[Transcriber's note: The spelling and punctuation inconsistencies andtypographical errors of the original have been preserved in this etext. ]

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. 

BY

ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. 

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. 

VOL. III. 

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:AND T. CADELL, LONDONMDCCCXXIV

 * * * * *

CONTENTS OF VOL III. 

PART II. CONTINUED. 

BOOK II. HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, AND OF SOME OF THE EARLYCONQUESTS IN THE NEW WORLD

CHAP. I. History of the discovery of America, by Christopher Columbus, written by his son Don Ferdinand Columbus, Introduction, Epochs ofAmerican discovery, Authors Preface. 

SECT. I. Of the country, original, and name of Admiral Christopher Columbus; with other particulars of his life previous to his arrival in Portugal. 

 II. Of his first coming to Portugal, and the motives of his proposing to discover the West Indies. 

 III. The Admiral, disgusted by the procedure of the King of Portugal, in regard to the proposed discovery, offers his services to the court of Spain. 

 IV. Narrative of the First Voyage of Columbus, in which he actually discovered the New World[1]. 

 VI. Second Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies. 

 VII. Account of the antiquities, ceremonies, and religion of the natives of Hispaniola, collected by F. Roman, by order of the Admiral. 

 VIII. The Admiral returns to Spain from his second voyage. 

 IX. Account of the Admirals Third Voyage, during which he discovered the continent of Paria; with the occurrences to his arrival in Hispaniola. 

 X. An account of the Rebellion in Hispaniola, previous to the arrival of the Admiral. 

 XI. Continuation of the troubles after the return of the Admiral to Hispaniola, to their adjustment. 

 XII. Transactions in Hispaniola subsequent to the settlement of the disturbances, until the sending of Columbus in irons to Spain. 

 XIII. Account of the Fourth Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies. 

CHAP. II. Account of the Discovery of America, by Christopher Columbus;by Antonio de Herrera. 

SECT. I. Of the knowledge of the Ancients respecting the New World. 

 II. Of the motives which led Columbus to believe that there were unknown countries. 

 III. Columbus proposes his design to the King and Queen of Spain; which, after many repulses, is adopted by the Queen. 

 IV. Conditions granted to Columbus by the crown of Castile, and an account of his First Voyage, in which he discovered the New World. 

 V. Continuation of the voyage; signs of approaching land; the people mutiny, and the Admiral endeavours to appease them. 

 VI. Discovery of the Islands of San Salvador, the Conception, Ferdinandina, Isabella, and others; with a description of these Islands, and some account of the Natives. 

 VII. Discovery of Cuba and Hispaniola, and desertion of Martin Alonzo Pinzon. 

 VIII. Farther discovery of Hispaniola; simplicity of the natives; the Admiral loses his ship, and resolves to settle a colony in the island. 

 IX. The Admiral builds a fort in Hispaniola, and prepares for his return to Spain. 

 X. Account of the Voyage home from Hispaniola to Lisbon. 

 XI. From the arrival of Columbus at Lisbon till the commencement of his Second Voyage to the New World. 

 XII. Second Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies, and establishment of Isabella, the first European colony in the New World. 

 XIII. Columbus proceeds to explore the coast of Cuba, discovers the island of Jamaica, and returns to Isabella in Hispaniola. 

 XIV. Summary of occurrences in Hispaniola, to the return of Columbus into Spain from his Second Voyage. 

 XV. Conclusion of the discoveries of Columbus. 

CHAP. III. The voyages of Americus Vespucius to the New World, Introduction. 

SECT. I. The First Voyage of Vespucius. 

 II. The Second Voyage of Americus Vespucius. 

 III. The Third voyage of Americus Vespucius. 

 IV. The Fourth voyage of Americus Vespucius. 

CHAP. IV. Summary of the discoveries and settlements of the Spaniards inthe West Indies, from the death of Columbus to the expedition of HernandoCortes against Mexico, Introduction. 

SECT. I. Improvements made in the colony of Hispaniola, by Nicholas de Obando, and the great value of gold procured in that island during his government. 

 II. Settlement of Porto Rico under Juan Ponce de Leon. 

 III. Don James Columbus is appointed to the government of the Spanish dominions in the West Indies. 

 IV. Settlement of a Pearl Fishery at the island of Cubagua. 

 V. Alonzo de Hojeda and Diego de Nicuessa are commissioned to make discoveries and settlements in the New World, with an account of the adventures and misfortunes of Hojeda. 

 VI. The history of Vasco Nugnez de Balboa, and the establishment, by his means, of the colony of Darien. 

 VII. The adventures, misfortunes, and death of Don Diego de Nicuessa, the founder of the colony of Nombre de Dios. 

 VIII. The conquest and settlement of the island of Cuba by Diego Velasquez. 

 IX. The strange expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon in search of the Fountain of Youth, in which he discovered Florida and the Bahama Channel. 

 X. The martyrdom of two Dominican Friars on the coast of Venezuela, through the avarice of the Spaniards. 

 XI. Discoveries on the continent of America, by command of Velasquez, under the conduct of Francis Hernandez de Cordova. 

 XII. Farther discoveries on the continent by Juan Grijalva, under the orders of Velasquez, by which a way is opened to Mexico or New Spain. 

CHAP. V. History of the discovery and conquest of Mexico, written in theyear 1568, by Captain Bernal Diaz del Castillo, one of the conquerors, Introduction, Preface by the Author. 

SECT. I. Expedition of Hernandez de Cordova in 1517. 

 II. Expedition of Juan de Grijalva in 1518. 

 III. Commencement of the expedition of Hernando Cortes for the conquest of Mexico, in 1518. 

 IV. Arrival of the armament at St Juan de Ulua, and account of occurrences at that place. 

 V. The Spanish army advances into the country; an account of their proceedings before commencing their march to Mexico. 

[1] By error of the press, a considerable part of this Section is marked in the running title as Section V. And the next is numbered Section VI. So that, numerically only, Section V; is entirely omitted. 

[Illustration: West Indies]

A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 

PART II. 

BOOK II. 

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, AND OF SOME OF THE EARLY CONQUESTSIN THE NEW WORLD. 

 * * * * *

CHAP. I. 

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, BY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS; WRITTEN BYHIS SON DON FERDINAND COLUMBUS[1]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

[Illustration: West Indies]

The whole of this chapter contains an original record, being a distinctnarrative of the discovery of America by COLUMBUS, written by his own son, who accompanied him in his latter voyages. It has been adopted into thepresent work from the Collection of Voyages and Travels published atLondon in 1704, by Awnsham and John Churchill, in four volumes folio; inwhich it is said to have been translated from the original Italian of DonFerdinand Columbus, expressly for the use of that work. The language ofthat translation is often obscure and ungrammatical, as if the work of aforeigner; but, having no access to the original, has necessarily beenadopted for the present occasion, after being carefully revised andcorrected. No farther alteration has been taken with that version, excepta new division into sections, instead of the prolix and needlessly minutesubdivision of the original translation into a multitude of chapters;which change was necessary to accommodate this interesting originaldocument to our plan of arrangement; and except in a few rare instances, where uninteresting controversial argumentations have been somewhatabridged, and even these chiefly because the original translator left thesense obscure or unintelligible, from ignorance of the language or of thesubject. 

It is hardly necessary to remark, that the new grand division of the worldwhich was discovered by this _great navigator_, ought from him tohave been named COLUMBIA. Before setting out upon this grand discovery, which was planned entirely by his own transcendent genius, he was misledto believe that the new lands he proposed to go in search of formed anextension of the _India_, which was known to the ancients; and stillimpressed with that idea, occasioned by the eastern longitudes of Ptolemybeing greatly too far extended, he gave the name of _West Indies_ tohis discovery, because he sailed to them westwards; and persisted in thatdenomination, even after he had certainly ascertained that they wereinterposed between the Atlantic ocean and Japan, the Zipangu, or Zipangriof Marco Polo, of which and Cathay or China, he first proposed to go insearch. 

Between the _third_ and _fourth_ voyages of COLUMBUS, _Ojeda_, an officerwho had accompanied him in his _second_ voyage, was surreptitiously sentfrom Spain, for the obvious purpose of endeavouring to curtail the vastprivileges which had been conceded to Columbus, as admiral and viceroy ofall the countries he might discover; that the court of Spain might have acolour for excepting the discoveries made by others from the grant whichhad been conferred on him, before its prodigious value was at all thoughtof. Ojeda did little more than revisit some of the previous discoveries ofColumbus: Perhaps he extended the knowledge of the coast of Paria. In thisexpedition, Ojeda was accompanied by an Italian named _Amerigo_ or_Almerico Vespucci_, whose name was Latinized, according to the custom ofthat age, into _Americus Vespucius_. This person was a Florentine, andappears to have been a man of science, well skilled in navigation andgeography. On his return to Europe, he published the first descriptionthat appeared of the newly discovered continent and islands in the west, which had hitherto been anxiously endeavoured to be concealed by themonopolizing jealousy of the Spanish government. Pretending to have beenthe first discoverer of the _continent_ of the _New World_, hepresumptuously gave it the appellation of _America_ after his own name;and the inconsiderate applause of the European literati has perpetuatedthis usurped denomination, instead of the legitimate name which the newquarter of the world ought to have received from that of the realdiscoverer. 

Attempts have been made in latter times, to rob COLUMBUS of the honour ofhaving discovered _America_, by endeavouring to prove that the _WestIndies_ were known in Europe before his first voyage. In some maps in thelibrary of St Mark at Venice, said to have been drawn in 1436, manyislands are inserted to the _west_ of Europe and Africa. The most_easterly_ of these are supposed in the first place to be the Azores, Madeira, the Canaries and Cape Verds. Beyond these, but at no greatdistance towards the _west_, occurs the _Ysola de Antillia_; which we mayconclude, even allowing the date of the map to be genuine, to be a meregratuitous or theoretic supposition, and to have received that strangename, because the obvious and natural idea of _Antipodes_ had beenanathematized by Catholic ignorance. Still farther to the _north-west_, another fabulous island is laid down, under the strange appellation of_Delaman Satanaxia_, or the land created by the hand of Satan. This lattermay possibly have some reference to an ignorant position of Iceland. Bothwere probably theoretic, for the fancied purpose of _preserving a balance_on the globe with the continents and islands already known; an idea whichwas transferred by learned theorists, and even persisted in for aconsiderable part of the eighteenth century, under the name of the _TerraAustralis incognita_; and was only banished by the enlightened voyages ofscientific discovery, conducted under the auspices of our presentvenerable sovereign. 

The globe of Martin Behaim, in 1492, repeats the island of _Antillia_, andinserts beyond it to the _west_, the isle of St Brandan or Ima, from afabulous work of the middle ages. Occasion has already occurred to noticetwo other ancient pretended discoveries of the New World: the fabulousvoyages of the Zenos, another Venetian tale; and the equally fabulousPortuguese island of the _Seven Churches_, abounding in gold, andinhabited by Spanish or Portuguese Christians. Britain even had its Madocprince of North Wales; and a _white_ nomadic nation in North America, speaking _Welsh_, is still among the puerile fancies of this nineteenthcentury. 

All these pretended proofs of any previous knowledge of the _western_world, resolve into complete demonstrations of perfect ignorance, even inthe art of deception and forgery. Not only is the world indebted toCOLUMBUS for this great and brilliant discovery, but every subsequentimprovement in navigation, geography and hydrography, is justlyattributable to his illustrious example. Much and deservedly as our COOKand his coadjutors and followers have merited from their country and theworld, they are all to be considered as pupils of the truly greatarchnavigator COLUMBUS; himself a worthy scholar from the nautical academyof the truly illustrious and enlightened father of discoveries, DON HENRY. All other discoveries, whether nautical or by land, dwindle into mereordinary events, when compared with his absolutely solitary exertion ofprevious scientific views. The sagacious and almost prophetic induction, persevering ardour, cosmographical, nautical, and astronomical skill, which centered in COLUMBUS, from the first conception to the perfectcompletion of this great and important enterprize, the discovery of alarge portion of the globe which had lain hid for thousands of years fromthe knowledge of civilization and science, is altogether unexampled. Hewas incontestibly the first bold and scientific mariner who ever dared tolaunch out into the trackless ocean, trusting solely to the guidance ofthe needle and the stars, and to his own transcendent skill andintrepidity. 

There can be no doubt that Greenland, in some measure an appendage ofAmerica, was discovered in 982, by the Norwegians or their Icelandiccolony; and that the same people accidentally fell in with Newfoundland, or a part of Labradore, in 1003; of which early real discoveriesparticular notices have been taken in the first part of this work. Butthese were entirely accidental, and were lost to the world long beforeCOLUMBUS began his glorious career; and do not in the least degree detractfrom the merit or originality of his discovery. 

The name even of the great COLUMBUS has of late been fastidiouslyendeavoured to be rejected, in favour of the Spanish appellation _Colon_, which he adopted on entering into that service, which repaid him with baseingratitude and cruel injuries for his transcendent services. It will beseen, however, from the authority of his own son, that the original nameof his family was _Colombi_; though some branches in other parts of Italyhad adopted the modern or middle age Roman name of _Collona_. COLUMBUS, therefore, ought certainly to remain in our language as the Latinizedoriginal name of this illustrious person. 

In supplement to the history of Columbus by his son, we have chosen togive an account of the first Discovery of America, by _Herrera_ the royalhistoriographer of Spain. To some readers this may appear superfluous: But, as _Don Ferdinand Columbus_ may naturally enough be supposed to havewritten under a degree of partial attachment to the glory of his immortalfather, it seems fortunate that we possess an authentic early history ofthe same unparalleled event, from a more certainly impartial and wellinformed author, having access to the public archives. That portion of ourwork is given as an original record, almost without any remark; leaving itto the ingenious industry of such of our readers as may be so disposed, tomake a critical comparison between the work of _Don Ferdinand Columbus_, arare and valuable monument of filial piety, and that of _Antonio deHerrera_. We have only to regret, that the transcendent genius, whopossessed the unexampled sagacity to devise, and the singular goodfortune, perseverance, capacity, and conduct, to succeed in _Discoveringthe Western Hemisphere_, had not sufficient health and leisure to havefavoured the world with his own _commentaries_ of this greatestenterprise that was ever achieved by man. --_Ed_. 

 * * * * *

_Abridged Series of the Epochs of American Discovery_[2]. 

A. D. 982. East Greenland discovered by the Norwegians or Icelanders, whoplanted a small colony. This was long afterwards shut in by theaccumulation of arctic ice, and entirely lost. 

1003. Winland, either Newfoundland or Labradore, was discovered by theIcelanders, but soon abandoned and forgotten. 

1492, August 3d. COLUMBUS commenced his first voyage. 12th Octoberdiscovered _Guanahani_, one of the _Bahama_ group, which he named _StSalvador_, now named _Cat Island_. In this voyage, besides several othersof the Bahama islands, he discovered _Cuba_ and _Hispaniola_, leaving acolony in the latter, which was cut off by the natives. He returned toSpain from this voyage on the 4th March 1493. 

1494, September 25th. Second voyage of COLUMBUS began; in which hediscovered the _Carribbee_ islands, and founded a permanent colony in_Hispaniola_ or Haiti. He returned from this voyage in 1496. 

1497. _Giovanni Gabotta_, a Venetian, employed by Henry VII. Of England, discovered _Newfoundland_, and traced the eastern coast of North Americaas far south as _Virginia_. 

1498. Third voyage of COLUMBUS, in which he discovered _Trinidad_ and thecoast of Paria in _South America_; now called the _Spanish Main_ by theEnglish. He was _sent home in irons_ from Hispaniola in 1500. 

1499. _Ojeda_ was sent from Spain to interfere with the great privilegesgranted to COLUMBUS; but did very little more than retrace some of hisprevious discoveries. In this voyage, as already mentioned, Ojeda wasaccompanied by _Americus Vespucius_, who usurped the right of giving the_New World_ his own name _America_, which still continues universal. 

1500. _Cabral_, a Portuguese admiral, while on a voyage to India, accidentally discovered Brazil. 

In this year likewise, _Corte de Real_, a Portuguese navigator, discovered Labradore, while in search of a _north-west_ passage to India. 

1502. _Fourth_, voyage of COLUMBUS, in which he discovered thecontinental coast, from _Honduras_ to near the Isthmus of _Darien_. 

1513. _Vasco Nunez de Balboa_, descried the _Pacific Ocean_, or great_South Sea_, and waded into the waves, taking formal possession for thecrown of Spain; and even embarked on that ocean in a canoe, as a moreformal act of conquest. 

In the same year, _Florida_ was first discovered by _Ponce de Leon_, aSpanish officer. 

1515. The continent of _South America_ was explored down to the _Rio dela Plata_. 

1519. _Cortez_ began the conquest of _Mexico_, which he accomplished in1521. 

About the same time, _Magalhaens_, usually named Magellan, explored the_Pacific Ocean_. 

1526. _Pizarro_ visited the coast of _Peru_, which he invaded in 1530, and _afterwards conquered_. 

[1] Churchills Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II. 479. 

[2] From Pinkertons Modern Geography. 

 * * * * *

THE AUTHORS PREFACE. 

Because admiral DON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, my father, was a person mostworthy to be held in eternal remembrance, it seems reasonable that _I hisson_, who sailed some time along with him, should to my other performancesadd this my chiefest work: _The history of his life, and of his wonderfuldiscovery of the West Indies_. 

In consequence of his great and continual sufferings, and the diseases helong laboured under, my father had not time to reduce his own notes andobservations into historical order; and these having fallen to me, enableme to execute the present undertaking. Knowing that many others hadundertaken to execute this task, I long delayed its performance. But, having read those other narratives, I found that they exaggerated manycircumstances, had passed lightly over other matters of importance, andhad even entirely omitted much that was deserving of particular notice. From these considerations I have been induced to publish this work;thinking it more becoming that I should undergo the censure of wantingskill, rather than to permit the truth respecting my noble father toremain in oblivion. Whatever may be the faults in this performance, thesewill not be owing to my ignorance of the truth; for I pledge myself to setdown nothing which I do not find in his own papers or letters, or of whichI have not actually been a witness. 

In the following work, the reader will find a faithful record of all thereasons which induced the admiral to enter upon his great and gloriousand successful enterprize, and will learn how far he personally proceededin his _four_ several voyages to the New World. He will see what greatand honourable articles were conceded to him, before going upon his greatdiscovery, by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, how basely all thesewere violated, and he most unworthily and inhumanly treated, afterperforming such unparalleled services; how far he established the affairsof Hispaniola, the first settlement of the Spaniards in the New World;and what care he took that the _Indians_ should not be oppressed, butrather prevailed on by kind usage and good example, to embrace theCatholic faith. In this work, likewise, will be found a faithful pictureof the manners and customs of the Indians, an account of their opinionsand practices respecting religion, and every thing that can reasonably belooked for in a work like the present: The foundation for which was laidby the great discoverer, and the superstructure raised by me his own son, who possessed every advantage derivable from a liberal education and thepossession of authentic original documents, to fit me for executing awork of such importance. 

SECTION I. 

_Of the Country, Original, and Name of Admiral Christopher Columbus; withother particulars of his Life previous to his arrival in Portugal. _

It is a material circumstance in the history of a great man to make knownhis country and original, as those are best esteemed in the world who arederived from noble cities and born of illustrious parents. Wherefore somewould have engaged me to prove that the admiral my father was honourablydescended, although his parents, through the fickleness of fortune, hadfallen into great poverty. Those persons required me to prove that hisancestors descended from _Junius Colomus_, who, as Tacitus relates, brought Mithridates a prisoner to Rome, for which service he was raisedby the Roman people to the consulate. They would likewise have induced meto give an account at large of the two illustrious _Colomi_ hispredecessors, who gained a great victory over the Venetians, as recordedby Sabellius, and which shall be mentioned in this work. But consideringthat my father seemed to have been peculiarly chosen by the Almighty forthe great work which he performed, and may be considered in some measureas an apostle of the Lord by carrying the gospel among the heathen; andthat the other apostles were called upon from the sea and the rivers, andnot from courts and palaces, by him whose progenitors were of the royalblood of the Jews, yet who was pleased that they should be in a low andunknown estate: And seeing that God had gifted my father with thosepersonal qualities which so well fitted him for so great an undertaking, he was himself inclined that his country and original might remain hiddenand obscure. 

Some who would throw a cloud upon his fame, have alleged that he was fromNerni, others from Cuguero, and others from Bugiesco, all small towns inthe Riviera of Genoa: While others again, who were disposed rather toexalt his origin, say that he was a native of Savona, others of Genoa, and some more vain, make him to have been a native of Placentia, wherethere are some honourable persons of the name, and several tombs havingthe arms and inscriptions of the family of Columbus, which was the usualsirname of his predecessors; but he, in compliance with the country wherehe went to reside, modelled the name in resemblance of the ancients toColon, thereby distinguishing the direct descent from the collaterallines. 

Many names have been given by secret impulse, to denote the effects thosepersons were to produce; and as most of my fathers affairs were guarded bysome special providence, his name and sirname were not without somemysterious significations. Thus, considering the sirname of his ancestors, Columbus or Columba, since he conveyed the grace of the Holy Ghost intothat New World which he discovered, shewing the knowledge of the belovedSon of God to those people who knew him not, as was done by the Holy Ghostin the form of a _Dove_ at the baptism of St John; and because, like Noahsdove, he carried the olive branch and the oil of baptism across the watersof the ocean, to denote the peace and union of those people with thechurch, which had long been shut up in the ark of darkness and ignorance. So likewise of the sirname of Colon which he revived, which wasappropriate to him as signifying a member; and, in conjunction with hissirname of Christopher, denoted that he was a member of Christ, by whomsalvation was to be conveyed to the heathen people whom he discovered. Thus, as St Christopher received that name because he carried Christ overthe deep waters with great danger to himself; so the admiral ChristopherColonus, imploring the protection of Christ, safely carried himself andhis people over the unknown ocean, that those Indian nations which hediscovered might become citizens and inhabitants of the heavenly Jerusalem. For many souls, whom the Devil expected for his prey, were through hismeans passed through the water of baptism, and made inhabitants of theeternal glory of heaven. 

To return to the quality and persons of his progenitors; howeverconsiderable they may once have been, it is certain that they were reducedto poverty and want, through the long wars and factions in Lombardy. Ihave not been able to discover in what manner they lived; though in one ofhis letters the admiral asserted that his ancestors and himself had alwaystraded by sea. While passing through Cuguero, I endeavoured to receivesome information on this subject from two brothers of the _Colombi_, whowere the richest in those parts, and who were reported to be somewhatrelated to him; but the youngest of them being above an hundred years old, they could give me no information. Neither do I conceive this anydishonour to us his descendants; as I think it better that all our honourbe derived from his own person, without inquiring whether his father werea merchant, or a nobleman who kept hawks and hounds. There have beenthousands such in all parts, whose memory was soon lost among theirneighbours and kindred, so that no memorials remain of there ever havingbeen such men. I am therefore of opinion, that the nobility of such menwould reflect less lustre upon me than the honour I receive from such afather: And, since his honourable exploits made him stand in no need ofthe wealth of predecessors, who though poor were not destitute of virtue, he ought from his name and worth to have been raised by authors above therank of mechanics or peasants. 

Should any one be disposed to affirm that the predecessors of my fatherwere handicrafts, founding upon the assertion of Justiniani, I shall notengage to prove the contrary; for, as the writing of Justiniani is not tobe considered as an article of faith, so I have received the contrary froma thousand persons. Neither shall I endeavour to prove the falsehood ofhis history from those other authors who have written concerning my father;but shall convict him of falsehood out of his own writings and by his owntestimony; thus verifying proverb which says "that _liars ought to havegood memories_, " because otherwise they contradict themselves, asJustiniani has done in this case, of which I propose to exhibit sufficientproofs. 

In his comparison of the four languages, when commenting upon that passagein the psalms, "In omnem terrarum exivit sonus eorum, " he says, "ThisChristopher Columbus having acquired some rudiments of learning in histender years, applied himself to navigation when he came to manhood, andwent to Lisbon, where he learned cosmography from a brother who there madesea charts; in consequence of which improvement, and by discoursing withthose who had sailed to St George del Mina in Africa, and through his ownreading in cosmography, he entertained thoughts of sailing towards thosecountries which he afterwards discovered. " Hence, contrary to theassertion of Justiniani, it appears from his own words that my fatherfollowed no handicraft or mechanic employment, but devoted his childhoodto learning, his youth to navigation and cosmography, and his riper yearsto discoveries. Thus Justiniani convicts himself of falsehood, and proveshimself inconsiderate, rash, and malicious. When he had occasion to speakof so renowned a person who reflected so great honour on his country, although the admirals parents had even been very mean, it had been moredecent in mentioning his origin, as other authors have done, to have saidthat he was of low parentage or come of very poor people, instead offalsely calling him a mechanic, as he did in his Psalter, and afterwardsin his Chronicle. Even supposing he had not contradicted himself, reasonmight have shewn that a man who had been bred up in a mechanicalemployment, must grow old in it to become a perfect master, and could notfrom his youth have travelled into so many countries, or have attained somuch knowledge and learning as his actions demonstrate; more especially inthose four principal sciences which were so indispensably necessary to fithim for what he performed, astronomy, cosmography, geometry, andnavigation. It is not much to be wondered that Justiniani should be guiltyof untruth in this circumstance, which is hidden, since he has insertedabove a dozen falsehoods in half a sheet of paper in his Psalter, inmatters concerning this discovery and navigation, which are well known. These I shall briefly mention, without staying to give him any answer, that I may not interrupt the series of the history; and because from itstenor, and by what has been written by others on that subject, thefalsehood of his writing will distinctly appear. 

The _first_ falsehood is, that the admiral went to Lisbon to learncosmography from a brother of his own who was settled in that place. Thisis utterly contrary to the truth; since he lived in that city before thearrival of his brother, and taught his brother what he knew instead oflearning from him. The _second_ falsehood is, that their Catholicmajesties Ferdinand and Isabella accepted his proposal at his first comingto Castile, after it had been seven years bandied about and rejected byall men. The _third_, that he set out upon his discovery with two ships;whereas the truth is, that he had three caravels in his first voyage. The_fourth_, that his first discovery was Hispaniola; whereas the first landhe came to was Guanahani, which he named St Salvador, or St Saviour. The_fifth_, that the island of Hispaniola was inhabited by cannibals; whilethe truth is, that its inhabitants were the best and most civilized peoplein all those parts. The _sixth_, that he took the canoe or Indian boatwhich he first saw by force of arms; whereas it is certain that he had nohostilities in the first voyage with any of the Indians, and continued inpeace and amity with them until his departure from Hispaniola. The_seventh_, that he returned by way of the Canary Islands, which is by nomeans the proper route. The _eighth_, that he dispatched a messenger fromthe Canaries to their Catholic majesties; whereas it is certain he was notat these islands on his return, and that he was his own messenger. The_ninth_, that he went with _twelve_ ships on his second voyage, while heactually had _seventeen_. The _tenth_, that he arrived at Hispaniola intwenty days, which is too short a time to reach the nearest islands; andhe certainly did not perform the second voyage in two months, and besideswent to other islands much farther distant before going to Hispaniola. The_eleventh_, that he immediately afterwards went from Hispaniola with twoships, whereas he certainly went to Cuba with three vessels. The _twelfth_falsehood is, that Hispaniola is four hours (difference in longitude)distant from Spain; while the admiral reckoned it to be five. The_thirteenth_, to add one to the dozen, is that the western point of Cubais six hours distant from Hispaniola; making a farther distance oflongitude from Hispaniola to Cuba, than from Spain to Hispaniola. 

