon put to flight, they rallied shortlyafter, reinforced by great numbers of fresh troops, who waited the advanceof our forces, and fought them bravely hand to hand. On this occasion, three or four of the enemy uniting their efforts, used to seize a horsebefore and behind, endeavouring to pull him to the ground, and it requiredthe most strenuous exhortations both of Alvarado and Father Olmedo toanimate the exertions of our troops, who at length succeeded in defeatingand dispersing the Indians. Our army halted in the field of battle forthree days, unmolested by the enemy, and then marched to Quetzaltenango, where Alvarado hoped to have given his troops some repose; but he foundtwo xiquipils of warriors, or 16, 000 men assembled to oppose him in aplain, where he gave them so complete a defeat, with so heavy a loss ofwarriors, that they remained for a long time under complete awe of theSpaniards. The chiefs of these Indians sent a deputation to Alvarado, offering peace and submission, under which they had concealed a plan fordestroying his army in the following manner. At a short distance there wasa place called Utatlan, in a very difficult rugged country, and surroundedby defiles, to which they invited him to march, intending to fall upon himthere with all their forces, as in that place the cavalry could not act. 

Alvarado accordingly marched to Utatlan, a town of considerable strength, which had only two gates, the ascent to one of which was by a stair ofabout twenty-five steps, and the other opened to a very bad brokencauseway, the streets likewise being very narrow, and the houses veryclose together. Observing the bad situation of this place, and that thewomen and children had disappeared, Alvarado began to suspect that somemischief was in contemplation; and he was informed by some Indians of theplace he had last quitted, that a number of warriors were concealed allround the place, to which they meant to set fire in the night, and thenassault him with all their forces. Alvarado immediately called his troopsto arms, and marched out into the open country, telling the chiefs that hedid so for the purpose of procuring grass for his horses. They did notseem pleased with this change; and as soon as Alvarado was completelyclear of the town, he seized the principal cacique, whom he reproached forhis treachery, and ordered to be burnt alive. Father Olmedo obtained arespite of this sentence, with permission to endeavour to convert thecondemned cacique to the holy faith, in which he exerted himself a wholeday, and at length succeeded: and, _as an indulgence_, his punishment wascommuted to hanging, and his territory given to his son. After this, Alvarado attacked and dispersed the native warriors who were in theneighbourhood of the town. When this success became known in Guatimala, which was engaged in hostility with the people of Utatlan, they sent anembassy to treat with Alvarado before his arrival on their frontiers, bringing a present of gold, declaring their submission to the governmentof our emperor, and offering to serve as allies in all our wars. Alvaradoaccepted their submission and offer of service, and desired them to sendhim 2000 of their warriors, with which they immediately complied; and asthe people of Utatlan had again rebelled, he remained eight days in theircountry, collecting considerable spoil and making many slaves; after whichhe marched to the city of Guatimala, where he was hospitably received. 

As the utmost harmony subsisted between Alvarado and the natives ofGuatimala, the chiefs of that nation represented to him that a nation intheir neighbourhood, called the Altitlans, who occupied several strongfortresses on the side of a lake, had refused to make submission to him, and that they were a barbarous and malicious people. Alvarado sent amessage commanding these people to submit, but they abused his messengers;on which he marched against them with 140 Spanish soldiers and 2000warriors of the Guatimalans, and was resisted by a strong force of theAltitlans, whom he soon defeated with considerable loss, and pursued totheir fortresses on the lake. Having driven them from these fortresses, they took shelter in an island of the lake, to which he sent several oftheir chiefs whom he had taken prisoners, to persuade them into peace andsubmission, in which he at length succeeded, partly by threats and partlyby promises, and returned to Guatimala. Father Olmedo exerted himself soeffectually in his mission, that he prevailed upon the people to imitateour example, in adoring the holy Virgin, for which purpose he erected analtar and image of our lady, and explained the mysteries of the Christianfaith to the natives. A people named the Pipiles, who came from aconsiderable distance towards the south, to enter into submission toAlvarado, informed him that a nation in their way, called the Izcuintepecs, were of a malignant disposition, and maltreated all travellers throughtheir country. He sent, therefore, a message to invite them to come in andsubmit, which they refused to comply with; for which reason he marchedinto their country with his whole force, united to a strong body of hisallies of Guatimala, and made great havock among them. Not having beenpresent in this expedition, as I did not go into the province of Guatimalauntil my return from Higueras, I have only given a short summary of theconquest of Guatimala and its dependencies, which may be found related atfull length in a book written by Gonzalo de Alvarado. 

About this time Cortes was informed that the provinces of Higueras andHonduras contained rich mines, and some sailors reported that the nativefishers of these countries used weights to their nets made of gold mixedwith copper; they alleged also, that a strait or passage would probably befound in that direction into the Pacific Ocean. On these accounts hedetermined to send some troops to that country under Christoval de Oli, toinquire after the mines, and to search for this reported strait, by whicha communication might be opened with the Spice Islands; and as the way byland was long and difficult, it was determined to send this expedition bysea. Accordingly, de Oli embarked in six ships, with a force of 370soldiers, 100 of whom were musqueteers and crossbow-men, and 22 cavalry. Five of the veteran conquerors of Mexico went along with this expedition;among whom was one Briones, a seditious fellow and a bitter enemy ofCortes; besides whom, many of the soldiers on this expedition were greatlydissatisfied at the unequal distribution of lands which had been made inNew Spain. De Oli was ordered to go first to the Havanna, to procure asupply of provisions and necessaries, and then to pursue his voyage to theHigueras to make the necessary inquiries for the reported mines andstraits; after which he was to build a town in some commodious situation. To advance the interests of our holy religion, he was provided with twofriars, one of whom understood the Mexican language. At the Havanna, deOli took on board five of the followers of Garay, who had been expelledfrom Panuco for seditious conduct, who ingratiated themselves into hisconfidence, and advised him to renounce his obedience to Cortes, in whichthey were aided by Briones; so that he at length went over to the party ofVelasquez, who engaged to make such representations at court that thecommand of this intended settlement might be given to de Oli independentof Cortes. De Oli was a brave man, and endowed with many good qualities, yet unfit for his present employment, having been brought up in the houseof Velasquez, so that he was the more readily influenced by bad advisersto desert the interest of Cortes to whom he lay under great obligations. On the third of May, de Oli arrived at his station, which he named _ElTriumpho de la Cruz_, where he appointed to the civil administration ofthe new colony, such alcaldes and regidors as had been recommended byCortes, and even took possession of the country for his majesty in thename of Cortes, as he wished to conceal his secession from our generaltill he saw whether the country was sufficiently rich to be worth while toset up an independent government; as, if it turned out otherwise, he couldreturn to his possessions in Mexico, and gloss over his negociations withVelasquez, under pretence of having done so in order to procure thenecessary supplies. In this manner was the new colony of El Triumphoestablished, from whence Cortes had no intelligence for more than eightmonths. 

There were a considerable number of veterans and Spaniards of rank, established in the town of Coatzacuaclo, otherwise called Del EspirituSanto, who were entrusted with the government of that province, togetherwith the districts of Citla, Tabasco, Cimatan, Choutalpa, Cachula, Zoque, the Quilenes, Cinacatan, Chamuela, Chiapa, Papanahausta, Pinula, Xaltepec, Huaxaltepec, Chinantla, Tepeque, and others; but through all New Spain, the demand for tribute was the signal of insurrection, and all whoattempted to levy it were killed, as were all Spaniards who fell into thehands of the natives; so that we were continually obliged to go from onetown to another with a company of soldiers to preserve peace. As thedistrict of Cimatan was particularly refractory, and Captain Luis Marincould not conveniently send a body of troops to that place, I and threeother Spaniards were sent there to endeavour to prevail on the people tosubmit. On approaching the principal town, we were attacked by a largebody of Indians, who killed two of my companions, and wounded medesperately in the throat. My surviving companion made off to some canoeson the banks of the river Macapa, leaving me alone and in great jeopardy;but I crept under cover of some bushes where I lay some time almostexhausted, and recovering my strength after some time, I forced my waythrough the natives, and escaped to where my companion was in the canoes, with four Indians whom we had brought with us to carry our baggage, whichthey had thrown away, and for the sake of which the natives quitted us, sothat we got across the river, which is broad and deep and full ofalligators. To avoid the Indians, we concealed ourselves for eight days inthe woods, so that we were concluded to be lost, and our property in landsand Indians was divided among the other Spaniards, such being then thecustom in New Spain. We returned to the town, however, at the end oftwenty-three days, to the great joy of our friends, and the disappointmentof those who had succeeded to our property. 

Our captain, Luis Marin, thought proper to wait upon Cortes, to representthe necessity of a reinforcement; and accordingly got thirty soldiers, commanded by Alonzo de Grado, with orders for all the Spaniards atCoatzacualco to march for the province of Chiapa, which was then in astate of rebellion, and directions to build a town there to keep thenatives in order. In the first place, we had to make roads through thewoods, and the country being very marshy, we were under the necessity ofconstructing causeways in many places to enable the horses to pass. Thefirst place we came to was Tezputzlan, and thence to Cachula, beyond whichthere had been no passage before our expedition, all the other nativesbeing in great fear of the inhabitants of Chiapa, who were then thebravest warriors in all America, and had never been subdued by theMexicans; but they were extremely barbarous, being in use to rob allpassengers, and to carry away the natives of other districts to till theirground. The present expedition was during Lent, and as well as I can nowremember, in the year 1524, our little army consisting of 27 cavalry, 23musqueteers, 72 foot soldiers armed with sword and target, and onefield-piece under the direction of a cowardly fellow of a gunner, whopretended to have served in Italy. Besides these, we had 50 Mexicanwarriors, and the cacique of Cachula with some of his principal people, who were all terribly afraid. On approaching Chiapa, an advanced guard offour of our most active soldiers, of whom I was one, always preceded thearmy to reconnoitre, and as the ground was not fit for a horse, I leftmine behind. We were usually about half a league in front of the army, buton our approach to Estapa, their first settlement, some of the hunters ofChiapa perceived us at a distance, and gave the alarm by means of smoke. The road was now wide and convenient, between well cultivated fields ofcorn and other vegetables; and on coming to Estapa we found it abandonedby the inhabitants, on which we posted our guards and patroles, and tookup our quarters for the night. We were soon disturbed by information fromour out-guards, that the natives were collecting on every side to attackus; and, going out of town to meet them we had a severe action, in whichthey killed two of our soldiers and four horses, wounding our reverendfather Fra Juan, and thirteen soldiers, including our captain Luis Marin, who was wounded in two places; besides which many of our allies were slain. This action lasted till dark night, when the enemy were forced to retire, leaving fifteen slain and many wounded in the field. From two of thewounded, who seemed chiefs, we learnt that a general attack was intendedagainst us next day. These people were clothed in good defensive armour ofquilted cotton, using darts hardened in the fire, war clubs, and lanceslonger than ours, and they fought with unusual bravery; insomuch that, when one of our horsemen halted to make a thrust, the Indians seized thehorse, and either wrested the lance from the horseman or pulled him to theground. 

Next day we pursued our march to Chiapa, a place with very regular streets, and containing not less than four thousand families, besides the dependenttowns and villages around. We had not proceeded above a quarter of aleague from Estapa, where we had passed the night, when we found the wholewarriors of the district drawn up to oppose us, well armed, dressed up inplumes of feathers, and making the hills resound with their warlike shouts. They attacked us with the utmost fury, and our black gunner was sostupified with fear, that he stood long trembling before he durst put thematch to the gun, and when he fired the piece all the good he did waswounding three of our own men. After a severe conflict, we at lengthforced them to fly; but they rallied in some broken ground, reinforced bysome fresh bodies of Indians, and attacked us again by surprize, while wewere giving God thanks for our victory. In these new troops, many wereprovided with long thongs to twist round our horses, and some carried thenets they used in hunting for the same purpose. In this second battle theenemy were so desperate that they killed two of our soldiers and fivehorses, and scarce one of us escaped without a wound. They had along withthem a very fat aged woman, whom they esteemed a wizard, who had promisedthem the victory. Her body was all covered over with paint mixed withcotton wool; and she advanced fearlessly amid our allies, who wereregularly formed by companies, by whom she was cut to pieces. At length, by a violent effort, we forced the enemy to fly, some taking to the rocksand others to the river, and being excellent swimmers they made theirescape. We then halted and sang the _Salve regina_: After which we tookpossession of a town on the river, where we halted for the night, takingcare of our wounded, and carefully concealing our dead. 

About midnight, ten chiefs of neighbouring districts came down the riverin five canoes, and were brought to our captain, whom they informed thatthey belonged to the nation of the Xaltepecs, who were at war with thepeople of Chiapa, and came to offer their assistance to us against them, on condition that we should afterwards support the independence of theirnation against the people of Chiapa. This was very satisfactory to us, aswe could not have passed the river, which was both broad and deep, withouttheir assistance; the chiefs were therefore dismissed with a promise onour part of protection, and on theirs to bring us canoes and auxiliaries. During the remainder of the night we had to keep strict guard, as thedrums and horns of the enemy were heard on the opposite banks of the river, where their warriors were collecting from all sides to attack us. As soonas it was light, our new friends joined us with the promised canoes, andshewed us a very dangerous ford, which they urged us to pass without delay, that we might endeavour to save the lives of some of their people who hadbeen recently made prisoners by the enemy. We accordingly passed the riverin a solid column at the ford, which reached our armpits, and where welost one of our cavalry. On gaining the opposite bank, we were so hotlyassailed by the enemy with darts and arrows, that every one of us had twoor three wounds before we got out of the water. But as we were now joinedby large bodies of those Indians who had offered their assistance, we sooncompelled the enemy to fly for shelter to their city, against which weimmediately advanced in good order, accompanied by our new allies. Onarriving there, it seemed too closely built to be occupied with safety, and we encamped therefore in the open field, sending messengers to invitethem to peace, with which they complied, by sending a deputation of theirchiefs, who submitted to become subject to our sovereign, and requiringthat the neighbouring tribes might be prevented from destroying theirhouses and plantations. All these things being settled to our mutualsatisfaction, we went into the town, where we found many prisonersconfined in wooden cages, who had been seized by the Chiapese whiletravelling from place to place, all of whom we set free. In the temples ofthis place we found several idols of horrible figures, and many remains ofmen and boys, who had been recently sacrificed. Our reverend father FraJuan, broke all the idols to pieces, and preached so successfully thatmany were baptized. Many of the chiefs of the neighbouring tribes came inand made their submission: Among these were the chiefs of Cinacatan, Papanahaustla, Pinola, Guehuistlan, Chamula, the Quilenes, and others whospoke the Zoque language, and many other tribes, the names of which I donot now remember. These people were much surprised when they perceived thesmallness of the force with which we had ventured to attack a nation sowarlike as the Chiapese, whom the Mexicans were never able to subdue. 

While our captain was thus occupied in arranging matters with the chiefsof the surrounding districts, one of our soldiers went accompanied byeight Mexicans, to a town called Chamula, where he demanded a contributionof gold in the name of our captain, though entirely without authority. Aquantity was accordingly offered him; but not being satisfied with theamount, he attempted to seize the cacique, by which violent proceeding heoccasioned an insurrection of that town, and another in the neighbourhoodcalled Quiahuitlan, or Guehuistlan. When this improper transaction came tothe ears of our captain, he sent the soldier a prisoner to Mexico, andimmediately marched to Chamula to quell the insurrection, being assistedon this occasion by the inhabitants of Cinacatan, a polished tribe whichwas addicted to merchandize. On our arrival at Chamula, we found the placestrongly fortified by art and nature, and the people well armed, having apeculiar species of large shield which covered the whole body, and couldbe rolled up into a small compass when not in use. Our cavalry wereordered to keep guard in the plain in our rear, to watch the motions ofthe insurgents in the neighbouring districts; while the infantryendeavoured to force their way into the town; but our musketeers made verylittle impression, as the enemy were covered by their walls, while theirmissiles injured us materially, being exposed without any defence. Wecontinued the attack during the whole day to very little purpose, beingunable to force the ramparts, which were guarded by above 2000 men armedwith lances. We therefore drew off for the time, and procured some timberfrom a depopulated town in the neighbourhood, with which we constructedcertain machines named _mantas_ or _burros_, under cover of which twentymen or more could approach the walls in safety, to work a passage throughthem. On our first attempt to do this, the enemy threw down upon ourmachines, heavy stones, fire, and scalding water, so that we wereconstrained to remove our machines to repair the injury they had sustained. We again brought forward our machines to the walls, and at lengthsucceeded in making several breaches. While employed in this manner, fourof their principal chiefs and priests addressed us from the top of theramparts, saying, since we wanted gold they had brought us some, and thenthrew over seven crowns of fine gold, with many gold trinkets, some ofwhich were cast in the shape of various birds, shells, and the like;immediately after which they assailed us with repeated vollies of darts, arrows, and stones. By the time that it was dark, we had made twoconsiderable breaches; but as a heavy rain came on, we drew off for thenight, keeping a vigilant guard round our post, and having our cavalry onthe alert in the plain, ready saddled and bridled. During the whole night, the enemy kept continually sounding their warlike instruments, makinghorrid yells, and threatening us with destruction next day, which theysaid was promised by their gods. We brought forward our machines again atday-break to enlarge the breaches we had made on the preceding day; butthe enemy defended themselves with great obstinacy, wounding five of ourpeople, and myself among the rest by the thrust of a lance, which had gonethrough me, had it not been for the strength of my quilted cotton armour. Towards evening it came on again to rain hard, and we were called off fromthe attack; but as the enemy ceased to shout and make their usual noises, I suspected they were about leaving the town, and perceived also thattheir lances were mostly rested against the walls and parapets, exceptabout two hundred which still appeared in the hands of a part of the enemy. On this, I and one of my comrades crept in at a small breach in the wall, and were immediately attacked by above two hundred of these lancemen, whowould soon have dispatched us, if some of our Indian allies had notnoticed our perilous situation, and called the rest of our soldiers to ouraid, who crowded in at the breach and soon enabled us to put the enemy toflight. These were only the rear guard of the garrison, all the rest ofthe inhabitants, men, women, and children, having evacuated the town bythe opposite gate. We immediately pursued, and made many prisoners. 

Leaving this place, we marched for Cinacatan, and halted for the night atthe place where _Chiapa de los Éspanoles_ is now built; from whence ourcaptain dismissed six of our prisoners, with a message to their countrymen, offering to restore all the rest of the prisoners, if they would submit. They immediately complied with this, and submitted themselves as subjectsto the Spanish monarchy. In this neighbourhood dwelt a nation called theGuehuistlans[2], who possessed three fortified towns, and were inrebellion against us. Leaving our baggage and wounded men in Cinacatan, weproceeded to reduce these people to submission. They had barricaded allthe approaches to their towns by means of felled trees, which were clearedaway by the aid of our Indian allies, and we got up to one of theirfortresses, which threatened to give us infinite trouble, as it was fullof warriors, well armed both for offence and defence. But they all fledwhen we mounted to the assault, leaving the place to us without resistance. By means of two prisoners who were taken by our allies, offers of peaceand good treatment were sent to them, on condition of submission; withwhich they complied, bringing with them some trifling presents of gold and_quetzal_ feathers. 

Having thus effected our business in this place, by reducing all thesurrounding tribes to submission, we proceeded, according to the orders ofCortes, to establish a colony, though some who had already plantations andIndians in Coatzacualco objected to this place as unfit for cavalry, andthat our force was too small for keeping so populous a district undersubjection, especially as the natives had many strong fortresses in thefastnesses of their mountains. Even our captain, Luis Marin, and the royalnotary Diego de Godoy, were adverse to the plan. Alonzo de Grado, also, avery troublesome fellow, was possessed of a patent from Cortes, by whichhe was entitled to an _encomienda_ in the province of Chiapa, when reducedto obedience; and in virtue of this, he demanded that all the gold whichhad been received from the Indians of Chiapa, and also, that which hadbeen found in the temples, amounting to about 1500 crowns, should bedelivered up to him. This was refused by Marin, who alleged that it oughtto be applied for replacing the horses which were killed during theexpedition. These disputes ran so high, that our captain ordered bothGodoy and De Grado into irons, intending to send them to Mexico. Godoyobtained his liberty by concessions; and in return for this lenity enteredinto cabals with De Grado for misrepresenting the conduct of Marin toCortes. On this occasion I was solicited to write to Cortes in exculpationof De Grado, as they said that Cortes would believe my statements. I wroteaccordingly a true state of the case, but in no respect charging Marinwith any thing amiss. De Grado was sent off to Mexico, under an oath toappear before Cortes in eighty days, as the distance he had to travelexceeded 190 leagues. On his arrival, Cortes was so much displeased by hisconduct, that he ordered De Grado to take 3000 crowns and retire to Cuba, that he might give no farther trouble in his government; but De Grado madesuch ample apologies, that he was restored to favour. As it was finallyresolved to establish a colony in this place, and as I had an order tothat effect from Cortes, our captain, who was likewise my particularfriend, appointed me to the command of the _encomienda_ at Cinacatan, which I enjoyed for eight years. As soon as possible after my appointment, I procured a reverend father to preach to the Indians, whom I was anxiousto convert to our holy faith. He accordingly erected an altar and crucifix, and preached with so much success, that fifteen of the Indians offeredthemselves for baptism on the first day of his mission; which gave meinfinite satisfaction, as I felt the warmest interest in the welfare ofthese people, whom I looked upon as my own children. 

When all things were properly settled at this place, we resolved tochastise the people of Cimatan who had slain two of the party with which Ihad been deputed to them, as formerly mentioned near the beginning of thissection. In our way to that place, we had to march through a districtnamed Tapelola, which was so very rugged that our horses were unable toproceed until the roads were cleared for them, which was immediately doneon application to the caciques. We continued our march by the districts ofSilo, Suchiapa, and Coyumelapa, to those of Tecomayatacal and Ateapan; thechief town of which was extensive, closely built, and very populous. Thisplace belonged to my _encomienda_. Near this town there was a large anddeep river which it was necessary for us to pass, where we were opposed bythe people of the vicinity with so much vigour that we had six soldierswounded and three of our horses killed; but we put them to flight, andthey withdrew into the woods and mountains, after setting fire to theirtown. We remained here five days, taking care of our wounded men; and aswe had taken many of the women of this district, some of them were sentout to invite the natives to return and submit, with which they complied. Godoy was averse from the lenity shewn on this occasion, and insisted thatthese people ought to be punished for their revolt, or at least made topay for the horses which they had slain. I happened to be of a differentopinion; and as I spoke freely, Godoy became enraged and used very angrywords, which I retorted. At length we proceeded to blows and drew ourswords; and if we had not been parted one or other of us must have beenkilled, we were both so much enraged. Even as it was, several cuts weregiven and received on both sides, before we were separated. Marin was agood man and of a mild disposition, so that he restored every thing tothese deluded people and left them in peace. 

We continued our march through the other districts of Cimatlan andTalatiopan, where we were attacked by a numerous body of archers, by whomabove twenty of our soldiers were wounded and two horses killed; but wevery soon defeated them. These people were the most powerful archers I hadyet seen, as they were able to drive their arrows through two suits ofwell quilted cotton armour; and their country is mostly composed of amarsh which quakes under foot. It was in vain therefore to think ofpursuing the natives in such an impracticable country; and as they treatedall our offers of peace with contempt, we judged it best to return to ourcolony of Coatzacualco; which we did through the districts of Guimango, Nacaxa, Xuica, Teotitlan, Copilco, and some others which I do not rememberthe names of, to Ulapa, and thence across the rivers Agaqualulco andTonala to Coatzacualco, where the slain horses were paid for at the rateof a penny the pound. 

[1] Though without any warrant for this purpose, we believe that the numbers of these allies ought to have been reckoned by thousands instead of hundreds. --E. 

[2] Diaz is often variable in his orthography of Indian names; calling this people in different places, Gueguestitlans, Guehuistlans, and Quiahuistlans. --E. 

SECTION XVIII. 

_Negotiations of Cortes at the Court of Spain, in respect to the Conquestand Government of Mexico_. 

In the year 1521, the holy father Adrian de Lobayana, succeeded to thepapacy, he being then governor of Castille and resident in the city ofVittoria, where our agents waited upon him to kiss the foot of hisholiness. About the same time a great nobleman, named M. De la Soa, arrived from Germany, who was chamberlain to our emperor, and was sent byhim to congratulate the new pope on his election. When this nobleman wasinformed of the heroic deeds of the conquerors of Mexico, and the greatthings they had performed for the extension of the holy faith, by theconversion and baptism of such myriads of Indians, he became interested inour behalf, and made application to his holiness to expedite the businessof our agents. This was readily acceded to, as besides the allegations ofour agents, the pope had received other complaints against the bishop ofBurgos from persons of quality and honour. Our chief agents on thisoccasion were Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Ordas, Francisco Nunez cousinto our general, and his father Martin Cortes; who were countenanced bymany powerful noblemen, and chiefly by the Duke of Bejar. Thus supported, they brought forward their charges against the bishop to good purpose. These were, that Velasquez had bribed the bishop by the gift of aconsiderable district in Cuba, the natives of which were made to work inthe gold mines for his emolument, to the manifest injury of the royalrevenue. That when, in 1517, 110 of us had sailed at our own expence underthe command of Hernandez de Cordova for the discovery of New Spain, thebishop had falsely informed his majesty that it was done by Velasquez. That Velasquez had transmitted 20, 000 crowns in gold, which had beenprocured by his nephew Juan de Grijalva on our second voyage, all of whichwas given to the bishop, and no part of it to his majesty to whom itbelonged. That when Cortes sent home a large contribution in gold to hismajesty, the bishop had suppressed our letters, substituting others, andascribed the present to Velasquez, retaining half of the treasure to hisown use; and, when Puertocarrera applied to him for permission to waitupon his majesty, the bishop had thrown him into prison, where he died. That the bishop had forbidden the officers of the _Casa de contratation_of Seville to give any assistance to Cortes, by which the public servicehad suffered manifest injury. That he had appointed very unfit persons tothe military command in New Spain, as was particularly the case withregard to Christoval de Tapia, to whom he had given a commission asgovernor of New Spain, in order to bring about a marriage between hisniece and Tapia. That he had given authenticity to the false accountstransmitted by the agents of Velasquez, suppressing the true relationswhich came from Cortes. There were many other charges against the bishopwhich he could not gainsay, as they were all substantiated by goodevidence. 

All these things being made clear to his holiness, he was pleased to order, that the bishop should have no longer any authority in regard to theaffairs of New Spain, of which the government should be conferred onCortes, and that Velasquez should be remunerated for all the expences hehad incurred on account of the expedition, which he could dulysubstantiate. His holiness sent also to New Spain, a great number ofindulgences for the hospitals and churches, and recommended to Cortes andthe other conquerors to pay unremitting attention to the conversion of theIndians, and was pleased to send us his holy bulls of absolution. Hismajesty graciously confirmed all these orders of the pope, orderingVelasquez to be deprived of the government of Cuba, on account of havingsent the expedition under Narvaez, in defiance of peremptory orders to thecontrary from the royal audience of St Domingo, and the Jeronymitebrethren. The bishop was so much affected by his disgrace on this occasion, that he fell dangerously ill. 

About this time, Panfilo de Narvaez and Christoval de Tapia arrived inSpain, together with the pilot Umbria and Cardenas, who by the instigationof the bishop of Burgos, preferred many severe accusations against Cortesto his majesty, in which they were gladly joined by the agents ofVelasquez. They alleged, that Velasquez had fitted out three severalexpeditions for New Spain at vast expence, the last of which he hadconfided to Cortes, who broke his engagements and converted the armamentto his own advantage. That when Velasquez sent Narvaez as governor of NewSpain, with his majesties commission, Cortes made war upon him, defeatedhim and made him a prisoner. That when the bishop of Burgos sent Tapia totake the command of New Spain in the name of his majesty, Cortes refusedobedience, and compelled him to re-embark. They also accused Cortes ofhaving embezzled a great quantity of gold which he had obtained for hismajesty; of taking a fifth of all the plunder to his own use; of havingtortured Guatimotzin; of defrauding the soldiers of their shares; ofmaking the natives of Mexico construct for his use magnificent palaces andcastles as large as villages; of having poisoned Francisco de Garay, inorder to get possession of his ships and troops, and many other charges ofa similar nature. By command of his majesty, a court of inquiry wasappointed from the privy council, to hear and determine upon theseallegations, before which the following answers were given in. ThatCordova was the real discoverer of New Spain, which had been done by himand his companions at their own cost. That although Velasquez had sentJuan de Grijalva on an expedition to New Spain, it was only for thepurpose of trade, and not of colonization. That the principal charges hadbeen expended by the different captains, and not by Velasquez, who hadreceived the chief part of 20, 000 crowns which these captains hadcollected. That Velasquez gave Indians in Cuba to the bishop of Burgos tocollect gold for him, which ought to have belonged to his majesty. Thatalthough it was true Velasquez had sent Cortes to New Spain, his orderswere only to barter; and the establishment he had made was entirely owingto the representations of his companions for the service of God and hismajesty, and in no respect due to the instructions of Velasquez. That itwas well known to all, that Cortes had reported the whole of hisproceedings to his majesty, to whom he and his companions sent all thegold they could procure, waiting his majesties ultimate orders in theutmost humility; whereas the bishop of Burgos suppressed his letters, andappropriated the gold to his own use, concealing our meritorious servicesfrom his majesty, preventing our agents from gaining access to the emperor, and even throwing one of them into prison, where he died; and that heprevented the royal officers from supplying us with such things as weneeded, by which our enterprize had been much retarded. That all thesethings had been done by the bishop from corrupt motives, that he mightgive the government of Mexico to Velasquez or Tapia, in order that one ofthem might marry his _niece_ Donna Petronilla de Fonseca, being anxious tomake his _son-in-law_ governor of that splendid kingdom. As for theexpedition of Narvaez, our agents contended that Velasquez ought to sufferdeath for having sent it in direct disobedience of his majesties orders ascommunicated by the royal audience; and that he had behaved with highdisrespect to his majesty, in making his application to the bishop ofBurgos on this occasion. In support of all these accusations they offeredto bring substantial proofs, and prayed the court to award punishment forthese multiplied offences. 

In reply to the accusations of Narvaez against Cortes, they represented, that Narvaez sent word to Montezuma on his arrival in Mexico, that he cameto rescue him, by which he occasioned a dangerous war. That when Cortesdesired to see his commission, and represented the necessity of anamicable junction of their forces for the good of the service, Narvaezwould give no answer, but immediately declared war against Cortes and hiscompanions, by which they were forced to defend themselves, and thatNarvaez had even presumed to seize his majesties oydor, for which Cortesdeemed it requisite to bring him to punishment. That when Cortes went towait on Narvaez, that he might see his commission and remonstrate with himon his proceedings, Narvaez had attempted to make him prisoner by surprise, of which proof could be made by witnesses. As to the failure of Garay, andthe ridiculous charge of having poisoned him; it was well known that theexpedition under Garay had failed through his own misconduct and ignoranceof the country; after which he had gladly accepted the friendly offers ofCortes, who had given him an hospitable reception in Mexico, where analliance was agreed upon between their families, and Garay was to havebeen assisted in establishing a colony on the river Palmas; and finally, it was established beyond all doubt, by the oaths of the physicians whoattended him, that Garay had died of a pleurisy. In regard to the chargeof retaining his majesties fifth, it was proved that Cortes had fairlyexpended it in the public service, together with 6000 crowns of his ownproperty. That the fifth which he had retained for himself, was accordingto compact with the soldiers; and as to the shares belonging to thesoldiers, it was well known that very little gold was found in Mexico onits capture, as almost all the wealth of the place had fallen into thehands of our allies of Tlascala and Tezcuco. That the torture given toGuatimotzin had been done by his majesties officers, contrary to theinclination of Cortes, in order to force a discovery of where thetreasures of Montezuma had been concealed. As for the buildings, thoughcertainly sumptuous, they were intended for the use of his majesty and hissuccessors, and that the work had been carried on by the Indians, underthe order of Guatimotzin, as was always done in building houses for thegreat in that country. As to Alonzo de Avila having taken the commissionfrom Narvaez by force; it appeared there was no commission among hispapers, which consisted entirely of receipts for the purchase of horsesand the like; and farther, that these papers had been taken without anyorder from Cortes, who never saw any of them. As for Tapia, it was urged, that if he had come to Mexico and produced his majesties orders, theyshould have been received and obeyed by Cortes with the utmost humility:But that his incapacity was so notorious to every one then in New Spain, that it was the universal advice and desire of all that Cortes shouldretain the command. As to the pilot Umbria, whose feet had been cut off, this had been done in the due course of justice, for having run away withhis ship. That Cardenas had consented along with all the rest to give uphis share of the gold, that the whole might be sent to his majesty; andthat Cortes had given him 300 crowns from his own pocket, which was morethan he deserved, being a person of no consideration and no soldier. 

The court having duly weighed all the charges and answers, the wholeproceedings were reported to his majesty, together with their opinion andsentence, which were entirely in favour of Cortes, whose merit and valour, and that of all the veteran conquerors of Mexico, were highly praised. Velasquez was enjoined silence in respect to his complaints against Cortes, and was told that he might seek for the remuneration of his expences by alegal process. Cortes was declared governor-general of New Spain, pursuantto the orders of the pope, and the court approved of the arrangementswhich he had made in the country, authorizing him to distribute andappoint the districts or _repartimientos_ in the way he thought proper. Narvaez was referred for redress to France, where Avila was still aprisoner. The pilots Umbria and Cardenas obtained royal grants of propertyin New Spain, to the extent of a thousand crowns in annual rent. And itwas ordained that all the veterans of Cortes should have immediate andample gratifications in lands and Indians, with such precedency in rank astheir valour and services had deserved. This sentence was confirmed by theemperor at Valladolid, who was then on his road to Flanders; and he gaveorders likewise for the banishment of all relapsed converts in New Spain, and that no _Scholars_[1] should be admitted into that country for acertain term of years. His majesty, and his brother the king of Hungary, were graciously pleaded to write letters to Cortes, and to us theconquerors, thanking us for the good service we had performed. 

This affair being decided in our favour, the necessary documents wereentrusted to two relations of Cortes, Roderigo de Paz and Francisco de lasCasas, who carried them in the first place to St Jago in the island ofCuba, where Velasquez resided. On the sentence being made known to him, and proclaimed by sound of trumpet, he fell ill from vexation, and diedsoon afterwards poor and miserable. Francisco de Montejo had thegovernment of Yucutan and Cozumel from his majesty, with the title of Don. Diego de Ordas was ennobled, getting for his coat of arms the volcano ofGuaxocingo, and was confirmed in all his possessions in New Spain. He wentback to Spain two years afterwards to solicit permission to conquer theprovince of Maranion, in which enterprize he lost his life and all hisproperty. On the arrival of Las Casas and De Paz in Mexico with theappointment of Cortes to the government, there were great rejoicingseverywhere. Las Casas was made a captain, and got the _encomienda_ of agood district called Anquitlan; and De Paz was appointed major-domo andsecretary to Cortes, getting likewise valuable possessions. Cortesliberally rewarded the captain of the vessel which brought out thispleasing information, and provided handsomely for all who came out to NewSpain from his native country of Medellin. All the proceedings of ouragents in Spain were regularly conveyed to us the conquerors; but itseemed to me that they agented solely for Cortes and themselves, as we whohad raised Cortes to his greatness, were continually encountering dangersand hardships, without any reward. May God protect us, and inspire ourgreat emperor to cause his just intentions towards us to be carried intoeffect. To us, the ancient, wise, and brave conquerors of Mexico, itappeared that Cortes ought to have duly considered his true friends, whohad supported him from the first through all his difficulties and dangers, and ought to have rewarded us according to our respective merits, and hismajesties orders, by giving us good and profitable situations, instead ofleaving us poor and miserable. By his majesties orders, and by his duty, Cortes was bound to have given to us and our children all the good officesin the kingdom of New Spain; but be thought only of himself and hisfavourites. In our opinion, who were the conquerors, the whole countryought to have been divided into five equal parts, allotting one to thecrown, another for the holy church, and the remaining three parts toCortes and the rest of us, who were the true original conquerors, givingeach a share in perpetuity in proportion to our rank and merits, considering that we had not only served his majesty in gratuity, butwithout his knowledge, and, almost against his will. This arrangementwould have placed us at our ease; instead of which, many of us arewandering about, almost without a morsel to eat, and God only knows whatmay become of our children. 

To the veedor Pedro Alonzo Chirinos, Gonzalo Salazar the factor, RodrigoAlbornos the contador, and many others who came now from Spain, and to thedependents of great men, who flattered him and told him fine tales, Cortesrefused nothing; but he treated us the true conquerors like vassals, forgetting us entirely in the distribution of property, yet never failingto call upon us when he wanted our assistance, as if we had been fit onlyfor expeditions and battles. I do not blame him for being generous, asthere was enough for all; but he ought in the first place to haveconsidered those who had served his majesty in the conquest of this noblekingdom, and to whose blood and valour he was indebted for his ownelevation. Long afterwards, when Luis Ponce de Leon came out to supersedeCortes, we the veteran conquerors represented to our general that he oughtto give us that property which he had been ordered by his majesty toresign. He expressed his sorrow for having so long neglected us, andpromised even with an oath, that he would provide for us all, if hereturned to his government, thinking to satisfy us with smooth words andempty promises. 

[1] This probably alludes to _lawyers_, as on a former occasion, Diaz mentions a request from the Spaniards that none of that fraternity might be sent over to New Spain, probably to avoid the introduction of litigious law suits. --E. 

SECTION XIX. 

_Of an Expedition against the Zapotecas, and various other Occurrences_. 

Intelligence was brought to Mexico that the Zapotecas were in rebellion, on which Rodrigo Rangel, whom I have several times mentioned already, solicited Cortes to be appointed to the command of an expedition for theirreduction, that he too might have an opportunity of acquiring fame, proposing likewise to take Pedro de Ircio along with him as his lieutenantand adviser. Cortes knew well that Rangel was very unfit for any serviceof danger or difficulty, being a miserably diseased object, the effect ofhis sins, and put him off therefore by various excuses; but as he was avery slanderous fellow, whom he wished to get rid of, he at length agreedto his proposal, and at the same time wrote for ten or twelve veterans, then residing in Coatzacualco, of whom I was one, desiring us to accompanyRangel on this expedition. The country of the Zapotecas is composed ofhigh and rugged mountains, always enveloped in clouds and mists, with suchnarrow and bad roads as to be unfit for cavalry, so steep that they mustbe climbed up like ladders, each successive soldier of the file having hishead at the heels of the man immediately before him. The natives of thesemountains are light and active, and have a way of whistling and shouting, so as to make the hills resound again, insomuch that it is hardly possibleto know on which side they are coming to attack. Against such enemies inso strong a country, and with such a leader, it was impossible for us toeffect any thing. We advanced, however, under heavy rain, to a scatteredvillage, part of the houses being situated on a rocky ridge, and the restin a valley, and well it was for us that the Indians made no stand, aspoor Rangel whined and moaned the whole way, complaining of pains in hislimbs, and the severity of the weather. It was at last agreed, as he grewevery day worse and worse, that we could be of no use here, and wereexposing ourselves needlessly to danger, to abandon this fruitlessexpedition, and return to our homes. Pedro de Ircio was among the firstwho advised this, and soon set the example, by retiring to his own town ofVilla Rica; but Rangel chose rather to go along with us to Coatzacualco, to our great dissatisfaction, as he expected benefit from that warmclimate to relieve him of his pains. 

We were hardly returned to Coatzacualco, when Rangel took it into his headto go upon an expedition against the Indians of Cimatan and Tatupan, whocontinued in rebellion, confiding in the impracticability of their country, among large rivers and trembling marshes; being also very formidablewarriors, who used very long bows of great strength. We were all veryaverse from this, but as Rangel produced his commission from Cortes, wewere under the necessity to obey, and accordingly set out on theexpedition, with about 100 horse and foot. We soon arrived at a pass amonglakes and marshes, where the Indians had thrown up a strong circularentrenchment of large trees and pallisades, having loop-holes to shootthrough, and where they gave us a very warm reception with a flight ofdarts and arrows, by which they killed seven horses, and wounded Rangeland eight of our men. We had often told him what stout warriors theseIndians were, and he now declared that in future the old conquerors shouldcommand him, and not he us, for he would not have been now in suchjeopardy if he had listened to our advice. When our wounded men and horseswere dressed, he requested me to go forward to reconnoitre, on which Itook two comrades, and a fierce dog belonging to Rangel, desiring theinfantry to follow close behind, but that Rangel and the cavalry mightkeep at a good distance in the rear. In this order we pursued our marchfor Cimatan, and soon fell in with another post, fortified like the former, and as strongly defended, whence the Indians assailed us with a shower ofarrows, which killed the dog, and wounded us all three. On this occasion Ireceived a wound in my leg, and had seven arrows sticking in my cottonarmour. I immediately called to some of our Indian auxiliaries, who were alittle way behind, to desire all the infantry to come up immediately, butthat all the cavalry must remain behind, as otherwise they would certainlylose their horses. We soon drove the Indians from their entrenchments; butthey took refuge among the marshes, where we could not pursue them withoutrunning the risk of sinking at every step. 

Having passed the night at an Indian village, we proceeded forwards nextday, when we were opposed by a body of Indians posted in a marsh on theborder of an open plain. In spite of every thing we could say, Rangel madea charge upon them with his cavalry, and was the first to tumble headforemost into the marsh, where the Indians closed in upon him, in hope oftaking him alive for sacrifice. By great exertions we rescued him fromtheir hands, half drowned and badly wounded. The country being verypopulous, we very soon found a village which the natives had abandoned, where we went for the purpose of refreshment, and to dress our wounded men:But had hardly been there a quarter of an hour, when the enemy attacked uswith such violence, that we had much ado to repel them, after they hadkilled one of our men and two horses. Poor Rangel complained grievously ofhis wounds and bruises, and was so infested by mosquitoes and other vermin, which abound greatly in that country, that he could not rest either day ornight. He, and some of the soldiers who had belonged to Garay thataccompanied him, grew very sick of their expedition, in which nothing hadbeen got except three hard fought battles, in which eleven horses and twosoldiers had been slain, and many others wounded, on which account theywere very desirous to get home again; yet Rangel was averse from having itappear that a retreat was his choice, and got, therefore, a council ofthose who were of his own opinion to propose that measure. At this time, Iand about twenty more had gone out to try if we could make any prisoners, and had taken five among some gardens and plantations near the village. Onmy return, Rangel called me aside, and informed me that his council haddetermined on a retreat, and desired me to persuade the rest of thedetachment to come into that opinion. "How, Sir, " said I, "can you thinkof a retreat? What will Cortes and the world say of you, when they hear ofyour retreating in two successive expeditions, without having done anything? You cannot surely return without disgrace, till you have reachedthe head town of these Indians. I will go forward on foot with theinfantry to reconnoitre: Give my horse to another soldier, and you mayfollow in the rear with the cavalry. " "You give good advice, said Rangel, and we will march on. " This was done accordingly, to the great regret ofmany of our companions, and we advanced in good order to Cimatan, theprincipal town of the district, where we were saluted as usual by a showerof arrows. We entered the town, however, which was abandoned by the enemy, yet took several prisoners, whom I dismissed, with an invitation to thechiefs to come in and make peace with us; but they never returned. Rangelwas very angry at me on this account, and swore that he would make meprocure Indians for him, in place of those whom I had liberated. To pacifyhim, I went among the neighbouring marshes with thirty soldiers, where wepicked up several stragglers, whom we brought to him. But he dismissedthese likewise, in hopes to induce the rest to submit, yet all to nopurpose. Thus ended the two famous expeditions against the Zapotecans andCimatanese, and such was all the fame acquired by Rangel in the wars ofNew Spain. Two years afterwards, we effected the conquest of both thesecountries, the natives of which were converted to our holy religion, bythe grace of God, and through the exertions of Father Olmedo, now grownweak and infirm, to the great regret of all who knew him, as he was anexcellent minister of the gospel. 

Cortes had now collected 80, 000 crowns in gold, and had caused a superbgolden culverin to be made as a present for the emperor, on which thefollowing motto was engraved:

 _Esta ave nacio sin par: Yo en servir os sin segundo; Y vos sin iqual en el Mundo_[1]. 

This sumptuous present was sent over to Spain under the care of Diego deSoto. I am uncertain whether Juan de Ribera, who had been secretary toCortes went over at the same time with Soto; but I know that he carriedover a sum of money for the generals father, which he appropriated to hisown use; and, unmindful of the many obligations he had received, hereported much evil of Cortes, combining with the bishop of Burgos andothers to injure him. I always thought him a bad man, from what I hadobserved of him when engaged in gaming, and many other circumstances: But, as he was of a fluent speech, and had been secretary to Cortes, he did himmuch harm, and would have injured him much more, if it had not been forthe interest of the Duke of Bejar, who protected Cortes, who was thenengaged in a treaty of marriage with the dukes niece, Donna Juana deZuniga[2]. By this interest, and combined with the magnificent presentbrought over by Soto, the affairs of Cortes at the court of Spain took afavourable turn. The golden Phoenix with its motto, gave great offence tomany, who thought it presumptuous in Cortes to insinuate that he had noequal in his services: But his friends justly defended him, observing thatno one had so far extended the fame and power of his majesty, or hadbrought so many thousand souls under the dominion of the holy catholicchurch as he had done. Neither did they forget the merits of us hisassociates, truly declaring that we were entitled to honours andemoluments, which we had as justly earned as the original nobles ofCastille, whose estates and honours were now enjoyed by their descendents. The culverin went no farther than Seville, as his majesty was graciouslypleased to give it to Don Francisco de los Cobos, commendator-major ofLeon, who melted it down. Its value was 20, 000 ducats. Martin Cortes, ourgenerals father, brought a suit against Ribera for the money of which hehad defrauded him; and while that was pending, Ribera died suddenly whileat dinner, and without confession. May God pardon his sins! _Amen_. 

Cortes continued to rebuild and embellish the city of Mexico, which wasagain as well peopled by natives as ever it had been before the conquest. All of these were exempted from paying tribute to his majesty, till theirhouses were built, and till the causeways, bridges, public edifices, andaqueducts, were all restored. In that quarter of the city appropriated tothe Spaniards, churches and hospitals were erected under thesuperintendence of Father Olmedo, as vicar and superior; who likewiseestablished an hospital for the natives, to whom he paid particularattention. In compliance with our petition, formerly mentioned, thegeneral of the Franciscans sent over twelve of his order, under thevicarage of Father Martin de Valentia. Among these came Father Torribio deMotolinea, which name, signifying _poor brother_, he acquired from theMexicans, because all that he received in charity he gave away in the samemanner, going always barefooted in a tattered habit, preaching to thenatives, and often in want of food. When Cortes learnt that these reverendfathers were arrived at Villa Rica, he ordered the road to Mexico to berepaired, and to have houses built at proper intervals for theiraccommodation; commanding the inhabitants of all the towns in the way tomeet them with the utmost reverence, ringing their bells, bearingcrucifixes and lighted wax-candles, and that all the Spaniards shouldkneel down and kiss their hands. On their approach to Mexico, Cortes wentout to meet them, and dismounting from his horse, kneeled down to kiss thehands of the vicar. The natives were astonished to see so much honourconferred on these reverend fathers in tattered garments and bare feet, and considering them as gods, they all followed the example of the general, and have ever since behaved to them with the utmost reverence. 

About this time, Cortes informed his majesty of his proceedings withregard to the conversion of the natives, and rebuilding the city of Mexico;and also of the conduct of De Oli, whom he had sent to reduce the provinceof Higueras, but who had deserted and joined the party of Velasquez, onwhich account he had resolved to send a force to reduce him to obedience. He complained also of the proceedings of Velasquez, to the great injury ofhis majesties service, and of the partiality which had been shewn by thebishop of Burgos. At this time likewise, he remitted 30, 000 crowns in goldto the royal treasury, lamenting the injurious effects of the proceedingsof Velasquez and the bishop, which had prevented him from making a muchlarger contribution. He complained also against the contador, Rodrigo deAlbornos, who had aspersed him from private pique, because he had refusedto give him in marriage the daughter of the prince of Tezcuco; and that heunderstood Albornos corresponded in cyphers with the bishop of Burgos. Cortes had not yet learnt that the bishop was removed from the managementof the affairs of the Indies. By the same ship, Albornos sent homeaccusations against Cortes; charging him with the levy of exorbitantcontributions in gold for his own use; fortifying castles to defendhimself, and marrying his private soldiers to the daughters of the nativelords: insinuating that Cortes was endeavouring to set himself up as anindependent king, and that it was highly necessary to send out an ableofficer with a great force to supersede him. The bishop of Burgos laidthese letters before the whole junto of the enemies of Cortes, whoimmediately produced this new accusation to the emperor, complaining ofthe partial favour which had been shewn him on former occasions. Deceivedby these misrepresentations, which were enforced by Narvaez, his majestyissued an order to the admiral of Hispaniola, to go with six hundredsoldiers to arrest Cortes, and to make him answer with his head if foundguilty; as also to punish all of us who had been concerned in attackingNarvaez. As an encouragement, this officer was promised the admiralty ofNew Spain, the right to which was then under litigation. Either from wantof money, or because he was afraid of committing himself against so ableand successful a commander, the admiral delayed his expedition so long, that the friends and agents of Cortes had time to make a full explanationof all the circumstances to the Duke of Bejar, who immediately representeda true statement of the case to the emperor, and offered to pledge his ownlife in security for the loyalty of Cortes. Being on due considerationquite satisfied of the justice of our cause, his majesty determined tosend out a person of high quality and good character to hold a supremecourt of justice in New Spain. The person chosen for this purpose was LuisPonce de Leon, cousin to Don Martin, Count of Cordova; whom his majestyentrusted to inquire into the conduct of Cortes, with full power toinflict capital punishment if guilty. But it was two years and a halfbefore this gentleman arrived in New Spain. 

I now go beyond the date of my narrative to inform my readers of acircumstance which happened during the viceroyalty of that illustriousnobleman, Don Antonio de Mendoza, worthy of eternal memory and heavenlyglory for his wise and just government. Albornos wrote malignant andslanderous letters against him, as he had before done of Cortes, whichletters were all sent back from Spain to Don Antonio. When he had read allthe gross abuse which they contained, he sent for Albornos, to whom heshewed his own letters; saying mildly, in his usual slow manner, "When youare pleased to make me the subject of your letters to his majesty, remember always in future to tell the truth. "

[1] Like the solitary Phoenix, I, without a peer, serve you, who have no equal in the world. 

[2] In Clavigero, at the close of Vol. I. This lady is named Donna Jeroma Ramirez de Arrellano y Zuniga, daughter of Don Carlos Ramiro de Arellano, Count of Auguiller, by Donna Jeroma de Zuniga, a daughter of the Count of Benares, eldest son of Don Alvaro de Zuniga, duke of Bejar. After two male descents from this marriage, the Marquisate of the Valley of Oaxaca, and the great estates of Cortes in New Spain, fell, by various collateral female descents, to the Neapolitan family of Pignatelli, duke of Montelione and Terranova, marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, Grandee of Spain, and prince of the Roman empire. --E. 

SECTION XX. 

_Narrative of the Expedition of Cortes to Higueras_. 

I have formerly mentioned the revolt of De Oli. Cortes was much distressedon receiving this intelligence, and immediately sent off his relation, Francisco de las Casas, with five ships and a hundred well appointedsoldiers, among whom were some of the veteran conquerors of Mexico, withorders to reduce De Oli. Las Casas soon arrived at the bay of Triumpho dela Cruz, where De Oli had established his head-quarters; and though LasCasas hoisted a signal of peace, De Oli determined on resistance, and senta number of soldiers in two armed vessels to oppose Las Casas, who orderedout his boats armed with swivels and musquetry to attack those belongingto De Oli. In this affair Las Casas was successful, as he sunk one of thevessels belonging to De Oli, killed four of his soldiers, and wounded agreat number. On this misfortune, and because a considerable number of hissoldiers were on a detached service in the inland country, for the purposeof reducing a party of Spaniards under Gil Gonzalez de Avila, who wasemployed in making conquests on the river Pechin, De Oli thought itadvisable to propose terms of peace to Las Casas, in hopes that hisdetachment might return to his assistance. Las Casas unfortunately agreedto treat, and remained at sea; partly for the purpose of finding somebetter place of disembarkation, and partly induced by letters from thefriends of Cortes who were along with De Oli. That same night a heavystorm arose, by which the vessels of Las Casas were driven on shore andutterly lost, and above thirty of the soldiers perished. All the rest weremade prisoners two days afterwards, having been all that time on shorewithout food, and almost perished with cold, as it was the season ofalmost incessant rain. De Oli obliged all his prisoners to swear fidelityto him against Cortes, and then released them all except Las Casas. 

The party which he sent against De Avila returned about this time, havingbeen successful in their errand. Avila had gone with a party to reduce thecountry about the _Golfe Dolce_, and had founded a settlement to which hegave the name of _St Gil de buena vista_; and the troops sent against him, after killing his nephew and eight of his soldiers, made himself and allthe rest prisoners. De Oli was now much elated by his success, in havingmade two captains belonging to Cortes prisoners, and sent off a fullaccount of his exploits to his friend Velasquez. He afterwards marched upthe country to a place called Naco in a very populous district, which isall now laid waste. While here, he sent off various detachments indifferent directions, among which one was commanded by Briones, who hadfirst instigated him to revolt; bat Briones now revolted from him in histurn, and marched off with all his men for New Spain. He was a seditiousfellow, who had on some former occasion had the lower part of his ears cutoff, which he used to say had been done for refusing to surrender in somefortress or other. He was afterwards hanged at Guatimala for mutiny. 

De Oli was personally brave but imprudent, and permitted Las Casas andAvila to be at large, disdaining to be under any apprehensions from them;but they concerted a plan with some of the soldiers for putting him todeath. Las Casas one day asked him, as if half in jest, for liberty toreturn to Cortes; but De Oli said he was too happy to have the company ofso brave a man, and could not part with him. "Then" said Las Casas, "Iadvise you to take care of me, for I shall kill you one of these days". DeOli considered this as a joke, but measures were actually concerted forthe purpose; and one night after supper, when the servants and pages hadwithdrawn to their own apartment, Las Casas, Avila, Juan de Mercado, andsome other soldiers attached to Cortes, suddenly drew out their penknivesand fell upon De Oli. Las Casas seized him by the beard, and made a cut athis throat, and the rest gave him several wounds; but being strong andactive, he escaped from their hands, calling loudly to his people forassistance, but they were all too busy at their suppers to hear him. Hethen fled and concealed himself among some bushes, calling out forassistance, and many of his people turned out for that purpose; but LasCasas called upon them to rally on the side of the king and his generalCortes, which after some hesitation they consented to. De Oli was madeprisoner by the two captains, who shortly afterwards sentenced him to bebeheaded, which was carried into execution in the town of Naco. He was abrave man, but of no foresight, and thus paid with his life for followingevil counsels. He had received many favours from Cortes, having valuableestates, and the commission of _Maestre de Campo_. His lady, DonnaPhilippa de Aranja, was a Portuguese, by whom he had one daughter. LasCasas and Avila now joined their troops together, and acted in concert ascaptains under Cortes. Las Casas colonized Truzilo in New Estremadura. Avila sent orders to his lieutenant in Buena Vista to remain in charge ofthat establishment, promising to send him a reinforcement as soon aspossible, for which purpose he meant to go to Mexico. 

Some months after the departure of Las Casas, Cortes became afraid of somedisaster, and repented that he had not gone himself on the expedition, andnow resolved to go himself, that he might examine the state of the countryand the mines it was said to contain. He left a good garrison in Mexico, and appointed Alonzo de Estrada and Albornos, the treasurer and contador, to carry on the government in his absence, with strict injunctions to payevery attention to the interest of his majesty, and recommended toMotolinca and Olmedo to labour incessantly in converting the natives. Onpurpose to deprive the Mexicans of chiefs during his absence, he tookalong with him Guatimotzin the late king of Mexico, the prince of Tacuba, an Indian now named Velasquez, who had been a captain under Guatimotzin, and several other caciques of consequence. We had along with us Fra Juande las Varillas, and several other good theologians to preach to theIndians, as also the captains Sandoval and Marin and many other cavaliers. On this occasion, Cortes, was attended by a splendid personal suit; suchas a steward, paymaster, keeper of the plate, a major-domo, two stewardsof the household, a butler, confectioner, physician, surgeon a number ofpages, among whom was Francisco de Montejo, who was afterwards captain inYutucan, two armour-bearers, eight grooms, two falconers, five musicians, a stage-dancer, a juggler and puppet-master, a master of the horse, andthree Spanish muleteers. A great service of gold and silver plateaccompanied the march, and a large drove of swine for the use of the table. Three thousand Mexican warriors attended their own chiefs, and a numeroustrain of domestic servants. 

When about to set out, the factor Salazar and veedor Chirinos, remonstrated with Cortes on the danger of leaving the seat of government;but finding him determined, they asked permission to accompany him toCoatzacualco, which he agreed to. Cortes was received in all the places onhis way with much pomp and many rejoicings; and above fifty soldiers andstraggling travellers newly arrived from Spain, joined us on the road. During the march to Coatzacualco, Cortes divided his troops into twodetachments, for the convenience of quarters and provisions. While on themarch, a marriage took place at the town of Ojeda near Orizava, betweenour linguist Donna Marina and Juan Xaramillo. As soon as the advance ofCortes to Guazpaltepec in the district of Sandoval was known atCoatzacualco, all the Spaniards of that settlement went above thirtyleagues to meet him; in so much respect and awe was he held by us all. Inproceeding beyond Guazpaltepec fortune began to frown upon us, as inpassing a large river three of our canoes overset, by which some plate andother valuables were lost, and nothing could be recovered as the riverswarmed with alligators. At Coatzacualco three hundred canoes wereprepared for crossing the river, fastened two and two together to preventoversetting, and we were here received under triumphal arches, withvarious festivities, such as mock skirmishes between Christian's and Moors, fireworks, and the like. Cortes remained six days at Coatzacualco, wherethe factor and veedor prevailed on Cortes to give them a commission toassume the government of Mexico in case they should judge that the presentdeputies failed in their duty. This measure occasioned much troubleafterwards in Mexico, as I shall explain hereafter; but these twoassociates took their leaves at this place, with much pretended tendernessand affection for the general, even affecting to sob and cry at parting. 

From Coatzacualco, Cortes sent orders to Simon de Cucena, one of hismajor-domos, to freight two light vessels at Villa Rica with biscuit madeof maize flour, as there was then no wheat in Mexico, wine, oil, vinegar, pork, iron, and other necessaries, and to proceed with them along thecoast till he had farther directions. Cortes now gave orders for all thesettlers of Coatzacualco who were fit for duty, to join the expedition. This was a severe disappointment to us, as our colony was composed of mostof the respectable hildagos, the veteran conquerors, who expected to havebeen allowed to enjoy our hard earned houses and lands in peace, insteadof which we were obliged to undertake an arduous expedition of fivehundred leagues, which took us up above two years and a half of infinitefatigues. We had nothing for it but compliance, so that we armed ourselvesand mounted our horses; being in all above 250 veterans, 130 of whom werecavalry, besides many soldiers newly arrived from Old Spain. I wasimmediately dispatched at the head of 30 Spaniards and 3000 Mexicans, toreduce the district of Cimatan, which was then in rebellion. My orderswere, if I found the natives submissive, I was merely to quarter my troopson the natives, and do them no farther injury. But, if refractory, theywere to be summoned three times in presence of a royal notary and properwitnesses, after which, if they still persisted in rebellion, I was tomake war on them and compel them to submit. The people received me in apeaceable manner, for which reason I marched on with my detachment torejoin Cortes at Iquinapa. In consequence of the veterans being withdrawnfrom Coatzacualco, these people revolted again in a few months after. After I left him, the general proceeded with the rest of his troops toTonala, crossing the river Aquacualco, and another river seven leaguesfrom an arm of the sea, by a bridge a quarter of a league in length, whichwas constructed by the natives under the direction of two Spanish settlersof Coatzacualco. The army then proceeded to the large river Mazapa, calledby seamen _Rio de dos bocas_, or Two-mouth river, which flows past Chiapa. Crossing this by means of double canoes, they proceeded through severalvillages to Iquinapa, where my detachment rejoined the army. Crossinganother river and an arm of the sea, on wooden bridges, we came to a largetown named Copilco, where the province of Chontalpa begins; a populousdistrict, full of plantations of cacoa, which we found perfectly peaceable. From thence we marched by Nicaxuxica and Zagutan, passing another river, in which the general lost some part of his baggage. We found Zagutan inpeace, yet the inhabitants fled during the night; on which Cortes orderedparties out into the woods to make prisoners. Seven chiefs and some otherswere taken, but they all escaped from us again in the night, and left uswithout guides. At this place fifty canoes arrived at our quarters fromTabasco, loaded with provisions, and some also from Teapan, a place in myencomienda. 

From Zagutan, we continued our march to Tepetitan, crossing a large rivercalled Chilapa, where we were detained four days making barks. I hereproposed sending five of our Indian guides to a town of the same name, which I understood was on the banks of this river, in order to desire theinhabitants to send their canoes to our assistance; which was accordinglydone, and they sent us six large canoes and some provisions: Yet with allthe aid we could procure, it took us four days to pass this river. Fromthence we went to Tepetitan, which was depopulated and burnt inconsequence of a civil war. For three days of our march from the riverChilapa, our horses were almost constantly up to their bellies in themarshy grounds, and when we reached a place called Iztapa, it was foundabandoned by the inhabitants; but several chiefs and others were broughtin, who were treated kindly, and made the general some trifling presentsof gold. As this place abounded in corn and grass, we halted three days torefresh the men and horses, and it was considered by Cortes as a goodsituation for a colony, being surrounded by a number of towns, which mightserve as dependencies. Cortes received information from some travellingmerchants at this place concerning the country he had to pass through, produced to them a map painted on cloth, representing the road to_Huy-Acala_, which signifies _great_ Acala, there being another place ofthe same name. According to them, the way was much intersected by rivers, as, to reach a place named Tamaztepec, three days journey from Iztapa, there were three rivers and an arm of the sea to cross. In consequence ofthis intelligence, the general sent orders to the chiefs to provide canoesand construct bridges at the proper places, but neither of these thingswere done. Instead of three days, our march occupied us for a whole week;but the natives succeeded in getting quit of us, and we set out with onlyprovisions of roasted maize and roots for three days, so that we werereduced to great straits, having nothing to eat but a wild plant called_quexquexque_, which inflamed our mouths. We were obliged to constructbridges of timber, at which every one had to labour from the generaldownwards; which detained us for three days. When we had crossed the lastinlet, we were obliged to open a way through the woods with infinitelabour, and after toiling in this manner for two days we were almost indespair. The trees were so thick that we could not see the sun; and onclimbing to the top of one of the trees, we could not discover any thingbut a continuation of the same impervious forest. Two of our guides hadfled, and the only one who remained was utterly ignorant of the country. The resources of Cortes were quite inexhaustible, as he guided our way bya mariners compass, assisted by his Indian map, according to which thetown of _Huy-acala_ of which we were in search, lay to the east; but evenhe acknowledged that he knew not what might become of us, if we were oneday longer of finding it out. 

We who were of the advanced guard fortunately at this time fell in withthe remains of some trees which had been formerly cut, and a small lane orpath, which seemed to lead towards a town or village. The pilot Lopez andI returned to the main body with intelligence of this happy discovery, which revived the spirits of our whole army. We accordingly made allpossible haste in that direction, and soon came to a river, on theopposite side of which we found a village named Tamaztepec, where, thoughabandoned by the inhabitants, we found plenty of provisions for ourselvesand horses. Parties were immediately sent out in search of the natives, who soon brought back many chiefs and priests who were well treated, andboth supplied us plentifully with provisions, and pointed out our road toIzguantepec, which was three days journey, or sixteen leagues from thetown where we now were. During our journey to this place, our stage-dancerand three of the new come Spaniards died of fatigue, and many of theMexicans had been left behind to perish. We discovered likewise that someof the Mexican chiefs who accompanied us, had seized some of the nativesof the places through which we passed, and had eaten them to appease theirhunger. Cortes very severely reprimanded all who had been concerned inthis barbarous deed, and one of our friars preached a holy sermon on theoccasion; after which, as an example to deter our allies from thispractice in future, the general caused one against whom this crime hadbeen most clearly proved, to be burnt. All had been equally guilty, butone example was deemed sufficient on the present occasion. Our poormusicians felt severely the want of the feasts they had been used to inSpain, and their harmony was now stopt, except one fellow; but thesoldiers used to curse him, saying they wanted maize not music. It may beasked, how we did not lay our hands on the herd of swine belonging toCortes in our present state of starvation? But these were out of sight, and the steward alleged they had been devoured by the alligators onpassing one of the rivers: In reality, they were artfully kept four daysmarch behind the army. During our route, we used to carve crosses on thebark of trees, with inscriptions bearing, that Cortes and his army hadpassed this way at such and such a time. 

The Indians of Tamaztepec sent a message to Izguantepec, our next station, to inform the inhabitants, and that they might not be alarmed at ourapproach: They also deputed twenty of their number to attend us to thatplace as guides. After our arrival at Izguantepec, Cortes was curious toknow the course of a large river which flowed past that place, and wasinformed that it discharged itself into the sea near two towns namedGuegatasta and Xicolanga; from which he judged that this might be aconvenient way in which to send for information concerning his ships underCuença whom he had ordered to wait his orders on that part of the coast. He accordingly sent off two Spaniards on that errand, to one of whom, Francisco de Medina, he gave an order to act as joint commander along withSimon Cuença. Medina was a man of dilligence and abilities, and wellacquainted with the country; but the commission he carried proved mostunfortunate in its consequences. He found the ships waiting at Xicolanga, and on presenting his authority as joint captain, a dispute arose betweenhim and Cuença as to which of them should have the chief command. Each wassupported by a party, and had recourse to arms, in which all the Spaniardswere slain except eight. The neighbouring Indians fell upon the survivors, and put them all to death; after which they plundered the ships and thendestroyed them. It was two years and a half after this, before we knewwhat had become of the ships. 

We now learnt that the town of Huy-acala was three days march distant fromour present quarters, and that the way lay across some deep rivers andtrembling marshes. Two soldiers were sent on by Cortes to examine theroute, who reported on their return that the rivers were passable by meansof timber bridges, but as for the marshes, which were more material toknow, they were beyond the rivers and had not been examined. Cortes sentme in the next place, along with one Gonzalo de Mexia and some Indianguides, with orders to go forward to Huy-acala to procure provisions, withwhich we were to meet him on the road. But our guides deserted us thefirst night, on account of the two nations being at war, and we wereforced to rely entirely on ourselves for the remainder of the journey. Onour arrival at the first town belonging to the district of Huy-acala, which has the supreme command over twenty other towns, the inhabitantsseemed very jealous of us at first, but were soon reconciled. Thisdistrict is much intersected by rivers, lakes, and marshes, and some ofthe dependent towns are situated in islands, the general communicationbeing by means of canoes. We invited the chiefs to accompany us back toCortes; but they declined this, because their nation was at war with thepeople of Izguantepec. It would appear that at our arrival they had noidea of the force of our army under Cortes; but, having received moreaccurate intelligence concerning it next day, they treated us with muchdeference, and promised that they would provide every accommodation forour army on its arrival. While still conversing, two other Spaniards cameup to me with letters from Cortes, in which he ordered me to meet himwithin three days with all the provisions I could possibly collect; as theIndians of Izguantepec had all deserted him, and he was now on his marchfor Huy-acala entirely destitute of necessaries. These Spaniards alsoinformed me, that four soldiers who had been detached farther up the riverhad not returned, and were supposed to have been murdered, which we learntafterwards was the case. In pursuing his march, Cortes had been four daysoccupied in constructing a bridge over the great river, during which timethe army suffered excessive famine, as they had come from their lastquarters without provisions, owing to the desertion of the natives. Someof the old soldiers cut down certain trees resembling palms, by whichmeans they procured nuts which they roasted and eat; but this proved amiserable recourse for so great a number. On the night that the bridgewas completed, I arrived with 130 loads of provisions, consisting of corn, honey, fruit, salt, and fowls. It was then dark, and Cortes had mentionedhis expectation of my arrival with provisions, in consequence of which, the soldiers waited for me and seized every thing I had, not leaving anything for Cortes and the other officers. It was all in vain that themajor-domo cried out, "this is for the general;" for the soldiers said thegeneral and his officers had been eating their hogs, while they werestarving, and neither threats nor entreaties could prevail on them toleave him a single load of corn. Cortes lost all patience, and swore hewould punish those who had seized the provisions and spoken about the hogs;but he soon saw that it was better to be quiet. He then blamed me; but Itold him he ought to have placed a guard to receive the provisions, ashunger knows no law. Seeing there was no remedy, Cortes, who wasaccompanied by Sandoval, addressed me as follows: "My dear friend, I amsure you must have something in reserve for yourself and your friendSandoval, pray take us along with you that we may partake. " Sandoval alsoassured me that he had not a single handful of maize. "Well, " said I, "gentlemen, come to me when the soldiers are asleep, and you shall partakeof what I had provided for myself and my companions. " They both thankedand embraced me, and so we escaped famine for this bout, as I had with metwelve loads of maize, twenty fowls, three jars of honey, and some fruitand salt. Cortes made inquiry as to how the reverend fathers had fared;but they were well off, as every soldier gave them a share of what theyhad procured. Such are the hardships of military expeditions in unexploredcountries. Feared as he was by the soldiers, our general was pillaged ofhis provisions, and in danger of starving, and both he and captainSandoval were indebted to me for their rations. 

On continuing our march from the river for about a league, we came to thetrembling marshes, where our horses had all been nearly destroyed; but thedistance across did not exceed half a bowshot, between the firm ground oneither side, and we got them through by main force. When we were all safeover, and had given thanks to God for our safety, Cortes sent on toHuy-acala for a fresh supply of provisions, and took care not to havethese plundered like the former; and on the ensuing day, our whole armyarrived early at Huy-acala, where the chiefs had made ample preparationfor our reception. Having used every proper means to conciliate the chiefsof this nation, Cortes inquired from them as to the country we had stillto march through, and whether they had heard of any ships being on thecoast, or of any Europeans being settled in the country. He was informed, that at the distance of eight days journey, there were many men havingbeards like ourselves, who had horses and three ships. They also gave thegeneral a map of the route, and offered every assistance in their power;but when asked to clear the road, they represented that some of theirdependent districts had revolted, and requested our assistance to reducethem to obedience. This duty was committed to Diego de Mazariegos, arelation of the treasurer de Estrada, as a compliment to him, and Cortesdesired me in private to accompany him as his counsellor, beingexperienced in the affairs of this country. I do not mention thiscircumstance, which is known to the whole army, by way of boast, but as myduty of historian requires it of me, and indeed his majesty was informedof it, in the letters which were written to him by Cortes. About eighty ofus went on this occasion along with Mazariegos, and had the good fortuneto find the district in the best disposition. The chiefs returned with usto Cortes, and brought a most abundant supply of provisions along withthem. In about four days, however, all the chiefs deserted us, and we wereleft with only three guides to pursue our march, as well as we could. After crossing two rivers, we came to another town in the district ofHuy-acala, which was abandoned by the inhabitants, but in which we took upour quarters. 