By the foregoing examples of negligence, in inquiring into the truth ofthose particulars which are plain and easy to have been learnt, we maydivine what inquiry he made into those which are obscure and in which hecontradicts himself, as already proved. But, laying aside this fruitlesscontroversy, I shall only add that, in consideration of the manyfalsehoods in the Chronicle and Psalter of Justiniani, the senate of Genoahave imposed a penalty upon any person within their jurisdiction who shallread or keep those books, and have ordered that they shall be carefullysought after and destroyed. 

To conclude this disquisition, I assert that the admiral, so far frombeing a person occupied with the vile employments of mechanics orhandicraft trades, was a man of learning and experience, and entirelyoccupied in such studies and exercises as fitted him for and became theglory and renown of his most wonderful discoveries; and I shall close thischapter with an extract from a letter which he wrote to the nurse ofPrince John of Castile. "I am not the first admiral of my family, let themgive me what name they please. After all, that most prudent king David wasfirst a shepherd, and was afterwards chosen king of Jerusalem; and I am aservant to the same Lord who raised him to so great dignity. "

In his person the admiral was above the middle stature and well shaped, having rather a long visage, with somewhat full cheeks, yet neither fatnor lean. His complexion was very fair with delicately red cheeks, havingfair hair in his youth, which became entirely grey at thirty years of age. He had a hawk nose, with fair eyes. In his eating and drinking, and in hisdress, he was always temperate and modest. In his demeanour he was affableto strangers and kind and condescending to his domestics and dependents, yet with a becoming modesty and dignified gravity of manner, tempered witheasy politeness. His regard for religion was so strict and sincere, evenin keeping the prescribed fasts and reciting all the offices of the church, that he might have been supposed professed in one of the religious orders;and so great was his abhorrence to profane swearing that I never heard himuse any other oath than by St Ferdinand; and even in the greatest passion, his only imprecation was "God take you. " When about to write, his usualway of trying his pen was in these words, _Jesu cum Maria sit nobis invia_; and in so fair a character as might have sufficed to gain his breadby writing. 

Passing over many particulars of his character, manners, and disposition, which will appear in the course of this history, I shall now only mentionthat, in his tender years he applied himself to such studies at Pavia asfitted him to understand cosmography, his favourite science; for whichpurpose he chiefly devoted himself to the study of geometry and astronomy, without which, it is impossible to make any proficiency in cosmography. And, because Ptolemy, in the preface to his cosmography, asserts that noperson can be a good cosmographer without a thorough knowledge of drawing;he therefore learnt to draw, so as to be able to delineate not only theexact outlines of countries, but to express their cosmographical features, whether having plain surfaces or interspersed with hills and vallies. 

Having laid a foundation in the before-mentioned sciences, he went to sea, and made several voyages both to the east and west[1]: But of these, andmany other circumstances respecting his early years I have no perfectknowledge. I was so young at his death, that owing to filial respect, Ihad not the boldness to ask an account from him of the incidents of hisyouth, and besides I was not then interested in such inquiries. But someaccount of these things may be gleaned from his letters to their Catholicmajesties, to whom he would not dare to write any thing but the truth. Inone of these letters, written in the year 1501, he says, "Most Serene Princes! I went to sea when very young, and have continued tothe present day; and this art of navigation inclines those who follow itto be desirous of discovering the secrets of this world. It is now fortyyears[2] that I have been sailing to all those parts of the world whichare frequented at present; and I have conversed with many wise and learnedmen, both clergy and laity, Latins, Greeks, Indians and Moors, and of manyother sects and nations. God has been favourable to my inclination, andhas given me the spirit of understanding, so that I have become veryskilful in navigation, with a competent knowledge in arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy, and both genius and skill to draw maps and charts of thisworld, with its cities, rivers, islands, and ports, all in their properplaces and proportions. During my whole life, I have endeavoured to seeand understand all books of cosmography, history, and philosophy; by whichmy understanding hath been enlightened so as to enable me to sail fromEurope to the Indies, and God hath inclined me to put this design intoexecution. Filled with this desire I came to your highnesses; and afterall who had heard an account of my proposed undertaking had rejected itwith scorn and contempt as visionary and impracticable; in your highnessesalone I found judgment to believe in the practicability of my proposal, and constancy and spirit to put it into execution. "

In another letter, written in January 1495 from Hispaniola, to theirCatholic majesties, in illustration of the errors and mistakes common invoyages and the piloting of ships, he thus writes, "I was formerly sent toTunis by King _Renee_, whom God hath since taken to himself, to take thegaleasse called Fernandina; and, when near the island of St Peter offSardinia, I was informed that the Fernandina was accompanied by two shipsand a carack. This intelligence dismayed my people, who refused to proceedin the enterprize, and demanded to go back to Marseilles for another shipand more men. Finding that it was impossible to go on against theirinclinations, without a stratagem, I pretended to yield to their desires;but having altered the card of the ships compass, I set sail when it waslate, under pretence of making for Marseilles. But next morning atday-break, when all on board believed we had been sailing for Marseilles, we found ourselves close in with Cape Carthagena[3]. "

In a memorandum or observation tending to prove that all the five zonesare habitable by the experience of navigation, he thus writes: "InFebruary 1467, I sailed an hundred leagues beyond Thule, or Iceland, thenorthern part of which is 73 degrees distant from the equinoctial, and not63 degrees as some suppose; neither does it lie upon the line wherePtolemy begins the West, but considerably more to the westwards. To thisisland, which is as large as England, the English carry on trade, especially from the port of Bristol. When I was there the sea was notfrozen, but the tides were so great that in some places it rose and felltwenty-six fathoms[4]. I have likewise been in the Portuguese fort of StGeorge del Mina, under the equinoctial, and can witness that it is notuninhabitable, as some have supposed. " In his book respecting his firstvoyage, he says that he saw some mermaids on the coast of _Menegueta_, butthat they were not by any means so like ladies as represented in paintings. In another place he says, that, in several voyages between Lisbon andGuinea, he had observed that a degree on the earth corresponds to 56 milesand two thirds. He notices having seen mastick drawn from some trees inthe island of Scio, one of the isles in the Greek Archipelago. 

In one place of his own writings he says that he had been at sea duringtwenty-three years, without being on shore for any length of time; and hadseen all the countries of the east and west, and towards the north, particularly England and Guinea; yet had never seen any harbours thatcould be compared for goodness with those which he had discovered in theWest Indies. He says farther, "I went first to sea at fourteen years ofage, and have followed that profession ever since. " In his note book ofhis second voyage he says, "I had two ships, one of which I left at PortoSancto, for a certain reason, where it continued one day; and on the dayfollowing, I rejoined it at Lisbon[5]; because I encountered a storm, andhad contrary winds at south-west, and the other ship had contrary winds atsouth-east. " From these instances it may be inferred that he had greatexperience in sea affairs, and that he had visited many countries andplaces, before he undertook his great discovery. 

[1] This must be understood as referring to voyages in the Mediterranean, in respect of the port of Genoa. --E. 

[2] Supposing Columbus to have been 14 years of age on first going to sea, it may be concluded that he was born in 1447. He must therefore have been 45 years old when he set out in 1492 for the discovery of America; and 59 years old at his death, in 1506. --E. 

[3] Or rather Cape Carthago, on the coast of Barbary near Tunis. --E. 

[4] It is highly probable that the original translator may have here mistaken the braccio of 1. 913 English feet, for the fathom of 6 feet. In fathoms, this tide rises to the incredible height of 156 feet; whereas in _braccios_, it amounts only to 49 feet: And besides there are braccios considerably shorter than the one here assumed. --E. 

[5] There is some inexplicable ambiguity in this passage, which the original translator must have misunderstood, and which cannot now be explained. --E. 

[Illustration: Chart of North Western Africa]

SECTION II. 

_Of his first coming to Portugal, and the cause or motives of hisproposing to discover the West Indies. _

The occasion of his first coming into Portugal, arose from his attachmentto a famous man of his name and family, named Columbus, long renowned onthe sea as commander of a fleet against the infidels; insomuch that evenin his own country his name was used to frighten young children. This man, known by the name of _Columbus the young_, to distinguish him from anothergreat sea captain of the same name, was a person of great prowess, andmust have commanded a goodly fleet, as he captured at one time fourVenetian galleys, of such size and strength as I could not have believedunless I had seen them fitted out. Of this Columbus junior, Marc AnthonySabellicus, the Livy of our age, says, in the eighth book of his tenthdecade, that he lived at the time when Maximilian the son of the EmperorFrederick III. Was chosen king of the Romans; and that Jerom Donato wassent ambassador from Venice to return thanks to John II. King of Portugal, for having relieved and clothed the crews of their great galleys so as toenable them to return to Venice. These galleys were returning fromFlanders, when they were encountered and taken by the famous corsairColumbus junior, who stripped their whole crews and turned them ashore onthe coast of Portugal. 

The authority of so grave an author as Sabellicus, sufficiently proves themalice of Justiniani who makes no mention whatever of this incident, evidently lest the family of Columbus might appear less obscure than hewas disposed to hold it out to the world. If in this he erred throughignorance, he is not the less worthy of blame for having undertaken towrite the history of his country without making himself acquainted with sosignal a victory, of which even the enemies of Genoa make mention. EvenSabellicus in his eighth book, mentions the great discovery of the admiral, though less obliged to inquire into it, but without adding the twelve lieswhich Justiniani inserted. 

To return to the matter in hand. While the admiral my father sailed alongwith Columbus junior, which he long did, they received intelligence offour large Venetian galleys being on their voyage from Flanders, and goingin quest of them, came up with them near Cape St Vincent on the coast ofPortugal. A furious contest took place, in which the hostile vesselsgrappled with each other, and the crews fought with the utmost rage, notonly using their hand weapons but artificial fire-works. The fightcontinued with great fury from morning till night; when the vessel inwhich my father was took fire, as did likewise a great Venetian galley towhich she was fast grappled by strong iron hooks and chains. In thisdreadful situation neither of them could be relieved, on account of theconfusion and terror of fire, which increased so rapidly that all who wereable of both crews leapt into the water, preferring that death to thetorture of fire. In this emergency, my father being an excellent swimmer, and having the good fortune to lay hold of an oar, made for the land, which was little more than two leagues distant. Sometimes swimming, and atother times resting on the oar, it pleased God, who preserved him for theaccomplishment of greater designs, that he had sufficient strength toattain the shore, but so exhausted by his exertions and by longcontinuance in the water that he had much ado to recover. Being not farfrom Lisbon, where he knew that many Genoese his countrymen then dwelt, hemade all haste to that city; where making himself known, he wascourteously received and entertained by the Genoese. 

After remaining some time at Lisbon, where he behaved himself honourably, being a man of comely appearance, it happened that Donna Felipa Moniz, alady of good family, then a boarder in the nunnery of All-Saints whethermy father used to go to mass, fell in love with him and married him. Thefather of his lady, Peter Moniz Perestrello, being dead, the newly marriedpair went to live with the widow; who seeing her son-in-law much addictedto cosmography, informed him that her husband, Perestrello, had been agreat sea-faring man, and had gone with two other captains to makediscoveries with the license of the king of Portugal, and under anagreement that they were to divide their discoveries into three portions, and each to have a share by lot. That accordingly they had sailed fromLisbon towards the south-west, where they discovered the islands ofMadeira and Porto Sancto, places which had never been seen before. And asMadeira was the largest, they divided it into two portions, making PortoSancto the third, which had fallen to the lot of her husband Perestrello, who continued in the government of that island till his death. 

The admiral being much delighted with the relations of sea voyages, hismother-in-law gave him the journals and sea charts which had been left byher husband, which excited his curiosity to make inquiry respecting theother voyages which the Portuguese had made to St George del Mina and thecoast of Guinea, and he enjoyed great delight in discoursing with such ashad sailed to those parts. I cannot certainly determine whether he everwent to Mina or Guinea during the life of this wife. But while he residedin Portugal he seriously reflected on the information he had thus received;and concluded, as the Portuguese had made discoveries so far to thesouthward, it was reasonable to conclude that land might be discovered bysailing to the westwards. To assist his judgment, he again went over thecosmographers which he had formerly studied, and considered maturely theastronomical reasons which corroborated this new opinion. He carefullyweighed likewise the information and opinions on this subject of all withwhom he conversed, particularly sailors. From an attentive considerationof all that occurred to him, he at length concluded that there must bemany lands to the west of the Canary and Cape de Verd islands; and that itmust be perfectly possible to sail to and discover them. But, that it maydistinctly appear by what train of arguments he came to deduce so vast anundertaking, and that I may satisfy those who are curious to know themotives which induced him to encounter so great danger, and which led himto his great discovery, I shall now endeavour to relate what I have foundamong his own papers respecting this matter. 

The motives which induced my father to undertake the discovery of the WestIndies were three. Natural reason, authority of authors, and the testimonyof sailors. From natural reason my father concluded that the whole sea andland of this world composed a globe or sphere, which might assuredly begone round, so that men should stand with their feet directly against thefeet of other men, in any precisely opposite parts whatever. _Secondly_, he took it for granted upon the authority of approved authors that a greatportion of our globe had been already travelled over and explored; andthat it now only remained to discover the whole, so as to make known whatwas contained in the vacant space which remained, between the easternboundaries of India which were known to Ptolemy and Marinus, and those ournewly discovered western parts of the coast of Africa and the Azores andCape Verd islands, the most westerly which were yet known. _Thirdly_, heconcluded that this still unknown space, between the eastern limits knownto Marinus and the Cape Verds, could not exceed a third part of thecircumference of the globe; since Marinus had already described 15 hourstowards the east, out of the 24 parts or hours into which thecircumference of the world is divided by the diurnal course of the sun;and therefore to return in an easterly direction to the Cape Verd islandsfrom the limits discovered by Marinus, or to proceed westerly from theseislands to meet the eastern limits of Marinus, required only to pass overabout 8 parts in 24 of the circumference of the earth[1]. 

He reckoned, _fourthly_, that as the cosmography of Marinus had given anaccount of fifteen hours or parts of the circumference of the globeeastwards, and had not yet attained to a knowledge of the easternextremity of the land, it followed of course that this eastern extremitymust be considerably beyond those known limits; and consequently, that thefarther it extended eastwards, so much the nearer it must approach to theCape Verd islands, or the then known western limits of the globe: And, ifthis space were sea, it might be easily sailed over in a short time; andif land, that it would be much sooner discovered by sailing to the west, since it must be much nearer to these islands in that direction. To thismay be added what is related by Strabo in his Fifteenth Book, that no armyever penetrated to the eastern bounds of India, which according to Ctesiasis as extensive as all the rest of Asia. Onesicritus affirms that India isa full third part of the world; and Nearchus says that it is four monthsjourney in a straight line from west to east. Pliny, in the 17th Chap, ofhis 6th Book, says that India is a third part of the earth, and thatconsequently it must be nearer Spain in the western than in the easterndirection. 

The fifth argument which induced the admiral to believe that the distancein a western direction to India was small, was taken from the opinion ofAlfragranus and his followers, who computed the circumference of theglobe as much less than all other cosmographical writers, as they onlyallowed 56-2/3 miles to a degree of longitude. Whence my father inferred, that the whole globe being small, the extent of that third part whichremained to be discovered must necessarily be proportionally smalllikewise; and might therefore be sailed over in a short time. And, as theeastern bounds of India were not yet discovered, and must lie considerablynearer us towards the west, he therefore considered that the lands whichhe might discover in his proposed expedition westwards might properly bedenominated the Indies. Hence it appears how much Roderick the archdeaconof Seville was wrong in blaming the admiral for calling those parts theIndies which were not so. But the admiral did not call them the Indies ashaving been seen or discovered by any other person; but as being in hisopinion the eastern part of India beyond the Ganges, to which nocosmographer had ever assigned any precise limits, or made it to borderupon any other country farther to the east, considering those unknownparts of eastern India to border on the ocean. And because he believedthose countries which he expected to discover formed the eastern andformerly unknown lands of India, and had no appropriate name of their own, he therefore gave them the name of the nearest known country, and calledthem the _West Indies_. He was, so much the more induced to choose thisappellation that the riches and wealth of India were well known, and hethereby expected the more readily to induce their Catholic Majesties toaccede to his proposed undertaking, of the success of which they weredoubtful; by saying that he intended to discover the way to India by thewest: And he was desirous of being employed in the service of the crown ofCastile, in preference to any other. 

The second motive which encouraged the admiral to undertake his greatenterprize, and which might reasonably induce him to call the countries heproposed to discover by the name of the Indies, was derived from theauthority of learned men; who had affirmed that it was possible to sailfrom the western coast of Africa and Spain to the eastern bounds of Indiaby the westwards, and that the sea which lay between these limits was ofno great extent. This is affirmed by Aristotle, in his Second Book of theHeaven and of the World, as explained by Averroes; in which he says that aperson may sail from India to Cadiz in a few days. Seneca, in his book ofNature, reflecting upon the knowledge of this world as insignificant incomparison with what shall be attained in a future life, says that a shipmay sail in a few days with a fair wind from Spain to India. And if, assome suppose, the same Seneca were the author of the tragedies, heexpresses himself to the same purpose in the following chorus of the Medea:

 Venient annis Secula feris, quibus Oceanus Vincula rerum laxat, et ingens Pateat tellus, Typhysque novos Detegat orbes, nec sit terris Ultima Thule. 

"There will come an age in latter times, when the ocean shall loosen thebonds of things, and a great country shall be discovered; when anotherTyphys shall find out new worlds, and Thule shall no longer remain theultimate boundary of the earth. "

This prophecy has now certainly been fulfilled by my father. In the firstbook of his cosmography, Strabo says that the ocean encompasses the wholeearth; that in the east it washes the shores of India, and in the westthose of Mauritania and Spain; and that if it were not for the vastmagnitude of the Atlantic, men might easily sail in a short time from theone to the other upon the same parallel; and he repeats the same opinionin his second book. Pliny, in the Second Book of his Natural History, Chap. Iii. Says that the ocean surrounds all the earth, and extends from east towest between India and Cadiz. The same author, in his Sixth Book, Chap. Xxxi. And Solinus in the sixty-eight chapter of the Remarkable Things ofthe World, say that, from the islands of the Gorgonides, which aresupposed to be those of Cape Verd, it was forty days sail across theAtlantic Ocean to the Hesperides; which islands the admiral concluded werethose of the West Indies. Marco Polo the Venetian traveller, and Sir JohnMandeville, say that they went much farther eastward than was known toPtolemy and Marinus. Perhaps these travellers do not mention any easternsea beyond their discoveries; yet from the accounts which they give of theeast, it may be reasonably inferred that India is not far distant fromSpain and Africa. Peter Aliacus, in his treatise on the Figure of theEarth, in the eighth Chapter respecting the extent of habitable land, andJulius Capitolinus upon inhabitable places, and in several other treatises, both assert that Spain and India are neighbours towards the west. Thelatter author, in the nineteenth Chapter of his Cosmography says, according to the opinion of Pliny and other philosophers, the ocean whichstretches from the western shores of Spain and Africa to the easternlimits of India is of no great extent, and might certainly be sailed overin a few days with a fair wind; and therefore that the beginning of Indiaeastwards cannot be far distant from the western limits of Africa. 

From these and similar authorities of eminent writers, the admiral was ledto believe that he had formed a sound opinion on this subject; and he wasmuch encouraged to undertake his proposed voyage of discovery by hiscontemporary Paul, physician to Signior Dominico of Florence. This Paulcorresponded with Ferdinand Lopez, a canon of Lisbon, concerning thevoyages which had been undertaken to Guinea in the reign of King Alphonzoof Portugal, and concerning future discoveries which might be made to thewestwards. The admiral, who was always exceedingly ardent in inquiries onthese topics, came to the knowledge of this correspondence; and soonafterwards, by means of Laurentio Girarde, a Florentine who then residedin Lisbon, entered into correspondence with Paul on this subject, acquainting him with his design, and sending him a small terrestrial globe. The communications from Paul on this subject are as follow:

"To Christopher Columbus, Paul the Physician wisheth health. I perceivethe noble and earnest desire which you entertain to sail to those partswhich produce spices; and therefore, in answer to your letter, I send youone which I wrote some time ago to a friend of mine, a servant to the kingof Portugal, before the wars of Castile, in answer to one he had writtento me by the order of his highness upon this same subject; and I send youa sea chart similar to the one I sent to him, which will satisfy yourdemands. The copy of that letter is this!"

"To Ferdinand Martinez, Paul the physician wisheth health. --I rejoice tolearn the familiarity which you have with your most serene and magnificentking; and although I have often discoursed concerning the short way by seafrom hence to the Indies where spice is produced, which I consider to beshorter than that you now take by the coast of Guinea; yet you now informme that his highness requires me to explain and demonstrate this myopinion, so that it may be understood and reduced to practice. Therefore, though I could better shew it with a globe in my hand, so as to make himsensible of the figure and dimensions of the world; yet I have resolved tomake it as easy and intelligible as possible by delineating this way upona chart, such as is used in navigation. Wherefore I now send one to hismajesty, drawn by my own hand; in which I have set down the utmost boundsof the west, from Ireland in the north to the farthest parts of Guinea, with all the islands that lie in the way: Opposite to which western coast, the beginning of the Indies is delineated, with the islands and places towhich you may go, and how far you may bend from the north pole towards theequinoctial, and for how long a time; that is, how many leagues you mustsail before you arrive at those places which are most fruitful in allsorts of spice, in jewels and precious stones. 

"Do not wonder that I term the country where the spice is produced in the_west_, because that production has been generally ascribed to the _east_:Since those who may sail to the westward will always find those places inthe _west_, which those who travel by land eastwards must find in the_east_. The straight lines that run lengthways in the chart shew thedistances from east to west, and the other lines which cross these atright angles shew the distances from north to south. I have likewiserepresented in the chart, several places in India where ships may takeshelter in any storm or contrary wind, or on occasion of any unforeseenaccident. Moreover, to give you full information respecting all thoseplaces of which you inquire, you must understand that none but tradersreside in these islands, in which as great a number of ships and mariners, and as great quantities of merchandize is to be found, as in any otherpart of the world; more particularly in a most noble port called Zacton[2], where there are every year 100 large ships loaded and unloaded with pepper, besides many other ships which take in other kinds of spice. This countryis exceedingly populous, and contains many provinces and kingdoms andcities innumerable, under the dominion of a sovereign called the GreatCham, which title signifies the King of kings, who usually resides in theprovince of Cathay[3]. 

"The predecessors of the great cham were very desirous to have amity andcommerce with the Christians; and 200 years ago sent ambassadors to thepope, desiring him to send many learned men and doctors to instruct themin our holy faith; but by reason of some obstacles which these ambassadorsencountered, they returned back without coming to Rome. There came howeverin our day an ambassador from those parts to Pope Eugenius IV. Who told himof the great friendship which subsisted between these princes and theirpeople with the Christians. I discoursed at large with this person uponseveral matters, respecting the splendour of their royal buildings, thegreat length and breadth of their rivers, and many other topics. He toldme many wonderful things of the multitude of cities and towns along thebanks of the rivers; insomuch that there were 200 cities upon one riveralone, having marble bridges over it of wonderful length and breadth, andadorned with numerous pillars. This country deserves as well as any otherto be explored; and great profit may be made by trading thither, as itabounds in many valuable commodities, and with gold, silver, all kinds ofprecious stones, and spices of all sorts. It is likewise certain that manywise men, philosophers, astronomers, and others, exceedingly ingenious andskilled in the arts and sciences, govern the numerous provinces of thatmighty empire, and command its armies. 

"From Lisbon directly westwards, there are in the chart which I nowtransmit twenty-six spaces, each of which contains 250 miles, or 6500miles in all, to the vast and most noble city of _Quisay_[4], which is 100miles or thirty-five leagues in compass. Its name signifies the heavenlycity, and wonderful things are reported respecting the magnificence of itsbuildings, the prodigious amount of its revenues, and the multitude andingenuity of its inhabitants. This city is in, the province of Mango[5], bordering on that of Cathay where the king resides. And the beforementioned distance between Lisbon and that city westwards, is almost athird part of the circumference of the globe. From the island of Antilia, which you call the Seven Cities, and of which you have some knowledge, there are ten spaces in the chart to the most noble island of Cipango, which make 2500 miles or 875 leagues[6]. The island of Cipango abounds ingold, pearls and precious stones, and the people even cover their templesand palaces with plates of pure gold[7]. But, for want of knowing the way, all these wonderful things remain hidden and concealed, although theymight easily be gone to with safety. Much more might be said, but as youare a wise and judicious person, and I have already told you of what ismost material, I am satisfied that you will fully understand the whole, and I shall not therefore be more prolix. What I have written may satisfyyour curiosity, and is as much as the shortness of the time and mybusiness will admit. Therefore I remain most ready to satisfy his majestyto the utmost of my abilities in all commands which he may be pleased tolay upon me. "

Paul the Physician afterwards wrote the following letter to my father. --"Ireceived your letter with those things you sent me, which I esteem a greatfavour, and I greatly commend your noble and ardent desire of sailingfrom the east to the west, as marked out in the chart which I sent you;but which would be much better demonstrated in the form of a globe. I amrejoiced that it is well understood, that the voyage laid down is notonly possible but true, certain, honourable, advantageous, and mostglorious among Christians. You can only become perfect in the knowledge ofit by practice and experience, which I have had in some measure, especially by the solid and true information of many worthy and wise menwho came from those parts to the court of Rome, and from merchants whoare persons of good reputation and have long traded to those regions. Hence, when the voyage shall be performed, it will be to powerful kingdoms, and to most noble provinces and cities, rich, flourishing, and aboundingin all those commodities of which we are in need: particularly in greatquantities of all sorts of spice, and in great store of jewels. It willlikewise be very grateful to the kings and princes of those parts, who areexceedingly desirous to have intercourse and trade with the Christians;whether that some of them are inclined to become Christians, or elsedesire to communicate with the wise and learned men of Europe, as well inregard to religion, as in all the sciences, by reason of the extraordinaryaccounts they have received of the kingdoms and governments and learningof our part of the world. On all which accounts, and others which might bealleged, it is reasonable that your own magnanimity, and the wholePortuguese nation, ever renowned for great men, and memorable in all theirundertakings, should be eagerly bent upon performing this voyage. "

By this letter, as has been before observed, the admiral was greatlyencouraged to go upon his discovery, although the learned physician wasmistaken in believing that Cathay and the empire of the great Cham was thefirst land to be met with in sailing towards the west; for experience hasmade it appear, that the distance from the West Indies to that country isgreater than from Europe to the West Indies. 

The _third_ and last motive by which the admiral was incited to thediscovery of the West Indies, was the hope of finding in his way to Indiasome very beneficial island or continent, from whence he might the betterbe enabled to pursue his main design. This hope was founded upon theauthority and opinion of many wise and learned men, who believed that thegreatest part of the surface of the terraqueous globe was composed of land, or that there certainly was more earth than sea. If that were the case, heconcluded that, between the coast of Spain and the then known bounds ofIndia, there must be many islands and a great extent of continentinterposed, which experience has since demonstrated to be true. In thisopinion he was confirmed by many fabulous stories which he had heard fromsailors and others who had sailed to the islands and western coast ofAfrica, and to Madeira; and as these testimonies, though false, tended toconfirm the purpose he had so long and ardently cherished, they the morereadily gained his assent; and, to satisfy the curiosity of such as arecurious in these matters, I shall here relate them. 

One Martin Vicente, a pilot in the service of the king of Portugal, related to the admiral, that, being once 450 leagues to the westward ofCape St Vincent, he had found a piece of wood most curiously curved, butnot with iron; and seeing that the winds had blown for many dayspreviously from the west, he conjectured that the carved wood must havebeen drifted from some island in that direction. One Peter Correa, who hadmarried a sister of the admirals wife, told him of having seen anotherpiece of wood which had been brought to the island of Porto Sancto by thesame westerly wind, and of certain drifted canes, so thick that everyjoint was large enough to contain four quarts of wine. These he alleged tohave shewn to the king of Portugal, and as there were no such canes in ourparts of the world, he believed that the winds must have wafted them fromsome distant islands in the west, or else from India: More especially asPtolemy, in the first book of his cosmography, and chapter 17. Says, thatsuch canes grow in the eastern parts of India; and some of the islanders, particularly those in the Azores, informed Correa that when the west windblew long together, the sea sometimes drove pine trees on the islandsGratioso and Fayal, where no such trees were otherwise to be found. He waslikewise told that the sea had cast upon the island of Flores, another ofthe Azores, the dead bodies of two men, having very broad visages, andvery different in their appearance from Europeans. 

It was likewise reported to the admiral that the people about Cape Vergahad once seen some almadias or covered boats, which it was believed hadbeen driven thither by stress of weather while going from one of thesesupposed islands in the west to another island. One Anthony Leme, who wasmarried and settled in the island of Madeira, told the admiral that, having once made a considerable run to the westward, he had descried threeislands. To this information, however, he gave little credit, as by hisown account Leme had not sailed above 100 leagues to the west, and mighthave been deceived by some rocks; or what he had seen might have been someof those floating islands, called Aguades by the sailors, of which Plinymakes mention in the 97th chapter of the first book of his natural history. Pliny says that some spots of land are seen in the northern parts of theocean on which there are deep-rooted trees, and that these parcels of landare carried about like floats, or islands swimming upon the water. Seneca, in his third book, endeavouring to give a probable reason for theexistence of such islands, alleges that there are certain rocks so lightand spongy in their substance, that islands in India which are composed ofsuch do actually swim upon the water. Therefore, even if it were actuallythe case that Leme had seen the three islands, the admiral, was of opinionthat they must have been of that kind, such as those called the islands ofSt Brandan are supposed to be, where many wonders are reported to havebeen seen. Accounts have also been propagated of other islands, which arecontinually burning, and which lie far to the northward[8]. 

Juventius Fortunatus mentions an account of two floating islandsconsiderably to the west, and more southward than those of Cape Verd. These and such like reports, might induce several of the inhabitants ofFerro and Gomera, and of the Azores, to affirm that they saw islandstowards the west every year; of which they were so thoroughly convinced, that many reputable persons swore that it was true. The same Fortunatusrelates, that a person came from Madeira to Portugal in the year 1484, tobeg a caravel from the king in which he might go in quest of an islandwhich he made oath that he saw every year, and always after the exact samemanner; with whom others agreed, who declared that they had seen the sameland from the Azores. 

On these grounds, in all the former maps and charts, certain islands wereplaced in that direction. In his book concerning the wonderful things ofnature, Aristotle informs us of a report, that some Carthaginian merchantshad sailed across the Atlantic to a most beautiful and fertile island, ofwhich we shall give a more particular account hereafter. Some Portuguesecosmographers have inserted this island in their maps under the name ofAntilla; though they do not agree with Aristotle in regard to itssituation, yet none have placed it more than 200 leagues due west from theCanaries and Azores. This they assert to be certainly the island of theseven cities, which is said to have been peopled by the Portuguese in theyear 714, at the time when Spain was conquered by the Moors. At that time, according to the legend, seven bishops with their people sailed to thisisland, where each of them built a city; and, that none of their peoplemight ever think of returning to Spain, they burnt their ships with allthe tackling, and destroyed every thing that was necessary for navigation. There are who affirm that several Portuguese mariners have been to thatisland, but could never find their way back to it again. It is saidparticularly, that in the time of Don Henry, infant of Portugal, aPortuguese ship was driven by stress of weather upon this island ofAntilla, where the men went on shore, and were led by the islanders to achurch, that they might see whether they were Christians and observed theceremonies of the Roman worship; and perceiving that they did, theislanders requested them to remain till their lord should return, whohappened to be then absent, but who would be very kind to them, and givethem many presents. But the master and seamen were afraid of beingdetained, and suspected that the islanders had no mind to be discovered, and might burn their vessel; wherefore they sailed back to Portugal, hoping to be rewarded for their discovery by Don Henry. But he reprovedthem severely, and ordered them to return quickly; wherefore the masterand all his crew escaped from Portugal with their ship, and neverreturned. It is likewise reported, that while the master and seamen ofthis vessel were at church in the foresaid island, the boys of the shipgathered sand for the cook room, a third part of which was found to bepure gold. 

Among others who set out to discover this island was one Jattes de Fiene, whose pilot Peter Velasquez, of the town of Palos de Moguer, told theadmiral in the monastery of St Mary de la Rabida, that they sailed 150leagues south-west from Fayal, and discovered the island of Flores intheir return, to which they were led by observing numbers of birds to flyin that direction, and because these were land birds they concluded thatthey were making for land, as they could not rest upon the waters. LeavingFlores, they sailed so far to the north-east, that they came to Cape Clearin the west of Ireland, where they met with a stiff western gale and yet asmooth sea, whence they concluded that there must be land in thatdirection by which the sea was sheltered from the effects of the west wind;but it being then the month of August, they did not venture to proceed insearch of that supposed island, for fear of winter. This happened aboutforty years before the discovery of the West Indies. 

The foregoing account was confirmed to the admiral by the relation of amariner whom he met with at Port St Mary, who told him that, once in avoyage to Ireland he saw that western land, which he then supposed to be apart of Tartary stretching out towards the west, but could not come nearit on account of bad weather. But it is probable that this must have beenthe land now called _Bacallaos_, or Newfoundland. This was fartherconfirmed by what was related to him by one Peter de Velasco of Galicia, whom he met with in the city of Murcia in Spain: who, in sailing forIreland, went so far to the north-west, that he discovered land far to thewest of Ireland; which he believes to have been the same which oneFemaldolmos endeavoured to discover in the following manner, as set downin my fathers writings, that it may appear how some men build great andimportant matters upon very slight foundations. Gonzalo Fernandez deOviedo, in his natural history of the Indies, says that the admiral had aletter in which the Indies were described by one who had before discoveredthem; which was by no means the case, but only thus: Vincent Diaz, aPortuguese of Tavira, on his return from Guinea to the Tercera islands, and having passed the island of Madeira, which he left to the east, saw, or imagined that he saw something which he certainly concluded to be land. On his arrival at Tercera, he told this to one Luke de Cazzana, a Genoesemerchant, his friend, and a very rich man, and endeavoured to persuade himto fit out a vessel for the conquest of this place: This Cazzana agreed to, and obtained a license from the king of Portugal for the purpose. He wroteaccordingly to his brother Francis de Cazzana, who resided at Seville, tofit out a vessel with all expedition for Diaz; but Francis made light ofthe matter, and Luke de Cazzana actually fitted out a vessel from Tercera, in which the before named pilot sailed from 120 to 130 leagues, but all invain, for he found no land. Yet neither he nor his partner Cazzanadesisted from the enterprize till death closed their hopes. The beforementioned Francis de Cazzana likewise informed the admiral, that he knewtwo sons of the pilot who discovered the island of Tercera, named Michaeland Jasper Cortereal, who went several times in search of that land, andat last perished one after the other in the year 1502, without having everbeen heard of since, as was well known to many credible persons. 

If all that has been said above concerning so many imaginary islands andcontinents appears to be mere fable and folly, how much more reason havewe to consider that as false which Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo conceits inhis Natural History of the Indies, "That there was another discoverer ofthis navigation of the ocean, and that the Spaniards held anciently thedominion of these lands. " He pretended to make out this assertion fromwhat Aristotle wrote concerning the island of Atalantis, and Sebosus ofthe Hesperides. Thus, looking upon his own imagination as a certainstandard of truth, he affirms upon the judgment of some persons whosewritings I have duly weighed and attentively examined. I should haveomitted to enlarge on this subject, to avoid tiring the reader, and that Imight not be obliged to condemn the opinions of others, were it not thatmany persons, to detract from the honour and reputation of the admiral, have made great account of these notions. Besides, it appeared that Ishould not fully perform my duty by merely recounting with all sincerityand truth, the motives and incitements which inclined the admiral myfather to undertake his unparalleled enterprize, if I should suffer what Iknow to be a manifest falsehood to pass uncensured. Wherefore, the betterto detect the mistake of Oviedo, I shall first state what Aristotle hassaid on this subject, as related by F. Theophilus de Ferrariis, among theproblems of Aristotle which he collected in a book entitled De Admirandisin Natura auditis, in the following strain:

"Beyond the pillars of Hercules, it is reported that certain Carthaginianmerchants discovered an island in the Atlantic, which had never beforebeen inhabited except by beasts. This island was not many days sail fromthe continent, was entirely covered over with trees, and abounded in allthe usual productions of nature, having a considerable number of navigablerivers. Finding this a beautiful country, possessing it fertile soil andsalubrious atmosphere, these Carthaginians began to people it; but thesenate of Carthage, offended with this procedure, passed a decreeforbidding any person to go to that island under pain of death, and theyordered all those who had already gone there to be slain; meaning therebyto prevent all other nations from acquiring any knowledge of the place, lest some other and more powerful state might take possession, to thedetriment of their liberty and commercial interest. "

Oviedo had no just grounds for asserting that this island must have beenHispaniola or Cuba. As he was ignorant of Latin, he was obliged to takesuch interpretation of this story as he could procure from some otherperson, who certainly was very ill qualified for the task, since the Latintext has been altered and misinterpreted in several particulars. This mayhave misled Oviedo, and induced him to believe that the foregoingquotation referred to some island in the West Indies. In the Latin text wedo not read of the Carthaginian merchants going out of the straits ofGibraltar as Oviedo writes[9]. Neither is it said that the island wasextensive, or its trees large, but only that it was much wooded. Nor do wefind that the rivers were wonderful, or the soil fat, or that the islandwas more remote from Africa than from Europe; but merely that it wasremote from the continent. It is not said in the original that any townswere built here, and indeed it is not likely that these traders shouldbuild much; neither is the place said to have become famous, as we see onthe contrary that the Carthaginians were careful to prevent its fame fromspreading among the nations. Thus the translator being ignorant, ledOviedo to believe quite a different story from the reality[10]. 

It is quite ridiculous to suppose that Carthaginian merchants couldpossibly be carried so far out of their way as Hispaniola or Cuba; neithercould they have arrived at either of those islands without meeting withthe many other islands which surround them. It is more probable that theisland discovered by the Carthaginians was one of the Azores; for thoughFerrarius speaks of navigable rivers, he might possibly have written _adnavigandum_ instead of _potandum_, and have thereby corrupted the meaningof his author, that the island had plenty of streams fit for drinking, into abundance of rivers adapted for navigation[11]. Oviedo falls into asimilar error in supposing this island of the Carthaginians to have beenthe same with that mentioned by Seneca in his fourth book; where he tellsus that Seneca speaks of an island named Atlantica, which was entirely ormostly drowned in the time of the Peloponnesian war; and of which islandPlato likewise makes mention in his Timaeus: But we have already dwelt toolong on these fables. 

Oviedo insists that the Spaniards had the entire dominion of these islands, which he was pleased to consider as the same with our West Indies. Hegrounds this opinion on what is said by Statius and Sebosus, that certainislands called _Hesperides_ lay forty days sail west from the Gorgonianislands on the coast of Africa. Hence he argued, that these islands mustnecessarily be the West Indies, and were called Hesperides from Hesperesking of Spain, who consequently with the Spaniards his subjects were lordsof these islands. But I am quite tired of this dispute, and shall nowproceed to the history of the admirals discovery. 

[1] In his reasoning, by some error which cannot be now corrected, a twenty-fourth part, or one hour, is omitted. --E. 

[2] Paul here evidently speaks of the empire of China, and the port here named Zacton or Zaiton, may be that now called Canton, although spice certainly is not the produce of that country. --E. 

[3] Cathay seems here to denote northern China. --E. 

[4] This is obviously the Quinsay of Marco Polo. --E. 

[5] Mangi or southern China. --E. 

[6] The island Antilia, the name of which has been since adopted by the French for the smaller West India islands, was, like the more modern Terra Australia incognita, a gratuitous supposition for preserving the balance of the earth, before the actual discovery of America. Cipango was the name by which Japan was then known in Europe, from the relations of Marco Polo. --E. 

[7] Such appeared to the early travellers the richly gilt and lackered tile used in Japan and other parts of India. --E. 

[8] This report must have proceeded from some very erroneous account of Iceland, as it is the only place in the northern part of the Atlantic which contains a volcano. --E. 

[9] Don Ferdinand, or his translator, has forgot here that, in the extract from Ferrarius, beyond the straits, and in the Atlantic, are the distinctly expressed situation of the island. --E. 

[10] There is a good deal more in the original, totally uninteresting to the reader, in the same querulous strain of invective against Oviedo, but which is here abridged as conveying no information. --E. 

[11] Our author falls into a mistake in this chapter, supposing the Azores to have been the Cassiterides of the ancients, well known to have been the Scilly islands. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_The Admiral, being disgusted by the procedure of the King of Portugal, inregard to the proposed Discovery, offers his services to the Court ofSpain. _

Having fully satisfied himself of the practicability of his longconsidered project of discovering the route to India by the west, asalready explained, the admiral resolved to put his scheme into execution;and being sensible that the undertaking was only fit for a prince who wasable to go through with the expence, and to maintain the dominion of thediscovery when made, he thought it proper to propose it to the king ofPortugal, because he then lived under his government and protection. And, though King John who then reigned gave a favourable ear to his argumentsand proposals, he yet seemed backward in acceding to them, on account ofthe great expence and trouble he was then at in carrying on the discoveryand conquest of Guinea on the western coast of Africa, which had not yetbeen crowned with any considerable success; not having been hitherto ableto double the Cape of Good Hope, which name had been given to this capeinstead of its original denomination, _Agesingue_; as some say because thePortuguese had no hope of ever extending their discoveries and conquestsany farther, while others assert it was so called on account of theirhopes of better navigation and of discovering more valuable countriesbeyond. However this may have been, the king of Portugal was littleinclined to expend more money in prosecuting discoveries; yet he was sofar prevailed upon by the excellent reasons adduced by the admiral infavour of his proposed undertaking, that the only remaining difficulty wasin complying with the terms my father demanded for himself in case ofsuccess: For my father, who was a man of a noble and dignified spirit, insisted upon conditions which should redound to his honour and reputation;being resolved to leave behind him such a reputation, and so considerablea family as he deemed due to his merits and the actions which heconfidently expected to perform. 

While matters were in this train, by the advice of one Doctor Calzadillain whom he reposed great confidence, the king of Portugal resolved todispatch a caravel in secret to attempt making the discovery which myfather had proposed to him; as, if he could make the discovery in thisclandestine manner, he should be freed from the obligation of bestowingany great reward on the occasion. Accordingly, a caravel was fitted outunder pretence of carrying supplies to the Cape Verd islands, with privateinstructions to sail in the direction in which my father had proposed togo upon his intended discovery. But the people who were sent upon thisexpedition did not possess sufficient knowledge or spirit; and, afterwandering many days in the Atlantic, they returned to the Cape Verdislands, laughing at the undertaking as ridiculous and impracticable, anddeclaring that there could not possibly be any land in that direction orin those seas. When this scandalous underhand dealing came to my fathersears, he took a great aversion to Lisbon and the Portuguese nation; and, his wife being dead, he resolved to repair into Castile, with his son DonJames Columbus, then a little boy, who has since inherited his fathersestate. But, lest the sovereign of Castile might not consent to hisproposal, and he might be under the necessity of applying to some otherprince, by which much time might be lost, he dispatched his brotherBartholomew Columbus from Lisbon to make similar proposals to the king ofEngland. Bartholomew, though no Latin scholar, was skilful and experiencedin sea affairs, and had been instructed by the admiral in the constructionof sea charts, globes, and other nautical instruments. While on his way toEngland, Bartholomew Columbus had the misfortune to be taken by pirates, who stript him and all the rest of the ships company of every thing theyhad of value. On this account he arrived in England in such great poverty, and that aggravated by sickness, that he was unable to deliver his messageuntil he had recruited his finances by the sale of sea charts of his ownconstruction, by which a long time was lost He then began to makeproposals to Henry VII. Who then reigned in England, to whom he presenteda map of the world, on which the following verses and inscription werewritten:

 Terrarum quicunque cupis feliciter oras Noscere, cuncta decens docte pictura docebit, Quando Strabo affirmat, Ptolomaeus, Plinius, atque Isiodorus, non una tamen sententia quisque. Pingitur hic etiam nuper sulcata carinis Hispanis zona illa, prius incognita genti, Torrida, quae tandem minet est notissima multis. 

 Pro Auctore, sive Pictore. Janua cui patria est nomen, cui Bartholomaeus Columbus de Terra-rubra, opus edidit istud, Londiniis Ann. Dom. 1480, atque insuper anno, Octavo decimaque die cum tertia mensis Februarii. Laudes Christi cantentur abunde. 

The sense of the first verses is to this effect: "Whosoever thou art whodesirest to know the coasts of countries, must be taught by this draughtwhat has been affirmed by Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and Isiodorus; althoughthey do not in all things agree. Here is also set down the formerlyunknown torrid zone, lately visited by vessels from Spain, and now wellknown to many. " The second inscription has the following signification:"As to the author or painter of this chart; he is Bartholomew Columbus ofthe red earth, a Genoese, who published this work at London on the 21st ofFebruary in the year 1480. Praised be Christ abundantly. "

It may be observed here, that I have seen some subscriptions of my father, the admiral, in which he designs himself Christopher Columbus deTerra-rubra; but this was before he acquired his title of admiral. But toreturn to Bartholomew: The king of England graciously received the map;and having favourably listened to the admirals proposals, which my unclehad laid before him, readily agreed to the conditions demanded, andordered my father to be invited into England. But Providence haddetermined that the advantage of this great discovery should belong toCastile; and by this time my father had gone upon his first voyage, fromwhich he was already returned with success, as shall be shewn in itsproper place. 

About the end of the year 1484 the admiral stole away privately fromLisbon with his son James, as he was afraid of being detained by the kingof Portugal. For, being sensible of the misconduct of the people whom hehad sent in the caravel already mentioned, the king was desirous torestore the admiral to favour, and to renew the conferences respecting theproposed discovery. But as he did not use as much diligence in executingthis new resolution as the admiral did in withdrawing himself, he lost theopportunity, and the admiral got into Castile, where better fortuneawaited him. Leaving therefore his son James in the monastery of La Rabidaat Palos, he went to the court of their Catholic majesties at Cordova. Being of affable manners and pleasant conversation, he soon acquired theintimacy of such persons as he found best inclined to favour his views, and fittest to persuade the king to embrace his proposed undertaking. Among these was Lewis de Santangel an Arragonese gentleman, who was clerkof the allowances in the royal household, a man of great prudence andreputation. But, as a matter of such importance required to be learnedlyinvestigated, and not merely by empty words and the favourable reports ofcourtiers, their majesties referred it to the consideration of the priorof Prado, afterwards archbishop of Granada; ordering him to take theassistance of some cosmographers, and after a full investigation of thewhole affair, to make a report of their opinion on its practicability. There were few cosmographers then in Spain, and those who were convened onthis occasion were far from skilful: And besides, warned by the trickwhich had been attempted in Portugal, the admiral did not explain himselfso fully as he might, lest he should lose his reward. On these accounts, the report which they gave to their Catholic majesties was as various astheir several judgments and opinions, and by no means favourable to theprojected enterprize. 

Some alleged, that since so many skilful sailors, during the many thousandyears which had elapsed from the creation of the world, had not acquiredany knowledge whatever of these countries, it was not at all probable thathe should know more of the matter than all who had gone before or who nowexisted. Others, pretending to ground their opinion upon cosmographicalarguments, said that the world was of such prodigious size that theyquestioned if it were possible to sail in three years to the easternextremity of India, whither he proposed to go; and they endeavoured toconfirm this opinion by the authority of Seneca, who says in one of hisworks, "That many wise men disagreed about whether the ocean were ofinfinite extent, and doubted whether it were navigable, and whetherhabitable lands existed on its other side; and, even if so, whether itwere possible to go to these. " They added, that only a small proportion ofthis terraqueous globe, which had remained in our hemisphere above thewater, was habitable; and that all the rest was sea, which was notsussceptible of being navigated, except near the coasts and rivers; andthat wise men denied the possibility of sailing from the coast of Spain tothe farthest parts of the west. Others argued nearly in the same manner ashad been formerly done by the Portuguese in regard to the navigation alongthe western coast of Africa: That if any one should sail due westwards, asproposed by the admiral, it would certainly be impossible to return againto Spain; because whoever should sail beyond the hemisphere which wasknown to Ptolemy, would then go downwards upon the rotundity of the globe, and then it would be impossible to sail up again on their return, whichwould necessarily be to climb up hill, and which no ship could accomplisheven with the stiffest gale. Although the admiral gave perfectly validanswers to all these objections; yet, such was the ignorance of thesepeople, that the more his reasons were powerful and conclusive so much theless were they understood: For when people have grown old in prejudicesand false notions of philosophy and mathematics, these get such firm holdof the mind that true and just principles are utterly unintelligible. 

The prior and his coadjutors were all influenced by a Spanish proverb, which, though contradictory to reason and common sense, says _DubitatAugustinus_, or it is contradicted by St Augustine; who, in the 9thchapter of the 21st book of his city of God, denies the possibility of the_Antipodes_, or that any person should be able to go from one hemisphereinto the other. They farther urged against the admiral the commonlyreceived opinions concerning the five zones, by which the torrid zone isdeclared utterly uninhabitable, and many other arguments equally absurdand ridiculous. Upon the whole, they concluded to give judgment againstthe enterprize as vain and impracticable, and that it did not become thestate and dignity of such great princes to act upon such weak informationas they conceived to have been communicated. Therefore, after much timespent in the business, the admiral received for answer that their Catholicmajesties were then occupied in many other wars, and particularly in theconquest of Granada then going on, and could not therefore convenientlyattend to this new undertaking; but that on some future opportunity ofgreater leisure and convenience, they would have more time to examine intohis proposal. To conclude, their majesties refused to listen to the greatproposals which the admiral made to them. 

While these matters were in agitation, their Catholic majesties had notbeen always resident in one place, owing to the war of Granada in whichthey were then engaged, by which a long time was lost before they hadformed a final resolution and given their answer. The admiral wenttherefore to Seville, where he still found their majesties as unresolvedas before. He then gave an account of his projected expedition to the dukeof Medina Sidonia; but, after many conferences finding no likelihood ofsuccess, he resolved to make application to the king of France, to whom hehad already written on the subject; and, if he should not succeed there, he proposed to have gone next into England to seek his brother, from whomhe had not hitherto received any intelligence. In this resolution, he wentto the monastery of Rabida, whence he proposed to have sent his son Jamesto Cordova, and to have then proceeded on his journey into France. ButProvidence having decreed otherwise, occasioned the cementation of sogreat friendship between the admiral and John Perez, the father guardianof that monastery, who was so thoroughly assured of the excellence andpracticability of the project, that he was deeply concerned at theresolution my father had adopted, and for the loss which Spain wouldsustain by his departure. Perez earnestly entreated the admiral topostpone his intended departure; saying, that as he was confessor to thequeen, he was resolved to make an essay to persuade her to compliance, andhoped that she would give credit to his representations. 

Although the admiral was much disgusted with the irresolution and want ofjudgment which he had encountered among the Spanish councillors, and wasquite out of hope of success; yet considering himself in a great measureas a Spaniard, owing to his long residence in the country, he was desirousthat Spain rather than any other country, might reap the benefit of hisundertaking. Another reason of the preference was that his children werethen resident in Spain. In a letter which he wrote about this time totheir Catholic majesties he said: "That I might serve your highnesses, Ihave refused the offers of France, England, and Portugal, as may be seenby the letters of these princes, which I have deposited in the hands ofthe doctor Villalan. "

Gained by the pressing instances of Perez, the admiral departed from themonastery of Rabida, accompanied by that ecclesiastic, and went to thecamp of St Faith, where their Catholic majesties were then carrying on thesiege of Granada. Perez here made such pressing instances to Isabella, that she was pleased to order a renewal of the conferences, which werestill held with the prior of Prado and his former coadjutors, who werestill irresolute and contradictory in their opinions. Besides Columbus washigh in his demands of honour and emolument, requiring that he should beappointed admiral and viceroy of all the countries he might discover, together with other important concessions. The Spanish councillors deemedhis demands too high to be granted, as too considerable even in the eventof success; and, in case of disappointment, they thought it would reflectridicule and the imputation of folly upon the court to have conceded suchhigh titles. Owing to these considerations the business again came tonothing. 

I cannot forbear expressing my sense of the admirals wisdom and highspirit, as well as his foresight and resolution on this trying occasion. Besides his earnest desire to go upon his great undertaking, and his wishthat it might be in the service of Spain for the reasons formerlymentioned, he was now so exceedingly reduced in his circumstances, thatany ordinary person would have been glad to accept of almost any offerwhatever. But he would not accept any terms short of the high titles andhonours, and those other conditions of eventual emolument which he haddemanded, as if foreseeing with assured certainty the entire success ofhis project. Hence by his spirited determination they were at the lastobliged to concede to all his demands: that he should be admiral on theocean of all the seas and lands which he might discorer, with all theallowances, privileges, and prerogatives enjoyed by the admirals ofCastile and Leon in their several seas; that all civil employments, aswell of government as in the administration of justice, should be entirelyat his disposal in all the islands and continents which he was to discover;that all governments should be given to one of three persons to be namedby him; and that he should appoint judges in all parts of Spain trading tothe Indies, to decide upon all causes relating to that trade and to thoseparts. Besides the salary and perquisites belonging to the offices ofadmiral, viceroy, and governor-general over all his discoveries, hedemanded to have one tenth of all that should be bought, bartered, found, or procured in any manner of way within the bounds of his authority, abating only the charges attending the discovery and conquest; so that if1000 ducats were acquired in any island or place, 100 of these were tobelong to him. Besides all this, as his adversaries alleged that heventured nothing in the undertaking, and had the command of the fleetduring the expedition, he offered to be at one eighth part of the expence, for which he demanded to receive the eighth part of what he should bringhome in the fleet. As these high conditions were refused, the admiral tookleave of all his friends, and began his journey to Cordova, with theintention of making preparations for going to France; being resolved notto return into Portugal, although the king had invited him back. 