In this place, Guatimotzin, the last king of the Mexicans, closed hisunhappy career. It appeared that a plot had been concerted by thisunfortunate monarch with many of the Mexican nobles who accompanied him, to endeavour to cut off the Spaniards; after which they proposed to makethe best of their way back to Mexico, where, collecting all the forces ofthe natives, they hoped to be able to overpower the Spanish garrison. Thisconspiracy was revealed to Cortes by two Mexican nobles who had commandedunder Guatimotzin during the siege, and who had been baptized by the namesof Tapia and Velasquez. On receiving this intelligence, Cortes immediatelytook the judicial informations of these two and of several others who wereconcerned in the plot; from which it was learnt, that the Mexicans, observing that we marched in a careless manner, that discontent prevailedamong our troops, many of whom were sick, that ten of our Spanish soldiershad died of hunger, and several had returned towards Mexico, andconsidering also the uncertainty of the fate of the expedition and themiseries they endured from scarcity of provisions, they had come to theresolution of falling upon us at the passage of some river or marsh, beingencouraged by their numbers, which exceeded 3000 well armed men, andthinking it preferable to die at once than to encounter the perpetualmiseries they now endured by accompanying us in this wilderness. Guatimotzin acknowledged that he had heard of this proposal, which henever approved of, declaring that he did not believe it would ever havebeen attempted, and anxiously denied that the whole of the Mexican forcehad concurred in the plot. His cousin, the prince of Tacuba, declared thatall which had ever passed on the subject, between him and Guatimotzin, was, that they had often expressed their opinion, that it would be better tolose their lives at once like brave men, than to suffer in the manner theydid by hunger and fatigue, and to witness the intolerable distresses oftheir friends and subjects who accompanied them. On those scanty proofs, Cortes sentenced Guatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba to be immediatelyhanged; and when the preparations were made for the execution, they wereled forth to the place attended by the reverend fathers, who did theirutmost to console them in their last moments. Before his execution, Guatimotzin addressed Cortes to the following effect: "_Malintzin_! I nowsee that your false words and flattering promises have ended in my death. It had been better to have fallen by my own hands, than to have trustedmyself to your power. You take away my life unjustly, and may God demandof you my innocent blood. " The prince of Tacuba only said, that he washappy to die along with his beloved sovereign. Thus did these two greatmen end their lives, and, for Indians, most piously and like goodChristians. I lamented them both sincerely, having seen them in theirgreatness. They always treated me kindly on this march, giving me Indiansto procure grass for my horse, and doing me many services. To me and allof us, their sentence appeared cruel and unjust, and their deaths mostundeserved. 

After this, we continued our march with much circumspection, beingapprehensive of a mutiny among the Mexican troops in revenge for theexecution of their chiefs; but these poor creatures were so exhausted byfamine, sickness, and fatigue, that they did not seem even to havebestowed a thought on the matter. At night we came to a deserted village;but on searching we found eight priests, whom we brought to Cortes. Hedesired them to recal the inhabitants, which they readily promised, requesting him not to injure their idols in a temple close to somebuildings in which Cortes was quartered, which he agreed to, yetexpostulated with them on the absurdity of worshipping compositions ofclay and wood. They seemed as if it would have been easy to induce them toembrace the doctrines of our holy faith; and soon brought us twenty loadsof fowls and maize. On being examined by Cortes about the bearded men withhorses, they said that these people dwelt at a place called _Nito_, at thedistance of seven suns, or days journey from their village, and offered toguide us to that place. At this time Cortes was exceedingly sad andill-humoured, being fretted by the difficulties and misfortunes of hismarch, and his conscience upbraided him for the cruelty he had committedupon the unfortunate king of Mexico. He was so distracted by thesereflections, that he could not sleep, and used to walk about at night, asa relief for his anxious thoughts. Going in the dark to walk in a largeapartment which contained some of the Indian idols, he missed his way andfell from a height of twelve feet, by which he received a severe contusedwound in his head. He endeavoured to conceal this circumstance fromgeneral knowledge, and got his wounds cured as well as he could, keepinghis sufferings to himself. 

After leaving this place, we came in two days to a district inhabited by anation called the _Mazotecas_, where we found a newly built town, fortified by two circular enclosures of pallisades, one of which was likea barbican, having loop-holes to shoot through, and was strengthened byditches. Another part of the town was inaccessible, being on the summit ofa perpendicular rock, on the top of which the natives had collected greatquantities of stones for their defence. And a third quarter of the townwas defended by an impassable morass. Yet after all these defensivepreparations, we were astonished to find the town entirely abandoned, though every house was full of the different kinds of provisions which thecountry afforded, besides which it had a magazine stocked with arms of allsorts. While we were expressing our astonishment at these circumstances, fifteen Indians came out of the morass in the most submissive manner, andtold us that they had been forced to the construction of this fortress astheir last resort, in an unsuccessful war with a neighbouring nation, called the _Lazandones_ as far as I can now remember. They brought backthe inhabitants, whom we treated with kindness, and from whom we receivedfarther information, respecting, the Spanish settlement, to which two ofthe natives of this place undertook to shew us the way. From this place weentered upon vast open plains, in which not a tree was to be seen, and inwhich innumerable herds of deer were feeding, which were so tame as almostto come up to us. Our horsemen, therefore, easily took as many as theypleased, and we found that the Indians never disturbed them, consideringthem as a kind of divinities, and had even been commanded by their idols, or priests rather in their name, neither to kill or frighten these animals. The heat of the weather was now so excessive that Palacios Rubios, arelation of Cortes, lost his horse by pursuing the deer. We continued ourmarch along this open campaign country, passing several villages where thedestructive ravages of war were distinctly perceivable. On one occasion wemet some Indians on their return from hunting, who had along with them ahuge _lion_[1] just killed, and several _iguanas_[2], a species of smallserpent very good to eat. These people shewed us the way to their town, towhich we had to wade up to our middles through a lake of fresh water bywhich it was surrounded. This lake was quite full of fish, resemblingshads, but enormously large, with prickles on their backs; and havingprocured some nets, we took above a thousand of them, which gave us aplentiful supply. On inquiry, five of the natives of this place engaged toguide us to the settlement of our countrymen; and they were glad to get soeasily rid of us, as they were apprehensive we had come to put them all todeath. 

Leaving this place, we proceeded to a town named _Tayasal_, situated on anisland in a river, the white temples, towers, and houses, of which place, glistened from a distance. As the road now became very narrow, we thoughtproper to halt here for the night, having in the first place detached somesoldiers to the river to look out for a passage. They were so fortunate asto take two canoes, containing ten men and two women, who were conveying acargo of maize and salt. Being brought to Cortes, they informed him thatthey belonged to a town about four leagues farther on. Our generaldetained one of the canoes and some of the people, and sent two Spaniardsalong with the rest in the other canoe, to desire the cacique of that townto send him canoes to enable us to cross the river. Next morning, we allmarched down to the river, where we found the cacique waiting for us, whoinvited the general to his place of residence. Cortes accordingly embarkedwith an escort of thirty crossbows, and was presented on his arrival atthe town with a few toys of gold very much alloyed, and a small number ofmantles. They informed him that they knew of Spaniards being at threedifferent places, which were Nito, Buena Vista, and Naco, the last beingten days journey inland from Nito, and where the greater number of theSpaniards resided, Nito being on the coast. On hearing this, Cortesobserved to us that De Oli had probably divided his forces, as we knewnothing as yet respecting Gil Gonzalo de Avila, or Las Casas. 

Our whole army now crossed the river, and halted about two leagues from it, waiting the return of Cortes. At this place, three Spanish soldiers, twoIndians, and a Negro deserted; preferring to take their chance among theunknown natives of the country, to a continuance of the fatigues anddangers they had experienced. This day likewise, I had a stroke of the sun, which occasioned a burning fever or calenture. At this period the weatherchanged, and for three days and nights it rained incessantly; yet we hadto continue our march, lest our provisions might fail. After two daysmarch we came to a ridge of rocky hills, which we named the _Sierra de losPedernales_, the stones of which were as sharp as knives. Several soldierswere sent a league on each side of this bad pass in search of a betterroad, but to no purpose, so that we were forced to proceed. Our horsesfell at every step, and the farther we advanced it grew the worse, insomuch that we lost eight horses, and all the rest were so lamed thatthey could not keep up with us. After getting over this shocking pass, weadvanced towards a town called _Taica_, where we expected to procureprovisions in abundance; but to our great mortification were unexpectedlystopped by a prodigious torrent, so swelled by the late heavy rains thatit was quite impassable, and made such a noise in tumbling over its rockybed that it might have been heard at the distance of two leagues. We hadto stop here for three complete days to construct a bridge between theprecipitous banks of this river; in consequence of which delay the peopleof Taica had abandoned their town, removing all their provisions out ofour reach. We were all miserably disappointed at this event, finding thathunger was to be our portion after all our fatigues. After sending out hisservants in every direction, Cortes was only able to procure about abushel of maize. He then called together the colonists of Coatzacualco, and earnestly solicited us to use our utmost endeavours to procuresupplies. Pedro de Ircio requested to have the command on this occasion, to which Cortes assented: But as I knew Ircio to be a better prater thanmarcher, I whispered to Cortes and Sandoval to prevent him from going, ashe was a duck-legged fellow, who could not get through the miry ground, and would only interrupt us in our search. Cortes accordingly ordered himto remain, and five of us set out with two Indian guides across rivers andmarshes, and came at length to some Indian houses where we foundprovisions in abundance. We here made some prisoners, and with their fruit, fowls, and corn, we celebrated the feast of the Resurrection to our greatcontentment. That same night we were joined by a thousand Mexicans, whohad been sent after us, whom we loaded with all the corn we could procure, and twenty fowls for Cortes and Sandoval, after which there still remainedsome corn in the town, which we remained to guard. We advanced next day tosome other villages, where we found corn in abundance, and wrote a billetto Cortes desiring him to send all the Indians he could spare to carry itto the army. Thirty soldiers and about five hundred Indians arrived in ashort time, and we amply provided for the wants of the army during thefive days it remained at Taica. I may observe here, that the bridges whichwe constructed on this march continued good for many years; and theSpaniards, when they travelled this way, used to say, "These are thebridges of Cortes. "

After resting five days at Taica, we continued our march for two days to aplace called Tania, through a country everywhere intersected by marshes, rivers, and rivulets, all the towns being abandoned and the provisionscarried away; and, to add to our misfortunes, our guides made their escapeduring the night, being entrusted, as I suppose, to some of the newlyarrived Spaniards, who used to sleep on their posts. We were thus left ina difficult country, and did not know which way to go; besides which heavyrains fell without ceasing. Cortes was very much out of humour, andobserved among his officers, that he wished some others besides theCoatzacualco settlers would bestir themselves in search of guides. Pedrode Ircio, a man of quality named Marmolejo, and Burgales, who wasafterwards regidor of Mexico, offered their services, and taking each ofthem six soldiers, were out three days in search of Indians, but allreturned without success, having met with nothing but rivers, marshes, andobstructions. Cortes was quite in despair, and desired Sandoval to ask meas a favour to undertake the business. Though ill, I could not refuse whenapplied to in this manner; wherefore, taking two friends along with me whocould endure fatigue, we set out following the course of a stream, andsoon found a way to some houses, by observing marks of boughs having beencut. Following these marks, we came in sight of a village surrounded byfields of corn; but we remained concealed till we thought the people wereasleep, and taking the inhabitants by surprise, we secured three men, twovery handsome Indian girls, and an old woman, with a few fowls and a smallquantity of maize. On bringing our prize to head-quarters, Sandoval wasquite overjoyed. "Now, " said he to Pedro de Ircio in the presence ofCortes, "was not Castillo in the right, when he refused to take hobblingpeople along with him, who tell old stories of the adventures of the Condede Urena and his son Don Pedro Giron?" All who were present laughedheartily at this sally, as Ircio used to pester us with these storiescontinually, and Sandoval knew that Ircio and I were not on friendly terms. Cortes paid me many compliments on this occasion, and thanked me for mygood service. But what is praise more than emptiness, and what does itprofit me that Cortes said he relied on me, next to God, for procuringguides? We learnt from the prisoners that it was necessary to descend theriver for two days march, when we would come to a town of two hundredhouses, called _Oculiztli_; which he did accordingly, passing some largebuildings where the travelling Indian merchants used to stop on theirjourneys. At the close of the second day we came to Oculiztli, where wegot plenty of provisions, and in one of the temples we found an old redcap and a sandal, which had been placed there as offerings to the idols. Some of our soldiers brought two old men and four women to Cortes, whotold him that the Spanish settlement was on the seaside two days journeyfrom this place, with no intervening towns. Cortes therefore gave ordersto Sandoval to set out immediately with six soldiers for the coast, toascertain what number of men De Oli had with him, as he meant to fall uponhim by surprise, being quite ignorant of the revolution which had happenedin this quarter. 

Sandoval set out accordingly with three guides, and on reaching the seashore, he soon perceived a canoe; and concealing himself where he expectedit might anchor for the night, was fortunate enough to get possession ofthe canoe; which belonged to some Indian merchants who were carrying saltto _Golfo dolce_. Sandoval embarked in this canoe with a part of his men, sending the rest along the shore, and made for the great river. During thevoyage, he fell in with four Spaniards belonging to the settlement, whowere searching for fruit near the mouth of the river, being in greatdistress from sickness and the hostilities of the Indians. Two of thesemen were up in a tree, when they saw Sandoval to their great astonishment, and soon joined him. They informed him of the great distress of thesettlement, and of all the events which had occurred, and how they hadhanged the officer whom Avila had left in the command, and a turbulentpriest, for opposing their determination to return to Cuba, and hadelected one Antonio Niote in his stead. Sandoval resolved to carry thesepeople to Cortes, whom he wished to inform as soon as possible of the news, and sent a soldier named Alonzo Ortiz, who soon reached us with theagreeable intelligence, for which Cortes gave him an excellent horse, andall of us gave him something in proportion to our abilities. Sandovalarrived soon afterwards, and Cortes issued immediate orders to march tothe coast, which was about six leagues distant. Cortes pushed forwardswith his attendants, and crossed the river by means of the two canoes, swimming the horses. The Spanish settlement was about two leagues from theplace where Cortes landed, and the colonists were astonished on seeing theEuropeans coming towards them, and still more so when they found it wasthe renowned conqueror of Mexico. Cortes received their congratulationsvery graciously, and desired them to bring all the canoes they couldcollect, and the boats belonging to their ships to assist his army incrossing. He likewise ordered them to provide bread for the army; but ofthis only fifty pounds weight could be got, as they lived almost entirelyon _sapotes_ and other vegetables, and fish. 

We had an arm of the sea to cross, and had therefore to wait for low water, but Cortes had found the passage so dangerous that he sent us word not tofollow till farther orders. The care of passing this dangerous place wasentrusted to Sandoval, who took as effectual measures as possible, but ittook us four days to get over, partly wading and partly swimming. Onesoldier and his horse went to the bottom, and was never seen more, and twoother horses were lost. A person named Saavedra, presuming on hisrelationship to Cortes, refused obedience to the orders of Sandoval, andendeavoured to force his passage, even laying his hand on his poinard, andusing disrespectful expressions to Sandoval; who seized him instantly andthrew him into the water, where he was nearly drowned. Our sufferings atthis time were excessive, as during all these four days we had literallynothing to eat, except by gathering a few nuts and some wild fruits, andon getting across our condition was not improved. We found this colony tocontain forty men and six women, all yellow and sickly, and utterlydestitute of provisions; so that we were under the necessity of settingout immediately in search of food both for ourselves and them. For thispurpose, about eighty of us marched, under the command of Luis Marin, to atown about eight leagues distant, where we found abundance of maize andvegetables, and great quantities of cacao; and as this place was in thedirect road for Naco, to which Cortes intended to go, he immediately sentSandoval and the greatest part of the troops to join us, on receiving theagreeable intelligence of our good fortune. We sent a plentiful supply ofmaize to the miserable colonist who had been so long in a starvingcondition, of which they eat to such excess that seven of them died. Aboutthis time likewise a vessel arrived with seven horses, forty hogs, eightpipes of salted meat, a considerable quantity of biscuit, and fifteenadventurers from Cuba. Cortes immediately purchased all the provisions, which he distributed among the colonists, who eat the salted meat sovoraciously that it occasioned diarrhoeas, by which, in a very few days, fourteen of them were carried off. 

As Cortes wished to examine this great river, he caused one of thebrigantines belonging to Avila which had been stranded to be fitted out;and embarking with thirty soldiers and eight mariners belonging to thevessel lately arrived, having likewise a boat and four double canoes, heproceeded up the river to a spacious lake with good anchorage. This lakewas navigable for six leagues, all the adjacent country being subject tobe inundated; but on endeavouring to proceed higher, the current becamestronger, and he came to certain shallows, which prevented the vesselsfrom proceeding any farther. Cortes now landed with his soldiers, andadvanced into the country by a narrow road which led to several villagesof the natives. In the first of these he procured some guides, and in thesecond he found abundance of corn, and many domesticated birds, amongwhich were pheasants, pigeons, and partridges, which last are oftendomesticated by the Indians of America. In prosecuting his route, heapproached a large town called _Cinacan Tencintle_, in the midst of fineplantations of cacao, where he heard the sound of music and merry-making, the inhabitants being engaged in a drunken feast. Cortes waited afavourable opportunity, concealed in a wood close by the town, whensuddenly rushing out, he made prisoners of ten men and fifteen women. Therest of the inhabitants attacked him with their darts and arrows, but ourpeople closed with them and killed eight of their chiefs, on which therest submitted, sending four old men, two of whom were priests, with atrifling present of gold, and to petition for the liberation of theprisoners, which he accordingly engaged to give up on receiving a goodsupply of provisions, which they promised to deliver at the ships. Amisunderstanding took place afterwards between Cortes and these Indians, as he wished to retain three of their women to make bread, and hostilitieswere renewed, in which Cortes was himself wounded in the face, twelve ofhis soldiers wounded, and one of his boats destroyed. He then returnedafter an absence of twenty-six days, during which he had sufferedexcessive torment from the mosquitoes. He wrote to Sandoval, giving him anaccount of all that had occurred in his expedition to Cinacan, which isseventy leagues from Guatimala, and ordered him to proceed to Naco; as heproposed to remain himself on purpose to establish a colony at _Puerto deCavallos_[3], for which he desired Sandoval to send back ten of theCoatzacualco veterans, without whose assistance nothing could be doneproperly. Taking with him all the Spaniards who remained at St Gil deBuena Vista, Cortes embarked in two ships, and arrived in eight days sailat Puerto de Cavallos, which had a good harbour, and seemed every way wellcalculated for a colony, which he established there under the command ofDiego de Godoy, naming the town Natividad. Expecting by this time thatSandoval might have arrived at Naco, which is not far distant from PuertoCavallos, Cortes sent a letter for him to that place, requiring areinforcement of ten of the veteran soldiers of Coatzacualco, as heintended to proceed for the bay of Honduras; but this letter reached us inour last-mentioned quarters as we had not yet reached Naco. Leaving Cortesfor the present, I shall only say that he was so tormented by themosquitoes, which prevented him from procuring rest either by night or day, that he had almost lost his life or his senses. 

On receiving this last letter from the general, Sandoval pressed on forNaco, but was obliged to halt at a place called _Cuyocan_, in order tocollect the stragglers who had gone in quest of provisions. We were alsoimpeded by a river, and the natives on every side were hostile. Our lineof march was now extremely long, by the great number of invalids, especially of the Mexicans, who were unable to keep up with the main body;on which account Sandoval left me at this place, with the command of eightmen at the ferry, to protect and bring up the stragglers. One night thenatives attacked my post, setting fire to the house in which we werelodged, and endeavoured to carry away our canoe; but, with the assistanceof some of our Mexicans who had come up, we beat them off; and, havingcollected all the invalids who had loitered behind, we crossed the rivernext day, and set but to rejoin Sandoval. A Genoese, who had been sometimeill, sunk at length through weakness, occasioned by poverty of diet, anddied on the road, and I was obliged to leave his body behind. When I mademy report to Sandoval, he was ill pleased at me for not having brought onthe dead body; but I told him we had already two invalids on every horse, and one of my companions said rather haughtily, that we had enough ofdifficulty to bring on ourselves, without carrying dead men. Sandovalimmediately ordered me and that soldier, whose name was Villanueva, to goback and bury the Genoese, which we did accordingly, and placed a crossover his grave. We found a purse in his pocket, containing some dice, anda memorandum of his family and effects in Teneriffe. God rest his soul!_Amen_. In about two days we arrived at Naco, passing a town named_Quinistlan_, and a place where mines have been since discovered. We foundNaco to be a very good town, but it was abandoned by its inhabitants, yetwe procured plenty of provisions and salt, of which we were in very greatneed. We took up our quarters in some large quadrangular buildings, whereDe Oli was executed, and established ourselves there as if we had been tohave remained permanently. There is the finest water at this place that isto be found in all New Spain; as likewise a species of tree which is mostadmirable for the _siesta_; as, however great may be the heat of the sun, there is always a most delightful and refreshing coolness under its shade, and it seems to give out a delicate kind of dew, which is good for thehead. Naco is admirably situated, in a fertile neighbourhood, whichproduces different kinds of _sapotes_ in great abundance, and it was thenvery populous. Sandoval obtained possession of three chiefs of thedistrict, whom he treated kindly, by which means the people of thedistrict remained in peace, but all his endeavours to induce theinhabitants to return to the town were ineffectual. It was now necessaryto send the reinforcement of ten Coatzacualco veterans which Cortes hadrequired. At that time I was ill, and besides Sandoval wished to retain mealong with him: Eight valiant soldiers were sent off, however, whoheartily cursed Cortes and his expedition at every step of their march;for which indeed they had good reason, as they were entirely ignorant ofthe state of the country through which they had to go. Sandoval took theprecaution of sending five principal people of the natives along with them, making known at the same time that he would punish the country mostseverely if any injury was done them on their journey. They arrived insafety at Natividad, where Cortes then was; who immediately embarked forTruxillo, leaving Godoy in the command of the settlement at Puerto deCavallos, with forty Spaniards, who were all that remained of the settlerswho had accompanied de Avila, and of those who had come recently from Cuba. Godoy maintained himself for some time; but his men were continuallydropping off by disease, and the Indians began at last to despise andneglect him, refusing to supply the settlement with provisions, so that ina short time he lost above half his number by sickness and famine, andthree of his men deserted to join Sandoval. By various expeditions andjudicious measures, Sandoval reduced all the country round Naco to peaceand submission, namely the districts of Cirimongo, Acalao, Quinistlan, andfour others, of which I forget the names, and even extended his authorityover the natives as far as Puerto Cavallos, where Godoy commanded. 

After six days sail, Cortes arrived at the port of Truxillo, where hefound a colony which had been established by Francisco de las Casas, amongwhom were many of the mutineers who had served under De Oli, and who hadbeen banished from Panuco. Conscious of their guilt, all these men waitedon Cortes, and supplicated for pardon, which he granted them, evenconfirming all who had been appointed to offices in the colony; but heplaced his relation Saavedra as commandant of the colony and surroundingprovince. Cortes summoned all the chiefs and priests of the Indians, towhom he made a long harangue, giving them to understand that he had comeamong them to induce them to abandon the cruel and abominable practices oftheir false religion, and to embrace the only true faith. He also enlargedupon the power and dignity of our great emperor, to whose government herequired their submission. He was followed by the reverend fathers, whoexhorted them to become proselytes to the holy catholic religion, theprinciples of which they explained. After all this, the people readilyagreed to obey our general, and to become vassals to Don Carlos; andCortes enjoined them to provide the settlement with provisions, especiallyfish, which are caught in great abundance in the sea about the islands of_Guanojes_[4]; he likewise ordered them to send a number of labourers toclear the woods in front of the town of Truxillo, so as to open a view ofthe sea. Cortes likewise ordered a number of sows with young to be turnedloose in these islands, by which, in a few years, they were amply stocked. The natives cleared the woods between Truxillo and the sea in two days, and built fifteen houses for the colonists, one of which for Cortes, wassufficiently commodious. Cortes became feared and renowned over all thedistricts, as far as _Olancho_, where rich mines have been sincediscovered; the natives giving him the name of _Captain Hue-hue de Marina_, or the old captain of Donna Marina. He reduced the whole country tosubmission, excepting two or three districts in the mountains, againstwhich he sent a party of soldiers under Captain Saavedra, who brought mostof them under subjection, one tribe only named the _Acaltecans_ holdingout. 

As a great many of the people along with Cortes became sick through theunhealthiness of the climate, he sent them by a vessel to Hispaniola orCuba for the recovery of their healths. By this opportunity, he sentletters to the royal audience of St Domingo and the reverend brothers ofthe order of St Jerome, giving an account of all the events that hadrecently happened, and in particular of his having left the government ofMexico in the hands of deputies, while he proceded to reduce de Oli whohad rebelled. He apprised them of his future intentions, and requested areinforcement of soldiers, to enable him to reduce the country where henow was to subjection; and that they might attach the greater credit tohis report of its value, he sent a valuable present of gold, taken inreality from his own side-board, but which he endeavoured to make thembelieve was the produce of this new settlement. He entrusted themanagement of this business to a relation of his own, named Avalos, whomhe directed to take up in his way twenty-five soldiers who, he wasinformed, had been left in the island of Cozumel to kidnap Indians to besent for slaves to the West Indian islands. This vessel was wrecked aboutseventy leagues from the Havanna, on which occasion Avalos and many of thepassengers perished. Those who escaped, among whom was the licentiatePedro Lopez, brought the first intelligence to the islands of theexistence of Cortes and his army; as it had been universally believed inCuba and Hispaniola that we had all perished. As soon as it was knownwhere Cortes was, two old ships were sent over to Truxillo with horses andcolts, and one pipe of wine; all the rest of their cargoes consisting ofshirts, caps, and useless trumpery of various kinds. Some of the Indianinhabitants of the Guanajas islands, which are about eight leagues fromTruxillo, came at this time to Cortes, complaining that the Spaniards hadbeen accustomed to carry away the natives and their _macegualos_ or slaves, and that a vessel was now there which was supposed to have come for thatpurpose. Cortes immediately sent over one of his vessels to the islands;but the ship against which the natives complained made sail immediately onseeing her, and escaped. It was afterwards known, that this vessel wascommanded by the bachelor Moreno, who had been sent on business by theroyal audience of St Domingo to Nombre de Dios. 

While Sandoval remained at Naco, the chiefs of two neighbouring districts, named Quecuspan and Tanchinalchapa, complained to him of a party ofSpaniards, at the distance of a days march from Naco, who robbed theirpeople and made slaves of them. Sandoval set out against these peopleimmediately with a party of seventy men, and on coming to the place theseSpaniards were exceedingly surprised at seeing us and took to their arms;but we soon seized their captain and several others, and made them allprisoners without any bloodshed. Sandoval reprehended them severely fortheir misconduct, and ordered all the Indians whom they had made prisonersto be immediately released. One Pedro de Garro was the commander of thesemen, among whom were several gentlemen, and in comparison of us dirty andworn down wretches, they were all mounted and attended like lords. Theywere all marched to our head-quarters as prisoners; but in a day or twothey became quite reconciled to their lot. The occasion of their cominginto the country was as follows: Pedro Arias de Avila, the governor ofTierra Firma, had sent a captain named Francisco Hernandez to reduce theprovinces of Nicaragua and New Leon, and to establish a colony in thatplace, which he accomplished. After the atrocious murder of Balboa, whohad married Donna Isabella the daughter of Aries, Moreno had been sentover by the court of royal audience, and persuaded Hernandez, who was nowcomfortably settled, to throw off his dependence upon Pedro Aries, and toestablish a distinct government immediately under the royal authority. Hernandez had done so, and had sent this party under de Garro on purposeto open a communication from Nicaragua with the north coast, by which toreceive supplies from old Spain. When all this was explained to Sandoval, he sent Captain Luis Marin to communicate the intelligence to Cortes, inexpectation that he would support the views of Hernandez. I was sent alongwith Marin on this occasion, our whole force consisting of ten men. Ourjourney was exceedingly laborious, having to cross many rivers which weremuch swollen by the rains, and we had at times to make our way throughhostile Indians armed with large heavy lances, by which two of oursoldiers were wounded. We had sometimes three difficult rivers to cross inone day; and one river, named Xagua, ten leagues from Triumpho de la Cruz, detained us for two days. By the side of that river we found the skeletonsof seven horses, which had belonged to the troops of de Oli, and had diedfrom eating poisonous herbs. Several of the rivers and inlets on ourjourney were much infested by alligators. 

Passing Triumpho de la Cruz and a place called Quemara, we arrived oneevening near Truxillo, where we saw five horsemen riding along the seashore, who happened to be our general and four of his friends taking theair. After the first surprize at this unexpected meeting, Cortesdismounted and embraced us all with tears in his eyes, quite overjoyed tosee us. It made me quite melancholy to see him, as he was so worn down bydistress and disease, that he appeared much reduced and extremely weak, insomuch that he had even expected death, and had procured a Franciscanhabit to be buried in. He walked along with us into the town of Truxillo, and invited us all to sup with him; where we fared so wretchedly that Ihad not even my fill of bread or biscuit. After reading over the letterswe had brought him relative to Hernandez, he promised to do every thing inhis power to support him. The two vessels which I formerly mentioned ashaving brought horses from Hispaniola, only arrived three days before us, and we were fools enough to run ourselves in debt by purchasing theiruseless frippery. Hitherto Cortes had not received any intelligencewhatever from Mexico since he left it on this disastrous expedition; but, while we were giving him an account of the hardships of our late journeyfrom Naco, a vessel was descried at a distance making for our port. Thisvessel was from the Havanna, and brought letters from the licentiate Zuazo, who had been alcalde-major of Mexico, the contents of which overwhelmedCortes with such sorrow and distress, that he retired to his privateapartment, whence he did not stir out for a whole day, and we coulddistinctly hear that he suffered great agitation. After hearing mass nextmorning, he called us together and communicated to us the intelligencewhich these letters conveyed, which was to the following effect. 

In consequence of the power which Cortes had inconsiderately granted toSalazar and Chirinos, to supersede Estrada and Albornos in theadministration of government in Mexico, in case of misconduct in thesedeputies, they had formed a strong party on their return to Mexico, amongwhom were Zuazo the alcalde-major, Rodrigo de Paz, alguazil-major, Alonzode Tapis, Jorge de Alvarado, and many of the veteran conquerors, and hadattempted to seize the government by force, and much disturbance and somebloodshed had ensued. Salazar and Chirinos had carried their point, andhad taken the two former deputies and many of their friends prisoners; andas discontents and opposition still prevailed, they had confiscated theproperty of their opponents, which they distributed among their ownpartizans. They had superseded Zuazo in his office of alcalde-major, andhad imprisoned Rodrigo de Paz; yet Zuazo had brought about a temporaryreconciliation. During these disturbances, the Zapotecans and Mixtecans, and the inhabitants of a strong rocky district named Coatlan had rebelled, against whom the veedor Chirinos had marched with an armed force; but histroops thought of nothing but card-playing, so that the enemy hadsurprised their camp and done them much mischief. The factor Salazar hadsent a veteran captain, Andres de Monjaraz, to assist and advise Chirinos;but Monjaraz being an invalid was unable to exert himself properly; and toadd to their distractions, an insurrection was every hour expected inMexico. The factor Salazar, constantly remitted gold to his majestiestreasurer, Don Francisco de los Cobos, to make interest for himself atcourt, reporting that we had all died at Xicalonga. This report originatedwith Diego de Ordas, who, on purpose to escape from the factious troublesin Mexico, had gone with two vessels in search of us to Xicalongo, whereCuença and Medina had been slain as formerly mentioned, on learning whichmisfortune he concluded it had been Cortes and his whole party, which heso reported in letters to Mexico, and had sailed himself to Cuba. Salazarshewed these letters to our several relations in Mexico, who all put onmourning, and so universally were we all believed to be dead, that outproperties had been sold by public auction. The factor Salazar evenassumed to himself the office of governor and captain-general of New Spain;a monument was erected to the honour of Cortes, and funeral service wasperformed for him in the great church of Mexico. The self-assumed governoreven issued an order, that all the women whose husbands had gone withCortes, and who had any regard for their souls, should consider themselvesas widows and should immediately marry again; and because a woman namedJuana de Mansilla, the wife of Alonzo Valiente, refused to obey this order, alleging we were not people who would be so easily destroyed as Salazarand his party, she was ordered to be publickly whipped through Mexico as awitch. One person from whom we expected better behaviour, and whose name Iwill not mention, by way of flattering Salazar, solemnly assured himbefore many witnesses, that one night, as he was passing the church of StJago, which is built on the site of the great temple of Mexico, he saw thesouls of Cortes, Donna Marina, and Sandoval burning in flames of fire:Another person, also, of good reputation, pretended that the quadranglesof Tescuco were haunted by evil spirits, which the natives said were thesouls of Donna Marina and Cortes. 

At this time the captains Las Casas and De Avila, who had beheadedChristoval de Oli, arrived in Mexico, and publickly asserted the existenceof Cortes, reprobating the conduct of Salazar, and declaring if Corteswere actually dead, that Alvarado was the only fit person to have beenraised to the government, till his majesties pleasure could be known. Alvarado was written to on the subject, and even set out for Mexico; butbecoming apprehensive for his life, he returned to his district. Findingthat he could not bring over Las Casas, De Avila, and Zuazo to his party, Salazar caused the two former to be arrested and prosecuted for the murderof De Oli, and even procured their condemnation; and it was with theutmost difficulty their execution could be prevented by an appeal to hismajesty; but he was obliged to content himself with sending them prisonersto Spain. He next sent off the licentiate Zuazo in irons to Cuba, underpretence of making him answer for his conduct while acting as a judge inthat island. Salazar collected all the gold he could lay his hands upon, and seized Rodrigo de Paz, alguazil-major of Mexico, who had been majordomo to Cortes, demanding of him an account and surrender of all thetreasure belonging to the general; and as he either could not or would notdiscover where it was, he caused him to be tortured by burning his feetand legs, and even caused him to be hanged that he might not carry hiscomplaints to his majesty. His object in collecting gold was to supporthis negociations at court; but in this he was counteracted by almost allthe other officers of government in New Spain, who determined to sendtheir own statements of the affairs of the colony to court by the sameconveyance with his. He arrested most of the friends of Cortes, several ofwhom joined his party as he gave them Indians, and because they wished tobe of the strongest side; but Tapia and Jorge Alvarado took sanctuary withthe Franciscans. To deprive the malcontents of arms, he brought the wholecontents of the arsenal to his palace, in front of which he planted allthe artillery for his defence, under the command of Captain Luis de Guzman, son-in-law to the duke of Medina Sidonia. He formed likewise a body guardfor his own individual protection, partly composed of soldiers who hadbelonged to Cortes, to the command of which he appointed one Arriaga. Thisletter likewise mentioned the death of Father Bartholomew de Olmedo, whowas so much revered by the native Mexicans, that they fasted from the timeof his death till after his burial. Zuazo, in the conclusion of his letter, expressed his apprehensions that the colony of Mexico would be utterlyruined by these confusions. Along with this long and melancholy letterfrom Zuazo, Cortes received letters from his father, informing him of thedeath of the bishop of Burgos, and of the intrigues of Albornos at court, already mentioned on a former occasion, and the interference of the Dukeof Bejar in his behalf. He also told him that Narvaez had been appointedto the government of the country on the river Palmas, and one Nuno deGuzman to the province of Panuco. 

The intelligence from Zuazo made us all very melancholy, and it isdifficult to say which of the two we cursed most heartily in secret forour misfortunes, Cortes or Salazar, for we gave them ten thousandmaledictions, and our hearts sunk within us to think of our miserableplight after all our fatigues and dangers. Cortes retired to his chamber, and did not appear again till the evening, when we unanimously entreatedhim to hasten to Mexico, that he might recover the government from theusurper. He replied kindly: "My dear friends, this villainous factor isvery powerful. If I go along with you to Mexico, he may waylay us by theroad and murder us all. I think it better for me to go privately to Mexicowith only three or four of you, that I may come upon him at unawares, andthat all the rest of you rejoin Sandoval and go along with him to Mexico. "When I saw that Cortes was resolved on going privately to Mexico, Ianxiously requested to attend him, as I had hitherto accompanied him inall his difficulties and dangers. He complimented me on my fidelity, butinsisted on my continuing with Sandoval. Several of the colonists ofTruxillo began to grow mutinous, because Cortes had neglected promotingthem to offices; but he pacified them by promises of providing for themwhen he should be replaced in his government of Mexico. Previous to hisintended departure, he wrote to Diego de Godoy, to quit Puerto Cavalloswith his settlers, where they were unable to remain on account ofmosquitos and other vermin, ordering them to relieve us in the goodsettlement of Naco. He also ordered that we should take the province ofNicaragua in our way to Mexico, as it was a country in his opinion worthtaking care of. We took our leave of Cortes, who embarked on his intendedvoyage, and we set out cheerfully for Naco to join Sandoval, as Mexico wasnow the object of our march. The route to Naco was as usual attended withmuch difficulty and distress, yet we got safe there, and found thatCaptain De Garro had set off for Nicaragua, to inform his commanderHernandez that Cortes was setting out for Mexico, and had promised to givehim all the assistance in his power. 

Two confidential friends of Pedro Aries had come to the knowledge of theprivate correspondence between Hernandez and Cortes, and suspected thatHernandez meant to detach himself from the command of Aries, and tosurrender his province to Cortes. The names of these men were Garruito andZamorrano, the former of whom was urged by an ancient enmity to Cortes, onaccount of a rivalship between them in Hispaniola when both young men, about a lady, which ended in a duel. These persons communicatedintelligence of all they knew to Aries, who immediately hastened toNicaragua, to seize all the parties concerned. Garro took the alarm intime, and made his escape to us; but Hernandez, relying on his formerintimacy with Aries, expected that he would not proceed to extremitiesagainst him, and waited his arrival. He was miserably disappointed inthese hopes, as Aries, after a summary process, ordered him to executionas a traitor to his superior officer. 

On his first attempt to sail from Truxillo to Vera Cruz, Cortes was putback by contrary winds, and a second time by an accident happening to hisship. Dispirited by sickness, the accidents which had delayed his voyageprayed on his spirits, he became apprehensive of the power of Salazarbeing too great for him, and his lofty mind sunk under superstitious fears. On his second return to Truxillo, he ordered the celebration of a solemnmass, and prayed fervently to be enlightened by the Holy Spirit as to hisfuture proceedings. On this occasion it appears that he became inclined toremain in Truxillo to colonize that part of the country; and in threeseveral expresses which he sent in quick succession to recall us to thatplace, he attributed his determination on that subject to the inspirationof his guardian angel. On receiving these messages, we cursed Cortes andhis bad fortune, and declared to Sandoval that he must remain by himself, if he chose that measure, as we were resolved on returning to Mexico. Sandoval was of the same opinion with us, and we sent a letter to Cortesto that effect signed by all of us; to which we had an answer in a fewdays, making great offers to such of us as would remain, and saying, if werefused, that there still were good soldiers to be had in Castile andelsewhere. On receiving this letter we were more determined than ever toproceed; but Sandoval persuaded us to wait a few days till he could seeand speak with Cortes; to whom we wrote in reply, that if he could findsoldiers in Castile, so could we find governors and generals in Mexico, who would give us plantations for our services, and that we had alreadysuffered sufficient misfortunes by following him. With this reply Sandovalset off, attended by a soldier named Sauzedo and a farrier, swearing byhis beard that he would not return till he had seen Cortes embarked forMexico. On this occasion Sandoval applied to me for my horse, an excellentanimal for speed, exercise, and travel, which cost me six hundred crowns, my former horse having been killed in action at a place called Zulaco. Sandoval gave me one of his in exchange, which was killed under me in lessthan two months; after which I was reduced to a vicious colt which Ibought from the two vessels at Truxillo. On parting from us, Sandovaldesired us to wait his return at a large Indian town called Acalteca. 

When Sandoval came to Truxillo, Cortes received him very joyfully; butneither his pressing instances nor our letter could prevail on him toproceed to Mexico. He prevailed on him, therefore, to send Martin deOrantes, a confidential servant, with a commission to Pedro de Alvaradoand Francisco de las Casas, in case these officers were in Mexico, toassume the government till he should return; or, in the event of theirabsence, to authorise the treasurer, Estrada, and the contador, Albornos, to resume the power granted by the former deputation, revoking that whichhe had so inadvertently given to the factor Salazar and the veedorChirinos, which they had so grossly abused. Cortes agreed to this, andhaving given Orantes his instructions and commissions, directed him toland in a bay between Vera Cruz and Panuco, suffering no person buthimself to go on shore, after which the vessel was immediately to proceedto Panuco, that his arrival might be kept as secret as possible. Oranteswas likewise furnished with letters from Cortes to all his friends in NewSpain, and to the treasurer and contador, although he knew they were notof that description, desiring them all to use their utmost diligence indisplacing the present tyrannical usurpers. Having favourable weather, Orantes soon arrived at his destination; and disguising himself as alabourer, set forward on his journey, always avoiding the Spaniards, andlodging only among the natives. When questioned by any one, he calledhimself Juan de Flechilla; and indeed he was so altered during his absenceof two years and three months, that his most intimate acquaintances couldnot have recognised him. Being a very active man, he arrived in four daysin Mexico, which he entered in the dark, and proceeded immediately to theconvent of the Franciscans, where he found the Alvarados and several otherfriends of Cortes, who were there concealed. On explaining his errand andproducing the letters of Cortes, every one was exceedingly rejoiced, andeven the reverend fathers danced for gladness. The gates of the monasterywere immediately locked, to preclude all notice being conveyed to theadverse party; and about midnight, the treasurer and contador, and many ofthe friends of Cortes were brought secretly to the convent, where theintelligence was communicated to them. In a grand consultation, it wasresolved to seize the factor Salazar next morning, the contador Chirinosbeing still occupied at the rock of Coatlan. 

The rest of the night was employed in providing arms and collecting alltheir friends, and at day-break next morning the whole party marched forthe palace which Salazar inhabited, calling out as they went along, "Longlive the king, and the governor Hernando Cortes. " When this was heard bythe citizens, they all took up arms; and under an idea that theirassistance was required by the government, many of them joined Estrada onthe march. The contador Albornos played a double game on the occasion, ashe sent intelligence to put Salazar on his guard, for which Estradareproached him afterwards with much severity. On approaching the palace, the friends of Cortes found Salazar already well prepared for resistance, in consequence of the information he had received; the artillery underGuzman being drawn out ready for action in front of the palace, and astrong garrison inside for its defence. But the adherents of Cortes pushedon, forcing their way by the different doors, and others by the terracesor wherever they could get access, continually shouting, for the king andCortes. The adherents of Salazar were dismayed; the artillery-menabandoned the guns, and the other soldiers run away and hid themselves, leaving the poor factor with only Pedro Gonzalez Sabiote and four servants. Salazar being thus abandoned, became desperate, and endeavoured to fireoff one of the guns, in which attempt he was made prisoner, and confinedin a wooden cage. Circular notice of this revolution was immediatelyconveyed to all the provinces of New Spain; and the veedor Chirinos, leaving the command of his troops with Monjaraz, took refuge in theFranciscan monastery at Tescuco; but was shortly afterwards made prisonerand secured in another cage. Immediate intelligence of this revolution wastransmitted to Pedro de Alvarado, with directions to go immediately toTruxillo to wait upon Cortes. The next thing done by the new deputies wasto wait upon Juanna de Mansilla, who had been whipped as a witch, who wasplaced on horseback behind the treasurer Estrada, in which situation shewas escorted in grand procession through all the streets of Mexico, like aRoman matron, and was ever afterwards stiled _Donna Juanna_, in honour ofher constancy, for refusing to marry again while she believed her husbandwas still living. 

As the situation of Mexico evidently required the presence of Cortes, FraDiego de Altamirano was sent by his friends to represent to him thenecessity of setting out immediately for the capital. This reverend fatherhad been in the army before he entered the church, and was a man ofconsiderable abilities, and experienced in business. On his arrival atTruxillo, and giving Cortes an account of the recent events in Mexico, thegeneral gave thanks to God for the restoration of peace; but declared hisintention of going to Mexico by land, being afraid of encountering theadverse currents, and because of the bad state of his health. The pilots, however, represented that the season was quite favourable for the voyage, it being then the month of April, and prevailed on him to give up hisfirst resolution. But he would on no account leave Truxillo till thereturn of Sandoval, who had been detached with seventy soldiers against aCaptain Roxas, who served under Pedro Arias de Avila, against whomcomplaints had been made by the inhabitants of Olancho, a district aboutfifty-five leagues from Truxillo. When the parties first met they were onthe brink of proceeding to hostilities; but they were reconciled andparted amicably, Roxas and his men agreeing to evacuate the country. Sandoval was recalled in consequence of the arrival of Altamirano, andCortes took measures to leave the country in good order, of which Saavedrawas left lieutenant-governor. Captain Luis Marin was directed to march ourwhole party to Mexico by way of Guatimala, and Captain Godoy was orderedto take the command at Naco. All things being now settled for thedeparture of Cortes, he confessed to Fra Juan and received the Sacrament, previous to his embarkation, as he was so exceedingly ill that he thoughthimself on the point of death. The wind was favourable, and he soonarrived at the Havanna, where he was honourably received by his formerfriends and acquaintances, and where he had the pleasure, by a vessel justarrived from Vera Cruz, to receive intelligence that New Spain wasentirely restored to peace; as all the refractory Indians, on hearing thatCortes and we their former conquerors were alive and returning, had comein and made their submissions. 

The conduct of Salazar and Chirinos during their usurped authority hadgained them many adherents; as, by means of their confiscations and thedistribution of property among their greedy supporters, many wereinterested in the maintenance of their authority. These were mostly of thelower order, and persons of a seditious disposition; though some men ofquality, especially influenced by the contador Albornos, who dreaded thearrival of Cortes, had formed a plot to kill the treasurer Estrada, and toreinstate Salazar and Chirinos in the government. For the purpose ofreleasing them from prison, they employed one Guzman, a white-smith, afellow of low character who affected to be a wit, to make keys for openingtheir cages, giving him a piece of gold of the form which they required, and enjoining the strictest secrecy. He undertook all that they asked withthe utmost apparent zeal, pretending to be very anxious for the liberationof the prisoners; and by his affected humour and zeal for the cause, contrived to become acquainted with their whole plan of procedure: Butwhen the keys were finished and the plot ripe for execution, hecommunicated intelligence of the whole affair to Estrada; who instantlyassembled the friends of Cortes, and went to the place of meeting, wherehe found twenty of the conspirators already armed and waiting for thesignal. These were seized, but many others made their escape. Among theprisoners there were several very notorious characters, one of whom hadlately committed violence on a Spanish woman. They were immediatelybrought to trial before Ortega, the alcalde-major of Mexico; and, beingconvicted, three of them were hanged, and several of the rest whipped. 

I must here digress, to mention an affair not exactly accordant in pointof time with my narrative, but relevant in regard to its subject. By thesame vessel in which Salazar had transmitted letters to his majestytending to criminate Cortes, other letters were conveyed and so artfullyconcealed that he had no suspicion of their existence, in which a full andtrue account of all his oppresions and unlawful proceedings was sent tohis majesty. All these facts had also been reported by the royal court ofaudience at St Domingo; by which the reported death of Cortes wascontradicted, and his majesty was truly informed in what manner thegeneral was employed for his service. In consequence of theserepresentations, the emperor is said to have expressed his highindignation at the unworthy treatment which Cortes had experienced, andhis determination to support him in the government of New Spain. 

[1] The true lion, Felis leo, is only found in the old world, chiefly in Africa and the south of Persia. The American lion, or _puma_, the Felis concolor of naturalists, is considerably less than the true lion, being about the size of a large wolf, of a lively red colour tinged with black, but without spots. It climbs trees, whence it drops down by surprise on animals passing below; and though fierce and cunning, hardly ever ventures to attack mankind. --E. 

[2] The iguana, instead of being a _serpent_, is a large species of _lizard_, the Lacerta iguana of naturalists. It abounds in all the warm and marshy parts of America, and is reckoned excellent eating. --E. 

[3] Diaz is very lax in his topographical notices of this famous expedition. The settlement of St Gil de Buena Vista, where Cortes now was, appears to have been at the bottom of the gulf of Amatique in the bay of Honduras, on the east side of the inlet which communicates with the _golfo dolce_. His exploration of that inland gulf, was probably in the hope of finding a navigable passage to the Pacific Ocean. The settlement which Cortes projected in Puerto Cavallos, must have been near that now called Fort Omoa. --E. 

[4] These islands of Guanajes appear to be those called by the English settlers of Honduras, Ratan and Bonaeo, off cape Honduras. --E. 

SECTION XXI. 

_Return of Cortes to Mexico, and occurrences there previous to hisdeparture for Europe; together with an account of the return of the Authorto Mexico_. 

Cortes remained five days at the Havanna for refreshment, after which hereimbarked, and in twelve days arrived at the port of Medelin, oppositethe _Isla de los Sacrificios_, where he disembarked with twenty soldiers;and while proceeding to the town of San Juan de Ulua, about half a leaguefrom Medelin, he had the good fortune to fall in with a string of horsesand mules which had been employed in conveying travellers to the coast, which he immediately engaged to carry him and his suit to Vera Cruz[1]. Hegave strict orders to all who accompanied him to give no hint to anyperson of his name and quality; and on his arrival at the town beforeday-break, he went directly to the church, the doors of which were justopened. The sacristan was alarmed at seeing so great a number of strangersgoing into the church, and immediately ran into the streets to call thecivil power to his assistance. The alcaldes, with the alguazils, and someof the inhabitants repaired immediately to the church with their arms; andCortes was so squalid from long illness, that no one knew him till hebegan to speak. The moment he was known, they all fell on their knees andkissed his hands, welcoming him back to New Spain; and his oldfellow-soldiers escorted him after mass to the quarters of Pedro Moreno, where he remained eight days, during which he was feasted by theinhabitants. Intelligence was immediately conveyed of the joyful news toMexico and all the surrounding country, and Cortes wrote to all hisfriends giving them notice of his arrival. The neighbouring Indiansflocked to wait upon him with presents and congratulations; and when heset out on his journey to Mexico, every preparation was made for hisaccommodation and honourable entertainment. The inhabitants of Mexico, andall the places round the lake, and those of Tlascala and all the otherIndian towns, celebrated his return with festivals. On his arrival atTescuco, the contador came to wait upon him, and on entering the capital, he was received in great state by all the civil and military officers, andall the inhabitants. The natives in their gayest attire, and armed aswarriors, filled the lake in their canoes; dancing and festivity prevailedin every corner of the city during the whole day; and at night every housewas illuminated. Immediately on his arrival, he went to the monastery ofSt Francis, to give thanks to God for his preservation and safe return;and from thence went to his magnificent palace, where he was esteemed, served, and feared like a sovereign prince, all the provinces sendingmessages of congratulation on his happy return, with considerable presents. This return of Cortes to Mexico was in June[2], and he immediately orderedthe arrest of all who had been most eminent for sedition during hisabsence, causing a judicial inquiry to be made into the conduct of the twoprincipal culprits, Salazar and Chirinos, whom he intended to have broughtimmediately to justice for their crimes; and, if he had done so, no onewould have found fault, but in this instance he certainly acted with toomuch lenity, or rather want of firmness. I remember to have heard fromsome of the members of the royal council of the Indies in 1540, that thecapital punishment of these men would have been approved by his majesty. One Ocampo, who had been guilty of defamatory libels, and an old scrivenernamed Ocana, who used to be called the soul of Chirinos, was arrested onthis occasion. 

Shortly after the arrival of Cortes in Mexico, the licentiate Luis Poncede Leon arrived unexpectedly at Medelin, and Cortes was surprised withthis intelligence while performing his devotions in the church of StFrancis. He prayed earnestly for direction from God, that he might soconduct himself on this critical emergency, as seemed best fitting to hisholy will, and the good service of his sovereign; and immediately sent aconfidential person to bring him information of the particular object andtendency of the coming of De Leon. In two days after, he received a copyof the royal orders to receive the licentiate as resident judge of Mexico:In consequence of which, he dispatched a person with a complimentarymessage, desiring to know which of the two roads to the city De Leonintended to take, that he might give orders for every proper accommodationto be prepared suitable to his rank. De Leon sent back an answer, thankinghim for his polite attention, but that he proposed to repose for some timewhere he then was, to recover from the fatigues of his voyage. Thisinterval was busily employed by the enemies of Cortes, in misrepresentingall the transactions in which Cortes had been concerned. They assertedthat Cortes intended to put the factor and veedor to death before thearrival of De Leon at Mexico, and even warned him to take great care ofhis own personal safety, alleging that the civility of Cortes in desiringto know the road he meant to take, were to enable him to prepare for hisassassination, under pretence of doing him honour. The persons with whomthe licentiate principally consulted were, Proano, the alcalde-major, andhis brother, who was alcalde of the citadel, named Salazar de la Pedrada, who soon afterwards died of a pleurisy; Marcos de Aguilar, a licentiate orbachelor; a soldier named Bocanegra de Cordova, and certain friars of theDominican order, of whom Fra Thomas Ortiz was provincial. This man hadbeen a prior somewhere, and was said to be much better fitted for worldlyaffairs, than for the concerns of his holy office. By these men De Leonwas advised to proceed to Mexico without delay, and accordingly the lastmessengers sent to him by Cortes met him on the road at Iztapalapa. Asumptuous banquet was prepared at this place for De Leon and his suit, inwhich, after several abundant and magnificent courses, some cheese-cakesand custards were served up as great delicacies, which were much relished, and some of the company eat of them so heartily that they became sick. Ortiz asserted that they had been mixed up with arsenic, and that he hadrefrained from eating them from suspicion; but some who were presentdeclared that he partook of them heartily, and declared they were the besthe had ever tasted. This ridiculous story was eagerly circulated by theenemies of Cortes. While De Leon was at Iztapalapa, Cortes remained inMexico; and report said that he sent at this time a good sum in gold as apresent to the licentiate. When De Leon set out from Iztapalapa, Corteshaving notice of his approach, went immediately to meet him, with a grandand numerous retinue of all the officers and gentlemen of the city. Atmeeting, many civilities passed between the two great men, and Cortesprevailed with some difficulty on De Leon to take the right hand. De Leonproceeded immediately to the monastery of St Francis, to offer up histhanks to the Almighty for his safe arrival, whence he was conducted byCortes to a palace prepared for him, where he was most sumptuouslyentertained, all business being deferred for that day. On this occasionthe grandeur and politeness of Cortes were so conspicuous, that De Leon issaid to have observed privately among his friends, that Cortes must havebeen long practising the manners of a great man. 

Next day, the _cabildo_ or council of Mexico, all the civil and militaryofficers, and all the veterans who were present in the capital, wereordered to assemble; and in the presence of all these, the licentiatePonce de Leon produced his commission from his majesty. Cortes kissed it, and placed it on his head as a mark of respectful submission, and allpresent declared their ready obedience. The licentiate then received fromCortes the rod of justice, in token of surrendering the government intohis hands, saying: "General, I receive this government from you by theorders of his majesty; although it is by no means implied that you are notmost worthy both of this and of a higher trust. " The general answered, "That he was always happy in obeying the commands of his majesty, and wasthe more satisfied on the present occasion, because he would have anopportunity to prove the malice and falsehood of his enemies. " De Leonreplied, "That in all societies there were good and bad men, for such wasthe way of the world; and he trusted that both would be repaid in kind. "This was all the material business of the first day. On the next, the newgovernor sent a respectful summons to Cortes, who accordingly waited uponhim, and they had a long private conference, at which no one was presentexcept the prior Ortiz: Yet it was believed that the conversation was tothe following effect. De Leon observed, that it was the wish of hismajesty that those who had most merit in the conquest of the countryshould be well provided for in the distribution of plantations, thosesoldiers who had first come from Cuba being more especially considered:Whereas it was understood that they had been neglected, while others whohad newly arrived had been gratified with unmerited wealth. To this Cortesanswered, that all had got shares in the division of the country; and thatit could not be imputed to him that some of these had turned out of lessvalue than others: But it was now in the power of the new governor toremedy this inequality. The governor then asked why Luis de Godoy had beenleft to perish in a distant settlement, when the veterans ought to havebeen allowed to enjoy the comforts of established possessions in Mexico, and the new settlements assigned to new colonists: And why Captain LuisMarin, Bernal Diaz, and other approved veterans had been neglected. Cortesanswered, That for business of difficulty and danger, none but theveterans could be depended on: But that all these were soon expected toreturn to Mexico, when the new governor would have it in his power toprovide for them. De Leon next questioned him rather sharply about hisimprudent march against Christoval de Oli, which he had undertaken withoutpermission from his majesty. Cortes said, That he looked upon that measureas necessary for his majestys service, as such an example might havedangerous effects on officers entrusted with subordinate commands; andthat he had reported his intentions to his majesty before he set out onthis expedition. De Leon questioned him likewise on the affairs of Narvaez, Garay, and Tapia; on all of which subjects Cortes gave such answers thatthe governor seemed perfectly satisfied. 

Soon after this conference, Ortiz called on three very intimate friends ofthe general, and pretending to be actuated only by the most friendlydesire to serve him, assured them that the governor had secret orders fromthe emperor to behead Cortes immediately; and that he, from private regard, and in conformity with the duties of his holy functions, had considered itto be his duty to give him this intelligence. He even desired an interviewwith Cortes next morning, and communicated the same information to him, accompanied with many protestations of regard and friendship. Thisassuredly gave Cortes a very serious subject of meditation: But he hadalready been informed of the intriguing character of the prior, andsuspected all this proceeded from a wish to be bribed for his good officeswith the governor; though some alleged that Ortiz acted by the secretdirections of De Leon on this occasion. Cortes received this pretendedfriendly information with many thanks; but declared his belief that hismajesty had a better opinion of his services, than to proceed against himin this clandestine manner; and that he had too high an opinion of thegovernor, than to believe he could proceed to such extremities without theroyal warrant. When the prior found that his sly conduct did not producethe effect which he had expected, he remained so confused that he knew notwhat farther to say on the occasion. The new governor gave public notice, for all who had complaints to make against the former administration, tobring their charges, whether against Cortes, or any others of the civil ormilitary officers. In consequence of this, a vast number of accusers, litigants, and claimants started up; among whom many private enemies ofthe general preferred unjust accusations against him, while others madejust claims for what was really due to them. Some alleged that they hadnot received their just shares of the gold; others that they had not beensufficiently rewarded in the distribution of settlements; some demandedremuneration for their horses which had been killed in the wars, thoughthey had already been paid ten times their value; and others demandedsatisfaction for personal injuries. Just as the governor had opened hiscourt to give a hearing to all parties, it pleased God, for our sins, andto our great misfortune, that he was suddenly taken ill of a fever. Heremained four days in a lethargic state; after which, by the advice of hisphysicians, he confessed and received the sacrament with great devotion, and appointed Marcos de Aguilar, who had come with him from Spain, tosucceed him in the government. On the ninth day from the commencement ofhis illness, he departed from this life, to the great grief of all thecolonists, particularly the military, as he certainly intended to haveredressed all abuses, and to have rewarded us according to our merits. Hewas of a gay disposition, and fond of music; and it is said that hisattendants, while his illness was at the height, brought a lute playerinto his apartment, in hopes of soothing his distress. While a favouriteair was playing, he was said to have beat time with perfect accuracy, andexpired just when the tune was finished. 

Immediately on his death, the enemies of Cortes in Mexico circulated themost malignant slanders against him, even going the length of assertingthat he said Sandoval had poisoned the governor as he had before done withGaray. The most busy in propagating this malicious report was the PriorOrtiz. But the truth was, that the vessel which brought the governor andhis suite from Spain was infected with the disease of which he died; abovea hundred of the crew and passengers having died at sea or soon afterlanding; among whom, almost all the friars who came out at that time werecarried off, and the contagion spread through the city of Mexico. Some ofthe principal people in Mexico objected against the appointment which thelate governor had made of a successor; alleging that Marcos de Aguilar wasonly a bachelor and not a licentiate, and therefore incapable of acting inthat capacity. The cabildo of Mexico insisted that Aguilar was incapableof executing the high office to which De Leon had appointed him, onaccount of his age and infirmities; as he was a diseased hectic old man, who was obliged to drink goats milk, and to be suckled by a woman to keephim alive; they recommended therefore that Cortes should be associatedwith him in the government: But Aguilar insisted on adhering strictly tothe testament of his predecessor; and Cortes, for substantial privatereasons, was entirely averse from taking any share in the authority. Theenemies of Cortes insisted on the inquiry proceeding in the mannerintended by the late governor; and Cortes readily assented to this, providing the new governor would take the responsibility on himself foracting contrary to the testament of his predecessor, who had left ordersfor him not to proceed with the business before the court, but that thewhole should be laid before his majesty. 

It is now proper to revert to our situation who had been left at Naco, when Cortes set sail from Truxillo for the Havanna and Mexico. We remainedfor some time at Naco, waiting intelligence for the sailing of Cortes, which Sandoval was to have sent us; but Saavedra maliciously suppressedthe letters. Becoming impatient after a considerable delay, our captain, Luis Marin, sent ten of the cavalry, among whom I was, to Truxillo tolearn the truth. On our arrival at a place named Olancho, we learned fromsome Spaniards that Cortes was sailed; which information was soonafterwards confirmed by a message from Saavedra. We returned thereforejoyfully to Marin, and set out for Mexico, throwing stones at the countrywe were quitting, as a mark of our dislike. At a place called Maniani, we met five soldiers commanded by Diego de Villaneuva, one of our braveveterans, who were sent in search of us by Alvarado, who was at a placenot far distant, named _Chohilteca Malalaca_, where we joined him in twodays, and where we were likewise joined by a party belonging to PedroArias de Avilla, who had sent some of his captains to adjust some disputedboundaries with Alvarado. From this place, where we remained three days, Alvarado sent one Gaspar Arias de Avilla to treat on some confidentialbusiness with Pedro Arias, I believe relative to a marriage; for PedroArias seemed much devoted henceforwards to Alvarado. Continuing our marchthrough a hostile country, the natives killed one of our soldiers, andwounded three; but we were too much in haste to punish them as theydeserved. Farther on in Guatimala, the natives manned the passes againstus, and we were detained three days in forcing our way through, on whichoccasion I received a slight wound. While in the valley where the city ofGuatimala has been since built, and all the people of which were hostile, we had a number of shocks of an earthquake, all of which continued a longwhile, and were so violent that several of our soldiers were thrown down. On passing old Guatimala, the natives assembled against us in hostilearray, but we drove them before us, and took possession of theirmagnificent dwellings and quadrangles for the night, and hutted ourselvesnext day on the plain, where we remained ten days. During this timeAlvarado summoned the neighbouring Indians to submit, but they neglectedto appear. We then proceeded by long marches to Olintepec, where Alvaradosmain force was stationed, whence we proceeded by Soconuzco and Teguantepectowards Mexico, losing two soldiers on our march, and the Mexican lordnamed Juan Velasquez, who had been a chief under Guatimotzin. 

On our arrival at Oaxaca, we learned the news of the death of Ponce deLeon the governor. We pressed forward to Mexico, and on our arrival atChalco sent messengers to inform Cortes of our approach, and to request hewould provide us with good quarters, having been two years and threemonths absent on our expedition. Cortes, attended by many gentlemen onhorseback, met us on the causeway and accompanied us into the city, wherewe immediately went to the great church to return thanks to God for ourarrival, after which we went to the generals palace, where a sumptuousentertainment was provided for us. Alvarado went to reside at the fortress, of which he had been appointed alcalde. Luis Marin went to lodge withSandoval; and Captain Luis Sanchez and I, were taken by Andres de Tapia tohis house. Cortes and Sandoval and all our other friends sent us presentsof gold and cacao to bear our expences[3]. Next day, my friend Sanchez andI went to wait upon the new governor Aguilar, accompanied by Sandoval andDe Tapia. We were received with much politeness, saying he would have doneevery thing in his power for us, if so authorised, but every thing havingbeen referred by De Leon to his majesty, he was unable to make any newarrangements. 

At this time Diego de Ordas arrived from Cuba, who was said to havecirculated the report of our deaths; but he declared that he had only sentan account of the unfortunate catastrophe of Xicalonga as it reallyhappened, and that the misrepresentation proceeded entirely from thefactor Salazar. Cortes had so much business on his hands that he thoughtproper to drop this affair, and endeavoured to recover his property whichhad been disposed of under the supposition of his death. A great part ofit had been expended in celebrating his funeral obsequies, and in thepurchase of perpetual masses for his soul; but, on his being discovered tobe alive, had been repurchased by one Juan Caceres for his own benefitwhen he might happen to die, so that Cortes could not recover his property. Ordas, who was a man of much experience, seeing that Cortes was fallenmuch into neglect since he was superseded from the government, advised himto assume more state and consequence to maintain the respect due to him:But such was his native plainness of manners, that he never wished to becalled otherwise than simply _Cortes_; a truly noble name, as glorious asthose of Cesar, Pompey, or Hanibal among the ancients. Ordas likewiseinformed Cortes of a current report in Mexico, that he intended to putSalazar privately to death in prison, and warned him that he waspowerfully patronized. About this time, the treasurer Estrada married oneof his daughters to Jorge de Alvarado, and another to Don Luis de Guzman, son to the Conde de Castellar. Pedro de Alvarado went over to Spain tosolicit the government of Guatimala, sending in the meantime his brotherJorge to reduce that province, with a force chiefly composed of thewarriors of the different nations that were in our alliance. The governoralso sent a force against the province of Chiapa, under the command of DonJuan Enriquez de Guzman, a near relation to the Duke of Medina Sidonia:And an expedition was sent against the Zapotecan mountaineers, underAlonzo de Herrera, one of our veteran soldiers. 

Having lingered about eight months, Marcos de Aguilar died, and appointedby his testament Alonzo de Estrada the treasurer to succeed him in thegovernment: But the Cabildo of Mexico and many of the principal Spaniardswere very solicitous that Cortes should be associated in the government;and on his peremptory refusal, they recommended that Sandoval, who wasthen alguazil-major, should act in conjunction with Estrada, whichaccordingly was the case. The incompetence of Estrada for conducting thegovernment in the present conjuncture, particularly appeared from thefollowing circumstance. Nuno de Guzman, who had held the government ofPanuco for two years, conducted himself in a furious and tyrannical manner, arbitrarily extending the bounds of his jurisdiction on the most frivolouspretences, and putting to death all who dared to oppose his commands. Among these, Pedro Gonzalez de Truxillo, having asserted truly that hisdistrict was dependent on Mexico, Guzman immediately ordered him to behanged. He put many other Spaniards to death, merely to make himselffeared; and set the authority of the governor of Mexico at defiance. Someof the enemies of Cortes persuaded Estrada to represent to the court ofSpain, that he had been compelled by the influence of Cortes to associateSandoval with himself in the government, contrary to his inclination, andto the detriment of his majesties service. By the same conveyance, astring of malevolent falsehoods were transmitted against the general; asthat he had poisoned Garay, De Leon, and Aguilar; that he had endeavouredto administer arsenic in cheese-cakes to a great number of people at afeast; that he was plotting the deaths of the veedor and factor Chirinosand Salazar, then in jail; and that he had procured the death of his wife, Donna Catalina. All these lies were supported by the industry of thecontador Albornos, then in Spain: And, in consequence of these grossfalsehoods, Cortes was partly judged unheard; as orders were sent torelease Salazar and Chirinos; and Pedro de la Cueva, commendator-major ofAlcantara, was ordered to go out to Mexico with an escort of three hundredsoldiers at the expence of Cortes, with authority to put Cortes to deathif his guilt were proved, and to distribute his property among the veteranconquerors of Mexico. This was to have been done, however, under theauthority of a court of royal audience, which was to be sent out to Mexico;but all ended in nothing; as neither De la Cueva nor the court of royalaudience made their appearance. 

Estrada was greatly elated by the countenance he received at court, whichhe attributed to his being considered as a natural son of the Catholicking. He disposed of governments at his pleasure, and carried every thingwith a high hand. At this time he sent his relation Mazoriejos to inquireinto the conduct of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman in Chiapa, who is said tohave made more plunder there than was proper. He sent also a force againstthe Zapotecas and Mixtecas, under the command of one De Barrios, said tobe a brave soldier who had served in Italy. I do not mean De Barrios ofSeville, the brother-in-law of Cortes. This officer marched with a hundredmen against the Zapotecas; but they surprised him, one night, and slewhimself and seven of his soldiers. Such was the difference between theseraw half formed soldiers, who were ignorant of the stratagems of the enemy, and us the veteran conquerors. One Figuero, a particular friend of Estrada, was sent with a hundred new soldiers to the province of Oaxaca. On passingthrough the country of the Zapotecas, Figuero fell into a dispute with oneAlonzo de Herrera, who had been sent to command there by the late governorAguilar, in which Figuero and three soldiers were wounded. Finding himselfunable for the field, and that his soldiers were unfit for expeditionsamong the mountains, Figuero thought proper to search for the sepulchresof the ancient chiefs, on purpose to appropriate the gold which used to beburied along with them; by which means he collected above an hundredthousand crowns, and returned with this wealth to Mexico, leaving theprovince in a worse state than before. From Mexico he went to Vera Cruz, where he embarked for Spain; but he and all his wealth went to the bottom, as the vessel in which he sailed was lost in a storm. The business ofsubjecting these Indians was finally left for us, the veterans ofCoatzacualco, who at length reduced them to submission. They used tosubmit during the summer, and to rebel when the torrents rendered theircountry inaccessible. I was on three expeditions against them; and at lastthe town of St Alfonso was built to keep them under subjection. 

When the governor heard how his friend Figuero had been maltreated byHerrera, he sent the officers of justice to apprehend him, but he made hisescape to the rocks and woods. They took a soldier named Cortejo who usedto accompany him, whom they brought prisoner to Mexico, where the governorordered his right hand to be cut off, without hearing him in his defence, although he was a gentleman. About this time also, a servant belonging toSandoval wounded one of Estradas servants in a quarrel. The governor hadhim arrested, and sentenced him to have his right hand cut off, Cortes andSandoval resided at this time in Quernavaca, partly on prudentialconsiderations; and immediately posted off to Mexico, where he is said tohave used such severe expressions to the governor as to put him in fear ofhis life. He called his friends about him to form a guard for his person, and immediately released Salazar and Chirinos from prison, by whose advicehe issued an order for the expulsion of Cortes from Mexico. When this wasrepresented to Cortes, he declared his readiness to obey; and since it wasthe will of God, that he who had gained that city at the expence of hisbest blood, should be banished from it by base and unworthy men, he wasresolved to go immediately to Spain and demand justice from his majesty. He quitted the city instantly, and went to one of his country residencesat Cojohuacan, from whence in a few days he proceeded towards the coast. Estradas lady, a person worthy of memory for her many virtues, seeing thedangerous consequences which were likely to result from this absurd andarbitrary conduct, remonstrated with her husband on the subject, remindinghim of the many favours he had received from Cortes, the ingratitude withwhich he now repaid him, and the many powerful friends of the general. These representations are said to have induced the treasurer to repentsincerely of the violent steps he had taken. Just at this time, Fra JulianGarrios, the first bishop of Tlascala arrived in New Spain, who was muchdispleased on hearing the proceedings of the governor; and two days afterhis arrival in Mexico, where he was received with great pomp, he undertookto mediate a reconciliation between the governor and Cortes. Manyseditious persons, knowing the dissatisfaction of Cortes, offered himtheir services if he would set himself up as an independant monarch in NewSpain, and he even received similar offers from many persons in Mexico. Heimmediately arrested all of these men who were in his reach, threateningto put them to death, and wrote to inform the bishop of Tlascala of theirtreasonable offers. The bishop waited on Cortes, and found his conduct inevery respect satisfactory, of which he sent word to Mexico; and findingthat Cortes was positively determined upon going to Spain, the prelateadded to his letter a severe censure from himself upon the misconduct ofthose who had driven him from thence. 

[1] The harbour of Medelin is fifteen or twenty miles south from Vera Cruz; but I suspect the place named St Juan de Ulua in the text is the modern town of Vera Cruz, the harbour of which is protected by the island and castle of St Juan de Ulua. The ancient town of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, now called Antigua, is about twenty-five miles north from modern Vera Cruz. --E. 

[2] Diaz is frequently inattentive to dates, and does not on this occasion inform us of the year: By reference to Robertsons History of America, II. 266, 12mo. Ed Lond. 1800, it certainly apoears to have been in the year 1524. --E. 