The admiral departed from the camp of St Faith in the month of January1492 on his intended journey; and on the same day Lewis de Santangel, formerly mentioned, who was exceedingly anxious to forward his project, obtained an audience of the queen of Castile, and used every argument hecould devise to persuade her to adopt the undertaking and to comply withthe terms required. He expressed his astonishment that she, who had alwaysevinced much greatness of soul in all important matters, should now wantspirit to venture upon an undertaking where so little was to be risked, and which might redound so highly to the glory of God and the propagationof the faith, not without great benefit and honour to her kingdoms anddominions. That, should any other prince accept the offer of Columbus, theinjury which her crown would sustain was very obvious; and that then shewould justly incur much blame from her friends and servants, and would bereproached by her enemies, and all the world would say that she deservedthe misfortune and disappointment; and, although she might never besensible of the evil consequences of her refusal, her successors must. That, since the proposal seemed well grounded in reason and sound argument, and was made by a man of wisdom and knowledge, who demanded no otherreward but what might arise from his discoveries, and who was willing tobear a proportion of the charges, and to adventure his own personal safetyon the event, her majesty ought certainly to make the attempt. That sheought not to believe the undertaking was such an impossibility as had beenalleged by those learned men to whom the proposal had been referred, neither to consider its possible failure as any reflection upon her wisdom;for in his opinion it would be universally looked upon as a mark ofgenerous magnanimity to attempt discovering the secret wonders of theworld, as had been done by other monarchs to their great honour andadvantage. That, however uncertain the event might be, even a considerablesum of money would be well employed in the endeavour to ascertain thecertainty of so very important an affair; whereas the admiral onlyrequired 2500 crowns to fit out a fleet for the discovery; and thattherefore she ought not to allow it to be said hereafter that the fear oflosing so small a sum had kept her from patronizing the enterprise. 

The queen was much impressed by these representations of Santangel, ofwhose sincere attachment to her service and honour she was extremelysensible. She thanked him for his good counsel, and said that she waswilling to accede to the proposed enterprise, providing that the executionwere delayed until she might have a little time to recruit her financesafter the conclusion of the present war. Yet, if he thought it necessaryto proceed immediately, she was willing that the requisite funds should beborrowed on the credit of her jewels. Upon this condescension to hisadvice which she had refused to all other persons, Santangel immediatelyreplied, that there was no necessity to pawn her jewels on the occasion, as he would readily advance his own money to do such a service to hermajesty. Upon this resolution, the queen immediately sent an officer tobring the admiral back, who had already reached the bridge of Pinos, twoleagues from Granada. Though much mortified at the difficulties and delayshe had met with hitherto, yet, on receiving intimation of the queenswillingness to comply with his proposals, he returned immediately to thecamp of St Faith, where he was honourably received by their majesties. Thedispatch of the articles of agreement was commited to John Coloma thesecretary, and every thing which he had demanded, as has been mentionedbefore, without alteration or diminution, was granted under the hands andseals of their Catholic majesties. 

SECTION IV. 

_Narrative of the first voyage of Columbus, in which he actuallydiscovered the New World. _

All the conditions which the admiral demanded being conceded by theirCatholic majesties, he set out from Granada on the 21st May 1492 for Palos, where he was to fit out the ships for his intended expedition. That townwas bound to serve the crown for three months with two caravels, whichwere ordered to be given to Columbus; and he fitted out these and a thirdvessel with all care and diligence. The ship in which he personallyembarked was called the St Mary; the second vessel named the Pinta, wascommanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon; and the third named the Nina, which hadsquare sails, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon, the brotherof Alonzo, both of whom were inhabitants of Palos. Being furnished withall necessaries, and having 90 men to navigate the three vessels, Columbusset sail from Palos on the 3d of August 1492, shaping his course directlyfor the Canaries. 

During this voyage, and indeed in all the _four_ voyages which he madefrom Spain to the West Indies, the admiral was very careful to keep anexact journal of every occurrence which took place; always specifying whatwinds blew, how far he sailed with each particular wind, what currentswere found, and every thing that was seen by the way, whether birds, fishes, or any other thing. Although to note all these particulars with aminute relation of every thing that happened, shewing what impressions andeffects answered to the course and aspect of the stars, and thedifferences between the seas which he sailed and those of our countries, might all be useful; yet as I conceive that the relation of theseparticulars might now be tiresome to the reader, I shall only give anaccount of what appears to me necessary and convenient to be known. 

On Saturday the 4th of August, the next day after sailing from Palos, therudder of the Pinta broke loose. The admiral strongly suspected that thiswas occasioned by the contrivance of the master on purpose to avoidproceeding on the voyage, which he had endeavoured to do before they leftSpain, and he therefore ranged up along side of the disabled vessel togive every assistance in his power, but the wind blew so hard that he wasunable to afford any aid. Pinzon, however, being an experienced seamen, soon made a temporary repair by means of ropes, and they proceeded ontheir voyage. But on the following Tuesday, the weather becoming rough andboisterous, the fastenings gave way, and the squadron was obliged to layto for some time to renew the repairs. From this misfortune of twicebreaking the rudder, a superstitious person might have foreboded thefuture disobedience of Pinzon to the admiral; as through his malice thePinta twice separated from the squadron, as shall be afterwards related. Having applied the best remedy they could to the disabled state of therudder, the squadron continued its voyage, and came in sight of theCanaries at daybreak of Thursday the 9th of August; but, owing to contrarywinds, they were unable to come to anchor at Gran Canaria until the 12th. The admiral left Pinzon at Gran Canaria to endeavour to procure anothervessel instead of that which was disabled, and went himself with the Ninaon the same errand to Gomera. 

The admiral arrived at Gomera on Sunday the 12th of August, and sent aboat on shore to inquire if any vessel could be procured there for hispurpose. The boat returned next morning, and brought intelligence that novessel was then at that island, but that Donna Beatrix de Bobadilla, thepropriatrix of the island, was then at Gran Canaria in a hired vessel of40 tons belonging to one Gradeuna of Seville, which would probably suithis purpose and might perhaps be got. He therefore determined to await thearrival of that vessel at Gomera, believing that Pinzon might have secureda vessel for himself at Gran Canaria, if he had not been able to repairhis own. After waiting two days, he dispatched one of his people in a barkwhich was bound from Gomera to Gran Canaria, to acquaint Pinzon where helay, and to assist him in repairing and fixing the rudder. 

Having waited a considerable time for an answer to his letter, he sailedwith the two vessels from Gomera on the 23d August for Gran Canaria, andfell in with the bark on the following day, which had been detained allthat time on its voyage by contrary winds. He now took his man from thebark, and sailing in the night past the island of Teneriffe, the peoplewere much astonished at observing flames bursting out of the loftymountain called El Pico, or the peak of Teneriffe. On this occasion theadmiral was at great pains to explain the nature of this phenomenon to thepeople, by instancing the example of Etna and several other known volcanos. 

Passing by Teneriffe, they arrived at Gran Canaria on Saturday the 25thAugust; and found that Pinzon had only got in there the day before. Fromhim the admiral was informed that Donna Beatrix had sailed for Gomera onthe 20th with the vessel which he was so anxious to obtain. His officerswere much troubled at the disappointment; but he, who always endeavouredto make the best of every occurrence, observed to them that since it hadnot pleased God that they should get this vessel it was perhaps better forthem; as they might have encountered much opposition in pressing it intothe service, and might have lost a great deal of time in shipping andunshipping the goods. Wherefore, lest he might again miss it if hereturned to Gomera, he resolved to make a new rudder for the Pinta at GranCanaria, and ordered the square sails of the Nina to be changed to _round_ones, like those of the other two vessels, that she might be able toaccompany them with less danger and agitation. 

The vessels being all refitted, the admiral weighed anchor from GranCanaria on Saturday the first of September, and arrived next day at Gomera, where four days were employed in completing their stores of provisions andof wood and water. On the morning of Thursday the sixth of September 1492, the admiral took his departure from Gomera, and commenced his greatundertaking by standing directly westwards, but made very slow progress atfirst on account of calms. On Sunday the ninth of September, aboutday-break, they were nine leagues west of the island of Ferro. Now losingsight of land and stretching out into utterly unknown seas, many of thepeople expressed their anxiety and fear that it might be long before theyshould see land again; but the admiral used every endeavour to comfortthem with the assurance of soon finding the land he was in search of, andraised their hopes of acquiring wealth and honour by the discovery. Tolessen the fear which they entertained of the length of way they had tosail, he gave out that they had only proceeded fifteen leagues that day, when the actual distance sailed was eighteen; and to induce the people tobelieve that they were not so far from Spain as they really were, heresolved to keep considerably short in his reckoning during the wholevoyage, though he carefully recorded the true reckoning every day inprivate. 

On Wednesday the twelfth September, having got to about 150 leagues westof Ferro, they discovered a large trunk of a tree, sufficient to have beenthe mast to a vessel of 120 tons, and which seemed to have been a longtime in the water. At this distance from Ferro, and for somewhat fartheron, the current was found to set strongly to the north-east. Next day, when they had run fifty leagues farther westwards, the needle was observedto vary half a point to the eastward of north, and next morning thevariation was a whole point east. This variation of the compas had neverbeen before observed, and therefore the admiral was much surprised at thephenomenon, and concluded that the needle did not actually point towardsthe polar star, but to some other fixed point. Three days afterwards, whenalmost 100 leagues farther west, he was still more astonished at theirregularity of the variation; for having observed the needle to vary awhole point to the eastwards at night, it pointed directly northwards inthe morning. On the night of Saturday the fifteenth of September, beingthen almost 300 leagues west of Ferro, they saw a prodigious flash oflight, or fire-ball, drop from the sky into the sea, at four or fiveleagues distance from the ships towards the south-west. The weather wasthen quite fair and serene like April, the sea perfectly calm, the windfavourable from the north-east, and the current setting to the north-eastThe people in the Nina told the admiral that they had seen the day beforea heron, and another bird which they called _Rabo-de-junco_[1]. These werethe first birds which had been seen during the voyage, and were consideredas indications of approaching land. 

But they were more agreeably surprised next day, Sunday sixteenthSeptember, by seeing great abundance of yellowish green sea weeds, whichappeared as if newly washed away from some rock or island. Next day thesea weed was seen in much greater quantity, and a small live lobster wasobserved among the weeds: From this circumstance many affirmed that theywere certainly near the land. The sea water was afterwards noticed to beonly half so salt as before; and great numbers of tunny fish were seenswimming about, some of which came so near the vessel, that one was killedby a bearded iron. Being now 360 leagues west from Ferro, another of thebirds called Rabo-de-junco was seen. On Tuesday the eighteenth September, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, who had gone a-head of the admiral in the Pinta, which was an excellent sailer, lay to for the admiral to come up, and toldhim that he had seen a great number of birds fly away westwards, for whichreason he was in great hope to see land that night. Pinzon even thoughtthat he saw land that night about fifteen leagues distant to thenorthwards, which appeared very black and covered with clouds. All thepeople would have persuaded the admiral to try for land in that direction;but, being certainly assured that it was not land, and having not yetreached the distance at which he expected to find the land, he would notconsent to lose time in altering his course in that direction. But as thewind now freshened, he gave orders to take in the top-sails at night, having now sailed eleven days before the wind due westwards with all theirsails up. 

All the people in the squadron being utterly unacquainted with the seasthey now traversed, fearful of their danger at such unusual distance fromany relief, and seeing nothing around but sky and water, began to mutteramong themselves, and anxiously observed every appearance. On thenineteenth September, a kind of sea-gull called _Alcatraz_ flew over theadmirals ship, and several others were seen in the afternoon of that day;and as the admiral conceived that these birds would not fly far from land, he entertained hopes of soon seeing what he was in quest of. He thereforeordered a line of 200 fathoms to be tried, but without finding any bottom. The current was now found to set to the south-west. 

On Thursday the twentieth of September, two alcatrazes came near the shipabout two hours before noon, and soon afterwards a third. On this daylikewise they took a bird resembling a heron, of a black colour, with awhite tuft on its head, and having webbed feet like a duck. Abundance ofweeds were seen floating in the sea, and one small fish was taken. Aboutevening three land birds settled on the rigging of the ship and began tosing. These flew away at day-break, which was considered a strongindication of approaching the land, as these little birds could not havecome from any far distant country; whereas the other large fowls, beingused to water, might much better go far from land. The same day analcatraz was seen. 

Friday the twenty-first another alcatraz and a rabo de junco were seen, and vast quantities of weeds as far as the eye could carry towards thenorth. These appearances were sometimes a comfort to the people, givingthem hopes of nearing the wished-for land; while at other times the weedswere so thick as in some measure to impede the progress of the vessels, and to occasion terror lest what is fabulously reported of St Amaro, inthe frozen sea, might happen to them, that they might be so enveloped inthe weeds as to be unable to move backwards or forwards; wherefore theysteered away from those shoals of weeds as much as they could. 

Next day, being Saturday the twenty-second September, they saw a whale andseveral small birds. The wind now veered to the south-west, sometimes moreand sometimes less to the westwards; and, though this was adverse to thedirection of their proposed voyage, the admiral to comfort the people, alleged that this was a favourable circumstance; because among othercauses of fear, they had formerly said they should never have a wind tocarry them back to Spain, as it had always blown from the east ever sincethey left Ferro. They still continued however to murmur, alleging thatthis south-west wind was by no means a settled one, and as it never blewstrong enough to swell the sea, it would not serve to carry them backagain through so great an extent of sea as they had now passed over. Inspite of every argument used by the admiral, assuring them that thealterations in the wind were occasioned by the vicinity of the land, bywhich likewise the waves were prevented from rising to any height, theywere still dissatisfied and terrified. 

On Sunday the twenty-third of September, a brisk gale sprung up at W. N. W. With a rolling sea, such as the people had wished for. Three hours beforenoon a turtle-dove was observed to fly over the ship; towards evening analcatraz, a river fowl, and several white birds were seen flying about, and some crabs were observed among the weeds. Next day another alcatrazwas seen and several small birds which came from the west. Numbers ofsmall fishes were seen swimming about, some of which ware struck withharpoons, as they would not bite at the hook. 

The more that the tokens mentioned above were observed, and found not tobe followed by the so anxiously looked-for land, the more the peoplebecame fearful of the event, and entered into cabals against the admiral, who they said was desirous to make himself a great lord at the expence oftheir danger. They represented that they had already sufficientlyperformed their duty in adventuring farther from land and all possibilityof succour than had ever been done before, and that they ought not toproceed on the voyage to their manifest destruction. If they did theywould soon have reason to repent their temerity, as provisions would soonfall short, the ships were already faulty and would soon fail, and itwould be extremely difficult to get back so far as they had already gone. None could condemn them in their own opinion for now turning back, but allmust consider them as brave men for having gone upon such an enterprizeand venturing so far. That the admiral was a foreigner who had no favourat court; and as so many wise and learned men had already condemned hisopinions and enterprize as visionary and impossible, there would be none tofavour or defend him, and they were sure to find more credit if theyaccused him of ignorance and mismanagement than he would do, whatsoever hemight now say for himself against them. Some even proceeded so far as topropose, in case the admiral should refuse to acquiesce in their proposals, that they might make a short end of all disputes by throwing him overboard;after which they could give out that he had fallen over while making hisobservations, and no one would ever think of inquiring, into the truth. They thus went on day after day, muttering, complaining, and consultingtogether; and though the admiral was not fully aware of the extent oftheir cabals, he was not entirely without apprehensions of theirinconstancy in the present trying situation, and of their evil intentionstowards him. He therefore exerted himself to the utmost to quiet theirapprehensions and to suppress their evil design, sometimes using fairwords, and at other times fully resolved to expose his life rather thanabandon the enterprize; he put them in mind of the due punishment theywould subject themselves to if they obstructed the voyage. To confirmtheir hopes, he recapitulated all the favourable signs and indicationswhich had been lately observed, assuring them that they might soon expectto see the land. But they, who were ever attentive to these tokens, thought every hour a year in their anxiety to see the wished-for land. 

On Tuesday the twenty-fifth of September near sun-set, as the admiral wasdiscoursing with Pinzon, whose ship was then very near, Pinzon suddenlycalled out, "Land! land, Sir! let not my good news miscarry. " And pointedout a large mass in the S. W. About twenty-five leagues distant, whichseemed very like an island. This was so pleasing to the people, that theyreturned thanks to God for the pleasing discovery; and, although theadmiral was by no means satisfied of the truth of Pinzons observation, yetto please the men, and that they might not obstruct the voyage, he alteredhis course and stood in that direction a great part of the night. Nextmorning, the twenty-sixth, they had the mortification to find the supposedland was only composed of clouds, which often put on the appearance ofdistant land; and, to their great dissatisfaction, the stems of the shipswere again turned directly westwards, as they always were unless whenhindered by the wind. Continuing their course, and still attentivelywatching for signs of land, they saw this day an alcatraz, a rabo de junco, and other birds as formerly mentioned. 

On Thursday the twenty-seventh of September they saw another alcatrazcoming from the westwards and flying towards the east, and great numbersof fish were seen with gilt backs, one of which they struck with a harpoon. A rabo de junco likewise flew past; the currents for some of the last dayswere not so regular as before, but changed with the tide, and the weedswere not nearly so abundant. 

On Friday the twenty-eighth all the vessels took some of the fishes withgilt backs; and on Saturday the twenty-ninth they saw a rabo de junco, which, although a sea-fowl, never rests on the waves, but always flies inthe air, pursuing the alcatrazes till it causes them to mute for fear, which it catches in the air for nourishment. Many of these birds are saidto frequent the Cape de Verd islands. They soon afterwards saw two otheralcatrazes, and great numbers of flying-fishes. These last are about aspan long, and have two little membranous wings like those of a bat, bymeans of which they fly about a pike-length high from the water and amusket-shot in length, and sometimes drop upon the ships. In the afternoonof this day they saw abundance of weeds lying in length north and south, and three alcatrazes pursued by a rabo de junco. 

On the morning of Sunday the thirtieth of September four rabo de juncoscame to the ship; and from so many of them coming together it was thoughtthe land could not be far distant, especially as four alcatrazes followedsoon afterwards. Great quantities of weeds were seen in a line stretchingfrom W. N. W. To E. N. E. And a great number of the fishes which are calledEmperadores, which have a very hard skin and are not fit to eat. Thoughthe admiral paid every attention to these indications, he never neglectedthose in the heavens, and carefully observed the course of the stars. Hewas now greatly surprised to notice at this time that the _Charles wain_or Ursa Major constellation appeared at night in the west, and was N. E. Inthe morning: He thence concluded that their whole nights course was onlynine hours, or so many parts in twenty-four of a great circle; and this heobserved to be the case regularly every night. It was likewise noticedthat the compass varied a whole point to the N. W. At night-fall, and camedue north every morning at day-break. As this unheard-of circumstanceconfounded and perplexed the pilots, who apprehended danger in thesestrange regions and at such unusual distance from home, the admiralendeavoured to calm their fears by assigning a cause for this wonderfulphenomenon: He alleged that it was occasioned by the polar star making acircuit round the pole, by which they were not a little satisfied. 

Soon after sunrise on Monday the first of October, an alcatraz came to theship, and two more about ten in the morning, and long streams of weedsfloated from east to west. That morning the pilot of the admirals shipsaid that they were now 578 leagues west from the island of Ferro. In hispublic account the admiral said they were 584 leagues to the west; but inhis private journal he made the real distance 707 leagues, or 129 morethan was reckoned by the pilot. The other two ships differed much in theircomputation from each other and from the admirals pilot. The pilot of Ninain the afternoon of the Wednesday following said they had only sailed 540leagues, and the pilot of the Pinta reckoned 634. Thus they were all muchshort of the truth; but the admiral winked at the gross mistake, that themen, not thinking themselves so far from home, might be the less dejected. 

The next day, being Tuesday the second of October, they saw abundance offish, caught one small tunny, and saw a white bird with many other smallbirds, and the weeds appeared much withered and almost fallen to powder. Next day, seeing no birds, they suspected that they had passed betweensome islands on both hands, and had slipped through without seeing them, as they guessed that the many birds which they had seen might have beenpassing from one island to another. On this account they were very earnestto have the course altered one way or the other, in quest of theseimaginary lands: But the admiral, unwilling to lose the advantage of thefair wind which carried him due west, which he accounted his surest course, and afraid to lessen his reputation by deviating from course to course insearch of land, which he always affirmed that he well knew where to find, refused his consent to any change. On this the people were again ready tomutiny, and resumed their murmurs and cabals against him. But it pleasedGod to aid his authority by fresh indications of land. 

On Thursday the fourth of October, in the afternoon, above forty sparrowstogether and two alcatrazes flew so near the ship that a seaman killed oneof them with a stone. Several other birds were seen at this time, and manyflying-fish fell into the ships. Next day there came a rabo de junco andan alcatraz from the westwards, and many sparrows were seen. About sunriseon Sunday the seventh of October, some signs of land appeared to thewestwards, but being imperfect no person would mention the circumstance. This was owing to fear of losing the reward of thirty crowns yearly forlife which had been promised by their Catholic majesties to whoever shouldfirst discover land; and to prevent them from calling out land, land, atevery turn without just cause, it was made a condition that whoever saidhe saw land should lose the reward if it were not made out in three days, even if he should afterwards actually prove the first discoverer. All onboard the admirals ship being thus forewarned, were exceedingly carefulnot to cry out land upon uncertain tokens; but those in the Nina, whichsailed better and always kept a-head, believing that they certainly sawland, fired a gun and hung out their colours in token of the discovery;but the farther they sailed the more the joyful appearance lessened, tillat last it vanished away. But they soon afterwards derived much comfort byobserving great flights of large fowl and others of small birds going fromthe west towards the south-west. 

Being now at a vast distance from Spain, and well assured that such smallbirds would not go far from land, the admiral now altered his course fromdue west which had been hitherto, and steered to the south-west. Heassigned as a reason for now changing his course, although deviatinglittle from his original design, that he followed the example of thePortuguese, who had discovered most of their islands by attending to theflight of birds, and because these they now saw flew almost uniformly inone direction. He said likewise that he had always expected to discoverland about the situation in which they now were, having often told themthat he must not look to find land until they should get 750 leagues tothe westwards of the Canaries; about which distance he expected to fall inwith Hispaniola which he then called Cipango, and there is no doubt thathe would have found this island by his direct course, if it had not beenthat it was reported to extend from north to south[2]. Owing therefore tohis not having inclined more to the south he had missed that and others ofthe Caribbee islands whither those birds were now bending their flight, and which had been for some time upon his larboard hand. It was from beingso near the land that they continually saw such great numbers of birds;and on Monday the eighth of October twelve singing birds of variouscolours came to the ship, and after flying round it for a short time heldon their way. Many other birds were seen from the ship flying towards thesouth-west, and that same night great numbers of large fowl were seen, andflocks of small birds proceeding from the northwards, and all going to thesouth-west. In the morning a jay was seen, with an alcatraz, several ducks, and many small birds, all flying the same way with the others, and the airwas perceived to be fresh and odoriferous as it is at Seville in the monthof April. But the people were now so eager to see land and had been sooften dissappointed, that they ceased to give faith to these continualindications; insomuch that on Wednesday the tenth, although abundance ofbirds were continually passing both by day and night, they never ceased tocomplain. The admiral upbraided their want of resolution, and declaredthat they must persist in their endeavours to discover the Indies, forwhich he and they had been sent out by their Catholic majesties. 

It would have been impossible for the admiral to have much longerwithstood the numbers which now opposed him; but it pleased God that, inthe afternoon of Thursday the eleventh of October, such manifest tokens ofbeing near the land appeared, that the men took courage and rejoiced attheir good fortune as much as they had been before distressed. From theadmirals ship a green rush was seen to float past, and one of those greenfish which never go far from the rocks. The people in the Pinta saw a caneand a staff in the water, and took up another staff very curiously carved, and a small board, and great plenty of weeds were seen which seemed tohave been recently torn from the rocks. Those of the Nina, besides similarsigns of land, saw a branch of a thorn full of red berries, which seemedto have been newly torn from the tree. From all these indications theadmiral was convinced that he now drew near to the land, and after theevening prayers he made a speech to the men, in which be reminded them ofthe mercy of God in having brought them so long a voyage with suchfavourable weather, and in comforting them with so many tokens of asuccessful issue to their enterprize, which were now every day becomingplainer and less equivocal. He besought them to be exceedingly watchfulduring the night, as they well knew that in the first article of theinstructions which he had given to all the three ships before leaving theCanaries, they were enjoined, when they should have sailed 700 leagueswest without discovering land, to lay to every night, from midnight tillday-break. And, as he had very confident hopes of discovering land thatnight, he required every one to keep watch at their quarters; and, besidesthe gratuity of thirty crowns a-year for life, which had been graciouslypromised by their sovereigns to him that first saw the land, he engaged togive the fortunate discoverer a velvet doublet from himself. 

After this, as the admiral was in his cabin about ten o'clock at night, hesaw a light on shore; but it was so unsteady that he could not certainlyaffirm that it came from land. He called to one Peter Gutierres anddesired him to try if he could perceive the same light, who said he did;but one Roderick Sanchez of Segovia, on being desired to look the same waycould not see it, because he was not up time enough, as neither theadmiral nor Gutierres could see it again above once or twice for a shortspace, which made them judge it to proceed from a candle or torchbelonging to some fisherman or traveller, who lifted it up occasionallyand lowered it again, or perhaps from people going from one house toanother, because it appeared and vanished again so suddenly. Being nowvery much on their guard, they still held on their course until about twoin the morning of Friday the twelfth of October, when the Pinta which wasalways far a-head, owing to her superior sailing, made the signal ofseeing land, which was first discovered by Roderick de Triana at about twoleagues from the ship. But the thirty crowns a-year were afterwardsgranted to the admiral, who had seen the light in the midst of darkness, atype of the spiritual light which he was the happy means of spreading inthese dark regions of error. Being now so near land, all the ships lay to;every one thinking it long till daylight, that they might enjoy the sightthey had so long and anxiously desired[3]. 

When day light appeared, the newly discovered land was perceived toconsist of a flat island fifteen leagues in length, without any hills, allcovered with trees, and having a great lake in the middle. The island wasinhabited by great abundance of people, who ran down to the shore filledwith wonder and admiration at the sight of the ships, which they conceivedto be some unknown animals. The Christians were not less curious to knowwhat kind of people they had fallen in with, and the curiosity on bothsides was soon satisfied, as the ships soon came to anchor. The admiralwent on shore with his boat well armed, and having the royal standard ofCastile and Leon displayed, accompanied by the commanders of the other twovessels, each in his own boat, carrying the particular colours which hadbeen allotted for the enterprize, which were white with a green cross andthe letter F. On one side, and on the other the names of Ferdinand andIsabella crowned. 

The whole company kneeled on the shore and kissed the ground for joy, returning God thanks for the great mercy they had experienced during theirlong voyage through seas hitherto unpassed, and their now happy discoveryof an unknown land. The admiral then stood up, and took formal possessionin the usual words for their Catholic majesties of this inland, to whichhe gave the name of St Salvador. All the Christians present admittedColumbus to the authority and dignity of admiral and viceroy, pursuant tothe commission which he had received to that effect, and all made oath toobey him as the legitimate representative of their Catholic majesties, with such expressions of joy and acknowledgment as became their mightysuccess; and they all implored his forgiveness of the many affronts he hadreceived from them through their fears and want of confidence. Numbers ofthe Indians or natives of the island were present at these ceremonies; andperceiving them to be peaceable, quiet, and simple people, the admiraldistributed several presents among them. To some he gave red caps, and toothers strings of glass beads, which they hung about their necks, andvarious other things of small value, which they valued as if they had beenjewels of high price. 