[3] It may be proper to remark in this place, that the cacao nuts were used by the Mexicans before the conquest as a medium for purchases of small value instead of money, and the practice was continued under the Spanish dominion, as the markets were supplied by the original natives. Clavigero, I. 366. Says that the Mexicans used five substitutes for money. 1. Cacao, which they counted by _xiquipils_, or in sacks containing each three xiquipils, or 24, 000 nuts. 2. Small cotton cloths, called _patolquachtli_. 3. Gold dust in goose quills. 4. Pieces of copper in the form of the letter T. 5. Thin pieces of tin. --E. 

SECTION XXII. 

_Narrative of Occurrences, from the Departure of Cortes to Europe till hisDeath_. 

About this time likewise, Cortes received letters from the president ofthe council of the Indies, the Duke of Bejar, and several others of hisfriends in Spain; strongly urging the necessity of his appearance at courtto counteract the malignant accusations of his numerous enemies[1]. By thesame conveyance, he received notice of the death of his father. Havingperformed funeral obsequies in memory of his father, he ordered two shipsto be purchased, which he stored so abundantly with provisions of allkinds, that after his arrival in Spain the overplus might have served fora voyage of two years. I am uncertain whether Cortes returned to Mexico inorder to arrange his private affairs; but he appointed several agents forthat purpose, the principal of whom was the licentiate Altamirano. Hismajor-domo, Esquival, was employed in making preparations for the voyage;who, in crossing the lake to Ajotzinco in a large canoe with six Indiansand a negro, having some ingots of gold in his possession, was waylaid andmurdered; but the manner of his death could never be ascertained, asneither canoe, Indians, nor negro could ever be traced. The body ofEsquival was found four days afterwards on a small island, half eaten bythe birds of prey. There were many suspicions about this affair, some ofsuch a nature as I cannot relate; but no great inquiry was made as to hisdeath. Cortes appointed other persons to complete the preparations for hisvoyage; and offered by proclamation a free passage for all Spaniards whohad license from the government to go to Spain, with a supply ofprovisions during the voyage. He took home with him from Mexico a greatnumber of the curiosities of the country to present to his majesty, amongwhich were various unknown birds, two tigers[2], many barrels of ambergrisand indurated balsam, and of a kind resembling oil[3]: Four Indians whowere remarkably expert in playing the stick with their feet: Some of thoseIndian jugglers who had a manner of appearing to fly in the air: Threehunchbacked dwarfs of extraordinary deformity: Some male and femaleIndians whose skins were remarkable for an extraordinary whiteness, andwho had a natural defect of vision[4]. Cortes was likewise attended byseveral young chiefs of the Mexican and Tlascalan nations, who went overalong with him into Spain at their own request[5]. 

Every thing being in readiness for the voyage, Cortes confessed andreceived the sacrament, after which he embarked along with Sandoval, deTapia, and other gentlemen; and in forty-one days arrived in Spain, wherehe disembarked near the town of Palos, in the month of December 1527. Assoon as he set his foot on shore, he knelt down and returned thanks to Godfor the safety of his voyage. This fortunate voyage was soon succeeded bysevere grief, in consequence of the death of the valiant Sandoval, whoexpired after a lingering illness in the house of a rope-maker in Palos, who robbed him in his presence of thirteen bars of gold, in the followingmanner: Perceiving the extreme weakness of Sandoval, he sent away all hisservants on a pretended message to Cortes; and then went into Sandovalsroom, where he broke open his chest and took out the gold, our poor friendbeing too ill in bed to hinder him, and even apprehensive if he made anyoutcry, that the robber might take his life. As soon as he got the gold, he made his escape into Portugal, where he could not be pursued. Sandovalgrew worse hourly, and as the physicians pronounced his end approaching, he prepared himself for death like a good Christian, and made his will, bywhich he left all his property to a sister, who afterwards married anatural son of the Conde de Medelin. Sandoval died universally regretted, and was followed to the grave by Cortes and a great train of mourners. MayGod pardon his sins! _Amen_. 

Cortes transmitted by express, an account of his arrival and of the deathof his friend Sandoval to his majesty and to his patrons at court; andwhen the Duke of Bejar and the Conde de Aguilar waited on his majesty onthe occasion, they found him already acquainted by means of letters fromCortes, and that he had been pleased to issue orders for his beingreceived in the most honourable manner in all the towns and cities wherehe might have occasion to pass. On his arrival at Seville, Cortes wasentertained by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, who presented him with severalbeautiful horses. He proceeded from thence to attend the _nine daysdevotion_ at the shrine of our lady of Guadaloupe, where Donna Maria, thelady of the commendador Don Francisco de los Cobos, and many other ladiesof high rank arrived at the same time. After Cortes had performed hisdevotions, and given charity to the poor, he went in grand style to payhis respects to Donna Maria, her beautiful sister, and the many otherladies of distinguished rank who were along with her, where he exhibitedthat politeness, gallantry, and generosity, in which he surpassed all men. He presented various golden ornaments of great value to all the ladies, giving a plume of green feathers richly ornamented with gold to every oneof the ladies, but his presents to Donna Maria and her sister wereparticularly rich and valuable. He then produced his Indian dancers andplayers with the stick, who astonished all the spectators. And learningthat one of the mules belonging to Donna Marias sister had fallen lame, hepresented her with two of the finest which could be procured. Waiting thedeparture of these ladies, he attended them during their journey to thecourt, entertaining them magnificently on all occasions, doing the honourswith a grace peculiar to himself, insomuch that Donna Maria de Mendozabegan to have thoughts of a marriage between her sister and Cortes, andwrote in such strains of the politeness and generosity of Cortes, that shebrought over the commendador her husband entirely to his interest. 

On his arrival at court, his majesty was pleased to order apartments forhim, and all his friends came out to meet him on the road. Next day hewent by permission to throw himself at his majestys feet, accompanied bythe Duke of Bejar, the Admiral of the Indies, and the commendador of Leon. His majesty commanded him to rise, on which Cortes, after a shortenumeration of his services and vindication of his conduct from theaspersions of his enemies, presented a memorial in which the whole wasfully detailed. His majesty then honoured him with the title of Marquisdella Valle de Oaxaca and the order of St Jago, giving him an estate forthe support of his new dignity, and appointed him Captain-general of NewSpain and of the South Seas. Thus loaded with honours, Cortes retired fromthe royal presence; and shortly afterwards falling dangerously ill, theemperor did him the honour of paying him a visit in person. One Sundayafter his recovery, when the emperor was at mass in the cathedral ofToledo, seated according to custom with all the nobility in their properstations, Cortes came there rather late, designedly as it was said, afterall were seated; and, passing before all the others, took his place nextthe Conde de Nasao, who sat nearest the emperor. This gave great offenceto many, though some said it was done by desire of the emperor. IndeedCortes felt his elevation so much, that he ceased to hold some of hispatrons in the estimation they deserved, bestowing his whole attentions onthe Duke of Bejar, the Admiral, and the Conde de Nasao. He appliedlikewise to the emperor to be reappointed to the government of New Spain;but, though supported in this request by his noble patrons, his majestyrefused compliance, and from this time he did not seem so much in favouras before. 

The emperor now proceeded on a journey to Flanders; and shortly after hisdeparture, Cortes was married to Donna Juanna de Zuniga, on which occasionhe presented his lady with the most magnificent jewels that had ever beenseen in Spain. Queen Isabella, from the report of the lapidaries, expressed a wish for some similar jewels, which Cortes accordinglypresented to her; but it was reported that these were not so fine or sovaluable as those he had given to his lady. At this time Cortes obtainedpermission from the council of the Indies to fit out two ships on a voyageof discovery to the south seas, with the condition of enjoying certainprivileges and revenues from all lands that were acquired through hismeans to the crown of Spain. Don Pedro de la Cueva, who was to have goneto Mexico with a commission to try Cortes and to put him to death if foundguilty, was now upon the most intimate footing with him, and told him thateven his innocence would have been sufficiently expensive, as the cost ofthe expedition, which he was to have paid, would have exceeded 300, 000crowns. 

Cortes sent Juan de Herrada, a brave soldier who had attended him in hisexpedition to Honduras, to carry a rich present of gold, silver, andjewels, to his holiness Pope Clement, with an ample memorial of all thecircumstances respecting the newly discovered countries; and on thisoccasion solicited some abatement of the tithes of New Spain. Herrada wasaccompanied to Rome by several of the Indians who shewed feats of agility, and with whose performances the pope and cardinals were highly diverted. His holiness, on the receipt of the letters and memorial, gave thanks toGod for the opportunity of making so many thousands converts to the holycatholic faith, praising the services which Cortes and we had rendered tothe church and our sovereign, and sent us bulls of indulgence, freeing usfrom the penalties of our sins, and others for the erection of churchesand hospitals; but I know not what was done in regard to the tithes. WhenHerrada had concluded his business at Rome, he returned to Spain with aliberal reward from the pope, who gave him the rank of Count Palatine, andstrongly recommended that he should have the grant of a considerableplantation in New Spain, which he never got. After his return to America, he went to Peru, where Diego de Almagro left him in the office of governorto his son. He was high in the favour and confidence of the family andparty of Almagro, with whom he served as _maestre de campo_ under youngAlmagro, and headed the party which put to death the elder Don FranciscoPizarro. 

While Cortes remained in Spain, the members of the court of royal audiencearrived in Mexico. Of this court, Nuno de Guzman, who had been governor ofPanuco, was president; the four _oydors_ or judges being the licentiates, Matienzo, Delgadillo, Parada, and Maldonado; not the good Alonzo Maldonadowho was afterwards governor of Guatimala. These magistrates had greaterpowers than had hitherto been confided to any officers in New Spain, beingentrusted with the final distribution of landed property, in which hismajesty had particularly charged them to take care of the interests of theconquerors, and they evinced from the very first a determination to dojustice. Immediately after their arrival, they issued a proclamation, requiring the attendance of an agent from each settlement, and to befurnished with memorials and returns of the several districts; and theagents accordingly arrived as soon as possible. Being then in Mexico inthe execution of my office of procurator-syndic of the town ofCoatzacualco, I posted to that place in order to be present at theelection of agents, and after a violent contest, Captain Marin and I wereelected by the majority. On our arrival in Mexico, we found that two ofthe oydors had died of pleurisies, and that the factor Salazar hadacquired so complete an ascendancy over the others that they followed hisadvice in every thing. The agents pressed a final distribution of lands;but Salazar persuaded the president and the two remaining oydors nothastily to part with that source of patronage, which would necessarilydiminish their influence. Salazar even set out for Spain, to solicit thegovernment for the president, Nuno de Guzman; but was shipwrecked on thecoast near Coatzacualco, and had to return to Mexico. Estrada died soonafter being superseded, which he owed more to his own tameness than to anyright the members of the court could found on his majestys orders, whichleft the government entirely with him, without saying any thing of theassociation of Guzman; who yet usurped the sole government to himself aspresident. Estrada was universally regretted, as he conducted himself withperfect impartiality, and would assuredly have been supported, if he hadinsisted on retaining his office of governor. 

A commission was appointed at Guatimala, where Jorge de Alvarado commanded, of which I never learnt the result. In Mexico the most severe proceedingswere adopted against the Marquis della Valle, during which the factorSalazar reviled and slandered him in the grossest manner. The licentiateAltamirano, his friend and manager of his affairs, remonstrated with thecourt against these indecent proceedings, but to no purpose, as Guzman andthe surviving judges gave their countenance to Salazar, who became moreabusive than ever; insomuch that on one of these occasions Altamirano drewhis poniard, and would have stabbed the factor, throwing the court intoconfusion and uproar, if he had not been prevented. Altamirano was sentprisoner to the citadel, and Salazar was ordered into arrest in his ownhouse, and the city was thrown into an universal ferment. At the end ofthree days, the licentiate was liberated from confinement at our earnestdesire, and the dispute was quieted for the present; but a more seriousdisscution succeeded. One Zavalos, a relation of Narvaez, had been sent byhis wife in quest of him, as he had gone as governor to the Rio Palmas, and had not been heard of for a long while. On coming to Mexico, Zavalos, as is supposed by instigation of the members of the royal court ofaudience, lodged criminal information against all the soldiers of Corteswho had been concerned in the attack upon Narvaez; so that about twohundred and fifty of us, then in the city, myself among the rest, wereapprehended, brought to trial, convicted, and sentenced to a fine of acertain quantity of gold, and banishment to the distance of five leaguesfrom Mexico: But the banishment was remitted and very few paid the fine. 

The enemies of the marquis took a new ground of attack, alleging that hehad embezzled the treasure of Montezuma and Guatimotzin, and wasanswerable to the soldiers both for what he had appropriated to his ownuse, and for that which had been sent to Spain as a present to his majestyand had been captured by Florin the French corsair. A long list of otherdemands followed, on every one of which he was found liable, and hisproperty was sold under executions for the payment. At this time likewise, Juan Suarez the brother of Donna Catalina, the first wife of Cortes, charged him with her murder, offering to produce witnesses of the mannerof her death. Many of us the veteran conquerors, who were the friends ofCortes, seeing the harsh manner in which he was treated, met byappointment at the house of Garcia Holguin, under the license of analcalde or judge of police, where we entered into a resolution to renounceall our claims to the treasure: But when the judges of the royal tribunalheard of our proceedings, they ordered us all to be arrested for anillegal meeting; and though we produced the license under which ourmeeting was held, they again banished us five leagues from Mexico; but wewere allowed to return. A proclamation was issued about this time, thatall persons of Moorish descent, or from those who had been burned or_sanbenited_[6] by the holy tribunal, as far as the fourth generation, should quit New Spain within four months, under the penalty of losing halftheir property. Vast numbers of informers and accusers started up on thisoccasion, by which an infinite number of most infamous slanders werepropagated; and yet after all only two individuals were expelled. 

The court was generous in fulfilling the royal commands respecting theveteran conquerors, who were all amply provided for; but they granted anexcessive license in regard to the branding of slaves, in consequence ofwhich so many were made in the province of Panuco that it became almostdepopulated. Guzman made a new-years-gift to Albornos, who was newlyreturned to Spain, of the whole district of Guazpaltepec. Albornos broughtwith him a royal patent for erecting some sugar-works at Chempoalla, whichsoon went to ruin. The oydor Delgadillo was much censured for his _freegifts_, as it was observed he always reserved some rents to himself, andthe consequent extortions and oppressions of those he patronized wereexcessive. The other oydor Matienzo was superannuated. The abuses of themembers of this supreme court became at length so notorious, that othermembers of more discretion were sent out to supersede them. Old Matienzo, who was the least exceptionable, was sent to Panuco to inquire into andremedy the abuses committed in that province; where he revoked the grantsmade by the president and Delgadillo to their friends and clients, bestowing the plantations on those who were pointed out by the royalinstructions; but all those who were desired to deliver up theirplantations endeavoured to bring proof that they had been granted inreward of former services, disclaiming all favour or patronage from Guzmanor Delgadillo, and most of them succeeded in keeping what they had got, the only persons deprived being Albornos of his new-years-gift, Villareal, and Villegas. 

When the members of the royal tribunal understood that they were to besuperseded, they resolved to send agents to Spain, provided with witnessesand documents to vouch for the propriety of their conduct; and for thispurpose all the veteran conquerors and other persons of distinction wereconvened in the great church, to choose an agent for our interest. Thepresident and judges of the royal tribunal recommended Salazar the factor;and though they had committed some improprieties, as they had in the maindone us justice in the _repartimientos_, or distribution of property andvassals, we were all disposed to vote for the person they recommended; butwhen we had assembled in the church, so many persons had crowded in whohad no right, making a prodigious noise and confusion, that we could notproceed to business; and though all who had not been summoned were orderedto withdraw, they refused and insisted to vote as well as the others. Wetherefore adjourned to the next day, at the house of the president; andnone being admitted but those summoned, the business was soon amicablyadjusted by agreement with the members of the royal audience, and twoagents were chosen. One, named Antonio de Carvajal, for the court; andBernardino Vasquez de Tapia, for Cortes and the conquerors. In my opinion, both of these were equally devoted to the views of the president; but thiswas natural on our part, as Guzman had done much more for us during hisshort administration, than Cortes during all the period of his power. Yetwe were always more attached to Cortes, who had been our commander, thanhe was to our interest, notwithstanding that he had his majestys orders toprovide for us; of which the following is a striking proof. The presidentand judges used their influence with us to petition his majesty thatCortes might never be permitted to return to New Spain, under pretencethat his presence might occasion factions and disturbances, tending to theloss of the country. We opposed this to the utmost of our power; and asAlvarado arrived at this time from Spain with the commission of governorand lieutenant-general of Guatimala, and decorated with a commandery of StJago, he and the friends of Cortes agreed to lay a statement of everything before his majesty, giving a clear developement of the views andconduct of the members of the royal audience. From this it appeared to theroyal council of the Indies, that all the measures they had taken againstCortes were dictated by passion and interest, and the determination ofrecalling the present members of the audience was thereby confirmed. Thepresence of Cortes in Spain at this time was also highly favourable to hisinterests, and he was now rapidly advancing to the pinnacle of his fortune. 

As Guzman was now quite certain of being superseded, he determined upon anexpedition into the province of Xalisco, now called New Gallicia[7]. Forthis purpose he collected a large military force, partly of volunteers, and partly by the influence of his supreme authority, obliging those whodid not serve personally to find substitutes, and those who had horses tosell them for half value. He took with him likewise a considerable numberof Mexicans, partly as soldiers, and others to carry the baggage. In thisexpedition, he cruelly oppressed the provinces through which he passed, that he might amass riches. From Mechoacan[8] he obtained a large quantityof gold much alloyed with silver, which the inhabitants had beencollecting for ages; and as the unfortunate prince or cacique of thatcountry was unable to gratify his avarice sufficiently, he had himtortured in the first place, and afterwards hanged on some false ortrifling allegations, to the great displeasure of all the Spaniards in hisarmy, who considered it as the cruellest and most unjust action evercommitted in New Spain. All the booty which he had made in this expeditionwas collected at the town of Compostello, which he founded at a heavyexpence to the crown and to the inhabitants of Mexico, and he remained inthis place until his arrest. 

In consequence of the injustice of the former court of audience, hismajesty was pleased to suppress it, and to cancel all its grants, and toappoint a new one consisting of wise and upright men. Of this new tribunal, Don Sebastian Ramirez, bishop of St Domingo was president, and the oydorsor judges were the licentiates Maldonado de Salamanca, Vaco de Quiroga yMadrigal, afterwards bishop of Mechoacan, Zaynos de Toro, and Solomon deMadrid. On commencing their sittings, such crowds of complainants of alldescriptions, settlers, agents, and native chiefs from every city, town, and district of New Spain made application for redress against thepartiality and oppression of the former court, that the members were quiteastonished. The demands made by the agents of Cortes for what had beenunjustly taken from him, amounted to above 200, 000 crowns. As Nuno deGuzman was absent, the whole blame was laid upon him by the other membersof the former tribunal, who alleged that they were compelled to actaccording to his orders. He was accordingly summoned to appear, which hedid not think proper to do, and it was judged proper to refer the wholeaffair for the present to the supreme court in Spain. Accordingly, oneTorre, a licentiate, was sent with full powers from Spain to Xalisco, having orders to transmit Guzman to Mexico, and to commit him to prison. Torre was also commissioned to indemnify us for the fines which had beenimposed on us respecting the affair of Narvaez. 

The properties of Delgadillo and Martienzo, were sold to pay the damagesof those who had gained causes against them, and their persons imprisonedfor the deficiency. A brother of Delgadillo, who was alcalde-major inOaxaca, and another who was alcalde among the Zapotecas, were fined andimprisoned for the same reason, and died in jail. Delgadillo and Martienzoreturned afterwards to Spain in poverty, where they soon died. The newjudges were wise and just, regulating their conduct entirely according tothe will of God and the king, and shewing a laudable zeal for theprotection and conversion of the Indians. They prohibited all branding ofthe natives for slaves, and made many other excellent regulations. Inabout four years, Solomon and Zaynos, two of the judges, being old andwealthy, petitioned for leave to retire. The president also was ordered torepair to Europe, to give an account of the affairs of New Spain. He wasthen bishop of St Domingo, having been formerly inquisitor in Seville. After his return to Spain, he was advanced successively to the bishopricksof Toro, Leon, and Cuença, with astonishing rapidity, and was also madepresident of the royal chancery in Valladolid. The good conduct of the_oydor_ Maldonado was rewarded by the government of Guatimala, Honduras, and Veragua, and the title of _adelantado_ or lieutenant governor ofYucutan. The other judge, Quiroga de Madrigal, obtained the bishoprick ofMechoacan. Such were the rewards of these just judges!

His majesty was pleased to appoint Don Antonio de Mendoza viceroy of NewSpain. This most illustrious nobleman, worthy of all praise, was brotherto the Marquis of Montejar. Along with him there came out as oydors orjudges of the court of audience, the doctor Quesada, and the licentiatesTejada de Logrono and Loaysa. The latter was an old man who staid onlythree or four years in Mexico, where he collected a good deal of money, and then returned home to Spain. Santilana, another licentiate came out atthe same time, appointed to succeed Maldonado as oydor when he mightvacate his office. All were excellent magistrates. On opening their court, they gave leave to every one to make objections against the conduct oftheir predecessors; but which was found on inquiry to have been perfectlyright. When the viceroy Mendoza arrived, as he knew that the licentiateTorre had orders to arrest Nuno de Guzman, he invited him to Mexico, meaning to save him from insult, and gave him apartments in the palace, where he was treated with all respect. But Torre, who had orders tocommunicate his commission to the viceroy, not finding himselfcountenanced in the strong measures he was inclined to pursue, and beingnaturally violent, arrested Guzman in the palace and carried him to thecommon prison, saying that he acted by royal authority. Guzman remainedseveral days in custody, but was at length released at the intercession ofthe viceroy. The licentiate was much addicted to cards, particularly atthe games of _triumpho_ and primero, on which circumstance one of Guzmansfriends played him the following trick to hold him up to ridicule. Thecivilians at that time wore gowns with loose hanging sleeves, into one ofwhich some wag contrived to convey a pack of cards, so that when Torre waswalking across the great square of Mexico in company with several personsof quality, the cards began to drop from his sleeve, leaving a long trailbehind him as he walked along. On discovering the trick, which washeartily laughed at, he became very much enraged; and either from vexationor the influence of the climate, he died soon after of a _calenture_ orburning fever, by which the affair of Guzman was respited. 

Cortes having now been long in Spain, advanced to the dignity of marquis, captain-general of New Spain, and admiral of the south sea, being anxiousto revisit his estates in New Spain, embarked with his family and twelvefathers of the order of mercy. On his arrival at Vera Cruz, he was by nomeans so honourably received as formerly, and went from thence to Mexico, to present his patents to the viceroy and to take possession of hisoffices. Considerable difficulty occurred in regard to the interpretationof the royal grant of towns and lands to the marquis, which I do notpretend to understand. The grant, in mentioning the districts which weregranted to him, enumerated the _vicinos_ or neighbours who were consideredas belonging to it and as constituting his vassals. Cortes insisted thatthe head person only of each family was to be considered as the _vicino_or vassal; but the Doctor Quesada, who was deputed to allot his districts, contended that every adult male in a family, master, son, servant, orslave, was to be reckoned in the number of the _vicinos_. The marquis wasmuch disappointed by this interpretation, as there were often twelve orfifteen of these in one household or family, which would have prodigiouslyreduced his revenue, and several law-suits ensued in consequence. Thismatter was reported for his majesties determination, and continued forseveral years in suspence, during which the marquis received his fullrents without hindrance: But finding the great diminution of hisimportance in the country which he had subdued, by the appointment of aviceroy, he retired to Quernavaca, where he established his residence, being on his own estate, never returning to Mexico. While Marcos deAguilar held the government of New Spain, Cortes caused four ships to befitted out at Zacatula on the south sea, under the command of Alvarado deSaavedra, and provided with various articles of merchandize, for a voyageto China and the Molucca or spice islands. He was likewise directed tolook out for a squadron which had sailed from Spain for China, commandedby Don Garcia de Loaysa, a commander of the order of St John at Rhodes[9]. While Saavedra was preparing for his expedition, a vessel belonging to thesquadron of Loaysa arrived at Zacatula, from the pilot and crew of whichhe acquired all the information he wished. Taking with him the pilot andtwo sailors of this ship, Saavedra proceeded on his voyage in December1527 or 1528, and sustained many misfortunes and hardships on the way tothe Moluccas. I do not know the particulars of this voyage: But, aboutthree years afterwards, I met a sailor who had sailed in this expedition, who told me many strange things respecting the cities and nations he hadseen. I also heard that the Portugueze had captured Saavedra and severalof his people, whom they had sent prisoners to Europe. After his return toNew Spain the marquis sent two ships, in May 1532, from Acapulco, commanded by Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, to make discoveries in the southsea. One of his ships mutinied and returned to New Spain, to the greatmortification of Cortes, and Hurtado was never heard of afterwards. Afterthis, Cortes sent out two other vessels, one commanded by Diego Bezerra deMendoza, and the other by Hernando de Grijalva. The first night aftertheir departure from Tehuantepec, they were separated in a gale of windand never joined again, Grijalva being well pleased to escape from underthe command of Bezerra, who was of a haughty temper; and besides, Grijalvawas desirous to take the merit of any discoveries he might make to himself. After sailing 200 leagues, he came to an uninhabited island, which henamed St Thomas. Bezerra made himself so odious by his domineeringdisposition, that his pilot Ximenes entered into a plot for hisassassination, which he carried into effect, and took the command of thevessel. Continuing the voyage, he discovered an island which he namedSanta Cruz, which was inhabited by savages, and where he set on shore twoFranciscan friars and several persons who had refused to join in themutiny. Being in want of water, he went at the same time on shore for thatpurpose; but he and all who landed were put to death by the savages withinview of the ship. After this misfortune the survivors returned to NewSpain. 

The Marquis del Valle was so much vexed by these disappointments that heresolved to go in person upon discovery, with three ships which he hadready for launching at Teguantepec. When the Spaniards learnt that hemeant to embark on a voyage of discovery, they thought that success wasquite certain, and great numbers resolved to accompany him. Above 320persons, including women, offered their services, as there were above 130of them married men, who brought their wives along with them. LeavingTeguantepec in May 1536 or 1537, accompanied by Andres de Tapia andseveral other officers, with some ecclesiastics, physicians and surgeons, and as many colonists as the vessels could contain, he sailed for theisland of Santa Cruz, where he arrived after a prosperous voyage, and sentback the ships to bring over the remainder of the people[10]. The secondvoyage was not so fortunate, as they separated in a gale of wind near theriver of St Peter and St Paul, one only of the ships arriving at theisland of Santa Cruz, where the marquis anxiously expected them, asprovisions were growing scarce. One of the other vessels, which containedthe provisions, was stranded on the coast of Xalisco, whence most of thepeople returned to New Spain. The other vessel came to a bay which thepeople named Guayaval, from the quantity of _guayavas_ which they foundthere. During this time, the marquis and his people were experiencingextreme distress on the uncultivated island of Santa Cruz, twenty-three ofthe soldiers dying of famine, and the rest sinking daily, and cursing hisexpeditions and discoveries. Taking fifty soldiers with him in the shipwhich had arrived, he went in search of the other two; and after someconsiderable search he found one stranded, as already mentioned, on thecoast of Xalisco, and abandoned by the people, and met the other amongsome rocks. Having repaired these vessels, he brought them with a quantityof provisions to Santa Cruz, where his famished colonists eat sovoraciously that half of them died. Anxious to quit this scene of misery, the marquis embarked from Santa Cruz, and, continuing his project ofdiscoveries, fell in with the land of California, heartily tired of hisfruitless pursuit, yet unwilling to return to New Spain without effectingsome important discovery. When the Marchioness del Valle had notice of theloss of one of the vessels, she became very apprehensive of her husbandssafety, and fitted out two ships to go in search of the marquis and hisunfortunate colonists. These sailed under the command of Francisco deUlloa, who carried letters from the marchioness and the viceroy, requesting the return of Cortes to New Spain. Ulloa had the good fortuneto fall in with Cortes, who suffered himself to be prevailed on, andreturned to New Spain by way of Acapulco, leaving Ulloa to command thesquadron. His return rejoiced the Spaniards, who were always afraid thenatives chiefs might revolt, when not awed by his presence. The peoplewhom he left in California returned soon afterwards; but whether they wereso ordered by the government I know not. 

After a few months, the Marquis fitted out other two ships, which he sentupon discovery under the command of Ulloa, who sailed from the port ofNavidad in the month of June, but I forget the year. Ulloa had orders toexplore the coast of California, and to search for Hurtado, who had neverbeen heard of. After an absence of seven months, Ulloa returned to Xalisco, without having effected any discovery of importance; and was assassinateda few days afterwards on shore by a soldier who bore him a grudge. Thusended the projected discoveries of the Marquis del Valle, in which I haveheard him say that he expended above 300, 000 crowns. He never prosperedafter his first conquest of New Spain; and his bad fortune was ascribed tothe curses of his companions, for having treated them so ill in thedistribution of the property acquired by their bravery. He now determinedon going to Spain, in order to solicit an allowance from his majesty forthe expences he had been at in these voyages, as also to endeavour to endthe dispute concerning the vassals of his estates in New Spain, and toprocure restitution of the property which had been seized from him by Nunode Guzman, who was now a prisoner in Castille. 

After the departure of the Marquis, the viceroy and court of audience senta military force from Xalisco by land to the north west, under the commandof Francisco Vasquez Coronado, who married the beautiful and virtuousdaughter of the treasurer Estrada. Coronado left his government of Xalisco, under the charge of an officer named Onate, and marched into the countrynamed _Celibola_[11] or the Seven Cities; whence he sent a Franciscanfriar, named Marcos de Nica, to Mexico, to give the viceroy an account ofthe country. He described it as consisting of fine plains, with greatherds of cattle quite different from those of Europe; having populoustowns, in which the houses were of two stories with stairs. He alsorepresented that it lay on the coast of the south sea, by means of whichnecessaries and reinforcements could be easily sent to the Spanish force. Accordingly, three ships were sent for that purpose, under the command ofHernando de Alarco, an officer belonging to the household of the viceroy. 

In the year 1537, Don Pedro de Alvarado fitted out a great armament ofthirteen vessels from the port of _Acaxatla_[12] on the south sea, inconsequence of a license from his majesty, in which he had a grant ofcertain rents and advantages in such countries as he might discover; thatis to say, in China and the Moluccas or Spice Islands. As the port wherethis armament was fitted out was above 200 leagues from Vera Cruz, whenceall the iron and most other articles had to be carried by land, its costmight easily have fitted out eighty such vessels from Old Spain. All thewealth which Alvarado brought from Peru[13], together with what he had gotfrom the mines in Guatimala, with the rents of his estates, and richpresents from his friends and relations, were insufficient for hispreparations on this occasion, although all the merchandize was procuredon credit. Great as was the expence of the ships, it was far exceeded bythat of his army, consisting of 650 soldiers with their officers, and anumber of horses, as a good horse at that time cost 300 crowns. Alvaradosailed some time in the year 1538 for the harbour of _Navidad_ near thecity of _Purification_, in the province of Xalisco, or New Galicia, wherehe meant to take in water, and to embark more soldiers. When the viceroyheard of this great armament, he became desirous to have a share in it, and went to Navidad to view the fleet, whence he and Alvarado returned toMexico. Alvarado wished to have a relation of his own named Juan appointedto have the command of this expedition, while the viceroy was desirous tohave another officer, named Villalobos, joined in command with JuanAlvarado. On his return to the port of Navidad, and when just ready tosail, Alvarado received a letter from Onate, who had been left in thecommand of the province of Xalisco, earnestly entreating his immediateassistance, as he and the settlement were threatened with destruction bythe Indians of Cochitlan. Alvarado, who was always zealous in his majestysservice, marched immediately with his troops to their relief, and foundthem in a most desperate situation. The insurgents rather diminished inthe violence of their attacks on the arrival of Alvarado, but hostilitieswere still continued; and one day, as Alvarado was following the enemyamong some rocky mountains, a soldier on horseback, who was at aconsiderable height above him on the steep side of a mountain, camerolling down above him, horse and all, by which he was so much bruised, that soon after his removal to the town of the Purification, he was seizedwith fainting-fits, and expired in a few days. On the news of Alvaradosdeath being known to his fleet and army, many of the people returned totheir homes with what they had received. The viceroy sent off thelicentiate Maldonado to prevent confusion as much as possible, whom hefollowed soon after to take the charge of the remaining soldiers, withwhom he marched against the insurgents, and after a tedious and difficultwarfare of some continuance, reduced them to submission. 

The loss of Alvarado was severely felt in his family, and his memory waslong held in high esteem through all New Spain. On receiving the fatalintelligence in Guatimala, the worthy bishop Maroguin and all his clergycelebrated his obsequies with much honour, and his major-domo caused thewalls of his house to be painted black, which colour has remained eversince. Many gentlemen waited on Donna Beatrix de la Cueva, his lady, toconsole her for her loss. They advised her to give God thanks, since itwas his will to take her husband to himself. Like a good Christian, sheassented to this sentiment, yet said that she now wished to leave thismelancholy world and all its misfortunes. The historian Gomara has falselysaid that she spoke blasphemously on this occasion, saying that God couldnow do her no more injury; and injuriously ascribes the subsequentmisfortune which befel her to these words which she did not utter. Adeluge of mud and water burst forth from the volcano near Guatimala, whichoverwhelmed the house in which she was praying along with her women. Although Alvarado and his four brothers had served his majesty with muchzeal, no part of his property descended to his children, and the wholefamily was peculiarly unfortunate. Don Pedro died, as I have alreadyrelated, by an uncommon accident in Cochitlan, or Culiacan. His brotherJorge died in Madrid in 1540, while soliciting his majesty for arecompence of his services. Gomes de Alvarado died in Peru. Gonzalo inMexico or Oaxaca, I am uncertain which. Juan on his voyage to Cuba. Theeldest son of Don Pedro, while on a voyage along with his relation theyounger Juan, to solicit a recompence for his fathers services, was lostat sea. Don Diego, the younger son, seeing the fortunes of the familydesperate, returned to Peru, where he died in battle. Donna Beatrix[14], the lady of Don Pedro, with the female part of the family, were destroyed, as before related, by a torrent from a volcano, one of his daughters onlyexcepted, Donna Leonora, who was saved from the torrent, and has causedtwo sepulchres to be built in the great church of Guatimala, to receivethe bones of her relations. May our Lord Jesus take them all with him intoglory! _Amen_. 

About a year after the death of Don Pedro Alvarado, the viceroy sent thebest of his ships under Villalobos to make discoveries to the westwards ofthe Pacific Ocean; but with what success I never learnt. No part of theexpences of this armament were ever recovered by any of the descendants ofAlvarado. 

As the Marquis del Valle was in Spain at the time of the expeditionagainst Algiers, he attended his majesty on that occasion, along with hislegitimate son Don Martinez, and Don Martin the son he had by Donna Marina. The fleet was dispersed in a storm, and the ship on board of which themarquis had embarked was stranded, on which occasion he, his sons, and hissuite, got on shore with much difficulty. On this occasion he tied aquantity of rich jewels, which he used to wear like other great lords _forno use_, in a handkerchief round his arm, but they were all lost. Onaccount of this disaster to the fleet, the council of war was of opinionthat the siege ought to be immediately raised. The marquis was not calledto this council; but it has been said that, if present, he would havedeclared for continuing the siege, and if he had been so fortunate as tocommand there such brave soldiers as those who accompanied him to Mexico, he would have entertained no doubt of success. 

The marquis was now grown old and worn out by long and severe fatigue, andwas anxious to have returned to New Spain, to settle his affairs: But hewaited the celebration of a marriage, between his eldest daughter DonnaMaria and Don Alvaro Pinez Osorio, son and heir to the Marquis of Astorga, and had agreed to give his daughter a fortune of 100, 000 ducats. He hadsent to bring over his daughter from Mexico, and had even gone himself toSeville to meet her; but the match was broke off, as is said by the faultof Don Alvaro. Cortes was much disappointed at this, and as his health wasalready in a bad state, he declined so rapidly, that he retired toCastileja de la Cuesta, to attend to the concerns of his soul, and to makehis testament. Having arranged all his affairs, both for this and the nextworld, he departed this life on the 2d of December 1547. He was buriedwith great pomp in the chapel of the dukes of Medina Sidonia; but, according to his will, his remains were afterwards, removed to Cojohuacanor Tezcuco in New Spain, I am uncertain which. By his latter will, he leftfunds for the endowment of an hospital in Mexico, and a nunnery in his owntown of Cojohuacan. In 1519, when we went along with him from Cuba againstMexico, he used to tell us that he was then thirty-four years old; and ashe died 28 years afterwards, he must have been exactly 62 at his death. The arms granted to him by his majesty, when he was created a marquis, were the heads of seven kings surrounded by a chain, implying Montezuma, Cacamatzin, Guatimotzin, Tulapa, Coadlavaca, and the princes of Tacuba andCojohuacan. The motto, as I have been told, was well adapted to a valiantwarrior; but being in Latin, which I do not understand, I say nothing onthat subject. 

The Marquis del Valle de Oaxaca, was strong built, and of a good stature, with a rather pale complexion and serious countenance. His features wererather small, with mild and grave eyes. His hair and beard were black andthin. His breast and shoulders were broad, and his body thin. He waswell-limbed, his legs being somewhat bent. He was an excellent horseman, and very dexterous in the use of arms; and he also had the heart and mindof valour, which is the principal part of that business. I have heard that, when young, he was very wild about women, and had several duels inHispaniola on that account with able swordsmen, in all of which he cameoff victorious: But he received a wound near his under lip on one of theseoccasions, the scar of which could be seen through his beard when closelyexamined. In his appearance, manners, behaviour, conversation, table, anddress, every thing corresponded to a man of high rank; and, although hisclothes always corresponded to the fashion of the times, he was not fondof silks, damasks, or velvets; but wore every thing plain and handsome. Instead of large chains of gold in which some delighted, he was satisfiedwith a small chain of exquisite workmanship, to which was appended a goldmedal of the Virgin and child Jesus, with a Latin motto, and on thereverse St John the Baptist and another motto. On his finger he wore avery fine diamond ring; and in his cap, which was of velvet, he bore agold medal, the head and motto of which I have forgot: But, in his latterdays, he wore a plain cloth cap without ornament. 

His table was always magnificently served and attended, having fourmajor-domos or principal officers, with many pages, and a great quantityof massy plate both of gold and silver. He dined heartily about mid-day, drinking only about half a pint of wine mixed with water. He was not niceor expensive in his food, except on particular occasions, where he saw itto be proper. He was exceedingly affable with all his captains andsoldiers, especially those who accompanied him at first from Cuba; yetpractised the strictest attention to military discipline, constantly goingthe rounds himself in the night, and visiting the quarters of the soldiers, severely reprehending all whom he found without their armour orappointments, and not ready to turn out at a moments warning, saying, "Itis a bad sheep that cannot carry its own wool. " He was a Latin scholar, and as I have been told, a bachelor of laws, a good rhetorician, andsomething even of a poet. He was very devote to the Holy Virgin, and to StPeter, St James, and St John the Baptist. His oath was, "By my conscience. "When angry with any of his friends, he used to say, "may you repent it;"and when in great warmth, the veins of his throat and forehead used toswell much, but he then never spoke. He was very patient under insults orinjuries, as the soldiers were sometimes very rude and abusive; yet henever resented their conduct, only saying, "Be silent, " or, "Go in Godsname, and do not repeat this or I shall have you punished. " In all mattersof war, he was exceedingly headstrong and determined, never attending toremonstrances on account of danger; one instance of which was in theattack of the fortresses called the _Rocks of the Marquis_, which heforced us to climb, contrary to all our opinions, where courage, counsel, or wisdom, could give no rational hope of success. Another instance was inhis obstinacy respecting the expedition against De Oli; in which Irepeatedly urged him to go by way of the mountains, whereas he obstinatelypersisted in going by the coast. Had he taken my advice, he would havefound towns the whole way. Where we had to erect any fortress orentrenchment, he was always the hardest labourer; when we advanced tobattle, he was always in the front. 

Cortes was fond of play, both at cards and dice, at which he was alwaysgood-humoured and affable, often using the cant terms customary on theseoccasions. During our expedition to Higueras, I observed that he hadacquired a habit of taking a short sleep or _siesta_ after eating; and ifhe could not get this he was apt to become sick. On this account, let therain be ever so heavy, or the sun ever so hot, he always reposed a shortwhile on a cloak or carpet under a tree; and after a short sleep, mountedhis horse and proceeded on his march. When engaged in the conquest of NewSpain, he was very thin and slender; but after his return from Higueras, he became fat and corpulent. His beard began at that time to grow grey, after which he trimmed it in the short fashion. In his early life, he wasvery liberal, but grew close afterwards, insomuch that some of hisservants complained that he did not pay them properly. I have alreadyobserved that he never succeeded in his latter undertakings: Perhaps suchwas the will of Heaven, which reserved his reward for a better world; forhe was a good gentleman and very devout. God pardon him his sins, and memine, and give me a good end, which is better than all conquests orvictories over Indians! Amen. 

 * * * * *

_Descendants of Hernando Cortes[15]_. 

The legitimate children of Cortes were, Don Martin, who succeeded him asmarquis; Donna Maria, who married the Conde de Luna of Leon; Donna Juanna, who married Don Hernando Enriquez, heir to the Marquis of Tarriffa; DonnaCatalina, who died in Seville; and Donna Leonora, who married, in Mexico, Juanez de Tolosa, a rich Biscayan, which alliance gave great offence tothe young marquis. He left also two natural sons: Don Martin by DonnaMarina; and Don Luis by a lady named De Hermosilla; both of whom werecommanders of the order of St Jago. Besides these, he had three naturaldaughters; one by an Indian woman of Cuba, and two others by a Mexicanwoman: He left great fortunes to all these ladies. 

Don Hernando Cortes, conqueror, governor, and captain-general of New Spain, admiral of the South Seas, _first_ Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, had insecond marriage, Donna Jeroma Ramirez de Arellano y Zuniga, daughter ofDon Carlos Ramirez de Arellano, _second_ Conde de Aguilar, and of DonnaJeroma de Zuniga, daughter of the _first_ Duke of Bejar. Their son was, I. Don Martinez Cortes de Ramirez y Arellano, _second_ Marquis of theValley, married his cousin, Donna Anna Ramirez de Arellano. Their issuewas, II. Don Hernando Cortes de Ramirez ye Arellano, _third_ Marquis of theValley; married Donna Murcia Hernandez de Cabrera y Mendoza, daughter ofDon Pedro Hernandez de Cabrera y Bovadilla, _second_ Conde de Chinchon, and Donna Maria de Mendoza y Cerda, sister to the Prince of Melito. DonHernando had but one son, who died in childhood, and was thereforesucceeded by his brother, 2. Don Pedro Cortes, &c. _fourth_ Marquis of the Valley, who married DonnaAnna Pacheco de la Cerda, sister of the second Conde de Montalban: Butleaving no issue was succeeded by his sister, 3. Donna Jeroma Cortes, &c. _fifth_ Marchioness of the Valley, who marriedDon Pedro Carillo de Mendoza, _ninth_ Conde de Priego, captain-general ofSeville, and grand major-domo to Queen Margaret of Austria. Their onlydaughter, who carried on the line of the family, was, III. Donna Stephania Carillo de Mendoza y Cortes, _sixth_ Marchioness ofthe Valley, who married Don Diego de Arragon, _fourth_ Duke of Terra Nova, prince of Castel Vetrano, and of the holy Roman empire, Marquis of Avolaand Favora, constable and admiral of Sicily, commander of Villa Franca, viceroy of Sardinia, knight of the golden fleece. Their only daughter was, IV. Donna Juana de Arragon, &c. _fifth_ Duchess of Terra Nova, _seventh_Marchioness of the Valley, &c. Who married Don Hector Pignatelli, Duke ofMontelione, prince of Noja, &c. Their only son was, V. Don Andrea Fabrizio Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, &c. _eighth_ Marquis of the Valley; who married Donna Teresa Pimentel yBenavides, &c. Their daughter was, VI. Donna J. Pignatelli, &c. Duchess of Montelione and Terra Nova, _ninth_ Marchioness of the Valley, &c. Who married Don Nicolas Pignatelli, viceroy of Sardinia and Sicily, &c. Their son was, VII. Don Diego Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, _tenth_Marquis of the Valley, &c. His son was, VIII. Don Fabrizio Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, _eleventh_ Marquis of the Valley, &c. His son was, IX. Don Hector Pignatelli, &c. Duke of Montelione and Terra Nova, _twelfth_ Marquis of the Valley, grandee of Spain, prince of the holyRoman empire, _at present living in Naples_[16], and married to Donna N. Piccolomini, of the family of the Dukes of Amalfi. 

From the noble couple mentioned in the VI. Step of the foregoing deduction, besides Don Diego, who carried on their line, there were three other sonsand three daughters: 1. Don Diego, as above. 2. Don Ferdinand. 3. DonAntonio. 4. Don Fabrizio. 5. Donna Rosa. 6. Donna Maria Teresa. 7. DonnaStephania[17]. 

[1] According to Robertson, II. 266. Cortes took the resolution of returning into Spain to avoid exposing himself to the ignominy of a trial in Mexico, the scene of his triumphs, on hearing that a commission of inquiry into his conduct was on the point of coming out to New Spain for that purpose. Diaz almost perpetually neglects dates, in the latter part of his work especially: but we learn from Robertson that it was now the year 1528. --E. 

[2] The Mexican Tiger, or Jaguar, called Tlatlauhqui ocelotl by the Mexicans, the _felis onca_ of naturalists, is of a yellowish colour with cornered annular spots, which are yellow in the middle. It grows to the size of a wolf or large dog, and resembles the Bengal tiger, _felis tigris_, in craft and cruelty, but not in size or courage. --E. 

[3] Perhaps the Balsam of Capivi, which is of that consistence. The indurated balsam may be that of Tolu. --E. 

[4] These were _albinos_, an accidental or diseased rariety of the human species, having chalky white skins, pure white hair, and a want of the pigmentum nigrum of the eye. The white rabbit is a plentiful example of animal albinos, which variety continues to propagate its kind. --E. 

[5] According to Herrera, Dec. Iv. Lib. Iij. C. 8. And lib. Iv. C. 1. As quoted by Robertson, _note_ cxxiv. The treasure which Cortes took over with him consisted of 1500 marks of wrought plate, 200, 000 pesos of fine gold, and 10, 000 of inferior standard; besides many rich jewels, one in particular being worth 40, 000 pesos. The value of this enumerated treasure amounts to L. 104, 250 Sterling numerical value; but estimating its efficient value in those days, with Robertson, as equal to six times the present amount, it exceeds L. 600, 000. --E. 

[6] Those who had worn the _san benito_, or penal dress, in _an auto de fe_. In the original translation the _descendants of Indians_ are included in this proscription, which certainly must be an error. --E. 

[7] New Gallicia, to the north-west of Mexico and upon the Pacific Ocean, is now included in the _Intendencia_ of Guadalaxara, and appears to have been named Colima by the Mexicans. --E. 

[8] Mechoacan, to the west of Mexico and reaching to the south sea forms now the Intendency of Valladolid. --E. 

[9] For the information of some readers, it may be proper to observe, that the order of St John of Jerusalem, lately known by the name of the order of Malta, then resided at Rhodes. --E. 

[10] Santa Cruz is a small island in the Vermilion sea, on the eastern coast of California, in lat. 25º 23' N. Lon. 110º 47' W. From Greenwich. --. E

[11] This appears to be the country now called Cinaloa, or Culiacan. The strange appellation of the _seven cities_ seems to have reference to that fancied ancient Spanish colony which has been formerly spoken of in the introduction to the discovery of Columbus. --E. 

[12] This name, which is not to be found in any map, is probably a mistake for Zacatula, in lat. 18º N. On the coast of the Pacific Ocean, W. S. W. From Mexico. --E. 

[13] The expedition of Alvarado to Peru will be related in the subsequent chapter. Diaz merely gives this slight hint on the subject. --E. 

[14] In the _sixth_ section of this chapter, it has been already mentioned that Don Pedro Alvarado was married to _Donna Luisa_ the daughter of Xicotencatl, one of the princes or chiefs of Tlascala, through whom he acquired a great inheritance, and by whom he had a son Don Pedro, and a daughter Donna Leonora, married to Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin to the Duke of Albuquerque, by whom she had four or five sons. The widow of Don Pedro destroyed in Guatimala, seems to have been a second wife--E. 

[15] This extended account of the descendants of Cortes, is adopted from Clavigero, I. 442. The first paragraph, which enumerates the younger children of the marquis, and his natural children, are from Diaz. There is a difference between these authors in the name of the marchioness, whom Diaz names Donna _Juanna_, and Clavigero _Jeroma_: The former likewise names the eldest son of Cortes _Martin_, and the latter _Martinez_. --E. 

[16] This refers to the period when Clavigero composed his History of Mexico, about the year 1780; according to Humboldt, the dukes of Montelione retained the vast estates of Cortes in Mexico within the present century. --E. 

[17] This genealogical deduction has been somewhat abridged, as to the multiplicity of high sounding titles, and minute particulars of marriages and noble connections, altogether uninteresting to the English reader. --E. 

SECTION XXIV. 

_Concluding Observations by the Author_[1]. 

Having enumerated the soldiers who passed from Cuba along with Cortes, tothe conquest of New Spain, I have to observe that we were for the mostpart _hidalgos_, or gentlemen, though some were not of such clear lineageas others; but, whatever may have been the dignity of our birth, we madeourselves much more illustrious by our heroic actions in the conquest ofthis country, at our own sole cost, without any aid or support, save thatof our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. In the ancient history of our owncountry, many cavaliers rose to dignity and honours by valiant andfaithful services to their kings; and though they did not go into thefield as we did, without pay, they were rewarded with lands, houses, castles, dignities, and privileges, to them and their heirs in perpetuity. Also, when his majesty Don Jayme, won certain parts of his kingdom fromthe Moors, he made grants of these to the cavaliers who assisted him inthe conquest, from which period their descendants derive their estates, honours, and blazons. Those also who served under the Great Captain andthe Prince of Orange were rewarded in like manner. I have recalled therecollection of these things, that the world may consider and determinewhether we, who gained this great country by our valour, even without theknowledge of his majesty, are not as worthy of such rewards and honours asthose cavaliers above-mentioned, by our good, notable, and loyal servicesto God, the king, and all Christendom. 

I have placed myself last in the list, having been twice in this countrybefore the coming of Cortes, and the third time along with him; and, asamong those whom I have enumerated, there were many valiant captains, so Iwas held in no inconsiderable estimation in my day as a soldier. Besidesthe many battles and dangers in which I participated since I came intothis country, and the distresses, by hunger, thirst, fatigue and wounds, incident to all who undertake discoveries and wars in unknown countries, Iwas twice in the hands of the enemy, who were carrying me off forsacrifice: But thanks and praise to God and his holy Virgin Mother, whogave me force to escape from their grasp, that I might now relate and makemanifest our heroic deeds in the conquest of this _new world_, and therebyto prevent all the honour and merit from being unjustly ascribed to ourgeneral alone. It is now proper that I should make some observations onthe good effects produced by our exertions and illustrious conquests, tothe service of God and our king, in which many of our companions losttheir lives, being sacrificed to the gods or idols of the Mexicans, Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca. 

In the first place, we purged the land of many wicked customs, and inparticular from human sacrifices. By estimates made by the reverendFranciscan friars, who succeeded Fra Bartholomew de Olmedo, it appearsthat above 2500 human victims were sacrificed yearly in Mexico and someadjacent towns on the lake; so that the number annually put to death inthe whole country must have been very great. Their various other horriblepractices exceed my powers of description. Their cursed adoratories wereexceedingly numerous, like our holy churches, hermitages, and chapels, inSpain, as they had everywhere houses dedicated to idols, devils, andinfernal figures. Besides which, every individual native had two altars, one beside the place where he or she slept, and another at the door of thehouse, with chests containing large or small idols and stone knives, andbooks made of the bark of trees containing the record of past times. Especially on the coast and other sultry parts of the country, they wereaddicted to the most abominable vices, where they had boys in femaleattire. They fed on human flesh, as we do on beef, having wooden cages inevery town, in which men, women, and children, were kept and fed for thatpurpose, to which all the prisoners taken in war were destined. Incest wascommon among them, and they were extremely addicted to drunkenness. Theyhad as many wives as they pleased. From these and many other abominations, it was the will of God that we should be the humble instruments to clearthe land; substituting a good policy and the holy doctrine of Jesus Christin their place. It is true that, two years afterwards, when the countrywas subjugated and civilized, certain worthy Franciscans of good exampleand holy doctrine came here, who were followed in three or four years byfathers of the order of St Dominic, who completed what others had begun. But the honour of having destroyed the abominations of the land, assuredlybelongs to us the true conquerors, who opened the way for these holyfathers. 

By the will of God, and the sacred Christianity of the emperor Don Carlosof glorious memory, and our present most fortunate sovereign theinvincible Don Philip, all the natives of this great country have beenbaptised to the salvation of their souls, formerly sunk and lost in thebottomless pit. We have many fathers of the different orders, who go aboutpreaching and baptizing, by which means the knowledge of the holy Evangileis firmly planted in the hearts of the natives, who confess yearly, andthose who have sufficient knowledge in the faith, participate in the holyeucharist. The churches and their altars are richly adorned with allrequisites for holy worship; as crosses, candlesticks, wax-candles, chalices, cups, plates, and vessels for incense, all of silver. Theornaments of the altars and crosses are of velvet, and damask, and otherrich materials, of various colours and splendid workmanship, adorned withembroidery of gold, silk and pearls. Each town has its bells according toits ability. The chapels have choirs of good voices which sing in concert, tenors, trebles, and counter-tenors. In some places there are organs; butmost have lutes, sackbuts, dulcimers, and bass and treble trumpets. Thisone province of Guatimala has more than my native county, old Castille. Itis edifying and wonderful to see the devotion of the natives at the holymass, especially when performed by the fathers of the orders of St Francisand of Mercy, who have the cures of the parishes. All the natives, men, women, and children, are taught the holy prayers in their own tongue; andalways on passing a cross, crucifix, or altar, they fall on their kneesrepeating a _pater noster_ or an _ave Maria_. We, the conquerors, taughtthem to burn wax candles before the holy altars and crosses, and to behaverespectfully to the reverend fathers, going out to meet them when theycame to the towns, with lighted candles, ringing of bells, and providingthem abundantly with provisions. On Lady Day and Corpus Christi, and othersolemn fasts of the church, when we make processions, most of the nativesof this city of Guatimala go likewise in procession, with crosses andlighted candles, bearing the images of their patron saints as richlydressed as they can afford, and singing litanies and other holy prayers tothe sound of flutes and trumpets. 

The natives also of these countries have learnt all the trades used amongus in Spain, having their shops, manufactories, and work-people. Theirgoldsmiths and silversmiths, both those who make cast work or who use thehammer, are excellent. Their lapidaries or engravers on precious stones, especially emeralds, execute the nicest representations of the holy actsand passion of our blessed Saviour, in such a manner as could not bebelieved from Indians. Three of our native Mexican artists, named Andresde Aquino, Juan de la Cruz, and El Crispillo, have in my humble judgmentexecuted paintings which may vie with those of Apelles, Michael Angelo, and Berruguete. The sons of the chiefs used to be educated in grammar, andwere learning very well, till this was prohibited by the holy synod, underan order of the most reverend the archbishop of Mexico. Many of thenatives are manufacturers of silks and various other stuffs, and hatters, and soap-boilers. Two trades only could never be acquired by them, whichis the art of glass blowing, and that of the apothecary; but this is notowing to any defect of natural genius, as there are among them surgeons, herbalists, jugglers, makers of puppets, and of violins. They cultivatedthe ground before our arrival; and now they rear stock, break in bullocksto the plough, sow, reap, manure, and make bread and biscuit. They haveplanted their lands with the various fruits of old Spain, such as quince, apple, and pear trees, which they hold in high estimation; but cut downthe unwholesome peach trees and the overshading plantains. From us theyhave learnt laws and justice; and they every year elect their own alcaldes, regidors, notaries, alguazils, fiscals, and major-domos[2]. They havetheir _cabildos_, or common councils, and bailiffs, which meet twicea-week, judging, sentencing, and punishing for smaller offences; but formurder and higher crimes, they must have recourse to the Spanish governorsin places where there are no courts of royal audience. In Tlascala, Tezcuco, Cholula, Guaxocinco, Tepeaca, and other large cities, gilt macesare borne before the native magistrates when they go to hold theircabildos, as is done before our viceroys; and they distribute justice withmuch zeal and impartiality, being anxious to acquire a thorough knowledgeof our laws. All the caciques are rich, and ride on horses handsomelycaparisoned, attended by pages. In some townships likewise, they exercisewith the lance on horseback, running at the ring; and they have bullfeasts, especially on the days of Corpus Christi, St John, St James, theAssumption, or the patron or patroness saint of the town. Many of them areexcellent horsemen, and the natives especially of Chiapa de los Indios, will face the fiercest bull. The caciques breed horses, and use them andmules for conveying their various commodities for sale, such as maize, wood or lime; and many of the natives gain their living by following theoccupation of carriers. 

By means of our illustrious services, our mother-country obtains gold, silver, precious stones, cochineal, wool, salsaparilla, hides, and variousother commodities, to the great advantage of the royal revenue. Since thetime of the great and wise Solomon, neither ancient nor modern historyrecord the acquisition of such riches by any country, as have been derivedfrom New Spain. I do not now include the millions in gold and silverderived from Peru, as that country was unknown when we conquered New Spain, and was not conquered till ten years afterwards: Besides all which, Peruhas been involved in cruel civil wars, whereas we have ever remainedsubmissive in our allegiance to his majesty, and ready to devote our livesand fortunes to his service. The numerous cities in New Spain are worthyof consideration, but would be too tedious to enumerate. Besides thearchbishoprick of Mexico, we have ten bishopricks, with many cathedrals, and monastaries belonging to the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustines, andthe order of Mercy. Many hospitals, with extensive remissions and pardonsattached to them; besides the _Santa casa_ of our Lady of Guadeloupe, where many holy miracles are performed daily. In Mexico there is anuniversity in which are taught grammar, theology, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, and other sciences; and in which the students take the severaldegrees of bachelor, licentiate, and doctor; having also a printing pressfor books in the Spanish and Latin languages. If all I have now said beinsufficient, let the wise and learned read over this my true history withimpartial care, and they must confess that there never were men who havegained more by their valorous achievements for their king than we thebrave conquerors, among the most valiant of whom I was considered. And Isay again, I myself, who am a true conqueror, am the most ancient of all. Of the 550 soldiers who left Cuba along with Cortes, _five_ only are nowliving in the year 1568, while I am writing this history; all the resthaving been slain in the wars, or sacrificed to the accursed idols, orhave died in the course of nature. Of 1300 soldiers who came with Narvaez, exclusive of mariners, not more than ten or eleven now survive. Of thosewho came with Garay, including the three companies which landed at St Juande Ulua previous to his own arrival, amounting to 1200 soldiers, most weresacrificed and devoured in the province of Panuco. We five companions ofCortes who yet survive, are all very old and bowed down with infirmities, and extremely poor; having heavy charges of sons to establish, daughtersto marry off, and grand-children to maintain, with very small means to doall this. Whereas we ought to have had the best properties in the countryallotted to us, in reward of our high prowess and transcendent services inthat country which we conquered; not indeed to the same extent with therewards granted to Cortes, but in just moderation in proportion to ourmerits. This indeed was ordered by his majesty, but interest andpartiality gave away what we ought to have received to others, leavinglittle for the royal patrimony or to be bestowed on us. Immediately afterthe conquest, Cortes ought to have divided the whole country into fiveshares, assigning the richest and best to his majesty, out of which toreward those cavaliers who served him in his European wars; taking a shareand a half to himself, and for the establishment of churches, monasteries, and municipalities; and dividing the remaining half in perpetual grants tous the true conquerors, by which we should have all been amply providedfor. 

Our emperor was so truly a Christian monarch, that he would willingly havegranted us these favours, more especially as the conquest cost him nothing. But we knew not then where to apply for justice, except to Cortes himself, who did in all things as he thought fit, taking care of himself, and ofhis friends and relations newly come from old Spain. We remained thereforewith the little which had been assigned to us, till we saw Don Franciscode Montejo, who had waited on his majesty in Europe, return with theappointment of adelantado and governor of Yucutan, estates in Mexico, andother rewards. Diego de Ordas also, who went to court, obtained acommandery of St Jago, and districts in New Spain. Don Pedro de Alvarado, who likewise went to represent his services, was made adelantado andgovernor of Guatimala and Chiapa, commander of the order of St Jago, andobtained extensive grants of land. When therefore, we the conquerors sawthat those who did not reach his majesty, or had no one to speak for them, were neglected, we transmitted a petition, by which we prayed that suchlands as fell vacant might be distributed among us in perpetuities, as hadbeen done by the first court of royal audience, of which Nuno de Guzmanwas president; who had been directed to make the divisions more equal, deducting in due proportions from the immoderate grants of Cortes, andthat the best districts and rents should be divided among us the trueconquerors, leaving the cities and great towns for his majesty. Hismajesty likewise ordered the vassals of Cortes to be counted, leaving nomore than were specified in his patents; but I do not remember what was tohave been done with the surplus. Nuno de Guzman and the judges of histribunal were misled by advisers from making their grants perpetual, underpretence that the conquerors would cease to depend upon and respect themif independent, and that it was better to keep them under the necessity ofsupplicating for subsistence, and likewise to preserve to themselves thepower of dividing the conquered lands to the advantage of their owninterest. Guzman and his oydors indeed, constantly assigned such districtsas fell vacant among the conquerors and colonists to universalsatisfaction; but were superseded in consequence of their disputes withCortes. 

In 1550, when I was in Old Spain, a council was formed, consisting ofBartholomew de las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, Vasco de Quiroga, bishop ofMechoacan, and other cavaliers who had come as agents from New Spain andPeru, with some gentlemen who had come on business to court; to whichcouncil I also was called, as being the most ancient of the conquerors ofNew Spain. At this time certain of the Peruvian gentlemen petitioned hismajesty to cause perpetual allotments of lands to be made in that kingdom, and a similar petition was presented by Gonzalo Lopez and Alonzo deVillanueva, who had come over as agents from Mexico. His majesty waspleased to order the _rapartimiento_ or distribution of lands to bereferred to the council of the Indies, consisting of the Marquis deMondejar president, with the licentiates Gutierre Velasquez, Tello deSandoval, Gregorio Lopes de Briviesca, and the Doctor Hernan Perez de laFuente, oydors or judges of that court, together with the members of otherroyal councils. At this meeting, it was proposed to make a perpetualdistribution of the lands of New Spain and Peru; I am uncertain if NewGranada and Popayan were to have been included. Many excellent reasonswere given for this measure being adopted, but it was strenuously opposedby the members of the royal council of the Indies, together with Bishop delas Casas, Fra Rodrigo his coadjutor, and the Bishop of las Charcas, whoinsisted that the matter should be postponed till the return of theemperor from Vienna, when every thing should be arranged to thesatisfaction of the conquerors: And thus the affair was dropped for thepresent. 

After my return to New Spain, the conquerors then proposed to send agentsto solicit his majesty for our interest exclusively, in consequence ofwhich I was written to here in Guatimala, by Captain Andres de Tapia, Pedro Morena de Medrana, and Juan Limpias Caravajal, on the subject. Iaccordingly went round among the other conquerors who were settled in thiscity, to raise a sum by subscription for the purpose, but this projectfailed for want of money. At a subsequent period, our present invincibleking Don Philip, was pleased to command that the conquerors and theirposterity should be provided for, attending in the first instance to thosewho were married. But all has been of no avail. 

Two learned licentiates, to whom I communicated the MS. Of this history, observed that I had praised myself greatly in the battles of which I havegiven an account, whereas I ought to have left that to be done by others. But how is any one who was not in the wars with us to praise us as wedeserve? To compare myself, a poor soldier, with the great emperor andwarrior Julius Cesar, we are told by historians, that he used to writedown with his own hand an account of his own heroic deeds, not chusing toentrust that office to others, although he had many historians in hisempire. It is not therefore extraordinary if I relate the battles in whichI fought, that it may be known in future ages, _thus did Bernal Diaz delCastillo_; that my sons and grandsons may enjoy the fame of their ancestor, as many cavaliers and lords of vassals do the deeds and blazons of theirpredecessors. I shall therefore enumerate the various battles and otherwarlike affairs in which I have been present. At Cape Cotoche, underCordova; at Pontonchan in a battle where half our number was slain; and inFlorida where we landed to procure water. Under Juan de Grijalva, I waspresent in the second battle of Pontonchan. During my third voyage, underCortes, two pitched battles at Tabasco. On our arrival in New Spain, thebattle of Cingapacinga or Teoatzinco. Shortly afterwards three pitchedbattles with the Tlascalans. The affair of Cholula. On our entry intoMexico, I was at the seizure of Montezuma, which I do not enumerate as awarlike exploit, but on account of its great boldness. Four monthsafterwards, when with 276 men, Cortes defeated Narvaez who had 1300. Therelief of Alvarado, when the Mexicans made incessant attacks upon usduring eight days and nights, during which I reckon eight several battles, at all of which I was present, and in the course of which we lost 870 men. The battle of Obtumba or Otompan. A battle at Tepeaca. A battle at Tezcuco. Two battles, in one of which I was wounded in the throat by a lance. Twoactions about the maize fields near Chalco. The rash attack on thefortresses called the Rocks of the Marquis in our expedition round thelake. The battle of Cuernavaca. Three battles at Xochimilco. During thesiege of Mexico, which lasted _ninety-three_ days, I find by my accountthat I was engaged in upwards of eighty battles and skirmishes. After theconquest, I was sent out on various expeditions to reduce Coatzacualco, Chiapa, and the Zapotecans, in which we had several engagements. InChamula and Cuitlan, two engagements. In Teapa and Chematlan two others, in one of which I was badly wounded in the throat. I forgot to mention, that we were pursued for nine days in our flight from Mexico, and had tofight four battles before the great one at Otompan. Several actions in ourexpedition to Higueras and Honduras, during which in a battle at CulacotuI had a horse killed under me which cost 600 crowns. After my return toMexico, I went upon an expedition into the mountains against the Zapotecasand Mixtecas. I have on the whole been present in _one hundred andnineteen_ battles, engagements, and skirmishes; so that it is notwonderful if I praise myself for the many and notable services which Ihave rendered to God, his majesty and all Christendom: And I give thanksand praise to the Lord Jesus Christ, who hath preserved me in so manydangers. 

THE END OF BERNAL DIAZ. 

[1] In this section Diaz gives a minute enumeration _of the valiant companions who passed over to the conquest of Mexico with the most adventurous and most magnanimous Don Hernando Cortes, Marquis of the Valley_. This must assuredly be a most valuable document to vast numbers of the present inhabitants of New Spain, by enabling them to trace their honourable descent from the conquerors; but, as totally uninteresting to the English reader, is here omitted. --E. 

[2] These are the ordinary municipal officers of Spanish townships, answerable to our mayors, aldermen, bailiffs, constables, &c. --E. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER VI. 

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU, BY FRANCISCO PIZARRO, WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE, TREASURER OF THAT KINGDOM, A FEW YEARS AFTERTHE CONQUEST. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The present chapter, like that immediately preceding from the pen ofBernal Diaz, although in strict language neither a journey nor a voyage, records in every step of the conquerors a new _discovery_ of coasts, islands, rivers, districts, and tribes, that had never been visited before. In conformity with our uniform desire to have recourse upon all occasionsto the most authentic original authorities for every article admitted intothis collection, so far as in our power, the work of Zarate has beenchosen as the record of the discovery and conquest of Peru, in preferenceto any modern compilation on the same subject. As we learn from himself, Zarate was a person of rank and education, who went into Peru in 1543, only _eighteen_ years after the first movements of Pizarro and Almagrotowards the discovery of that extensive country, and only _eleven_ yearsafter its actual invasion by Pizarro in 1532. From the illustrioushistorian of America, Dr William Robertson, the work which we now offer tothe public for the first time in the English language, has the followinghigh character: "The history of Zarate, whether we attend to its matter orcomposition, is a book of considerable merit, and great credit is due tohis testimony. " Besides this general eulogy; in his enumeration of sixoriginal authors whom he had consulted in the composition of that portionof his History of America which refers to Peru, he clearly shews thatZarate alone can be considered as at the same time perfectly authentic andsufficiently copious for the purpose we have at present in view. Thesubstance of his account of all the six is as follows. 

"_Two_ of the more early writers on the subject of the discovery andconquest of Peru, Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro, and PedroSanchez, an officer who served under the conqueror, break off almost inthe introduction to the narrative, going no farther into the history ofthe conquest than the death of Atahualpa in 1533, only one year after theinvasion of Peru. The _third_ in point of time, Pedro Cioca de Leon, onlytwo years earlier in his publication than Zarate, gives nothing more thana description of the country, and an account of the institutions andcustoms of the natives. Zarate is the _fourth_. The _fifth_, Don DiegoFernandez, solely relates to the dissentions and civil wars among theSpanish conquerors. The _sixth_ and last of these original authors, Garcilasso de la Vega _Inca_, the son of a Spanish officer of distinctionby a _Coya_, or Peruvian female of the royal race, gives little more thana commentary on the before mentioned writers, and was not published till1609, seventy five years after the invasion of Peru by Pizarro[1]. "

In the Bibliotheque des Voyages, VI. 319. Mention is made of a Descriptionof Peru as published in French in 1480, and said to be a very rare work:_Rare_, indeed, if the imprint be not an error, _fifty-two_ years beforethe actual invasion and discovery. In the same useful work, theperformance of Zarate is thus characterized. "The author has not confinedhis views to the history and conquest of Peru, but has given us astatement of the natural features of the country, an account of themanners of the inhabitants, and a curious picture of the religiousopinions and institutions of the Peruvians. "

Four of the six original authors respecting Peru which are noticed byRobertson, we have not seen; having confined our views to that of Zarate, which is not only the best according to the opinion of that excellentjudge, but the only one which could answer the purpose of our presentcollection. In preparing this original work for publication, it is properto acknowledge that we have been satisfied with translating from theFrench edition of Paris, 1742; but, besides every attention to fidelity oftranslation, it has been carefully collated throughout with the _RoyalCommentary_ of the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, as published in English bySir Paul Rycaut, knight, in 1688; and with the excellent work of DrRobertson. It may be proper to mention, however, that the followingtranslation, though faithful, has been made with some freedom ofretrenching a superfluity of useless language; though nothing has beenomitted in point of fact, and nothing altered. 

Having mentioned the work of Garcilasso de la Vega, which we have employedas an auxiliary on the present occasion, it may be worth while to give ashort account of it in this place: For there never was, perhaps, aliterary composition so strangely mixed up of unconnected and discordantsense and nonsense, and so totally devoid of any thing like order orarrangement, in the whole chronology of authorship, or rather ofbook-making, as has been produced by this scion of the Incas. Noconsideration short of our duty to the public, could have induced us towade through such a labyrinth of absurdity in quest of information. It isastonishing how the honest knight could have patience to translate 1019closely printed folio pages of such a farrago; and on closing the work ofthe Inca for ever, we heartily joined in the concluding pious thanksgivingof the translator, _Praised be God_. This enormous literary production ofthe _Inca_ Garcilasso, is most regularly divided and subdivided into parts, books, and chapters; which contain here a little history, then digressionson manners, customs, opinions, ceremonies, laws, policy, arts, animals, vegetables, agriculture, buildings, &c. &c. &c. Intermixed with bits andscraps of history, in an endless jumble; so that for every individualcircumstance on any one of these topics, the pains-taking reader must turnover the whole work with the most anxious attention. We quote an example, taken absolutely at random, the titles of the Chapters of Part I. Book ix. 

Chap. I. Huayna Capac makes a gold chain as big as a cable, and why. II. Reduces ten vallies of the coast. III. Punishes some murderers. IV. -VII. Incidents of his reign, confusedly related. VIII. Gods and customs of theMantas. IX. Of giants formerly in Peru. X. Philosophical sentiments of theInca concerning the sun. XI. And XII. Some incidents of his reign. XIII. Construction of two extensive roads. XIV. Intelligence of the Spaniardsbeing on the coast. XV. Testament and death of Huayna Capac. XVI. Howhorses and mares were first bred in Peru. XVII. Of cows and oxen. XVIII. -XXIII. Of various animals, all introduced after the conquest. XXIV. -XXXI. Of various productions, some indigenous, and others introducedby the Spaniards. XXXII. Huascar claims homage from Atahualpa. XXXIII. -XL. Historical incidents, confusedly arranged, all without dates. 

The whole work is equally confused at best, and often much more so; oftenconsisting of extracts from other writers, with commentaries, argumentations, ridiculous speeches, miracles, and tales recited by old_Incas_ and _Coyas_, uncles aunts and cousins of the author. To add to thedifficulty of consultation, Sir Paul, having exhausted his industry in thetranslation, gives no table of contents whatever, and a most miserableIndex which hardly contains an hundredth part of the substance of the work. Yet the author of the Bibliotheque des Voyages, says "that this work is_very precious_, as it contains the only remaining notices of thegovernment, laws, manners, and customs of the Peruvians. "--Ed. 

[1] History of America, _note_ cxxv. 

PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR. 

After having enjoyed the office of secretary to the royal council ofCastille for fifteen years, the king was graciously pleased to order me toPeru in 1543, as treasurer-general of that province and of the TierraFirma; in which employment I was entrusted with the entire receipt of theroyal revenues and rights, and the payment of all his majesties officersin those countries. I sailed thither in the fleet which conveyed BlascoNugnez Vela the viceroy of Peru; and immediately on my arrival in the NewWorld, I observed so many insurrections, disputes, and novelties, that Ifelt much inclined to transmit their memory to posterity. I accordinglywrote down every transaction as it occurred; but soon discovered thatthese could not be understood unless the previous events were explainedfrom which they originated. I found it necessary, therefore, to go back tothe epoch of the discovery of the country, to give a detail of theoccurrences in their just order and connection. My work might perhaps havebeen somewhat more perfect, if I had been able to compose it in regularorder while in Peru; but a brutal major-general, who had served underGonzalo Pizarro[1], threatened to put any one to death who should presumeto write a history of his transactions, so that I was obliged to satisfymyself with collecting all the documents I could procure for enabling meto compose my history after returning into Spain. He was perhaps right inwishing these transactions might fall into oblivion, instead of beingtransmitted to posterity. 

Should my style of writing be found not to possess all the polish that myreaders may desire, it will at least record the true state of events; andI shall not be disappointed if it only serve to enable another to presenta history of the same period in more elegant language and more orderlyarrangement. I have principally directed my attention to a strict regardfor truth, the soul of history, using neither art nor disguise in mydescription of things and events which I have seen and known; and inrelating those matters which happened before my arrival, I have trusted tothe information of dispassionate persons, worthy of credit. These were noteasy to find in Peru, most persons having received either benefits orinjuries from the party of Pizarro or that of Almagro; which were asviolent in their mutual resentments as the adherents of Marius and Sylla, or of Caesar and Pompey of old. 

In all histories there are three chief requisites: the designs, theactions, and the consequences. In the two latter particulars I have usedall possible care to be accurate. If I may not always agree with otherauthors in regard to the first of these circumstances, I can only say thatsuch is often the case with the most accurate and faithful historians. After I had finished this work, it was my intention to have kept it longunpublished, lest I might offend the families of those persons whoseimproper conduct is therein pourtrayed. But some persons to whom I hadcommunicated my manuscript, shewed it to the king during his voyage toEngland, who had it read to him as an amusement from the tiresomeness ofthe voyage. My work had the good fortune to please his majesty, whohonoured it with his approbation, and graciously commanded me to have itprinted; and which I have the more readily complied with, as his royalcommands may protect my book from the cavils of the censorious readers. 

 * * * * *

Much difficulty occurs respecting the origin of the people who inhabitedPeru and the other provinces of America, and by what means their ancestorscould have crossed the vast extent of sea which separates that countryfrom the old world. In my opinion this may be explained from what is saidby Plato in his _Timaeus_, and the subsequent dialogue entitled _Atlantis_. He says: "That the Egyptians report, to the honour of the Athenians, thatthey contributed to defeat certain kings who came with a numerous army bysea from the great island of Atlantis, which, beginning beyond the Pillarsof Hercules, is larger than all Asia and Africa together, and is dividedinto ten kingdoms which Neptune gave among his ten sons, Atlas, the eldest, having the largest and most valuable share. " Plato adds several remarkableparticulars concerning the customs and riches of that island; especiallyconcerning a magnificent temple in the chief city, the walls of which wereentirely covered over with gold and silver, having a roof of copper, andmany other circumstances which are here omitted for the sake of brevity;though it is certain that several customs and ceremonies mentioned byPlato are still practised in the provinces of Peru. Beyond the greatisland of Atlantis, there were other large islands not far distant fromthe _Firm Land_, beyond which again was the _True Sea_. The following arethe words which Plato attributes, in his Timaeus, to Socrates, as spokento the Athenians. "It is held certain, that in ancient times your cityresisted an immense number of enemies from the Atlantic Ocean, who hadconquered almost all Europe and Asia. In those days the _Straits_ werenavigable, and immediately beyond them there was an island, commencingalmost at the _Pillars of Hercules_, which was said to be larger than Asiaand Africa united; from whence the passage was easy to other islands nearand opposite to the continent of the _True Sea_. " A little after thispassage, it is added. "That nine thousand years before his days, a greatchange took place, as the sea adjoining that island was so increased bythe accession of a prodigious quantity of water, that in the course of oneday it swallowed up the whole island; since when that sea has remained sofull of shallows and sand banks as to be no longer navigable, neither hasany one been able to reach the other islands and the _Firm Land_. "

Some authors hare believed this recital to be merely allegorical, whilemost of the commentators on Plato considered it as a real historicalnarrative. The _nine thousand years_, mentioned by Plato, must not beconsidered as an indication of this discourse being fabulous; since, according to Eudoxus, we must understand them as lunar years or _moons_, after the Egyptian mode of computation, _or nine thousand months_, whichare _seven hundred and fifty years_. All historians and cosmographers, ancient as well as modern, have concurred to name the sea by which thatgreat island was swallowed up, the _Atlantic Ocean_, in which the name ofthat ancient island is retained, giving a strong evidence of its formerexistence. Adopting, therefore the truth of this historical fact, it mustbe granted that this island of Atlantis, beginning from the Straits ofGibraltar near Cadiz, must have stretched a vast way from north to south, and from east to west, since it was larger than all Asia and Africa. The_other_ islands in the neighbourhood must have been those now namedHispaniola, Cuba, Porto Rico, Jamaica, and others of the West Indies; andthe _Firm Land_, that part of the Continent to which we still give thename of _Tierra Firma_, together with the other countries and provinces ofAmerica, from the Straits of Magellan in the south to the extreme north;as Peru, Popayan, Golden Castille, Veragua, Nicaragua, Guatimala, NewSpain, _the Seven Cities_, Florida, _Baccalaos_, and so on along the northto Norway. The authority of Plato is conclusive that the _New World_ whichhas been discovered in our time, is the same Continent or Firm Landmentioned by that philosopher; and his _True Sea_ must be that which wename the _South Sea_, or Pacific Ocean; for the whole Mediterranean, andall that was before known of the Ocean, which we call the _North Sea_, canonly be considered as rivers or lakes in comparison with the vast extentof that other sea. After these explanations, it is not difficult toconceive how mankind in ancient times may have passed from the greatisland of _Atlantis_ and the _other_ neighbouring isles, to what we nowcall the Tierra Firma, or _Firm Land_, and thence by land, or by the SouthSea, into Peru: As we must believe that the inhabitants of these islandspractised navigation, which they must have learned by intercourse with thegreat island, in which Plato expressly says there were many ships, andcarefully constructed harbours. These, in my opinion, are the mostprobable conjectures which can be formed on this obscure subject ofantiquity; more especially as we can derive no lights from the Peruvians, who have no writing by which to preserve the memory of ancient times. InNew Spain, indeed, they had certain pictures, which answered in somemeasure instead of books and writings; but in Peru, they only used certainstrings of different colours with several knots, by means of which and thedistances between them, they were able to express some things in a veryconfused and uncertain manner, as shall be explained in the course of thishistory. 

So much of the following history as relates to the discovery of thecountry, has been derived from the information of Rodrigo Lozan, aninhabitant of Truxillo in Peru, and from others who were witnesses of andactors in the transactions which I have detailed. 

[1] Even the orthography of the name of Pizarro is handed down to us with some variety. In the work of Garcilasso de la Vega it is always spelt Piçarro: Besides which, the Inca Garcilasso, in his almost perpetual quotations of our author Zarate, always gives the name Carate; the _ç_, or cerilla _c_, being equivalent in Spanish to the _z_ in the other languages of Europe. --E. 

SECTION I. 

_Of the discovery of Peru, with some account of the country and itsinhabitants_. 

The city of Panama is a port on the South Sea, in that province of thecontinent of America which is called Golden Castille. In the year 1524, three inhabitants of that city entered into an association for the purposeof discovering the western coast of the continent by the South Sea, inthat direction which has been since named Peru. These were Don FranciscoPizarro of Truxillo, Don Diego de Almagro of Malagon, and Hernando deLuque, an ecclesiastic. No one knew the family or origin of Almagro, though some said that he had been found at a church door[1]. These men, being among the richest of the colonists of Panama, proposed to themselvesto enrich and aggrandize themselves by means of discovering new countries, and to do important service to the emperor, Don Carlos V. By extending hisdominions. Having received permission from Pedro Arias de Avila[2], whothen governed that country, Francisco Pizarro fitted out a vessel withconsiderable difficulty, in which he embarked with 114 men. About fiftyleagues from Panama, he discovered a small and poor district, named _Peru_, from which that name has been since improperly extended to all the countryafterwards discovered along that coast to the south for more than 1200leagues. Beyond that Peru, he discovered another district, to which theSpaniards gave the name of _El Pueblo quemado_, or the _Burnt People_. TheIndians of that country made war upon him with so much obstinacy, andkilled so many of his men, that he was constrained to retreat to_Chinchama_ or Chuchama, not far from Panama. 

In the mean time, Almagro fitted out another vessel at Panama, in which heembarked with 70 men, and went along the coast in search of Pizarro as faras the river San Juan, a hundred leagues from Panama. Not finding himthere, Almagro returned along the coast to the _Pueblo quemado_, where, from certain indications of Pizarro having been there, he landed with hismen. The Indians, puffed up with the remembrance of the victory they hadgained over Pizarro, attacked Almagro with great courage, and did himconsiderable injury; and one day they even penetrated the entrenchment hehad thrown up for defence, through some negligence in the guards, and putthe Spaniards to flight, who were forced to retreat with loss to theirvessel and put to sea, on which occasion Almagro lost an eye. Followingthe shore on the way back towards Panama, Almagro found Pizarro atChinchama[3]. Pizarro was much pleased by the junction of Almagro, as bymeans of his men, and some additional soldiers they procured in Chinchama, they had now a force of two hundred Spaniards. They accordinglyrecommenced the expedition, endeavouring to sail down the coast to thesouthwards in two vessels and three large canoes. In this navigation theysuffered great fatigue from contrary winds and currents, and were muchincommoded when they attempted to land in any of the numerous small riverswhich fall into the South Sea, as they all swarmed at their mouths withlarge lizards, or alligators, called caymans by the natives. These animals, are ordinarily from twenty to twenty-five feet long, and kill either menor beasts when in the water. They come out of the water to lay their eggs, which they bury in great numbers in the sand, leaving them to be hatchedby the heat of the sun. These caymans have a strong resemblance to thecrocodiles of the river Nile. The Spaniards suffered much from hunger inthis voyage, as they could find nothing fit to eat along this coast exceptthe fruit of a tree called mangles, which grew in great abundanceeverywhere along the shore. These trees are tall and straight, and have avery hard wood; but as they grow on the shore, their roots being drenchedin sea water, their fruit is salt and bitter; yet necessity obliged theSpaniards to subsist on them, along with such fish as they could find, particularly crabs; as on the whole of that coast no maize was grown bythe natives. From the currents along this coast, which always set stronglyto the north, they were obliged to make their way by dint of constantrowing; always harassed by the Indians, who assailed them with loud cries, calling them banished men, and _hairy faces_, who were formed from thespray of the sea, and wandered about without cultivating the earth, likeoutcasts and vagabonds. 

Having lost several of his men through famine and by the incessant attacksof the Indians, it was agreed that Almagro should return to Panama forrecruits and provisions. Having procured twenty-four, they advanced withthese and the remains of their original force to a country named_Catamez_[4], considerably beyond the river of St Juan, a tolerablypeopled country, in which they found plenty of provisions. The Indians ofthis part of the coast, who were still hostile, were observed to havecertain ornaments of gold, resembling nails, inserted into holes made forthat purpose in different parts of their faces. Almagro was sent back asecond time to Panama, to endeavour to procure a larger force, and Pizarroretired in the mean time to the small island of _Gallo_ somewhat fartherto the north, near the shore of the _Barbacoas_, and not far from Cape_Mangles_, where he and his people suffered extreme hardships fromscarcity of provisions, amounting almost to absolute famine. 

On the return of Almagro to Panama for reinforcements, he found thegovernment in the hands of Pedro de los Rios, who opposed the design ofAlmagro to raise recruits, because those with Pizarro had secretlyconveyed a petition to the governor, not to permit any more people to besent upon an enterprize of so much danger, and requesting their own recal. The governor, therefore, sent an officer to the Isle of Gallo, with anorder for such as were so inclined to return to Panama, which was eagerlyembraced by the greatest part of the soldiers of Pizarro, twelve onlyremaining along with him. Not daring to remain with so small a force in anisland so near the main land, Pizarro retired to an uninhabited islandnamed Gorgona, about 70 miles farther north, and considerably more distantfrom the coast than Gallo, in which island, which had abundance of springsand rivulets, he and his small band of faithful associates, lived on crabsin expectation of relief and reinforcement from Panama. At last a vesselarrived with provisions, but no soldiers, in which Pizarro embarked withhis twelve men, to whose courage and constancy the discovery of Peru wasowing. Their names deserve to be handed down to posterity: Nicolas deRibera, Pedro de Candia a native of the Greek island of that name, Juan deTorre, Alfonso Briseno, Christoval de Peraulte, Alfonso de Truxillo, Francisco de Cuellar, and Alfonso de Molina[5]. The pilot of the vessel inwhich they embarked was named Bartholomew Bruyz, a native of Moguer. Underthe guidance of this man, but with infinite difficulty from contrary windsand adverse currents, Pizarro reached a district named _Mostripe_[6], about equally distant from the two places since built by the Christians, named Truxillo and San Miguel. With the very small number of men whoaccompanied him, Pizarro dared not to advance any farther along the coast, and contented himself with going a small way up the river _Puechos_ or dela Chira[7]; where he procured some of the sheep[8] of the country, andsome of the natives on purpose to serve him as interpreters in the sequel. Returning from thence, Pizarro went northwards to the port of Tumbez onthe south-side of the bay of Guayaquil, where he was informed that the kingof Peru had a fine palace, and where the Indians were said to be very rich. This place was one of the most extraordinary in the country, until it wasruined by the inhabitants of the island of Puna, as will be relatedhereafter. At this place, three of his men deserted, who were afterwardsput to death by the Indians. 

After these discoveries, Pizarro returned to Panama, having spent threeyears in this voyage, counting from his first leaving Panama, in whichtime he was exposed to many dangers fatigues and privations, by theopposition and hostilities of the Indians, and through famine, and morethan all distressed by the discontents and mutinies of his people, most ofwhom lost all hope of success, or of deriving any advantage from theexpedition. Pizarro soothed their fears and encouraged their perseveranceby every means in his power, providing for their necessities with muchprudent care, and bearing up against every difficulty with astonishingfirmness and perseverance: leaving to Almagro to provide men arms andhorses, and necessaries of all kinds for the enterprize. These twoofficers, from being the richest of the settlers in Panama at thecommencement of their enterprize, were now entirely ruined and overwhelmedin debt; yet did they not despair of ultimate success, and resolved toprosecute the discovery of which a very promising commencement had nowbeen made[9]. 

In concert with his associates Almagro and Luque, Pizarro went to Spain, to lay an account before the king of the discovery which he had made, andto solicit the appointment of governor of that country, of which heproposed to prosecute the discovery, and to reduce it under the dominionof the crown of Spain. His majesty granted his demand, under thoseconditions which used to be stipulated with other officers who engaged insimilar enterprizes. With this authority, he returned to Panama, accompanied by Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo Pizarro, and Francisco Martinde Alcantara, his brothers. Ferdinand and Juan Pizarro were his brothersboth by father and mother, and the only lawful sons of Gonzalo Pizarro, aninhabitant of Truxillo in Old Spain, a captain in the infantry regiment ofNavarre: Don Francisco Pizarro himself and Gonzalo Pizarro were naturalsons of the elder Gonzalo Pizarro by different mothers: Francisco deAlcantara was likewise the brother of Don Francisco Pizarro, by his motheronly, but by a different father[10]. Besides these, Pizarro brought asmany men from Spain to assist in his enterprize as he could procure, beingmostly inhabitants of Truxillo and other places in Estremadura[11]. 

On his arrival at Panama in 1530, Pizarro and his associates used everyeffort to complete the preparations for the enterprize; but at first adispute arose between him and Almagro. The latter complained that Pizarrohad only attended to his own interests when at the court of Spain, havingprocured the appointments of governor and president of Peru for himself, without making any mention of Almagro, or at least without having procuredany office for him, who had borne the far greater proportion of theexpences hitherto incurred. Pizarro alleged that the king had refused togive any office to Almagro, though solicited by him for that purpose: Butengaged his word to renounce the office of president in his behalf, and tosupplicate the king to bestow that appointment upon him. Almagro wasappeased by this concession; and they proceeded to make every preparationin concert that might be conducive to the success of the undertaking. But, before entering upon the narrative of their actions, it seems proper togive some account of the situation of Peru, of the most remarkable thingswhich it contains, and of the manners and customs of the inhabitants. 

The country of Peru, of which this history is intended to treat, commencesat the equator, and extends south towards the antarctic pole[12]. Thepeople who inhabit in the neighbourhood of the equator have swarthycomplexions; their language is extremely guttural; and they are addictedto unnatural vices, for which reason they care little for their women anduse them ill[13], The women wear their hair very short, and their wholeclothing consists of a short petticoat, covering only from the waist toabout the knees. By the women only is the grain cultivated, and by them itis bruised or ground to meal, and baked. This grain, called maize in theWest-Indian Islands, is called _Zara_ in the language of Peru[14]. The menwear a kind of shirts or jackets without sleeves, which only reach to thenavel, and do not cover the parts of shame. They wear their hair short, having a kind of tonsure on their crowns, almost like monks. They have noother dress or covering, yet pride themselves on certain ornaments of goldhanging from their ears and nostrils, and are particularly fond ofpendants made of emeralds, which are chiefly found in those parts of thecountry bordering on the equator. The natives have always concealed theplaces where these precious stones are procured, but the Spaniards havebeen in use to find some emeralds in that part of the country, mixed amongpebbles and gravel, on which account it is supposed that the nativesprocured them from thence. The men also are fond of wearing a kind ofbracelets, or strings of beads, of gold and silver, mixed with smallturquoise stones and white shells, or of various colours; and the womenare not permitted to wear any of those ornaments. 

The country is exceedingly hot and unwholesome, and the inhabitants areparticularly subject to certain malignant warts or carbuncles of adangerous nature on the face and other parts of the body, having very deeproots, which are more dangerous than the small-pox, and almost equallydestructive as the carbuncles of the plague. The natives have many temples, of which the doors always front the east, and are closed only by cottoncurtains. In each temple there are two idols or figures in reliefresembling black goats, before which they continually burn certainsweet-smelling woods. From this wood a certain liquor exudes, when thebark is stripped off, which has a strong and disagreeable flavour, bymeans of which dead bodies are preserved free from corruption. In theirtemples, they have also representations of large serpents, to which theygive adoration; besides which every nation, district, tribe or house, hadits particular god or idol. In some temples, particularly in those ofcertain villages which were called _Pafao_, the walls and pillars werehung round with dried bodies of men women and children, _in the form ofcrosses_, which were all so thoroughly embalmed by means of the liquoralready mentioned, that they were entirely devoid of bad smell. In theseplaces also they had many human heads hung up; which by means of certaindrugs with which they were anointed, were so much shrunk or dried up as tobe no bigger than a mans fist[15]. 

This country is extremely dry, as it very seldom has any rain, and itsrivulets are few and scanty; so that the people are reduced to thenecessity of digging pit-wells, or of procuring water from certain poolsor reservoirs. Their houses are built of large canes or reeds. Itpossesses gold, but of a very low quantity; and has very few fruits. Theinhabitants use small canoes hollowed out of the trunks of trees, and asort of rafts which are very flat. The whole coast abounds in fish, andwhales are sometimes seen in these seas. On the doors of the temples inthat district which is called _Caraque_, the figures of men are sometimesseen, which have dresses somewhat resembling those of our deacons. 

Near the last mentioned province, at Cape St Helena in the province ofGuayaquil, there are certain springs or mineral veins which give out aspecies of bitumen resembling pitch or tar, and which is applied to thesame purposes. The Indians of that country pretend that in ancient timesit was inhabited by giants, who were four times the height of ordinarymen[16]. The Spaniards saw two representations of these giants at _Puertoviejo_, one of a man and the other of a woman, and the inhabitants relateda traditionary tale of the descent of a young man from heaven, whosecountenance and body shone like the sun, who fought against the giants anddestroyed them with flames of fire. In the year 1543, Captain Juan deHolmos, lieutenant-governor of Puerto viejo, caused a certain valley to becarefully examined, in which these giants were were said to have beendestroyed, and in which ribs and other bones of prodigious size were dugup, which fully confirmed the traditions of the Indians[17]. The nativesof this country have no knowledge whatever of writing, nor had they evenany use of that method of painting employed by the Mexicans for preservingthe memory of ancient events, which were handed down from father to sonmerely by traditionary stories. In some places indeed they used anextraordinary means for preserving the remembrance of important events, bycertain cords or strings of cotton called _Quippos_, on which theyrepresented _numbers_ by knots of different kinds, and at regulatedintervals, from _units_ up to _dozens_, and so forth; the cords being ofthe same colours with those things which they were intended to represent. In every province, there are persons who are entrusted with the care ofthese _quippos_, who are named _Quippo camayos_, who register publicmatters by means of these coloured strings and knots artificially disposed;and it is wonderful with what readiness these men understand and explainto others events that have happened several ages ago. There are publicbuildings throughout the country which are used as magazines of thesequippos. 

To the south of the equator, and near the coast, is the island of Puna[18], about twelve leagues in circumference, containing abundance of game, andhaving great quantities of fish on its shores. It has plenty of freshwater, and was formerly very populous, its inhabitants being almostcontinually engaged in war, especially with the people of Tumbez, which istwelve leagues distant to the south. These people wore shirts, above whichthey had a kind of woollen garments. They went to sea in a peculiar kindof flats or rafts, made of long planks of a light wood fixed to two othercross planks below them to hold them together. The upper planks are alwaysan uneven number, usually five, but sometimes seven or nine; that in themiddle, on which the conductor of the float sits and rows, being longerthan the others, which are shorter and shorter toward the sides, and theyare covered by a species of awning to keep those who sit upon them fromthe weather. Some of these floats are large enough to carry fifty men andthree horses, and are navigated both by oars and sails, in the use ofwhich the Indians are very expert. Sometimes, when the Spaniards havetrusted themselves on these floats, the Indian rowers have contrived toloosen the planks, leaving the christians to perish, and saving themselvesby swimming. The Indians of that island were armed with bows and slings, and with maces and axes of silver and copper. They had likewise spears orlances, having heads made of gold very much alloyed; and both men andwomen wore rings and other ornaments of gold, and their most ordinaryutensils were made of gold and silver. The lord of this island was muchfeared and respected by his subjects, and so extremely jealous of hiswomen, that those who had the care of them were not only eunuchs, but hadtheir noses cut off. In a small island near Puna, there was found in ahouse the representation of a garden, having the figures of various treesand plants artificially made of gold and silver. 

Opposite to the island of Puna on the main land, there dwelt a nation ortribe which had given so much offence to the king of Peru, that they wereobliged as a punishment to extirpate all their upper teeth; in consequenceof which, even now, the people of that district have no teeth in theirupper jaws. From Tumbez for five hundred leagues to the south along thecoast of the south sea, and for ten leagues in breadth, more or lessaccording to the distance between the sea and the mountains, it neverrains or thunders. But on the mountains which bound that maritime plain, there are both rain and thunder, and the climate has the vicissitudes ofsummer and winter nearly as in Spain. While it is winter in the mountain, it is summer all along the coast; and on the contrary, during the summeron the mountain the coast has what may be termed winter. The length ofPeru, from the city of _St Juan de Parto_ to the province of Chili latelydiscovered, is above 1800[19] leagues of Castille. Along the whole of thatlength, a vast chain of exceedingly high and desert mountains extends fromnorth to south, in some places fifteen or twenty leagues distant from thesea, and less in others. The whole country is thus divided into twoportions, all the space between the mountains and the sea beingdenominated _the plain_, and all beyond is called the mountain. 

The whole plain of Peru is sandy and extremely arid, as it never has anyrain, and there are no springs or wells, nor any rivulets, except in fouror five places near the sea, where the water is brackish. The only waterused by the inhabitants is from torrents which come down from the mountain, and which are there formed by rain and the melting of snow, as there areeven very few springs in the mountainous part of the country. In someplaces, these torrents or mountain-streams are twelve fifteen or twentyleagues distance from each other, but generally only seven or eightleagues; and travellers for the most part are under the necessity ofregulating their days journies by these streams or rivers, that they mayhave water for themselves and cattle. Along these rivers, for the breadthof a league, more or less according to the nature of the soil, there aresome groves and fruit-trees, and maize fields cultivated by the Indians, to which wheat has been added since the establishment of the Spaniards. For the purpose of irrigating or watering these cultivated fields, smallcanals are dug from the rivers, to conduct the water wherever it isnecessary and where that can be done; and in the construction of these thenatives are exceedingly ingenious and careful, having often to draw thesecanals seven or eight leagues by various circuits to avoid intermediatehollows, although perhaps the whole breadth of the vale may not exceedhalf a league. In all these smaller vales along the streams and torrents, from the mountain to the sea, the country is exceedingly fertile andagreeable. Several of these torrents are so large and deep, such as thoseof Santa, Baranca, and others, that without the assistance of the Indians, who break and diminish for a short time the force of the current, by meansof piles and branches forming a temporary wear or dike, the Spaniardswould be unable to pass. In these hazardous passages, it was necessary toget over with all possible expedition, to avoid the violence of the stream, which often rolled down very large stones. Travellers in the plain of Peru, when going north or south, almost always keep within sight of the sea, where the torrents are less violent, owing to the greater flatness of theplain as it recedes from the mountain. Yet in winter the passage of thesetorrents is extremely dangerous, as they cannot be then forded, and mustbe crossed in barks or floats like those formerly mentioned, or on a kindof rafts made of gourds inclosed in a net, on which the passenger reclines, while one Indian swims before pulling the raft after him with a rope, andanother Indian swims behind and pushes the raft before him. 

On the borders of these rivers there are various kinds of fruit-trees, cotton-trees, willows, and many kinds of canes, reeds, and sedges. Thewatered land is extremely fertile, and is kept under continual cultivation;wheat and maize being sown and reaped all the year through. The Indians inthe plain seldom have any houses, or at best a kind of rude huts or cabinsmade of branches of trees, often dwelling under the shade of trees, without any habitation whatever. The women are habited in long dresses ofcotton which descend to their feet; while the men wear breeches and vestswhich come down to their knees, and have a kind of cloak or mantle thrownover their shoulders. They are all dressed in a similar manner, having nodistinctions except in their head-dresses, according to rank or thedifferent districts of the country; some wearing a tuft of wool, others asingle cord, and others several cords of different colours. All theIndians of the plain are distributed into three orders; the first named_Yungas_, the second _Tallanes_, and the third _Mochicas_. Every provincehas its own peculiar language or dialect, different from all the rest. Butall the caciques or principal people and nobles of the country, besidesthe language peculiar to their respective countries or districts, wereobliged to understand and speak the language of Cuzco. One of the Peruviankings, named Huana Capac, the father of Atahualpa or Atabalipa, was muchdispleased that the caciques and principal people of his empire should beunder the necessity of employing interpreters when they had occasion tospeak to him; and gave orders that all the caciques and their relativesshould send their children to reside at court, to be instructed in thelanguage of Cuzco which was spoken by the Incas. This was the ostensiblereason of the measure; but in reality he wished to have these children inhis power, to serve as hostages for the loyalty of their parents. By thismeans, all the nobles of the land came to understand the peculiar languageof Cuzco which was spoken at court; just as in Flanders all the nobles andpersons of any rank speak French. Owing to this circumstance, as theSpaniards have learnt the language of the Incas, or of Cuzco, they areable to converse with all the principal natives of Peru, both those of themountain and of the plain. 

It may appear difficult to some of my readers to comprehend why no rainshould fall in the plain of Peru, considering that the country is boundedalong the whole of one side by the sea, where many vapours are constantlyascending, and on the other side by a vast range of mountain which isalways enveloped in rain or snow. Those who have carefully considered thissingular phenomenon, allege that it is occasioned by the continualprevalence of a strong south-west wind all along the coast and over thewhole plain of Peru, which carries off all the vapours which rise from thesea and the land, without allowing them to rise sufficiently high in theair to gather and fall down again in rain. From the tops of the highmountains, these vapours are often seen far beneath on the plain in thickclouds, while all is quite clear and serene on the mountain. By theperpetual blowing of the same wind, the waters of the South-sea have aconstant current along the coast to the northward. Others allege adifferent reason for this current; saying, that the water of theSouth-sea having only a narrow outlet at the straits of Magellan, whichare only two leagues broad, and being there opposed by the Atlantic Ocean, they are forced to return to the northward along the coast of Chili andPeru. This constant wind and current render the navigation exceedinglydifficult, from Panama to Peru for the greater part of the year; so thatvessels are obliged always to tack to windward against wind and current. 

The whole coast of Peru abounds in fish of various kinds, among which aregreat quantities of sea-calves or seals, of several species. Beyond theriver of Tumbez there are no caymans or alligators, which is supposed tobe owing to the too great coolness of the sea and rivers, as these animalsdelight in heat; but it is more probable that their absence from therivers of Peru is occasioned by their great rapidity, as they usuallyfrequent rivers that are very still. In the whole extent of the plainthere are only five cities inhabited by the Christians[20]. The first ofthese, Puerto Viejo, about one degree south of the line, has very fewinhabitants, as it stands in a poor and unwholesome country, in which theprincipal production of value is a few emeralds. Fifty leagues to thesouthward, and about fifteen leagues from the coast, is the city of SanMiguel, named _Piuru_ by the Indians, in a pleasant and fruitful country, but which has no mines of gold or silver. Most people who have occasion togo there are liable to be afflicted with diseases of the eyes. Sixtyleagues farther along the coast, is the city of Truxillo, two leagues fromthe sea, in the valley of Chimo, having a dangerous harbour of difficultapproach. This city stands on the banks of a river in a fine plain, whichis fertile in wheat and maize, and breeds great abundance of cattle, having plenty of excellent water. Truxillo is very regularly built, and isinhabited by about three hundred Spanish families. About eighty leaguesfrom Truxillo to the south, and in the valley of _Rimac_, stands the cityof _Los Reys_, or Lima, because it was founded at Epiphany, vulgarlycalled the day of the kings. This city is about two leagues from theharbour of _Callao_, an excellent and secure harbour, and is situated on alarge river in a fine plain, abounding in grain, and in all kinds of fruitand cattle. All the streets are perfectly straight, and all of them leadtowards the country, which may be seen from all parts of the city. This isa most agreeable residence, as the air is always temperate, being nevereither too hot or too cold at any season of the year. During the fourmonths which constitute the summer in Spain, the air here is somewhatcooler than for the rest of the year; and every day from sun-rise to noonthere falls a light dew, somewhat like the mists at Valladolid in OldSpain. Far from being injurious to health, this slight moisture isreckoned an infallible cure for headaches. This part of the countryproduces the same kinds of fruit as are found in Spain, particularlyoranges, citrons, and lemons of all kinds, both sweet and sour, with figsand pomegranates. It might assuredly have produced grapes in greatabundance, if the discords which have prevailed in this country hadallowed the colonists to plant and cultivate the vine; as it already hasseveral thriving vine plants which have grown from the pips of driedraisins. The neighbouring country produces all kinds of pot herbs andgarden vegetables usually cultivated in Spain, in great perfection andabundance. Indeed every thing conspires to assist cultivation at thisplace, as every plantation has a canal from the river sufficiently largefor a mill-stream; and on the main river, the Spaniards have severalcorn-mills. This city is universally reckoned the most salubrious and mostagreeable residence in all Peru; and its harbour is so convenient fortrade, that people come here from all parts of Peru to provide themselveswith necessaries of all kinds, bringing with them the gold and silverwhich is so abundantly procured from the mines of the other provinces. Forthese reasons, and because it is nearly central to Peru, it has beenchosen by his majesty for the residence of the royal court of audience, towhich the inhabitants of all Peru have to carry their law-suits, by whichmeans it is to be presumed that this place will in time become moreconsiderable and very populous. Lima at present, 1550, contains fivehundred houses; yet is larger than any city in Spain of fifteen hundredhouses, as the square in the centre of the town is very large, and all thestreets very wide, and because each house has a plot of eighty feet infront by twice that in depth. The houses likewise are all of one storey, as the country has no wood fit for joists or flooring-deals, every kindwhich it produces becoming worm-eaten in three years. The houses, however, are large and magnificent, and have many chambers and very convenientapartments. The walls are built on both sides of brick, leaving a hollowbetween of five feet, which is filled up with hard-rammed earth; in whichmanner the apartments are carried up to a convenient height, and thewindows towards the street are raised considerably above the ground. Thestairs leading up are towards the interior court, and in the open air, leading to galleries or corridors, which serve as passages to the severalapartments. The roofs are formed of some rough timbers, not even hewnsquare, which are covered underneath by coloured matts like those ofAlmeria, or painted canvas, serving as ceilings, to conceal these clumsyjoists: and the whole is covered over by way of roofing with branches oftrees with their leaves, which keep the rooms cool and effectually excludethe rays of the sun. In this climate there is no call for any defence fromrain, which never falls in the plain of Peru. 

One hundred and thirty leagues still farther south, is the city ofVillahermosa de Arequipa, containing about three hundred houses, in a veryhealthy situation, abounding in provisions. Though at twelve leaguesdistance from the sea, this place is very conveniently situated for trade, as vessels can easily import thither by the river Quilca all sorts ofEuropean commodities for the supply of the city of Cuzco and the provinceof Charcas, which are much frequented on account of the mines of Potosiand Porco; and from whence large quantities of silver are carried toArequipa, to be transported by sea to Lima and Panama, which saves a vastexpence and risk of land-carriage; now become more difficult since hismajesty has forbidden those heavy burdens upon the Indians by which theywere formerly oppressed. From this city we travel four hundred leagues byland along the coast of the South Sea to the province of Chili, which wasdiscovered and in part colonized by the governor Pedro de Valdibia, orBaldivia. In the language of the Indians the word _Chili_ signifies cold;and it was so named by the Peruvians because of the terribly coldmountains which were necessary to be passed on the way thither from Peru, as will be particularly mentioned when we come to detail the perilousenterprize undertaken by Don Diego de Almagro when he marched to discoverthat distant country. Such is a rapid view of that portion of Peru whichis called _the plain_; to which must be added that the sea along itsentire coast is always smooth and tranquil, from which it has been calledthe _Pacific Ocean_, being never vexed with storms, or disturbed by highand low tides; so that vessels can everywhere ride in perfect security atsingle anchor. 

Those Indians who inhabit the mountainous regions of Peru are entirelydifferent from the inhabitants of the plain, whom they vastly exceed instrength, courage, and mental abilities. They live in a much less savagemanner, having houses covered with earth, and being clothed in shirts andmantles made from the wool of their sheep[21]; but their only head-dressconsists in a species of bands or fillets. The women wear a species ofvestments like shifts without sleeves, and gird their waists with severalturns of a woollen girdle, which give them a neat and handsome shape;covering their shoulders with a mantle or plaid of woollen cloth like alarge napkin, which they fix round the neck with a large skewer or pin ofsilver or gold called _topos_ in their language, with large broad heads, the edges of which are sharpened so as to serve in some measure thepurposes of a knife. These women give great assistance to their husbandsin all the labours belonging to husbandry and household affairs, or ratherthese things fall entirely to their lot. Their complexions are much fairer, and their countenances, manners, and whole appearance, are greatlysuperior in all respects to the natives of the plain. Their countrieslikewise differ entirely; as instead of the sterile sands which areeverywhere interspersed over the plain, the mountain is covered throughits whole extent with verdure, and is everywhere furnished with rivuletsand springs of fine water, which unite to form the torrents and riverswhich descend so impetuously into the plain country. The fields areeverywhere full of flowers and plants of infinite varieties, among whichare many species like the plants which grow in Spain; such as cresses, lettuce, succory, sorrel, vervain, and others; and vast quantities of wildmulberries, and other fruit-bearing shrubs are found everywhere. There isone particular plant with yellow flowers, having leaves like those ofcelery, of most admirable virtues. If applied to the most putrid sore, itmakes it quite clean and sweet in a short time; but if laid upon a soundplace it soon eats to the very bone. There are many fruit-trees in thiscountry of various kinds, carrying abundant crops of fruit as good asthose of Spain without having the smallest care taken of them. 

There are great numbers of sheep in the mountainous region, part of whichare domesticated by the Indians, but vast numbers of them are wild;likewise abundance of deer and roes, many foxes and other smaller animals. The natives often have public hunts of these animals, which they call_chaco_, in which they take great delight. Four or five thousand natives, more or less according to the population of the district, assembletogether, and enclose two or three leagues of country by forming a circle, in which at first they are at considerable distances from each other, andby gradually contracting their circle, beating the bushes, and singingcertain songs appropriated to the occasion, they drive all the animals ofevery kind before them to an appointed place in the centre. The wholecompany at length join in a small circle, holding each other by the hands, and hallooing loudly, by which the beasts are terrified from endeavouringto break through, and are easily taken in nets or even by the hand. Evenpartridges, hawks, and other birds, are often so astonished by the loudcries of the hunters as to fall down in the circle and allow themselves tobe taken. In these mountains there are lions or _pumas_, black bears, wildcats of several kinds, and many species of apes and monkeys. The principalbirds, both of the plain and the mountain, are eagles, pigeons, turtle-doves, plovers, quails, parroquets, falcons, owls, geese, white andgrey herons, and other water fowl; nightingales and other birds of sweetsong, many kinds of which have very beautiful plumage. There is one kindof bird very remarkable for its astonishing smallness, not being largerthan a grasshopper or large beetle, which however has several very longfeathers in its tail. Along the coast there is a species of very largevulture, the wings of which, when extended, measure fifteen or sixteenpalms from tip to tip. These birds often make prey of large seals, whichthey attack when out of the water: On these occasions, some of the birdsattack the animal behind; others tear out his eyes; and the rest of theflock tear him on all sides with their beaks, till at length they kill him, and tear him to pieces. Upon the coast of the South Sea there are greatnumbers of birds named _alcatraz_, somewhat like our ordinary poultry inshape, but so large that each individual may contain three pecks of grainin its crop. These birds feed mostly on fish which they catch in the sea, yet are fond of carrion, which they go in search of thirty or fortyleagues inland. The flesh of these birds stinks most abominably, insomuchthat some persons who have been driven to the necessity of eating it havedied, as if poisoned. 

It has been already said, that rain, hail, and snow, fall on themountainous region of Peru, where in many places it is intensely cold: Butin many parts of that region there are deep valleys in which the air is sohot, that the inhabitants have to use various contrivances to defendthemselves from the excessive heat. In these vallies there is an herbcalled _coca_, which is held in very high estimation by the natives: Itsleaf resembles that of the _sumach_, and the Indians have learnt fromexperience that, by keeping a leaf of that plant in their mouth they canprevent themselves for a long time from feeling either hunger or thirst. In many parts of the mountain there is no wood, so that travellers inthose parts are obliged to use a species of earth which is found there forthe purpose of fuel, and which burns very much like turf or peats. In themountains there are veins of earth of various colours, and mines both ofgold and silver, in which the natives are exceedingly conversant, and areeven able to melt and purify these metals with less labour and expencethan the Christians. For this purpose they construct furnaces in themountains, placing always the door of the furnace towards the south, asthe wind blows always from that point. The ores are put into thesefurnaces alternately with dried sheeps dung, which serves as fuel, and bymeans of the wind the fire is raised to a sufficient power to melt andpurify the metal. In melting the vast quantities of silver which has beendug from the mines of Potosi, the furnaces constructed with bellows werefound quite inefficient, while these furnaces, named _guayras_ by theIndians, which signifies wind-furnaces, answered the purpose effectually. 

The soil is everywhere extremely fertile, and gives abundant returns ofall the kinds of grain which are there sown; insomuch that from one bushelof seed for the most part at hundred bushels are reaped, sometimes anhundred and fifty, and even as high as two hundred. The natives employ noploughs, but labour the earth with a kind of hoes; and set their seed intothe ground in holes made with a dibble, or pointed stick, just as beansare sown in Spain. All kinds of pot and garden herbs grow so luxuriantlythat radishes have been seen at Truxillo as thick as a mans body, yetneither hard nor stringy. Lettuces, cabbages, and all other vegetablesgrow with similar luxuriance: But the seeds of these must all be broughtfrom Spain; as when raised in the country the produce is by no means solarge and fine. The principal food of the Indians is maize, either roastedor boiled, which serves them for bread, and venison of various kinds, which they salt up for use. They likewise use dried fish, and severalkinds of roots, one of which named _yuca_ resembles skirret; likewiselupines and many other leguminous vegetables. Instead of wine, they make afermented liquor from maize, which they bury in the earth along with waterin tubs or large jars, where it ferments. In this process, besides themaize in its natural state, a certain quantity of maize which has beensteeped in a particular manner is used as a ferment; and there are men andwomen who are versant in the manner of steeping maize, and are hired forthis purpose. When this kind of drink is made by means of stagnant water, it is reckoned stronger and better than when running water is used. In theWest Indian islands this drink is called _chica_, but the Peruvian name is_azua_. It is either white or red, according to the kind of maize used forits preparation, and inebriates even more readily than Spanish wine; yetthe Indians prefer the latter when it can be procured. They make anotherkind of liquor from the fruit of certain trees, which they call _molles_;but it is by no means so well liked as _azua_ from maize. 

The first city of the Christians in the mountain of Peru is _Quito_, whichis about four degrees to the south of the equator[22]. This city issituated in an agreeable and fertile district; and particularly since 1544and 1545, when rich mines of gold were discovered in its neighbourhood, ithas become populous, and continued to increase fast in the number of itsinhabitants; till in the destructive civil wars its people were almostentirely cut off by Gonzalo Pizarro and his adherents, as they favouredthe party of the viceroy Blasco Nugnez Vela, who made this place hisordinary residence. The Spaniards had no other establishment in themountain till the discovery of the province of _Bracamoras_[23], by thecaptains, Juan Porcel and Vergara, who established some small colonies inthese parts, on purpose to continue the discovery and conquest of theinterior country; but these establishments have been since entirely ruined, as Gonzalo Pizarro recalled these two captains and their men to assist himin his war. This discovery was made under the orders of the licentiateVaca de Castro, who was then governor of Peru. The Captain Porcel was sentby him from S. Miguel de Piura, and Vergara into the province of_Chachapoyas_ farther to the south; but they unexpectedly met each otherin the course of their exploration of the country, and quarrelled aboutthe boundaries of their discoveries, in consequence of which they wererecalled by Vaco de Castro, and were at Lima at the commencement of thecivil war in the service of the viceroy; and when he was made prisonerthey entered into the party of Gonzalo Pizarro. The place which theydiscovered, called Bracamoras, is a hundred and sixty leagues from Quitoby way of the mountain; and eighty leagues farther south they discovered aprovince named Chacaapoyas, where there is a small Christian town named_Levanto_[24]. This province abounds in provisions, and has mines of somevalue. Its situation is peculiarly strong against an enemy, as it issurrounded on all sides by a deep valley, in which runs a considerableriver; so that by breaking down the bridges, it may be made very difficultof access. The Maestre de Campo Alfonzo de Alvarado, who held the commandof this province, established a colony of Christians at this place. 

Sixty leagues farther to the south, in the district of _Guanuco_, Vaco deCastro established a colony which he ordered to be called _Leon_, as hecame from the city of that name in Spain. The country of Guanuco isfertile and abounds in provisions; and valuable mines are believed toexist on that side which is occupied by a warlike and powerful inca in aprovince of the Andes, as shall be mentioned hereafter[25]. There is noother place in the mountains farther south which has been as yet settledby the Christians, till we come to the province of _Guamanga_, in which isa small town named San Juan de la Vittoria[26], which is sixty leaguesfrom Leon. In San Juan there are very few Spaniards, but their number isexpected to increase, if the neighbouring inca can be induced to submit topeace; as he at present occupies the best lands belonging to that city, inwhich there are many mines, and which produces the herb called _coca_ ingreat abundance, formerly mentioned as of great value. The town ofGuamanga is about eighty leagues from the city of Cuzco; the road betweenbeing exceedingly difficult, as it goes over high and precipitousmountains, and through very dangerous passes. 

Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the kings of Peru resided in the cityof Cuzco, whence they governed the whole of this great country of which Ihave endeavoured to give some account, and which will be more particularlytreated of in the sequel of this history. This city served as the commoncentre for all the chiefs or caciques of this vast kingdom, to which theyresorted from all quarters, to pay their tributes to the king, and toobtain justice in case of disputes among each other. At that time Cuzcowas the only place in all Peru that had the least resemblance to a city. It had even a strong fortress, built of such enormous dressed stones, thatit was very wonderful to conceive in what manner the Indians had been ableto transport such vast masses of stone without the aid of any animals ofdraught. In fact some of these are so large that they would have requiredten yokes of oxen to have dragged them along on a fit carriage. The houseswhich are now inhabited by the Spaniards are the same which were formerlyoccupied by the Indians; some of which houses have been merely repairedand others enlarged by their present possessors. This city was formerlydivided into four quarters, corresponding to the four cardinal points; andby orders of the _Incas_, or sovereigns of Peru, all those natives whocame to the capital were obliged to lodge in the particular quarter whichwas towards the direction of the province from whence they came, undersevere penalties. The south quarter of the city was named _Colla-sugo_, from the province of _Collao_ which lay to the south. The northern quarterwas named _Chinca-sugo_, from the large and renowned province of_Chinca_[27] in that direction. The eastern and western quarters wererespectively named _Ande-sugo_ and _Conde-sugo_. The country about Cuzcois extremely fertile, and abounds in all kinds of provisions, and theclimate is so healthy that the inhabitants are seldom if ever sick. Around the city there are many rich mines, whence all the gold which hasbeen hitherto sent into Spain was procured. These indeed have been nearlyabandoned since the discovery of the rich silver mines of Potosi; bothbecause much greater profit may be made from these other mines of silver, and because the working of these are far less dangerous both to theIndians and Spaniards who are there employed. 

From the city of Cuzco to that of La Plata in the province of Charcas, thedistance is more than a hundred and fifty leagues, between which twoplaces there is a large flat province named _Collao_, above fifty leagueslong; the principal part of which, named _Chiquito_, belongs to hismajesty. Seeing so large an extent of country unoccupied by the Spaniards, the licentiate De la Gasca sent some people there in 1545 to commence anestablishment. The city of La Plata is situated in the coldest part of allthe mountainous region of Peru, and has very few inhabitants, but theseare extremely rich, and spend the greatest part of the year in the minesof _Porco_, and in those of _Potosi_ since their discovery. Towards theleft hand or the east from La Plata, a new province was explored by Diegode Rojas and Philip Gutierez, by the order of Vaca de Castro, which wasnamed _Rojas_[28] from one of these captains. It is said to be fertile andabounding in provisions, but they have not found so much riches there aswas expected. Captain Domingo de Ytala and his companions came by that wayinto Peru in 1549, having remounted the Rio Plata from the Atlantic Ocean. 

Such is the state and situation of all that has been hitherto discoveredof this vast country of Peru, which is chiefly known along the coast ofthe South Sea, and has not been much explored in its inland parts, onaccount of the vast quantity of lofty and rude mountains, by which it iseverywhere pervaded, and which are extremely difficult to pass; because oftheir height and precipitous nature, the excessive cold which prevailsamong them, and the scarcity of food. Yet the industry and courage of theSpaniards would have overcome all these obstacles, if there were any hopeof finding a rich country beyond. 

As the Peruvians were ignorant of writing they knew nothing respecting thehistory of the creation and deluge or of their own origin. They hadhowever some tradition among them, which had been altered from age to ageaccording to the fancies of the reciters. They said that there cameanciently from the north, a man who had no bones or joints, and who wasable to shorten or lengthen the way before him as he thought fit, and toelevate or depress the mountains at his pleasure. By this man the ancientIndians were created; and as those of the plain had given him some causeof displeasure, he rendered their country sterile and sandy as it now is, and commanded that it should never rain in that district; yet sent themthe rivers and torrents which run through it, that they might havewherewithal to quench their thirst. This person, named _Con_, who theyallege was son of the sun and moon, they esteemed and adored as a god, pretending that he had given the herbs and wild fruits as food for thepeople whom he had created. After him came another man from the south, named _Pachacamac_, or the creator, who was likewise the son of the sunand moon, but more powerful than _Con_, who disappeared on his arrival, leaving the men whom he had created without chiefs or laws, and Pachacamactransformed them all into various animals, as birds, cats, bears, lions, and the like, giving origin in this manner to all the beasts and birdswhich are now found in the country. After this Pachacamac created thepresent race of Indians, teaching them the art of labouring the ground forthe cultivation of plants of various kinds for food. Pachacamac isconsidered as a god, and all the principal persons among the Peruvians aredesirous of being buried in the province named from him Pachacamac, as heresided there, which is about four leagues from the city of Lima[29]. They pretended that their god Pachacamac continued several ages among them, even to the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, since when he hasdisappeared. Hence we may presume that he was some demon by whom they weremiserably abused and misled, and who filled their minds with so manyextravagant absurd fables. 

The Indians believe likewise, that even before Con and Pachacamac, therewas a great deluge, during which mankind saved themselves in great cavesin the high mountains, into which they carried a store of food, shuttingup the entries, and carefully filling up all the crevices, to keep out thewater. After a long while, they sent out some dogs, who returned to themall wet but not dirtied with mud, from which circumstance they concludedthat the waters still remained very high, and they did not venture toleave their caverns till the dogs came back a second time all covered withmud. They allege that great numbers of serpents were engendered by themoisture left in the earth by this deluge, by which their ancestors weremuch distressed for a long time, till they at length succeeded toextirpate them. From this tradition they appear to have retained someconfused notion of the deluge, although they were ignorant of the way inwhich Noah and seven other persons were saved in the ark to repeople thewhole earth. Perhaps their tradition may refer to some partial deluge, like that of Deucalion. 

The have a notion that the world is to come to an end; before which thereis to be a great drought, when no rain is to fall for several years. Onthis account, in former times, the caciques used to lay up large magazinesof maize to serve them during the long drought. Even yet, the more timidamong the Peruvians make a great lamentation when the sun or moon areeclipsed, believing the end of the world to be at hand; as they allegethat these luminaries are to be extinguished at the destruction of theworld. 

The Peruvians worship the Sun and Moon as deities, and swear by theseluminaries and by the earth, which they consider as their mother. In theirtemples they adore certain stones, as representatives of the sun, whichthey name _guacas_, a word signifying to weep, which they do on enteringinto their temples. No person is permitted to approach these guacas exceptthe priests who sacrifice to these idols, who are all clothed in white. When they go up to their idols, they carry certain white cloths in theirhands, prostrating themselves and crawling on the earth, and addressingtheir idols in a language which is not understood by any of the natives. By these priests all the offerings for the idols are received and buriedin the temples, as the Indian votaries make gifts of figures in gold orsilver of those things for which they address their prayers to the guaca. These priests likewise offer sacrifices of animals and even of men totheir gods, searching the hearts and intrails of the victims for certainsigns which they wish to find, and repeating their abominable sacrificesuntil they meet with those signs which they desire; pretending that theidols are not satisfied by the sacrifices till these appear. During allthe time that the priests are engaged in sacrificing, they never appear inpublic, neither have they any intercourse with women, and employthemselves all night in loud cries, invoking the demons near to the placesin which the guacas are kept, which are extremely numerous, as most houseshave each their own guaca. The priests prepare themselves for havingintercourse with the demons by long fasts, after which they tie up theireyes and some even carry their superstition to such excess as to put outtheir own eyes. The caciques and other great men among the Peruvians neverundertake any affair of importance without having first consulted theidols, or demons rather, by means of the priests. 

In the temples of the sun the Spaniards found several large earthen jarscontaining the dried bodies of children which had been sacrificed. Amongthe figures of gold and silver which were used as ornaments to the guacas, there were several which had a strong resemblance to the mitres andcrosiers of our bishops, and some of these idols were found having mitreson their heads. When Thomas de Verlanga, bishop of Tierra Firma travelledthrough Peru, with his mitre, in which he was seen by the Indianscelebrating the mass, they asked if he was the guaca of the Christians. When asked the reason of these mitres, they could only say that they hadbeen handed down from their ancestors. In every part of Peru there werecertain houses or monasteries, which were inhabited by women who wereconsecrated to the sun. These women never went out, but were perpetuallyemployed in spinning cotton and wool, which they wove into cloth, and thenburned along with the bones of white sheep, throwing the ashes into theair in honour of the sun. These women were consecrated to perpetualcelibacy, and were put to death if found to be with child, unless theycould swear that their child was begotten by the sun. 

Every year, at the season of the maize harvest, the mountaineer Peruvianshad a solemn festival; on which occasion they set up two tall straighttrees like masts, on the top of which was placed the figure of a mansurrounded by other figures and adorned with flowers. The inhabitants wentin procession armed with bows and arrows and regularly marshalled intocompanies, beating their drums and with great outcries and rejoicings, each company in succession discharging their arrows at the dressed upfigure. After which the priests set up an idol at the bottom of the masts, before which they sacrificed a man or a sheep, sprinkling the idol withthe blood of the victim; and having inspected the heart and entrails ofthe sacrifice, they reported the signs they had discovered to the people, who were sad or rejoiced according as these were good or bad. The whole ofthis festival was usually spent in dancing and drinking, and in variousgames and sports, some of which were warlike exercises, with maces, clubs, axes and other arms. 

All the caciques and other principal inhabitants of Peru are repositedafter their death in a kind of vaults, clothed in all their richestdresses, and seated in a kind of chairs which they name _duos_. It wascustomary also to bury along with them one or two of their best belovedwives, and on this occasion the honour was frequently contested among thewives of the deceased, unless when the husband had previously settled whowere to be chosen to accompany him in the tomb. Two or three youths oftheir train, and all their gold and silver-plate used also to be buriedalong with them; all of which was done in the hope of one day rising againfrom the dead, and that they might then appear in proper style, accompanied by their wives and servants. When the Spaniards broke up thesesepulchres on purpose to take possession of their buried treasures, thePeruvians requested of them not to disturb the bones of the dead, thatthey might not be hindered in their resurrection. In the burial ceremony, the relations of the deceased used to pour some of the liquor formerlymentioned, named _Chica_, into the grave, of which a portion was conveyedby some hollow canes into the mouth of the dead person. On the top of thetomb or sepulchre, wooden images were placed, representing the appearanceof the deceased; but on the graves of the lower orders, they satisfiedthemselves by some painted emblems of their profession or employment, moreespecially if they happened to be warriors. 

In all the provinces of Peru there were certain nobles or principalpersons, of whom the chiefs or rulers were named _curacas_, similar inevery respect to the caciques of the islands. As the Spaniards whoconquered Peru had been accustomed to name many things according to thelanguage of Hispaniola and Cuba, and were at first ignorant of thePeruvian language, they continued to employ the terms to which they hadbeen accustomed; and the Peruvians have so far accommodated themselves tothis language, especially in speaking to the Spaniards, that they mostlyuse these terms. Thus they call those chiefs _caciques_, who in their ownlanguage are named _curacas_, their bread corn and drink, which in thePeruvian are _zara_ and _azua_, they denominate _maize_ and _chica_, whichnames were brought from the islands by the Spaniards. These curacas orcaciques were the judges and protectors of their subjects in peace, andtheir leaders in war against the neighbouring tribes. The whole people ofPeru lived in that manner for many years under a multiplicity ofindependent chiefs, having no king or supreme chief; until at length awarlike nation came from the environs of the great lake Titicaca named theIncas in the language of Peru. These men had their heads close shaven, andtheir ears pierced, in which they wore large round pendents of gold, bywhich their ears were dragged down upon their shoulders, in consequence ofwhich they were called _ringrim_, or the large ears. Their chief wascalled _Zapalla Inca_[30], or the only king; though others say that he wasnamed _Inca Vira cocha_, or the king from the scum of the lake, becausethe astonished natives, not knowing the origin of their invaders, believedthat they had started into existence from the scum or mud of the greatlake. This great lake of Titicaca is about eighty leagues in circumference, from which a large river runs to the southwards, which in some places ishalf a league in breadth, and which discharges its waters into a smalllake about forty leagues from the great lake, which has no outlet. Thiscircumstance gives great astonishment to many, who are unable tocomprehend how so vast a body of water should disappear in so small areservoir. As this smaller lake appears to have no bottom, some conceivethat it discharges itself into the sea by some subterranean communication, like the river Alphaeus in Greece. 

These Incas established themselves in the first place at Cuzco, fromwhence they gradually extended their sway over the whole of Peru, whichbecame tributary to them. The empire of the Incas descended in successiveorder, but not by immediate hereditary rules. On the death of a king, hewas succeeded by his immediately younger brother; and on his demise theeldest son of the preceding king was called to the throne; so as always tohave on the throne a prince of full age. The royal ornament worn by thesupreme Inca in place of a crown or diadem, consisted in a fringe ofcoloured worsted from one temple to the other, reaching almost to the eyes. He governed their extensive empire with much grandeur and absolute power;and perhaps there never was a country in the world where the subjects wereso submissive and obedient. They had only to place a single thread drawnfrom their diadem in the hands of one of the _ringrim_ or great ears, bywhich he communicated to this deputy the most absolute delegation of power, which was respected and obeyed over the whole empire. Alone, and withouttroops or attendants, the message or order which he carried was instantlyobeyed, were it even to lay waste a whole province, and to exterminateevery one of its inhabitants; as on the sight of this thread from theroyal fillet, every one offered themselves voluntarily to death, without asingle murmur or the slightest resistance. 

In the before mentioned order of succession, the empire of the Incas fellin process of time to a sovereign named _Huana Capac_[31], which signifiesthe young rich man. This prince made great conquests, and augmented theempire more considerably than had been done by any one of his predecessors, and ruled over the whole more reasonably and with greater justice andequity than had ever been done by the former sovereigns. He establishedeverywhere the most perfect police, and exact rules for cultivating theearth; ruling and governing among a barbarous and ignorant nation with themost surprising order and justice; and the love and obedience of hissubjects was equally wonderful and perfect. They gave him a signal proofof this, worthy of being mentioned, in the construction of two roadsthrough the whole extent of Peru for his more convenient travelling; ofwhich the difficulty labour and expence equal or even surpass all that theancients have written of the seven wonders of the world. Huana Capac, inmarching from Cuzco to conquer the kingdom of Quito, had to march fivehundred leagues by the mountains, where he had everywhere to encounterexcessive difficulties, from bad roads, rocks, precipices and ravines, almost impracticable in many places. After he had successfully executedthis great enterprize, by the conquest and submission of Quito and itsdependencies, his subjects conceived that it was incumbent on them to dohonour to his victorious career, by preparing a commodious road for histriumphant return to Cuzco. They accordingly undertook, and executed byprodigious labour, a broad and easy road through the mountains of fivehundred leagues in length, in the course of which they had often to digaway vast rocks, and to fill up valleys and precipices of thirty to fortyyards in depth. It is said that this road, when first made, was so smoothand level that it would have admitted a coach with the utmost ease throughits whole length; but since that time it has suffered great injuries, especially during the wars between the Spaniards and the Peruvians, havingbeen broken up in many places, on purpose to obstruct the invasion of theenemy. The grandeur and difficulty of this vast undertaking may be readilyconceived, by considering the labour and cost which has been expended inSpain to level only two leagues of a mountain road between Segovia andGuadarrama, and which after all has never been brought to any degree ofperfection, although the usual passage of the king and court on travellingto or from Andalusia or the kingdom of Toledo. Not satisfied with thisfirst astonishing labour, the Peruvians soon afterwards undertook anotherof a similar and no less grand and difficult kind. Huana Capac was fond ofvisiting the kingdom of Quito which he had conquered, and proposed totravel thither from Cuzco by way of the plain, so as to visit the wholeof his extensive dominions. For his accommodation likewise, his subjectsundertook to make a road also in the plain; and for this purpose theyconstructed high mounds of earth across all the small vallies formed bythe various rivers and torrents which descend from the mountain, that theroad might be everywhere smooth and level This road was near forty feetwide, and where it crossed the sandy heights which intervene betwixt theverdant vallies of the torrents, it was marked on each side by stakes, forming palings in straight lines to prevent any one losing the way. Thisroad was five hundred leagues in length like that of the mountain; but thepalings are now wanting in many places, the wood of which they wereconstructed having been used by the Spaniards for fuel during the war; butthe mounds still exist across the vallies, and most of them are yettolerably entire, by which the grandeur of the entire work may be judgedof. In his journeys to and from Quito, Huana Capac used to go by one ofthese roads and return by the other; and during his whole journey hissubjects used to strew the way with branches and flowers of the richestperfume. 

Besides the two great roads already mentioned, Huana Capac ordered to bebuilt on the mountain road a number of large palaces, at the distance of adays journey from each other, having a prodigious number of apartments, sufficient to lodge his own personal suite and all his army. Such werelikewise built along the road in the plain, but not so numerous or so neareach other as on the mountain road, as these palaces of the plain had allto be placed on the sides of the rivers for convenience and theprocurement of provisions and other necessaries; so that they were in someplaces eight or ten leagues distant from each other, and in other placesfifteen or twenty leagues. These buildings were named _tambos_, and theneighbouring Indians were bound to furnish each of these with provisionsand every thing else that might be wanted for the royal armies; insomuchthat in each of these _tambos_, in case of necessity, clothing and armscould be had for twenty or thirty thousand men. Huana Capac was alwaysescorted by a considerable body of soldiers, armed with lances, halberts, maces, and battle axes, made of silver or copper, and some of them even ofgold. 

In their armies, besides these arms, the Peruvians used slings, andjavelins having their points hardened in the fire. On such parts of theirrivers as furnished materials for the purpose, they built wooden bridges;and where timber could not be had, they stretched across the stream twolarge cables made of a plant named _maguey_, forming a kind of net workbetween these of smaller ropes and masts, strong enough to answer thepurpose of a bridge. In this manner they constructed bridges of asurprizing magnitude; some of them being thirty yards broad and fourhundred yards long[32]. In such places as did not admit of theconstruction of bridges, they passed over rivers by means of a cable orthick rope extended from side to side, on which they hung a large basket, which was drawn over by means of a smaller rope. All these bridges werekept in repair by the inhabitants of the districts in which they stood. 

The king of Peru was always carried in a species of litter covered overwith plates of gold, and was attended by more than a thousand of theprincipal native nobles, who relieved each other in carrying the royallitter on their shoulders. All these men were counsellors, principalofficers of the household, or favourites of the prince. The caciques orcuracas of the different provinces were likewise carried in litters on theshoulders of their vassals. The Peruvians were exceedingly submissive totheir sovereigns, insomuch that even the most powerful lord always enteredthe presence barefooted, and carrying some present wrapped up in a cloth, as a mark of homage; and even if one person had occasion to go an hundredtimes in one day to speak to the king, the present had to be repeatedevery time he went. To look the king in the face was considered as acriminal disrespect; and if any one should happen to stumble whilecarrying the royal litter, so as to make it fall, his head was immediatelycut off. At every half league on the public roads throughout the wholeempire, there were Indians in constant attendance to relieve each other incarrying dispatches, which they did swifter than our post horses. When anyprovince or district was subdued, the natives of the place, or at leastall their chiefs and principal people, were immediately removed to otherparts of the empire, and natives from other places which had been longsubjected were sent to occupy the new conquest, by which means thefidelity and submission of the whole were secured. From every province ofthe empire, yearly tributes of the several productions of their respectivecountries were sent to the king; and even some sterile districts abovethree hundred leagues distant from Cuzco, had to send yearly a number oflizards as a mark of their submission, having nothing of any value to send. Huana Capac rebuilt the temple of the sun at Cuzco, and covered over allthe walls and the roof of that structure with plates of gold and silver. During his reign, one Chimocappa, who was curaca or prince of a largedistrict in the plain, above a hundred leagues in length, chose to erectthe standard of rebellion; but Huana Capac marched against him in person, defeated him in battle, and put him to death; after which he commandedthat the Indians of the plain should not be permitted to carry arms. Yethe allowed the son and successor of Chimocappa to remain in the provinceof _Chimo_, in which the city of Truzillo has been since built. 

Peru was astonishingly full of those animals called sheep; as Huana Capacand his predecessors had established laws for their multiplication andpreservation. Every year a certain proportion of these animals belongingto individuals were set apart as a kind of tythe or offering to the sun, and these consecrated animals multiplied greatly, no person being allowedto injure them under pain of sacrilege, except the prince only for his ownuse or that of his army. On such occasions, he gave orders for one ofthese hunts called _chacos_, formerly mentioned, at some of which twentyor thirty thousand sheep have been taken at one time. Gold was in greatrequest among the Peruvians, as the king and all the principal persons ofthe empire used it for the construction of vessels for all uses, asornaments for their persons, and as offerings to their gods. The king hadeverywhere carried along with him a kind of couch or table of gold, ofsixteen carats fine, on which he used to sit, and which was worth 25, 000ducats of standard gold. This was chosen by Don Francisco Pizarro, at thetime of the conquest, in consequence of an agreement, by which he wasauthorized to appropriate some single jewel or valuable article to his ownuse, besides his regular share of the plunder. When the eldest son ofHuana Capac was born, he ordered a prodigious chain or cable of gold to bemade, so large and heavy that two hundred men were hardly able to lift it. In remembrance of this circumstance, the infant was named _Huascar_, whichsignifies a cable or large rope, as the Peruvians have no word in theirlanguage signifying a chain. To this name of Huascar was added the surnameInca, belonging to all their kings, just as Augustus was given to all theRoman emperors. Huana Capac had several large magazines full of gold invarious shapes, such as the figures of men and women, of sheep and animalsof all kinds, and of all the kinds of plants which are found in thecountry, all accurately represented. He had also great quantities ofvestments of various kinds, and many slings, in which the fabric was mixedwith gold threads; and many bars of gold and silver made like billets offire wood. 

Although the main object of this history is to relate the SpanishDiscovery and Conquest of Peru, it seems proper to explain thecircumstances under which they found the affairs of that empire at theirarrival; by which we shall have occasion to admire the wisdom ofProvidence, in permitting that enterprize to take place at a time whenthat vast country was divided into two hostile parties, which greatlyfacilitated the conquest. After Huana Capac had reduced many provinces tosubmission, to the extent of five hundred leagues from Cuzco, he undertookin person to make the conquest of the kingdom of Quito, which bounded withhis empire in the north-west. Having successfully accomplished that greatenterprise, finding the country exceedingly pleasant, he continued toreside there for a long while, leaving at Cuzco several of his children, both sons and daughters, among whom were his eldest son Huascar Inca, Manco Inca, Paul Inca, and several others. While at Quito, he took to wifethe daughter of the former lord of that country, by whom he had a sonnamed Atahualpa or Atabalipa, of whom he was very fond, and whom he leftto be educated in Quito when he returned to Cuzco. After residing for someyears in Cuzco, he made a journey back to Quito, partly because hedelighted in that country which he had subdued, and partly from affectionfor his son Atahualpa, whom he loved more than all the rest of hischildren. He continued to reside in Quito all the rest of his life; and athis death, he bequeathed the kingdom of Quito to Atahualpa[33], which hadbelonged to his maternal ancestors. On his death, Atahualpa secured theaffection of the army, and got possession of all the treasure which hisfather had in Quito, but the far greater proportion of the treasureremained in Cuzco, as too heavy for transportation, and accordingly fellto Huascar, the eldest son. 

Atahualpa sent ambassadors to his eldest brother Huascar, informing him ofthe death of their father, and assuring him of his loyalty and obedience;yet requesting that he might be permitted to retain the command of thekingdom of Quito, the conquest of his father; which he alleged was beyondthe limits of the Peruvian empire, and ought not therefore to follow theordinary rules of primogeniture, more especially as Atahualpa was thelegitimate heir of that country in right of his mother and grandfather. Huascar sent back for answer, that if Atahualpa would come to Cuzco andgive up the army, he should receive lands and possessions sufficient toenable him to live according to his rank; but that he would on no accountgive up Quito, a frontier province of the empire, where of course he mustkeep up a body of troops for the defence of the whole. Huascar added, thatif Atahualpa refused submission to these conditions, he would march inperson against him as a declared enemy. On receiving this message, Atahualpa consulted two of his fathers principal officers, Quiz-quiz andCilicuchima, brave and experienced warriors, who advised him not to waitthe invasion of his brother, but to take the field without delay and marchagainst him; as the army which was under his orders was sufficient toenable him to acquire the whole provinces of the empire, and wouldincrease on the march by means of the provinces which intervened betweenQuito and Cusco. Atahualpa followed this advice and gradually made himselfmaster of the country through which he marched. Huascar, on hearing of thehostile proceedings of his brother, sent some light-armed troops againsthim. The commander of these troops advanced to the province of Tumibambaabout a hundred leagues from Quito; and learning that Atahualpa had takenthe field, he sent a courier to Cuzco with notice of the state of theaffairs, and to request that he might be furnished with two thousandofficers of experience; by means of whom he could arm thirty thousand menof the warlike province called _Cagnares_ which remained in allegiance toHuascar. These two thousand experienced warriors were immediately sent, bywhose means, and with assistance of the curacas of Tumibamba, Chaparras, Paltas, and Cagnares[34], in that neighbourhood, Huascars general wasenabled to collect a formidable army. Atahualpa marched against this army, with whom he fought a battle which lasted three days, in which he was atlast defeated and made prisoner, in attempting to escape by the bridge ofTumibamba. 