After the ceremonies, the admiral went off in his boat, and the Indiansfollowed him even to the ships, some by swimming and others in theircanoes, carrying parrots, clews of spun cotton yarn, javelins, and othersuch trifling articles, to barter for glass beads, bells, and other thingsof small value. Like people in the original simplicity of nature, theywere all naked, and even a woman who was among them was entirely destituteof clothing. Most of them were young, seemingly not above thirty years ofage; of a good stature, with very thick black lank hair, mostly cut shortabove their ears, though some had it down to their shoulders, tied up witha string about their head like womens tresses. Their countenances weremild and agreeable and their features good; but their foreheads were toohigh, which gave them rather a wild appearance. They were of a middlestature, plump, and well shaped, but of an olive complexion, like theinhabitants of the Canaries, or sunburnt peasants. Some were painted withblack, others with white, and others again with red: In some the wholebody was painted, in others only the face, and some only the nose and eyes. They had no weapons like those of Europe, neither had they any knowledgeof such; for when our people shewed them a naked sword, they ignorantlygrasped it by the edge. Neither had they any knowledge of iron; as theirjavelins were merely constructed of wood, having their points hardened inthe fire, and armed with a piece of fish-bone. Some of them had scars ofwounds on different parts, and being asked by signs how these had been got, they answered by signs that people from other islands came to take themaway, and that they had been wounded in their own defence. They seemedingenious and of a voluble tongue; as they readily repeated such words asthey once heard. There were no kind of animals among them exceptingparrots, which they carried to barter with the Christians among thearticles already mentioned, and in this trade they continued on board theships till night, when they all returned to the shore. 

In the morning of the next day, being the 13th of October, many of thenatives returned on board the ships in their boats or canoes, which wereall of one piece hollowed like a tray from the trunk of a tree; some ofthese were so large as to contain forty or forty-five men, while otherswere so small as only to hold one person, with many intermediate sizesbetween these extremes. These they worked along with paddles formed like abakers peel or the implement which is used in dressing hemp. These oars orpaddles were not fixed by pins to the sides of the canoes like ours; butwere dipped into the water and pulled backwards as if digging. Theircanoes are so light and artfully constructed, that if overset they soonturn them right again by swimming; and they empty out the water bythrowing them from side to side like a weavers shuttle, and when halfemptied they lade out the rest with dried calabashes cut in two, whichthey carry for that purpose. 

This second day the natives, as said before, brought various articles tobarter for such small things as they could procure in exchange. Jewels ormetals of any kind were not seen among them, except some small plates ofgold which hung from their nostrils; and on being questioned from whencethey procured the gold, they answered by signs that they had it from thesouth, where there was a king who possessed abundance of pieces andvessels of gold; and they made our people to understand that there weremany other islands and large countries to the south and south-west. Theywere very covetous to get possession of any thing which belonged to theChristians, and being themselves very poor, with nothing of value to givein exchange, as soon as they got on board, if they could lay hold of anything which struck their fancy, though it were only a piece of a brokenglazed earthen dish or porringer, they leaped with it into the sea andswam on shore with their prize. If they brought any thing on board theywould barter it for any thing whatever belonging to our people, even for apiece of broken glass; insomuch that some gave sixteen large clews of wellspun cotton yarn, weighing twenty-five pounds, for three small pieces ofPortuguese brass coin not worth a farthing. Their liberality in dealingdid not proceed from their putting any great value on the thingsthemselves which they received from our people in return, but because theyvalued them as belonging to the Christians, whom they believed certainlyto have come down from Heaven, and they therefore earnestly desired tohave something from them as a memorial. In this manner all this day wasspent, and the islanders as before went all on shore at night. 

Next Sunday, being the 15th of October, the admiral sailed in his boatsalong the coast of the island of St Salvador towards the north-west, toexamine its nature and extent, and discovered a bay of sufficient capacityto contain all the ships in Christendom. As he rowed along the coast, thepeople ran after him on shore inviting him to land with offers ofprovisions, and calling to each other to come and see the people who hadcome down from Heaven to visit the earth, and lifting up their hands toHeaven as if giving thanks for their arrival. Many of them in their canoes, or by swimming as they best could, came to the boats asking by signswhether they came down from Heaven, and entreating them to come on shoreto rest and refresh themselves. The admiral gave to all of them glassbeads, pins and other trifles, being much pleased at their simplicity; andat length came to a peninsula having a good harbour, and where a good fortmight have been made. He there saw six of the Indian houses, havinggardens about them as pleasant as those of Castile in the month of May, though now well advanced in October. But the people being fatigued withrowing, and finding no land so inviting as to induce him to make anylonger stay, he returned to his ships, taking seven of the Indians alongwith him to serve as interpreters, and made sail for certain other islandswhich he had seen from the peninsula, which all appeared to be plain andgreen and full of inhabitants. 

The next day, being Monday the 16th of October, he came to an island whichwas six leagues from St Salvador, to which he gave the name of St Mary ofthe Conception. That side of this second island which is nearest to StSalvador extended north-west about five leagues; but the side to which theadmiral went lies east and west, and is about ten leagues long. Castinganchor off the west point of this island, he landed and took possession. Here the people flocked to see the Christians, expressing their wonder andadmiration as had been done in the former island. 

Perceiving that this was entirely similar to St Salvador, he sailed on the17th from this island, and went westwards to another island considerablylarger, being above twenty-eight leagues from north-west to south-east. This like the others was quite plain and had a fine beach of easy access, and he named it Fernandina. While sailing between the island of Conceptionand Fernandina they found a man paddling along in a small canoe, who hadwith him a piece of their bread, a calabash full of water, a smallquantity of a red earth like vermilion, with which these people paintthemselves, and some dried leaves which they value for their sweet scentand as being very wholesome; and in a little basket he had a string ofgreen glass beads and two small pieces of Portuguese coin: Whence it wasconcluded that he had come from St Salvador past the Conception, and wasgoing in all haste to Fernandina to carry the news of the appearance ofthe Christians. But as the way was long and he was weary, he came to theships and was taken on board, both himself and his canoe, and wascourteously treated by the admiral, who sent him on shore as soon as hecame to land, that he might spread the news. The favourable account hegave caused the people of Fernandina to come on board in their canoes, toexchange the same kind of things as had been done at the two formerislands; and when the boats went on shore for water, the Indians bothreadily shewed where it was to be got, and carried the small casks full ontheir shoulders to fill the hogsheads in the boats. 

The inhabitants of Fernandina seemed to be a wiser and discreeter peoplethan those in the two former islands, as they bargained harder for whatthey exchanged; they had cotton cloth in their houses as bed-clothes, andsome of the women wore short cotton cloths to cover their nakedness, whileothers had a sort of swathe for the same purpose. Among other thingsworthy of remark in this island, certain trees had the appearance of beingengrafted, as they had leaves and branches of four or five different sorts, and were yet quite natural. They saw fishes of several sorts, ornamentedwith fine colours; but no sort of land animals except lizards and serpents. The better to observe this island, the admiral sailed along its coast tothe north-west, and came to anchor at the mouth of a most beautifulharbour, at the entrance of which a small island prevented the access ofships. In that neighbourhood was one of the largest towns they had everyet seen, consisting of twelve or fifteen houses together, built liketents or round pavilions, but in which were no other ornaments ormoveables besides those which have been already mentioned as offered inbarter. Their beds were like nets, drawn together in the nature of a sling, and tied to two posts in their houses. In this island they saw some dogsresembling mastiffs, and others like beagles, but none of them barked. 

Finding nothing of value in Fernandina, the admiral sailed thence onFriday the 19th October to another island called Saomotto by the natives, to which, that he might proceed regularly in his nomenclature, he gave thename of Isabella. Thus to his first discovery called Guanahani by thenatives, he gave the name of St Salvador or St Saviour, in honour of Godwho had delivered him from so many dangers, and had providentially pointedout the way for its discovery. On account of his particular devotion tothe immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary, and because she is the greatpatroness of the Christians, he named the second island St Mary of theConception. The third he named Fernandina in honour of the Catholic king;the fourth Isabella in honour of the Catholic queen; and the next islandwhich he discovered, called Cuba by the natives, he named Joanna inrespect to prince John the heir of Castile, having in these several namesgiven due regard to both spirituals and temporals. Of the four islandshitherto discovered, St Salvador, the Conception, Fernandina, and Isabella, Fernandina far exceeded all the others in extent, goodness, and beauty, and abounded more in delicious waters, pleasant meadows, and beautifultrees, among which were many aloes. It had likewise some hills, which werenot to be seen in these other islands. Being much taken with its beauty, the admiral landed to perform the ceremony of taking possession in somemeadows as pleasant and delightful as those of Spain in April, wherenightingales and other birds sung in the most cheerful manner, both in thetrees and flying about in such numbers as almost to darken the sun; butmost of them differed much from our birds in Spain. 

In this island there were great abundance of waters and lakes, and in oneof them our people saw a sort of alligator seven feet long and above afoot wide at the belly. This animal being disturbed threw itself into thelake, which was by no means deep; and though somewhat alarmed by itsfrightful appearance and fierceness, our people killed it with theirspears. The Spaniards learnt afterwards to consider the alligator as adainty, and even as the best food possessed by the Indians; as when itshorrid-looking skin, all covered with scales, is removed, the flesh isvery white and delicious. The alligator is called yvana by the Indians. 

As it grew late, our people left the alligator where it was slain, andreturned to the ships; but being desirous to explore the country somewhatfarther, they landed again next day, when they killed another alligator inthe same place. Travelling thence into the interior of the island theyfound a town or village, whence the natives fled at their approach, carrying off as much of their goods as they were able. The admiral wouldnot suffer any part of what they had left to be taken away, lest thenatives should consider the Spaniards as thieves; wherefore their fearssoon abated, and they came to the ships to barter their commodities as theother Indians had done. 

Having examined the nature and products of the island of Isabella and themanners of its inhabitants, the admiral determined to waste no more timein exploring the remaining islands in this numerous group, more especiallyas he was informed by the Indians that they all resembled each other. Hetherefore shaped his course for a large island to the southwards, whichthe Indians named Cuba, and which was much applauded by them all. Accordingly, on Sunday the 28th of October, he arrived on its northerncoast. At first sight this island appeared to be better and richer thanthose which he had visited before; from the great extent of its coasts, the size of its rivers, the beauty and variety of its hills and mountains, and the extent of its plains, all clothed with an infinite variety oftrees. He was therefore desirous to get some knowledge of its people, andcame to anchor in the mouth of a large river, the banks of which wererichly adorned with thick and tall trees, all covered with fruit andblossoms very different from those of Spain. The place was in everyrespect delicious, and abounded in tall grass, and herbs of a vast varietyof kinds, mostly differing from those of Europe, and the woods werethronged with birds of various plumage. On going to two houses at a shortdistance, the inhabitants were found to have fled, leaving their nets andother fishing tackle, together with a dog which did not bark. As theadmiral had given strict orders that nothing should be carried away, theysoon returned to the ships. 

Leaving this river, the squadron continued its course along the coast tothe westwards, and came to another river, which the admiral named Rio deMares, or the river of the seas. This was much larger than the formerriver, as a ship was able to turn up its channel, and its banks werethickly inhabited; but all the natives fled towards the mountains on firstperceiving the approach of our ships; carrying away every thing they wereable to remove. These mountains appeared of a round or conical form, verylofty, and entirely covered with trees and an infinite variety ofbeautiful plants. Finding himself disappointed, through the fears of thenatives, of learning what he wished respecting the nature and productionsof the island, and the manners of the people, and considering that heshould increase their terrors if be were to land a great number of men, heresolved to send two Spaniards into the interior, accompanied by one ofthe natives of St Salvador, whom he had brought along with him from thatisland, and a native of Cuba who had ventured aboard in his canoe. Heinstructed these men to travel up into the country, and to caress andconciliate as much as possible any of the natives they might fall in with. And that no time might be lost during their absence, he ordered the shipsto be laid on shore to careen their bottoms. It was observed in this placethat all the firewood they used was from a tree in every respectresembling the mastic, but much larger than those of Europe. 

The ships being repaired and ready for sailing on the 5th of November, thetwo Spaniards who had been sent into the interior returned, bringing twoof the natives along with them. They reported that they had travelledtwelve leagues up the country, where they came to a town of fifty prettylarge houses, all constructed of timber in a round form and thatched withstraw, resembling so many tents or pavilions. According to theirestimation, this place might contain 1000 inhabitants, as all thatbelonged to one family dwelt together in one house. The principal peopleof the place came out to meet them, and led them by the arms into the town, giving them one of the large houses to lodge in during their stay. Theywere there seated upon wooden stools made of one piece, in very strangeshapes, almost resembling some living creature with four very short legs. The tail was lifted up, and as broad as the seat, to serve for theconvenience of leaning against; and the front was carved into theresemblance of a head, having golden eyes and ears. The Spaniards beingseated on those stools or chairs, which the Indians called _duchi_, allthe natives sat about them on the ground, and came one by one to kisstheir hands with great respect, believing them to have come from Heaven. They were presented with some boiled roots to eat, not unlike chesnuts intaste; and as the two Indians who had accompanied them had given anexcellent character of the strangers, they were entreated to remain amongthem, or at least to rest themselves for some days. Soon afterwards themen went out from the house, and many women came to see them, who allrespectfully kissed their hands and feet, and offered them presents ofvarious articles. 

When they proposed returning to the ships, many of the Indians wanted toaccompany them, but they would only accept of the king, his son, and oneservant, whom the admiral received with every demonstration of honour andrespect. The Spaniards farther reported that they had fallen in withseveral other towns, both in their going out and returning, in all ofwhich they had been entertained with the same courtesy; but that none ofthese other towns contained above five houses. That they met many peopleby the way, all of whom carried a lighted fire-brand, to light fires, bymeans of which they perfumed themselves with certain odoriferous herbs, orroasted some of the roots mentioned before, which seemed to be theirprincipal food. They saw during their journey many kinds of trees andplants different from those which grew on the coast, and great variety ofbirds altogether different from those of Europe; but among the rest werepartridges and nightingales; and they had seen no species of quadruped inthe country, except the dumb dogs formerly mentioned. They found a gooddeal of cultivated land, some of which was planted with the roots beforementioned, some with a species of bean, and some sown with a sort of graincalled maiz, which was very well tasted either baked or dried, and groundto flour. They saw vast quantities of well spun cotton yarn, made up intoballs or clews; insomuch, that in one house only they had seen 12, 500pounds of that commodity[4]. The plants from which the cotton is procuredgrow naturally about the fields, like rose bushes, and are not cultivatedor planted by the natives. When ripe, the pods open of themselves, but notall at one time; for upon the same plant young buds, others beginning toopen, and others almost entirely ripe are seen at the same time. Of thesepods the Indians afterwards carried large quantities on board the ships, and gave a whole basket-full for a thong of leather: Yet none of them usedthis substance to clothe themselves with, but only to make nets to servethem for beds, which they call _hamacas_, and in weaving aprons for thewomen, all the men going entirely naked. On being asked whether theypossessed any gold, or pearls, or spice, they made answer by signs thatthere was great plenty towards the east, in a country which they named_Bohio_, which was afterwards supposed to be the island of Hispaniola, butit has never been certainly ascertained what place they meant to indicate. 

After receiving this account, the admiral resolved to remain no longer inthe Rio de Mares, and ordered some of the natives of Cuba to be seized, ashe intended to carry some from all parts of his discoveries into Spain. Accordingly twelve were seized, men women and children; and this was donewith so little disturbance, and occasioned so little terror, that when theships were about to sail, the husband of one of the women and father oftwo children, who had been carried on board, came off in a canoe, requesting to go along with his wife and children. This circumstance gavegreat satisfaction to the admiral, who ordered him to be taken on board, and they were all treated with great kindness. 

On the 13th of November the squadron weighed from the Rio de Mares andstood to the eastwards, intending to proceed in search of the islandcalled Bohio by the Indians; but the wind blowing hard from the north, they were constrained to come to an anchor among some high islands on thecoast of Cuba, near a large port which the admiral named Puerta delPrincipe, or the Princes Port, and he called the sea among these islandsthe Sea of our Lady. These islands lay so thick and close together, thatmost of them were only a musket-shot asunder, and the farthest not morethan the quarter of a league. The channels between these islands were sodeep, and the shores so beautifully adorned with trees and plants ofinfinite varieties, that it was quite delightful to sail among them. Amongthe multitude of other trees, there were great numbers of mastic, aloes, and palms, with long smooth green trunks, and other plants innumerable. Though these islands were not inhabited, there were seen the remains ofmany fires which had been made by the fishermen; for it appearedafterwards, that the people of Cuba were in use to go over in greatnumbers in their canoes to these islands, and to a great number of otheruninhabited islets in these seas, to live upon fish, which they catch ingreat abundance, and upon birds, crabs, and other things which they findon the land. The Indians are by no means nice in their choice of food, buteat many things which are abhorred by us Europeans, such as large spiders, the worms that breed in rotten wood and other corrupt places, and devourtheir fish almost raw; for before roasting a fish, they scoop out the eyesand eat them. The Indians follow this employment of fishing andbird-catching according to the seasons, sometimes in one island, sometimesin another, as a person changes his diet when weary of living on one kindof food. 

In one of the islands in the Sea of our Lady, the Spaniards killed aquadruped resembling a badger, and in the sea they found considerablequantities of mother-of-pearl. Among other fish which they caught in theirnets, was one resembling a swine, which was covered all over with a veryhard skin except the tail, which was quite soft. In this sea among theislands, the tide was observed to rise and fall much more than in theother places where they had been hitherto; and was quite contrary to oursin Spain, as it was low water when the moon was S. W. And by S. 

On Monday the 19th November, the admiral departed from the Princes Port inCuba and the Sea of our Lady, and steered eastwards in search of Bohio;but owing to contrary winds, he was forced to ply two or three daysbetween the island of Isabella, called Saomotto by the Indians, and thePuerta del Principe, which lie almost due north and south, at abouttwenty-five leagues distance. In this sea he still found traces of thoseweeds which he had seen in the ocean, and perceived that they always swamwith the current and never athwart. 

At this time Martin Alonzo Pinzon, being informed by certain Indians whomhe had concealed in his caravel, that abundance of gold was to be had inthe island of Bohio, and blinded by covetousness, he deserted the admiralon Wednesday the 21st of November, without being constrained by any stressof weather, or other necessity whatever, as he could easily have come upwith him before the wind. Taking advantage of the superior sailing of hisvessel the Pinta, he made all sail during the next day, and when nightcame on of the 22d, he was entirely out of sight. Thus left with only twoships, and the weather being unfavourable for proceeding on his way insearch of Bohio, the admiral was obliged to return to Cuba, where he cameto anchor in a harbour which he called St Catherines, not far from thePrinces Port, and there took in wood and water. In this port heaccidentally saw signs of gold on some stones in the river where they weretaking in water. The mountains in the interior were full of such tall pinetrees as were fit to make masts for the largest ships; neither was thereany scarcity of wood for plank to build as many ships as might be wished, and among these were oaks and other trees resembling those in Castile. Butperceiving that all the Indians still directed him to Bohio and theeastwards as the country of gold, he ran ten or twelve leagues farther tothe east along the coast of Cuba, meeting all the way with excellentharbours and many large rivers. In one of his letters to their Catholicmajesties, he says so much of the delightfulness and beauty of the country, that I have thought fit to give an extract in his own words. Writingconcerning the mouth of a river which forms a harbour which he namedPuerto Santo, or the Holy Harbour, he says thus:

"When I went with the boats before me to the mouth of the harbour towardsthe south, I found a river up the mouth of which a galley could row easily;and it was so land-locked that its entrance could not be discovered unlesswhen close at hand. The beauty of this river induced me to go up a shortdistance, where I found from five to eight fathoms water. Coming to anchor, I proceeded a considerable way up the river with the boats; and such wasthe delightfulness of the place that I could have been tempted to remainthere for ever. The water was so clear that we could see the sand at thebottom. The finest and tallest palm trees I had ever seen were in greatabundance on either shore, with an infinite number of large verdant treesof other kinds. The soil seemed exceedingly fertile, being every wherecovered by the most luxuriant verdure, and the woods abounded in vastvarieties of birds of rich and variegated plumage. This country, mostserene princes, is so wonderfully fine, and so far excels all others inbeauty and delightfulness as the day exceeds the night; wherefore I haveoften told my companions that though I should exert my utmost endeavoursto give your highness a perfect account of it, my tongue and pen must everfall short of the truth. I was astonished at the sight of so much beauty, and know not how to describe it. I have formerly written of othercountries, describing their trees, and fruits, and plants, and harbours, and all belonging to them as largely as I could, yet not so as I ought, asall our people affirmed that no others could possibly be more delightful. But this so far excels every other which I have seen, that I amconstrained to be silent; wishing that others may see it and give itsdescription, that they may prove how little credit is to be got, more thanI have done, in writing and speaking on this subject so far inferior towhat it deserves. "

While going up this river in the boat, the admiral saw a canoe hauled onshore among the trees and under cover of a bower or roof, which was aslarge as a twelve-oared barge, and yet hollowed out of the trunk of onetree. In a house hard by they found a ball of wax and a mans skull, each, in a basket, hanging to a post, and the same was afterwards found inanother house; and our people surmized that these might be the skulls ofthe founders of these two houses. No people could be found in this placeto give any information, as all the inhabitants fled from their houses onthe appearance of the Spaniards. They afterwards found another canoe allof one piece, about seventy feet long, which would have carried fiftypersons. 

Having sailed 106 leagues eastwards along the coast of Cuba, the admiralat length reached the eastmost point of that island, to which he gave thename of Cape Alpha; and on Wednesday the fifth December he struck acrossthe channel between Cuba and Hispaniola, which islands are sixteen leaguesasunder; but owing to contrary currents, was unable to reach the coast ofHispaniola until the next day, when he entered a harbour which he namedPort St Nicholas, in honour of the saint on whose festival he made thediscovery. This port is large, deep, safe, and encompassed with many talltrees; but the country is more rocky and the trees less than in Cuba, andmore like those in Castile: among the trees were many small oaks, withmyrtles and other shrubs, and a pleasant river ran along a plain towardsthe port, all round which were seen large canoes as big as those they hadfound in Puerto Santo. Not being able to meet with any of the inhabitants, the admiral quitted St Nicholas and stretched along the coast to thenorthwards, till he came to another port which he named the Conception, which lies almost due south from a small island about the size of the GranCanaria, and which was afterwards named Tortuga. Perceiving that thisisland, which they believed to be Bohio, was very large, that the land andtrees resembled Spain, and that in fishing they caught several fishes muchlike those in Spain, as soles, salmon, pilchards, crabs and the like, onSunday the ninth of December the admiral gave it the name of _Espannola_, or little Spain, or as it is called in English Hispaniola. 

Being desirous of making inquiry into the nature of this country and itsinhabitants, three of the Spaniards travelled up the mountain and fell inwith a considerable number of Indians, who were all naked like those theyhad seen at the other islands; these immediately ran off into the thickestparts of the wood on seeing the Spaniards draw near, and they could onlyovertake one young woman, who had a plate of gold hanging from her nose. She was carried to the admiral, who gave her some baubles, as bells andglass beads, and then sent her on shore without any injury being offeredto her; and three of the Indians who had been brought from the otherislands, with three Spaniards, were ordered to accompany her to herdwelling-place. Next day he sent eleven men on shore well armed, withdirections to explore the country. After travelling about four leaguesthey found a sort of town or village, consisting of about a thousandhouses, scattered about a large valley. The inhabitants all fled on seeingthe Spaniards; but one of the Indians brought from St Salvador went afterthem, and persuaded them to return, by assuring them that the Spaniardswere people who had come down from Heaven. Having laid aside their fearsthey were full of admiration at the appearance of the strangers, and wouldlay their hands on their heads to do them honour; they brought food to ourpeople and gave them every thing they asked, requiring nothing in return, and entreated them to remain all night in their village. The Spaniardswould not accept the invitation, but returned to the ships with the newsthat the country was very pleasant and abounded in provisions; that thepeople were whiter and handsomer than any they had seen in the otherislands, and were very courteous and tractable. To the constant questionrespecting gold, they answered, like all the rest, that the country whereit was found lay farther to the eastwards. 

On receiving this intelligence, although the wind was adverse, the admiralset sail immediately; and on the following Sunday the sixteenth ofDecember, while plying between Tortuga and Hispaniola, he found one manalone in a small canoe, which they all wondered was not swallowed up bythe waves, as the wind and sea were then very tempestuous. This man wastaken into the ship and carried to Hispaniola, where he was set on shorewith several gifts. He told the Indians how kindly he had been treated, and spoke so well of the Spaniards that numbers of the natives camepresently on board; but they brought nothing of value, except some smallgrains of gold hanging from their ears and noses, and being asked whencethey procured the gold, they made signs that there was a great deal to behad higher up the country. 

Next day, while the cacique or lord of that part of Hispaniola was on thebeach bartering a plate of gold, there came a large canoe with forty menon board from the island of Tortuga to near the place where the admirallay at anchor. When the cacique and his people saw the canoe approach, they all sat down on the ground, as a sign that they were unwilling tofight. Almost all the people from the canoe immediately landed; on whichthe Hispaniola chief started up alone, and with threatening words andgestures made them return to their canoe. He then threw water after them, and cast stones into the sea towards the canoe; and when they had all mostsubmissively returned into their canoe, he delivered a stone to one of theSpanish officers, making signs to him to throw it at those in the canoe, as if to express that he took part with the Spaniards against the Indiansof Tortuga; but the officer, seeing that they retired quietly, did notthrow the stone[5]. While afterwards discoursing the friendly caciqueaffirmed that it contained more gold than all Hispaniola; but that inBohio, which was fifteen days journey from the place they were then in, there was more than in any other land. 

On Tuesday the eighteenth of December, the cacique who came the day beforeto where the canoe of Tortuga was, and who lived about five leagues fromwhere the ships lay, came in the morning to a town near the sea, wheresome Spaniards then were by order of the admiral to see if the nativesbrought any more gold. These men came off to the admiral to acquaint himof the arrival of the king, who was accompanied by above 200 men, and whothough very young, was carried by four men in a kind of palanquin. Havingrested a little, the king drew near the ships with all his people, but Ishall give an account of the interview in the admiral's own wordsaddressed to their Catholic majesties. 

"There is no doubt that your highnesses would have been much pleased tohave seen the gravity of his deportment, and the respect with which he wastreated by his people, though all we saw were entirely naked. When he cameon deck and understood that I was below at dinner, he surprized me bysitting down at my side without giving me time to go out to receive him oreven to rise from table. When he came down, he made signs to all hisfollowers to remain above, which they did with the utmost respect, sittingdown quietly on the deck, excepting two old men who seemed to be hiscouncillors, who came down along with him and sat down at his feet. Beinginformed of his quality, I ordered some meat which I was eating at thetime to be offered him. He and his councillors just tasted it, and thensent it to their men upon deck, who all eat of it. The same thing they didin regard to drink; for they only kissed the cup, and then handed it about. Their deportment was wonderfully grave, and they used but few words, whichwere uttered very deliberately and with much decorum. After eating, one ofhis attendants brought him a girdle not much unlike those used in Castile, but wrought of different materials, this they very respectfully deliveredinto his hand, and he presented it to me with two very thin pieces ofwrought-gold. Of this gold I believe there is but little here, though Isuspect there is a place at no great distance which produces a great deal, and whence they procure it. Believing he might like a carpet orcounterpane which lay on my bed, I presented it to him, together with somefine amber beads which I wore about my neck, a pair of red shoes, and abottle of orange-flower water, with all of which he seemed very muchpleased. The two old men who sat at his feet, seemed to watch the motionsof the kings lips, and spoke both for and to him; and both he and theyexpressed much concern because they did not understand me or I them, though I made out that if I wanted any thing all the island was at mycommand. I brought out a casket in which was a gold medal weighing fourducats, on which were the portraits of your highnesses, and shewed it tohim, endeavouring to make him sensible that your highnesses were mightyprinces, and sovereigns of the best part of the world. I shewed himlikewise the royal standard, and the standard of the cross, which he madegreat account of. Turning to his councillors, he said that your highnessesmust certainly be great princes, who had sent me so far as from Heaventhither without fear. Much more passed between us which I did notunderstand; but could easily perceive that they greatly admired everything they saw. It being now late, and seeming anxious to be gone, I senthim on shore very honourably in my boat, and caused several guns to befired. When ashore, he got into his palanquin attended by above twohundred people, and a son whom he had along with him was carried on theshoulders of one of his principal people. He ordered all the Spaniards whowere on shore to have provisions given to them, and that they should bevery courteously used. 

"Afterwards I was told by a sailor who met him on his way into the country, that every one of the things I had given him were carried before him by aperson of note; that his son did not accompany him on the road, but wascarried at some distance behind with as many attendants as he had; andthat a brother of his, with almost as many more followed on foot, led bytwo principal people supporting him under the arms. The brother had beenon board along with the king, and to him likewise I had made some triflingpresents. "

In continuance of the foregoing account of his proceedings, the admiralgives the following narrative of the unfortunate loss of his own caravelthe St Mary:

"Having put to sea, the weather was very calm on Monday the twenty-fourthDecember, with hardly any wind; but what little there was carried me fromthe sea of St Thomas to _Punta Santa_ or the Holy Cape, off which we layat about the distance of a league. About eleven at night, being very muchfatigued, as I had not slept for two days and a night, I went to bed; andthe seaman who was at the helm left it to a _grummet_[6], although I hadgiven strict injunctions that this should never be done during the wholevoyage, whether the wind blew or not. To say the truth I thought we wereperfectly safe from all danger of rocks and shoals; as on that Sunday whenI sent my boats to the king of the island, they went at least threeleagues and a half beyond Punta Santa, and the seamen had carefullyexamined all the coast, and noted certain shoals which lie three leaguesE. S. E. Of that cape, and observed which way we might sail in safety, adegree of precaution which I had not before taken during the whole voyage. It pleased God at midnight, while all the men were asleep, that thecurrent gently carried our ship upon one of the shoals, which made such aroaring noise that it might have been heard and discovered at the distanceof a league. Then the fellow who felt the rudder strike and heard thenoise, immediately began to cry out, and I hearing him got up immediately, for no one had as yet perceived that we were aground. Presently the masterwhose watch it was came upon deck, and I ordered him and other sailors totake the boat and carry out an anchor astern, hoping thereby to warp offthe ship. Thereupon he and others leapt into the boat, as I believed tocarry my orders into execution; but they immediately rowed away to theother caravel which was half a league from us. On perceiving that the boathad deserted us, and the water ebbed apace to the manifest danger of ourship, I caused the masts to be cut away, and lightened her as much aspossible in hopes to get her off. But the water still ebbed, and thecaravel remained fast in the shoal, and turning athwart the stream theseams opened and all below deck became filled with water. "

"Meanwhile, the boat returned from the other caravel to our relief, forthe people in the Nina, perceiving they had fled, refused to receive them, and obliged them to return to our ship. No hopes of saving the shipappearing, I went away to the other caravel to save the lives of thepeople; and great part of the night was already spent, while yet we knewnot which way to get from among the shoals, I lay to with the Nina tilldaylight, and then drew towards the land within the shoals. I thendispatched James de Arana the provost, and Peter Gutieres, your highnessessecretary, to acquaint the king with what had happened, and to inform him, that as I was bound to his own port to pay him a visit, according to hisdesire, I had lost my ship on a flat opposite his town. On receiving thisintelligence, with tears in his eyes, the king expressed much grief forour loss, and immediately sent off all the people in the place with manylarge canoes to our assistance. We accordingly began immediately to unload, and with our own boats and their canoes, we soon carried on shore everything that was on the deck. The aid given us on this occasion by the kingwas very great; and he afterwards, with the assistance of his brothers andkindred, took all possible care, both on board and ashore, that everything should be conducted and preserved in the most orderly manner. Fromtime to time he sent some of his people to me weeping, to beg me not to bedejected, as he would give me everything he possessed. I assure yourhighnesses that better order could not have been taken in any port inCastile to preserve our things, for we did not lose the value of a pin. Hecaused all our clothes and other articles to be laid together in one placenear his own residence, and appointed armed men to watch them day andnight, until the houses which he had allotted for our accommodation couldbe emptied and got in readiness for our reception. All the people lamentedour misfortune as if the loss had been their own. So kindly, tractable, and free from covetousness are these good Indians, that I swear to yourhighnesses there are no better people, nor is there a better country inthe world. They love their neighbours as themselves, and theirconversation is the sweetest that can be conceived, always pleasant andalways smiling. It is true that both men and women go entirely naked, yetyour highnesses may rest assured that they have very commendable customs. The king is served with much state and ceremonious respect, and hismanners are so staid that it is very pleasing to see him. They havewonderfully good memories, and are of quick apprehension, and wereextremely desirous to know every thing, asking many questions, andinquiring into the causes and effects of every thing they saw. "

The chief king of the country came on board to visit the admiral onWednesday the 26th of December, and expressed much sorrow for hismisfortune, and endeavoured to comfort him by promising to give him everything that he might desire. He said that he had already given three housesto the Spaniards to lay up every thing which had been saved from the shipand was ready to give them as many more as they might require. In the meantime, a canoe came from a neighbouring island, bringing some plates ofgold to exchange for small bells, which the Indians valued above everything; and our seamen from the shore informed the admiral that manyIndians resorted from other places to the town, who brought severalarticles made of gold which they bartered for points and other things ofsmall value, and offering to bring much more gold if the Christiansdesired. The king or great cacique perceiving that the admiral was muchgratified by this information, told him he would give orders to bring agreat quantity of gold from a place called _Cibao_, where it was to be hadin great abundance. Afterwards, when the admiral was on shore, the caciqueinvited him to eat axis and cazabi, which formed the principal diet of theIndians[7]. He likewise presented him with some masks or vizors, havingtheir eyes, noses, and ears, made of gold, and many pretty ornaments ofthat metal which the Indians wore about their necks. 

The cacique complained to the admiral of a nation called the _Caribs_, whoused often to carry away his men to make slaves of or to eat them; and hewas greatly rejoiced when the admiral shewed him the superiority of theEuropean weapons, and promised to defend him and his people against theCaribs. He was much astonished at our cannon, which so terrified thenatives that they fell down as if dead on hearing the report. Findingtherefore so much kindness among these people, and such strong indicationsof gold, the admiral almost forgot his grief for the loss of his ship, thinking that God had so ordered on purpose to fix a colony of Christiansin that place, where they might trade and acquire a thorough knowledge ofthe country and people, by learning the language and conversing with thenatives; so that when he returned from Spain with succours andreinforcements, he might have several persons qualified to assist anddirect him in subduing and peopling the country; and he was the moreinclined to this measure, that many of the people voluntarily offered toremain and inhabit the place. For this reason he determined to build afort or blockhouse from the timber of the ship which had been wrecked, allof which had been saved and was now put to that use. 

While employed in this plan, he received intelligence on Thursday the 27thDecember, that the missing caravel, the Pinta, was in a river towards theeast point of Hispaniola. To be assured of the truth of this report, thecacique, whose name was Guacanagari, sent a canoe with some Indians andone Spaniard to make inquiry. These people went twenty leagues along thecoast, and returned without being able to hear any thing of the Pinta; forwhich reason no credit was given to another Indian, who reported that hehad seen that vessel a few days before. The admiral still persisted, however, in his resolution of leaving some Christians in that place, beingstill more sensible of the goodness and wealth of the country, as theIndians frequently brought masks and other articles of gold, and told themof several districts in the island where that metal was to be procured. 

Being now nearly ready to depart, the admiral took occasion to discoursewith the cacique about the Caribs or Cannibals, of whom they complainedand were in great dread; and therefore, as if to please him, he offered toleave some Christians behind for their protection. At the same time, toimpress him with awe in regard to our weapons, he caused a gun to be firedagainst the side of the ship, when the bullet went quite through and fellinto the water, at which the cacique was much amazed. The admiral shewedhim all our other weapons, and explained to him both how the Spaniardswere able to offend others, and to defend themselves in a very superiormanner; telling him, that since such people with such weapons were to beleft for his protection, he need be in no fear of the Caribs, as theChristians would destroy them all; and that he would leave him asufficient guard, while he returned to Castile for jewels and other thingsto give him. 

The admiral particularly recommended to the attention of the cacique Jamesde Arana, son to Roderick de Arana of Cordova, of whom mention has beenformerly made in this narrative. To him, with Peter Gutierres and Roderickde Eskovedo, he left the government of the fort, with a garrison ofthirty-six men, with abundance of commodities, provisions, arms, andcannon, the boat which had belonged to the lost ship, with carpenters, caulkers, a surgeon and gunner, and all other necessaries for settlingcommodiously. All this being settled, he determined to return with allspeed to Castile without attempting to make any farther discoveries;fearing, as he had now but one ship remaining, that some other misfortunemight befal him by which their Catholic majesties would be deprived of theknowledge of those new kingdoms which he had acquired for them. 

On Friday the 4th of January 1493, the admiral set sail at sun-rise, standing to the north-west, having the boats a-head to lead him safe cut ofshoal water. He named the port which he now quitted Navidad, or theNativity, because he had landed there on Christmas day, escaping thedangers of the sea, and because he began there to build the firstChristian colony in the new world which he had discovered. The flatsthrough which he now sailed reach from Cape Santo to Cape Serpe, whichforms an extent of six leagues, and they run above three leagues out tosea. All the coast to the north-west and south-east, is an open beach, andcontinues plain and level for four leagues into the country, where highmountains begin, and the villages were more numerous than are to be seenin the other islands. Having got past the shoals, the admiral sailedtowards a high mountain, which he called Monte Christo, eighteen leagueseast of Cape Santo. Whosoever wishes to arrive at the Nativity from theeastwards, most first make Monte Christo, which is a rock of a round orconical form, almost like a pavilion. Keeping two leagues out to sea fromthis mountain, he must sail west till he comes to Cape Santo, whence theNativity is five leagues distant, and to reach which place, certainchannels among the shoals which lie before it must be passed through. Theadmiral chose to particularize these marks that it might be known wherethe first Christian habitation had been established in these parts. 

While sailing eastwards from Monte Christo with a contrary wind on Sunday, the 6th of January, a sailor from the round top discovered in the morningthe caravel Pinta coming down westward, right before the wind. As soon asit came up with the admiral, the captain Martin Alonzo Pinzon came onboard, and began to give reasons and excuses for leaving the squadron, alleging that it had been against his will. Though the admiral wassatisfied that it had proceeded from evil intentions, well remembering thebold and mutinous proceedings of Pinzon during the voyage, he yetconcealed his displeasure and accepted the excuses, lest he might ruin thevoyage, as most of the crew were Martins countrymen, and several of themhis relations. The truth is, that when Martin Alonzo forsook the admiralat Cuba, he went purposely away with the design of sailing to Bohio, wherehe learned from the Indians on board his caravel that plenty of gold wasto be found. But not finding the object of his search, he had returned toHispaniola where other Indians informed him there was much gold, and hadspent twenty days in sailing not above fifteen leagues east of theNativity, where he had lain sixteen days in a river, which the admiralcalled the river of Grace, and had there procured a considerable quantityof gold for things of small value, as the admiral had done at the Nativity. He distributed half of this gold among his crew, that he might gain themto his purposes, and concealed the rest for his own emolument, pretendingto the admiral that he had not got any. Finding the wind still contrary, the admiral came to an anchor under Monte Christo, and went in his boat upa river to the south-west of that mountain, where he discovered signs ofgold in the sand, on which account he called it the river of gold. Thisriver is seventeen leagues east of the Nativity, and is not much less thanthe Guadalquivir which runs past Cordova. 

Proceeding afterwards on the voyage, and being off Cape Enamorado, or theLovers Cape, on Sunday the 13th of January, the admiral sent the boat onshore to examine the nature of the country. Our people there found aconsiderable number of fierce looking Indians, armed with bows and arrows, who seemed disposed to enter into hostilities, yet considerably alarmed atthe appearance of the Spaniards. After some conference, our people boughttwo of their bows and some arrows, and with much difficulty prevailed onone of them to go on board the admiral. These people appeared much fiercerthan any of the natives who had been hitherto seen; and their faces wereall daubed over with charcoal; their hair was very long, and hung in a bagmade of parrots feathers. Their mode of speech resembled the fierceness oftheir aspect and demeanour, and one of them, standing completely nakedbefore the admiral, said in a lofty tone that all in these parts went inthe same manner. Thinking this Indian was one of those called Caribs, andthat the bay they were now in divided that race from the other inhabitantsof Hispaniola, the admiral asked him where the Caribs dwelt. Pointing withhis finger, the Indian expressed by signs that they inhabited anotherisland to the eastwards, in which there were pieces of _guanin_[8] aslarge as half the stern of the caravel. He said moreover, that the islandof _Matinino_ was entirely inhabited by women, with whom the Caribscohabited at a certain season; and that such sons as they brought forthwere afterwards carried away by the fathers, while the daughters remainedwith their mothers[9]. Having answered all the questions, partly by signs, and partly by means of what little of their language the Indians from StSalvador could understand, the admiral gave this person to eat, andpresented him with some baubles, such as glass beads and slips of greenand red cloth, and sent him on shore, desiring that his companions wouldbring gold to barter as had been done by the other Indians. 

When our people landed with this man, they found fifty-five other Indiansamong the trees near the shore, all of them armed with bows and arrows, perfectly naked and having their long hair tied into a large knot on thecrown of the head, as worn by the women in Spain, and decorated withplumes of various feathers. The man who had been on board prevailed uponthem to lay down their bows and arrows and great clubs, which they carryinstead of swords. The Christians stept on shore, and began to trade forbows and arrows, as ordered by the admiral; but after selling two, theyscornfully refused to part with any more, and even made demonstrations toseize the Spaniards, running to where they had left their arms, and takingup ropes as if to bind our men. They being now on their guard, and seeingthe Indians coming furiously to attack them, although only seven, fellcourageously upon them, and cut one with a sword on the buttock, and shotanother in the breast with an arrow. Astonished at the resolution of ourmen, and terrified at the effect of our weapons, the Indians fled, leavingmost of their bows and arrows behind; and great numbers of them wouldcertainly have been killed, but the pilot of the caravel, who commandedthe boats crew, restrained our people from any farther vengeance. Theadmiral was not at all displeased at this skirmish, as he imagined theseIndians were Caribs, so much dreaded by all the other natives ofHispaniola; or at least, being a bold and resolute people, that theybordered on that race; and he hoped that the islanders on hearing howseven Spaniards had so easily defeated fifty-five fierce Indians, wouldgive the more honour and respect to our men who had been left at theNativity. 

Afterwards about the evening, these people made a smoke as if in defiance;but on sending a boat on shore to see what they wanted, they could not bebrought to venture near our people, and the boat returned. Their bows wereof a wood resembling yew, and almost as large and strong as those ofFrance and England; the arrows of small twigs which grow from the ends ofthe canes, massive and very solid, about the length of a mans arm and ahalf; the head is made of a small stick hardened in the fire, aboutthree-eighths of a yard long, tipped with a fishes tooth, or sharpenedbone, and smeared with poison. On this account, the admiral named the bayin which he then was _Golpho de Flechas, _ or Gulf of arrows; the Indianscalled it _Samana_. This place appeared to produce great quantities offine cotton, and the plant named _axi_ by the Indians, which is theirpepper and is very hot, some of which is long and others round[10]. Nearthe land where the water was shallow, there grew large quantities of thoseweeds which had formerly been seen in such abundance on the ocean; whenceit was concluded that it all grew near the land, and broke loose when ripe, floating out to sea with the currents. 

On Wednesday the 16th of January 1493, the admiral set sail from the Gulfof Arrows, or _Samana, _ with a fair wind for Spain, both caravels beingnow very leaky and requiring much labour at the pumps to keep them right. Cape Santelmo was the last land they saw; twenty leagues north-east of itthere appeared great abundance of weeds, and twenty leagues still fartheron the whole sea was covered with multitudes of small tunny fishes, andthey saw great numbers of them on the two following days, the 19th and20th of January, followed by great flocks of sea-fowl; and all the weedsran with the currents in long ropes east and west; for they always foundthat the current takes these weeds a great way out to sea, and that theydo not continue long in the same direction, as they sometimes go one way, and sometimes another, as carried by the changes of the currents; andthese weeds continued to accompany them for many days, until they werealmost half way across the Atlantic. 

Holding on their course steadily with a fair wind, they made such way, that on the 9th of February, the pilots believed they had got to the southof the Azores; but in the opinion of the admiral, they were still 150leagues to the west of these islands, and his reckoning turned out to betrue. They still found abundance of weeds, which, when they formerlysailed to the West Indies, had not been seen until they were 263 leagueswest from the island of Ferro. As they sailed thus onwards with fairweather and favourable winds, the wind began to rise, and increased fromday to day with a high sea, till at length they could hardly live upon it. The storm had so increased on Thursday the 14th of February, that theycould no longer carry sail, and had to drive whichever way the wind blew;but the Pinta, unable to lie athwart the sea, bore away due north beforethe wind, which now came from the south; and though the admiral alwayscarried a light, she was entirely out of sight next morning. Consideringtheir consort to be certainly lost, and believing themselves in imminenthazard, the whole company betook themselves to prayers, and cast lotswhich of them should go on pilgrimage for the whole crew to the shrine ofour Lady of Guadaloupe, which fell upon the admiral. They afterwards drewfor another to go to Loretto, and the lot fell upon Peter de Villa, aseaman of Port St Mary; and they cast lots for a third to watch all nightat the shrine of St Olave of Moguer. The storm still increasing, they allmade a vow to go barefooted, and in their shirts, to some church of ourLady at the first land they might come to. Besides these general vows, several others were made by individuals. The tempest was now very violent, and the admirals ship could hardly withstand its fury for want of ballast, which was fallen very short in consequence of the provisions and waterbeing mostly expended. To supply this want, they filled all the emptycasks in the ship with sea water, which was some help and made the ship tobear more upright, and be in less danger of oversetting. Of this violentstorm the admiral wrote thus to their Catholic majesties:

"I had been less concerned at the tempest had I alone been in danger, forI know that I owe my life to my Creator, and I have often been so neardeath that only the slightest circumstance was wanting to its completion. But, since it had pleased God to give me faith and assurance to go uponthis my undertaking in which I have been completely successful, I wasexceedingly distressed lest the fruits of my discoveries might be lost toyour highnesses by my death; whereas if I survived, those who opposed myproposal would be convinced, and your highnesses served by me with honourand increase of your royal state. I was therefore much grieved andtroubled lest the Divine Majesty should please to obstruct all this by mydeath, which had yet been more tolerable to contemplate if it were notattended with the loss of all those men I had carried with me upon promiseof happy success. They, seeing themselves in so great jeopardy, did notonly curse their setting out upon the expedition, but the fear and awewhich I had impressed upon them, to dissuade them from returning whenoutward bound, as they had several times resolved upon. Above all, mysorrow was redoubled by the remembrance of two sons whom I had left atschool in Cordova, destitute of friends and in a strange country, before Ihad done, or at least before it could be known that I had performed anyservice which might incline your majesties to remember and protect them. "

"Though I comforted myself with the hope that God would not allow a matterwhich tended so much to the exaltation of his church to be left imperfect, when I had through so much opposition and trouble brought it almost toperfection; yet I considered that it might be his will that I should notbe permitted to obtain such honour in this world, because of my demerits. In this perplexity, I remembered your highnesses good fortune; which, though I were dead and the ship lost, might yet find some means that aconquest so nearly achieved should not be lost, and that possibly thesuccess of my voyage might come to your knowledge by some means or other. With this view, as briefly as the time would permit, I wrote uponparchment that I had discovered the lands which I had promised; likewisehow many days were employed on the voyage, the direction in which I hadsailed, the goodness of the country, the nature of the inhabitants, andhow some of your highnesses subjects were left in possession of mydiscoveries. Which writing I folded and sealed up and superscribed to yourhighnesses, promising a reward of 1000 ducats to whoever might deliver itsealed into your hands; that, in case it might be found by a foreigner, the promised reward might induce him not to communicate the intelligence. I then caused a great cask to be brought to me, and having wrapped thewriting in oiled cloth, which I surrounded with a cake of wax, I placedthe whole in the cask: I then carefully closed up the bung-hole and threwthe cask into the sea, all the people fancying that it was some act ofdevotion. Apprehending that this might never be taken up, and the shipcoming still nearer to Spain, I made another packet like the first, whichI placed on the poop, that when the ship sunk the cask might float uponthe water, and take its chance of being found. "

Sailing on in such extreme danger, at break of day on Friday the 15th ofFebruary, one Ruy Garcia saw land from the round top bearing E. N. E. Thepilot and seamen judged it might be the rock of Lisbon, but the admiralconcluded that it was one of the Azores. Yet though at no great distance, they could not come to anchor there that day because of the weather, andthe wind being easterly, they lost sight of that island, and got sight ofanother, towards which they used every effort to approach, struggling withcontinual labour against wind and weather, but unable to reach the land. In his journal, the admiral says that on the night of Saturday the 16th ofFebruary he arrived at one of the Azores, but could not tell which; andhaving had no rest from the foregoing Wednesday, and being lame in bothlegs by being continually wet and in the open air, he took some sleep thatnight. Even provisions were now scanty. Having come to anchor on Mondaythe 18th February, he learnt from some of the inhabitants that it was theisland of St Mary, one of the Azores, and the inhabitants expressed greatsurprize that the ship had weathered the storm, which had continuedfifteen days in these parts without intermission. 

Learning the great discovery which the admiral had made, the inhabitantsof St Mary seemed greatly to rejoice, giving praise to God, and three ofthem came on board with some fresh provisions, and with many complimentsfrom the commander of the island, who resided at the town not far fromthence. About this place nothing was seen but a hermitage, said to bededicated to the Blessed virgin; whereupon the admiral and all the crew, bearing in remembrance the vow which they had made on the Thursday before, to go barefooted and in their shirts to some church of our Lady at thefirst land, were of opinion that they ought here to discharge their vow, especially as the governor and people expressed so much kindness for them, and as they belonged to a king who was in perfect amity with Castile. Theadmiral therefore requested these three men to repair to the town andcause a chaplain to come to the hermitage to say mass for them. To thisthese men consented, and went on shore in the caravels boat with half thecrew, that they might perform their vow, meaning on their return that theother half of the ships company should then go on shore in their turn. They accordingly landed, and proceeded according to their vow barefootedand in their shirts towards the hermitage; but the governor and manypeople from the town, who lay in ambush, suddenly rushed out upon them andmade them all prisoners, taking away their boat at the same time, withoutwhich they believed it impossible for the admiral to get away from thence. 

It being now noon, and thinking that the people staid too long on shore asthey went off before day-break, the admiral began to suspect that somemisfortune had befallen them either by land or sea; but not being able tosee the hermitage from the place where he then lay, he sailed round apoint which intervened, and then saw a multitude of people on horseback, who dismounted and went into the boat to attack the caravel. Suspectingwhat had really happened, the admiral ordered all his remaining hands toquarters well armed, but made no shew of resistance that the Portuguesemight come near. When they were near the admiral, the chief man among themstood up and demanded a parley, which the admiral agreed to in hope thathe might come on board and might be secured without any breach of faith, considering that he had seized the Spaniards without any just cause. Butthe Portuguese would not venture nearer than was sufficient for beingheard; whereupon the admiral told him that he was surprised at hisirregular proceedings, and that none of his men had come off in the boat, since they had gone ashore upon assurance of safety and offers ofassistance, and more especially as the governor of the island had sent towelcome him. He desired him to consider that their conduct was contrary tothe laws of honour, such as even enemies would, not have been guilty of, and at which the king of Portugal would be highly offended; since when anyof his subjects landed in the dominions of their Catholic majesties orresided there, even without any safe conduct, they were perfectly safe andwere treated with all manner of civility. Besides, he declared that theirCatholic majesties had given him letters of recommendation to all princespotentates and other persons in the world, which he was ready to shew ifhe would come on board; and as such letters were received in all placeswith respect, and he and the subjects of their Catholic majesties alwayswell treated on their account, much more ought they to be so in thedominions of Portugal, their sovereigns being such near neighbours andallies; and as he was their great admiral of the ocean and viceroy of theIndies which he had discovered, he was ready to shew him all this undertheir highnesses hands and seals. Accordingly at that distance heexhibited his commissions, and told him he might draw near without anyapprehension, as he was commanded to pay the utmost civility to suchPortuguese ships as he might fall in with. He added, that even if theyshould persist in detaining his men, this should not prevent his return toSpain, as he still had a sufficient number, not only to return to Seville, but if need were to punish his treacherous conduct which he well deserved;besides that he would be assuredly punished by his own king, for giving acause of war between Spain and Portugal. 

The Portuguese captain and his men made answer, that they neither knewtheir Catholic majesties or their letters, neither did they fear them, andwould make him to know what Portugal was. From this answer, the admiralsuspected that some breach had occurred between the crowns since hisdeparture, and therefore gave him such an answer as his folly deserved. At last when about to depart, the captain stood up and said that theadmiral might go with his caravel to the harbour, as all he had done wasby order of the king his master. The admiral desired all his ships companyto bear witness to this, and then calling out to the Portuguese, declaredhe would not leave his caravel till he had taken an hundred Portuguese tocarry prisoners to Castile, and that he would utterly destroy the wholeisland. This said, the Portuguese went away to the land, and the admiralcame to anchor in the port where he had first arrived, being obliged bythe wind to do so. But the wind increasing next day and the place beingunsafe, he lost his anchors and was obliged to stand out to sea towardsthe island of St Michael; resolving, in case he might be unable to come toanchor there, to stand out to sea notwithstanding the danger, and that henow had only three able seamen left and some _grummets_, all the rest ofthe crew being landsmen and Indians who knew nothing of sea affairs. Supplying the want of the absent hands by his own continual personalattention, he passed the whole of that night in much danger and anxiety, and when day appeared he perceived that the had lost sight of the islandof St Michael. The weather being now calmer, he resolved to return to StMary that he might endeavour to recover his men, anchors, and boat. 

On Thursday the twenty-first of February in the afternoon he got back tothe island of St Mary, and a boat soon afterwards came off with five menand a notary, who all came on board upon assurance of safety, and staidall night, it being then too late to return safely to the shore. Next daythe notary declared that they came from the governor to be certainlyinformed whence the ship came, and whether it had a commission from theirCatholic majesties, and that being fully satisfied on these points theadmiral might depend upon receiving every friendly assistance; but allthis was merely because they could not succeed in seizing the ship and theadmiral, and were therefore afraid of the consequences of what they hadalready done. The admiral suppressed his resentment and thanked them fortheir civil offers; and since they now proceeded according to the maritimerules and customs, declared his readiness to satisfy them. He accordinglyshewed them the letters of their Catholic majesties directed to all theirown subjects and to those of other princes, and his own commission for thevoyage; upon which the Portuguese went on shore quite satisfied, and soondismissed the Spanish boat and all the seamen. From them the admirallearnt that it was reported in the island, that the king of Portugal hadsent orders to all his subjects to secure the person of the admiralwherever he might be found. 