While the army of Huascar was celebrating their victory with great feastsand rejoicings, Atahualpa contrived to escape from the _tambos_ or palaceof Tumibamba in which he was confined, by digging through a very thickwall with a bar of copper, which he procured from a woman. He returnedimmediately to Quito, where he collected the remains of his defeated army, to whom he represented that his father had changed him into a serpent, bywhich means he had been enabled to escape from his prison through a smallhole; and that his father had assured him of certain victory, if theywould return along with him against the enemy. His troops were so muchencouraged by this stratagem, that they followed him with great courage, believing themselves invincible under the protection of Huana Capac. Heagain attacked the army of Huascar, which in this second battle wasentirely defeated. Such numbers were slain on both sides in these twobattles, that even to this day large quantities of human bones remain inthe places where they were fought. In pursuit of his victory, Atahualpamarched into the provinces which adhered to his brother, which hedestroyed with fire and sword. He entirely destroyed the great city ofTumibamba, which stood on a plain watered by three great rivers. In hispursuing his conquests, he gave no quarter wherever he met with resistancebut granted mercy and peace to all such districts as submitted quietly tohis authority, obliging all the warriors to join his army, which by thesemeans, increased continually as he advanced. On arriving at Tumbez he wasdesirous to take possession of the island of Puna, but as the _curaca_ ofthat island defended himself courageously, Atahualpa did not think itprudent to waste much time in the attempt, more especially as he hadintelligence of the approach of Huascar with a numerous army; for whichreason he continued his march towards Cuzco, and arrived at Caxamarca, where he established his head-quarters. From this place he detached two ofhis principal officers at the head of two or three thousand light armedtroops, with orders to reconnoitre the army of the enemy, and to bring himword of their numbers and situation. When this party had arrived at nogreat distance from the camp of the enemy, they quitted the direct roadand made a circuit among the woods and mountains, to prevent the enemyfrom discovering them. Procuring intelligence that Huascar had retired toa place at some distance from his camp, attended by seven hundred of hisprincipal officers and nobles, on purpose to avoid the noise and confusionof his great army, they attacked his quarters by surprise, easily defeatedhis small escort, and made him prisoner. While endeavouring to make goodtheir retreat to the camp of Atahualpa with their great prize, they weresurrounded on every side by the vast army of the enemy, which could easilyhave exterminated them, being at least thirty to one. But the commandersof this fortunate detachment, immediately told Huascar that they would puthim to death, if he did not instantly give orders to his army to retire:and at the same time assured him that his brother Atahualpa had no fartherdesire than to be permitted to enjoy the kingdom of Quito in peace, forwhich he would do homage to him as his king and lord. Huascar, terrifiedby the prospect of death, and believing their promise of restoration toliberty and dominion, issued peremptory orders to his army to desist fromtheir intended attack and to return to Cuzco, which they did accordingly;and the Atahualpan officers carried Huascar a prisoner to Caxamarca, wherethey delivered him up to their master. Thus were the affairs of Perusituated when Don Francisco Pizarro arrived in that country with theSpaniards; which conjuncture was exceedingly favourable to his views ofconquest, of which we shall give an account in the next section, as thegreat army of Huascar was entirely dispersed, and Atahualpa had dismisseda great proportion of his troops, after this fortunate event, which hadplaced his enemy in his hands. 

 * * * * *

_Of the Peruvian History before the arrival of the Spaniards_[35]. 

"Peru, like the rest of the New World, was originally possessed by smallindependent tribes, differing from each other in manners, and in theirforms of rude policy. All, however, were so little civilized, that, if thetraditions concerning their mode of life, preserved among theirdescendants, deserve credit, they must be classed among the mostunimproved savages of America. Strangers to every species of cultivationor regular industry, without any fixed residence, and unacquainted withthose sentiments and obligations which form the first bonds of socialunion, they are said to have roamed naked about the forests with whichtheir country was then covered, more like wild beasts than like men. Afterthey had struggled for ages with the hardships and calamities which areinevitable in such a state, and when no circumstance seemed to indicatethe approach of any uncommon effort towards improvement, we are told thatthere appeared on the banks of the lake Titicaca, a man and woman ofmajestic form, and clothed in decent garments. They declared themselves tobe children of the sun, sent by their beneficent parent, who beheld withpity the miseries of the human race, and who had commanded them toinstruct and reclaim them. At their persuasion, enforced by reverence forthe divinity in whose name they were supposed to speak, several of thedispersed savages united together, and receiving their commands asheavenly instructions, followed them to Cuzco where they settled, andwhere they begun to lay the foundations of a city, afterwards the capitalof Peru. "

"Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, for such were the names of theseextraordinary personages, having thus collected some wandering tribes, formed that social union which, by multiplying the desires, and unitingthe efforts of the human species, excites industry and leads toimprovement. Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture and otheruseful arts; Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and weave. By the labourof the one sex subsistence became less precarious; by that of the otherlife was rendered more comfortable. After securing the object of firstnecessity in an infant state, by providing food, raiment, and habitationsfor the rude people of whom he took charge, Manco Capac turned hisattention towards introducing such laws and policy as might perpetuatetheir happiness. By his institutions, the various relations in privatelife were established, and the duties resulting from them prescribed withsuch propriety, as gradually formed a barbarous people to decency ofmanners. In public administration, the functions of persons in authoritywere so precisely defined, and the subordination of those underjurisdiction maintained with such a steady hand, that the society in whichhe presided soon assumed the aspect of a regular and well-governed state. "

"Thus, according to the Indian traditions, was founded the empire of the_Incas_, or Lords of Peru. At first its extent was small; as the territoryof Manco Capac did not reach above eight leagues from Cuzco: But withinthese narrow limits he exercised an uncontrolled authority. His successors, as their dominions extended, arrogated a similar jurisdiction over the newsubjects which they acquired; the despotism of Asia was not more complete. The Incas were not only obeyed as monarchs, but revered as divinities. Their blood was held to be sacred, and by prohibiting intermarriages withthe people, was never contaminated by mixing with that of any other race. The family thus separated from the rest of the nation, was distinguishedby peculiarities in dress and ornaments, which it was unlawful for othersto assume. The monarch himself appeared with ensigns of royalty reservedfor him alone; and received from his subjects marks of obsequious homageand respect, which approached almost to adoration. But among the Peruvians, this unbounded power of their monarchs seems to have been uniformlyaccompanied with attention to the good of their subjects. It was not therage of conquests, if we may believe the accounts of their countrymen, that prompted the Incas to extend their dominion, but the desire ofdiffusing the blessings of civilization, and the knowledge of the artswhich they possessed, among the barbarous people whom they reduced. During a succession of twelve monarchs, it is said that not one deviatedfrom this beneficent character. "

"When the Spaniards first visited the coast of Peru in 1526, Huana Capac, the twelfth monarch from the founder of the state, was seated on thethrone. He is represented as a prince distinguished not only for thepacific virtues peculiar to the race, but eminent for his martial talents. By his victorious arms the kingdom of Quito was subjected, a conquest ofsuch extent and importance as almost doubled the power of the Peruvianempire. He was fond of residing in the capital of that valuable provincewhich he had added to his dominions; and notwithstanding the ancient andfundamental law of the monarchy against polluting the royal blood by anyforeign alliance, he married the daughter of the vanquished monarch ofQuito. She bore him a son named Atahualpa, whom, on his death at Quito, which seems to have happened about the year 1529, he appointed hissuccessor in that kingdom, leaving the rest of his dominions to Huascar, his eldest son, by a mother of the royal race. Greatly as the Peruviansrevered the memory of a monarch who had reigned with greater reputationand splendour than any of his predecessors, the destination of Huana Capacconcerning the succession appeared so repugnant to a maxim coeval with theempire, and founded on authority deemed sacred, that it was no soonerknown at Cuzco than it excited general disgust. Encouraged by thosesentiments of his subjects, Huascar required his brother to renounce thegovernment of Quito, and to acknowledge him as his lawful superior. But ithad been the first care of Atahualpa to gain a large body of troops whichhad accompanied his father to Quito. These were the flower of the Peruvianwarriors, to whose valour Huana Capac had been indebted for all hisvictories. Atahuaipa first eluded the demand of his brother, and thenmarched against him in hostile array. "

"Thus the ambition of two young princes, the title of the one founded onancient usage, and of the other asserted by the veteran troops, involvedPeru in civil war, a calamity to which it had been hitherto a stranger, under a succession of virtuous monarchs. In such a contest the issue wasobvious. The force of arms triumphed over the authority of laws. Atahualparemained victorious, and made a cruel use of his victory. Conscious of thedefect in his own title to the throne, he attempted to exterminate theroyal race, by putting to death all the children of the sun descended fromManco Capac, whom he could seize either by force or stratagem. From apolitical motive, the life of the unfortunate Huascar, who had been takenprisoner in a battle which decided the fate of the empire, was prolongedfor some time; that, by issuing orders in his name, the usurper might moreeasily establish his own authority. "

"When Pizarro landed in the bay of St Matthew, in 1531, this civil warraged between the two brothers in its greatest fury; and though the twocompetitors received early accounts of the arrival of the Spaniards, theywere so intent upon the operations of a war which they deemed moreinteresting, that they gave no attention to the motions of an enemy tooinconsiderable in number to excite any great alarm, and to whom it wouldbe easy, as they imagined, to give a check when more at leisure. By thisfortunate coincidence of events, of which he could have no foresight, andof which he remained long ignorant from its defective mode of intercoursewith the people of the country, Pizarro was permitted to advanceunmolested into the centre of a great empire, before any effort of itspower was exerted to stop his career. During their progress, the Spaniardsacquired some imperfect knowledge of the struggle between the twocontending factions; and the first complete information respecting it wasreceived from messengers sent by Huascar to Pizarro, to solicit his aidagainst Atahualpa, whom he represented as a rebel and an usurper. "

 * * * * *

Manco Capac, the first Inca of the Peruvians, is said to have reignedabout the middle of the twelfth century, as the traditionary accountsattribute a period of about 400 years between the commencement of hisreign and the decease of Huana Capac in 1529, which would place the originof the monarchy about the year 1129, allowing an average of 30 years toeach of 13 successive reigns. The traditions of such ancient matters amongan ignorant people are little to be depended on; and even admitting theseries of kings to be right as to number, the ordinary average of _twenty_years to each of the _thirteen_ successive reigns would only give 260years for the duration of the monarchy, and would carry back thecommencement of the reign of Manco Capac only to the year 1269. The seriesof these kings, as given by various Spanish writers, according to thetraditions of the Peruvians, is as follows:

1. Manco Capac. 2. Sinchi Roca. 3. Lloque Yupanqui. 4. Mayta Capac. 5. Capac Yupanqui. 6. Inca Roca. 7. Yahuar Huacac. 8. Inca Roca, likewisenamed Viracocha. 9. Pachacutec[36]. 10. Yupanqui. 11. Tupac Yupanqui. 12. Huana Capac. 13. Huascar, or Inti-cusi-Hualpa. 14. Atahualpa. 15. MancoCapac the Second, crowned at Cuzco by permission of Pizarro; afterwardsrevolted and retired to the mountains. 16. Sayri Tupac; who resigned thenominal sovereignty of Peru to Philip II. He died a Christian, and leftone daughter who married a Spaniard named Onez de Loyola, and from whomare descended the marquisses of Orepesa and Alcanises. 

 * * * * *

As the empire of Peru was made up of many barbarous tribes, its nativeinhabitants spoke many languages or dialects, which were only understoodin their own particular districts. The language of the ruling people ortribe to which the royal family belonged, called the _Quichua_, was solelyused at court, and we have already seen that the sons of all the chiefs orcuracas of the empire were ordered to be educated at Cuzco, that theymight be all able to converse with the sovereign. In this language thesounds of _b, d, f, g_, and _r_, are said to have been wanting; and yetthat of the _r_ occurs in the names of several of their kings. Garcilassosays that this letter had a guttural sound, perhaps resembling the burr, or _parler gras_ of the French: And it is alleged that this language of acomparatively barbarous people was nearly as copious and as artificial asthe Greek. The following specimens are given in the Modern Geography, III. 585, to which are added two examples of what are called Peruvian poetry, from Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 50. The nouns in this language are declinedby altering the terminations thus; _Runa_, a man; _Runap_, of a man;_Runapac_, to a man, &c. The verbs have also moods and tenses, theterminations often extending to a great length. 

 1. Huc 5. Chumpi, picheca. 9. Yscon. 2. Yscay 6. Zocta. 10. Chunca. 3. Quimza 7. Canchis. 100. Pachac. 4. Tahua 8. Puzac. 1000. Huaranca. 

 The Andes. .. . Anti A Hog. .. .. .. .. Cuchi The Arm. .. .. . Ricra A House. .. .. .. Huaci Bad. .. .. .. .. . Mana alli[A] A Husband. .. .. Coza The Beard. .. . Zunca Iron. .. .. .. .. . Quellay Beauty. .. .. .. Zumay A King. .. .. .. . Capac, Inca The Belly. .. . Vicza A Lake. .. .. .. . Cocha A Brother. .. . Huauquey A Lance. .. .. .. Chuqui A Canoe. .. .. . Huampu Land. .. .. .. .. . Allpa To Die. .. .. .. Huauny, pitini Little. .. .. .. . Huchuy A Dog. .. .. .. . Alles Love. .. .. .. .. . Cuyay, munay To Drink. .. .. Upiana A man. .. .. .. .. Runa The Ears. .. .. Rinri The Moon. .. .. . Quilla Eared, or having Mother. .. .. .. . Mama great ears. .. Ringrim A Mountain. .. . Puna, acha To Eat. .. .. .. Micuni The Mouth. .. .. Simi An Emerald. .. Umina No. .. .. .. .. .. . Maria The Eye. .. .. . Naui The Nose. .. .. . Cenca A Family. .. .. Ayllu A Queen, or Father. .. .. .. Mayu Princess. .. Coya Fire. .. .. .. .. Nina A Sacrifice. .. Arpay Many fires. .. Ninanina Sand. .. .. .. .. . Aco A Fish. .. .. .. Challhua The Sea. .. .. .. Atun cocha[B] Flesh. .. .. .. . Aycha . .. .. .. Mama cocha[C] A Foot. .. .. .. Chaqui A Ship. .. .. .. . Huampu[D] A Friend. .. .. Cocho Silver. .. .. .. . Collqui Good. .. .. .. .. Alli A Sister. .. .. . Panay Gold. .. .. .. .. Cori Snow. .. .. .. .. . Riti Gold dust. .. . Chichi cori A Son. .. .. .. .. Churi Great. .. .. .. . Hatun A Stone. .. .. .. Rumi A Hatchet. .. . Avri, champi The Sun. .. .. .. Inti The Hair. .. .. Caspa Water. .. .. .. .. Unu, yaco The Hand. .. .. Maqui Woman. .. .. .. .. Huami The Head. .. .. Uma Yes. .. .. .. .. .. Y

 _Specimen of Peruvian poetry_. 

 _Caylla Llapi_ To the Song _Pununqui_ I will Sleep, _Chaupitua_ At Midnight _Samusac_ I will come. 

 [A] Not good. 

 [B] Great Lake. 

 [C] Mother Lake. 

 [D] Huampu likewise signifies a canoe, and probably a ship might be named Atun huampu, a great canoe. --E. 

[1] In a note of the French edition of 1742, it is said that, in the folio edition of Zarate printed at Seville in 1677, Luque was called the father of Almagro, and that no mention is made of that ecclesiastic having taken any part in the expedition. Robertson, in his History of America, II. 273, says that Pizarro was the natural son of a gentleman of honourable family by a low woman, and that his education was so entirely neglected that he could neither read nor write. He adds that, after serving some years in Italy, he embarked for America, where he greatly distinguished himself. In our last chapter, Diaz makes frequent mention of Pizarro as serving with reputation under Cortes, in the early part of the expedition to Mexico; but gives no account of his quitting the service of Cortes; to whom he was probably somehow related, as the mother of Cortes was named Catalina Pizarro Altamirano. Almagro, according to Robertson, was a foundling, and bred like Pizarro in the army. Luque acted as priest and schoolmaster at Panama, and had amassed considerable riches. --E. 

[2] Named Pedrarias by Robertson. --E. 

[3] Chinchama, by the map in Zarate is that part of the western coast of Tierra Firma or Darien, opposite the Isla del Rey. The poor province of Peru, beyond or to the southwards of Cinchama, is that now called Biruquete; and the Pueblo quemada, or Burnt People, must be looked for in the province of Novita, perhaps Nounamas, immediately to the south of which is the river of St Juan. --E. 

[4] Tacamez, otherwise called the district of _Esmeraldas_, or of emeralds, is in the kingdom of Quito near the equinoctial line. --E. 

[5] Instead of _twelve_, the text only names _eight_ of the brave associates of Pizarro. --E. 

[6] Morope, in lat. 6° 35', in the district of Sana, is in the situation of the place mentioned in the text. --E. 

[7] This river, otherwise called Amatape, runs into the bay of Payta, in lat. 5° 10' south. --E. 

[8] Under the name of Peruvian sheep, five species of the Camel genus are known to naturalists, the Glama or Llama, Guanaco, Chillihueque, Vicugna, and Pacos. The three former were used as animals of burthen by the native Peruvians, and domesticated, the two latter, especially the Vicugna, are valuable for the firmness of their fleeces. The three larger species carry loads of about a hundred pounds weight, the other two, when domesticated, may be made to carry smaller burdens of from fifty to seventy-five pounds. --E. 

[9] It was now towards the close of 1527, the third year from the first departure of Pizarro from Panama. --Robertsons America, II. 281. 

[10] Robertson, II. 284. Gives a different account of these four relations of Francisco Pizarro from Zarate. According to him, Ferdinand was the only lawful son of old Gonzalo Pizarro; Francisco, Juan, and the younger Gonzalo being all natural sons; and Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Don Francisco, being the brother of his mother. In the sequel, the conqueror of Peru shall be always mentioned by the single name of Pizarro, distinguishing his brothers by the addition of their Christian names. While in Spain, Pizarro received a supply of money from Cortes, under whom he had served in the early part of the conquest of Mexico. --E. 

[11] His commission from the crown of Spain, imposed the condition of raising 250 men, and to supply the ships and warlike stores necessary for the expedition; but his funds and credit were so low that he could hardly complete half the number, and had to steal away from the port of Seville to elude the examination of the officers as to the fulfilment of his contract. --Robertsons America, II. 284. 

[12] It is impossible to give any competent geographical account of this extensive country in the compass of a note. Proper Peru begins at the river Tumbez in the gulf of Guayaquil, in about lat. 3° 20' S. And extends S. S. E. Along the Pacific Ocean to the desert of Atacama, which divides it from Chili, in lat. 21° 28 S. An extent of about 1200 miles; consisting of two remarkably different tracts of country. A narrow valley along the Pacific Ocean, seldom so much as 70 miles in breadth, bounded on the east by the enormous main ridge of the Andes; beyond which are many elevated vallies or table lands of various extent, divided by collateral ridges and branches of the Andes, from each other and from the prodigiously extensive plains of the vast Orinoco Maranon and La Plata rivers. Quito, which had been annexed to the kingdom of Peru, only a short time before the Spanish conquest, is similarly situated, both as to maritime vale, and elevated table land, immediately to the north of Peru proper, and seems to have reached from lat. 3° 20' S. To about lat, 1° N. But is now included in the viceroyalty of New Granada which reaches to the Carribbean sea, with which it is connected by the river Magdalena. --E. 

[13] The substance of this description appears to refer entirely to that province of the kingdom of Quito which is named Esmeraldas or Tacamez, on both sides of the equator. --E. 

[14] Various reasons have been assigned for the origin of the word Peru, as the name of the empire of the Incas, unknown to themselves, at least in that sense. The most probable derivation is from the river _Piura_, near its northern frontier, where it was first visited by Pizarro. --E. 

[15] This circumstance is unintelligible, as the bones could not shrink, unless by supposing these _human heads_ to have been the heads of small apes, resembling human faces. The expression of the text, immediately before, of human carcasses hung up _in the form of crosses_, ought perhaps to have been rendered _instead of_ crosses. --E. 

[16] A good deal more is said of these giants, both by Zarate and Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 363, but so vague and absurd as not to be worth insertion. The whole story seems to have arisen out of the colossal representation of a man and woman at Puerto viejo. --E. 

[17] This is merely a repetition of the _big bones_ of Mexico and the Ohio, already referred to the Mammoth, or animal ignotum. --E. 

[18] Puna is in the bay of Guayaquil, in lat. 3° S. And is near _thirty_ leagues in circumference, being about _ten_ leagues long by five in breadth. --E. 

[19] The estimate in the text is exceedingly erroneous. The city of Parto is in lat. 1° 12' N. And the Rio de Loa, or commencement of the desert of Atacama, in lat. 21° 26' S. Which give only a difference of nearly 25 degrees of latitude, which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree are only 438 leagues. Even supposing the text to include Chili, which extends to 39° 21' S. The whole extent of Peru and Chili is only 753 Spanish leagues. --E. 

[20] This is only to be understood of the period when Zarate wrote, about the middle of the sixteenth century, or two hundred and fifty years ago. The first town he enumerates, Puerto Viejo, is now in the viceroyalty of New Granada. --E. 

[21] The wool-bearing animals of Peru, improperly named sheep, are one or other of the species of camel already mentioned in a former note. --E. 

[22] Instead of _four_ degrees, Quito is only the _fourth_ part of a degree beyond the line. --E. 

[23] Bracamoras, or Jaen de Bracamoras, in lat. 5° 30' S. Is in the district or province of Jaen in the kingdom of New Granada, on one of the branches of the Lauricocha or Tanguragua, which is one of the great rivers which contribute to form the vast Maranon, or river of the Amazons. --E. 

[24] No place of that name is now found in our best maps. The principal town of the district of Chachapoyas has the same name, otherwise called St Juan de la Frontera. --E. 

[25] Not far to the south of San Leon de Guanuco, in the mountains of Lauricocha, there are considerable silver mines. --E. 

[26] No such place is now found on our maps in the province of Guamanga; but the ruins of a town named Vittoria are marked in the district of Calca, about fifty miles north-west from the city of Cuzco. Perhaps the Vittoria of the text is the town now called Guamanga. --E. 

[27] Probably the country of the people now called _Chunchos_, who are implacable enemies to the Spaniards. --E. 

[28] Probably the province now called _Chicas_ on the eastern side of the Andes, occupying the head of the river Chirivionas which joins the Paraguay or Rio Plata. --E. 

[29] Off the mouth of the river Lurin, in lat. 12° 26' S. Is the island of Pachacamac, probably indicating the situation of the ancient province of that name. --E. 

[30] The first of the Incas is named by Robertson, II. 290. And III. 47. Manco Capac. --E. 

[31] By Zarate this Inca is named Guaynacava, but the more general name used by Garcilasso de la Vega and other Spanish writers, and from them by the illustrious Robertson, is adopted in this translation. --E. 

[32] Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 65, describes the bridge over the Apurimac not far from Cuzco, as about two hundred paces in length. He says that its floor consisted of three great cables as thick as the body of a man; having another cable on each side, a little raised, to serve as rails. The two hundred toises or four hundred yards of the text seem an exaggeration; perhaps a mistake of the French translator. --E. 

[33] This prince is called Atabaliba by Zarate, and Atabalipa by some other writers, but we have chosen to follow the illustrious historian of America in naming him Atahualpa. --E. 

[34] These names are not to be found in our best modern maps of Peru: but some other names not unlike, as Mayobamba, Chachapoyas, Partas, and Caxamarca, are in the present bishopric of Truxillo, the most northern in Peru proper, and therefore likely to have been the seat of war against the revolters in Quito. --E. 

[35] The whole of this appendix to the first section is an addition to Zarate, extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega and Robertson; which, being too long for a note, has been placed in the text. The introductory part of this deduction is from the History of America, Vol. II p. 289. The list of kings is from Garcilasso, whose disarranged work is too confused for quotation. --E. 

[36] By some authors an Inca Roca is here interposed, who was deposed after a reign of eleven days. --E. 

SECTION II. 

_Transactions of Pizarro and the Spaniards in Peru, from the commencementof the Conquest, till the departure of Almagro for the Discovery of Chili_. 

After the return of Don Francisco Pizarro from Spain to Panama, he madeevery preparation in his power for the conquest of Peru, in which he wasnot seconded with the same spirit as formerly by his companion Almagro, bywhich their affairs were considerably retarded, as Almagro was the richerman and had greater credit among the settlers. Diego Almagro, as formerlymentioned, was much dissatisfied with Pizarro for having neglected hisinterest in his applications to his majesty; but at length became pacifiedby his apologies and promises, and their friendship was renewed; yetAlmagro could never be thoroughly reconciled to the brothers of Pizarro, more especially Ferdinand, against whom he had a rooted dislike. Owing tothese disputes a considerable time elapsed; but at length Ferdinand Poncede Leon[1] fitted out a ship which belonged to him, in which Don FranciscoPizarro embarked with all the soldiers he could procure, which were veryfew in number, as the people in Panama were much discouraged by the greatdifficulties and hardships which had been suffered in the former attempt, and the poor success which had then been met with[2]. Pizarro set sailabout the commencement of the year 1531; and in consequence of contrarywinds was obliged to land on the coast of Peru a hundred leagues more tothe north than he intended[3]; by which means he was reduced to thenecessity of making a long and painful march down the coast, where he andhis troops suffered great hardships from scarcity of provisions, and bythe extreme difficulty of crossing the different rivers which intersectedtheir line of march, all of which they had to pass near their mouths, where they are wide and deep, insomuch that both men and horses had oftento pass them by swimming. The courage and address of Pizarro wasconspicuous amidst these difficulties, by encouraging the soldiers, andfrequently exposing himself to danger for their relief, even assistingthose who were unable to swim. They arrived at length at a place named_Coaque_[4] on the sea side, which was well peopled, and where theyprocured abundance of provisions to refresh and restore them after thehardships and privations they had undergone. From that place, Pizarro sentback one of his vessels to Panama, and the other to Nicaragua, sending bythem above 30, 000 _castillanas_[5] of gold, which he had seized at Coaque, to encourage fresh adventurers to join him, by giving a specimen of theriches of the country. At Coaque the Spaniards found some excellentemeralds, as this country being under the line, is the only place wheresuch precious stones are to be had. Several of these were destroyed by theSpaniards, who broke them in order to examine their nature; as they wereso ignorant as to believe that good emeralds ought to bear the hammerwithout breaking, like diamonds. Believing therefore that the Indiansmight impose false stones upon them, they broke many of great valuethrough their ignorance. The Spaniards were here afflicted by a singulardisease, formerly mentioned, which produced a dangerous kind of warts orwens on their heads faces and other parts of their body, extremely soreand loathsome, of which some of the soldiers died, but most of themrecovered, though almost every one was less or more affected. 

Leaving Coaque on account of this strange disease, which Pizarroattributed to the malignity of the air, he marched on to that province ordistrict in which _Puerto Viejo_ now stands, and easily reduced all thesurrounding country to subjection. The captains Sebastian Benalcazar andJuan Fernandez joined him at this place, with a small reinforcement ofhorse and foot, which they brought from Nicaragua[6]. 

Having reduced the province of Puerto Viejo to subjection, Pizarroproceeded with all his troops to the harbour of _Tumbez_, whence hedetermined to pass over into the island of Puna, which is opposite to thatport. For this purpose he caused a number of flats or rafts to beconstructed after the manner of the Peruvians, formerly mentioned, totransport his men and horses to the island, which is above twenty milesfrom the river of Tumbez. The Spaniards were in imminent danger in thispassage, as the Indians who guided their floats had resolved to cut thecords by which their planks were held together, on purpose to drown themen and horses; but as Pizarro had some suspicion or intimation of theirsecret intentions, he ordered all his people to be on their guard, constantly sword in hand, and to keep a watchful eye on the Indians. Onarriving in the island, the inhabitants received them courteously andrequested that there might be peace between them; yet it was soon knownthat they had concealed their warriors in ambush, with the intention ofmassacring the Spaniards during the night. When Pizarro was informed ofthis treachery, he attacked and defeated the Indians, and took theprincipal cacique of the island; and next morning made himself master ofthe enemies camp, which was defended by a considerable body of warriors. Learning that another body of the islanders had attacked the flat vesselsor rafts in which they had come over, Pizarro and his brothers went in allhaste to assist the Spanish guard which had the care of them, and droveaway the enemy with considerable slaughter. In these engagements two orthree of the Spaniards were killed, and several wounded, among whom wasGonzalo Pizarro, who received a dangerous hurt on the knee. 

Soon after this action, Hernando de Soto arrived from Nicaragua with aconsiderable reinforcement of foot and horse. But finding it difficult tosubdue the islanders effectually, as they kept their canoes concealedamong the mangrove trees which grow in the water, Pizarro resolved toreturn to Tumbez; more especially as the air of Puna is unwholesome fromits extreme heat, and the marshy nature of its shores. For this reason hedivided all the gold which had been collected in the island, and abandonedthe place. In this island of Puna, the Spaniards found above six hundredprisoners, men and women, belonging to the district of Tumbez, among whomwas one of the principal nobles of that place. On the 16th May 1532, Pizarro set all these people at liberty, and supplied them with barks orfloats to carry them home to Tumbez; sending likewise in one of thesebarks along with the liberated Indians, three Spaniards to announce hisown speedy arrival. The Indians of Tumbez repaid this great favour withthe blackest ingratitude, as immediately on their arrival, they sacrificedthese three Spaniards to their abominable idols. Hernando de Soto made anarrow escape from meeting with the same fate: He was embarked on one ofthese floats, with a single servant, along with some of the Indians, andhad already entered the river of Tumbez, when he was seen by Diego deAguero and Roderick Lozan, who had already landed, and who made him stopthe float and land beside them; otherwise, if he had been carried up toTumbez, he would certainly have been put to death. 

From the foregoing treachery of the inhabitants of Tumbez, it may readilybe supposed that they were by no means disposed to furnish barks for thedisembarkation of the Spanish troops and horses; so that on the firstevening, only the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro, with his brothersFerdinand and Juan, the bishop Don Vincente de Valverde, captain de Soto, and the other two Spaniards already mentioned, Aguero and Lozan, were ableto land. These gentlemen had to pass the whole night on horseback entirelywet, as the sea was very rough, and they had no Indians to guide theirbark, which the Spaniards did not know how to manage, so that it oversetwhile they were endeavouring to land. In the morning, Ferdinand Pizarroremained on the shore to direct the landing of the troops, while thegovernor and the others who had landed rode more than two leagues into thecountry without being able to find a single Indian, as all the natives hadarmed themselves and retired to the small hills in the neighbourhood. Onreturning towards the coast, he met the captains Mina and Salcedo, who hadrode to meet him with several of the cavalry which had disembarked. Hereturned with them to Tumbez, where he encamped with all the troops he wasable to collect. 

Soon afterwards, Captain Benalcazar arrived with the rest of the troopsfrom the island of Puna, where he had been obliged to remain till thereturn of the vessels, as there was not enough of shipping to contain thewhole at once. While he waited for the vessels, he had to defend himselffrom continual attacks of the islanders; but now rejoined the governorwith very little loss. Pizarro remained above twenty days at Tumbez, during which time he used every endeavour to persuade the cacique to enterinto terms of peace, by sending him repeated messages to that effect, butall to no purpose. On the contrary, the natives did every injury in theirpower to our people, and especially to the servants and others who wentout into the country in search of provisions; while the Spaniards wereunable to retaliate, as the Indians kept always on the opposite side ofthe river. The governor caused three barks or floats to be brought upsecretly from the coast, in which he crossed the river during the night, with his brothers Juan and Gonzalo, and the Captains Benalcazar and Soto, with above fifty horsemen. With these he made a very fatiguing marchbefore day, as the road was very difficult and uneven, and full of knollsovergrown with brambles and bushes. About day break he came unexpectedlyto the Indian camp, which he immediately attacked and carried, puttingmany of the natives to the sword; and for fifteen days he pursued theminto all their haunts, making a cruel war upon them with fire and sword, in revenge for the three Spaniards whom they had sacrificed. At length, the principal cacique of Tumbez sued for peace, and made some presents ofgold and silver in token of submission. 

Having thus reduced the province of Tumbez, Pizarro left a part of histroops there under the charge of Antonio de Navarre and Alonso Requelme, the former of whom was Contador or comptroller of accounts, and the lattertreasurer, both in the service of his majesty. Taking along with himselfthe greater part of his troops, he went forwards to the river _Poechos_[7], thirty leagues to the southward of Tumbez, in which march, as the caciquesand inhabitants received him peaceably, he conducted himself in a friendlymanner to the natives. Passing beyond the before mentioned river, he cameto the bay of Payta, which is the best on all that coast; whence hedetached de Soto to reduce the caciques inhabiting the banks of the riverAmatape or Chira, in which he succeeded after a slight resistance, all thecaciques and natives submitting and demanding peace. 

While at this place, Pizarro received a message from Cuzco by certainenvoys sent by Huascar, informing him of the revolt of his brotherAtahualpa, and requesting his assistance to establish him, as the lawfulsovereign, in his just rights[8]. On the receipt of this message, Pizarrodetermined to take advantage of the divisions in Peru. He sent thereforehis brother Ferdinand to Tumbez to bring the troops from thence; andestablished a colony at San Miguel in the district of Tangarara, near thesea on the river Chira[9], as a port in which to receive vessels comingwith reinforcements from Panama. Having placed a garrison in St Miguel, and made a division of all the gold and silver which had been procuredsince leaving Puna, the governor marched with the rest of his army for theprovince of Caxamarca, in which he was informed that Atahualpa thenwas[10]. 

On this march towards Caxamarca, the Spaniards suffered intolerably, whilepassing through the dry and burning sandy desert of Sechura, where forabove fifty miles they could not find any water to drink, or a single treeto shelter them from the sun. This desert reaches from San Miguel or theriver Piura to the province of Motupe, in which latter they found somewell peopled vallies full of verdure, and were supplied with abundance ofprovisions and refreshments to restore them after the fatigues andprivations they had suffered in the desert. Marching from thence by way ofthe mountain towards Caxamarca, Pizarro was met by an envoy from Atahualpa, bringing presents from that prince, among which were painted slippers andgolden bracelets. This messenger informed the governor, that, when heappeared before Atahualpa, he must wear these slippers and bracelets, thatthe prince might know who he was[11]. Pizarro received this envoy withmuch kindness, and promised to do every thing that had been required onthe part of Atahualpa; desiring the envoy to inform his sovereign that hemight be assured of receiving no injury from him or the Spaniards, oncondition that the Peruvians treated them with peace and friendship; as hehad it in orders from the king his master, who had sent him to thiscountry, to do no harm to any one without just cause. 

On the departure of the Peruvian envoy, Pizarro continued his march withgreat precaution, being uncertain whither the Indians might not attack himduring the passage of the mountains, in one part of which he had to passthrough an almost inaccessible narrow defile, where a few resolute menmight have destroyed his whole party. On his arrival at Caxamarca, hefound another messenger from Atahualpa, who desired that he would notpresume to take up his quarters in that place until he received permissionfor the purpose. Pizarro made no answer to this message, but immediatelytook up his quarters in a large court, on one side of which there was ahouse or palace of the Inca, and on the other side a temple of the sun, the whole being surrounded, by a strong wall or rampart of earth. When hehad posted his troops in this advantageous situation, he sent captain Sotoat the head of twenty horsemen to the camp of Atahualpa, which was at thedistance of a league from Caxamarca, with orders to announce his arrival. On coming towards the presence of Atahualpa, Soto pushed his horse into afull career, making him prance and curvet to the great terror of many ofthe Peruvians, who ran away in a prodigious fright. Atahualpa was so muchdispleased at his subjects for their cowardice, that he ordered all whohad run away from the horse to be immediately put to death. 

After Soto had delivered his message, Atahualpa declined giving any directanswer, not choosing to address his discourse immediately to Soto: Hespoke first to one of his attendant chiefs, who communicated what the kinghad said to the interpreter, after which the interpreter explained whathad been said to Soto. While this circuitous conversation was going on, Ferdinand Pizarro arrived with some more horsemen, and addressed Atahualpain the name of his brother, to the following effect. "That his brother thegeneral had been sent to wait upon Atahualpa by his sovereign Don Carloswith an offer of friendship and alliance, and wished therefore to have anaudience of his majesty, that he might communicate what had been given tohim in charge by the king of Spain. " To this Atahualpa replied; "That heaccepted with pleasure the offer of friendship from the general, providedhe would restore to his subjects all the gold and silver he had taken fromthem, and would immediately quit the country; and that on purpose tosettle an amicable arrangement, he meant next day to visit the Spanishgeneral in the palace of Caxamarca. "

After visiting the Peruvian camp, which had the appearance of an immensecity, from the prodigious multitude of tents and the vast numbers of menwhich it contained, Ferdinand Pizarro returned to his brother, to whom hegave a faithful account of every thing he had seen, and of the words ofAtahualpa. The answer of that prince gave some considerable uneasiness toPizarro, as having rather a menacing appearance, more especiallyconsidering that the army of the Peruvians outnumbered his own small forcein the proportion of one or two hundred to one. Yet as the general andmost of those who were with him were men of bold and determined resolution, they encouraged each other during the night to act like men of courage andhonour, trusting to the assistance of God in the discharge of their duty. They passed the whole night under arms, keeping strict watch round theirquarters, and in complete readiness for whatever might befal. 

Early in the morning of the 16th November 1532, Pizarro drew up his smallbody of men in regular order. Dividing his cavalry into three bodies, under the command of his three brothers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo, assisted by the Captains Soto and Benalcazar, he ordered to keepthemselves concealed within their quarters till they should receive ordersto attack. He remained himself at the head of the infantry, in anotherpart of the inclosed court, having issued the strictest commands that noone should make the smallest motion without his orders, which were to beconveyed by the discharge of the artillery. 

Atahualpa employed a great part of the day in arranging his troops inorder of battle, pointing out to each of the commanders where and in whatmanner their divisions were to attack the Spaniards. He likewise sent adetachment of 5000 Peruvian warriors under one of his principal officersnamed Ruminagui, with orders to take possession of the defile by which theSpaniards had penetrated the mountain, and to kill every one of them whomight endeavour to escape in that way[12]. Atahualpa having given allthese orders, began his march and advanced so slowly that in four hourshis army hardly proceeded a short league. He was carried in his litter inthe usual state, on the shoulders of some of the principal lords of hiscourt, having three hundred Indians marching before him in rich uniforms, who removed every stone or other substance which might obstruct the way, even carefully picking up the smallest straws. He was followed by anumerous train of curacas or caciques, and principal officers of his court, all carried in litters. The Peruvians held the Spaniards in smallestimation, they were so few in number, and imagined they could easilymake them all prisoners without presuming to make the smallest resistance. One of the caciques had sent to inform Atahualpa not to stand in any aweof the Spaniards, as they were not only few in number, but so effeminateand lazy that they were unable to march on foot without being tired by avery short distance, for which reason they travelled on the backs of_large sheep_, by which name they distinguished our horses. 

In the order already described, Atahualpa entered with all his army andattendants into a large square or enclosure in front of the _tambos_ orpalace of Caxamarca; and seeing the Spaniards so few in number and all onfoot, as the cavalry remained in concealment, he conceived that they wouldnot certainly dare to stand before him or to resist his commands. Risingup therefore in his litter, be said to his attendants, "These people areall in our power, and will assuredly surrender. " To which they allanswered that this was certainly the case. At this time, the bishop DonVincente Valverde advanced towards Atahualpa, holding a crucifix in onehand and his breviary in the other, and addressed him to the followingeffect. 

"There is but one God in three persons who has created the heavens and theearth and all that are therein. He formed Adam the first man out of thedust of the earth, and afterwards made Eve his wife from a rib taken outof his side. All the generations of men are descended from these our firstparents, by whose disobedience we have all become sinners, unworthytherefore of the grace and mercy of God, and beyond the hope of heaven, until Jesus Christ our Redeemer was born of the Virgin and suffered deathto purchase for us life and immortality. After our Lord had suffered ashameful death upon the cross, he rose again in a glorious manner; and, having remained a short time on earth, he ascended into Heaven, leaving StPeter his vicar on earth, and after him his successors who dwell in Rome, and are named popes by the Christians. These holy successors of St Peterhave divided all the countries of the world among the Christian kings andprinces, giving in charge to each to subdue that portion which has beenalotted to him. This country of Peru having fallen to the share of hisimperial and royal majesty, the emperor Don Carlos king of Spain, thatgreat monarch hath sent in his place the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, now present, to make known to you on the part of God and the king of Spain, all that I have now said. If you are disposed to believe all this, toreceive baptism, and to obey the emperor, as is done by the greatestportion of the Christian world, that great prince will protect and defendyou and your country in peace, causing justice to be administered to all. He will likewise confirm all your rights and liberties, as he isaccustomed to do to all the kings and princes who have voluntarilysubmitted to his authority. But if you refuse this and choose to run thehazard of war, the governor will attack you with fire and sword, and isready at this moment to do so with arms in his hand[13]. "

When Atahualpa had listened to this discourse, very imperfectly renderedby an ignorant interpreter, he answered, "That the whole of this countryhad been conquered by his father and his ancestors, who had left it inrightful succession to his elder brother the inca Huascar. That he havingbeen conquered and taken prisoner, Atahualpa held himself as legitimatesovereign, and could not conceive how St Peter could pretend to give itaway to any one, without the knowledge and consent of him to whom itbelonged. As for Jesus Christ, who he said had created heaven and earthand man and all other things, he knew nothing of all this, believing thatthe sun his father was the creator of all, whom he and his nationvenerated as a god, worshipping likewise the earth as the mother of allthings, and the _guacas_ as subordinate divinities, and that Pachacama wasthe supreme ruler and creator of all things. As for what he had said ofthe king of Spain, he knew nothing at all about the matter, never havingseen him. " At the last, he asked the bishop where he had learnt all thosethings which he had been telling him. Valverde answered him that all thesethings were contained in the book which he held in his hand, which was theword of God. Atahualpa asked it from him, opened the book turning over itsleaves, saying that it said nothing to him, and threw it on the ground. The bishop then turning to the Spaniards, called out, "To arms! to arms!Christians: The word of God is insulted. "

Pizarro being of opinion that he would be easily destroyed if he waitedfor the attack of the Peruvians, immediately ordered his soldiers toadvance to the charge, sending word to his brothers and the other officerswho commanded the cavalry to execute the orders which they had alreadyreceived. He likewise ordered the artillery and the crossbows to commencefiring upon the Indians, on which the cavalry, as had been concerted, sallied forth and charged through among the Indians in three separatebodies; while he moved forwards at the head of the infantry, pushingdirectly for the litter in which Atahualpa was carried, the bearers ofwhich they began to slay, while others pressed on to supply their places. As Pizarro was convinced that he and his people would be infalliblydestroyed if the battle remained for any length of time undecided, theloss of one soldier being of infinitely worse consequence to him than thedestruction of hundreds was to the enemy, and that he gained nothing bythe death of thousands of the Peruvians, determined to make every effortto gain possession of Atahualpa, for which purpose he cut his way up tothe litter in which he was carried; and seizing him by his long hairdragged him from his seat to the ground. In doing this, as several of hissoldiers were making cuts with their swords against the golden litter, oneof their swords glancing off wounded Pizarro in the hand. Paying noattention to this wound, he held fast his rich prize, in spite of theendeavours of multitudes of Indians to rescue their sovereign, who wereall either killed or driven away, and at length secured Atahualpa as hisprisoner. 

When the Peruvians saw their sovereign in the hands of the Spaniards, andfound themselves assailed in so many places at once by the enemy, especially by the horse, the fury of whose charge they were unable toresist, they threw down their arms and dispersed in every direction, endeavouring to preserve their lives by flight. A prodigious multitude ofthem being stopped by a corner of the great court or square, pressed withsuch violence against the wall that a part of it gave way, forming a largebreach by which many of them escaped. The cavalry pursued the fugitives inevery direction till night, when they returned to quarters[14]. 

When Ruminagui heard the noise of the artillery, and saw a centinel whohad been placed on the top of a rock thrown down by a Spaniard, heconcluded that the Spaniards had gained the victory; and was so muchalarmed that he marched away with all his men to Quito, never stopping forany time till he got to that city, which is two hundred and fifty leaguesfrom Caxamarca. 

Atahualpa being thus made prisoner, and his whole army having taken toflight, the Spaniards went next morning to pillage his camp, where theyfound a prodigious quantity of gold and silver vessels, excessively richtents, stuffs, vestments, and many other articles of immense value. Thegold plate alone which was carried along with the army for the use ofAtahualpa exceeded the value of 60, 000 pistoles[15]. Above 5000 women whowere found in the camp of the enemy voluntarily surrendered themselves tothe Spaniards. 

The captive Atahualpa now made submissive application to Pizarro, earnestly intreating to be well used, and made offer for his ransom todeliver a quantity of gold that should fill a large chamber, besides solarge a mass of silver that the Spaniards would be unable to carry thewhole away. Pizarro was astonished at this magnificent offer, which hecould hardly credit, yet promised the fallen monarch that he should bewell used, and even engaged to restore his freedom if he made good hisoffer. Atahualpa was so much pleased with this promise, that heimmediately sent numerous messengers through the whole empire, particularly to Cuzco, ordering all the gold and silver that could beprocured to be brought to Caxamarca to pay his ransom. He had promised animmense quantity, as he had engaged to fill a long hall in the _tambos_ orpalace of Cazamarca as high as he could reach with his hand[16], for whichpurpose the height was marked by a coloured line drawn round the wholeroom. Although large quantities of gold and silver arrived every day afterthis agreement, the Spaniards could not be satisfied that the promise ofAtahualpa would ever be fulfilled. They began even to murmur at the delay, alleging that the time which had been fixed by Atahualpa for theaccomplishment of his promise was already past; and they alleged that hehad fallen upon this scheme on purpose to gain time for the assemblage ofa new army, with which to attack them at unawares. As Atahualpa hadconsiderable sagacity, he soon noticed the discontent of the Spaniards, and asked Pizarro the reason. On being informed, he made answer that theywere in the wrong to complain of the delay, which was not such as to giveany reasonable cause for suspicion. They ought to consider that Cuzco, from whence the far greater part of the gold had to be brought, was above200 _large_ leagues distant from Caxamarca by an extremely difficult road, by which all the gold had to be carried on the shoulders of the Peruvians, and that very little time had elapsed for the accomplishment of solaborious a work. Having thus endeavoured to explain the cause of delay inpayment of the ransom, he requested that they would satisfy themselves onthe subject by inspection that he was actually able to perform hisengagement; after which they would not think much of its being delayed amonth more or less. For this purpose, he proposed that he should deputetwo or three of the Spaniards, who might go to Cuzco, having orders fromhim to be shewn the royal treasures in that city, of which they would thenbe able to bring back certain information to satisfy the rest. 

Opinions were much divided among the Spaniards, as to the adoption orrejection of this proposal. Several considered it is a most dangerousmeasure for any person to trust himself in the hand of the Peruvians, especially to so great a distance. Atahualpa considered this doubt ofsafety as very strange, especially as they had him in their hands as anhostage, together with his wives, children, and brothers. On this, Hernando de Soto and Pedro de Barco resolved to undertake the journey; andaccordingly by the directions of Atahualpa, they set out in litters, eachof which was carried on the shoulders of two men, with a number of otherPeruvians accompanying them, to serve as reliefs when the others weretired. They were carried in this manner almost as fast as if they had rodepost; as the litter carriers went along with great swiftness, frequentlyrelieved by the others, of whom there were fifty or sixty in all. 

Several days journey from Caxamarca, Soto and Barco met a party of thetroops of Atahualpa, who were escorting the Inca Huascar as a prisoner. This unfortunate prince, on learning who they were, requested to have aconference with them, to which they consented, and in which he wasdistinctly informed of all the recent events. On being informed of theintentions of his imperial majesty Don Carlos, and of Pizarro, whocommanded the Spaniards in his name, to cause impartial justice to beexecuted both to the Peruvians and Spaniards, he laid before them adistinct account of the injustice which he had suffered from his brotherAtahualpa, who not only wished to deprive him of the kingdom, whichbelonged to him of right, as the eldest son of the late monarch HuanaCapac, but now kept him a prisoner, with the design of putting him todeath. He urged them to return to their general, and to lay his complaintsbefore him, requesting that he, who now had both competitors in his power, and was consequently entire master of the country, would judge betweenthem, and decree the possession of the empire to him who held the lawfulright of succession. He farther promised, if Pizarro would do this, thathe would not only fulfil all that Atahualpa had promised, which was tofill the apartment at Caxamarca to a certain height, but he would fill itwith gold to the roof, which would be three times more than Atahualpa hadpromised. He assured them that he was better able to do all this, than wasAtahualpa to perform what he had promised; because Atahualpa, to implementhis engagement, would be under the necessity of stripping the temple ofthe Sun at Cuzco of all the plates of gold and silver with which it waslined; whereas he, Huascar, was in possession of all the treasures whichbelonged to his father Huana Capac, and the former Incas, by which he wasable to perform what he had now offered, and a great deal more. 

All that he alleged was certainly true, as Huascar was in possession ofimmense treasures, which he had hidden under ground in some secret place, unknown to all the world. On this occasion, he had employed many Indiansto transport his wealth into the place of concealment, after which he hadordered them all to be put to death, that they might not inform any one ofthe place. After the Spaniards were entire masters of the country, theymade every possible search after these treasures, and even continue theirsearch to the present day, digging in every place where they suspect theymay be concealed, but hitherto without being able to find them. 

Soto and Barco told Huascar, that it was out of their power to turn back, being under the necessity of continuing the journey on which they had beensent by order of their general; but that on their return they would make afaithful report of all he had said. They accordingly went on their waytowards Cuzco. But this meeting and conference occasioned the death ofHuascar, and the loss to the Spaniards of the vast treasure he hadpromised for his liberty and restoration. The captains who had the custodyof Huascar made a report to Atahualpa of all that had passed in theinterview between their prisoner and the Spanish messengers; and Atahualpahad sufficient sagacity to see, if these matters came to the knowledge ofPizarro, that he would feel inclined to take part with Huascar, especiallyin consideration of the prodigious quantity of gold which had been offeredfor his interference. He had remarked the extreme eagerness of theSpaniards for the possession of gold, and feared that they would deprivehim of the kingdom, and give it his brother, and might put himself todeath, as an unjust usurper of the clear rights of another. Being disposed, from these motives, to order his brother Huascar to be put to death, hewas only restrained from doing this immediately by one circumstance. Hehad frequently heard from the Christians, that one of their principal laws, which was most religiously observed, was, that all who were guilty ofmurder were punished with death, whether the murder were committed bythemselves personally, or by others at their instigation. He resolved, therefore, to sound Pizarro, and to discover his sentiments on thissubject, which he did with wonderful artifice and dissimulation. One dayhe pretended to be overcome with extreme grief, weeping and sobbing, andrefusing to eat or drink, or to speak with any one. When Pizarro inquiredthe cause of this distress, he allowed himself to be long intreated beforehe would give any reason of his sorrow. At length, as if overcome bysolicitation, he said, "That he had just received intelligence that one ofhis officers had put his brother Huascar to death, by which news he wasentirely overcome with grief, as he had always entertained the warmest andmost respectful affection for him, not only as his eldest brother, but ina great measure as his father and sovereign. That although he had takenHuascar prisoner, he not only had no intention of using him ill in hisperson, but did not even mean to deprive him of the kingdom: his soleobject being to oblige him to give up the possession of the kingdom ofQuito, according to the last will of their father, Huana Capac; who hadmade a conquest of that country, which was beyond the boundary of thehereditary empire of the incas, and which consequently their father had anundoubted right to dispose of in his favour. " Pizarro endeavoured toconsole the pretended affliction of Atahualpa, by assuring him, when peaceand good order re-established in the empire, that he would make a strictinquiry into the circumstances of the death of Huascar, and would severelypunish all who had participated in the crime. 

When Atahualpa found that Pizarro took up this affair with so muchcoolness and moderation, he resolved to execute his design, and sentimmediate orders to his officers who had the custody of Huascar to put himto death. So promptly were these orders obeyed, that it was difficult toascertain in the sequel whether the excessive grief of Atahualpa wasfeigned, and whether it preceded or followed the death of his brotherHuascar. Most of the soldiers blamed Soto and Barco for this unhappy event:not considering the necessity of every one to obey the orders of theirsuperiors with exactness, according to their instructions, especially intime of war, without assuming the liberty of making any alteration ormodification according to circumstances in their own opinion, unless theyhave express and formal discretionary power. 

It was currently reported among the Peruvians, that when Huascar learnt hewas to be put to death by order of his brother, he made the followingobservation: "I have been only a short while sovereign of this country, but my faithless brother, by whose orders I am to die, will not be longera king than I have been. " When the Peruvians soon afterwards saw Atahualpaput to death, conformable to this prediction, they believed Huascar tohave been a true son of the sun. It is reported also, that Huascar shouldhave said, when his father Huana Capac took his last leave of him, heforetold "That white men with long beards would soon come into Peru, andadvised him to treat them as friends, as they would become masters of thekingdom. " Huana Capac may have received some intimation of this futurecircumstance from the demons; and that the more readily, that Pizarro hadbeen on the coast of Peru before his death, and had even begun to makesome conquests. 

While Pizarro continued to reside in Caxamarca, he sent out his brotherFerdinand with a party of cavalry to discover the country, who went as faras Pachacamac, about a hundred leagues from Caxamarca. In the district ofHuamachucos, Ferdinand met with Hlescas, one of the brothers of Atahualpa, who was escorting a prodigious quantity of gold to Caxamarca, part of theransom of the captive inca, to the value of two or three millions at theleast, without counting an immense quantity of silver[17]. He continuedhis journey from Huamachucos to Pachacamac, not far to the south of whereLima now stands, through several difficult and dangerous passes; when helearnt that one of the generals of Atahualpa, named Cilicuchima wasstationed with a large army at a place about forty leagues from thence. Ferdinand Pizarro sent a message to the Peruvian general to request thathe would come to speak with him; and as Cilicuchima refused, Ferdinandtook the resolution to wait upon him in person. This was considered bymany as extremely rash and imprudent, to trust himself in the hands of abarbarous and powerful enemy. He was successful however in the attempt, asby various representations and promises, he prevailed on the Peruviangeneral to dismiss his army, and to go along with him to Caxamarca towait upon his sovereign Atahualpa. To shorten their journey, they took avery difficult route through mountains covered with snow, where they werein danger of perishing with cold. 

On arriving at Caxamarca, before entering into the presence of Atahualpa, Cilicuchima bared his feet and carried a present to his sovereign afterthe custom of the country, and said to him weeping, that if he had beenalong with him, the Spaniards should not have been allowed to make him aprisoner. Atahualpa answered, that his captivity was a punishment from thegods, whom he had not honoured and respected as he ought to have done; butthat his defeat and capture were chiefly owing to the cowardice and flightof Ruminagui with his 5000 men, who ought to have succoured him whenattacked by the Spaniards. 

While Don Francisco Pizarro was in the province of Poecho between Tumbezand Payta, before he marched to Caxamarca, he received a letter withoutany signature, which it was afterwards learnt had been sent to him by thesecretary of Don Diego de Almagro. He was informed by this letter, thatAlmagro had fitted out a large ship and several smaller vessels with aconsiderable number of soldiers, in which he proposed to sail beyond thecountry of which Pizarro had taken possession, and to reduce the bestportion of Peru under his own authority, as beyond the government whichhad been granted to Pizarro by his majesty, which only extended 200leagues to the south of the equator[18]. The governor had never shewn hispatents to any person[19]; yet it was currently reported that Almagroactually left Panama with the intention of carrying that design intoexecution; but on arriving at Puertoviejo, and learning the amazingsuccesses of Pizarro, and the prodigious quantities of gold and silver hehad already acquired, the half of which he considered as belonging to him, he changed his purpose, and marched with all his people to Caxamarca tojoin Pizarro. On his arrival there, the greater part of the ransom ofAtahualpa was already brought, and Almagro and his followers were filledwith astonishment and admiration at the sight of the prodigious masses ofgold and silver which were there collected, more than they thought couldhave been in any part of the world. 

When all this gold and silver was melted down, weighed and essayed, it wasfound to amount to the amazing sum of six hundred millions of _maravedies_, or more than 4, 500, 000 livres. It is true that the proof or essay of thisgold was made hurriedly, and only by means of the touchstone, as they hadno _aqua fortis_ to conduct the process in a more exact manner. Itafterwards appeared that this gold had been estimated two or three_carats_ below its real value; so that the whole amount ought to have beenreckoned at _seven_ millions of maravedies, or 5, 250, 000 livres. Thequantity of silver was so large, that the royal fifth amounted to 30, 000marks of fine silver, most of which was afterwards found to contain two orthree carats of gold. The royal fifth of the gold amounted to 120 millionsof maravedies, or 900, 000 livres. Each horseman received for his share ingold, without counting the silver 240 marks or 12, 000 pesos, equal to80, 000 francs. The shares of the horsemen were a quarter part larger thanthose of the foot soldiers. Yet all these sums did not amount to a fifthpart of what Atahualpa had engaged to pay for his ransom. Those who hadcome along with Almagro, though considerable both from their rank andnumber, certainly had no just title to demand any share in the treasurewhich Atahualpa paid for his ransom, as they had no share in his capture;yet the general assigned each of them 20 marks, or 1000 pesos, as adonative to keep them in good humour. 

Pizarro thought it now incumbent upon him to send intelligence to hismajesty of the success of his enterprize, for which purpose he sent overhis brother Ferdinand to Spain; and as when he departed, the preciousmetals had not been melted or proved, so that it was impossible toascertain what was the exact share belonging to the king, two thousandmarks of gold and twenty thousand marks of silver, were set apart for thispurpose[20]. In making the selection of articles to be sent to Spain, thelargest and finest pieces were chosen, that they might have a granderappearance: Among these were several large vessels of various kinds andfor different uses, together with figures of men and women and variousanimals. When Atahualpa learnt that Ferdinand Pizarro was to embark forSpain he was much afflicted, having a great affection for that gentleman, in whom he reposed implicit confidence; and when Ferdinand came to takeleave, he said to him, "I am sore afflicted at your departure, for I ammuch afraid the big-belly and the blinkard will put me to death in yourabsence. " By the former he meant Requelme the treasurer, who was very fat, and by the latter Almagro, who had lost an eye, whom he had observedfrequently to mutter against him, for certain reasons, which will appearin the sequel. 

As Atahualpa suspected, Ferdinand Pizarro had not been long gone, when thedeath of the unfortunate prince began to be talked of among the Spaniards. This was brought about by the suggestions of an Indian named Philippillo, who had accompanied the general into Spain, and now served him as aninterpreter with the Peruvians. He pretended that Atahualpa had secretlylaid a plan for destroying all the Spaniards; for which purpose he had agreat number of armed men concealed in various places, meaning to employthem when a favourable opportunity occurred. The proofs and examination offacts and circumstances respecting this alleged plot, had all to comethrough Philippillo, as the only one who knew both languages; and he gavesuch a turn to every thing as best suited his own views and purposes. Accordingly the Spaniards were never able perfectly to discover the truth, or to penetrate entirely into his motives for this procedure. It has beenalleged by some persons, that Philippillo had become amorous of one of thewives of Atahualpa, with whom he even had a criminal intercourse, andexpected to secure the quiet possession of his mistress by the death ofthat unfortunate prince. It was even reported that Atahualpa had come tothe knowledge of that amour, and had complained to Pizarro of the criminaland even treasonable conduct of the paramours; which, by the laws of Peru, could only be expiated by burning the guilty persons, putting to death alltheir near relations, destroying all their cattle and substance, layingwaste the place of their birth, and sowing salt on the place, so as torender the memory of the crime infamous for ever. 

It has been alleged by others that the death of Atahualpa was occasionedby the solicitations and intrigues of those newly arrived Spaniards whoaccompanied Almagro, who considered his continuing to live as prejudicialto their interests. The soldiers of Pizarro who were with him whenAtahualpa was taken prisoner, insisted that those who came with Almagrohad no right to participate in any part of the treasure given or to begiven on account of his ransom, and could not justly pretend to any shareof what might be collected until all that Atahualpa had promised wasentirely paid up. The soldiers of Almagro, on the other hand, believed itto be for their interest that Atahualpa should be removed out of the way;since as long as he might live, the soldiers of Pizarro would alwayspretend that all the treasure which might be procured formed part of hisransom, so that they would never come in for any share. However this mightbe, the death of that unfortunate prince was resolved on, and even thisdetermination was communicated to him. Astonished at this fatalintelligence, of which he had never entertained the slightest suspicion, Atahualpa urged his merciless conquerors to confine him rather in astricter captivity, or even to put him on board their ships. "I know not, "said he, "how you can possibly suppose me so stupid as to think of anytreachery against you in my present situation. How can you believe thosetroops which you say are assembled, have been called together by my ordersor by my consent? Am I not a prisoner, in chains, and in your hands? Andis it not easy for you to put me to death whenever these pretended troopsmake their appearance? If you believe that my subjects will undertake anything against you without my consent, you are ill informed of the absoluteauthority I possess over all my subjects, and the perfect obedience whichit is their glory to render me on all occasions. So to speak, the birds donot dare to fly, nor the leaves to move upon the trees without my orders;and how then shall my subjects presume to go to war against you without myconsent. "

All that he could urge was of no avail, as his death was absolutelyresolved upon, although he offered to place hostages of the highestconsideration in the hands of the Spaniards, whose lives should beanswerable for any of the Christians who might be slain or ill treated byhis subjects. Besides the suspicions already mentioned, which were allegedagainst Atahualpa, it is said that he was accused of the death of hisbrother Huascar. He was condemned to die, and his sentence was executedwithout delay. In his distress, he was continually repeating the name ofFerdinand Pizarro; saying, if he had been present, he would not haveallowed him to be thus unjustly put to death. Shortly before his death, hewas persuaded by Pizarro and Valverde to submit to the ceremony ofbaptism[21]. 

"While Almagro and his followers openly demanded the life of Atahualpa, and Philippillo laboured to ruin him by private machinations, that unhappyprince inadvertently contributed to hasten his own fate. During hisconfinement he had attached himself with peculiar affection to FerdinandPizarro and Hernando Soto; who, as they were persons of birth andeducation superior to the rough adventurers with whom they served, wereaccustomed to behave with more decency and attention to the captivemonarch. Soothed with this respect from persons of such high rank, hedelighted in their society. But in the presence of the governor he wasalways uneasy and overawed. This dread soon came to be mingled withcontempt. Among all the European arts, that which he most admired, wasreading and writing; and he long deliberated with himself, whether heshould regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determinethis, he desired one of the soldiers who guarded him, to write the name ofGod on the nail of his thumb. This he shewed successively to severalSpaniards, asking its meaning; and, to his amazement, they all, withouthesitation, gave the same answer. At length Pizarro entered; and onpresenting it to him, he blushed, and with some confusion was obliged toacknowledge his ignorance. From that moment, Atahualpa considered him as amean person, less instructed than his own soldiers; and he had not addressenough to conceal the sentiments with which this discovery inspired him. To be the object of scorn to a barbarian, not only mortified the pride ofPizarro; but excited such resentment in his breast, as added force to allthe other considerations which prompted him to put the Inca to death. "

"But in order to give some colour of justice to this violent action, andthat he himself might be exempted from standing singly responsible for thecommission of it, Pizarro resolved to try the Inca with all theformalities observed in the criminal courts of Spain. Pizarro himself andAlmagro, with two assistants, were appointed judges, with full power toacquit or condemn; an attorney-general was named to carry on theprosecution in the king's name; counsellors were chosen to assist theprisoner in his defence; and clerks were ordained to record theproceedings of court. Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibitedstill more amazing. It consisted of various articles: That Atahualpa, though a bastard, had dispossessed the rightful owner of the throne, andusurped the regal power; that he had put his brother and lawful sovereignto death; that he was an idolater, and had not only permitted, butcommanded the offering of human sacrifices; that he had a great number ofconcubines; that since his imprisonment he had wasted and embezzled theroyal treasures, which now belonged of right to the conquerors; that hehad incited his subjects to take arms against the Spaniards. On theseheads of accusation, some of which are so ludicrous, and others so absurd, that the effrontery of Pizarro, in making them the subject of a seriousprocedure, is not less surprizing than his injustice, did this strangecourt go on to try the sovereign of a great empire, over whom it had nojurisdiction. With respect to each of the articles, witnesses wereexamined; but as they delivered their evidence in their native tongue, Philippillo had it in his power to give their words whatever turn bestsuited his malevolent intentions. To judges pre-determined in theiropinion, this evidence appeared sufficient. They pronounced Atahualpaguilty, and condemned him to be burnt alive. Friar Valverde prostitutedthe authority of his sacred function to confirm this sentence, and by hissignature warranted it to be just. Astonished at his fate, Atahualpaendeavoured to avert it by tears, by promises, and by entreaties that hemight be sent to Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of his lot. But pity never touched the unfeeling heart of Pizarro. He ordered him tobe led instantly to execution; and, what added to the bitterness of hislast moments, the same monk who had just ratified his doom, offered toconsole, and attempted to convert him. The most powerful argument Valverdeemployed to prevail with him to embrace the Christian faith, was a promiseof mitigation in his punishment. The dread of a cruel death extorted fromthe trembling victim a desire of receiving baptism. The ceremony wasperformed; and Atahualpa, instead of being burnt alive, was strangled atthe stake. "

Ruminagui, one of the captains under Atahualpa, who had fled with fivethousand men from Caxamarca, as already related, having arrived in thekingdom of Quito, seized the children of Atahualpa, and made himselfmaster of that country as if he had been the lawful sovereign. A shorttime before his death, Atahualpa had sent his brother Illescas into thekingdom of Quito, with orders to bring his children from thence; butRuminagui not only refused to deliver them up, but even put them all todeath. After the death of Atahualpa, some of his principal officers, according to his dying commands, carried his body to Quito that it mightbe interred beside the remains of his father Huana capac. Ruminaguireceived them in the most honourable manner, with every outward mark ofaffection and respect, and caused the body of Atahualpa to be buried withmuch pomp and solemnity, according to the custom of the country. After theceremony, he gave a grand entertainment to the officers of the lateunfortunate monarch, at which, when they were intoxicated, he caused themall to be put to death, together with Illescas the brother of Atahualpa. He caused this person to be flead alive, and had a drum covered with hisskin, inclosing his head in the inside of the drum. 

After the governor Pizarro had made a repartition of all the gold andsilver which was found in Caxamarca, he learned that one of the officersof Atahualpa, named Quizquiz, had assembled some troops in the province of_Xauxa_[22], and endeavoured to excite an insurrection in the country. Pizarro therefore marched against him, but Quizquiz durst not wait for himin Xauxa, and retreated to a greater distance. Pizarro pursued, causingHernando de Soto to lead the van with a party of horse, while he led therear or main body himself. While advancing in this order into the provinceof _Vilcacinga_[23], Soto was unexpectedly attacked by a vast body ofPeruvians, and in great danger of being totally defeated, five or six ofhis men being slain; but on the approach of night, the Peruvians retreatedto a mountain, and the governor sent on Almagro with a reinforcement ofcavalry to Soto. Early next morning the fight was resumed, and theSpaniards endeavoured to draw the Peruvians into the plain, by pretendingto retreat, that they might not be exposed to the prodigious quantity ofstones which the Indians hurled down upon them from the mountain. ThePeruvians seemed aware of this stratagem, as they continued to defendtheir position on the mountain; though they were not apprized of thereinforcement which Soto had received, as the morning was thick and misty. Being unable to induce their enemies to descend from their advantageoussituation, the Spaniards assailed the Peruvians with so much resolution, that they drove them from their position with considerable slaughter, andforced them to take to flight. 

At this place, a brother of the late Incas, Huascar and Atahualpa, named_Paul_ Inca_[24], came to Pizarro under pretence of entering into terms ofpeace and submission. After the death of his brothers, this prince hadbeen recognised as king of Peru, and had been invested with the fringedfillet, which answered among the Peruvians as the crown or emblem ofsupreme rule. The Inca told the governor that he had a very considerableforce of warriors in Cuzco, all of whom only waited his arrival to submitto his orders. Pizarro accordingly marched towards that city, and arrivedwithin sight of it after several days march. So thick a smoke was seen toarise from the city, that Pizarro suspected the Peruvians had set it onfire, and immediately sent on a detachment of cavalry to endeavour ifpossible to prevent the destruction of the city. On their arrival nearCuzco, a vast body of Peruvians issued from the city and attacked themwith great violence, with stones, darts, and other arms; insomuch that theSpaniards were forced to retreat above a league to rejoin the main body ofthe army which was commanded by Pizarro in person. He immediately detachedthe greater part of his cavalry under the command of his brothers Juan andGonzalo, who attacked the enemy with so much courage and impetuosity, thatthey were soon defeated and many Peruvians were slain in the pursuit. Onthe approach of night, Pizarro reassembled all his army, which he orderedto lie on their arms; and marched next morning with every precaution toCuzco, which he entered without opposition. 

After remaining twenty days in Cuzco, Pizarro was informed that thePeruvian General Quizquiz had drawn together a considerable body ofwarriors, with whom he pillaged and raised contributions in a provincenamed _Condefugo_[25]. The governor detached Hernando Soto with fiftyhorsemen against Quizquiz, who did not think proper to await his arrival;but he took the resolution of marching to Xauxa or Jauja, on purpose toattack the baggage and royal treasure belonging to the Spaniards, whichhad been left there with a guard, under the care of Requelme the treasurer. Although the Spanish troops in Xauxa were few in number, they postedthemselves in a strong position, waiting the attack of Quizquiz, anddefended themselves so courageously that he was unable to make anyimpression upon them, and accordingly drew off his troops, taking the roadto Quito. The governor sent Soto after him with his detachment of cavalry, and soon afterwards sent off his two brothers, Juan and Gonzalo, toreinforce Soto. These three Spanish captains pursued Quizquiz above ahundred leagues, but were unable to come up with him, and returnedtherefore to Cuzco. 

In that ancient capital of the Peruvian empire, Pizarro and the Spaniardsfound a prodigious booty in gold and silver, not less in value than allthey had collected at Caxamarca for the ransom of Atahualpa. He made adivision of this among his soldiers, and settled a colony in Cuzco, whichhad long been the capital of the Peruvian empire, and continued to be sofor a considerable time under the Spaniards. He likewise made arepartition of Indians among such Spaniards as chose to settle in theplace as colonists: Only a few, however, chose to avail themselves oftheir advantage; as a considerable proportion of the Spaniards were betterpleased to return into Spain, that they might enjoy in repose the treasurewhich they had acquired at Caxamarca and Cuzco, than to remain in Peru. 

"The riches displayed by the early conquerors of Peru on their returnamong their astonished countrymen, had so great an effect to induce othersto try their fortunes in that golden region, that the governors ofGuatimala, Panama, and Nicaragua could hardly restrain the people undertheir jurisdiction from abandoning their possessions, and crowding to thatinexhaustible source of wealth which seemed to be opened in Peru. In spiteof every check or regulation, such numbers resorted to the standard ofPizarro, that he was soon enabled to take the field at the head of fivehundred men, besides leaving sufficient garrisons in San Miguel and otherplaces necessary for the defence of his conquests[26]". 

It has been already said that Pizarro, soon after his arrival in Peru, established a settlement at the town of San Miguel in the province ofTangarara, not far from the harbour of Tumbez[27], as a secure place ofdisembarkation for those who came to join him from Spain. While he stillremained at Caxamarca after the death of Atahualpa, on recollection thathe had left a weak garrison in San Miguel, the governor thought proper tosend a reinforcement of ten horsemen to that place under the command ofBenalcazar. Soon after his arrival, a considerable number of Spanishsoldiers came there from Panama and Nicaragua, and as the Cagnares madeloud complaints to him that they were oppressed by Ruminagui and thePeruvians of Quito, Benalcazar chose two hundred of the new recruits, eighty of whom were cavalry, with whom he marched for Quito, because hewas informed that Atahualpa had left a large quantity of gold in that city, and that he might likewise protect the Cagnares, who had declaredthemselves the friends of the Spaniards. Ruminagui advanced with an armyof more than twelve thousand Peruvians to defend the defiles of themountains leading towards the kingdom of Quito, which he endeavoured to dowith considerable judgment, taking advantage of the nature of the ground, and fighting only in places of difficult approach. Benalcazar, on his sidelikewise, joined stratagem and military conduct to courage and prudence;for, while he occupied the attention of the enemy by frequent skirmishes, and demonstrations of attacking them in front, he detached one of hisofficers with fifty or sixty horsemen, who gained possession of acommanding post during the night on the rear of the Peruvians, so that hewas able next morning to render himself easily master of the pass they hadendeavoured to defend. In this way, Benalcazar gradually drove the enemyfrom their strong ground into the plain of Quito, where they were unableto withstand the charge of the cavalry and suffered considerably. Ruminagui still endeavoured to make head in several different posts, whichhe carefully forfeited with concealed pit-falls, digging for this purposebroad and deep ditches, in the bottom of which a number of pointed stakeswere set up, the whole covered over with green turf held up by slendertwigs, somewhat like those described by Caesar as contrived by theinhabitants of Alesia. But all the contrivances of the Peruvians forsurprizing Benalcazar, or for drawing him into their snares were quiteunavailing. He avoided them all, and never attacked on the side theyexpected; often making a circuit of several leagues so as to attack themunexpectedly on the flank and rear, and always carefully avoiding everypiece of ground that had not a natural appearance. The Peruvians triedanother stratagem, on seeing the former miscarry: They dug a great numberof small pits close to each other, about the size of a horses foot, inevery place around their camp where they thought the cavalry might come toattack them. But all their arts and labour were useless, as Benalcazar wasnever off his guard, and was not to be deceived by any of theircontrivances, so that they were at last driven all the way to the city ofQuito. It is reported of Ruminagui, that one day after his arrival inQuito, where he had a great number of wives, that he told them they mightsoon expect to have the pleasure of seeing the Christians, with whom theywould have the opportunity of diverting themselves; and that, believinghim in jest, they laughed heartily at the news, on which he caused most ofthem to be put to death. After this cruel deed, he set fire to a largeapartment filled with rich dresses and valuable moveables belonging to thelate Inca Huana Capac, and retired from Quito, having first made anotherunsuccessful attempt to surprise the Spaniards by a night attack, afterwhich Benalcazar made himself master of Quito with very little opposition. 