The admiral sailed from the island of St Mary for Spain on Sunday thetwenty-fourth of February, being still much in want of wood and ballast, which he could not take in because of the badness of the weather; but thewind being fair he was unwilling to make any longer delay. Being about 100leagues from the nearest land, a swallow came on board the ship, drivenout to sea as was believed by a storm; and this was the more probable as agreat many more swallows and other land birds came onboard next day, thetwenty-eighth February, and a whale was seen. On the third of March aboutmidnight it blew so great a storm as to split their sails; and being ingreat danger of perishing, they made a vow to send one of their number ona pilgrimage to the shrine of _Neustra Senhora de Cintra_ at Guelva, andthe lot fell again on the admiral, shewing that his offerings were moreacceptable than those of others. While thus driving on under bare poles, amid high winds, a raging sea, and frightful thunder and lightning, itpleased God to give them a sight of land about midnight. But thisthreatened them with new danger; and to avoid being beaten to pieces onthe rocks, or running into some unknown place whence they might not beable to get off, they were under the necessity to make some sail and tobeat up against the storm till day. When day appeared they foundthemselves close in with the rock of Lisbon, and were forced to put inthere for present safety. The people and seamen of that country were muchastonished at the news, and flocked from all parts to behold the wonder;for such they considered a ship which had escaped so terrible a storm, asthey had heard of many vessels having perished about the coast of Flandersand other parts at this time. The admiral came to anchor in the riverTagus on Monday the fourth of March, and immediately sent off an expressto their Catholic majesties with an account of his arrival, and another tothe king of Portugal asking leave to come to anchor off the city of Lisbon;for he did not consider himself in safety where he then lay, especiallyfrom any that might entertain evil designs against him, who might believethat in destroying him they did acceptable service to their own king byobstructing the success of the court of Spain. 

On Tuesday the fifth of March, the master of a large guard-ship which layin the Tagus came in his boat filled with armed men to the admiralscaravel, and required him to go with him to the kings officers to give anaccount of himself, as was the custom of all ships that came to this port. To this he answered, that the admirals of their Catholic majesties, one ofwhom he was, were not bound to obey any such summons, nor to quit theirships to give an account of themselves to any one, and that he wasresolved to do his duty. The master then desired him to send hisboatswain to make the report. To this the admiral replied that it was thesome thing whether he sent even a grummet or went himself, and it wastherefore in vain to desire him to send any person. Being sensible thatthe admiral was right, the master now requested to see the letter of theirCatholic majesties, that he might be able to satisfy his own captain; andthis request being entirely reasonable, the admiral produced that letter, with which he was entirely satisfied, and went back to his ship to give anaccount to his captain Alvaro de Acunna, who immediately came on board ingreat state, with trumpets, drums, and fifes, expressing much kindness andoffering every service in his power. 

Next day, it being known at Lisbon that the ship came from the Indies, such throngs of people went on board to see the Indians that the caravelcould not contain them all, and the water was covered over with boats. Some praised God for the happy discovery, while others expressed theirsevere regret that their country should have been deprived of that vastacquisition through the incredulousness of their king. On the next day theking of Portugal gave orders to present the admiral with every kind ofrefreshment, and all things he might need for himself or his people, without taking any payment in return. He at the same time wrote to theadmiral a congratulatory letter on his safe arrival, and desiring that hewould come to see him. The admiral was doubtful how he should proceed inthis case; but considering that the king of Portugal was in amity withtheir Catholic majesties and had treated him courteously, he consented togo to Valparaiso, nine leagues from Lisbon, where the king then was. Heaccordingly went there on Saturday night the ninth of March, and the kingordered all the nobility of his court to go out to meet him; and when theadmiral came into the presence, the king received him with great honour, commanding him to put on his cap and to sit down: and having listened witha pleasant countenance to a recital of his successful voyage, made offerof supplying with every thing he might stand in need of for the service oftheir Catholic majesties. The king then alleged, as Columbus had been acaptain in the service of the crown of Portugal, that the discovery andconquest of the new found Indies ought to belong to him. To this theadmiral answered, that he knew of no agreement to that effect, and that hehad strictly obeyed his orders, which were not to go to the Portuguesemines nor to the coast of Guinea. The king then observed that all was well, and he had no doubt that justice would be done between the two countries. Having spent a long time in discourse, the king commanded the prior ofCrato, the greatest person then in the presence, to entertain the admiraland to shew him all civility and respect, which was done accordingly. 

The admiral remained at Valparaiso all the Sunday and Monday till aftermass, when he took leave of the king, who expressed great kindness andmade him great proffers; and ordered Don Martin de Noronha to accompanyhim. Many other gentlemen went along with him to do him honour, and fromcuriosity to hear an account of the voyage. While on his way to Lisbon, the admiral had to pass a monastery where the queen then resided, whoearnestly entreated him not to pass without seeing her. She received himwith all the favour and honour which is due to the greatest lord. Thatnight a gentleman brought a message from the king to inform the admiralthat if he chose to go by land into Spain, he had orders to attend him, and to provide lodgings and every thing he might want by the way, as faras the frontiers of Portugal. But the admiral chose to return by sea. 

On Wednesday the thirteenth of March, two hours after day-break, theadmiral sailed from Lisbon, and on the following Friday, the fifteenth ofMarch 1493, he arrived at Saltes about noon, and came to an anchor in theport of Palos, whence he had set out on the preceding third of August 1492, having been absent seven months and twelve days upon his expedition. Hewas there received by all the people in solemn procession, giving thanksto God for his prosperous voyage and glorious discovery, which it washoped would greatly redound to the propagation of Christianity, and theextension of their Catholic majesties dominions. All the inhabitantsconsidered it as a great honour to their city that the admiral had sailedfrom thence, and that most of his men belonged to the place, although manyof them, through the instigations of Pinzon, had been mutinous anddisobedient. 

It so happened that about the same time that the admiral arrived at Palos, Pinzon had arrived with the Pinta in Galicia, and designed to have gone byhimself to Barcelona to carry the news of the expedition to their Catholicmajesties. But he received orders not to come to court, unless along withthe admiral with whom he had been sent upon the discovery; at which he wasso mortified and disappointed that he returned indisposed to his nativecountry, where he died shortly after of grief. But before Pinzon got toPalos the admiral had set out for Seville, designing to go from thence toBarcelona where their majesties then resided, and he was forced to makeseveral short stops by the way, to gratify the importunate curiosity andadmiration of the people, who flocked from all the towns in theneighbourhood wherever he went, to see him and the Indians and the otherthings he had brought with him. Thus holding on his way, the admiralreached Barcelona about the middle of April, having before sent to theirhighnesses on account of the happy success of his voyage. This was verypleasing to them, and they ordered him to be received in the mostdistinguished manner, as a person who had done them such signal service. All the court and city went out to meet and welcome him, and to escort himin honourable triumph to the royal presence. Their Catholic majesties satin public with great state on rich chairs under a canopy of cloth of goldto receive him; and when he advanced to kiss their hands, they stood up asif to receive a great lord, even making a difficulty in giving him theirhands to kiss, and then caused him to sit down in their presence. Havinggiven a brief account of his voyage, they gave him leave to retire to hisapartment, whither he was attended by the whole court; and so great wasthe favour and honour shewn him, that when the king rode about Barcelona, the admiral rode on one side of him and the Infante Fortuna on the other;whereas before no one rode along-side of the king except the Infante, whowas his near kinsman. 

[1] Rabo de junco is explained to signify Rush-tailed: Rabo being a tail and Junco a rush in the Spanish language. --E. 

[2] Don Ferdinand compliments his father too largely in this place by supposing Cipango and Hispaniola the same. The original design of Columbus to sail westwards to India, which he erroneously supposed to be vastly nearer in that direction, led him accidentally almost to discover Hispaniola on the supposed route to Cipango or Japan. --E

[3] The dates of the voyage may be here recapitulated. Columbus sailed from Palos on the third of August 1492, and reached the island of Gomera, one of the Canary islands, on the ninth of August, or in six days. He remained there and at Gran Canaria, refitting and replenishing his stores, till the sixth of September, when he began his passage due west across the Atlantic; and the first land of America was discovered on Friday the twelfth of October at two in the morning: thirty-six days after leaving Gran Canaria, and seventy days after leaving Palos in Spain. --E. 

[4] This would seem to be a great exaggeration, perhaps an error of the press; but now impossible to be rectified. --E

[5] Nothing can be more ambiguous than the interpretation of signs between people who are utterly ignorant of each others language: But the signs on this occasion seem rather to imply that the cacique requested the Spaniards to declare themselves his friends, by participating in hostile demonstrations against the people from Tortuga. --E. 

[6] This term evidently expresses a person unused to the sea, as contradistinguished from an experienced seaman. --E. 

[7] Cazabi seems to have been what is now called casada in the British West Indies, or prepared manioc root; and axi in some other parts of this voyage is mentioned as the spice of the West Indies; probably either pimento or capsicum, and used as a condiment to relish the insipidity of the casada. --E. 

[8] The meaning of this term is nowhere explained in this voyage: but in the account of the discovery of America by Herrera, it is said to signify pale gold. From its application in the text, it is probably the Indian name of gold, the perpetual object of inquiry by the Spaniards. --E. 

[9] Such absurd fables have in all ages been the consequence of credulous intercourse of ill-informed men, ignorant of the languages of newly discovered nations. The Amazons of antiquity are here supposed to be rediscovered; but were afterwards transferred to the interior marshy plains of South America. --E. 

[10] The author probably alludes here to the various-shaped pods of different species or varieties of capsicum. --E. 

SECTION VI. 

_Second Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies_. 

Orders were issued from Barcelona to prepare with all care and expeditionfor the return of the admiral to Hispaniola, as well to relieve thoseChristians who had been left there as to enlarge the colony and subdue theisland, with the rest that were and should be discovered. To strengthenand confirm their title to the newly discovered regions, their Catholicmajesties by the advice of the admiral, procured the approbation andconsent of the pope for the conquest of the Indies, which was readilygranted by Alexander VI, who then governed the church; and the bull tothis effect was not only for what was already discovered, but for all thatmight be discovered westwards, until they should come to the _East_, whereany Christian prince was then actually in possession, and forbidding allpersons whomsoever to intrude within these bounds. And this concession andexclusive right was again confirmed in the year following in the mostample terms. Sensible that all this favourable grant from the pope was dueto the admiral, by whose discovery they had become entitled to thepossession of all these parts, their majesties were pleased, on thetwenty-eighth of May, at Barcelona, to ratify, renew, confirm, and explainthe privileges and prerogatives which they had granted him before, bygranting them of new, so as explicitly to define how far the bounds of hisadmiralty and viceroyalty extended, being over all which had been grantedto them by his holiness, of which grant the tenor follows:

_Original Grant to Columbus in 1492, before the Discovery_. 

"FERDINAND and ISABELLA, by the grace of God, King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Arragon, Sicily, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca, Minorca, Seville, Sardinia, Jaen, Algarve, Algezira, Gibraltar, and theCanary islands, Lord and Lady of Biscay and Molina, Duke and Duchess ofAthens and Neopatria, Count and Countess of Boussillon and Cerdagne, Marquis and Marchioness of Oristan and Gociano, &c. "

"Forasmuch as you CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS are going by our command, and withsome of our ships and men to discover and subdue certain islands andcontinents in the ocean, and it is hoped by Gods assistance that some ofthose islands and continents will be discovered by your means and conduct, it is therefore just and reasonable, since you expose yourself to suchdangers in our service, that you be suitably rewarded. And willing tohonour and favour you for the reasons aforesaid, our will is that youChristopher Columbus, after discovering and conquering the said islandsand continent, in the said ocean, or any of them, shall be our admiralof all such islands and continent as you shall so discover and conquer, and that you be our admiral, viceroy, and governor in them: that for thefuture you may call and style yourself Don Christopher Columbus; and thatyour sons and successors in the said employment may call themselves dons, admirals, viceroys, and governors, in the same: That you may exercise thecharge of admiral, viceroy, and governor of the said islands and continentwhich you or your lieutenants shall conquer, and shall freely decide allcauses, civil and criminal, appertaining to the said employments ofadmiral, viceroy, and governor, as you think fit according to justice, andas the admirals of our kingdom are in use to do: That you shall have powerto punish all offenders: That you and your lieutenants may exercise theemployments of admiral, viceroy, and governor, in all things belonging tothe said offices, or any of them, and that you shall enjoy the perquisitesand salaries belonging to the said employments and to each of them, in thesame manner that the high admiral of our kingdom does at present. "

"By this our letter, or by a copy thereof signed by a public notary, Wecommand prince John, our dearly beloved son the Infante, dukes, prelates, marquisses, great masters, and military orders, priors, commanderies, orcouncillors, judges, and others our officers of justice whomsoever, belonging to our household, courts, and chancery, and constables ofcastles, commanders of forts and others, and all corporations, mayors, bailiffs, and magistrates, governors, judges, commanders, and sea officers;the aldermen, common councillors, officers, and good people, of allcities, towns, lands, and places in our kingdoms and dominions, and inthose which you shall discover and subdue; and the captains, masters, mates, and all other officers and sailors, our natural subjects at present, or who shall so become hereafter, all or any of them, that when you shallhave so discovered the said islands and continent in the ocean, and you orany that have your commission shall have taken the oaths usual in suchcases, that they shall look upon you for the future so long as you live, and after you your son and heir, and so on from one heir to another forever, as our admiral, viceroy, and governor of the said islands andcontinent by you Christopher Columbus to be discovered and conquered; andthat they treat you, and your lieutenants by you appointed for executingthe employments of admiral, viceroy, and governor, as such in all respects;and shall give you all the perquisites and other things belonging andappertaining to the said offices; and shall allow and cause to be allowedyou, all honours, graces, concessions, preeminences, prerogatives, immunities, and other things, or any of them, which are due to you byvirtue of your commands of admiral, viceroy, and governor, all to beobserved completely, so that nothing shall be diminished: That they shallraise no objection to this or any part of it, nor suffer any such to bemade; forasmuch as we by this our letter bestow on you the employments ofadmiral, viceroy and governor forever, and have put you in possession ofthe said offices and all of them, with full power to use and exercise them, and to receive the perquisites and salaries belonging to them, or any ofthem, as above said. "

"Concerning all which things if it be requisite and you shall desire it, Wecommand our chancellors, notaries, and other officers, to pass, seal, anddeliver to you our letter of privilege, in such firm and legal manner asyou shall require and stand in need of. And that none presume to do anything to the contrary upon pain of our displeasure, and the forfeiture ofthirty ducats for each offence. And we command him who shall shew themthis our letter, that he shall summon them to appear before us at ourcourt wherever we shall then be, within fifteen days after such summonsunder the foresaid penalty. Under which same penalty we also command anypublic notary whomsoever, that he give to him that shews it to him acertificate under his seal, that we may know how our command is obeyed. "

 "Given at Granada on the thirtieth of April in the year of our Lord 1492. " "_I the King. _ _I the Queen. _"

 _Confirmation in_ 1493. 

After a preamble, as in the original grant, it proceeds thus:

"And now, forasmuch as it has pleased GOD that you have discovered severalof the said islands, as we still hope you will proceed by his grace todiscover others, and the continent in the said ocean, and those parts ofthe Indies, and seeing that you have desired us to confirm to you our saidgrant here recapitulated, and all the contents thereof, to the end thatyou and your children, heirs, and successors, one after another, and afteryour days, may have and enjoy the said employments of admiral, viceroy, and governor of the said ocean, islands, and continent, as well of thoseyou have already found and discovered as of those you shall hereafter findand discover, with all the powers, preeminence, privileges, andprerogatives as the admirals, viceroys, and governors in our kingdoms ofCastile and Leon do actually enjoy; and that all the perquisites andsalaries, appertaining and belonging to the said offices, and granted andallowed to our admirals, viceroys, and governors, may be made good to you, or that we shall make such provision in this case as in our goodness wemay think fit. "

"And, having regard to the fatigues and dangers which you have exposedyourself to in our service, in going to discover and find out the saidislands, and that which you now run in attempting to find out the otherislands and continent, wherein we have been and hope to be by you wellserved; we, to requite and reward you, do by these presents confirm to youand your children, heirs, and successors, one after another, now and forever, the said employments of admiral of the said ocean, and viceroy andgovernor of the said islands and continent, by you discovered and foundout, and of the other islands and continent that shall be by you, or byyour industry found or discovered in those parts of the Indies. And it isour will, that you, and after you your children, heirs, and successors, one after the other, enjoy the said employment of admiral of the saidocean which is ours, and which commences at a line which we have causedto be drawn from the Azores islands to the islands of Cape Verd, and sofrom pole to pole north and south, so that all beyond the said linewestwards is ours and belongs to us. And we accordingly constitute youour admiral, and your sons and successors one after another, of all thatpart for ever. And we appoint you, and your sons, heirs, and successors, one after another, viceroy and governor of the said islands and continentdiscovered, and to be discovered in the said ocean, and in those parts ofthe Indies aforesaid; and we grant you the possession of all the saidemployments of admiral, viceroy, and governor for ever, with fullcommission and authority to use and exercise in the said ocean the officeof admiral in all things, and in the same manner and form, and with therights and privileges, perquisites and salaries as our admirals of Castileand Leon now use, have, and enjoy, or have enjoyed, as well in the saidislands and continent already discovered, as in those which shallhereafter be discovered in the said ocean, and in the said parts of theIndies, that the planters or colonists of the same may be the bettergoverned. "

"And we grant you such power and authority, that you, as our viceroy andgovernor, and your lieutenants, commanders, and officers, by you created, may exercise the civil and criminal jurisdiction, the supreme and meanauthority, and the absolute and mixed command. And in those places you mayremove, turn out, and put in others in their places, as often as youplease, and may find convenient. And they shall have power to hear, judge, and determine, all suits or causes, civil and criminal, that shall occuror arise in said islands and continent, and they shall have and receivethe fees and salaries usually annexed and pertaining to those employmentsin our kingdoms of Castile and Leon. And you our said viceroy and governor, may hear and determine all the said causes or any of them, whensoever youplease, upon the first motion, or by way of appeal or complaint, and mayexamine, determine, and decide them as our viceroy and governor: and youand your children may do all that is reasonable in such cases, and in allother things pertaining to the office of viceroy and governor; and you andyour lieutenants and officers, may take such cognizance and use suchmethods as you shall think proper for our service and the due execution ofjustice. All which you and they may do, and perform lawfully andeffectually, as they might and ought to do, had the said officers beenappointed by us. And our will and pleasure is, that all suchletters-patent as you shall grant, be drawn and granted in our names withthese words, _Ferdinand and Isabella, by the grace of GOD, king and queenof Castile and Leon, &c. _ and shall be sealed with our seal, which weshall cause to be given you for the said islands and continent. And wecommand all the people and inhabitants, and other persons in the saidislands and continent, to obey you as our viceroy and governor of the same, and all those who sail on the said seas, to obey you as our admiral of thesaid ocean; and that all of them shall execute your letters and orders, and shall take part with you and your officers for the due execution ofour justice, and shall give and cause to be given you all the aid andassistance you shall require and stand in need of, upon such penalties asyou shall impose upon them, which by these presents we do impose upon them, and declare to be imposed; and we grant you authority to execute the same, upon their persons and goods. "

"And it also is our will, that if you shall find it for our service, andthe due execution of justice to cause any person who shall be in the saidislands and continent to depart therefrom, and not to stay or returnthereto, and that they shall come and appear before us; you may, in ourname command and make them depart accordingly, all whom we by thesepresents command, that they presently perform, execute, and put inpractice all that has been enjoined, without looking farther or askingadvice in the same, not expecting any other letter or command from us, andnotwithstanding any appeal or petition which they may make or present tous against your said order. For all which things, and any other due orbelonging to the said offices of our admiral, viceroy, and governor, wegive you sufficient authority in all incidents, dependencies, andemergencies, that may occur. Concerning all which, if you shall so desire, we command our chancellor, notaries, and others, our officers belonging toour seals, that they give, pass, dispatch, and seal for you, our lettersof privilege, in as strong, firm, and effective manner as you may requireof them and stand in need of, and that none of them do any thing to thecontrary, upon pain of our displeasure, and of _thirty_ ducats to be paidto our treasury by every one who may be guilty to the contrary hereof. "

"And besides, we command him that shall shew them[1] this our letter tosummon them to appear before us in our court wheresoever we may happen tobe, within fifteen days, under the same penalty. Under which we alsocommand any public notary, who may be called for such purpose, that hegive to him who shall produce these letters to him a certificate, signedunder his hand, that we may know how our commands are obeyed[2]. 

 "Given in our city of Barcelona, this 28th of May, in the year of our Lord 1493. " "_I the King. _ _I the Queen. _"

 "By their majesties order, _Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo_, secretary to the king and queen. " "_Peter Gutierres_, Chancellor: Without fees for seal or entry. " "Delivered by _Roderick Doctor_. " "Entered, _Alonzo Perez_. "

Orders having been issued to make all necessary preparations for theestablishment of a permanent colony in the new discovery, the admiral wentfrom Barcelona to Seville in June 1493, and so diligently solicited thefitting out of the fleet which their Catholic majesties had directed to beprovided, that in a short time seventeen vessels of various sizes were gotready, well stored with provisions and with all things deemed necessaryfor the intended colonization. Handicrafts of all sorts, with peasants orfarmers to till the ground, and a variety of labourers, were engaged toaccompany the expedition. The fame of the gold and other rarities whichthe newly discovered region produced, had induced so many gentlemen andother persons of respectability to offer themselves, that it becamenecessary to limit the numbers who could be permitted to embark, and notto allow all who were eager to transport themselves to the new world to gothere, until time should make it appear how matters might succeed, and thecolony might be somewhat settled. Yet so eager were the adventurers toengage in the scheme of this new colony, that 1500 persons of all sortswent upon the expedition; of whom some carried out horses, asses, andother kinds of cattle, which were afterwards of most important benefit tothe colony. 

All things being prepared, the admiral weighed anchor from the road ofCadiz, where the fleet had been prepared, upon Wednesday the 25th ofSeptember 1493, an hour before sun-rising, and stood to the southwards forthe Canary islands, designing to procure some necessary refreshmentsthere[3]. On the 28th of September, being then 100 leagues from Spain, great numbers of land birds, among which were turtle-doves, and many smallbirds, came aboard the admirals ship, which were supposed to come from theAzores, and to be on their passage to Africa to pass the winter. Holdingon their course, the fleet came to anchor at Gran Canaria on Wednesday the2d of October, and sailed again at midnight for Gomera, where it arrivedon the 5th of October. The admiral issued orders for every thing of whichthe fleet might stand in need to be provided with all possible dispatch. 

On Monday the 7th of October, the admiral continued his voyage for theWest Indies, having first delivered sealed orders to every ship in thefleet, with strict injunctions that they were not to be opened unlessseparated from him by stress of weather. In these he gave directions forthe course which they were to steer for attaining the town of the Nativityin Hispaniola, and he did not wish that course should be known by any onewithout urgent necessity. Having sailed on with a fair wind until Thursdaythe 24th of October, when they were by estimation 400 leagues west fromGomera, all were astonished at not finding any of the weeds which had beenmet with on the former voyage when only 250 leagues advanced into theAtlantic. On that day and the next a swallow was seen flying about thefleet. On the night of Saturday the 26th, the body of _St Elmo_, withseven lighted candles, was seen on the round top, which was followed byprodigious torrents of rain and frightful thunder and lightning. I meanthose lights were seen which the seamen affirm to be the body of St Elmo, to whom they sing litanies and prayers upon these occasions, and theyfirmly believe that there can be no danger from those storms in which thatphenomenon occurs. According to Pliny, when such lights appeared to theRoman sailors they were said to be Castor and Pollux, of which Senecalikewise makes mention in the beginning of his Book of Nature. [4]

On Saturday the 2d of November, the admiral observed a great alteration inthe appearance of the sky and in the winds, and concluded from these, andthe prevalence of heavy rains, that he was certainly approaching the land, and therefore ordered most of the sails to be furled, and all the peopleto be on the watch, and to keep a strict look out. This precaution wasexceedingly necessary; for next morning, just as day began to dawn, a highmountainous island was discovered about seven leagues to the west, towhich the admiral gave the name of Dominica, because discovered on Sunday. Soon afterwards another island was seen to the north-east of Dominica, andthen another, and another after that more to the northwards. [5] On thisjoyful occasion, all the crew assembled on the poop, and devoutly sung the_salve regina_, and other hymns, giving thanks to God that in twentydays after their departure from Gomera they had safely made the land, judging the distance between Gomera and Dominica to be between 750 and 800leagues. Finding no convenient place for anchoring on the east side ofDominica, the admiral stood over to another island which he namedMarigalante after his own ship. Landing here, he again confirmed with alldue solemnity, the possession which he had taken in his first voyage ofall the islands and continent of the West Indies for their Catholicmajesties. 

On Monday the 4th of November, the admiral sailed northwards past anotherlarge island, which he named St Mary of _Guadalupe_, partly by reason ofhis own especial devotion to the holy Virgin, and because he had made apromise to the friars of that monastery to name some island after theirhouse. Before they came to it, and about two leagues distance from itscoast, they discovered a very high rock ending in a point, whence issued astream of water as thick as a large barrel, which made so great a noise inits fall as to be heard on board the ships; yet many affirmed that it wasonly a white vein in the rock, the water was so white and frothy by reasonof its rapid fall. Going on shore to view a kind of town, they found noparson there except some children, all the people having fled into thewoods. To the arms of these children they tied some baubles, to alluretheir fathers when they returned. 

In the houses our people found some geese like those of Spain, andabundance of parrots as large as common cocks, having red, green, blue, and white feathers. They also found pompions, and a sort of fruitresembling our green pine apples, but much larger, which were full of asolid fruit like melons, but much sweeter both in taste and smell, and farbetter than those which are brought up by art. This fruit grew on longstalks, like lilies or aloes, wild about the fields. They also saw othersorts of fruits and herbs different from ours. In the houses there werebeds or hammocks made of cotton nets, with bows and arrows, and otherarticles; but our people took none of these things away, that the Indiansmight be the less afraid of the Christians. What they most admired andwondered at was that they found an iron pan in one of the houses; though Iam disposed to believe that the rocks and fire-stones of the country beingof the colour of bright iron, a person of indifferent judgment may havetaken it for iron without sufficient examination; for there never was anyiron found afterwards among these people, and I find no authority from theadmiral for this incident on his own knowledge, and as he used to writedown daily whatever happened and was reported to him, he may have set downthis among other particulars related by those who had been on shore. [6]Even if it actually were iron, it may be thus accounted for: The nativesof Guadaloup, being Caribs, were accustomed to make plundering expeditionsas far as Hispaniola, and might have procured that pan from the Christiansor the natives of that island. It is likewise possible that they mighthave carried off some of the iron from the wreck of the admirals formership; or some of that wreck containing iron might have been drifted by thewinds and currents from Hispaniola. Be this as it may, the people neithertook away the pan nor any thing else. 