While these things were going on in the kingdom of Quito, the governorPizarro received information that Don Pedro de Alvarado, who was governorof Guatimala, had embarked with a considerable force for Peru, on whichaccount he deemed it proper to detach some troops under Almagro to SanMiguel, to inquire into the truth of that report and to prevent theinvasion of his government. As Almagro on his arrival at San Miguel couldget no distinct accounts of the motions of Alvarado, and was informed ofthe resistance made to Benalcazar in the kingdom of Quito by Ruminagui, heaccordingly marched there with his troops and formed a junction withBenalcazar, assuming the command of the combined forces, after which hereduced several districts and fortified stations of the natives. But, ashe did not find any gold in that country, which was by no means so rich ashe thought he had reason to expect from report, he soon afterwardsreturned towards Cuzco, leaving the command in Quito to Benalcazar. 

After the conquest of New Spain by the Marquis del Valle, he detached oneof his captains named Don Pedro de Alvarado to a neighbouring countrycalled Guatimala; which that officer accordingly reduced to subjectionafter much trouble and many dangers, and, as a reward of his services, wasappointed to the government of that province by the king of Spain. Onreceiving intelligence of the riches of the newly discovered empire ofPeru, Alvarado solicited permission from the emperor Don Carlos to bepermitted to undertake the conquest of some part of that country, beyondthe bounds that had been granted to Pizarro, and received a patent to thateffect. Having received authority for this purpose, while he was makingpreparations for the expedition, he sent one of his officers, namedGarcias Holguin, with two ships to examine the coast of Peru, and to gainsome precise intelligence respecting its actual state. From the report ofHolgum respecting the immense quantities of gold which the governor DonFrancisco Pizarro had found in that country, Alvarado was encouraged toproceed in his enterprize; flattering himself, that while Pizarro and histroops were occupied at Caxamarca, he might be able to acquire possessionof Cuzco[28], which he considered as beyond the two hundred and fiftyleagues which had been assigned as the extent of the government conferredupon Pizarro. For the better execution of his design, and lestreinforcements might be sent from Nicaragua to Pizarro, he came by sea tothat place one night, where he made himself master of two large shipswhich had been fitted out there expressly for the purpose of carrying alarge reinforcement of men and horses to Peru. In these two ships, and inthose which he brought with him from Guatimala, Alvarado set sail withfive hundred men, cavalry and infantry, and landed on the coast of SouthAmerica at the harbour of Puerto Viejo. 

From Puerto Viejo, Alvarado marched almost due east with his army, crossing those mountains which separate the plain country of Guayaquilfrom the table land of Quito, which the Spaniards call the _Arcabucos_, being thickly covered with brushwood, but over which the road is tolerablyeasy and only moderately steep, being almost under the equator. In thismarch his men suffered extremely from hunger and thirst, as the countrythrough which they went was very barren, and had neither springs norrivulets. The only relief they could procure was from certain large canesas thick as a mans leg, in each of the joints of which they usually foundrather more than a quart of excellent water. They were so much distressedby famine on this march as to be under the necessity of eating several oftheir horses, the flesh of which sold so high that a dead horse broughtmore money on this occasion than he had cost when living. Besides thirstand famine, they were very much distressed during a considerable part ofthe way by quantities of hot ashes falling upon them, which theyafterwards learnt were thrown up by a volcano in the neighbourhood ofQuito, which burns with such violence that its ashes are often carried bythe wind to the distance of eighty leagues, and its noise like prodigiousthunder is sometimes heard at a hundred leagues from Quito. In the wholemarch, which was nearly under the equinoctial line, the troops of Alvaradofound everywhere abundance of emeralds. After a long and difficult marchthrough these _arcabucos_, where they were for the most part obliged tocut their way through the thick brushwood by means of axes and theirswords, they came at length to a high chain of mountains covered with snow, over which it was necessary to pass. In this difficult and dangerouspassage by an extremely narrow road, it snowed almost continually, and thecold was so extremely severe, that although every one put on all theclothes they had along with them, more than sixty men perished from theextreme severity of the weather. One of the soldiers happened to beaccompanied by his wife and two young children, and seeing them entirelyworn out with fatigue, while he was unable to assist them, he preferred toremain with them and perish, although he might have saved himself. Atlength, after infinite toil and danger, they found that they had reachedthe top of the mountain, and began joyfully to descend into the lowergrounds of the kingdom of Quito. It is true that in this country theyfound other high mountains covered likewise with snow, as the province isentirely surrounded and interspersed with mountains; but then there aremany temperate vallies among these mountains, which are well peopled andcultivated. About this time, so great a quantity of snow melted suddenlyon one of these mountains, producing such prodigious torrents of water, that the valley and village of _Contiega_ were entirely overwhelmed andinundated. These torrents bring down immense quantities of stones, andeven vast fragments of rock, with as much ease as if they were only piecesof cork. 

It has been already said that Almagro had left Benalcazar in thegovernment of Quito, meaning to return to Cuzco, because no intelligencehad reached him of the motions of Alvarado; and mention has been made ofhis having reduced certain rocks and fortresses into which the Indians ofQuito had retired to defend themselves. This had occupied him so long, that Alvarado had penetrated into the province of Quito before Almagro hadreturned into the south of Peru, being still employed in reducing thesouthern districts of Quito. He received the first intelligence of thearrival of Alvarado while reducing the province of _Liribamba_[29], forwhich purpose he had to pass a considerable river with much difficulty anddanger, as the Indians had destroyed the bridges, and waited on the otherside of the river to attack him while passing. He defeated them, thoughwith much difficulty, as the Indians were very numerous, and their wivesfought as bravely as the men, being very expert in slinging stones. Inthis engagement the head cacique of the Indians was made prisoner, andfrom him Almagro got the first intelligence of the arrival of Alvarado, who was then only at the distance of about sixty miles, employed inreducing an Indian fortress into which one of the captains of the Indianshad retired, whose name was Zopazopaqui. On receiving this news, Almagrosent seven horsemen to inquire into its truth, and to bring him exactinformation of the strength and intentions of Alvarado. These were allmade prisoners by the troops of Alvarado, who liberated them some timeafterwards. Alvarado advanced with his troops within less than twentymiles of the camp of Almagro, who, considering the great superiority innumber possessed by Alvarado, formed the resolution of returning to Cuzcowith an escort of twenty-five horse, and to leave the remainder of histroops under Benalcazar for the defence of the country. 

At this time, Philipillo, the Indian interpreter who has been alreadymentioned as the cause of the death of Atahualpa, fearing to incur thepunishment of his treachery, fled from the camp of Almagro to that ofAlvarado, taking along with him a principal Peruvian cacique. These menhad concerted with most of the Peruvian _curacas_ or chiefs whoaccompanied Almagro, to hold themselves and their people in readiness toabandon him and to join Alvarado at the earliest notice sent them for thatpurpose. Immediately on his arriving in the presence of Alvarado, Philipillo offered to make him master of the whole country, informing himat the same time of the design of Almagro to retire to Cuzco, and that ifhe chose to attack him without delay he might easily make him prisoner, ashe had only about eighty horsemen and a hundred and fifty infantry. Onthis advice, Alvarado marched immediately to attack Almagro, whom he foundat Liribamba, resolved to defend himself bravely, and to die fightingrather than fly. Almagro had thrown up intrenchments for his defence, having divided his small party into two bands, one of which he commandedin person, and placed the other under the command of Benalcazar. Alvaradomarched up with his troops in order of battle; but when just on the pointof commencing the attack, certain propositions of peace were made, and atruce was agreed upon for the rest of the day and the following night, onpurpose to agree upon conditions[30]. In a conferrence for this purpose, an agreement was entered into, which was greatly forwarded by a licentiatenamed Caldera. It was agreed that Almagro should pay to Alvarado 100, 000pesos, or 2000 marks of gold[31], as an equivalent for the expences he hadincurred in fitting out his expedition, and that the two commanders shouldgo together to Pizarro, for the purpose of procuring the necessary fundsfor payment of this agreement. The conditions were kept secret, lest thecompanions of Alvarado might prevent their execution, as their interesthad been entirely overlooked in this agreement. It was therefore given outthat Alvarado was to embark with his people to make farther discovery ofthe country, leaving that part which was already occupied and conquered bythe Spaniards, and permission was given to all who thought proper thatthey might remain at Quito with Benalcazar. A considerable number of thefollowers of Alvarado availed themselves of this permission, and othersaccompanied him and Almagro to Pachacamac, where they were informedPizarro had gone from Xauxa expressly to receive them. Before leaving theprovince of Quito, Almagro ordered the _curaca_ who deserted from himalong with Philipillo to be burnt alive, and would have treated theinterpreter in the same manner, but Alvarado interceded for him, andobtained his pardon. 

While Almagro and Alvarado were on their march from the province of Quitofor Pachacamac, the _curaca_ or chief of the Cagnares, informed them thatthe Peruvian general Quizquiz had assembled an army of above 12, 000 men, with which he had collected all the people and cattle of the countrybetween and Xauxa, and intended attacking them on their march. This chiefadded, that if they would delay their march for some time, he wouldcontrive a plan for delivering Quizquiz into their hands. Almagro was notdisposed to put too much confidence in this proposal, and continued hisjourney. On arriving in the province of _Chaparra_[32], they unexpectedlyfell in with above two thousand Peruvian warriors commanded by a curacanamed Sotaurco. This was the advanced guard of Quizquiz, whose main bodywas two or three days march in the rear. Quizquiz had a similar detachmentat a considerable distance on his left flank, on purpose to raisecontributions of provisions from the inhabitants of the country for thesubsistence of his army; and had besides a rear guard of three or fourthousand warriors, two days march behind. The main body under his ownimmediate command escorted all the cattle which had been collected on themarch, and great numbers of prisoners, so that his whole army occupied aspace of above sixty miles of country. 

Sotaurco, the commander of the Peruvian vanguard, endeavoured to gainpossession of a defile or pass in the mountains, by which he supposed theSpaniards intended to march; but Almagro not only prevented the executionof that project by seizing the pass, but even made Sotaurco prisoner. Fromhim Almagro was informed of the order of march observed by Quizquiz, anddetermined to make a forced march with all his cavalry to attack him. Inthis march, at a steep stoney pass near a river which it was necessary topass, most of the horses lost their shoes; and as it was in the night, theSpaniards had to replace them as well as they could by the light of firesand candles. Being afraid lest Quizquiz might be informed of theirapproach by some of the natives of the country, Almagro continued hismarch with all possible expedition, and towards the evening of the secondday of his march he came in sight of the Peruvian camp. 

Immediately on seeing the Spaniards, Quizquiz withdrew to some distancewith all the women and people who were unfit for battle, and placed histroops in a post of very difficult access under the command of _Huaypalca_, a brother of the late inca Atahualpa. Almagro advanced without hesitationto attack them, although the horses were so weary that they were hardlyable to move though led mostly by the soldiers; besides which thePeruvians rolled down upon them from the mountain great quantities oflarge stones and fragments of rock. In spite of every obstacle, theSpaniards made their way to the post occupied by Huaypalca, which theyattacked both in front and flank, and forced him to retire among the steeprocks, where he defended himself till night, and then drew off under coverof the darkness to rejoin Quizquiz. Sometime afterwards, it was learntthat the detached party of Peruvians which marched on the left of Quizquiz, had made prisoners of fourteen Spaniards, all of whom they put to death. Almagro, in continuing his march, was opposed by the Peruvian rear-guardat the passage of a river, so that he was unable to get over for a wholeday. Besides occupying the opposite bank of the river, the Peruvians hadtaken possession of a very high mountain immediately above the placeoccupied by the Spaniards, so that they were unable to attack the enemywithout exposing themselves to great danger; and indeed a good many of theSpaniards were wounded, among whom Alfonso de Alvarado was pierced quitethrough the thigh by a javelin, and another officer of rank was severelywounded. The Peruvians kept firm all night, but in the morning theyabandoned their post on the banks of the river, leaving the passage freefor the Spaniards. The Indians had burnt all the baggage which they couldnot carry off, but above 15, 000 Peruvian sheep were found in their camp, and more than four thousand Indian men and women, of those whom Quizquizhad made prisoners, who now voluntarily surrendered themselves to theSpaniards. The Peruvian warriors had retired to a strong post on the topof a mountain, where Almagro did not think fit to attack them, as he wasdesirous to continue his march to the south. 

On their arrival at San Miguel, Almagro sent the Captain Diego de Mora toPuerto Viejo, to take the charge of the vessels belonging to Alvarado, wholikewise sent Garcias de Holguin on his part, that this measure might beexecuted amicably according to agreement. After giving all the necessaryorders at San Miguel, and having provided his own men and those ofAlvarado with arms, money, and clothes, he and Alvarado continued theirjourney towards Pachacamac. In the course of this march, he left CaptainMartin Astete to build and settle a town now called Truxillo, in aconvenient situation on the coast, in pursuance of orders to that effectfrom the governor Don Francisco Pizarro. 

About this time Quizquiz, having continued his march towards Quito, hadhis advanced guard attacked and defeated by one of the officers belongingto Benalcazar. Quizquiz was much afflicted by this loss, and knew not wellwhat to do or how to conduct himself. The curacas or native chiefs in hisarmy advised him to make his peace with Benalcazar; but he would notlisten to this proposal, even threatening to put them to death if theyever mentioned such a thing again, and ordered them to prepare forreturning into Peru. But, as they were in want of provisions, and had nohopes of procuring any in the retreat which Quizquiz meditated, several ofthe _curacas_, at the head of whom was Huaypalca, remonstrated with himthat it was better to die like brave men in battle against the Spaniards, than to retreat as he desired and to die of famine in a desert country. AsQuizquiz gave a very unsatisfactory answer to this remonstrance, Huaypalcagave him a thrust in the breast with his lance, and all the other curacasfell upon him with their clubs and axes, cutting him to pieces. After thisthey dismissed the troops, allowing every one to go where he pleased. 

On the arrival of Almagro and Alvarado at Pachacamac, they were joyfullyreceived by the governor, who had come there from Xauxa to meet them. Pizarro honourably fulfilled the entire agreement which Almagro had madewith Alvarado, by the payment of the stipulated sum of 100, 000 gold pesos;though several persons remonstrated against paying so large a sum, andalleged that Almagro had been constrained to enter into the agreement bynecessity, and that Alvarado, instead of receiving so much money, deservedto be sent prisoner into Spain, for having invaded the governmentbelonging to another person. After receiving the money, Alvarado returnedquietly to his government of Guatimala[33]. 

After the departure of Alvarado, the governor Pizarro began theestablishment of a colony or settlement in the district of Pachacamac, which he named _Ciudad de los Reyes_, or the City of the Kings, otherwisecalled Lima, to which place he removed the colonists whom he had formerlyestablished at Xauxa or Jauja; as the situation of Lima appeared to himexceedingly well calculated for trade, being near the sea[34]. From thatplace, Almagro went with a considerable force to Cuzco, and Pizarrovisited Truxillo on purpose to place that colony on a proper footing, bymaking an equitable repartition of the lands and Indians among thecolonists. 

While at Truxillo, Pizarro received information that Almagro was inclinedto take possession of the city of Cuzco, having been apprized by FerdinandPizarro, who was sent to Spain, that his majesty had appointed him aseparate government extending a hundred leagues beyond the boundarieswhich had been assigned to Pizarro, and which Almagro alleged wereconsiderably to the north of Cuzco. Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, brothers ofthe governor, who were then in Cuzco, and several other persons ofconsideration, vigorously opposed Almagro and Hernando Soto, who took thepart of Almagro, and a civil war seemed on the point of breaking out: ButAlmagro was unable to succeed in his design, as the great majority of thesenators or members of the Cabildo took the part of the governor and hisbrothers. Immediately on receiving intelligence of these disputes, Pizarroposted with all expedition to Cuzco, where he soon re-establishedtranquillity by his presence. He pardoned Almagro, who was much ashamed ofhaving occasioned so much confusion by attempting a matter of such highimportance on such slight grounds as a mere hearsay or report. The ancientfriendship and association between Pizarro and Almagro was renewed, and itwas agreed that Almagro should go with a military force on discovery tothe south, and if he found any country worth taking possession of, thatthe associates were to use their joint interest at the court of Spain toprocure the government of it for him; but, if no good country were to befound, the government of Peru was then to be divided between Pizarro andAlmagro. This agreement was solemnly ratified by oath upon the consecratedhost, pledging themselves never to attempt in future to do any thingcontrary to the interests of each other. Some have said that Almagro, onthis occasion, swore that he would never make any future attempt uponCuzco, or any part of the country to the distance of a hundred and thirtyleagues to the south of that city, even in the event of being named by theking to to its government; and they add, that in addressing himself onthis occasion to the holy body of Christ, he used these words, "If Ishould violate the oath which I now make, I pray, O Lord! that thou mayestpunish and confound me in body and soul. "

After this solemn agreement; Almagro prepared everything for his departure, and accordingly set out with above five hundred men, as shall be relatedin the next section. Pizarro returned to Lima, whence he sent Alfonso deAlvarado to conquer the country of the Chachapoyas, which is in themountainous region of Peru about sixty leagues from Truxillo. This officerand his followers encountered much difficulty and labour in thisenterprize, in which they at length succeeded, by forming establishmentsand reducing the inhabitants to submission; after which, the government ofthe province was conferred upon Alvarado, by whom the conquest had beeneffected. 

[1] With regard to this person, the original French translator makes the following observation: "Perhaps this is the person named Hernando de Luque at the beginning of the first section, who is said to have been one of the original adventurers in the enterprize. If so, the name of de Luque on the former occasion may be an error of the press. "--It must be observed however, that Garcilasso de la Vega names the third person of the original fraternity Hernando de Luque, and makes no mention whatever of Ponce de Leon. --E. 

[2] Neither Zarate nor Garcilasso mention the number of troops embarked on this expedition, but we learn from Robertson, II. 206, that the whole armament consisted of 180 soldiers, 36 of whom were horsemen. --E. 

[3] According to Robertson, II. 293, Pizarro landed in the bay of St Matthew. The distance of 100 Spanish leagues from Tumbez, mentioned by Garcilasso as the intended place of landing, would lead us to the Rio de Santjago in lat. 1° S. On the coast of Tacames or Esmeraldas. Garcilasso says that Pizarro had two vessels, which he immediately sent back to Panama. But these seem to have accompanied the march of Pizarro to Coaque. --E. 

[4] From the sequel, this place appears to have been in the province of Tacames. --E. 

[5] A species of gold coin worth 14 reals 18 maravedies. Garcilasso says that Pizarro sent 24000 or 25000 ducats of gold to Almagro, part of which was plunder, and part received in ransom for prisoners. --E. 

[6] In making this small progress the whole of the year 1531 had been employed, and the year 1532 was already begun before Pizarro left Coaque. --Roberts. H. Of Amer. II. 288. 

[7] Perhaps that now called Mancora, intermediate between the river of Tumbez and that of Piura. In this route Pizarro had to cross a mountainous district, not mentioned by Zarate, called the hills of Castro, Aguarro, and Pachini--E. 

[8] Garcillasso suspects that this message must have come from some _curaca_ in the interest of Huascar, who was then a prisoner to Atahualpa. --E. 

[9] San Miguel stands on the river Piuru, which runs into the sea upwards of forty miles farther south than the Chira. This colony being intended for a harbour to receive reinforcements, was probably first established at the mouth of the river, where Sechura now stands. The present town of San Miguel is near thirty miles from the sea--E. 

[10] In this adventurous march into the interior of an extensive empire, the forces commanded by Pizarro, who had now received several reinforcements, consisted of 62 horsemen and 102 foot soldiers, twenty of whom were armed with cross-bows, and only three carried muskets or rather matchlocks. --Robertson, H. Of Amer. II. 295. He appears also to have had two small field-pieces. --E. 

[11] This envoy would assuredly bring some other message; and accordingly Robertson, II. 296, says that he offered an alliance, and a friendly reception at Caxamarca. Garcilasso gives a long and vague account of the object of this message, and enumerates many articles of provisions and curiosities, and some rich presents of gold and silver dishes and vases which were sent on this occasion by Atahualpa to Pizarro. --E. 

[12] Robertson, II. 299, suppresses all mention of any hostile intentions on the part of Atahualpa. --E. 

[13] Robertson, note cxxx, justly observes, that the extravagant and absurd discourse of Valverde, of which that given by Zarate in the text is an epitome, is merely a translation or paraphrase of a form, concerted in 1509 by a junto of Spanish lawyers and divines, for directing the office employed in the New World how to take possession of any new country. --E. 

[14] In this engagement, or massacre rather, according to one Spanish writer 2000 Peruvians were slain, while another author swells the number to six or seven thousand, and a third says five thousand. Of the Spaniards not one was even hurt except the general Pizarro, who was wounded in the hand by one of his own soldiers. --Roberts. Hist. Of America. II. 302. And note cxxxi. 

[15] Considerable even as this sum appears, it seems too small for the sovereign of so vast an empire which abounded so much in gold; yet we have no means of correcting the amount. Garcilasso however mentions one piece of goid plate found in the baths of Atahualpa after the battle worth 100, 000 ducats; but his work is so strange a farrago of confusion and absurdity as to bear very little authority. --E. 

[16] The omission of the length and breadth of this room by Zarate, is supplied by Robertson, ii. 503, from the other original Spanish authors, who say the room was 22 feet long by 16 feet broad. The reach of Atahualpa could not be less than. 7-1/2 feet, 2640 cubic feet of gold, even heaped up of hollow vessels, must have produced a most astonishing value of that precious metal; but there are no data on which to calculate the numerical value of this imperial ransom, which the Spaniards certainly meant to accept, but would never have fulfilled the alternative. --E. 

[17] The sum in the text is quite vaguely expressed; perhaps pieces of eight reals, or dollars. --E. 

[18] At 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, this government accorded to Pizarro, would have reached from about Tacames to the lat. Of 11° 25' S. Whereas the kingdom of Peru extends to lat. 21° 35' S. And its most valuable and richest provinces would have fallen to the share of Almagro. --E. 

[19] This expression is entirely vague, and does not even say which governor is meant. We shall see afterwards that this project of Almagro to appropriate the southern part of Peru took place at a subsequent period, and involved the recent conquest in long and destructive civil wars. --E. 

[20] Reckoning the mark at _eight_ ounces, the gold at L. 4, and the silver at 5s 6d. Per oz. This royal fifth would come to L. 108, 000, and the whole treasure to five times that sum, or L. 540, 000. But as the precious metals were then worth at least _six_ times as much as now, or would purchase _six_ times the amount of labour or necessaries, this first fruit of the conquest of Peru exceeded the value of three millions sterling. --E. 

[21] Of this tragical event, the illustrious Historian of America, gives a somewhat different account, II. 310, from Herrera and Garcilasso de la Vega; which, as much too long for a note, is subjoined in the text to the narrative of Zarate, and distinguished by inverted commas. --E. 

[22] Probably the district now called Jauja: as the x and j have nearly the same sound in Spanish with the aspirated Greek xi. --E. 

[23] Apparently Guancavelica, in which is the town of Vilca-bamba. --E. 

[24] This name of _Paul_ could hardly be Peruvian. Manco Capac, a full brother of Huascar, had been recognized as Inca at Cuzco; perhaps the person named Paul by Zarate, is the same prince who is called Paullu by Gardilasso, and may have received that name in baptism at an after period. --E. 

[25] This it probably an error of the press for _Condesugo_. To the south of Cusco, and in the plain of Peru, there are two contiguous districts named the Condesuyos of Arequipa and Cusco, which are probably the province alluded to in the text. The term seems Spanish; but it is not unusual with Zarate to substitute posterior names to those of the period concerning which he writes. --E. 

[26] This paragraph is added from the history of America, II. 313, to the text of Zarate, as necessary to account for the subsequent operations of Pizarro, after the secession of a considerable part of his original followers. --E. 

[27] Tumbez seems here substituted by mistake for Payta. San Miguel is not less than 130 miles from Tumbez, and only about 30 from Payta--E. 

[28] From the subsequent operations of Alvarado, this seems an error of the press for Quito. --E. 

[29] Probably that now called Riobamba by the Spaniards, about 100 miles south from Quito. --E. 

[30] Garcilasso says that the soldiers of both armies, being mostly natives of Estremedura, mixed together without permission of their officers, and made propositions of peace and amity, by which the generals were in a great measure forced to an agreement. 

[31] Two thousand marks of gold of eight ounces each, and the ounce at four pound Sterling are worth L. 64, 000, perhaps equivalent to near L. 460, 000 of modern money. --E. 

[32] Perhaps that now called Xibarros, in the south of the kingdom of Quito. --E. 

[33] According to Garcilosso, Pizarro made an additional free gift to Alvarado of 20, 000 gold pesos to defray the expence of his voyage back to his government, with emeralds and turquoises to a considerable value, and several articles of gold plate for the use of his table. --E. 

[34] Lima or Los Reyes is built on the banks of a river named Rimac or Limac by the Peruvians, whence its ordinary name of Lima. It is about ten miles from the sea, having a port named Callao at the mouth of the river. This city got the name of _the City of the Kings_; either from its foundation being laid on the 18th of January 1535, on the festival of the _three kings_; or in honour of Juana and Carlos, joint sovereigns of Castile. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_Occurrences from the departure of Almagro for Chili, to his capture byPizarro, being the first part of the civil wars in Peru_. 

Inconsequence of the agreement between Pizarro and Almagro, which wasratified on the 12th of June 1535, Almagro soon afterwards set out uponthe proposed discovery and conquest at the head of five hundred andseventy men, partly cavalry and part infantry; for so great were the hopesof acquiring riches in this expedition, that several who had alreadyacquired establishments in Peru, abandoned their houses, lands, andIndians, to follow the fortunes of Almagro[1]. Juan, de Saavedra was senton before the main body of the army with a detachment of a hundred men;and, in the course of his march through that province which has since beencalled _Los Charcas_, he met with some Indians on their road from Chili toPeru, who were going to pay their homage to the Inca. Almagro having alongwith him a body of two hundred men, both horse and foot, made a march oftwo hundred and fifty leagues, reducing the whole country in his way, tillhe arrived in the district of the _Chichas_, where he learnt that he wasfollowed by a body of fifty Spaniards commanded by Niguerol de Ulloa. Almagro commanded that party to join him, and continued his march towardsChili, which is 350 leagues beyond the province, of Chichas, reducing allthe tribes on his route to submission. Almagro halted at this place withhalf his troops, and sent on the rest under Gomez de Aivarado, whoproceeded sixty leagues farther; but was forced to return to Almagro, inconsequence of the severity of the weather. 

After the departure of Almagro from Cuzco, the Inca Manco Capac and his, brother Villaoma entered into a plot for massacring all the Spaniards inPeru on a certain day. Manco Capac had engaged execute to that part of theconspiracy which had for its object the destruction of Almagro and histroops, but which he was unable to accomplish. What was done by hisbrother will be related afterwards. Philipillo, the Peruvian interpreterwho has been formerly mentioned, was acquainted with this conspiracy, onwhich account he made his escape from Almagro, and being pursued and takenwas condemned to be quartered. Before his execution, he confessed that hehad unjustly procured the death of Atahualpa, that he might thereby secureto himself one of the wives of that unhappy prince, of whom he wasenamoured. 

About two months after the arrival of Almagro in Chili, one of hiscaptains named Ruy Dias came to him with a reinforcement of a hundred men, and informed him that all the natives of Peru had revolted and hadmassacred most of the Spaniards in that country. Almagro was much grievedat this intelligence, and resolved immediately to return, that he mightchastise the revolters and restore the country to obedience; meaningafterwards to send one of his captains with a sufficient force to reduceChili. He accordingly set out on his return, and was met on his way byRodrigo Orgognez, who brought him a reinforcement of twenty-five men, andwas soon afterwards joined by Juan de Herrada with a farther reinforcementof a hundred. Herrada brought him likewise the letters patent of the king, by which he was appointed governor of two hundred leagues of countrybeyond the boundaries assigned to Pizarro. This new government which wasgranted to Almagro was directed to be named the New Kingdom of Toledo, andthat of Pizarro, the New Kingdom of Castille. Having said at thecommencement of this section, that Almagro carried with him from Cuzco onthis expedition a force of 570 Spanish troops; it must be remarked thatsuch was his intention, but that in reality he had only 200 men along withhim, after which his army was made up nearly to the intended number by thedifferent reinforcements of which we have made mention. 

In the march of Almagro into Chili, his army suffered excessive hardshipsfrom hunger and thirst. Besides their other fatigues, they had often toencounter Indians of great stature, clothed in the skins of sea-wolves andseals, who used the bow and arrow with great strength and address. But themost severe circumstance during this march was the intense cold which theyencountered in passing over some mountains covered with snow. Inparticular, several of the soldiers belonging to Ruy Dias and a good manyhorses were frozen to death; and so excessive was the cold, that whenAlmagro returned towards Cuzco five months afterwards, several of thebodies of those who had been frozen to death were found upright andleaning against the rocks, still holding the bridles of their horses, which were likewise frozen, and their flesh still remained as sweet anduncorrupted as if they had only just expired, insomuch that the troopsused the flesh of these horses as food on their return to Peru. In someparts of these deserts where there was no snow, the Spaniards were reducedto great straits from want of water; on which account they had to makebags or leather bottles of the skins of sheep, in which to carry water fortheir supply. 

It is proper to remark, that the Peruvian sheep are much larger animalsthan those of Europe, and are used as beasts of burden. They resemble insome measure the camel in their shape, except that they have no hunches ontheir backs, and are able to carry a load of a hundred pounds or more, with which they are able to travel four or five leagues a-day. TheSpaniards even sometimes rode on their backs. When fatigued, theyimmediately lie down, and it is impossible to make them rise again by anymeans whatever, neither blows nor kindness are of any avail, and itbecomes necessary to unload them. When a person rides on one of theseanimals, and endeavours to urge it on when weary, it turns round its headtowards the man, blowing upon him a most offensive breath mixed with akind of stinking dew, which seems to proceed from the contents of itsstomach. This is a most useful and profitable animal, as besides servingas a beast of burden, its wool is excellent and very fine; more especiallythat species which is called _pacas_, which has very long wool. Theseanimals are supported at very little expence while on a journey, requiringonly a very small allowance of maize, and they can subsist four or fivedays without drinking. Their flesh is well tasted and wholesome, and equalto the best fat mutton of Spain; and it is accordingly sold in all thebutcher-markets of Peru. At the first settlement of the Spaniards in thiscountry, before the establishment of regular markets, when any personkilled one of these sheep, his neighbours used to participate, and they intheir turns killed others, and divided them among the neighbours. 

In some of the level plains of Peru there is a species of ostrich, whichis taken in the following manner. Several horsemen place themselves inambush, while others likewise on horseback pursue the ostriches andendeavour to drive them towards their companions who are concealed. Thesebirds, although they are unable to rise in flight into the air, go withastonishing swiftness, partly by running, and partly by means of shortflights close to the ground, insomuch that a man on horseback isaltogether unable to get up with them, so that it requires stratagem tokill or take them alive. 

In Chili there are some rivers which have water only during the day, andare entirely dry during the night. This is owing to the heat of the sunmelting the snow on the mountains by day, by which temporary rivers, ortorrents rather, are formed by day, which cease again at night when thecold puts a stop to the melting of the snow. When we have got about 500leagues along the coast from Peru towards the south, or in the lat. Ofabout 30° S. Rain is often met with, and the winds are no longer soregular as nearer the line, but blow sometimes one way and sometimesanother, as in Spain and other countries of Europe. Chili is a tolerablywell peopled country, and resembles Peru in being divisible into twodistricts, the plain and the mountain, and its coast is considerably moreindented by gulfs and bays than that of Peru[2]. It enjoys thevicissitudes of summer and winter nearly as in Spain, but at oppositetimes of the year, the winter of Chili being at the same time with theSpanish summer, and vice versa. The pole seen from that country, which isdirectly opposite our _Arctic_ or north pole, is only marked by a kind ofsmall white cloud or nebula, which is seen after sunset in that directionin which astronomers have placed the antartic or south pole. There islikewise seen a constellation of seven stars, four of them being in formof a cross, followed by three others, resembling the lesser bear of theastronomers which turns round the north polar star. These seven stars nearthe south pole are situated somewhat like those of the _ursa minor_, except that the four which form the cross are nearer each other than thoseof the north pole which are seen in our hemisphere. Our north pole is lostsight of somewhat less than 200 leagues to the south of Panama, under theequator; from whence, or a little beyond, on either side of the line, these two constellations may be seen when they rise a little above thepoles of the horizon. On the south side of the equinoctial line, navigators are only able to see the four stars near the antarctic polewhich form the cross, until they reach the _thirtieth_ degree of southlatitude, after which they get sight of the other three stars which formthis constellation. 

The change in the length of the days and nights in Chili is nearly thesame as in Spain, only the longest day in Chili is at that time of theyear when Spain has the day shortest. In Peru and Tierra firma andgenerally in all places near the equinoctial line, the days and nights arealways equal or nearly so during the whole year. Even at Lima and otherplaces the difference is so small as hardly to be noticed. The natives ofChili are clothed nearly in the same manner with the Peruvians, and usethe same kind of food. The inhabitants, both men and women, are tolerablywell looked. They are governed by great lords, who make war against eachother, and some of whom are able to bring 200, 000 men into the field. Oneof these lords at this time was named _Leuchengorma_, who possessed anisland about two leagues from the coast which was consecrated to his idols, in which was a temple ministered to by two thousand priests. The subjectsof Leuchengorma informed the Spaniards, that there was a great provinceabout fifty leagues farther on, situated between two rivers, which wasentirely inhabited by women, who did not admit any men among them but atcertain times, for the purpose of having children, and who sent all theirsons to their fathers, reserving their daughters only to be brought upamong themselves. They said farther, that these women were subjects ofLeuchengorma, and were ruled over by a queen named _Guaboymilla_, whichsignifies _golden heaven_ in their language, and so named because hercountry produces a great quantity of gold. These women manufactured richstuffs, in which, and in the gold produced in their country, they paidtribute to Leuchengorma. Although these things have often been spoken of, their truth has not as yet been ascertained by the discovery of thecountry, Almagro having made no establishment there. Of late, indeed, Pedro de Valdivia has been sent thither to establish some colonies, but hehas never yet had a sufficient force for making discoveries, or forcolonization, and has settled one colony only, which is placed aboutthirty-three degrees to the south of the equator[3]. 

The whole coast of Chili is well peopled, as far as to the latitude of 40°south and still farther; which is known by one of the ships belonging tothe fleet sent out by Don Gabriel de Carvajal bishop of Placentia, whichpassed through the straits of Magellan, and sailed along the whole westerncoast of South America from south to north, and at length reached the portbelonging to Lima. This ship brought over the first rats ever seen in Peru, which have so multiplied since that there are plenty in every town of thewhole country. 

These animals are named _ococha_ by the Peruvians, which word signifieshaving come from the sea. 

Soon after the departure of Almagro from Cuzco on his expedition to Chili, Ferdinand Pizarro returned from Spain, where his majesty made him a knightof the order of St Jago, with other advantages[4]. He had likewiseobtained an enlargement of the government of his brother to a certainextent, and brought out with him a commission for Almagro to a newgovernment. 

At this time Manco Capac, whom Pizarro had permitted to assume the nominaltitle of Inca of Peru, was detained a prisoner in the citadel of Cuzco, inconsequence of the discovery of a conspiracy he had entered into with hisbrothers Paul and Villaoma to exterminate the Spaniards. Manco Capac wroteto Juan Pizarro, intreating to be set at liberty before the arrival ofFerdinand Pizarro at Cuzco; and Juan, who was then in the _Collao_endeavouring to reduce certain Indians who had retired into a strong placeamong rocks, sent orders to liberate the Inca. On the arrival of FerdinandPizarro at Cuzco, he treated Manco Capac with much respect, yet kept aconstant guard over him, and it is believed that Ferdinand shewed greatfriendship for the Inca, in the hope of procuring gold from him, to sendto the king of Spain or for his own use. Two months after the return ofFerdinand to Cuzco, Manco Capac solicited permission from Ferdinand to gointo the district of _Jucaya_[5] on purpose to celebrate a solemn festival, promising on his return to present him with a statue of the late HuanaCapac of solid gold as large as life. Ferdinand allowed him to attend thisfestival, which turned out merely the unravelment of the plot which hadbeen formed at the time when Almagro began his march for Chili. MancoCapac gave immediate orders to put to death some Spaniards whosuperintended the working of the mines, and others who were travellingthrough the country on various affairs. He sent likewise one of hiscaptains with a considerable body of troops against Cuzco, who by a suddenand unexpected attack got possession of the castle of that city. TheSpaniards indeed retook it after six or seven days, yet not without hardfighting, in which they lost Juan Pizarro; who was killed by a stone whichstruck him on the head, at a time when he was unable to wear his helmet inconsequence of a former wound. His death was much regretted by theSpaniards, being a brave man and much experienced in the manner ofcarrying on war with the Indians, and besides because his manners had madehim beloved by every one. 

Notwithstanding the recapture of the castle of Cuzco by the Spaniards, theInca brought a large army against the city, which he besieged for morethan eight months, making frequent assaults on various parts of the works, chiefly during moon-light nights when the moon was full. Ferdinand Pizarroand his brothers, assisted by Gabriel de Roias, Hernand Ponce de Leon, DonAlfonso Enriquez, the treasurer Requelme, and other brave officers, made aresolute defence, and were almost perpetually under arms day and night, asthe number of the garrison was exceedingly inadequate to the extent of theplace and the multitude of assailants. As the Spaniards in Cuzco wereaware that the insurrection was general over all Peru, they hardly doubtedbut the governor and all their other countrymen were cut off, so that theydefended themselves as men who had no earthly hope of succour, dependingonly on the mercy of God and their own courage. Their small number wasdaily diminished, as hardly a day passed in which the Indians did not killor wound some of their people. One time during the siege, Gonzalo Pizarromade a sally with twenty horsemen, and proceeded to the lake or marsh ofChinchero which is five leagues from Cuzco, where he was surrounded by sovast a force of Indians that he must inevitably have been made prisoner, had not Ferdinand Pizarro and Alfonso de Toro come up to his rescue with abody of horse. Gonzalo was much blamed on this occasion for havingadvanced so far among the enemy with so few men. 

We have already mentioned that Almagro had resolved to return into Peruand to make himself master of Cuzco, from the time that Juan de Herradahad brought him the commission by which he was appointed to a governmentbeyond that assigned to Don Francisco Pizarro. The principal officers whowere along with him, strongly urged him to this measure, particularlyGomez Alvarado and Diego Alvarado, brother and uncle of Don Pedro Alvaradothe governor of Guatimala, and Rodrigo Orgognez; some of whom were eagerto procure settlements in Peru, and others were desirous of gainingestablishments in Chili. To succeed in their design, as reports of theinsurrection in Peru had reached Chili, they instructed some Indianinterpreters to inform Almagro that the governor Francisco Pizarro andmost of the Spaniards in Peru had been slain by the Peruvians. Urged byall these considerations, Almagro marched back into Peru, and even arrivedwithin six leagues of Cuzco without giving notice to Ferdinand Pizarro ofhis motions or intentions[6]. Almagro made overtures to the Inca MancoCapac for an accommodation, offering to forgive him all the injury he hadalready done to the Spaniards, in consideration of joining his party andassisting him to become master of Cuzco, of which he pretended that he hadbeen appointed governor by the king of Spain. The Inca proposed aninterview between them under pretence of settling the terms of anagreement, to which Almagro consented without suspecting any treachery, and went accordingly with a part only of his troops to the place appointedfor the conference, leaving the rest of his force under the command ofJuan de Saavedra. Taking advantage of this confidence, the Inca attackedAlmagro by surprize with extreme fury, and even killed and wounded severalof his men. 

In the mean time, Ferdinand Pizarro received notice of the arrival ofAlmagro, and that Juan de Saavedra was left at the village of Hurcos incommand of the troops in the absence of Almagro. He went therefore fromCuzco at the head of an hundred and seventy of his best troops, in hope ofbeing able to prevail on Saavedra and the rest to abandon the party ofAlmagro, or to fall upon them by surprize and make them prisoners. ButSaavedra got timely notice of his approach, and drew up his forces, amounting to three hundred Spaniards, in an advantageous situation for hisreception. When the two parties were just about to engage, FerdinandPizarro sent a message to Saavedra proposing a private interview, thatthey might endeavour to agree upon an accommodation, to which the otherconsented. As this conference was entirely between themselves, it isdifficult to know with any certainty what passed; but it was reported thatFerdinand endeavoured to persuade Saavedra to join him with the troopsunder his command, for which he offered a large recompense in gold; butthat Saavedra, like a man of honour, peremptorily refused to betray hisgeneral. 

On the return of Almagro from his affair with the Inca, he rejoined thetroops under Saavedra, and marched for Cuzco with his whole force. Whileon the march, he made prisoners of four horsemen who had been sent out byFerdinand Pizarro to reconnoitre, from whom he learnt all the particularsof the insurrection of the Peruvians, who had killed more than six hundredSpaniards, and had burnt down a great part of the city of Cuzco, on whichnews Almagro was very sensibly afflicted. He sent however, his patents asgovernor to the senators of the royal council or Cabildo of Cuzco, whom heurged to receive him as their governor; since, as he insisted, the boundsof the government assigned to Francisco Pizarro certainly did not includetheir city, and even fell considerably short of it to the north. In answerto this demand, the council made answer, that whenever the extent of thegovernment belonging to Pizarro was accurately measured and determined, they would be ready to accede to his desires, provided their city wasfound to be beyond his limits. This subject was endeavoured to be settledat that time, and has been since tried to be ascertained by severalexperienced persons; but the manner in which this affair ought to beregulated has never been agreed upon between the two interested parties. The adherents of Almagro have always insisted, that the extent assigned byhis majesty as the government of Pizarro, ought to be measured eitheralong the sea coast or by the grand road of the Incas, taking into theaccount all the turnings and windings in either of these routes; by whichmeans, in either of these ways not only the city of Cuzco, but even Limaaccording to the opinions of several persons, would be left out of theprovince of Pizarro. He on the other hand, insisted that the extent ofcountry granted to him, ought to be measured in a straight line directlyfrom north to south, without any angles or turnings, or by means ofsettling the degrees of latitude at the two extremities, allowing so manyleagues to each degree. 

Ferdinand Pizarro offered to admit Almagro and his troops into Cuzco, andto assign them a particular quarter of the city for their residence, if hewould agree to defer the dispute about the boundaries, till intelligencewere sent to the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, then at Lima, that hemight have it in his power to endeavour to fall upon some means ofsettling the difference between them in an amicable manner. It has beensaid by some, that a truce was agreed upon between them on theseprinciples; and that on the faith of this truce, Ferdinand Pizarro allowedall the soldiers and inhabitants to retire to their quarters for rest andrefreshment, after their long fatigues, having spent several days andnights continually under arms, without time to sleep or even to takeproper food. It is farther said, that Almagro, being informed of thiscircumstance, made a night attack on Cuzco, in which he was aided by athick mist, so that he got possession of the defences without beingobserved. Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, awakened by the noise, flew toarms and defended their house, which was the first attacked, with theassistance of their servants; but as the enemy set it on fire in severalplaces, they were forced to surrender. Next day, Almagro obliged theCabildo to receive him as governor, and committed Ferdinand and GonzaloPizarro to prison. Several of his confidents even urged him to secure hisconquest by putting the Pizarros to death; but he was chiefly dissuadedfrom this by the influence of Diego de Alvarado, who became responsiblefor them. 

It has been said that Almagro violated the truce which he had agreed towith Ferdinand Pizarro, in consequence of the false representations ofseveral Indians and Spaniards, who told him that Ferdinand had ordered allthe bridges to be broken down, and was employed in fortifying Cuzcoagainst him. In proof of this, it is alleged that when Almagro wasadvancing to attack the city, and saw the bridges remained uninjured, hesaid aloud that he had been imposed on. The governor Don Francisco Pizarrodid not receive any account of these events at Cuzco for a good many daysafterwards. As the Inca Manco Capac had fled with a large body of Peruvianwarriors to the high mountains of the Andes, Almagro invested his brotherthe _Inca Paul_[7] with the royal fringed fillet, appointing him nominalking of Peru. 

Among those things which Don Francisco Pizarro had solicited from hismajesty in reward for his services in the discovery and conquest of Peru, he particularly requested the grant in perpetuity to him and hisdescendants of twenty thousand Indians in a province named _Atabillos_[8], with all the revenues, imposts, rights, and jurisdictions appertaining tothem, together with the title of Marquis of that province. The king gavehim the title of Marquis according to his desire; but in regard to thegrant of Indians which he solicited, answered, that he must in the firstplace be better informed of the nature and circumstances of the countryand its native institutions, before he could determine on that measure, but that Pizarro might rest assured of having every reasonable concessionin his favour. 

On receiving information of the insurrection of the Peruvians around Cuzcounder Manco Capac, Francisco Pizarro, now Marquis, sent severaldetachments of troops to the assistance of his brother Ferdinand at Cuzco, sometimes ten or fifteen only together, according as circumstances orconvenience occurred, not believing the state of affairs to be sohazardous as it was in reality[9]. The Peruvians having accurateinformation of the march of these detachments, occupied the difficultpasses of the mountains with parties of warriors, and succeeded on severaloccasions to defeat these small bodies, most of whom were slain. Oneconsiderable reinforcement of seventy horsemen, was sent by the Marquisfrom Truxillo and San Miguel under the command of Diego Pizarro, who waswaylaid by the Peruvians at a difficult pass called the mountain of Parios, about fifty leagues from Cuzco, where he and his men were all slain. OneGonzalo de Tapia, who was brother-in-law to the Marquis, who went with abody of eighty horsemen, was likewise defeated and slain; and two othercaptains, named Morgoveio and Gaete, while endeavouring to pass themountains to the relief of Cuzco, were treated in the same manner. Of allthese different detachments, scarcely one man escaped, so that those whofollowed knew nothing of what happened to those who went before them. Theenemy always attacked the Spaniards while engaged in marching through somedeep and narrow valley among the mountains, occupying both ends of thevalley by strong bodies of warriors, and rolling down great stones andmasses of rock from the steep and high mountains on both sides of thevalley, destroyed our men and horses in a miserable manner, often withoutfighting. In this way they at different times destroyed more than threehundred soldiers, and made themselves masters of their arms, besidesacquiring considerable and valuable plunder in gold and jewels and silkdresses. Not knowing the fate of the former detachments, Francisco deGodoy was sent with a reinforcement of eighty men; but falling in with twoof those who had belonged to the detachment under Gaete, who had escaped, he learnt from them what had happened, on which he immediately endeavouredto retreat from the mountain passes, in which he had considerabledifficulty, as the Indians had already occupied the defiles in his rear. He made good his retreat however, followed and harassed by the Indians formore than twenty leagues, sometimes attacking him in the rear and at othertimes in the van, and at length got safe to Lima with much difficulty. About the same time the captain Diego de Aguero arrived at that place withsome other Spaniards, who had saved themselves from the Indians, who hadendeavoured to massacre them at their country residences. 

The marquis sent Pedro de Lerma at the head of eighty cavalry to driveaway a numerous army of Peruvian warriors who had invaded the lowercountry in pursuit of Aguero. Lerma fought against these troops of theInca a whole day, and at last forced them to take refuge in a strong placeamong steep rocks, where the Spaniards surrounded them. In this battle, Lerma lost several of his teeth, and several of his men were wounded, butnone killed. The Indians were so exceedingly crowded together among therocks to which they had retired, that they were unable to use their arms, insomuch that the Spaniards might probably have put an end to the war onthis occasion, if the marquis had not sent them an order to retire. Onseeing the retreat of their enemies, the Indians returned thanks to theirgods for their escape from so great danger, and took post on a highmountain near the city of Lima on the other side of the river, whence theyharassed the Spaniards by frequent skirmishes and attacks. The commanderof these Indians was named Tyzogopangui, who had along with him one of thebrothers of the Inca, whom the marquis had sent along with Gaete[10]. While the Peruvians remained in the neighbourhood of Lima, skirmishingevery day with the Spaniards, it often happened that the natives who werein the service of the Spaniards, who were called _Yanacones_, went duringthe day to their friends in the mountains, who gave them provisions, andreturned at night to their masters. 

As he was in a manner besieged by so large a force of the enemy in Lima, the marquis concluded that his brothers and all the other Spaniards inCuzco had certainly been slain, and that the insurrection was so generalthat the inhabitants of Chili had likewise destroyed Almagro and his army. In this emergency, both that his Spaniards might not expect to savethemselves by sea, and to convince the Peruvians that he had no intentionto leave the country, he sent off all his ships to Panama. At the sametime he sent notice to the Viceroy of New Spain and all the othergovernors in America and the West Indies of the perilous state of affairsin Peru, intreating them to send him assistance. In these letters, he issaid not to have shewn his usual firmness, and it is reported that thiswas occasioned by the earnest solicitations of many of those around him. He sent orders at the same time to the commandant of Truxillo to abandonthat place, and to come to his assistance with all the armed men andhorses he could collect, sending off the women and children and all theirvaluable effects to the province of Tierra firma. But before the executionof these orders, the captain Alfonso de Alvarado arrived at Truxillo withthe troops he had taken along with him for the conquest of the province ofthe Chachapoyas, whence he had been recalled by orders from the marquis. Leaving a part of his troops for the defence of Truxillo, Alvarado marchedwith the rest to Lima, where the marquis appointed him lieutenant-generalof his army, in place of Don Pedro de Lerma, who had hitherto enjoyed thatoffice. This gave great offence to Lerma, and was the occasion of hisrevolt, as shall be mentioned in the sequel. 

As the marquis was now reinforced by a considerable number of troops, hethought himself in condition to send assistance to those parts which werein greatest danger, and detached therefore Alfonso Alvarado with threehundred horse and foot, who pillaged several districts with very littleresistance from the Indians. But about four leagues from the city ofPachacamac, he was violently attacked by the Indians, whom he defeatedwith considerable slaughter; after which he continued his march towardsCuzco. On this march the army of Alvarado suffered great hardships inpassing across a large extent of desert country, five hundred Indians whoattended as servants perishing of thirst; and it is said that all theSpanish infantry must have died of thirst and fatigue, if they had notbeen relieved by the activity of the cavalry in bringing them water from adistance. After reaching the province of Jauja, Alvarado was joined byGomez de Tordoya with two hundred horse and foot, who had been sent afterhim. His force being augmented to five hundred men by this reinforcement, Alvarado proceeded to the bridge of _Lumichaca_, where he was surroundedby a numerous army of hostile Indians. Having defeated these in battle, hecontinued his march to the bridge of Abancay[11], continually harassed bythe Indians. At that place he learned that Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarrohad been imprisoned by Almagro, who had taken possession of Cuzco; onwhich he resolved to halt where he then was till he might receive preciseorders from the marquis for his farther proceedings. 

When Almagro was informed of the arrival of Alfonso Alvarado at Abancay, he sent Diego Alvarado to wait upon him, attended by seven or eighthorsemen, with orders to notify his commission as governor in these parts. Alfonso, after examining the commission, declared that he did not considerhimself competent to decide upon an affair of such high importance, andthat the documents ought to be communicated to the marquis. Almagro hadcome part of the way from Cuzco towards the camp of Alvarado, where hewaited the return of his messenger; and not seeing him at the time heexpected, he became afraid that Alvarado had detained him and mightadvance to Cuzco by another road. He returned therefore to Cuzco in allhaste to provide for his defence. Learning the discontent of Lerma, onaccount of having been superseded in the command of the army by themarquis, and that he was disposed to come over to his side with eighty men, Almagro marched out from Cuzco with his troops a fortnight afterwards, andadvanced towards the army of Alfonso Alvarado. While on the march, theadvanced guard belonging to Almagro, by means of an ambush, made PedroAlvarez Holguin prisoner, who had been sent out on discovery by Alvarado. On learning this circumstance, Alvarado meant to have arrested Pedro deLerma, as he entertained suspicions that he was in correspondence withAlmagro; but Lerma had previously escaped to the enemy, carrying alongwith him the signatures of all those who had joined him in the plot fordeserting to Almagro. 

After the junction of Lerma, Almagro approached during the night to thebridge of Abancay with one part of his army, where he knew that Gomez deTordoya and a son of Colonel Vilalva waited for him; and he detached atthe same time a large body of his troops to a ford of the river, wherethose who had conspired in his favour along with Lerma had the guard. Bythese men the troops of Almagro were received as friends, so that theypassed the river without opposition. Some of these conspirators contrivedduring the night to throw above fifty lances belonging to the cavalry ofAlvarado into the river. Owing to all these circumstances, when Alvaradoproposed next morning to have attacked the enemy, he found himselfabandoned by the conspirators; and a considerable number of his own troops, not being able to find their arms, did not come up in time for the attack. By these means Almagro got an easy and bloodless victory, not a singleSpaniard being killed on either side, Rodrigo Orgognez only losing severalof his teeth by a stone thrown from a sling[12]. After the capture ofAlfonso Alvarado, the Almagrians pillaged his camp, and carried all theadherents of Pizarro as prisoners to Cuzco, where they were harshlytreated. In consequence of this victory the partizans of Almagro were somuch elated, that they used to say the Pizarros might now retire from Peruto govern the Mangroves under the equator. 

In consequence of the victories which Alvarado had gained over the Indiansat Pachacamac and Lumichaca, as already mentioned, the Inca and TituYupanqui were obliged to retire from before Lima, which they had in amanner blockaded. By this circumstance the marquis found himself atliberty to act in support of his interest at Cuzco; and having receivedconsiderable reinforcements from various parts, he began his march forCuzco at the head of more than seven hundred men, horse and foot. In thisexpedition, his only purpose was to succour his brothers against thePeruvians, as he had not hitherto received information of the return ofAlmagro from Chili, or any of those other events which had taken place, asbefore related. Most of the troops by which the marquis was lately joined, were sent by Don Alonso de Fuenmayor, archbishop and president ofHispaniola, under the command of his brother Don Diego de Fuenmayor. Besides these, Gaspar de Espinosa had brought some troops from Panama, andDiego de Avala had brought others from Nicaragua. With this army themarquis set out from Lima for Cuzco, taking the way of the plain, andarrived in the province of Nasca, about twenty-five leagues from Lima[13]. At this place he received intelligence of the return of Almagro, the deathof one of his brothers and imprisonment of the other two, the defection ofLerma, and the capture of Alvarado. He was sensibly affected by thisafflicting news; and considering that his troops were only prepared forcontending against Indians, he thought proper to return immediately toLima to take proper measures under the present emergency of his affairs. 

Soon after his return to Lima, the marquis sent the licentiate Espinosa toendeavour to bring about an accommodation with Almagro. Espinosa wasdirected to represent to Almagro, that if his majesty were informed of thedisputes between them, and the evil consequences of these upon thecondition of the colony, he would assuredly recal both, and send someother person to assume the government of Peru, who would reap the richfruit of their joint labours. If Almagro refused to listen to theseremonstrances, and to enter into a friendly accommodation, Espinosa wasinstructed to request that he would set the brothers of Pizarro at liberty, and would remain at Cuzco without attempting any farther hostilities, untill they had laid a statement of their differences before his majesty, and had received his final orders respecting the boundaries between theirgovernments. Espinosa was unable to persuade Almagro to agree to anyaccommodation, and soon afterwards died. Leaving Gabriel de Roias as hislieutenant in Cuzco, with the charge of Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso deAlvarado, Almagro descended into the plain with a considerable force, carrying Ferdinand Pizarro along with him. He penetrated into the provinceof Chancay, which is only twenty leagues from Lima, where he evenestablished a colony or garrison, in a place which was without any mannerof doubt within the province of the marquis. 

On the return of the marquis to Lima, he made additional levies of troops;giving out openly that he was reduced to take up arms against Almagro, whohad invaded his government. In a few days he assembled an army of sevenhundred men, among whom was a considerable body of musqueteers, which hadbeen brought from Flanders with the necessary arms and ammunition by Pedrode Vergera, along with the troops of Diego de Fuenmayor. Hitherto therehad not been a sufficient number of musquets in Peru to form entirecompanies of that species of troops; but on the present occasion themarquis was enabled to arm two companies with that powerful weapon, one ofwhich was commanded by the before named Pedro de Vergera, who had beenformerly sent to discover the province of Bracamoras. Nugno de Castro wasappointed captain of the other company of musqueteers. Diego de Urbina, nephew of the maestre de campo Juan de Urhina, was made captain of thepikemen. Diego de Roias, Peranzures, and Alfonso de Mercadillo, wereappointed captains of horse: Pedro de Valdivia maestre de campo, andAntonio de Vilalva sergeant-major, who was son of Colonel Vilalva. 

About this time, Alonso de Alvarado and Gonzalo Pizarro, who remainedprisoners in Cuzco[14], made their escape from prison, and joined themarquis with above seventy men whom they had persuaded to accompany them, bringing likewise along with them as prisoner Gabriel de Roias thelieutenant of Almagro. The arrival of these officers gave muchsatisfaction to the marquis, both on account of their escape from danger, and because the reinforcement they brought along with them gave greatencouragement to his troops. He appointed his brother Gonzalolieutenant-general of his army, and Alonso Alvarado maestre de campo, ormajor-general of the cavalry. When Almagro learnt that his prisoners hadescaped, and the numerous forces which the marquis had procured, he becamedesirous of an accommodation, for which purpose he sent Alfonso Enriquez, Diego Nugnez de Mercadura the factor, and Juan de Guzman treasurer, to themarquis to desire an interview, at which they might regulate every thingthat was in dispute between them. After several messages and proposals, the marquis proposed to refer the whole matter to the umpirage ofFrancisco de Bovadilla, provincial of the order of Mercy, to which Almagroconsented. 

In virtue of the powers given to him by both parties, Bovadilla ordainedthat Ferdinand Pizarro should be set at liberty; that Cuzco should berestored to the marquis; that both armies should be disbanded, and thedifferent companies sent in various directions to discover and conquer thecountry; and that finally the whole dispute about the boundaries of thetwo governments should be referred to the decision of his majesty. Bovadilla likewise persuaded Almagro and Pizarro to have an interview inthe village of Mala[15], mid-way between the two armies, at which theymight discuss the terms of an entire reconcilement, each to be attended bytwelve horsemen. They accordingly set out for that place from theirrespective camps; but as Gonzalo Pizarro did not give implicit confidenceto the promise of Almagro, he followed his brother with the whole army, which he secretly posted in the neighbourhood of Mala, placing Castro withforty musketeers in ambush among some reeds near the road by which Almagrohad to pass, and directing him, in case Almagro was accompanied by alarger force than was agreed on, to give notice by a discharge of musketry, that Gonzalo might hasten to the defence of the marquis. 

Before leaving Chincha on his way to the interview with Pizarro, Almagroleft orders with his lieutenant-general, Rodrigo Orgognez, to keepvigilant guard againt the machinations of the enemy, in case the marquisshould bring a greater escort than was agreed upon, that he might send himprompt assistance; and if any treason were practised against him, thatFerdinand Pizarro should be considered as an hostage for his safety. Ontheir meeting, the marquis and Almagro embraced each other with muchapparent cordiality; but after a short discourse, in which no part oftheir difference was alluded to, one of the horsemen who accompanied themarquis, whispered to Almagro that he was in danger, and advised him toretire without delay, as Gonzalo Pizarro had placed an ambush to intercepthim. Almagro immediately called for his horse; and several of theattendants on Pizarro, seeing Almagro about to retire, endeavoured topersuade the marquis to have him arrested, which could easily have beendone by means of the musqueteers under De Castro. To this the marquiswould by no means consent, being resolved to keep his promise inviolate, and would not believe that Almagro meant to go away without coming to someconclusion on the subject of their meeting. Almagro however went away; andas he saw the ambush on his way back, he was convinced that treachery wasintended against him, and made loud complaints of the conduct of themarquis after his return to Chincha. Yet, by the intercession of Diego deAlvarado, Almagro set Ferdinand Pizarro at liberty, on condition that themarquis should provide him with a ship and a free port, by which he mightsend dispatches to Spain and receive answers, and that they shouldcontinue in peace until they received the final determination of thesovereign respecting the boundaries of their governments. Rodrigo Orgognezwas exceedingly averse from this measure of liberating Ferdinand Pizarro, who had been harshly treated while a prisoner, and who he believed wouldbe eager for revenge if set free, and strongly urged Almagro to put him todeath. But Almagro would not listen to his advice, and sent FerdinandPizarro to the marquis, accompanied by his own son the younger Almagro andseveral gentlemen. Ferdinand Pizarro was hardly set off on his return, when Almagro began to repent that he had set him at liberty; and it isbelieved he would have been remanded to prison if he had not made haste onhis journey, during which he was met by several of his brothers principalofficers. 

Soon after the liberation of his brother Ferdinand, the marquis receivedprovisional orders from his majesty, by the hands of Pedro Anzures; bywhich the two governors were commanded to retain the countries which eachof them had discovered and conquered, and in which they had formedestablishments at the time when this provisional order should be notifiedto them; neither of them making any attempt to disturb the other until hismajesty should give definitive orders on the subject. Having now hisbrother at liberty, the marquis sent a notification to Almagro of thisimperial order, requiring him to retire according to his majestys ordersfrom the country which he, Pizarro, had discovered, and in which he hadestablished colonies. Almagro answered, that he was ready to obey theorders of his majesty, in keeping possession of the country andestablishments he occupied when the imperial order was notified, for whichreason he required the marquis to leave him in the peaceable enjoyment ofwhat he how possessed, declaring that on his part he would carefully andentirely perform whatever should be finally commanded by his majesty. Themarquis replied, that the city of Cuzco and the adjoining territory hadbeen first discovered, colonized, and occupied by him, of which he hadbeen violently dispossessed by Almagro, that in conformity with the ordersof his majesty, therefore, it behoved Almagro to evacuate that city andterritory, or he would drive him from it by force, as all the compacts andconventions which had been entered into between them were abrogated bythis new regulation of his majesty. 

As Almagro refused to accede to these demands, the marquis marched againsthim with his whole force, on which Almagro retired towards Cuzco, andfortified himself on a high mountain named Guavtara, breaking up all theroads to render the approach to his camp as difficult as possible. Ferdinand Pizarro found means to ascend the mountain during the night by asecret path, and forced the passages with his musqueteers, so that Almagrowas forced to abandon this position, seeking his safety in flight. Beingsick at the time, he went with the advanced guard, leaving Orgognez tobring up and protect the rear. One night, Orgognez learnt by two ofPizarros horsemen who were taken prisoners, that the enemy were close upwith his rear, on which he hastened the retreat as much as possible, although several of his officers were anxious for him to turn back uponthe pursuers, knowing by experience that those who usually inhabited theplain were liable, on their first coming into the mountainous region, tosickness and vomiting, very much resembling sea-sickness. Orgognez refusedto listen to this advice, because contrary to the orders of Almagro; yetit was believed he might have been successful, as the troops belonging tothe marquis were in reality affected by that ordinary malady, and werebesides so much distressed by the snow that Pizarro retired back with hisarmy into the maritime plain of Peru. Almagro continued his march to Cuzco, where he employed himself for two months in raising recruits, procuringammunition, preparing arms of silver and copper, founding cannon, andmaking every preparation to defend himself against Pizarro. 

After the return of the marquis into the plain, various consultations wereheld as to the best plan of procedure, and it was at last determined thatFerdinand Pizarro, now lieutenant-general under the marquis, with hisbrother Gonzalo Pizarro as major-general, should march with the armyagainst Cuzco[16]. On this occasion, a manifesto was circulated as thereason of this measure, that several of the inhabitants of Cuzco had madecomplaints to the marquis against the tyranny of Almagro, who hadviolently seized their goods and houses, and dispossessed them of theirIndians and every thing that belonged to them. The marquis returned toLima, and his brother Ferdinand marched at the head of the army towardsCuzco. Having arrived on the mountainous ridge near Cuzco in the evening, all his officers urged Ferdinand Pizarro to descend immediately into theplain that the army might encamp there for the night; but Ferdinandpositively rejected this advice, and ordered the army to encamp on themountain. Early next morning, the whole army of Almagro was seen drawn upin order of battle on the plain, under the supreme command of Orgognez;Francisco de Chaves, Juan Tello, and Vasco de Guevara, having the commandof the cavalry under his orders. On the side of the mountain there was agreat body of Indians in charge of a small number of Spaniards, intendedto be employed as circumstances might admit in the expected battle. In themeantime, all the friends and partizans of the marquis who were in Cuzcowere committed prisoners to the citadel, which was so extremely crowded onthis occasion, and the places appropriated for their confinement so small, that several of them were stifled. 

On the following day, after the solemnization of the mass, FerdinandPizarro marched his army into the plain of Cuzco in order of battle, andadvanced towards the city, intending to gain possession of some highground which overlooked the citadel. Ferdinand and his troops flatteredthemselves, from their great superiority in numbers, that Almagro wouldnot risk a battle, and were even anxious to spare the effusion ofChristian blood on the present occasion, in which the natives of the samecountry and subjects of the same sovereign were preparing to destroy eachother, instead of uniting in a common cause for the general good of all. Orgognez was actuated by a different principle, and had occupied the onlypassage by which the troops of Pizarro could approach towards Cuzco, inwhich he had drawn up his troops and artillery with much judgment, undercover of a marsh, across which it was necessary for the troops of Pizarroto pass before they could attack his position. Immediately onreconnoitring the order of the enemy, Ferdinand Pizarro ordered captainMercadillo to advance with his cavalry to a proper place for keeping theIndians in check in case they should attempt to attack his army whileengaged in battle with Orgognez, and whence likewise he might be able togive succour where necessary during the approaching engagement. Before theSpaniards began to engage, the Indians on both sides skirmished with eachother. The cavalry of Pizarro endeavoured to pass the morass, and beingopposed by a squadron of Almagro's horse, the musketeers belonging toPizarro advanced in front of their own horse and soon compelled theadverse cavalry to give ground. On seeing this successful commencement ofthe battle, Pedro de Valdivia, a maestre de campo of the marquis, assuredhis friends that the victory was their own. While the troops of Pizarrowere passing the marsh, the Almagrians plied their artillery, and by onedischarge five men belonging to Pizarro were brought down. But Pizarropressed on under cover of a close fire from his musketeers, and passedboth the marsh and a rivulet beyond, and drew up in good order on the firmground, every one of the captains having been previously instructed how toproceed with their divisions before the engagement commenced. As Pizarronoticed that the pikemen in the army of Orgognez carried their pikes high, he gave orders to his musketeers to fire a little high, by which means intwo vollies they broke above fifty of the enemies pikes[17]. At this timeOrgognez ordered his army to advance to the charge, and observing thatseveral of his divisions hesitated, being held in check by the fire of themusqueteers, he moved on himself at the head of his main body, directinghis attack to that part of the enemy where Ferdinand Pizarro was seen atthe head of his squadrons. Orgognez apparently despairing of the battle, called out while advancing, "Follow me who will! I go in the name of Godto do my duty, and to seek an honourable death!" While Orgognez wasadvancing, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado observed that his flank wasuncovered, and accordingly made an immediate charge, by which above fiftyof the Almagrians were overthrown. Orgognez was wounded by a musket-ballin the head, which broke through his beaver; notwithstanding which hekilled two men with his lance, and wounded one of Pizarros servants in themouth whom he mistook for the general, as he was finely dressed. For sometime the engagement was extremely severe and the combatants were mingledtogether; but at length the troops of Pizarro forced the Almagrians totake to flight after they had a considerable number killed and wounded. 

Almagro being sick, took no part in the battle, which he observed from aheight at some distance, and on seeing his troops take to flight, exclaimed, "I thought we had come out to fight like valiant soldiers, notto run away like cowards. " He immediately withdrew to the citadel of Cuzco, to which place he was pursued by Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado, andmade prisoner. Orgognez was taken prisoner by two of Pizarros horsemen, who were leading him away when a third came up who bore him a grudge forsome injurious treatment, and cut off his head. Several others who hadsurrendered were slain in this manner by personal enemies, in spite ofevery endeavour by Ferdinand Pizarro and his officers to protect them. Thesoldiers of Alvarado especially, ashamed and irritated by the defeat theyhad formerly sustained at the bridge of Abancay, were eager for revenge, and put many of the Almagrians to death in cold blood. Captain Ruy Diashad taken up a prisoner behind him on horseback, on purpose to protect him, when one of his own troopers run him through with his lance. 

When the Indian servants of the two armies saw that the battle among theChristians was ended, they too gave over fighting, and fell to plunderingthe dead, whom they stripped of their clothes and valuables, evenpillaging several who were yet alive, but unable to defend themselvesbecause of their wounds; and as the conquerors were entirely taken up inpursuing their victory, the Indians had it in their power to do as theypleased, so that they entirely stripped everyone whom they found on thefield of battle. The Spaniards, both victors and vanquished, were so wornout and fatigued by their exertions in this battle, that they might havebeen easily destroyed by the Indians who were present, if they had daredto attack them according to their original intention; but they were sobusied in plundering the killed and wounded, that they neglected theopportunity of avenging themselves on their oppressors. This decisivebattle was fought on the 6th of April 1538, in a plain called _Cachipampa_or the field of salt by the Indians, about a league to the south of thecitadel of Cuzco, near a salt spring from which the inhabitants make greatquantities of salt; and as these salt works are in the neighbourhood ofthe field, this engagement has been always known by the name of the battleof _Salinas_, or of the salt works[18]. 

After this decisive victory, Ferdinand Pizarro used every means toconciliate the officers of Almagros army who had survived the battle, thathe might engage them in the party of the marquis, and being unsuccessful, he banished several of them from Cuzco. Being unable to satisfy thedemands of all those who had served him on the late occasion, as many ofthem thought so highly of their own merits that the government of Peruwould hardly have been a sufficient reward in their own estimation, Ferdinand Pizarro resolved to separate the army, sending it away invarious detachments to discover and conquer those parts of the countrywhich had not been hitherto explored and reduced. By this measure, he atthe same time rewarded his friends by giving them opportunities todistinguish and enrich themselves, and got rid of his enemies by sendingthem to a distance. On this occasion Pedro de Candia was sent with threehundred men, part of whom had belonged to Almagro, to conquer the countryof Collao, a mountainous district which was said to be extremely rich. Notbeing able to make any progress in this country on account of thedifficulty of the roads, he had to return; besides which his troops becamemutinous, chiefly at the instigation of one Mesa, who had been commissaryof artillery under Almagro, and was encouraged by the other soldiers ofAlmagro who served on this expedition. On this, Candia arrested Mesa andsent him to Ferdinand Pizarro with the evidences of his guilt. Thiscircumstance, combined with information of conspiracies in several otherplaces, which had for their object to free Almagro from prison and to givehim possession of Cuzco, satisfied Ferdinand Pizarro that the countrywould never be in quiet while Almagro lived. 

Ferdinand accordingly brought Almagro to trial, in which he was convictedof giving occasion to all the preceding disorders, of which he was thefirst and chief cause; having begun the war by several acts of hostilities;having taken forcible possession of the city of Cuzco by his own privateauthority, where he put several persons to death merely for opposing hisunlawful usurpation; and having marched in hostile array into the provinceof Chincha, which incontestibly belonged to the province assigned to themarquis. When sentence of death was pronounced, Almagro said every thinghe could think of to excite the compassion of Ferdinand Pizarro that hemight spare his life. He represented that the marquis in a great measureowed his present greatness to him; as he had advanced the greatestproportion of the original funds for the discovery of Peru. He desiredFerdinand to recollect, that when he was a prisoner in his hands, he hadset him at liberty contrary to the representations of his officers, whoadvised that he should be put to death: And that though he, Pizarro, mighthave been ill treated while a prisoner, that had been done without hisorders or knowledge. He intreated him to consider his very advanced age, which would soon bring him to the grave, without the disgrace of a publicpunishment. Ferdinand expressed his astonishment that one of such greatcourage should shew so much fear of death, which was now inevitable, anddesired him to submit to the will of God like a good Christian, and tomeet death with the courage of a gentleman and a man of honour. Almagroreplied, that be ought not to be surprised at seeing him afraid of death, being a man and a sinner, since even Jesus Christ had evinced a fear todie. All this however was of no avail, as Ferdinand caused him to bebeheaded. 

After the execution of Almagro, Ferdinand Pizarro went to Collao, where hepunished Mesa for having excited mutiny among the troops of Candia; afterwhich he sent the three hundred men under the command of Peranzures toreduce the country which had been assigned to Pedro de Candia. Thesetroops had to march by a most difficult and dangerous route among morassesand uncultivated places, where they thought to have perished of famine. Ferdinand remained in Collao, which he reduced. This is a level countrycontaining several gold mines, but so cold that it produces no maize, thenatives living principally on a root named _papas_, which resemblestruffles. This country likewise abounds in those Peruvian sheep which havebeen formerly described[19]. About this time the marquis came to Cuzco, towhich place Ferdinand went to confer with him, leaving his brother GonzaloPizarro to continue his conquest. Gonzalo advanced into the province ofthe Charcas[20], where he was attacked by a great body of Indians andreduced to great straits, insomuch that Ferdinand set out from Cuzco tohis assistance with a body of horse. On this occasion, on purpose toencourage these succours to use every possible expedition, the marquisgave out that he meant to go in person to relieve his brother Gonzalo, andactually went two or three days journey from Cuzco. When Ferdinand arrivedat Charcas, he found that Gonzalo had already extricated himself from hisdifficulties, having defeated and dispersed the enemy. They continuedtogether for some time reducing the country, having frequently to fightwith the Indians, till at last they took their chief prisoner, named_Tixo_[21], on which the natives universally submitted. Ferdinand andGonzalo now returned to Cuzco, where the marquis distributed settlementsto every one sufficient to maintain them in ease and comfort. 

About this time likewise various other parties were sent out in differentdirections to discover and reduce the provinces of Peru and theneighbouring districts; among the commanders of these detachments were thecaptains Vergara, Porcel, Mercadillo, and Guevera. Pedro de Valdivialikewise was sent to Chili, where Almagro had formerly been, and GonzaloPizarro to Quito, of whose adventures we shall speak hereafter. When allthese matters were arranged, by which the Spaniards were dispersed invarious parts, and tranquillity was restored to the country, FerdinandPizarro set out for Spain to give an account to the emperor of all thetransactions which had taken place in Peru, though many advised him not torun the risk of that measure until it was known what judgment might beformed at court respecting the death of Almagro. Before his departure, Ferdinand strongly advised his brother the marquis to put no trust inthose who had adhered to the service of Almagro in the late troubles, whowere usually denominated the _Chilese_, and particularly that he ought tokeep them at a distance from each other, being well assured that if eveneight or ten of them were permitted to dwell in one neighbourhood, thatthey would form conspiracies against his life. 

[1] Though not mentioned directly in the text, it appears that Almagro knew of and intended to conquer the country of Chili, and that he chose to march by the high country of Peru, through the great elevated valley of the lake Titicaca, probably the highest inhabited land of South America. His object was in all probability to avoid the extensive desert of Atacama, which divides the plain of Peru from Chili. --E. 

[2] From the desert of Atacama in lat 25° S. To the island of Chiloe in about lat. 42° S. Chili Proper, between the Pacific ocean and the western ridge of the Andes, stretches about 1100 English miles nearly north and south by an average breadth of about 140 miles. --E. 

[3] Valparayso stands nearly in the latitude indicated by the text. Valdivia, taking its name from that commander, is in lat. 30°40' S. --E. 

[4] Zarate is extremely remiss in regard to dates, and not a little confused in the arrangement of his narrative. We learn from Robertson, II. 325, that Ferdinand Pizarro returned to Peru in 1536. --E. 

[5] According to Robertson, II. 326, the place where the festival was to be celebrated was only at a few leagues distance from Cuzco. Garcilasso says that it was a garden belonging to the Incas only a league from the city. --E. 

[6] The return of Almagro to Cuzco was in the year 1537. --E. 

[7] Garcilasso names this prince Paullu Inca. --E. 

[8] Named _Atavillos_ by Garcilasso de la Vega. --E. 

[9] The arrangement of Zarate is extremely faulty and confused, as he here recounts circumstances which preceeded the return of Almagro to Cuzco. We are here giving a translation of a original document; not endeavouring to write a history of the Conquest of Peru, and have not therefore authority to alter the arrangement of our author. --E. 

[10] Garcilasso names the Peruvian general Titu Yupanqui. The remainder of the sentence, respecting the brother of the Inca and Gaete, is quite unintelligible. I suspect it has been misunderstood by the French translator and ought to stand thus: "The commander of these Peruvians was Titu Yupanqui, a brother of the Inca, and the same person who had driven Gaete and others to take refuge in Lima. "--E. 

[11] Abancay is a town on one of the branches of the Apurimac about 60 miles west from Cuzco. --E. 

[12] We learn from the History of America, II. 331, that this bloodless victory over Alvarado took place on the 12th July 1537. Garcilasso calls it the battle of the river Amancay, and names Alvarado Alonso. --E. 

[13] Nasca is about 240 miles S. S. E. From Lima, or about sixty Spanish leagues. --E. 

[14] Zarate forgets that only a few lines before, he had mentioned that Almagro carried these officers along with his army:--E. 

[15] Mala, or San Pedro de Mala, is a town and sea-port on a river of the same name, about 50 miles south from Lima. 

[16] According to Robertson, II. 334, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross the mountains by the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, Ferdinand marched southwards in the maritime plain to Nasca, whence he penetrated by the defiles of the mountains in that quarter. --E. 

[17] Garcilasso informs us that the musketeers of Pizarro used a kind of chain shot on this occasion; their leaden bullets being cast in two hemispheres connected together by several links of a small iron chain. --E. 

[18] In Zarate the date of this battle is given as the 26th of April, in which he is followed by Robertson; but Garcilasso carefully notices the mistake, and assures us that it was fought on the 6th of the month. --E. 

[19] Collao in the text is probably Cailloma of modern maps, a very elevated valley at the head of one of the branches of the Apurimac. The marshy country beyond, to which Candia and Peranzures were sent on discovery, is called Musu by Garcilasso, and was probably the Pampas or marshy plains of the Mojos or Muju, to the east of the Andes, nearly in the latitude of Cailloma--E. 

[20] We learn from Garcilasso that in this province the city of La Plata was afterwards built, not far distant from the famous mines of Potosi and Porco--E. 

[21] Perhaps the Inca Titu Yupanqui is here meant, who was named Tizogopangui by Zarate on a former occasion. --E. 

SECTION IV. 

_Expeditions of Pedro de Valdivia into Chili, and of Gonzalo Pizarro toLos Canelos_. 

On the arrival of Pedro de Valdivia in Chili, he was peaceably received bythe Indians, who wished to gather in their crops, as it was then theseason of harvest. When this important business was accomplished, thewhole country rose upon the Spaniards, who were unprepared for this eventand somewhat dispersed, and killed forty of them before they could drawtheir forces together. On this occasion, when Valdivia was about to takethe field to chastise the Chilese, part of his troops threatened to mutinyagainst his authority, and he was under the necessity of hanging severalof the ringleaders, among whom was captain Pedro Sancho de Hosz, who wasalmost equal to himself in the command of this expedition. After thesuppression of this mutiny, Valdivia took the field against the Indians, and during his absence an army of the enemy exceeding seven thousand mencame to attack the newly established city, in which only a small number ofSpaniards remained for its defence, under the command of the captainsFrancisco de Villagran, and Alfonso de Monroy. These officers went boldlyout against the Chilese, at the head only of thirty horsemen, with whomthey fought bravely against the immense number of Chilese archers frommorning till night, after which they retired into the city, extremelyfatigued and several of them wounded, but none of them slain. As theChilese suffered a great loss in killed and wounded during this engagement, they retired during the night. 

For eight years afterwards, Valdivia and his troops defended themselvesbravely against every effort of the Chilese, who continued the warincessantly. In all that time, Valdivia obliged his soldiers to cultivatea sufficient quantity of land for their sustenance, not being able toprocure Indians for that purpose, yet resolved not to abandon the countrywhich had been commited to his government. At the end of that period hereturned into Peru, at the time when the licentiate Pedro de la Gasca wasemployed in levying an army against Gonzalo Pizarro, as shall be relatedin the sequel[1]. 

Soon after the overthrow of the Almagrians, it was reported in Peru that avery rich country had been discovered to the eastwards of Quito, which inparticular contained great quantities of cinnamon trees, on which accountit got the name of Los Canelos, or the cinnamon country. The marquisaccordingly resolved to send his brother Gonzalo Pizarro to discover thatcountry; and as it was necessary to march thither by way of Quito, wherelikewise every requisite for the expedition was to be procured, themarquis conferred the government of the kingdom of Quito on his brother, till his majestys pleasure might be made known. Gonzalo Pizarroaccordingly set out from Cuzco with a considerable force, taking his routefor Quito by way of the elevated mountain vallies[2]. In this march he wasopposed by the Indians of the province of Guanuco with so muchperseverance and bravery, that the marquis was under the necessity ofsending him a reinforcement under Francisco de Chaves. After havingovercome this obstacle, he arrived in safety at Quito, where he proceededto make preparations for his expedition to Los Canelos. 

On account of the hostile conduct of the Guanucos towards Gonzalo, andbecause the curacas or caciques of that province, in conjunction withthose of the Conchucos had made frequent attacks on the city and provinceof Truxillo, in which they killed all the Spaniards they could meet withand pillaged the country, not even sparing their Indian neighbours, themarquis sent a detachment of troops under Gomez de Alvarado to make aconquest of Guanuco, with orders to establish a settlement in that countryto keep the natives under subjection. In their military expeditions, thePeruvians of Guanuco carried an idol along with them, named Cataquilla, towhich they made offerings of all whom they massacred or made prisoners, and of the spoil which fell into their hands. They persisted for a longtime in their barbarous hostilities, till at length, Miguel de la Cernaraised a considerable force in Truxillo, with which he joined Francisco deChaves. With these forces conjoined, they fought successfully against theIndians of Guanuco and reduced them to subjection. 

When Gonzalo Pizarro had completed the preparations for his expedition, heset out from Quito in the year 1540 at the head of 200 Spaniards wellequipped, of whom the half was cavalry[3]. He was attended by 4000friendly Indians[4], and by a flock of 4000 animals, consisting of swineand Peruvian sheep, to serve as provisions, and to carry the baggage andammunition of the army. After passing a place called Inca, the boundary ofthe conquests of Huana Capac towards the north and east, Gonzalo arrivedin the country of the Quixos, where he was opposed by the natives, butthey all disappeared one night, without the Spaniards being able to make asingle prisoner. On the retreat of the Indians, Gonzalo and his troopstook possession of their deserted habitations in which they rested forsome days. While here, the country was visited by a dreadful earthquake, accompanied by prodigious thunder and lightning and an immense fall ofrain. The earth opened in many places and swallowed up above five hundredhouses. By the excessive rains, which continued forty or fifty days, ariver in the neighbourhood of the Spanish quarters became so swollen thatit was quite impassable, in consequence of which the troops suffered muchfrom famine, as they were unable to get across the river in search ofprovisions. On the cessation of the tempest, Gonzalo had to cross aprodigious ridge of mountains, on the top of which they suffered suchextreme cold that many of their attendant Indians were frozen to death. And as no provisions or shelter could be had in that elevated region, hemade haste to arrive in the province of Zumaco[5] which is situated at thefoot of a volcano. As provisions were found here in abundance, the armyhalted in this place for refreshments. In the mean time Gonzalo went witha small party of troops to endeavour to find out a passage through theforest. He at length reached the banks of a river named Coca, whence hesent for the remainder of his people to join him from Zumaco. During twomonths that the army remained in this country, it never ceased raining dayor night, so that they never had a sufficient interval in which to drytheir clothes. 

In this province of Zumaco the trees are found which afford cinnamon. These trees are very large and have leaves resembling the laurel. Theirfruit grows in clusters, consisting of a nut resembling the acorn of thecork tree, but larger, and containing a number of small seeds. The fruit, leaves, bark, and roots have all the taste and flavour of cinnamon; butthe best consists of the shell or nut which contains the seeds. In thewhole of that country vast numbers of these trees are found wild in thewoods, growing and producing fruit without care; but the Indians cultivatethem with much attention in their plantations; and these cultivated treesproduce a much better cinnamon than those trees which grow wild. Thiscinnamon is in great request among the natives, and is exchanged by theinhabitants of Zumaco with the neighbouring tribes, receiving in returnprovisions and other things of which they are in want. 

Leaving the greater part of his people in the country of Zumaco, as hasbeen already said, Gonzalo penetrated into the country with muchdifficulty, accompanied by the most vigorous of his men, and guided by theIndians, who frequently gave him false accounts of the country in advance, on purpose to get him away from their own district. Thus the people ofZumaco informed him that the country beyond theirs was well peopled andhad abundance of provisions; but he found it extremely barren and verythinly inhabited. Having penetrated to the province of Coca upon a largeriver of that name, he remained there about six weeks, waiting the arrivalof the rest of his people from Zumaco, all the while treated in a friendlymanner by the cacique of the district. 

After his troops were all assembled at Coca, Gonzalo marched along thecourse of the river, till at last he arrived at a place where it fell overa cataract of above 200 fathoms making a noise that could be easily heardat six leagues distance. A few days march below that place, the wholewaters of the river became confined in a rocky channel not exceedingtwenty feet wide, while the rocks were at least 200 fathoms in heightabove the water, and perfectly perpendicular. After a march of fiftyleagues along the banks of this river, the Spaniards could find no placewhere they might possibly cross over, except at that narrow rocky channel, where a considerable number of Indians opposed their passage. Havingdriven away these Indians by means of their firearms, the Spaniardsconstructed a wooden bridge across between the steep rocks, over whichthey all passed in safety. 

After crossing the river, the Spaniards penetrated through the woods to acountry named Guema, which was extremely flat and intersected with riversand marshes, and in which they could get no provisions except wild fruits;but after this they came to a country tolerably peopled, in which therewere some provisions. In this place the natives wore cotton vestments, butin the whole country through which they had hitherto passed, the fewnatives they had seen were entirely naked, either on account of thecontinual and excessive heat of the climate, or because they had no meansof procuring clothes: The men had only a kind of girdles round their waist, with some strings tied to their prepuce, which passed between their thighsand were drawn up to the girdle; and the women wore some slight clouts. Atthis place Gonzalo built a bark to serve for crossing the rivers in searchof provisions, and to transport the baggage and the sick by water. Besidesin some places the country was so covered with wood, that they were unableto clear the way by means of their swords and hatchets, and in otherplaces so inundated, that they were often obliged to transport the wholeparty by water. The building of this vessel occasioned infinite difficultyand labour, as besides cutting down wood for the purpose, they had toconstruct a forge in which to make the necessary iron work, which theymade from the shoes of their dead horses. On this occasion, Gonzalo notonly obliged every one to labour without regard to rank, but gave theexample himself in using both the hatchet and the hammer as occasionrequired. Instead of pitch and tar, the gum which exuded from some treesof the forest was collected; and instead of flax and hemp, the old clothesof the Indians and the wore-out shirts of the Spaniards were employed forcaulking the scams. They at length succeeded in making their bark capableof swimming, so as to transport all their baggage very commodiously;besides which they hollowed out several canoes to accompany the barkinstead of boats. 

Gonzalo flattered himself that all his difficulties would be surmounted bymeans of this bark, and that he would now be able to pursue hisdiscoveries to any extent he pleased. He continued his march therefore, accompanied by the bark which carried the baggage, while the main body hadto travel along the banks of the river, often greatly incommoded inpassing marshes, thick woods, and close brushwood. In some of these placesthey had to cut their way through canes and reeds with great toil, bymeans of their swords and hatchets; often changing from one side of theriver to the other in search of an easier road. In this march they werealways accompanied by the bark; and at night the whole party unitedtogether, that they might be able to give mutual assistance in case ofneed. After having penetrated above two hundred leagues, always followingthe course of the river, during which space they got only wild fruits androots to support them, Gonzalo gave orders to Francisco de Orellana, oneof his captains, to go forwards in the bark with fifty men in search ofprovisions; with orders to load his bark with these if he found any, leaving all the baggage at a place where two great rivers joined, according to information received from the Indians; and likewise to leavetwo canoes in a river which crossed the road to that place by land, toserve for ferrying over the troops. 

Orellana set out accordingly in the bark, and was very soon carried by thecurrent to the appointed place where the two rivers met; but finding noprovisions, and considering the immense difficulty of going up the riveragainst a rapid current, he resolved to trust himself to the stream to tryhis fortune in that way. He even neglected to leave the two canoes at thisplace according to the orders of Gonzalo; and although several of thosewho were along with him in the bark urged him to remain according to theorders of his general, he insisted upon going forwards, even maltreatingFriar Gaspard de Carvajal, who opposed this act of mutiny and desertionmore forcibly than any of the rest. In his progress down the river, Orellana and his people frequently landed in search of provisions, and hadoften to fight with the Indians, who sometimes even attacked him in thebark by means of canoes, on which occasion the Spaniards could hardlydefend themselves they were so crowded. On this last account he built asecond bark, at a place where the Indians received him in a friendlymanner and supplied him with provisions. From these Indians he wasinformed of a district a few days journey farther on, which was entirelyinhabited by women, who made war and defended themselves agaist theirneighbours[6]. 

Following continually the stream of the river, but without finding anygold or silver, or the least indication of these metals, Orellana arrivedat the mouth of this river on the Atlantic Ocean, about 350 leagues fromthe island of Cubagua. This great river is called the Maragnon or Marannon, from a person of that name who first discovered its mouth. It takes itsrise in Peru on the eastern slopes of the Andes of Quito, and its entirecourse measured in a straight line extends to 700 leagues; but followingall its flexures from the Andes to the ocean, it measures at least 1800leagues. At its mouth it measures 15 leagues in breadth, and in many partsof its course is three or four leagues broad. Orellana went afterwardsinto Spain[7], where he gave an account to his majesty of his discovery, which he pretended to have made at his own charges. He alleged that he haddiscovered a very rich country inhabited by a nation of warlike females, on which account the country and river came to be called _of the Amazons_. Having procured a commission of governor of this new country from hismajesty, he levied a force of five hundred men for its conquest, withwhich he embarked from Seville: But having a most unprosperous voyage, inwhich his people suffered much from scarcity of provisions, most of hisfollowers deserted from him at the Canaries, leaving him almost alone. Hedied during the subsequent part of the voyage, and all his remainingcompanions dispersed themselves among the islands. 

Gonzalo Pizarro was reduced to prodigious straits in consequence of thedesertion of Orellana, both by the want of provisions and the difficultyof passing the rivers in his course; besides which Orellana had carriedaway with him a great quantity of gold, silver, and emeralds, which heconverted to his own use in making his solicitations at the court of Spain, and in fitting out his expedition for the conquest and settlement ofAmazonia. On his arrival at the place where Orellana had been ordered toleave the canoes, for the purpose of facilitating the passage of certainrivers which fall into the great Maranon, Gonzalo and his people wereexceedingly embarrassed, and had to make other canoes with much difficultyto enable them to cross over, that they might continue their journey. Whenthey came afterwards to where the two large rivers joined[8], and whereOrellana ought to have waited for them, they found a Spaniard who had beenleft at this place by Orellana, because he had opposed the continuation ofthe voyage, and preferred to wait in that place for his general[9]. By hisaccount, Orellana had renounced his dependence on Gonzalo Pizarro, meaningto proceed to discover the river in his own name and authority, and hadprevailed on the people who accompanied him to elect him of new for theircaptain. 

By the loss of their vessel Gonzalo and his men were deprived of everymeans of procuring provisions from the Indians, as all the mirrors, bells, and other baubles for trading with the natives of the country had been puton board the bark. In this hopeless and discouraging situation, above fourhundred leagues distant from Quito, they came to the immediate resolutionof returning to that city; although, from the length and difficulty of theway, through forests and marshes, they had very little hope of evergetting back, and could hardly expect to escape dying of famine in themountains and deserts over which they had to pass. In fact above fortyactually died of famine during the march. After recommending themselves tothe mercy of God, they began their march in great dejection; and as theway in which they came from Peru was full of difficulties and destitute ofprovisions, they took another road in their return, altogether at hazard, which they did not find in any degree better than the former[10]. Beforereaching Peru, they were under the necessity of killing all theirremaining horses to keep themselves from starving, and even to eat alltheir dogs. In the course of this journey likewise, they were reduced tothe necessity of feeding on certain strings, or twining plants, a gooddeal like the tendrils of vines, which they found in the woods, and whichhad the taste of garlic. During this march a wild cat or a turkey sold forfour dollars, and one of the sea-birds named Alcatraz, formerly mentionedas being very bad eating, brought a dollar or more, although reckoned veryunwholesome. 

Some short time before Gonzalo got to Peru intelligence of his return hadreached Quito, on which the inhabitants collected a considerable number ofswine and Peruvian sheep which they sent off to meet him. They sent off atthe same time a good many horses, and a supply of clothes for Gonzalo andhis officers. This seasonable supply met them above fifty leagues fromQuito, and one may easily judge that it was received with much joy, especially the provisions. The whole party, from the general to theprivate soldier, was almost entirely naked; as, from the almost continualrains to which they had been exposed, and the other hardships of theirjourney, their clothes were all rotten and torn to rags, and they werereduced to the necessity of covering themselves with the skins of beasts. Their swords were all without scabbards, and almost destroyed with rust. Their legs and arms were torn and scratched by the brushwood, thorns, andbrakes, through which they had travelled; and the whole party were so pale, lean, and worn out with fatigue and famine, that their most intimateacquaintances were hardly able to recognize them. Among all theirprivations, what they felt the most unsufferable, was the want of salt, ofwhich they had not been able to procure the smallest supply for above twohundred leagues. 

On arriving in the kingdom of Quito, where every thing they stood in needof was brought them, they knelt down and kissed the ground as a mark ofgratitude and satisfaction, and returned thanks to God for theirpreservation from so many dangers. Such was their eagerness for food afterso long famine, that it became necessary to regulate their supply, andonly to allow them to eat by little and little at a time, till theirstomachs became accustomed to digest their food. As there had only beensent from Quito a sufficiency of horses and clothes for Gonzalo and hisofficers, they refused to avail themselves of either, not choosing toenjoy any advantages which they could not share with their soldiers, bywhich they rendered themselves extremely popular and gained theiraffection greatly. They arrived at Quito in the morning, and wentimmediately to church to hear mass, and to give thanks to God for theirdelivery from so many and severe evils; after which every one retired tohis quarters, to refresh and clothe themselves according to their means. This country of Los Canelos, whence the cinnamon is procured, isimmediately under the equinoctial line, similar in that respect to theMolucca islands, whence cinnamon is brought into Spain and other parts ofEurope[11]. 

[1] We shall have a future opportunity of giving a better account of the discovery and conquest of Chili than this extremely meagre notice by Zarate from Molina, Ovalle and other early authors. The nameless city mentioned by Zarate was probably St Jago de Chili, which was founded by Valdivia. The commencement of the Valdivian expedition was in the year 1530. --E. 

[2] This force, according to Garcilasso, amounted to 100 horse, and an equal number of foot. --E. 

[3] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, his force consisted of 340 Spaniards, of whom 150 were horsemen. --E. 

[4] These Indians, according to Garcilasso, were laden with arms, provisions, and ammunition, besides large quantities of hatchets, ropes, nails, and wooden pins, to use upon occasion. --E. 

[5] Perhaps the elevated valley of Macas on the river Morona which runs into the Tunguragua. --E. 

[6] Even Garcilasso, who is sufficiently fond of the marvellous and ever ready to adopt absurdities, honestly relates of these _Amazons_, that they were a fierce and wild nation of men, whose wives went forth to war along with their husbands; and that Orellana invented the tale of a nation of Amazons to raise the honour of his atchievement, and to induce the emperor to bestow upon him the government of the country he had discovered. --E. 

[7] According to Garcilasso, he contrived with great difficulty and danger to navigate in his rude bark from the mouth of the Marannon or Amazons to the island of Trinidada, where he purchased a ship for his voyage to Spain. --E. 

[8] The river Napo joins the Maranon in lat. 3° 20' S. And long. 70° W. But we are uncertain whether this were the place where Orellana deserted, as there are many junctions of large rivers in the course of the vast Maranon. The two greatest of its tributary streams are the Negro which joins in long. 60° W. From the north, and the Madeira in long. 58° W. From the south. --E. 

[9] Garcilasso preserves the name of that faithful Spaniard, Hernando Sanchez de Vargas, a young gentleman of Badajoz. --E. 

[10] We learn from Garcilasso that this new road was on the north side of the river, Napo probably, and consequently that they had kept the south side in their way eastwards. --E. 

[11] It is hardly necessary to say that cinnamon comes only from Ceylon, not from the Moluccas; and that so entirely different was the substance sought for in this disastrous expedition from cinnamon, that it is now entirely unknown in Europe; unless it be the Canella alba, now only used as a light aromatic of small value by druggists. 

 Zarate is generally loose and confused in his accounts, and almost entirely neglectful of dates. We learn from the History of America that this unfortunate expedition lasted near two years, and that two hundred and ten Spaniards and four thousand Indians perished during its continuance, only eighty Spaniards returning to Quito. Garcilasso says that two thousand of the Indians returned along with the Spaniards, and served them during the hardships of the journey with the most affectionate fidelity, supplying their extreme necessities with herbs, roots, and wild fruit, and with toads, snakes, and other reptiles, which the Spaniards greedily devoured, or they must have died for want of food. --E. 

SECTION V. 

_Conspiracy of the Almagrians and Assassination of Pizarro_. 

On his return to Quito in 1541, Gonzalo Pizarro received accounts of themost afflicting nature. When, as formerly related, Don Diego Almagro wasput to death at Cuzco by Ferdinand Pizarro, a son whom Almagro had by anIndian woman was sent to reside in Lima. This young man, who was namedafter his father Diego Almagro, was of a graceful appearance, handsome, generous, and excelling in all the martial exercises, being particularlygraceful and dexterous in riding the manage horse. His literary educationlikewise had been so carefully attended to, that he was considered as moreversant in these things than his situation required. Juan de Herrada, formerly mentioned, to whose care he had been especially confided by hisfather, undertook the care of educating young Almagro in the capacity ofhis governor, and had been particularly watchful and successful in thecharge. Their house in Lima was the rendezvous of such friends andpartizans of the late Almagro as remained unemployed in Peru, and had beenexcepted from the division of lands and Indians after the defeat of theirparty, as the adherents of the Pizarros would not, and their dependentsdared not to have any intercourse with them. 

After the voyage of Ferdinand Pizarro to Spain, and the setting out ofGonzalo Pizarro upon his disastrous discovery of Los Canelos, Herrada andthe younger Almagro, being now left at entire liberty by the Marquis, whobefore had held them in a species of imprisonment, began to take measuresfor the execution of an enterprize they had long contemplated. For thispurpose they secretly provided arms and every thing that appearednecessary for their project of revenging the death of the elder Almagro. Their partizans were farther animated to the accomplishment of this designfrom resentment for the death of several of their friends and companions, who had been cut off during the late civil war. The marquis had often usedhis endeavours to reconcile Almagro and Herrada to his authority by gentlemeans, and by the offer of his friendship and patronage to them and theiradherents; but finding all his advances ineffectual, he deprived Almagroof the moderate repartition of Indians which had been assigned to him, onpurpose to prevent him from continuing to form a party by the applicationof his fortune to the support of the malcontents. All these precautionswere ultimately ineffectual, as the Almagrians were so closely unitedamong themselves, that all their property was in a great measure heldcommon among the members of their party, even every thing that theindividuals acquired by play or otherwise being thrown into a common stockin the hands of Herrada to serve their general expence. Their numbersincreased daily, by the accession of all who were dissatisfied by theadministration of the marquis, or who thought their merits overlooked inthe distribution of property and employments. They secretly increasedtheir store of arms, and took measures for securing the success of theirplot. 

Their conduct, however secretly pursued, being known among many, came atlength to the knowledge of some friends of the marquis, who endeavoured toput him on his guard against the machinations of his enemies. But he, confiding in his honour and good faith, judged of others by himself, andrefused to listen to this advice; saying that it was proper to leave theseunfortunate men in peace, who were already sufficiently punished by theshame of their defeat, the public hatred, and the poverty to which theywere reduced. So much were the Almagrians encouraged by the patientindulgence of the marquis, that their chiefs used even to pass him inpublic without saluting him or giving him any token of respect; and onenight some of them had the audacity to affix three ropes to the gibbet, one of which was stretched towards the palace of the marquis, anothertowards the house of his lieutenant, and the third to that of hissecretary. Even this insolence was forgiven by the marquis, inconsideration of their misery and the unhappy situation of their affairs. Profiting by this indulgence, the Almagrians assembled together almostopenly, several of their party who were wandering about the countrywithout property or employment, coming to Lima from the distance even oftwo hundred leagues. They resolved upon putting the marquis to death; yetwaited to hear from Spain what judgment might be given in the case ofFerdinand Pizarro, who was there thrown into prison as accused, of themurder of Don Diego Almagro; and to prosecute whom Captain Diego Alvaradohad gone home and was actively engaged in soliciting his trial andpunishment. When the conspirators learnt that his majesty had appointedthe licentiate Vaca de Castro to proceed to Peru, on purpose to examineinto all the past disorders, but without orders to prosecute the death ofAlmagro with that rigorous severity which they wished and expected, theyresolved upon the execution of their long concerted enterprize. They wereanxious, however, to learn exactly the intentions of Vaca de Castro, asthe intended assassination of the marquis was by no means universallyapproved among the Almagrians. Several of the gentlemen belonging to theparty, although much incensed at the death of Almagro, were anxious onlyfor redress by legal means, and in a manner that might be conformable withthe pleasure and service of the sovereign. The chiefs of this conspiracywho were now assembled in Lima, were Juan de Saavedra, Alfonso deMontemayor, Juan de Gusman controller, Manuel de Espinar treasurer, Nugnezde Mercado agent, Christoval Ponce de Leon, Juan de Herrada, Pero Lopez deAyala, and some others. In this assemblage, Don Alfonso de Montemayor wasdeputed to wait upon Vaca de Castro; and accordingly set out with lettersof credence and dispatches to meet Vaca de Castro at the beginning ofApril 1541. After his arrival at the place where Vaca de Castro then was, and before he proposed to return to his employers, news was brought of theassassination of the marquis. On this occasion, Montemayor and some othersof the Almagrian party, who were not concerned in the murder, remainedwith Vaca de Castro till after the defeat of the younger Almagro in thebattle of Chupas, preferring the service of their sovereign, in whose nameand authority de Castro acted, to their individual resentments. 

So public had the measures of the conspirators become in the city of Lima, that several persons gave notice of their intentions to the marquis, andadvised him to employ a guard for the protection of his person: But healways said that the lives of others would guard him from violence, andthat he was resolved to give no cause for suspecting that he usedprecautions of defence against the judge whom his majesty was sending toPeru. On one occasion, Juan de Herrada complained to the marquis of areport that he meant to put all the friends of Almagro to death. Themarquis assured him that the report was entirely groundless; and whenHerrada mentioned that the marquis was collecting a great number of lancesand other arms, as a confirmation of the report that these were intendedagainst the Almagrians, the marquis replied in the gentlest terms, thatthese arms were by no means intended to be used against him or his friends. He even presented Herrada with several oranges which he pluckt for him, which were then esteemed a high delicacy, as they were the first that weregrown in Peru; and told him privately, that if he were in want of anything, he had only to give him notice, and he might depend on being provided for. Herrada kissed his hands, and thanked him for his kindness, going awaydelighted with the assurance that the marquis seemed to have no suspicionwhatever of the conspiracy. 

On arriving at his house, where the principal conspirators waited for him, it was determined to kill the marquis on the following Sunday, as they hadnot been able to put their design into execution on the festival of StJohn[1] as they at first intended. On the Saturday immediately preceding, one of the conspirators revealed the circumstances of the plot inconfession to the curate of the great church of Lima. The curate went thatsame evening to communicate the intelligence to Antonio Picado, secretaryto the marquis, who immediately carried the curate to Francisco Martinezde Alcantara, the marquises brother[2], where the marquis then was atsupper together with his children[3]. On being informed of the urgentbusiness on which they came, the marquis rose from table and retired toanother room, where the curate informed him of every thing he had learntrespecting the conspiracy. The marquis was at first considerably agitatedby his intelligence: but after a moments reflection, he said that he couldnot credit the story, as Herrada had been with him only a few days before, and had conversed with him with much humility; for which reason he wasconvinced that the man who now brought this intelligence had some secretend to serve, and had invented this story to assume merit. He sent however, for his lieutenant, the doctor Juan Velasquez[4] meaning to consult withhim; but as Velasquez was ill in bed, the marquis went to his house, andtold him all that he had heard. Velaquez used every argument to convincehim that the story was false, and that he had nothing to fear. Taking uphis rod of office, he declared that no one dared to revolt so long as heheld that badge in his hand, and that the marquis might rest in security. He may be said in some measure to have kept his word; for when theAlmagrians came next day to kill the marquis, Velasquez made his escapeover a window, and took his rod of office in his teeth, that he might useboth his hands to assist himself in his descent. 

In spite of all these assurances the marquis was somewhat alarmed, insomuch that next day, being Sunday the 26th June 1541, he determined notto go to church, and had the mass said in his own house. After church, thedoctor Velasquez and captain Francisco de Chaves, who were the principalpersons in the colony, went along with several other persons to visit themarquis. Having paid their visit, they all retired to their houses, exceptVelasquez and de Chaves who remained to dine with him. After dinner, between twelve and one o'clock, when all the attendants of the marquis hadretired to their dinner, and the whole city was quiet, Juan de Herrada andten or twelve of his associates all armed sallied forth from the house ofAlmagro, which was not more than three hundred paces from the palace ofthe marquis, between which were part of a street and the whole breadth ofthe great square. On coming out into the street with their drawn swords, they exclaimed, "death to the tyrant who hath slain the judge sent by theemperor to execute judgment upon him. " They used these words, and wentthus openly, to induce the inhabitants to believe that their party wasnumerous, so that no one might take measures to oppose them. Besides this, the conspirators believed that there was no time for any one to interposeto prevent the execution of their purpose, and that it would either beaccomplished, or themselves slain in the attempt, before any effectualsuccour would arrive. On their arrival at the palace of the marquis, oneof the party remained at the gate with a bloody sword in his hand, whocried out repeatedly, "_The tyrant is dead! the tyrant is dead!_" This hadthe desired effect, as several of the inhabitants who hastened to thepalace on the alarm, being convinced that the marquis was already slain, retired again to their houses. 

In the mean time Juan de Herrada and the rest of the conspirators rushedup the stair towards the apartment of the marquis, who, being alarmed bysome of the Indian servants, desired de Chaves to shut the doors of thesaloon and the hall, while he retired to put on his armour. De Chaves wasso much confused, that instead of fastening the doors he went out to thestaircase demanding the reason of the noise; on which one of theconspirators wounded him. "This, said he, is not the usage of a friend, "and immediately drew his sword, but was soon overpowered and slain. Theconspirators immediately rushed into the hall, whence ten or twelveSpaniards who were there made their escape by the windows: Among these wasVelasquez, who, as has been already mentioned, took his rod of office inhis mouth, that he might use his hands the more readily in making hisescape by the window. The marquis was at this time in his chamber, employed in arming himself, attended by his brother de Alcantara, twoother gentlemen, and two pages. Seeing his enemies so near, the marquiswas unable to fasten the clasps of his cuirass, but advanced courageouslywith his sword and buckler to defend the entry to the chamber, in which hewas bravely assisted by those who were along with him. He defended himselffor a considerable time successfully, encouraging his brother and the restby his voice and example. At length the Almagrians slew de Alcantara, onwhich one of the pages took his place beside the marquis. The Almagrians, being afraid lest succour might arrive, resolved to make a desperateeffort, for which purpose one of the best armed among them forced in atthe door and made room for the rest to enter, who now attacked the marquisand his faithful companions with such fury that he was soon exhausted withfatigue and hardly able to handle his arms. At length the marquis receiveda mortal thrust in his throat, and falling to the ground called out in aloud voice for a confessor. Soon losing all power of speech, he made thesign of the cross on the floor with his finger, which he kissed andexpired. Besides his brother, the two pages were likewise slain. Of theAlmagrians, four were killed, and several of the rest wounded. 

When the marquises death was made known, above two hundred men who waitedthe event, declared themselves loudly in favour of Don Diego, and wentabout the city arresting and disarming all who seemed to favour the partyof the marquis. The conspirators went out into the street waving theirbloody swords, and Herrada made Don Diego ride on horseback through thecity of Lima, proclaiming him as governor of Peru. The palace of themarquis, and the houses of Alcantara and Picado the secretary werepillaged, Herrada assembled the cabildo of the city, and obliged them toacknowledge Don Diego as governor, under pretence that the elder Almagrohad been appointed by his majesty to the government of New Toledo, withsuccession to his son or to any person he might appoint as his successor. The conspirators likewise put to death several persons who wereparticularly attached to the late marquis, and gave up their houses to beplundered by their own partizans. It was melancholy to behold the miseryand desolation of the wives and children of those who were thus massacred, and whose houses were pillaged of every thing valuable, as they went aboutthe streets bewailing their forlorn condition. 

Some obscure persons[5] carried or dragged the dead body of the marquis tothe church, where no one dared to give it burial, till one Juan Barbaranand his wife, who had been servants to the marquis, obtained permissionfrom Don Diego, and buried the marquis and his brother as well as theycould. They were obliged to hurry over the ceremony as quickly as possible, having hardly time to clothe the body in the habit of St Jago, of whichorder he was a member, and to put on his spurs according to the usualmanner of burying the knights of that order; as they were informed thatsome of the Almagrians were hastening to the church to cut off the head ofthe marquis to affix it to the gallows. Barbaran himself performed theceremonies of the funeral, at which he was sole mourner, and defrayed allthe expences from his own funds. He next endeavoured to provide for thesecurity of the children of the marquis, who were concealed in differentparts of the city of Lima, now under the absolute controul of theAlmagrians. 

In this melancholy catastrophe, we have a forcible example of theuncertainty and changeableness of fortune. In a very short space of time, a private individual who held no important office, had discovered a vastextent of country containing powerful kingdoms, of which he made himselfmaster and governor with almost uncontrolled authority, bestowing onseveral persons such ample fortunes and extensive revenues as none of therichest and most powerful monarchs whom we read of in history had evergiven away in so short a time. Yet was this man assassinated by onlytwelve men at noonday, in the midst of a city the whole inhabitants ofwhich were his creatures, servants, kinsmen, friends, and soldiers, whohad all eaten of his bread and subsisted on his bounty, even his owndomestic servants and those who were in his house, flying away andabandoning him to his fate. He was interred in the most obscure manner, all his richness and greatness having disappeared, not enough being leftto defray the consecrated tapers and other expences of his funeral. Theunsearchable ways of Providence are surprisingly illustrated by theseevents; and particularly, that after all the warnings and just causes ofsuspicion which had been given him, he refused to take any precautions forhis safety which he could have done so easily. 

As the discovery and conquest of Peru, the subject of this work, originated from the two captains of whom I have hitherto dicoursed, theMarquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and the President Don Diego de Almagro; itseems proper to attempt giving their portraitures, with some account oftheir manners and qualifications, imitating in this the example ofPlutarch; who, after giving the lives and heroic actions of two greatcommanders, institutes a comparison between them, shewing how far theyresembled and differed from each other. We have already said all thatcould be learnt respecting their parentage. They were both personallybrave and daring, patient of labour, of hale and robust constitutions, andexceedingly friendly, being always ready to do good offices to every onewithout consideration of expence. In their inclinations and manner of lifethey very much resembled each other, as neither of them were married, though Almagro attained to seventy-five years of age and the marquis tosixty-five. Both loved war; but Almagro, when not thus employed, willinglydevoted himself to the management of his private affairs. They were bothadvanced in life when they undertook the discovery and conquest of Peru, in which they both encountered great fatigues, as has been formerlymentioned; but the marquis more especially was exposed to great dangers, far beyond those of the president, who remained long at Panama providingall necessaries for the success of the enterprize, while the marquis wasactually engaged in the discovery and conquest of the greater part of thecountry. Both had great souls, continually occupied in vast designs andsplendid enterprizes; yet both were of gentle and conciliatory manners, and of easy access to their followers. They were both liberal and generousin their gifts; yet the president loved to have his liberalities known andpublished to the world; while the marquis carefully concealed his gifts, and expressed uneasiness when they were known or blazed abroad; being moreanxious to serve the necessities of those to whom he made them, than tomake an ostentatious display of his munificence. One example of this isworthy of being mentioned. He learnt that one of his soldiers had lost ahorse, on which occasion he went to a tennis-court belonging to his house, expecting to meet the soldier in that place, carrying with him an ingot ofgold of ten pounds weight, which he meant to present him with. Not findingthe soldier there, he engaged in a match at tennis without taking off hiscoat, as he did not wish the ingot should be noticed, which was concealedbelow his waistcoat. He remained there above three hours, when at lengththe soldier made his appearance. The marquis then took him aside and gavehim the gold, saying that he would rather have given him thrice as muchthan have been obliged to carry that heavy weight so long. 

Many other examples might be given of the secret liberalities of themarquis, who gave all his presents with his own hand that they might notbe known. On this account, Almagro was always considered as more liberal, as his gifts were made in an ostentatious manner. They may be considered, however, as perfectly equal in their liberality and munificence; for, asthe marquis used to acknowledge that all came from their common funds, being partners and associates in every thing derived from their jointdiscovery and conquest, the half of all that was given by one belonged tothe other, so that he who consented to or participated in the present, wasequally generous with the actual donor. Besides, in proof that they bothdeserved the praise of liberality, they were both during their livesprodigiously rich in ready money and vast revenues, beyond any person orprince not sovereign who had been known for many ages; yet both died sopoor that no mention is made of the treasures or estates left by them; sothat hardly at their deaths was there sufficient to defray the expences oftheir funerals; resembling in that respect Cato and Sylla and some otherfamous Romans, who were buried at the public charge. 

Both were exceedingly kind to their servants and dependents, whom on alloccasions they delighted to enrich and advance, and to rescue from dangers. In this last particular the marquis carried his attentions even to excess, as appears by the following instance. In passing a river called theBaranca, one of his Indian servants, of the Yanaconas tribe, was carriedaway by the strength of the current, on which the marquis plunged into thestream and swam after him, catching him by the hair, and saved him at theimminent hazard of his own life, in so rapid a current that the bravestand most vigorous man in his army durst hardly have made the attempt. Whenhis officers blamed him for his rashness in thus exposing his life, heanswered that none of them knew how to value a faithful servant. Themarquis enjoyed the authority of governor much longer in tranquillity thanAlmagro; who, though he hardly enjoyed that authority at all, was moreambitious, and evinced a more ardent desire of exercising command. Bothaffected simplicity in dress, keeping to the same fashion in their old agewhich they had been accustomed to in their youth. In particular, themarquis used ordinarily to wear a close coat of black cloth, the wideskirts of which came down almost to his ankles, while the body had a veryshort waist and was closely fitted to his shape. His shoes were of whiteleather, with a white or grey hat, and a plain sword and dagger in the oldfashion. Sometimes on festivals, by the entreaty of his servants, he worea robe of fine fur which had been sent him by the Marquis del Valle; butimmediately on his return from church he put it off, remaining in hisshirt or a plain jacket, with a napkin hanging from his neck to wipe awaysweat, as he usually passed most of the day when in peace in playing atbowls or tennis. 

Both Pizarro and Almagro were exceedingly patient of labour and fatigue, and could submit better than most men to hunger and thirst and otherprivations; but especially the marquis, who was so vigorous that few youngmen were able to compete with him in his old days at athletic sports. Themarquis in general was more addicted to play than Almagro, insomuch thathe often spent whole days in playing at bowls, with any one that offered, whether mariner or miller was all one; and he never allowed any man tolift his bowl for him, or to use any ceremony whatever in respect to hisrank. He was so fond of play, that few affairs were of sufficientimportance to induce him to give over, especially when losing. But wheninformed of any insurrection among the Indians, he would instantly layevery thing aside, immediately bracing on his armour and seizing his lanceand target, would hasten to the place where the mutiny had risen, withoutwaiting for his people, who followed him with all expedition. 

Both the marquis and the president were so brave and so experienced in themanner of making war with the Indians, that either of them alone wouldnever hesitate when on horseback and armed to charge through a hundredIndians. Both were extremely intelligent, sensible, and judicious, andcould take their measures both in civil and military affairs with greatpromptitude and propriety; yet both were so extremely illiterate thatneither of them could read or write, or even sign their names; whichassuredly was a great defect, and exceedingly inconvenient in carrying onthe important affairs in which they were concerned; and although they inevery other respect appeared like persons of high birth, and deportedthemselves like noblemen with much dignity and propriety, yet their entireignorance of letters was an evident demonstration of the meanness of theirbirth. The marquis placed implicit confidence in his servants and friends, insomuch that in all his dispatches and orders relative to the government, and in the assignments of lands and Indians, he only made two lines withthe pen, between which Antonio Picado his secretary wrote his name, Francisco Pizarro. As Ovid said of Romulus, respecting astronomy, we maysay of Pizarro that he was more learned in the art of war than in thesciences, and applied himself more to know how to atchieve gloriousconquests than to acquire literature. Both were exceedingly affable andfamiliar with the colonists, making them frequent visits, and they readilyaccepted invitations to dinner from any one; yet both were extremelymoderate in eating and drinking; and both refrained from amorousconnection with Spanish women, on the principle that to intrigue with thewives or daughters of their countrymen was both prejudicial anddishonourable to their neighbours. Almagro was the most continent inregard to the Peruvian women, as we know of no affairs of his gallantry inthat country, his only son being born of an Indian woman of Panama. Butthe marquis had more than one attachment in Peru, having lived publicklywith a sister of Atahualpa, by whom he had a son named Don Gonzalo whodied at fourteen years of age, and a daughter named Donna Francisca. Byanother Indian woman of Cuzco he had a son named Don Francisco[6]. 

Both Pizarro and Almagro received high rewards from his majesty for theirsignal services; the former being created a marquis, with the authority ofgovernor of New Castille, and the order of St Jago. Almagro was rewardedwith the government of New Toledo, with the title of President or LordLieutenant of that country. The marquis always evinced the highest respectfor his majesty, the utmost zeal for his service, and the most perfectobedience for his orders; insomuch that he would often refrain from doingmany things which were evidently within the scope of his authority, lesthe should appear to overstep the bounds of his commission. Frequently, when sitting in the meeting-houses where the gold and silver was assessedfor the royal fifth, he would rise from his chair to pick up the smallpieces which started from the scissars; observing that if the hands failedon such occasions, a loyal subject ought to use his mouth to serve theking. As these two great men resembled each other in many things duringtheir lives, so in their deaths they were alike unfortunate: the presidentbeing put to death by the brother of the marquis, and the marquis slain bythe son of the president. 

The marquis was exceedingly anxious for the improvement of the country, giving every encouragement to the cultivation of the soil, and theestablishment of colonies of Spaniards in different places. He built forhimself a fine house or palace in the city of Lima, and had two sluicesconstructed on the river to drive mills for its supply; employing much ofhis leisure in superintending the workmen, and instructing the overseershow he wished the works to be carried on. He was particularly diligent inprocuring the erection of a great and handsome church in Lima, andmonasteries for the Dominicans and the order of Mercy; both of whom heendowed with ample estates in lands and Indians. 

[1] The festival of St John the Evangelist is on the 5th May but the assasination of the Marquis did not take place till the 26th June 1541. --E. 

[2] In a former note, it has been mentioned, on the authority of Robertson, that Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Pizarro by his mother; yet Garcilasso calls him his brother, and perhaps he was so by a different father. --E. 

[3] The language of the French translator is here rather equivocal, but distinctly bears the construction here given of the marquis being at supper in the house of de Alcantara. --E. 

[4] By Garcilasso, Velasquez is called the Chief Justice. --E. 

[5] Garcilasso, quoting Zarate, says that the body was dragged to church by some negroes; the French translator says _quelques miserables_. --E. 

[6] According to Garcilasso, the marquis had only one son and one daughter, Don Francisco being the son of his brother Gonzalo. Don Gonzalo, the only son of the marquis, was born of a daughter of Atahualpa, not a sister, named Angelina. Donna Francisca was the marquises daughter by Ynes Huayllas Nusta, a daughter of the Inca Huana Capac, whose Christian name was Donna Beatrix. --E. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER VII. 

CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCOPIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OFTRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE[1]. 

SECTION I. 

_From the revival of the civil wars in Peru, to the close of theadministration of Vaca de Castro, the first governor appointed from Spain_. 

After Don Diego had made himself master of the city of Lima, he deprivedthe magistrates of all their insignia of command, but which he immediatelyreturned to them, with orders to execute their official duties in his nameand authority. He then ordered the Doctor Velasquez, who had been chiefjustice or adelantado under the marquis, and Antonio Picado who had beenhis secretary, to be taken into custody[2]. In the next place he appointedJuan Tello, Francisco de Chaves[3], and one Sotelo to be captains of histroops. On the news of this revolution, all the idle vagabonds anddebauched blackguards of the country hastened to enrol themselves underthe banners of Don Diego, in hopes of participating in the plunder of thepartizans of Pizarro, and of being enabled to live licentiously withoutlabour. To enable him to pay his troops, Don Diego seized the fifth of theprecious metals belonging to the crown, and took possession of theproperties of those who had been massacred, and the revenues of all theabsentees. In a very short time disputes and divisions arose among thosewho had taken part with Don Diego, as the leaders of the malcontent partyamong them were anxious to assassinate Juan de Herrada, because everything was done and directed by him, Don Diego having only the name ofcaptain general, while he in fact exercised the whole authority. Theintention of these malcontents being discovered, several of them were putto death as seditious people; among whom was Francisco de Chaves, who wasput to the rack and afterwards hanged as a ringleader of this newconspiracy. One Antonio de Orihuela likewise, who had only arrived of latefrom Spain, was beheaded, having imprudently asserted that the Almagrianswere tyrants and usurpers. 

Deputies or messengers were sent to all the cities and provinces of Peru, to induce the commandants and magistrates to recognize Don Diego asgovernor, which was done in many places out of fear: But Alonso deAlvarado, who was lieutenant governor in the province of Chachapoyas, ordered the deputies who were sent into his government to be arrested, declaring for his majesty in opposition to Don Diego, whom he denounced arebel. He was encouraged in this bold procedure, because he was confidentof being able to defend himself with a hundred men whom he commanded in astrong fortress of his province, which he fortified with much care. DonDiego used every effort to gain Alvarado to his party, by flatteringpromises and menaces of condign punishment; but he uniformly replied, thathe would never acknowledge his authority without an express command fromhis majesty to that effect, and that he hoped, by the blessing of God andthe assistance of the brave men whom he commanded, to revenge the death ofthe marquis, and to punish the Almagrians for their injurious andoutrageous conduct, and the contempt of the royal authority which they hadevinced in their whole procedure. Garcias de Alvarado was therefore sentwith a force of cavalry and infantry, having orders to go in the firstplace to the cities of San Miguel and Truxillo, to deprive the inhabitantsof these two colonies of their arms and horses, and then to march with allhis troops against Alonso de Alvarado. Garcias went accordingly by sea tothe port of Jauta, about fifteen leagues from Truxillo, where he foundCaptain Alonso de Cabrera, who had fled thither with all the inhabitantsof Guanuco to join the people of Truxillo against the usurpation of DonDiego. Garcias made Cabrera and some other of his companions prisoners;and on his arrival at San Miguel he cut off his head, and likewise put todeath Francisco de Vozmudiana, and Hernando de Villegas. 

When the deputies or messengers of Don Diego arrived at Cuzco with ordersto recognize him as governor general of Peru, Diego de Silva and Franciscode Carvajal were the chief magistrates of that city. These officers, together with the other magistrates and counsellors forming the Cabildo, were unwilling to submit to his authority, yet durst not declarethemselves openly till they had maturely considered whether they werepossessed of a sufficient force, and had enough of provisions and warlikestores to defend themselves in case of being attacked. On purposetherefore to gain time, they desired the messengers of Don Diego to returnto their master, and to desire him to send them other deputies with moreample and more regular powers or instructions, after which they wouldrecognize his authority. Gomez de Tordoya, who was one of the principalmembers of the royal council of Cuzco, happened not to be in the city whenthe deputies arrived, as he had gone out that day to take the diversion ofhawking. The other members sent therefore a message to inform him of whatwas going on, and to desire his presence and advice. On his return to thecity, he met the messengers of Don Diego, and having learnt the state ofaffairs, he twisted off the head of an excellent falcon which he carriedon his fist, saying that fighting must now be followed, not the sports ofthe field. After a secret consultation with the rest of the Cabildo on theproper measures to be pursued on the present emergency, he left the citythe same night, and went to the residence of Captain de Castro. They sentimmediately a message to Pedro Anzurez, the lieutenant of the province ofCharcas, giving him an account of the state of affairs, and he declaredhimself at once for the party of his majesty. 

Immediately afterwards Gomez de Tordoya set off in pursuit of PedroAlvarez Holguin, who had lately marched with above a hundred men to reducesome revolted Indians: On coming up with Holguin, Tordoya immediately toldhim all that had taken place, earnestly intreating him to assist the loyalinhabitants of Cuzco in their just and honourable intentions, and toassume the command of such troops as might be collected for the defence ofthat city against the usurpation of Don Diego. To induce him to comply, Tordoya declared himself ready to become one of his soldiers, and to givean example of implicit obedience to his commands. Holguin immediatelydeclared for his majesty, and agreed to assume the command. He and Tordoyaassembled the inhabitants of the city of Arequipa, whom they confirmed intheir loyalty, and immediately set out for Cuzco with all the force theycould collect. On the arrival of Holguin and Tordoya near Cuzco, abovefifty men who had declared themselves for Don Diego left the city, meaningto join him at Lima; but the royalists sent de Castro and FerdinandBachicao after them with a party of musqueteers, who came up with andattacked them during the night, and brought them all back prisoners toCuzco. 

All the magistrates and councillors of Cuzco concurred not only in theappointment of Pedro Alvarez Holguin as military commandant, but theynamed him captain general and governor of all Peru, coming under an oathof obedience to him in that high capacity till the pleasure of his majestyshould be made manifest on the subject: And in testimony of their zealousloyalty, the whole inhabitants of Cuzco came under obligations to replaceall the sums that Holguin might be under the necessity of taking from theeffects and revenues belonging to the crown for the payment and equipmentof his troops, in case his majesty might not approve and allow thatexpence. Besides this, all the inhabitants of Cuzco, Charcas, and Arequipaengaged voluntarily to serve in the war, and to contribute towards itsexpences. Immediately on his appointment to the supreme power, Holguinmade a proclamation of war against Don Diego as a rebel, and in a shorttime assembled a force of 150 cavalry, 100 musqueteers and 100 pikemen. But learning that Don Diego had more than 800 men under arms, he did notconsider himself powerful enough to wait for him in Cuzco, deeming it moreprudent to march from thence by way of the mountain road, on purpose tojoin forces with Alonso de Alvarado, who had declared for his majesty. Holguin likewise expected to be joined upon the march by several of thefriends and servants of the late marquis, who had concealed themselvesfrom the rage of the Almagrians in different parts of the mountain regionof Peru. In pursuance of this plan, Holguin set out on his march fromCuzco, having appointed Gomez de Tordoya his maestre de campo or majorgeneral, Garcilasso de la Vega[4] and Pedro Anzurez, captains of horse, Nunno de Castro and Hernando de Bachicao captains of foot, and Martin deRobles as ensign to carry the royal standard. On leaving Cuzco, all whowere unfit for active service in the field were left behind, and properofficers were appointed for maintaining the government and to distributejustice. 

On receiving notice of all these events which had taken place in Cuzco, and that Holguin had marched from thence with his troops, Don Diego judgedthat Holguin would endeavour to form a junction with Alonzo de Alvaradowho commanded in Chachapoyas, and would therefore proceed by the mountainroad towards the north; he resolved therefore to march in such a directionas might enable him to intercept Holguin before his junction with Alonzode Alvarado, but did not think it prudent to attempt this before thearrival of the force under Garcias de Alvarado, whom he had recalled fromthe originally concerted expedition against Alonzo de Alvarado[5]. Whilepassing through Truxillo, levying men and providing arms and horses, Garcias proposed to have attacked Alonzo de Alvarado, but was resisted bythe inhabitants of a town in the province of Chachapoyas named Levanto, and receiving his orders of recal from Don Diego he relinquished hisdesign, and marched in all haste for Lima. Immediately after the return ofGarcias, Don Diego began his march against Holguin, with a force of 300horse, 100 musqueteers, and 150 pikemen; but before his departure, hebanished the children of the late marquis and of Gonzalo Pizarro from thecountry, and executed Antonio Picado, having previously put him to thetorture to endeavour to extort confession from him as to any hiddentreasure belonging to the marquis. 

"As during the civil dissentions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain wassuspended, the detail of the extraordinary transactions there between themarquis and the elder Almagro, already recounted, did not soon reach thecourt[6]. Unfortunately for the victorious faction, the first intelligencewas brought thither by some of Almagro's officers, who left the country onthe ruin of their cause; and they related what had happened with everycircumstance unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers. Their ambition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence and cruelty, were painted with all the malignity and exaggeration of party hatred. Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared at court withgreat splendour, endeavoured to efface the impression which theiraccusations had made, and to justify his brother and himself byrepresenting Almagro as the aggressor. The emperor and his ministers, though they could not pronounce which of the contending factions was mostcriminal, clearly discerned the fatal tendency of their dissentions. Itwas obvious, that while the leaders entrusted with the conduct of twoinfant colonies, employed the arms which should have been turned againstthe common enemy in destroying one another, all attention to the publicgood must cease, and there was reason to dread that the Indians mightimprove the advantage which the disunion of the Spaniards presented tothem, and extirpate both the victors and the vanquished. But the evil wasmore apparent than the remedy. Where the information which had beenreceived was so defective and suspicious, and the scene of action soremote, it was almost impossible to chalk out the line of conduct thatought to be followed; and before any plan that should be approved of inSpain could be carried into execution, the situation of the parties, andthe circumstances of affairs, might alter so entirely as to render itseffects extremely pernicious. "

"Nothing therefore remained but to send a person to Peru, vested withextensive and discretionary powers; who, after viewing deliberately theposture of affairs with his own eyes, and inquiring on the spot into theconduct of the different leaders, should be authorised to establish thegovernment in that form which he deemed most conducive to the interest ofthe parent state and the welfare of the colony. The man selected in 1539for this important charge was Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge in thecourt of royal audience at Valladolid; and his abilities, integrity, andfirmness, justified the choice. His instructions, though ample, were notsuch as to fetter him in his operations. According to the different aspectof affairs, he had power to take upon him different characters. If hefound the governor still alive, he was only to assume the title of judge, to maintain the appearance of acting in concert with him, and to guardagainst giving any just cause of offence to a man who had merited sohighly of his country. But, if Pizarro were dead, he was entrusted with acommission that he might then produce, by which he was appointed hissuccessor in the government of Peru. This attention to Pizarro, however, seems to have flowed rather from dread of his power, than from anyapprobation of his measures; for at the very time that the court seemed sosolicitous not to irritate him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested atMadrid, and confined to a prison where he remained above twenty years[7]. "

"Vaca de Castro, who left Spain in 1540, was driven by stress of weatherin 1541, after a long and disastrous voyage, into a small harbour in theprovince of Popayan; and proceeding from thence by land, after a journeyno less difficult than tedious, he reached Quito. In his way he receivedaccounts of Pizarro's death, and of the events which followed upon it, asalready mentioned. He immediately produced his commission appointing himgovernor of Peru, with the same privileges and authority which had beenenjoyed by Pizarro; and his jurisdiction was acknowledged withouthesitation by Benalcazar, adelantado or lieutenant general for the emperorin Popayan, and by Pedro de Puelles, who had the command of the troopsleft in Quito in the absence of Gonzalo Pizarro. Vaca de Castro not onlyassumed the supreme authority, but shewed that he possessed the talentswhich the exercise of it at that juncture required. By his influence andaddress, he soon assembled such a body of troops as not only set him aboveall fear of being exposed to any insult from the adverse party, butenabled him to advance from Quito with the dignity that became hischaracter. By dispatching persons of confidence to the differentsettlements in Peru, with a formal notification of his arrival and of hiscommission, he communicated to his countrymen the royal pleasure withrespect to the government of the country. By private emissaries, heexcited such officers as had discovered their disapprobation of Almagro'sproceedings, to manifest their duty to their sovereign by supporting theperson honoured with his commission. Those measures were productive ofgreat effects. Encouraged by the approach of the new governor, or preparedby his machinations, the loyal were confirmed in their principles, andavowed them with greater boldness; the timid ventured to declare theirsentiments; the neutral and wavering, finding it necessary to choose aside, began to lean to that which now appeared to be the safest, as wellas the most just[8]. "

Don Diego had hardly got two leagues from Lima, in 1542, when secretorders arrived there from Vaca de Castro, addressed to F. Thomas de SanMartin, provincial of the Dominicans, and Francisco de Barrionuevo, towhom he committed the direction of public affairs till his own arrival. Bythese persons, the cabildo of the city was secretly assembled in theDominican convent, to whom these orders were communicated, and whoimmediately recognized Vaca de Castro as governor, and Geronimo de Aliaga, his principal secretary, as adelantado or lieutenant governor of Peru. Immediately upon this formal act of recognition, the members of thecabildo and several of the principal citizens fled to Truxillo, fearingthe resentment of the Almagrians. Although all this had passed in secret, it was communicated on the same night to Don Diego, who was disposed inconsequence to have returned with the intention of giving up the city toplunder; but he was afraid lest by delay Holguin might escape into thenorth of Peru, and lest by returning, the arrival of the new governormight come to the knowledge of his troops. He determined therefore tocontinue his march against Holguin with all expedition. In spite of allhis precautions, intelligence of the arrival of the new governor reachedhis camp, on which several persons abandoned him secretly, particularlythe provincial of the Dominicans, Diego de Aguero, Juan de Saavedra, YllenSuarez de Carvajal the commissary, and Gomez de Alvarado. 

Although every consideration prompted Don Diego to use the utmostdiligence in the present posture of affairs, he was under the absolutenecessity of marching slowly, as Juan de Herrada his great friend andadviser fell sick of a mortal distemper. Owing to this delay, Holguin wasenabled to get beyond the valley of Jauja in his march towards theprovince of Chachapoyas. Yet Don Diego followed after him with so muchdiligence that he very nearly got up with him. In this emergency, asHolguin was by no means in sufficient force to venture a battle with DonDiego, he put the following stratagem in practice to enable him to escape, which effectually succeeded. During the night he detached twenty horsemento make an attack on the advanced guard of the enemy, with orders to takesome prisoners if possible, and then to retire. They executed their orderssuccessfully and made three prisoners, two of whom Holguin ordered to beimmediately hanged, and offered life and liberty with a considerablereward in money to the third, if he would carry information to certainpersons in the army of Don Diego, who he pretended were disposed to joinhim, that he intended to attack the right wing of the camp in the ensuingnight, that they might be ready to assist him. He even administered anoath to this soldier that he would religiously keep the secret from everyone but those to whom he was directed to carry the message. Being a youngman and desirous of procuring the promised large reward, he readilyundertook the commission, and returned to the camp of Don Diego. When DonDiego understood that this man had come back, and that his two companionswere hanged by Holguin, he suspected that mercy had been shewn him on someprivate conditions; for which reason he ordered the soldier to be put tothe torture, who immediately avowed all that had been confided to him. Bythis means, Don Diego was led to believe that Holguin actually intended tosurprise him by night, and took effectual measures to receive him, placingthe greatest part of his troops under arms all night on that side whichthe soldier mentioned as the part where Holguin was to attack. Theintentions of Holguin were diametrically opposite to this story which hehad put in the mouth of the soldier, meaning only to gain time for asecure retreat; so that immediately after dispatching the soldier, hedecamped in the middle of the night, marching with all possible celerityto get his army into a place of safety, while Don Diego uselessly kept hisarmy under arms in expectation of being attacked. 

When Don Diego discovered the trick which had been imposed on him, heresumed the pursuit of Holguin with as much celerity as he could: ButHolguin had sent a quick messenger to Alonso de Alvarado, requesting himto hasten to his assistance, which Alvarado did without delay with all hisown troops and several of the inhabitants of Truxillo. On the junction ofthese officers a few davs afterwards, Don Diego discontinued the pursuit, and returned towards Cuzco. Holguin and Alvarado sent off immediately toinform Vaca de Castro by letter of all the preceding events, andcounselled him to advance without delay to join them, as they were insufficient force to make him master of the country when strengthened byhis authority. At this time Juan de Herrada expired at Jauja, and DonDiego detached a part of his army to the low country of Peru to collectthose of his party who were at Arequipa and other places. His officersplundered the city of Arequipa, and dug up every where about the monasteryof the Dominicans in search of treasure, as they were informed that theinhabitants of that city had concealed their valuable effects in thatconvent. 

Vaca de Castro had reached Peru with much difficulty and fatigue. Thevoyage from Panama was exceedingly tedious and tempestuous, and the vesselin which he sailed lost all its anchors. Having at last reached theharbour of Buenaventura at the bottom of the bay of Choco on the coast ofRaposo, he went from thence by land to the frontiers of the government ofBenalcazar, who commanded in Popayan, and thence to Peru. He suffered muchhardship and fatigue in that journey, both from the length and difficultyof the way and the scarcity of provisions, so that he fell sick as beingquite unused to such fatigues. Yet as the death of the marquis and thesubsequent events were already known in Popayan, de Castro continued hisjourney with as little delay as possible, that he might endeavour by hispresence to remedy the disorders of the country. Although Vaca de Castrohad been sent to Peru ostensibly to investigate into and take cognizanceof the death of Almagro, and of the subsequent transactions, without anyorder to deprive the marquis of the government, or even to suspend hisauthority; yet he had been furnished with a secret commission, by which hewas authorized to assume the government, in case the marquis should dieduring his voyage, or after his arrival, and to exercise all the functionsof that high office, till the emperor might give orders to the contrary. By the authority of this commission, he was received in the camp ofHolguin and Alvarado as governor. He was accompanied thither by severalpersons who had joined him on his first arrival in Peru, particularly byCaptain Lorenzo de Aldana, who had been lieutenant governor of Quito underthe marquis. He sent before him Captain Pedro de Puelles, to makepreparations for carrying on the war. He sent likewise Gomez de Royas toCuzco, with orders to the magistrates and inhabitants of that city toreceive him as lieutenant. Royas used so much diligence and address thathe arrived at Cuzco and was received and acknowledged in the command ofthat place before Don Diego could reach it with his army. 

When Vaca de Castro passed through the province of Bracamoras on his wayfrom Quito to Truxillo, Captain Pedro de Vergara, who was then occupied inreducing that province, and had even fortified himself in a strong post onpurpose to defend himself against Don Diego, joined him with all his men. At Truxillo the new governor was joined by Gomez de Tordoya, who hadquitted the camp in consequence of a dispute with Holguin. He was joinedlikewise at Truxillo by Garcilasso de la Vega and some other gentlemen. Byall these means, when Vaca de Castro left Truxillo to repair to the campof Holguin and Alvarado, he had already collected a well armed force ofmore than two hundred men, all ready to obey his orders. Immediately onhis arrival at the camp, Holguin and Alvarado received him with everydemonstration of joy, giving up to him their standards and all other marksof authority; all of which he restored, except the royal standard, whichhe retained for himself. Having appointed Holguin to the command of thearmy, as maestre de campo general, he ordered him to march forwards toJauja, and to wait there till he himself might return from Lima, where heproposed going that he might establish its government in proper order, andon purpose to collect men, arms and ammunition. He gave orders to Holguin, that Captain Diego de Royas should always precede the army about twentyleagues, with a detachment of thirty horsemen, to gain intelligence of themotions of the enemy. At the same time he sent back Diego de Mora toTruxillo, to take the command in that city. De Castro thus took everyproper precaution for the successful issue of his expedition, with as muchprudent foresight as if he had been all his life enured to warlike affairs. 

When Don Diego found that Holguin had escaped from his pursuit, asformerly related, he went to Cuzco with his army, where Christoval deSotelo, whom he had detached there before him, had already takenpossession of the city, and had displaced the magistrates who had beenestablished there under the authority of the new governor. Immediately onthe arrival of Don Diego at Cuzco, he made every exertion to provideartillery and gunpowder for the farther prosecution of the war. Both ofthese warlike articles are easily made in Peru. As to artillery, there isabundance of metal for that purpose, and there were also several personsin Cuzco who were perfectly well acquainted with the manner of foundingcannon: These were _Levantines_ or Greeks, several of whom had come toPeru out of respect for Pedro de Candia, who was master of the ordnance toDon Diego. Powder was likewise easily made in great abundance, assaltpetre is to be had in every part of that country of excellent quality. At the same time he had defensive armour made for those of his people whowere in want, forming corslets and helmets of silver mixed with copper, which answered amazingly well, and, were made by the native artists, whofabricated every kind of arms in imitation of, and as good as those ofMilan. By these means, and by collecting all the arms throughout the wholecountry, every one of his men was at least provided with a coat of mail, acuirass or corselet, and a helmet[9]. In this manner Don Diego was enabledto equip two hundred musqueteers, and to establish several companies ofmen at arms, as hitherto in Peru, hardly any thing had been seen of thatkind, the cavalry being all light horse except a very few. 

While these preparations were going on, an unfortunate quarrel arosebetween the captains Garcias de Alvarado and Christoval de Sotelo, inwhich they drew their swords and Sotelo was slain. As both of thesecaptains were principal leaders in the Almagrian party, and had manyfriends and partizans in the army, this unfortunate affair occasioned muchstrife, and had nearly occasioned a battle between the friends of the twocombatants; but Don Diego appeased them with some difficulty, and by usinga great deal of address. But as Garcias de Alvarado plainly perceived thatDon Diego took the death of Sotelo much to heart, whom he dearly loved, and feared lest he might take measures afterwards of revenge, heendeavoured to take precautions in the meantime for his own safety, andfor this purpose proposed to have assassinated Don Diego. With this viewhe one day invited Don Diego to dinner, intending to have put him to deathduring the entertainment. Don Diego accepted the invitation, but when theappointed day came, having some suspicion of what was intended, he sent anexcuse for his absence, on pretence of being indisposed. As Garcias hadprovided every thing for the execution of his design, he went with severalof his friends to endeavour to prevail on Don Diego to come to theentertainment. While on his way, he met a soldier named Martin Carillo whoadvised him to stay away from the house of Don Diego, who he was fullypersuaded intended to put him to death. He continued his purpose however, and received a similar advice from another soldier a little farther on. Yet he persisted in going to the house of Don Diego, and even went up tohis chamber, where he found him on a day-bed under pretence of beingunwell. This visit seemed to be expected, as Don Diego had several armedmen concealed in a neighbouring room. 

Garcias de Alvarado and his followers went into the chamber of Don Diego, to whom Alvarado said; "I hope, my lord, that your indisposition is oflittle importance. You must rise and shake it off, and you will be thebetter of some exercise and amusement. Come along with us, and though youeat little, your presence will give pleasure to the company who expectyou. " Don Diego agreed to go, and called for his cloak, being alreadyarmed with his sword and dagger. While the company in the room made way bygoing out, and Garcias de Alvarado went immediately before Don Diego, Pedro de Onnate and several others who were instructed, shut the door, andseizing on Garcias told him he was their prisoner. Don Diego drew hissword, with which he wounded Garcias, saying that he must be slain, nottaken prisoner; and immediately Juan Balsa, Alfonso de Saavedra, DiegoMendez the brother of Rodrigo Orgognez, and several others who wereconcealed in the next room, rushed out and put Alvarado to death with manywounds. 

On the news of this event spreading through the city, it occasioned muchdissatisfaction and some appearances of an insurrection which might havehad very fatal consequences; but Don Diego went immediately out into thegreat square, where he succeeded in appeasing the people, and the friendsof Alvarado were forced to be quiet. Immediately after this, on purpose togive employment to his troops, and because he heard that Vaca de Castrohad joined Holguin and Alonso Alvarado, he marched out from Cuzco, meaningto seek out and give battle to the royalists. His army on this occasionwas the most numerous and best appointed that had hitherto been seen inPeru, consisting of 250 horse, 200 musqueteers, and 250 pikemen, many ofthese being armed with halberts, and all remarkably well provided withdefensive armour, especially all his cavalry, who, besides coats of mail, had back and breast-pieces of iron. Besides these, he had a great train ofartillery, and was accompanied by Paul, the brother of the Inca who hadbeen raised to the Peruvian throne by the elder Almagro. The assistance ofthis chief was of great importance to Don Diego on the present occasion, as his Indians always went a considerable way before the army, and obligedthe natives of all the districts through which they passed to supplyprovisions for the troops, and to furnish people for carrying the baggageand other necessary services. In this manner Don Diego proceeded for aboutfifty leagues to the province of Vilcas, where he learnt that the royalarmy was only thirty leagues distant from him. 

While Vaca de Castro was in Lima, he procured a number of musquets to bemade by the workmen of that city, and made every other preparation in hispower to strengthen his army. Among other things, as Don Diego had carriedoff the whole royal treasure, he borrowed a large sum from the inhabitantsof Lima, for the pay of his troops and other expences of the war; and allthings being regulated, he set out to join the army with as many men as hecould collect, leaving Francisco de Barrionuevo as his lieutenant in Lima, and Juan Perez de Guevara as commandant of his marine. He directed hismarch for Jauja, leaving orders with the inhabitants of Lima to retire onboard the ships, in case Don Diego, as he threatened, should make anattack upon the city. On his arrival at Jauja, where Holguin and the armywaited for him, he found that the general had provided good store of armsboth offensive and defensive, and particularly a large supply of gunpowderwhich had been made at that place. The governor incorporated the horsemenwhom he brought along with him from Lima among the troops or companies ofcavalry already in the army, which were commanded by the Captains PedroAlvarez Holguin, Pedro Anzurez, and Garcilasso de la Vega, and formed anadditional troop of horse of which he gave the command to Gomez deAlvarado. Those foot soldiers which he brought with him were distributedinto the companies of Pedro de Vergara and Nunno de Castro, and he formeda new company of musqueteers, of which he appointed the bachelor JuanVelez de Guevara captain. Although a man of letters and educated in thestudy of the law, Guevara was an excellent soldier, and particularlyattentive to discipline, and had even greatly assisted in the constructionof the musquets with which his company was armed. Being likewise verylearned in the law, he executed a judicial charge at the same time withhis military command, both on the present occasion under Vaca de Castro, and during the subsequent troubles produced by Gonzalo Pizarro, as will beafterwards related. Every day till noon, he held his judicial sittings anddispatched such affairs of that kind as occurred, in the ordinary soberdress of a lawyer. After that, he dressed in richly embroidered uniforms, with a buff jerkin, a feather in his hat, and his musquet on his shoulder, exercising his company with much attention, and practised himself infiring. 

Having drawn together a well armed force of seven hundred men, 370 of whomwere cavalry, 170 musqueteers, and 160 armed with pikes, Vaca de Castroappointed captain Francisco de Carvajal serjeant major[10] of his army;the same person who was afterwards maestre de campo general under GonzaloPizarro. Carvajal was an officer of great experience, having served aboveforty years in the army, and was bred in the wars of Italy under _thegreat captain_, having risen in that service from the ranks to alieutenancy. By him all the movements of the army were directed. 

About this time a message was received by Vaca de Castro from GonzaloPizarro, who had just returned to Quito from his disastrous expedition toLos Canelos, formerly related. Gonzalo made offer to the governor to marchto his assistance with all the troops he could raise; but de Castro, inanswer, after thanking him for his good will, desired him to remain atQuito and on no account to come to the army, as he had hope of bringingDon Diego to terms of accommodation, being only desirous of restoring thecountry to peace. In this procedure, the governor meant in some measure tomortify the pride of Gonzalo Pizarro; and besides, he feared lest hisnatural desire of taking revenge for the murder of his brother might provean invincible obstacle against Don Diego agreeing to any accommodation, who would never venture to submit to any one who was accompanied byGonzalo Pizarro, whose friends in the royal army were very numerous. Somepersons allege that Vaca de Castro was afraid of permitting Gonzalo tojoin the army, lest they might elect him as their general, as he wasgreatly beloved by the soldiers. At this time likewise, Vaca de Castrosent orders to those persons who had the charge of the children of thelate marquis in San Miguel and Truxillo, to remain with them there tillfarther orders, and on no account to carry them to Lima; alleging, as aspecious pretext, that they were safer there than at Lima. 

All his military preparations being completed, Vaca de Castro left Jaujawith his army in excellent order, taking the route for Guamanga, as he wasinformed that Don Diego was in full march to take possession of that city, or to take post at a very important passage of a river in thatneighbourhood, which would give great advantage in the future operationsof the war to either party which might obtain possession of that post, asGuamanga was surrounded by precipitous rocks and deep vallies, serving asnatural fortifications of extremely difficult access. Captain Diego deRoyas, who has been formerly mentioned as commanding the advanced guard ofthe royal army, had already occupied the city of Guamanga; and onreceiving intelligence of the rapid march of Don Diego to that place, hadfortified himself there as strongly as possible, that he might be able todefend it till the arrival of the army under Vaca de Castro. The governor, therefore, marched with as much celerity as possible, sending on Captainde Castro with his company of musqueteers to take post on a craggy hill ofdifficult ascent near Guamanga, called _Farcu_ by the Peruvians and Parcosby the Spaniards. Vaca de Castro, on his arrival one evening within twoleagues of Guamanga, received information that Don Diego was already inpossession of that city, which disappointed him greatly, more especiallyas the whole of his own troops were not yet come up. Alonso de Alvaradowas sent back therefore, to expedite their march, and to bring them on ingood order, as the enemy was so near. Some of the rear-guard of the armymarched that day above five long leagues, which was a most fatiguingexertion, as the road was full of rocks and steep passes, and they wereunder the necessity of carrying their arms and accoutrements. Havingpassed the city, the whole army stood to their arms all night, not havingany accurate intelligence of the enemy, who was believed to be nigh. Nextday, however, learning by their scouts, who had been above six leagues inadvance, that the enemy was still at a considerable distance, theroyalists encamped to take some rest. 

Receiving more certain information of the situation of the enemy, who werestill at the distance of nine leagues from his camp, Vaca de Castro sent aletter to Don Diego by Francisco Ydiaquez, commanding him in his majesty'sname to dismiss his army, and to repair to the royal standard, on doingwhich he should be pardoned for all that was past: But, if he refused, hemight expect to be proceeded against with the utmost severity, as a rebelagainst the king. The governor sent likewise a private soldier who waswell acquainted with the country, diguised as an Indian, carrying lettersfor several gentlemen in the rebel army, offering them an amnesty andlarge rewards if they would abandon Don Diego. Though this man took everyprecaution to prevent discovery, his track was noticed in some places inthe snow, and he was followed and carried prisoner to Don Diego, whoordered him to be hanged. Don Diego complained loudly of Vaca de Castrofor sending spies to corrupt his followers while making offers ofaccommodation; and drawing out his army in complete order before thegovernors messengers, he ordered all his officers to prepare for battle, promising that whoever killed any of the hostile inhabitants of thecountry, should be rewarded with the wife, lands, Indians, and wealth ofthe slain. He then gave an answer to the governors message, that he wouldnever acknowledge or obey him so long as he was associated with hisenemies, Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Alonso de Alvarado, Gomez de Tordoya, Juande Saavedra, Garcilasso de la Vega, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez deAlvarado, and others of that party. That he would never disband his army, unless he received a formal amnesty under the royal sign manual; as hecould not give faith to one signed by the Cardinal de Loaysa. That deCastro was much mistaken in supposing any of his army would abandon him, and might therefore prepare for battle, as he was determined to defend thecountry to his last breath. 

On receiving this resolute answer, Vaca de Castro marched his army to asmall distance from Guamanga, where the ground was too rough and unevenfor his cavalry, and took up a position in a smooth plain named _Chupaz_, where he remained three days, during all which time it never ceasedraining, as it was then the middle of winter, yet the troops were forcedto be always under arms and ready for action, as the enemy was very near. He had resolved to give battle, us the enemy obstinately refused allaccommodation; yet finding that several persons in his army seemed tohesitate on account of the disapprobation which his majesty had evincedrespecting the former battle of _Salinas_, on which account FerdinandPizarro was detained in prison, he judged it proper to take some formaljudicial steps, both for his own justification, and to satisfy thescruples of his troops. He pronounced therefore a formal sentence againstDon Diego, whom he declared a traitor and rebel, condemning him and allhis adherents to death and the confiscation of all their goods. Aftersigning this judicial sentence in the presence of the whole army, hecommanded the officers to give him asistance for carrying it intoexecution. 

Next morning, being Saturday, the scouts brought intelligence after massthat the enemy, who had encamped for the night at two short leaguesdistance, was very near, and in full march towards the left of theroyalist camp, advancing by some low hills to avoid a marsh which coveredthe front of the royalists. Don Diego wished to gain possession ofGuamanga before giving battle, and entertained no doubt of beingvictorious, trusting to his great superiority in artillery over theroyalist army. When the two armies were so near that the advanced guardswere within musket shot, the governor detached Captain Castro with fiftymusqueteers to skirmish with the enemy, while the rest of his troopsmarched up the slope of a hill on purpose to intercept the march of therebels. This movement was liable to considerable danger, as Don Diegomight have done the royalists much damage by means of his artillery if hehad taken advantage of the nature of the ground in proper time; for duringthis conversion, the royalist infantry were often obliged to halt torecover their order, which was much deranged by the difficulty of theground. When Carvajal the serjeant-major observed this circumstance, heordered all the troops to gain the height as quickly as possible withoutpreserving any precise order of march, and to form again when they werearrived at the summit. They accordingly got all up, while Captain Castroand his musqueteers were skirmishing with the troops of Don Diego; wholikewise continued his march, and drew up in order of battle. 

After the royal army had been marshalled in good order by theserjeant-major, the governor made them a speech, in which he exhorted themto recollect that they were loyal Spaniards who were fighting in the justcause of their sovereign. He told them that the fate of Peru was now intheir hands and depended on their courage. If defeated he and they couldonly expect to be put to death; but if victorious, besides the importantservice to the king, which they were bound as good and loyal subjects toperform, they would thereby secure the possession of their estates andeffects, and to such as had none he would provide amply in the name and bythe authority of his majesty, who only desired to preserve the sovereigntyof Peru, that he might divide it among those who served him faithfully. Inconclusion, he said there needed not a long harangue to encouragegentlemen of honour and brave soldiers to do their duty, whose example heproposed to himself to follow, not pretending to give them one; yet, as aproof that he meant to imitate their bravery, he intended to march attheir head and should be among the first to break a lance. They alldeclared that they would do their duty manfully, and would rather be cutto pieces than allow themselves to be defeated, as they all consideredthemselves interested in the success of the war on their own accounts, aswell as from duty to the king. All the officers earnestly intreated Vacade Castro not to hazard himself in the front of battle, insisting that heshould take post in the rear with thirty horsemen, whence he might sendsuccour to wherever it might be needed. He consented to this, and as theday drew towards a close, being within an hour and a half of sunset, heproposed to postpone the battle till next morning. But Alonso de Alvaradoassured him that he would be defeated if he delayed, as the whole armyseemed then animated by the best resolution, and it was impossible to saywhether some might not change their sentiments during the night. Thegovernor assented to this advice, only saying that he wished to have thepower which had been given to Joshua, that he might stop the going down ofthe sun. 

At this time the artillery belonging to Don Diego opened its fire upon theroyalists; and as it was dangerous to descend the hill in front towardsthe enemy, on account of being too much exposed in that direction to theirguns, the serjeant-major and Alonso Alvarado directed the army to move bythe left, where there was a hollow which led towards the enemy, by whichthey were protected from the balls which all flew over their heads. Thetroops marched in the following order. Alonzo de Alvarado was on the rightwith his troops of horse, having the royal standard carried by Christovalde Barientos; on the left were the other four captains of horse, PedroHolguin, Gomes Alvarado, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Pedro Anzurez, all atthe head of their respective troops in excellent order. Between the twowings of cavalry, the Captains Pedro de Vergara and Juan Velez de Guevaramarched with the infantry; and Nunno de Castro marched in front with hismusqueteers to begin the battle, with orders to retire when pressed by theenemy under the protection of the main body. The governor, at the earnestentreaty of his officers, remained in the rear guard at the head of thirtyhorse, at some short distance from the main body, where he could see allthat occurred, so as to send assistance where it was wanted, which he didwith much judgment. 

During the advance of the royalists, the enemy kept up a constant fire oftheir artillery, but altogether ineffectually, as all their balls flew toohigh. Don Diego observing this circumstance, suspected that Pedro deCandia the captain of his artillery was gained by the enemy and did thison purpose; for which reason he went to him in great rage and killed himwith his own hand. After this he pointed and fired off one of the cannonagainst a squadron of the royalists, by which shot several of the trooperswere killed. Seeing this, and considering that the artillery of the royalarmy was too insignificant to do much service, Carvajal determined toleave it behind that the army might advance more quickly. At this time DonDiego and his officers had arranged their army in order, the cavalrydivided on the two wings, and the infantry in the centre, having theircannon in front, directly over against the only ground by which theroyalists could advance to the attack. The rebels believed it would arguetimidity in them thus to wait for the enemy, and that it was proper forthem to advance and meet them half way. This movement was much against theopinion and advice of Pedro Suarez, serjeant-major to Don Diego, a braveand experienced officer; who remonstrated that, as the enemy had toadvance over a plain of considerable extent, they would be greatly injuredby the artillery before they could come to the charge, whereas byadvancing the troops of Don Diego would shorten this dangerous way fortheir enemies, and would lose an excellent advantage now in their power. Nothwithstanding this judicious remonstrance the Almagrian army continuedto advance, and took post near a rising ground over which the royalistshad to march, and after which the rebel artillery could do them verylittle harm, and was unable to prevent them from charging, as the waybetween was very short. Suarez was so much dissatisfied at his advicebeing thus despised, that he set spurs to his horse and galloped over tothe royalist army. 

About this time the Indians under the command of Paullu the brother ofInca Manco Capac, attacked the left wing of the royalists with repeatedvollies of stones and arrows, but were soon put to flight by a fewdischarges from the musqueteers. Martin Cote who commanded a company ofmusqueteers on the side of Almagro, advanced to that side and began toskirmish with the adverse musqueteers of Nunno de Castro. At this time theroyalists, advancing slowly and in good order to the music of their drumsand trumpets, made their appearance on the height, where they halted aswaiting an opportunity to charge, in hopes that the incessant dischargefrom the artillery of the enemy might relax. Although now so near, therebel artillery did them very little harm, as having to point upwards, most of their balls flew too high, whereas if the royalists had advancedonly twenty paces farther, they would have been exposed to point blankshot. The infantry indeed of the royalists suffered materially at thistime, as they were more directly exposed to the shot, insomuch that by oneball a whole file of seventeen men was brought down. This made a wide gapin the battalion, which the officers took care immediately to fill up. Theserjeant-major, Francisco de Carvajal, still held back the royalistcavalry from the charge, waiting for some relaxation in the fury of theadverse artillery, by which the captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomezde Tordoya were both slain, and several others were killed and wounded byevery discharge. Captain Pedro de Vergara being wounded by a musket shot, exclaimed loudly against the conduct of the cavalry, saying that all theinfantry would be speedily destroyed if the cavalry did not charge theenemy. The trumpets immediately sounded a charge, and the royalistsquadrons advanced, on which those of Don Diego moved forward to meet themcourageously. The shock was so violent that almost all the lances on bothsides were broken, and many horsemen of both armies were borne to theground, some killed and others wounded. A bloody engagement succeeded thischarge, in which they fought man to man with swords, maces and battle axes;some even of the cavalry being armed with large woodmens axes which theywielded in both hands, gave such heavy blows as no armour could withstand. After continuing the battle with great fury till both sides were out ofbreath, they drew off for a little. 

In the meantime the royalist infantry advanced against those of Don Diego, encouraged by the exhortations and example of Carvajal who marched attheir head. "Be not afraid, said he, of the artillery: I, who am as largeas any two of you, do not fear it, and you all see how many bullets passby without hurting me. " That his soldiers might not conceive that heconfided in the goodness of his armour, he threw away his coat of mail andhelmet, and advanced in this manner to the rebel cannon; and being bravelyseconded by his men, he soon got possession of them all, killing severalof those who guarded them, after which he turned them against the enemy. By this vigorous, and successful exploit, the event of the battle was in agreat measure decided. The day was now ended, and the evening became sodark that the opponents could hardly distinguish each other except by thevoice. After a short rest, the cavalry renewed the fight, and victorybegan to lean to the side of the royalists, when Vaca de Castro made afurious assault on the left of the enemy, where two troops belonging toDon Diego still kept their ground, while all the rest began to fall back. On charging the enemy, the governor exclaimed, _Vittoria! Vittoria!_ Yetthe battle continued undecided for some time, and several of the horsemenwho followed Vaca de Castro were wounded and unhorsed, two gentlemen andseveral others being slain. The rebels were at last thrown into disorderand fled from the field, being pursued for some distance. Two of theirofficers, named Bilboa and de Sosa, were so enraged on seeing the defeatand flight of their companions, that they rushed like madmen into thethickest of the enemy, crying out _I am he who killed the marquis_, tillboth were slain. Many of the Almagrians saved themselves by favour of thedarkness; and some of them, for greater security, threw away their _white_scarfs, by which the rebels were distinguished, and put on the _red_scarfs of the royalists who lay dead on the field. Thus Vaca de Castroobtained a complete victory, although before the charge was given his armylost many more men than the enemy, insomuch that Don Diego thought himselftill then secure of conquering. Such of the fugitives as endeavoured tosave themselves by way of the plain were all killed by the Indians; and ahundred and fifty horse, who made their escape to Guamanga, about twoleagues from the field of battle, were disarmed and made prisoners by thesmall number of inhabitants who remained in that city. Don Diego fled toCuzco, where Rodrigo de Salazar, his own lieutenant, and Antonio Ruyz deGuevara, one of the magistrates made him prisoner. Thus ended theauthority of Don Diego Almagro, who one day was lord and master of thegreat kingdom of Peru, and the next day was thrown into prison by officersof his own appointment. This decisive battle of Chupaz was fought on the16th September 1542. 

A great part of the night was over before their officers could reassemblethe victorious army, as the soldiers were busied in pillaging the tents ofthe rebels, where they got a rich plunder in silver and gold, and killedseveral of the wounded fugitives who were unable to continue their flightany farther. When all were reassembled, Vaca de Castro made the armyremain all the rest of the night under arms and in order of battle, lestthe enemy might rally and renew the fight. Vaca de Castro employed himselflikewise during most part of the night in going about among the troops, praising the whole in general, and thanking the individual soldiers forhaving so bravely done their duty. In this battle several officers andsoldiers on both sides signalized themselves remarkably. Don Diegodistinguished himself particularly, shewing much courage, and more conductthan could have been expected from a young man only twenty-two years ofage[11]. He was animated by what he considered a just vengeance for thedeath of his father; and was well seconded by many of his followers. Manyof those on the side of Vaca de Castro, were on the contrary incited bythe desire of avenging the death of the marquis, for whose memory theypreserved an inviolable attachment, insomuch that no danger could preventthem from using their utmost efforts to punish his murderers. On the twosides, about 300 men were slain[12], among whom were several officers andmen of note. Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya eminentlydistinguished themselves on the side of the royalists, having mantles ofwhite velvet richly embroidered over their armour, owing to which theywere particularly marked out by the musqueteers of the enemy, and bothlost their lives in consequence. Alonso de Alvarado and Carvajal likewisedistinguished themselves signally, particularly the latter, as alreadymentioned, in a manner that it seemed almost impossible he should haveescaped. But by despising death, he appeared to have made it flee from him;as indeed it often happens during great dangers, that those who meet thembravely are preserved, while those who shrink are lost. A signal instanceof this happened in the present battle, as a young man who was afraid ofthe balls concealed himself behind a projecting rock; where his head wasshattered to pieces by a splinter driven off by a cannon ball[13]. Manyothers signalized themselves in the battle, to most of whom the governorgave competent estates in lands and Indians, when he made the re-partitionof the country, adding his warm acknowledgements for having resigned theirindividual interests and resentments in the service of the crown. 

The night after the battle was extremely frosty, and as the baggage wasconsiderably in the rear, only two of the wounded officers had theirwounds dressed, so that a good many of the wounded died of cold during thenight. Next morning, the governor caused every attention to be given tothe wounded, who exceeded four hundred in number[14], and had the deadburied, ordering the bodies of Holguin and Tordoya to be carried to thecity of Guamanga, where they were magnificently interred. On the daysucceeding the battle, the governor ordered the heads of several prisonersto be cut off, who had been concerned in the murder of the marquis. Nextday he went to Guamanga, where Captain Diego de Royas had already beheadedJuan Tello and some other captains of the rebels. The governor now gaveorders to the licentiate de la Gama to try the rest of the prisoners, andto punish them according to their deserts. De la Gama accordingly hangedseveral and beheaded others, to the number of forty of the most culpable, insomuch that in all about sixty were executed. Some others were banished, and the rest were pardoned, such of them as had settlements being allowedto return to their houses. 

The governor went afterwards to Cuzco, where he brought Don Diego to trial, and ordered him to be beheaded. Diego de Mendez, Gomez Perez, and another, made their escape from prison into the mountains of the Andes, where theywere kindly received by Manco Capac the fugitive Inca, who had takenrefuge in an inaccessible country. The Inca was much grieved on learningthe death of Don Diego, whom he was greatly attached to, and to whom hehad sent several coats of mail, corselets, cuirasses, and other arms, which he had taken from the Spaniards whom he defeated and slew, at thetime when he went by order of the marquis to relieve Gonzalo and JuanPizarro, then besieged in Cuzco. 

After the death of Don Diego and the entire dispersion of his adherents, by which peace was restored through the whole country, the governor didnot consider it proper to disband his army, as he had not sufficient fundsto reward them according to their services; for which reason he resolvedto send them in different detachments to make discoveries and conquests. Captain Vergara and his troops were accordingly sent back to complete theconquest of the Bracamoras. The Captains Diego de Royas and PhilipGutierez were sent with above three hundred men to the eastwards, wherethey afterwards made some establishments on the Rio de la Plata. CaptainMonroy was sent to Chili with reinforcements to Pedro de Valdivia, who wasengaged in reducing that country. Captain Juan Perez de Guevara was sentto reduce the country of Mullobamba which he had discovered. This is anexceedingly mountainous country, in which the two great rivers Marannonand La Plata have their sources, both of which run into the Atlantic. Itsinhabitants are Caribs, or canibals, and their country so hot that they goentirely naked, or at least have only a few rags round their loins. Whilein this country, Juan Perez got notice of an extensive province beyond themountains towards the north, in which there are rich gold mines, and whichhas camels and fowls like those of New Spain, and a species of sheepconsiderably smaller than those of Peru. In that country it is necessaryto water all kinds of seeds regularly, as it seldom rains. In it there isa lake, the environs of which are exceedingly populous. In all its riversthere are certain _fishes_ as large as dogs, which they likewise very muchresemble, which kill and eat the Indians when they go into the water oreven pass near it, as they often come out of the water and walk on the dryland[15]. This great country is bounded on the north by the Marannon, onthe east by Brasil, and on the south by the Rio de la Plata; and it issaid that the Amazons dwell in this country, of whom Orellana receivedintelligence while descending the Marannon. 

Vaca de Castro remained above eighteen months in Cuzco after the departureof these various expeditions, employing himself in making a distributionof the unoccupied lands and Indians, and settling the whole country ingood order, issuing likewise many useful regulations for the protectionand preservation of the Indians. In that period the richest gold mine everheard of in our days was discovered near Cuzco in a river named _Carabaya_, where a single Indian is able to gather to the extent of a mark in oneday[16]. The whole country being now perfectly tranquil, and the Indiansprotected from those excessive toils to which they had been subjectedduring the civil war, Gonzalo Pizarro was permitted to come to Cuzco, andafter a few days went thence to Las Charcas, where he employed himself intaking care of the extensive estate which he possessed in that country. Hethere remained in quiet, till the arrival of the viceroy, Blasco NunnezVela in Peru, as shall be related in the sequel. 

[1] This chapter is merely a continuation of the history of the discovery and conquest of Peru, by Zarate: but we have thought proper to divide it in this manner, separating the transactions which took place during the life of Francisco Pizarro, from those which occurred after his death. --E. 

[2] _Il les fit prenare_, are the words of the French translator: _prendre_ may possibly be an error of the press on this occasion for _pendre_; in which case those officers of the late marquis were ordered to be _hanged_; and indeed they do not appear in the sequel. --E. 

[3] There must have been two persons in Peru of this name and surname, as we have already seen _one_ Francisco de Chaves killed on the same day with the marquis. --E. 

[4] This officer was father to the historian of the same name. --E. 

[5] It was now the year 1542. --E. 

[6] As Zarate introduces Vaca de Castro into the history of Peru without any previous notice of his appointment, it has been deemed proper to give a short account of his commission from Robertsons History of America, II. 339, which, being too long for a note, is distinguished in the text by inverted commas--E. 

[7] The remainder of the circumstances relative to de Castro, here quoted, are to be found in Robertson II. 353. ; the other events in the history of Peru having been already given from Zarate. --E. 

[8] We now return to the narrative of Zarate. --E. 

[9] Garcilasso says, that on this occasion, the Inca Manca Capac, who had retired to the mountains, in remembrance of the friendship which had subsisted between him and the elder Almagro, provided Don Diego with large quantities of armour, swords and saddles, which had been formerly taken from the Spaniards, sufficient to arm two hundred men. --E. 

[10] The rank of serjeant major in the Spanish service appears to answer to our adjutant, as applied to a battalion: On the present occasion Carvajal may be considered as adjutant general under Vaca de Castro. Maestre de Campo seems equivalent to Major-General. --E. 

[11] Garcilasso, himself a mestee, says that Don Diego was the bravest Mestizo, or son of a Spaniard by an Indian woman, that ever the New World produced. --E. 

[12] According to Garcilasso, of 1500 combatants, including both sides, 500 men were slain, and about an equal number wounded; the royalists having 500 killed and 400 wounded, while the rebels had only 200 slain and 100 wounded. In this estimate he has surely made a material error, as he makes the killed and wounded of the royalists equal to the whole number thay had in the field. --E. 

[13] At this place, a naked list of a great number of names of those who signalized themselves in the battle, are enumerated by Zarate, but omitted here as altogether uninteresting. --E. 

[14] This appears to countenance the account of Garcilasso in a former note, who probably quoted from Zarate; but the latter does not limit this number to the royal troops. --E. 

[15] Obviously a misunderstood description of alligators. Indeed the whole account of this country, now called Colona, seems to have been derived from the reports of Indians, and is in many circumstances entirely fabulous, as is well known from the more recent accounts of the Jesuit missions. --E. 

[16] Carabaya is an elevated valley of considerable extent, to the south east of Cuzco. A mark of gold or eight ounces is worth about L. 32; hence we may readily believe so rich a days work was seldom made. --E. 

SECTION II. 

_Commencement of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, and renewal of thecivil war in Peru by the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro_. 

At this period, some of the clergy who had been in the New World, represented to the Emperor Don Carlos and the lords of his council, thatthe Spaniards treated the natives in the conquered provinces of Americawith extreme cruelty, depriving them of all their property by excessiveexactions, forcing them to labour in the mines and to dive for pearlsbeyond their strength, obliging them to carry heavy burdens in longjourneys, and frequently subjecting them to arbitrary punishments, andeven wantonly putting them to death; insomuch that their numbers were fastdiminishing, and that in a short time they would be entirely extirpatedfrom Mexico and Peru and the other continental dominions of Spain inAmerica, as was already the case in the islands of Cuba, Hispaniola, PortoRico, Jamaica, and others, where hardly any trace remained of the originalinhabitants. To confirm these representations, they particularly recitedmany instances of cruelty exercised by the Spaniards upon the Indians, among which were numerous circumstances that were by no means wellauthenticated. They alleged as one of the greatest of these evils, and aprincipal cause of the destruction of the Indians, that they were forcedto carry heavy burdens on long journeys, far beyond their strength, without any consideration of justice or humanity. They added that thesetyrannical practices had been carried to the greatest excess by thegovernors, lieutenants, and other officers of the crown, and by thebishops, monks, and other favoured and privileged persons, trusting totheir authority and immunities to be exempted from punishment for theirimproper conduct, by which they were encouraged to the commission of everyexcess. He who insisted in these remonstrances with the greatest zeal andperseverance was Fra Bartholomew de las Casas, a Dominican monk, whom hismajesty had raised to the bishopric of Chiapa. 

After maturely considering these representations, his majesty was anxiousto devise proper means to relieve the Indians from oppression; and forthis purpose he assembled a council of all those persons to whom theadministration of affairs in the Indies was confided, with several otherpersons of probity learned in the laws. By this assembly the whole affairwas deliberately examined, and a code of regulations drawn up by which itwas expected to remedy the abuses complained of. By these regulations itwas enacted that no Indian should be forced to labour in the mines, or todive for pearls; that no excessive labours should be imposed on them, andeven that they should not be obliged to carry burdens except in placeswhere no other means could be employed; that all Indians should be paidfor their labour, and that the tribute which they were to pay to theirmasters should be fixed; that upon the death of any person to whom landsand Indians now belonged, they were to revert to the crown. Besides, thatall lands and Indians belonging to bishops, monasteries, and hospitals, orto governors, lieutenant-governors, or other officers of the crown, shouldbe taken from them and annexed to the crown, even although the possessorshould incline to demit their offices for the purpose of enabling them toretain their repartitions. It was particularly ordered in regard to Peru, that all who had taken any share in the civil wars between the marquis andAlmagro should forfeit their lands and Indians. And finally, all Indiansset at liberty by this regulation were to belong in perpetuity to thecrown, to whom their tributes were to be paid in all time coming. 

It is perfectly obvious, in consequence of the concluding clause but oneof these regulations, by which all who had taken any share in the latecivil wars were to be deprived of their lands and Indians, that everyindividual then in Peru would have been reduced to poverty, as it may beseen by every circumstance related in the foregoing part of this history, that every Spaniard in the country had embraced one or other of theseparties with extreme violence. Even the native Peruvians had taken a partin the civil discords, and had frequent quarrels and engagements on thesubject, some of them taking part with the _Chilese_, and others with the_Pachacamacs_, by which titles they distinguished respectively theadherents of Almagro and of the marquis. Hitherto the only court ofjustice or royal audience was held at Panama, at a most inconvenientdistance from Peru. By the new regulations this court of Panama wasabolished, and besides the establishment of a new court on the frontiersof Gauatimala and Nicaragua for all the provinces from Tierra Firmanorthwards, of which the licentiate Maldonado was made president, anothercourt of royal audience was ordered to be established in Lima, consistingof four oydors or judges, and a president who was to have the title ofViceroy and captain general. This measure was deemed indispensiblynecessary for the well being of this distant country, the richest and mostvaluable dominion which belonged to the crown in all America. All theseregulations were enacted and published at Madrid in 1542, and copies ofthem were immediately sent to different parts of the New World. These newreglations gave extreme dissatisfaction to the conquerors of the Americanprovinces, and particularly to those of Peru; as every Spanish settler inthat country must have been deprived by them of almost every thing theypossessed, and reduced to the necessity of looking out for new means ofsubsistence. Every one loudly declared that his majesty must have receivederroneous information respecting the late events, as the partizans andadherents both of the marquis and of Almagro, had conducted themselves tothe best of their judgment as faithful subjects of his majesty, believingthat they acted in obedience to his orders in what respected the two rivalgovernors, who acted in his name and by his authority, and were besidesunder the necessity of obeying their officers, either by force or goodwill, so that they were in fact guilty of no crime in what they had done;or, even if their conduct were in some measure faulty, they certainly didnot deserve to be stript entirely of their property. They alleged farther, that when they discovered and conquered the country, which had been doneat their own proper cost, it had been expressly covenanted that they wereto enjoy the division of the lands and Indians among them for their lives, with remainder to their eldest sons, or to their widows in case of havingno children; and that, in confirmation of all this, an order had beenissued by his majesty, by which all who had participated in making theconquest of Peru were to marry within a certain specified time, under thepenalty of losing their lands and Indians, with which regulation most ofthem had complied; and that it were now unjust, when they had become oldand worn out, and were encumbered with wives and families, to deprive themof their substance, when they looked to enjoy repose after all theirfatigues and dangers; being unable from age and infirmity to go in searchof new countries and new establishments. 

Great numbers of persons repaired to Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro thenresided, to lay their complaints before him. He told them, that he waspersuaded his majesty would remedy their grievances when informed of thetrue state of affairs, and recommended therefore that the procurators orsyndics of the different cities should assemble, and elect a deputation tocarry a true statement of matters to the king and royal council of theIndies, with a humble supplication that his majesty might apply a properremedy, by the revocation or modification of those regulations, which, asthey stood, would produce such ruinous consequences to the colony. Onpurpose to facilitate this assembly, the governor promised to repair inperson to Lima, as the most convenient and most central situation for thedeputies of all the other cities. He accordingly set out from Cuzco forLima, accompanied by the syndics of all the neighbouring cities, and byseveral gentlemen and other persons of consequence. 

In the year 1542, while these things were going on in Peru, his majestyappointed Blasco Nunnez Vela, who had been commissary general of therevenue in Castille, as Viceroy of Peru, and president of the court ofroyal audience, to carry those regulations into effect which we havealready given an accoun of. Vela was chosen to this high and importantoffice as a person of capacity and experience, who would dispense strictjustice without respect of persons, and would punctually fulfil the royalorders. The four oydors or judges nominated to the royal audience of Limawere the licentiate Cepeda, doctor Lison de Texada, and the licentiatesAlvarez and Pedro Ortiz. Augustin de Zarate[1], secretary of the royalcouncil of Castille, was appointed at the same time auditor general ofaccounts both for Peru and the Tierra Firma, as since the discovery andsettlement of these provinces, no accounts of the royal revenues had everbeen rendered to the treasurers. All these persons embarked at San Lucarde Barrameda on the 1st November 1543, and arrived safe at the harbour ofNombre de Dios, where they made some stay, on purpose to prepare for theirvoyage to Peru. As the viceroy was eager to proceed, he embarked at Panamain the middle of February 1543, without waiting for the judges of theroyal audience, who anxiously requested to accompany him, and who wereaccordingly much chagrined by this procedure. Even before this, someslight disputes had occurred between them and Vela, which though of smallimportance in themselves, had left some impression of mutualdissatisfaction, and evinced that they were not likely to agree in thegovernment of the country. 

Befere leaving the Tierra Firma, the viceroy began to carry one of the newregulations into effect, by which all Indians were enjoined to be atliberty to return to their native countries, whatever might have been thecause of their transportation to other places. He accordingly collectedall the natives of Peru who happened to be in the province of Tierra Firma;and as there was a great and constant intercourse between that provinceand Peru, the number of Peruvians in Tierra Firma was considerable, and heordered all of these to embark in the same ship with himself at theexpence of their masters. The new viceroy had a quick passage from Panamato the port of Tumbez at the northern extremity of proper Peru, where hedisembarked on the 4th of March, being resolved to go from thence by landto Lima, and immediately proceeded to enforce the new regulations in everyone of the places by which he travelled. In regard to some of thecolonists, he fixed the services and tributes which they were in future toexact from the Indians; and others he deprived entirely of their lands andIndians, annexing them to the crown. Many of those who found themselvesaggrieved by these regulations, particularly all the inhabitants of SanMiguel and Truxillo, waited on the viceroy, respectfully yet earnestlyentreating that he would at least postpone the execution of those rigorousdecrees till the arrival of the judges, when they would make their humbleapplication for justice at Lima in the royal court of audience. Incorroboration of this request, they pointed out one of the articles of theregulations, which directed that they were to be put in force by theviceroy and oydors conjunctly, and that therefore he was not authorised toexecute them by his single authority. All their remonstrances andreasonings were unavailing, as he refused to listen to them, saying, thatthe orders with which he was entrusted were general laws, which could notbe suspended or even postponed in compliance with any requests orsupplications whatever. He persisted, therefore, to put the regulationsstrictly in force, through the whole extent of his journey from Tumbeztill his arrival in the province of Guavara[2], which is eighteen leaguesfrom Lima. 

Immediately on his arrival at Tumbez, the viceroy sent an express tonotify his arrival and the extent of his powers and authority to thegovernor Vaca de Castro, whom he directed to discontinue all exercise ofauthority as governor. By this messenger, and by other persons whofollowed him, the inhabitants of Lima were informed of the rigorous mannerin which the viceroy had proceeded to enforce the new regulations, and ofhis refusal to listen to any supplications or remonstrances on the subject. On purpose still more to irritate every one against the viceroy, reportswere spread of several other rigorous proceedings as having been exercisedby him, of which he never even conceived the idea. These news caused muchemotion and discontent among the persons who accompanied Vaca de Castro, insomuch that several of them urged him to refuse recognizing the viceroy, and to protest both against the regulations and his commission, as he hadrendered himself unworthy of the government by executing his commissionwith extreme rigour, refusing justice to his majestys faithful subjects, and turning a deaf ear to their respectful remonstrances. Vaca de Castrosoothed them as much as possible, by assuring them that when the oydorswere arrived and had begun to act as the royal court of audience, theywould certainly listen to their remonstrances on being instructed in thetrue state of the country; but that for himself, he could in no degreeconsent to disobey the orders of his majesty. At this time, Vaca de Castrohad arrived at Guarachiri, about twenty leagues from Lima, and onreceiving the orders which had been transmitted to him by the viceroy, heimmediately divested himself of his office, and discontinued fromexercising any of the functions of government; except that he granted somevacant repartitions of lands and Indians to different people, some ofwhich grants were in his own name. 

Finding all their representations to Vaca de Castro ineffectual, theprincipal persons who attended him set out in their return to Cuzco, underpretence that they dared not to await the arrival of the viceroy so longas he was alone; but that they would return to Lima on the arrival of thejudges: Yet, in spite of these specious pretexts, it was easy to see thatthey were much discontented and had evil intentions. Indeed they clearlyevinced this soon afterwards on their arrival at the city of Guamanga, where they excited a great tumult, and took possession of all theartillery which Vaca de Castro had disposed in that place after hisvictory over Don Diego. They then collected a great number of Indians, andcaused the whole of this train or artillery to be removed to Cuzco. 

Vaca de Castro continued his journey from Guarachiri to Lima, which hefound all involved in confusion and discontent, the inhabitants being muchdivided in opinion as to the expediency of receiving the viceroy orrefusing to recognize him in that capacity. Some alleged that the ordersof his majesty did not command his recognition till his actual arrival. Others said that he ought not to be recognized even on his arrival, considering the unjust regulations which he brought along with him, andthe rigour with which he put them in force, in spite of every remonstranceand supplication to the contrary. But by the earnest exhortations of YllanSuarez, _alcalde_ or judge of police and royal commissary of Lima, theycame at length to the resolution of receiving the viceroy, and even toadmit the regulations, which were published with much solemnity. Upon thisall the magistrates principal inhabitants of the city, went to Huaura towelcome the viceroy and to pay him their respectful compliments. FromHuaura he was accompanied by the whole cavalcade to Lima, where he wasreceived with great pomp and magnificence, making his entry under a canopyof cloth of gold. All the magistrates walked in procession, carrying theensigns of their office, and dressed in long robes of crimson satin turnedup with white damask. In this grand stile the viceroy was conducted in thefirst place to church, and thence to his palace. 

Next day as the viceroy had received information of the discontents andseditious conduct of the persons who had retired to Cuzco, he ordered Vacade Castro to be arrested and thrown into the common prison, as hesuspected that he had fomented these seditious practices, and that he hadeven been their secret adviser to that step. Although the inhabitants ofLima were by no means perfectly satisfied with the conduct of Vaca deCastro, they yet humbly petitioned the viceroy, not to allow a person ofsuch high rank, who was a member of the royal council and had beengovernor of the country, to be thrown into the common prison; as, even ifhe merited the punishment of death, and were to be beheaded next day, heought to be more honourably dealt with. The viceroy was softened by theseremonstrances, and ordered Vaca de Castro to be placed under arrest in thepalace, taking a bail bond from the burgesses for his safe custody under aheavy penalty; and besides, he placed all the effects of the late governorunder sequestration. The inhabitants of Lima were extremely discontentedby the harsh conduct of the viceroy, holding frequent secret conferencesamong themselves, and a considerable number of them withdrew graduallyfrom the city, repairing to Cuzco, at which place toe viceroy was notacknowledged. 

At this time Gonzalo Pizarro dwelt at Chuquisaca de la Plata, in theprovince of las Charcas, employed in the arrangement of the estate whichhad been conferred upon him by his brother the marquis, where ten ortwelve of his most intimate friends resided along with him. On learningthe arrival of the viceroy, the causes of his mission, and the regulationswhich he had brought out for the government of the colony, and which herigorously enforced, Gonzalo took the resolution of going to Cuzco, underpretence of inquiring after news from Spain, and to regulate the affairsbelonging to his brother Ferdinand, according to the instructions he hadreceived on that subject. While employed in collecting money for hisjourney, he received letters from all parts of Peru, written both byprivate persons and the magistrates of the cities and towns, endeavouringto persuade him to stand forwards in defence of the common interests onthe present emergency, by protesting against the execution of the royalordinances, and demanding either that their execution should be delayed, or that some other remedy should be interposed to prevent universal ruinamong the colonists. Gonzalo was even urged to this interference, as aperson to whom the government of the country belonged of right, as heir tothe marquis his brother. In some of these letters the writers offered todevote themselves and their fortunes to his service: Others informed himthat the viceroy had publickly declared he would put Gonzalo to death. Inthis way every means was used to irritate Gonzalo, that he might come toCuzco to prevent the entry of the viceroy into that city. As every thingseemed to conspire towards the accomplishment of the desire which he hadalways cherished, of acquiring the government of Peru, he gathered a largesum of money, both from his own funds and those belonging to his brotherFerdinand, and repaired to Cuzco accompanied by a retinue of twentySpaniards[3]. 

The whole Spanish population of the city went out to meet him, andreceived him with every demonstration of joy. Every day additional personsflocked to Cuzco, withdrawing from Lima in consequence of the rigorousconduct of the viceroy, who continually irritated the inhabitants by histyranny. Numerous meetings were held in the town-house of Cuzco, both ofthe magistrates and the citizens in general, to consult as to what oughtto be their conduct in the event of the viceroy arriving at their city. Some proposed that he ought to be received, and that a deputation shouldbe sent to his majesty, praying him to give relief in respect to theregulations, which would ruin the colony unless changed or considerablymodified. Others alleged, if the viceroy were received, that he was sodetermined on the establishment of the regulations in their entire rigour, that he would instantly deprive them of all their Indians; and that, whatever alteration might be afterwards made, it would be exceedinglydifficult to recover them. It was at length resolved to elect GonzaloPizarro procurator-general, and Diego Centeno, who had been sent torepresent the city of la Plata, was appointed his deputy. Gonzalo wasauthorised, in the exercise of this new office, to lay the remonstrancesof the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, in regard to the new regulations, before the royal Court of Audience; and at first considerable differenceof sentiment took place in the councils of the remonstrants, as to themode in which he should proceed to Lima: whether he should be accompaniedby a body of troops for his defence in case of need, or should go theremerely as a peaceful messenger. At last the former alternative wasresolved on, and for the following reasons, in excuse for taking up armsagainst the viceroy. First, that the viceroy had beat up for volunteers atLima, under pretence of chastising those who had taken possession of theartillery. Secondly, that the viceroy conducted himself with the mostinflexible rigour in carrying the regulations into effect, withoutlistening to the supplications and remonstrances which had been presentedto him, and without waiting for the arrival of the judges of the royalaudience, to whom, not less than to himself, the authority had beenconfided for enforcing or suspending the execution of the regulations. Lastly, because the viceroy had been several times heard to declare thathe would put Gonzalo to death, on account of his participation in the latecivil war, and in the death of Don Diego. Some of the remonstrants weredisposed to place this measure, of escorting the procurator general by anarmed force, upon a more moderate pretext, alleging that it was necessaryfor him to travel through a part of the country, in his way to Lima, wherethe Inca was in arms, and that it was proper in consequence that Gonzaloshould be enabled to defend himself from the hostility of the natives. Others talked more openly, saying that the viceroy was a person of anobstinate and inflexible disposition, who did not confine himself withinthe bounds of justice and equity, and against whom it was necessary tohave some other protection than that of the law. Some able persons amongthem endeavoured to place their present conduct in a favourable light, bydrawing up a kind of manifesto, in which they endeavoured to demonstrate, that there was nothing in their present conduct which could be consideredas derogatory to the respect which was due to the royal authority, asjustice allowed every one to repel force by force, and to defendthemselves against unjust oppression, even resisting by violence a judgewho acts unlawfully, and against the essential forms of law and justice. 

It was flnally determined therefore, that Gonzalo should raise a body oftroops, and for this purpose many of the inhabitants of Cuzco offeredtheir persons and properties, declaring themselves ready to hazard theirlives in defence of the common cause. Besides the title ofProcurator-general of Peru, for the purpose of presenting thesupplications and remonstrances of the colonists, Gonzalo was appointedgeneral of the army which was to defend him against the Inca. As is usualin such matters, these resolutions were all extended with much formality, to give a colour of regularity to their proceedings. The remonstrants thenproceeded to levy an army, for the payment of which they took possessionof the royal treasure, and availed themselves of the property belonging todeceased colonists and some other funds, under pretence of a loan. Afterthis captain Francisco de Almendras was detached with some troops to takepossession of the defiles of the mountains, on purpose to prevent anyintelligence of their proceedings being conveyed to Lima. In this measure, they were aided by Paullu, brother to the Inca, who guarded all thepasses on his side by means of his Peruvians, to prevent any one fromcarrying intelligence to the low country. 

The Cabildo or council of Cuzco sent letters to the Cabildo of la Plata, representing the prodigous injuries which would accrue to all thecolonists from the execution of the obnoxious regulations, informing themof the measures which they had resolved upon for averting the ruin of thecolony, and requiring them to approve of and concur in these measures, towhich in fact they were already parties, since captain Diego Centeno, their deputy, had already consented to them in their name and behalf. Theytherefore required their concurrence and assistance, and requested them torepair immediately to Cuzco with their arms and horses. Gonzalo wrote bythe same conveyance to all the inhabitants of La Plata, soliciting theirindividual concurrence and aid. At this time, Luis de Ribera acted in thecity of La Plata as lieutenant to Vaca de Castro, the former governor, andAntonio Alvarez, another inhabitant of the same place, held the office ofjudge ordinary. These men, on hearing of the transactions which had takenplace at Cuzco immediately revoked the commission which had been given toCenteno as deputy from their city, and sent an answer to the regency ofCuzco in the name of the whole cabildo of La Plata declaring that theywere resolved to obey the orders of his majesty, although it should costthem their lives and properties: That their city had always preserved itsloyalty against all who had acted against the royal authority, and theywere resolved to persist in the same line of conduct: That Centeno hadonly been authorised to concur in their name to such measures as mightappear conducive to the service of his majesty, the advantage of hisdominions, and the preservation of the natives of the country; and since, in the election of Gonzalo, and the other measures which had been resolvedupon at Cuzco, they saw no tendency towards those things which had beenconfided to Centeno, they could not be implicated in the consent whichCenteno had given beyond his legitimate powers, nor were they to beconsidered as bound to ratify what he had done in their name, as everything which had been done was contrary to the orders and instructionswhich they had given him. 

This letter did not contain the universal sentiments of the citizens of LaPlata, in which Gonzalo had several friends, who used their endeavours togain over the inhabitants to his side, and to engage them to join his army. They even endeavoured more than once to kill Ribera and Alvarez, but theseofficers used such precautions as to baffle all their attempts. Ribera andAlvarez waited patiently for receiving the regulations from the viceroy;but owing to the great distance of their city from Lima, these had not yetreached them. In the mean time, they commanded all the inhabitants, undersevere penalties, to remain in La Plata; yet several of them left the cityand joined the remonstrants at Cuzco. 

The viceroy made his entry with great pomp, in the month of May 1544, intoLima, where no one dared to speak to him on the subject of suspending theobnoxious regulations. The magistrates, indeed, had already made theirrespectful remonstrances and supplications, alleging substantial reasonswhy they ought to be suspended, but all in vain. He engaged indeed, afterthe regulations should have been carried into effect, that he would writeto his majesty, representing that it was for the interest of the crown, aswell as for the advantage of the natives of the country, that they shouldbe revoked; and that those who had drawn them up were certainly ignorantof the true state of the country, or they could never have advised theking to establish them. He acknowledged that the regulations wereprejudicial to the royal interest and the good of the country; and herecommended that deputies should be sent to him from all parts of Peru, inconjunction with whom he would write to the king what might be proper onthe subject; and that doubtless he would then receive orders calculated toremedy the apprehended evils: But that he could not of his own authoritysuspend the execution of the ordinances, and must continue to act as hehad already done, as his orders left him no choice but absolute obedienceto the royal instructions. 

At this time three of the judges of the court of audience, Cepeda Alvarezand Texada, arrived at Lima, leaving Ortiz, the other judge, sick atTruxillo. The viceroy issued immediate orders for the inauguration of theroyal Court of Audience; for which purpose all the necessary preparationswere made for the solemn reception of the royal seal, as usual on thefirst establishment of this high tribunal. The seal was placed in a richcasket, carried by a horse superbly caparisoned and covered by housings ofcloth of gold, and led under a canopy of the same splendid materials, heldup by the magistrates of the city dressed in flowing robes of crimsonvelvet, in the same ceremony as is used in Spain on the entry of the kingin person into any of the cities. On this occasion, Juan de Leon led thehorse, being appointed to officiate as chancellor, in the place of theMarquis de Camarasa, president of Cazorla, who then held the seals inSpain. After this procession, the court of audience was installed, andproceeded immediately to business; but a subject of dispute soon arosebetween the viceroy and the judges, which renewed the dissentions whichhad arisen between them even before their arrival in Peru, the explanationof which requires some detail. 

When the viceroy arrived at the _Tambo_ or palace of Guavra[4], where hewaited till he was sure of being received at Lima, he found written on oneof the walls of the _tambo_ to the following effect: "Whoever mayendeavour to deprive me of my house and property, I shall endeavour todeprive of life. " He dissimulated his displeasure at these words for sometime; but being afterwards persuaded that these words had been written byAntonio de Solar, to whom the district of Guavra belonged, and who hebelieved was not well inclined towards him, because he had found the tamboentirely deserted on his arrival, he sent for Solar a few days after hisreception at Lima. In a private conference, he spoke to Solar concerningthese words which he had seen on the walls of the tambo, and reproachedhim likewise for having spoken to him personally with much insolence: Then, ordering the gates of the palace to be shut, the viceroy sent for one ofhis chaplains to confess Solar, declaring his resolution to have himimmediately hanged from one of the pillars of a gallery fronting the greatsquare of Lima. Solar refused to confess himself, and the disputecontinued so long that news of what was going forwards spread over thecity, on which the archbishop and some other persons of quality came tothe palace and humbly requested the viceroy to defer the execution. Atfirst he obstinately persisted in his intention; but at last consented topostpone the execution till next day, and sent Solar to prison loaded withfetters. On the morrow, the anger of the viceroy was somewhat appeased, sothat he did not renew his orders for hanging Solar, but detained him fortwo months in prison and in irons, without any information or processrespecting his crime. 

After the installation of the court of audience, the judges went on aSaturday to visit the prison; and having been informed of the foregoingcircumstances by a judicial note or request presented to them on thesubject, they demanded to see Solar, whom they asked the cause of hisimprisonment; to which he answered that he knew nothing about the matter. On examination, they found no process against Solar, and the jailor andregistrars were only able to say that the viceroy had given orders for hisimprisonment. On the ensuing Monday, the judges represented to the viceroythat they had found no process or informations against Solar, and couldonly learn as the reason of his imprisonment that it was by his orders;and consequently, having no documents to instruct the lawfulness of hisdetention, they could not in law or equity do otherwise than order him tobe set at liberty. The viceroy said that Solar had been arrested by hisorders, and that he had even been inclined to have hanged him, on accountof the writing on the wall of the tambo, and because of his personalinsolence when there was no witnesses present; believing, by his soleauthority as viceroy, that he had the power of arrest, and even ofordering him to be hanged, without being under the necessity of givingthem any reasons for his conduct. To this the judges made answer, that hisauthority as viceroy could only extend so far as justice and the laws ofthe kingdom allowed. As the viceroy and they could not agree on this point, when they visited the prison on the following Saturday, they ordered Solarto be liberated, desiring him however to remain under arrest in his ownhouse; and on a subsequent visitation, they set him entirely at liberty. 

The viceroy was much chagrined by this affront, and sought anxiously foran opportunity of being revenged, for which he thought the followingcircumstance gave him a favourable opening. The three judges lodgedseparately with some of the richest inhabitants of Lima, who likewiseprovided their tables, and furnished every thing that was necessary forthemselves and their servants. At first this was done with the consent ofthe viceroy, till such time as they might be able to procure and tofurnish houses for themselves. After the dispute concerning Solar, theviceroy caused them to be informed, that it did not seem to him consistentwith decorum that they should live at the expence of the citizens, whichwould be assuredly displeasing to his majesty, and therefore that theyought to look out for houses for their accommodation: And that, besides, he did not approve of their walking about the streets in company with themerchants and other inhabitants of the city. The judges made answer, thatthey had not been able to find any houses for hire, and that they wereunder the necessity of waiting till some then building were finished: Thatin future they would live at their own charges: but as to walking in thestreets with the inhabitants, it was neither a criminal nor a forbiddenconduct, nor in any way improper; as even in Spain the members of theroyal council, or of any other tribunal, were in use to do the same, whichwas even useful, as in that way the merchants had an opportunity ofinforming or reminding them of their affairs. The viceroy and the judgeswere always upon bad terms, and their misunderstanding broke out intodisputes on every occasion. It is said that at one time the licentiateAlvarez, one of the judges, preferred an oath to a procurator or attorney, respecting a bribe which he had given to Alvarez de Cueto, brother-in-lawto the viceroy, for his interest to obtain the appointment. By thisprocedure of Alvarez, the viceroy is said to have been greatly offended. 

During all this time, the passes of the mountains leading towards Cuzcohad been so well guarded by the Spaniards and Peruvians appointed for thatpurpose, that no intelligence could be had at Lima of what was going onamong the remonstrants. It was only known that Gonzalo Pizarro had gone toCuzco, and that all those who had withdrawn from Lima and other places inthe plain had repaired to the same place in expectation of a civil war. The viceroy and judges of the royal audience issued their jointproclamation, ordering, in the name of the king, all the inhabitants ofCuzco, and the other cities of Peru, to recognize and submit to BlascoNunnez as viceroy, and to repair with their arms and horses to Lima tooffer their services. Most of these proclamations were lost by the way;but that which was sent to La Plata was more fortunate, and, by virtue ofits authority, Luis de Ribera, Antonio Alvarez, and the other magistratesand officers of that city, proclaimed Blasco Nunnez with much ceremony andgreat rejoicings: And, in testimony of their submission to his authority, they equipped twenty-five horsemen, being all the city could spare, whowere sent to join the viceroy under the command of Captain Luis de Ribera. Lest Gonzalo might cut off their passage and arrest them on their march, Ribera made his way towards Lima by a desert and unfrequented road. 

Some even of the inhabitants of Cuzco got copies of the proclamation, inconsequence of which several of them repaired secretly to Lima to offertheir services to the viceroy, as will be more particularly specified inthe sequel. By their means the viceroy became acquainted with thetransactions at Cuzco, on which account he found himself under thenecessity of using every effort to increase his forces by means ofadditional levies; for which purpose he fortunately possessed ample funds, as Vaca de Castro had embarked upwards of 100, 000 crowns which he haddrawn from Cuzco to transmit to the king, which the viceroy tookpossession of and employed for the equipment and pay of his troops. Heappointed Don Alfonso de Montemayor and Diego Alvarez de Cuero, who washis own brother-in-law, captains of horse; Martin de Robles and Paul deMenezes captains of foot; and Gonzalo Diaz de Pignera captain ofmusqueteers. Vela Nunnez, his own brother, was made captain-general of thetroops. Diego de Urbina maestre de campo, or major general, and Juan deAguire serjeant-major, or adjutant general. Without including the citizens, his army amounted to 600 men; of whom 100 were cavalry, 200 musqueteers, and the remaining 300 armed with pikes. On purpose to arm these soldiers, he caused a considerable number of musquets to be made, some of which wereof iron, and others of cast metal, which he procured by melting down someof the bells belonging to the great church. 

Besides frequently exercising his troops to perfect them in theirdiscipline, he occasionally caused false alarms to be given that he mightascertain their disposition towards him, as it was much suspected that themajority were by no means hearty in the cause. Having some suspicion ofVaca de Castro, the former governor, whom he had lately allowed to be aprisoner at large on parole not to leave the city, and believing that hehad some secret intelligence with his former friends and dependents, theviceroy ordered a false alarm one day about noon, reporting that Gonzalowas near at hand; and when the troops were all assembled in the greatsquare, he sent his brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto to arrest Vacade Castro. At the same time he arrested Don Pedro de Cabrera, Hernan Mexiade Gusman, Lorenço de Aldana, Melchior Ramirez, and Baltazar Ramirez hisbrother-in-law, all of whom he sent prisoners on board a ship comanded byJeronimo de Zurbano. A few days afterwards, he set Lorenço de Aldana atliberty, and sent off Cabrera and Mexia to Panama, and the two Ramirez toNicaragua. Vaca de Castro remained prisoner in the ship, neither he norany of the rest being informed of what they were accused, nor were anyinformations or law-processes made respecting them. While these civildiscords were going on, two ships loaded with merchandise arrived at theport belonging to Arequipa[5], both of which were purchased by GonzaloPizarro, with the intention of employing them to transport his artillery, and for getting possession of the harbour of Lima, and seizing the shipsbelonging to the viceroy, believing that whoever was master of the seaalong the coast of Peru must command the country, by having it in hispower to land in any unguarded place and to do all the mischief he pleased, on account of the prodigious extent of coast. By commanding at sea, hewould likewise have been enabled to procure arms and horses from thevessels which are in use to bring these to Peru, and would have it in hispower to stop all vessels coming there from Spain with merchandise orother supplies. On learning that Gonzalo had purchased these two vessels, and the purpose for which he destined them, the viceroy was a good dealdistressed, fearing they might occasion considerable detriment to hisaffairs, as he had no means of opposing two ships so well provided withartillery; yet he took the best measures in his power to prepare for hisdefence. He equipped, therefore, one of the vessels in the port of Lima, which he armed with eight brass cannon and some others of iron, withseveral musquets and cross-bows, appointing Jeronimo de Zurbano to thecommand, with orders to make the best resistance he could against theships of Gonzalo. Fortunately these preparations became unnecessary; forthe captains Alfonso de la Caçares and Jeronimo de la Cerna, who dwelt inArequipa, went secretly by night on board the two ships which Gonzalo hadpurchased, and which remained waiting for their artillery, and by largebribes to the masters and mariners got possession of them for the viceroy;then, abandoning their houses lands and Indians, they immediately set sailfor Lima. On their arrival off the harbour of Callao, the viceroy gotnotice of their approach from some centinels who were stationed in aneighbouring island, and having no doubt that they were enemies, heimmediately set out from Lima at the head of a body of cavalry. In themeantime, Zerbana discharged his artillery against the two ships, whichimmediately lowered their sails in token of peace, and sent some of theirpeople on shore in a boat to surrender the ships to the viceroy. Thiscircumstance gave much satisfaction to the viceroy and all the inhabitantsof Lima, as it relieved them from a danger of which they were in greatfear. 

While these things were going on, Gonzalo Pizarro levied troops at Cuzco, which he carefully armed and disciplined, and made every necessarypreparation for war. He assembled a body of 500 men, of which he appointedAlfonso de Toro major-general, retaining the chief command in person. Hedivided his cavalry into two troops, one of which he gave the command ofto Don Pedro de Porto-Carrero, placing himself at the head of the other. Gumiel, and the bachelor Juan Belez de Guevera, were appointed captains oftwo companies of pikemen; and Captain Pedro Cermeno had the command of themusqueteers. He had three standards, one having the royal arms, which wasgiven to Porto Carrero; a second having the arms of Cuzco was confided toAntonio de Altamirano, alcalde of Cuzco, whom he afterwards beheaded asinclined to the royal interests: the third, bearing his own arms, wascarried by his ensign; but was afterwards given to Captain Pedro dePuelles. Ferdinand Bachicao was made commander of the artillery, consisting of twenty excellent field-pieces, with a plentiful supply ofpowder, balls, and every other necessary for their service. 

Gonzalo endeavoured to secure the troops in his interest, covering hisdesigns and endeavouring to justify his criminal enterprize by the mostspecious pretexts. Having assembled his army he made a long harangue tothe soldiers, in which he represented, "That he and his brothers, as waswell known to to them all, had discovered the kingdom of Peru, which theyhad reduced under the dominion of the king at their own proper charges, and had already remitted very large sums in gold and silver to his majesty;yet, after the death of the marquis, the king had not conferred thegovernment of the country, either on the son of the marquis, or on him whonow addressed them, as ought to have been done in conformity with thepromises and agreements which had been made at the first discovery, buthad even sent a cruel and inflexible person at this time to strip all ofthem of their property, as it was quite obvious that every person in Perucame under the scope of the obnoxious regulations. Blasco Nunnez Vaca, towhom the execution of these fatal regulations was confided, caused them tobe put in force with the utmost rigour, not only refusing to listen toremonstrances and petitions the most respectful, but treating every oneharshly who presumed to offer the most humble representations againsttheir execution; of all which, and many other things of a like nature, every one who heard him were able to testify. Besides which, it waspublickly given out, that the viceroy had orders to cut off his head;although it was well known to them all that he had not only never done anything contrary to the service of the king, but had always conductedhimself with the most zealous loyalty. For all these reasons, and by theconsent and appointment of the city of Cuzco, he had resolved to go toLima, to make a representation of their grievances to the royal audience, and humbly to supplicate a suspension of the ruinous regulations, thattime might be given for sending deputies to the king in the name and onbehalf of the whole kingdom of Peru, to inform his majesty of the truestate of affairs, and of what seemed necessary to be done in the presentconjuncture; having no doubt, when his majesty was truly informed, that hewould devise a suitable remedy. If however, after using their utmostefforts, his majesty should still think proper to enforce the regulations, he and all with whom he acted would then obey the royal orders with themost entire and unreserved submission. His own journey and compearancebefore the viceroy, considering the menaces of that officer and the troopswhich he had levied, were obviously attended with the utmost danger tohimself and all who should accompany him, unless he and they should be ina situation to defend themselves from lawless violence. For this reason ithad been deemed indispensably necessary that he and the other deputiesshould be accompanied by a body of troops, which they had not the mostdistant intentions of employing to injure any person, unless they wereattacked. He entreated them, therefore, to accompany him in his journey toLima, and to observe during their march the strictest and most vigilantdiscipline, and that they might be assured, he, and those other gentlemanwho acted along with him, would reward them liberally for their toil andbravery, in enabling them to act with effect for preserving the propertiesof all from ruin. "

By this specious discourse, in which Gonzalo endeavoured to persuade histroops that his cause was just and his intentions pure, a considerableeffect was produced, and his soldiers unanimously declared theirdetermination to follow and defend him at the risk of their lives. He thenmarched out from Cuzco, accompanied by all the inhabitants of that city;and having put his troops in proper order, he gave permission that sameevening to several of the citizens, as had been previously concertedbetween them, to return on purpose to prepare for the journey. Nextmorning early, twenty-five of the most eminent citizens, who had firstgiven their assent to the supplications against the obnoxious regulations, considering that the steps which were now taking were criminal andrebellious, and dreading the injurious consequences which they wouldnecessarily produce in Peru, came to the resolution of abandoning theparty of Gonzalo and offering their services to the viceroy. Theyimmediately set about executing this design, and went by long journeysthrough unfrequented ways in the deserts and mountains, lest Gonzalo mightorder them to be pursued, which he actually did. The principal persons inthis defection were Gabriel de Roias, and Gomez de Roias his nephew, Garcilasso de la Vega, Pedro del Barco, Martin de Florencia, Jeronimo deSoria, Juan de Saavedra, Jeronimo Costilla, Gomez de Leon, Luis de Leon, and Pedro Manjares[6]. On setting out from Cuzco, they carried with themthe orders they had received from the royal audience, by which they wereenjoined to compear at Lima to submit to the authority of the viceroy. 

When Gonzalo was informed of this notable defection from his cause, bywhich all his troops seemed very considerably disconcerted, he was almostin the mind to have abandoned his enterprize, and to withdraw into thedistrict of Charcas with about fifty horsemen of his most attached friends, to fortify himself there as well as he could; but after mature reflection, he considered it as less dangerous to follow his first intentions, and tocontinue the march for Lima. Having taken this resolution, he endeavouredto encourage his troops, by telling them that the deserters were assuredlyill-informed of the true state of affairs at Lima, as he had letters fromthe principal inhabitants of that city, assuring him that, with fiftyhorsemen only, he might easily bring his enterprize to a happy conclusion, and without incurring the smallest danger, as all the colonistsentertained the same sentiments with him, and only needed his countenanceand direction to declare themselves. He continued his march accordingly, but very slowly and with infinite difficulty, on account of the extremelabour which was requisite for bringing forward his artillery. All thecannon and warlike stores had to be carried on the shoulders of Indians, by means of levers or long spars, for which purpose the guns were takenoff from their carriages, and it required twelve Indians to each gun, whowere hardly able to go above a hundred paces under their load, when theywere relieved by an equal number. On this account, 300 Indians wereassigned to each gun, so that the artillery alone, with its ammunition andstores, required above 6000 Indians to conduct it over the mountains. 

Several gentlemen and other persons of consideration who accompaniedGonzalo, began to repent of being engaged in the enterprize. They hadconcurred with the rest at the beginning, in the propriety ofremonstrating against the execution of the obnoxious regulations, and hadeven offered to risk their lives and fortunes in that measure; but onseeing the turn which affairs had taken, and that Gonzalo graduallyassumed an authority to which he had no pretensions, they wished sincerelyto get away from the engagements into which they had entered. Beforeleaving Cuzco, Gonzalo had seized the treasure belonging to the crown, notonly without the consent and authority of the magistrates, but contrary totheir advice and desire. They were anxiously desirous, therefore, ofretracing the dangerous and criminal steps which they had taken, and therather because they already believed that it would be unsuccessful. Gaspard Rodriguez De Campo-rondo, the brother of the deceased CaptainPedro Anzurez, and who had succeeded to the management of his estate andIndians, was the leader of these persons who wished to return to theirduty. He and the rest concerted with each other how they might bestabandon Gonzalo and join the viceroy; but they were somewhat afraid oftrusting implicitly to Blasco Nunnez, in consideration of the extremeseverity of his character, fearing that he might punish them for the sharethey had taken hitherto in the insurrection, notwithstanding of this theirintended tardy abandonment of Gonzalo. For this reason they resolved totake effectual measures for securing an indemnity, and sent off, by asecret and unfrequented road, letters for the viceroy and the audience, incharge of a priest named Baltasar de Loaysa, by which they craved pardonfor the past and a safe conduct for their compearance at Lima; adding, that, as they held some rank in the insurgent army, being captains underGonzalo, all their friends and dependents might be expected to followtheir example, by which in all probability the army of Gonzalo would fallto pieces of itself. Besides Rodriguez, Philip Gutierez, Arias Maldonado, Pedro de Vila-Castin, and others to the number of twenty-five, concurredin this plan of abandoning Gonzalo. 

Loaysa went in all haste to Lima, and, for the better concealment, heavoided uniting himself with Gabriel de Roias and the others who hadformerly set out from Cuzco to join the viceroy. On his arrival at Lima, he immediately delivered his dispatches to the viceroy and the audience, and received without delay the safe conduct which his employers required. The news of this affair was soon spread over Lima, in which many of theinhabitants and others secretly wished well to the party of Gonzalo, asconformable to their own interest; and they were therefore a good dealmortified at the defection among the insurgents, which they supposed wouldsoon occasion the army of Gonzalo to disperse; after which, the viceroywould assuredly carry the regulations into execution with the utmostrigour, when there was no one to oppose him. 

At the time when the viceroy was received at Lima, Pedro de Puelles, whowas lieutenant of Guanuco under Vaca de Castro, came among the first topay his compliments and to tender submission to his authority. As he hadresided long in Peru, and had great experience in the affairs of thatcountry, the viceroy gave him a new commission, by which he was confirmedin the lieutenancy of Guanuco, to which city he was sent back, with ordersto hold the inhabitants in readiness to take the field with their horsesand arms in case of need. Puelles not only prepared the people of hisgovernment for taking the field, but even retained in his pay somesoldiers who had come from the province of Chachapoyas along with Gomez deSoliz and Bonefaz. Thinking it necessary to strengthen his army as much aspossible to oppose Gonzalo, who was now marching towards Lima, the viceroysent Jeronimo de Villegas with a letter commanding Puelles to join himwithout delay with all his force. On the arrival of Villegas at Guanuco, he and Puelles consulted together on the state of affairs, and concludedthat if they should join the viceroy they would give a decided superiorityto his side; and after the defeat of Gonzalo, having no one to oppose him, the viceroy would then cause the regulations to be enforced in theirutmost rigour, by which the whole colonists of Peru would suffer extremeinjury; as by depriving them of their Indians, not only the burgesses towhom they belonged would be reduced to poverty, but even the soldierswould be materially injured, as the burgesses would be no longer incondition to furnish subsistence to the troops as now. They came to theresolution therefore to join the party of Gonzalo, and set out immediatelyin search of his army for that purpose. 

[1] The author of this history. --E. 

[2] About that distance to the north of Lima is the town of _Huaura_, which is probably the place indicated in the text, as in many names of places in Peru the initial syllable _Gua_ or _Hua_, are interchangeably used by different authors. --E. 

[3] Zarate is exceedingly negligent in regard to dates. We learn from the history of America, II. 370, that the present occurrences took place in 1544. --E. 

[4] It has been already mentioned in a former note, that this is probably a different orthography for Huaura, a place about 70 miles to the N. N. W. Of Lima. --E. 

[5] Arequipa is a considerable way from the coast, on which there are several harbours, thirty or forty miles distant. --E. 

[6] Garcilasso de la Vega differs somewhat in the names of one or two of these leading men who deserted from Gonzalo, and enumerates a considerable number more, among whom he names one Pedro Pizarro, saying they were in all about forty, with many of whom he was personally acquainted. --E. 

END OF VOLUME FOURTH.