Next day the admiral sent two boats on shore, to endeavour to procure someperson who might be able to give him some account of the country, and toinform him in what direction Hispaniola lay. Each of the boats brought offa youth, who agreed in saying that they were not of that island, but ofanother which they called _Borriquen_, now St John; and that theinhabitants of Guadaloupe were Caribs or Canibals, and had taken themprisoners from their own island. Soon afterwards, the boats returned onshore to bring off some Christians who had been left, and found six womenwho had fled to them from the Caribs, and came off willingly to the ships. To allure the Indians, the admiral would not keep them, but set them onshore against their wills, giving them some glass beads and bells. Thiswas not done unadvisedly, for as soon as they landed, the Caribs even insight of the Christians, took away all the trinkets which had been giventhem. Therefore, either through hatred or fear of the Caribs, when theboats returned some time afterwards for wood and water, the women got intothem and requested to be carried back to the ships, and gave the seamen tounderstand by signs that those people eat men and make slaves of the women, and therefore they would not remain with them. Yielding to theirentreaties, the seamen brought them back, with two children and a youngman who had escaped from the Caribs; these people thinking themselvessafer in the hands of strangers whom they had never seen or heard of, than among the cruel and wicked Caribs who had eaten their husbands andchildren, but who are said not to eat women, whom they keep as slaves. Oneof the women said there were many islands to the south, some inhabited andothers not, which they severally named Giamachi, Cairvaco, Huino, Buriari, Arubeira, and Sixibei. They said that the continent was very large, andboth they and the inhabitants of Hispaniola named it Zuanta; saying, thatin former times canoes had come from that land to the islands to barterwith abundance of lads, of whom there were two thirds in an island not fardistant[7]. They also said that the king of the island, from which theyfled, was gone with ten large canoes and 300 men to make incursions intothe neighbouring islands to take prisoners to eat. The women likewise gaveinformation where Hispaniola lay; for though the admiral had inserted itin his chart, yet he was inclined to hear what the natives of theseislands knew respecting it for his better guidance. 

The admiral now wished to proceed on his voyage, but was told that oneCaptain Mark had gone on shore before day with eight men without his leave, and had not yet returned. He was therefore obliged to send out to look forhim, though in vain, by reason of the thickness of the trees. Therefore, that they might not be lost or be obliged to leave a ship for them, whichmight afterwards miss its way to Hispaniola, the admiral resolved toremain till next day; and because the country was full of extensive andthick woods, he ordered them to be carefully sought after, making a greatnoise with trumpets and muskets to lead them on the right way. But thepeople having searched the whole day ineffectually, returned to the shipsin the evening without finding them, or hearing any thing of them. It wasnow Thursday morning, and no news had been heard of them since Tuesday;and considering that they had gone without leave, the admiral declared hisresolution to continue the voyage, or at least made a shew of doing so todeter others from doing the like in future; but he allowed himself to beprevailed on by some of the kindred and friends of the stragglers to staya little longer, and gave orders in the meantime for all the ships tocomplete their wood and water, and for the people to wash their linens;and he sent Captain Hojeda with forty men to look out for those who wereamissing, and to examine into the nature of the country. Hojeda foundmastick, aloes, sandal, ginger, frankincense, and some trees resemblingcinnamon in taste and smell, and abundance of cotton. He saw many falcons, and two of them pursuing the other birds; also kites, herons, daws, turtles, partridges, geese, and nightingales; and he affirmed, that intravelling six leagues they had crossed twenty-six rivers, several ofwhich were very deep; but I am apt to believe, as the country was verywoody and uneven, that they had often crossed the same river. While theparty under Hojeda were admiring the beauties of the country, and otherparties were going about in all directions in search of the stragglers, they returned to the ship on Friday the 8th of November without havingbeen met by any of those who looked for them. They excused themselves bysaying that they had lost their way in the woods; but to punish theirpresumption, the admiral ordered the captain to be put in irons, and thatthe rest should have their allowance of provisions retrenched. The admiralthen landed and went to some of the houses, where he saw all theparticulars which have been already mentioned; likewise abundance ofcotton, both spun and unspun, and looms for weaving, many human skullshung up, and baskets full of human bones. The houses in this island werebetter, and more plentifully furnished with provisions and other thingsused by the Indians, than any which he had seen in his first voyage. 

On Sunday the 10th of November the admiral weighed anchor, standing withthe whole fleet towards the N. W. Along the coast of Guadaloupe, and cameto an island which he named Monseratte on account of its height; and wasinformed by the Indians on board that the Caribs had entirely dispeopledit by devouring all the inhabitants. He thence proceeded by St MaryRedonda, so named on account of its round and upright shape, insomuch, that there seemed no possibility of getting up to it without ladders. Itwas called Ocamaniro by the Indians. He next came to St Maria la Antigua, which is about twenty-eight leagues in extent. Still holding on his courseto the N. W. There appeared several other islands towards the north, and inthe N. W. And S. E. All very high and woody; at one of these he cast anchorand named it St Martin. They here took up some pieces of coral sticking tothe flukes of the anchors, which made them hope to find other usefularticles of commerce in these islands. Though the admiral was alwaysanxious to examine into every place which he discovered, he yet resolvedto hold on his course towards Hispaniola, that he might carry relief tothe people who had been left there. But the weather being bad, he wasobliged to come to anchor at an island on the 14th of November, where hegave orders to take some of the inhabitants, that he might learnwhereabout he then was. As the boat was returning to the fleet with fourwomen and three children whom they had taken, it met a canoe in which werefour men and a woman; who perceiving that they could not escape, stoodupon their defence, and hit two of the Spaniards with their arrows, whichthey discharged with such force and dexterity that the woman pierced atarget quite through. The Spaniards attempted to board, and the canoe wasoverset, so that all the Indians were taken swimming in the water; and oneof them shot several arrows while swimming, as dexterously as if he hadbeen on dry land. 

These people were found to be castrated; for they had been made prisonersby the Caribs in some other islands, who had so used them as we do capons, that they might become fatter and better food. Departing from thence, theadmiral continued his voyage W. N. W. Where he fell in with a cluster ofabove fifty islands, which he left to the northward of his course. Thelargest of these he named the island of St. Ursula, and the others hecalled the Eleven Thousand Virgins. He next came to the island called_Borriquen_ by the Indians, but which he named St John the Baptist, in abay on the west side of which the fleet came to anchor, where they caughtseveral sorts of fish, as skate, olaves, pilchards, and shads. On the landthey saw falcons, and bushes resembling wild vines. More to the eastwardssome Spaniards went to certain houses well built after the Indian fashion, having a square before them and a broad road down to the sea, with bowerson each side made of canes, and curiously interwoven with evergreens, suchas are seen in the gardens of Valencia. At the end of the road next thesea there was a raised stage or balcony, lofty and well built, capable ofcontaining ten or twelve men. 

On Friday the fifteenth of November the admiral reached the north side ofHispaniola, and immediately sent on shore at Samana one of the natives ofthe island who had been in Spain, and who being converted to our holyfaith, offered to engage all his countrymen to submit to the Christians. The admiral continued his voyage to the Nativity, and off Cape Angel someIndians came on board to barter their commodities. Coming to anchor inthe bay of Monte Christo a boat was sent on shore, the people of whichfound two dead men lying near a river. One of these seemed to be young andthe other old, having a rope made of a substance like Spanish broom roundhis neck, and his arms extended and tied to a piece of wood in the form ofa cross. Having been long dead, it could not be known whether these peoplewere Christians or Indians, but it was considered an evil omen. The nextday, twenty-sixth November, the admiral sent on shore in several places, and the Indians came boldly and freely to converse with the Spaniards, touching their shirts and doublets, and naming these articles in theSpanish language. This confidence and friendly behaviour relieved theadmiral from the fears which he had conceived on account of the dead men;believing that if the natives had injured the Christians whom he had left, they would not have come so boldly on board the ships. But next day, coming to anchor about midnight near the town of Nauidad or the Nativity, a canoe came to the fleet and asked for the admiral, and being bid to comeon board, they refused to do so till they should see him. The admiraltherefore went to the ships side to hear what they had to say, and thentwo men from the canoe went up with two marks of gold, which theypresented with many compliments to the admiral as from the caciqueGuacanagari. Being asked concerning the Christians who were left at theNativity, they answered that some of them had died of distempers, some hadparted from the company and had gone into other parts of the country, andthat all of them had four or five wives. Though it appeared from the wayin which these Indians spoke, that all or most of the colonists were dead, yet the admiral did not think fit to take much notice of the circumtanceat the time; he therefore dismissed the messengers with some brasstrinkets and other baubles for Guacanagari, and a few to themselves. 

Towards evening on Thursday the twenty-eighth November the admiral camewith all the fleet into the harbour of the Nativity, and found the wholetown burnt, and no person whatever could be seen about the place. Nextmorning the admiral landed, and was much concerned to find the fort andhouses entirely destroyed, and nothing left which had belonged to theChristians, except some tattered garments and other broken articles of novalue. Finding no person at whom he could make inquiries, he went up ariver in the neighbourhood with several boats, leaving orders to clean outthe well which he had dug in the fort, as he had directed the colonists tothrow all the gold they could get into that well, to be prepared againstthe worst that might happen; but nothing of the kind could be found. Onhis way up the river he could meet with none of the Indians, who all fledfrom their houses into the woods on his approach. He therefore returned toNauidad, where eight of the Christians had been discovered and threeothers in the fields, who were recognized by the remnants of their apparel, and seemed to have been a month dead. While prosecuting this melancholysearch, a brother of the cacique Guacanagari came, accompanied by someIndians, to the admiral. These men could speak a few words of Spanish, andknew the names of all the Christians who had been left there. They saidthat those Spaniards had soon fallen out among themselves after thedeparture of the admiral, everyone taking for himself as much gold and asmany women as he could procure. That Gutierres and Escovedo killed onenamed James, and then went away with nine others and all their women tothe territories of a cacique named Caunabo who was lord of the mines, andby whom they had all been killed. That many days afterwards Caunabo camewith a great number of men to Nauidad, where only James de Arana remainedwith ten men to guard the fort, all the rest of the Spaniards havingdispersed about the island. Caunabo came by night and set fire to thehouses where the Christians resided with their women, all of whom fled tothe sea, where eight of them were drowned, three of them being slain onshore. That Guacanagari, in fighting against Caunabo in defence of theChristians, had been wounded and fled. 

This account agreed with that which was received by some Spaniards whomthe admiral had sent up into the country, and had gone to a town in theinterior where the cacique lay ill of his wounds. This he said hadprevented him from waiting upon the admiral and giving him an account ofthe catastrophe of the Christians, which he narrated exactly in conformitywith the account given by his brother, and he requested that the admiralwould go to see him as he was unable to be moved. The admiral wentaccordingly next day, and with great signs of sorrow the cacique relatedall that had happened, and that he and his men had all been wounded inendeavouring to defend the Christians, as appeared by their wounds, whichhad not been inflicted by Christian weapons, but with _aragayas_ or woodenswords and arrows pointed with fish bones. At the end of his discourse thecacique presented to the admiral eight strings of small beads made ofwhite, green, and red stones, a string of gold beads, a royal crown ofgold, and three small calabashes full of gold dust, all of which might beabout four marks weight of gold, the mark being half a pound. In returnfor all this the admiral gave him abundance of our baubles, which thoughnot worth three ryals or eighteen-pence, he yet valued exceedingly. Although Guacanagari was very ill, he insisted upon going, with theadmiral to see the fleet, where he was courteously entertained, and wasmuch delighted to see the horses, of which he had received an account fromthe Christians. And as some of those who had been killed had given him avery erroneous account of our holy faith, the admiral used his bestendeavours to instruct him, and prevailed with him to wear an image of theVirgin Mary suspended from his neck, which he had at first refused toreceive. 

Reflecting on the disaster of the Christians at Nauidad, and his ownmisfortune in that neighbourhood by losing his ship, and considering thatthere were other places at no great distance more commodious for theestablishment of a colony, he sailed on Saturday the seventh of Decemberwith the whole fleet to the eastwards, and about evening cast anchor notfar from the islands of Monte Christo. And the next day removed to MonteChristo, among those seven low islands which were mentioned in the accountof the former voyage. These little islands, although destitute of trees, are yet extremely pleasant; for in that season of winter they found aprofusion of fine flowers, the nests had many of them eggs, and youngbirds in others, and all other things resembled the appearance of summerin Spain. Removing thence, he went to anchor before an Indian town wherehe had resolved to plant his colony, and landed all the men, provisions, utensils, and animals which had been brought on board the fleet. The placehe now chose was a fine plain near a rock on which a fort might be veryconveniently built for its defence; and here he immediately began to builda town which he named Isabella, in honour of the queen of Castile. Theport of this place, though exposed to the N. W. Was large and convenient, and had a most delicious river only a bow-shot distant, from which canalsof water might be drawn for the use of the town, to run through thestreets. Immediately beyond that river there lay a vast open plain, fromthe extremity of which the Indians said the gold mines of Cibao were notfar remote. For all these reasons the admiral was so extremely intent uponsettling the colony, that what with the fatigues which he had endured atsea and the labour he now encountered, he not only was unable to writedown from day to day the occurrences as had been his usual custom, but hefell sick, by which causes his journal was interrupted from the eleventhof December 1493 till the twelfth of March 1494. During all this timehowever, he ordered the affairs of the colony to the best advantage, asfar as he was able. In this interval likewise he detached Alonzo de Hojedawith an escort of fifteen men to explore the mines of Cibao. Andafterwards he sent on the second of February twelve ships of his fleetback to Spain under the command of Captain Anthony de Torres, who wasbrother to the nurse of Don John prince of Spain. Torres was a man ofgreat judgment and entire honour, in whom their Catholic majesties and theadmiral reposed much confidence. With him the admiral sent a detailedaccount in writing of the nature of the country, and of every thing whichwas required for the assistance of the infant colony, as well as an ampleaccount of every occurrence from the time the fleet had departed fromSpain. 

Hojeda returned soon after the departure of the fleet, and gave an accountof his journey. He reported that he halted on the second night of hisjourney at the pass of a mountain which was of very difficult access. Thatafterwards at many leagues distance, he found Indian villages and caciqueswho had been very kind to him; and that at the end of his sixth daysjourney he came to the mines of Cibao, were the Indians immediately tookup gold in his presence from the bed of a small river, as they had done inmany other places on his route, where he affirmed that there was plenty ofgold. This news greatly rejoiced the admiral, who was now recovered fromhis sickness, and he resolved to go on shore to observe the nature of thecountry and the disposition of the inhabitants, that he might be thebetter able to judge of what ought to be done. Accordingly, on Wednesdaythe twelfth of March 1494, he set out from Isabella to inspect the minesof Cibao, taking all the people along with him who were in health, part onfoot and part on horseback; leaving a good guard in the two ships andthree caravels that remained of the fleet, and causing all the tackle andammunition belonging to the other ships to be removed into his own. 

He took the above mentioned precaution to prevent any from rebellingduring his absence and seizing the ships to return home, as several hadattempted to do during his sickness. Many had embarked in this voyageunder the belief that they might load themselves with gold as soon as theylanded, and so return rich home in a short time. But gold wherever it isto be found requires time, trouble and labour to gather it; and mattersnot turning out according to their sanguine expectations, they becamedissatisfied and offended, and weary of the fatigue attending the buildingof Isabella, and of the diseases which the climate and change of diet hadengendered among them. One Bernard de Pisa, who had been an inferiorofficer of justice at court, and who had gone the voyage as comptrollerfor their Catholic majesties, was the ring-leader and head of thesemutineers; therefore the admiral would not punish him any otherwise thanby securing him on board ship, with the design of sending him home toSpain, with his process regularly drawn up, as well on account of hismutinous conduct as for having written a false information against theadmiral, which he had hidden in the ship. 

Having properly ordered all these matters, and having left some persons inwhom he could confide both at sea and on shore, to look to and secure thefleet under the charge of his brother Don James Columbus, he set out forCibao, carrying with him all the necessary tools and implements forbuilding a fort to keep that district under subjection, and for securingthe Christians who might be left there to gather gold from any evildesigns or attempts of the Indians. And the more to impress the nativeswith awe and respect, and to take away all hopes that they might be ableto do now as they had done with Arana and the thirty-eight Christians whohad been left with him at the Nativity, he carried all the men that hecould along with him, that the natives might see and be sensible of thepower of the Christians, and that if any injury should be offered even toa single individual of our people, there was a sufficient force to ensuredue and severe chastisement. To appear the more formidable to the natives, when he set out from Isabella, and whenever he passed any of the Indiantowns, he caused his men to march with their arms in rank and file as isusual in time of war, with trumpets sounding and colours flying. In thisway he marched along the river, which lay about a musket-shot fromIsabella; he crossed a smaller river about a league beyond, and halted forthe night in a plain divided into pleasant fields about three leagues fromIsabella, which reached to a craggy hill about two bow-shots high. To thisplace he gave the name of Puerta de los Hidalgos, or the Gentlemens Pass, because some gentlemen had been sent on before to order a road to beopened, which was the first road ever made in the Indies. The paths madeby the Indians are only broad enough for one person to pass at a time. 

Beyond this pass he entered upon a large plain over which he marched fiveleagues the next day, and halted on the banks of a large river called theRiver of Canes, which falls into the sea at Monte Christo, and over whichthe people crossed on rafts and in canoes. In the course of the journeythey passed many Indian towns, consisting of round thatched houses, withsuch small doors that it requires a person entering to stoop very low. Assoon as the Indians from Isabella who accompanied the march entered anyof those houses they took what they liked best, and yet the owners seemednot to be at all displeased, as if all things were in common among them. In like manner the people of the country were disposed to take from theChristians whatever they thought fit, thinking our things had been incommon like theirs; but they were soon undeceived. In the course of thisjourney they passed over mountains most delightfully wooded, where therewere wild vines, aloes, and cinnamon trees[8]; and another sort thatproduces a fruit resembling a fig, which were vastly thick at the foot, but had leaves like those of our apple trees. 

The admiral continued his march from the River of Canes on Friday the 14thMarch, and a league and a half beyond it he came to another which hecalled the River of Gold, because some grains of gold were gathered inpassing. Having crossed this river with some difficulty, the admiralproceeded to a large town, whence many of the inhabitants fled to themountains; but most of them fortified their houses by barring the doorwayswith large canes, as if that had been a sufficient defence to hinderany body from coming in; for according to their customs, no one dares tobreak in at a door that is barred up in this manner, as they have nowooden doors or any other means of shutting up their houses. From theriver of gold the march was continued to another fine river, which wasnamed _Rio verde_, or the Green River, at which the party halted for thenight. Continuing the march next day, they passed several considerabletowns, the inhabitants of which had barricadoed their doors with canes andsticks in the manner already mentioned. The whole party being fatiguedwith the march of this day, halted for the night at the foot of a ruggedmountain, to which the admiral gave the name of _Puerto de Cibao_, or thePass of Cibao, because the province or district of Cibao begins beyondthat mountain. Betwixt the former ridge named the Hidalgos Pass and thisof Cibao they had travelled directly south for eleven leagues over a finelevel plain. From this place the admiral sent back a party with severalmules to Isabella to bring a supply of bread and wine, as they began towant provisions; the Spaniards suffered the more on this long journey thatthey were not yet accustomed to the food of the country, which is moreeasy of digestion and agrees better with the constitution in that countrythan what is brought from Europe, according to the experience of those whonow live and travel in these parts, though not so nourishing. 

The people who had been sent for provisions having returned, the admiralpassed over the mountain along a path so narrow, steep, and winding, thatthe horses were led over with much difficulty. They now entered thedistrict of Cibao, which is rough and stoney and full of gravel, yetplentifully covered with grass, and watered with several rivers in whichgold is found. The farther they went in this country they found it therougher and more uncouth, and everywhere encumbered with mountains, on thesummits even of which they found grains of gold, which is washed down fromthe tops of these mountains by the great rains and torrents into the bedsof the rivers, and there found in small dust, sand, or grains, interspersed with some of a larger size. This province is as large asPortugal, and abounds in mines and brooks producing gold; but for the mostpart has few trees, and these are mostly pines and palms of several sorts, growing on the banks of the rivers. As Ojeda had travelled before intothis country, the Indians had some knowledge of the Christians; andunderstanding that they came in search of gold, the natives came to meetthe admiral everywhere during the march with small quantities of goldwhich they had gathered, and bringing presents of provisions. Being now 18leagues from Isabella[9], and the country he had marched over from thePass of Cibao very rugged, the admiral ordered a fort to be constructed ina strong and very pleasant situation, to command the country about themines, and to protect the Christians that might be employed there inprocuring gold, and gave it the name of the castle of St Thomas. He gavethe command of this new fort to Don Pedro Margarite, with a garrison of 56men, among whom were workmen of all kinds for building the castle, whichwas constructed of clay and timber, as of sufficient strength to resistthe efforts of any number of Indians that might come against it. Onbreaking ground for the foundations of the fort, and cutting a rock toform its ditches, at two fathoms below the surface, they found severalnests made of hay and straw, containing instead of eggs three or fourround stones as large as oranges, as artificially made as if they had beencannon-balls [10]. In the river that runs at the foot of the hill on whichthe castle was built, they found stones of several colours, some of themlarge, of pure marble, and others of jasper. 

Leaving orders for finishing the fortifications of fort St Thomas, theadmiral set out on his return for Isabella on Friday the 21st of March. Near the Green River he met the escort of mules with provisions, which hesent on to the fort[11]; and was constrained to remain some time at thegreen river on account of the excessive rains which then fell. Whileafterwards endeavouring to find the fords of the Rio Verde and Rio del Oro, which is larger than the Ebro, he had to remain for several days among thetowns of the Indians, subsisting his whole party on the Indian bread andgarlick, which the natives parted with for a small price. On Sunday the29th of March he returned to Isabella, where melons were already grown andfit for eating, although the seed had only been put into the ground twomonths before. Cucumbers came up in twenty days. A wild vine of thecountry having been pruned, had produced large and excellent grapes. Onthe 30th of March a peasant gathered some ears of wheat which had onlybeen sown in the latter end of January. There were vetches likewise, butmuch larger than the seed they had brought from Spain; these had sprung upin three days after they were sown, and the produce was fit to eat aftertwenty-five days. The stones of fruit set in the ground sprouted in sevendays. Vine branches shot out in the same time, and in twenty-five daysthey gathered green grapes. 

Sugar canes budded in seven days. All this wonderful rapidity ofvegetation proceeded from the temperature of the climate, which was notunlike that of the south of Spain, being rather cool than hot at thepresent season of the year. The waters likewise were cold, pure, andwholesome; so that upon the whole the admiral was well satisfied with thesoil and air, and with the people of the country. 

On Tuesday the 1st of April, intelligence was brought by a messenger fromfort St Thomas, that all the Indians of that country had withdrawn fromthe neighbourhood, and that a cacique named Caunabo was makingpreparations to attack the fort. Knowing how inconsiderable the people ofthat country were, the admiral was very little alarmed by this news, andwas especially confident in the horses which were in that garrison, as heknew the Indians were particularly afraid of them, and would not enter ahouse where a horse stood lest they should be devoured. But, as hedesigned to go out from Isabella with the three caravels he had detainedthere on purpose to discover the continent, he thought fit to send moremen and provisions to the fort, that every thing might remain quiet andsafe during his absence. Wherefore, on Wednesday the 2d of April he sent70 men with a supply of provisions and ammunition to fort St Thomas. Ofthese, 25 were appointed to strengthen the immediate garrison, and theothers were directed to assist in making a new road between the _puerto_and the fort, the present one being very troublesome and difficult, aswell as the fords of the rivers, which were ordered to be cleared. Whilethe ships were fitting out to go upon the new discovery, the admiralattended to order all things necessary and useful for the town of Isabella, which he divided into regular streets, and provided with a convenientmarket-place. He likewise endeavoured to bring the river water to the townalong a large canal, because the river being almost a gun-shot distant, occasioned much trouble to the people in supplying themselves with water;more especially as most of them were then weak and indisposed, owing tothe sharpness of the air, which did not agree with them. They had now noother Spanish provisions except bread and wine, owing partly to the badmanagement of the captains of the ships, and partly because nothing keepsso well in that country as in Spain; and though they had abundance of theprovisions of the country, yet not being used to that food it did notagree with them, and many of them were sick. Taking all thesecircumstances into consideration, he resolved to send back part of thepeople into Spain, retaining only 300 men in the island, which number heconsidered as quite sufficient for keeping the country under subjection. In the mean time, as biscuit began to grow scarce and they had no flour tomake more, though wheat was in plenty, he resolved to construct some mills, although there was no fall of water fit for the purpose within less than aleague from the town; in this and all other works he was under thenecessity of constantly superintending the workmen, who all endeavouredto save themselves from any labour or fatigue. 

To husband the remaining provisions, Hojeda was sent from Isabella onWednesday the 29th of April with 400 men, leaving none in the town whowere in health except handicrafts and artificers. These were ordered tomarch about the country in various directions to strike terror into theIndians, to accustom them to subjection, and to enure the Spaniards to thefood of country. Hojeda was ordered to march in the first place to fort StThomas, of which he was to take the command as the first discoverer of theprovince of Cibao, which in the Indian language means the stony country. Don Pedro Marguerite was then to take charge of marching with this littlearmy about the country. While on his outward march, Hojeda apprehended acacique who resided on the other side of the Rio del Oro, together withhis brother and nephew, sending them in irons to the admiral, and cut offthe ears of one of his subjects in the great place of his town, for thefollowing reason: This cacique had sent five Indians along with threeChristians who were travelling from St Thomas to Isabella to carry theirclothes over the river at the ford, and they being come to the middle ofthe river returned to the town with the clothes, when the cacique, insteadof punishing the people for the robbery, took the clothes to himself andrefused to restore them. Another cacique who dwelt beyond the river, relying on the service he had done the Christians, went along with theprisoners to Isabella to intercede with the admiral for their pardon. Theadmiral received him very courteously, but ordered that the prisonersshould be brought out into the market-place with their hands bound, andsentenced them to die. On seeing this the friendly cacique petitioned fortheir lives with many tears, promising that they should never be guilty ofany other offence; at length the admiral relented and discharged them all. Soon afterwards a person came on horseback from St Thomas, and reportedthat he had found five Christian prisoners in the town of the cacique whohad just been pardoned, who had been taken by his subjects while goingfrom Isabella; that by frightening the Indians with his horse he hadobtained the relief of the prisoners, above 400 of the Indians runningaway from him alone, two of whom he wounded in the pursuit; and that whenhe crossed the river the Indians turned back upon the Christians to retakethem, but by making as if he would go against them, they all ran away lestthe horse should fly over the river. 

Before proceeding on his intended voyage for discovering the continent, the admiral appointed a council to govern the island in his absence, ofwhich he appointed his brother Don James Columbus president: the otherswere F. Boyl and Peter Fernandez Coronell regents, together with AlonzoSanchez de Caravajal, rector of Bracca, and Juan de Luxan of Madrid, gentleman to their Catholic majesties. That there might be no want offlour for supporting the people, he hastened the building of the mills, notwithstanding the rain and floods which very much obstructed the work. Owing to these rains, in the admirals opinion, the great fertility of theisland proceeded. So wonderful is this fertility that they eat the fruitsof the trees in the month of November, while at the same time they areblossoming afresh, by which it is evident that they bear fruit twice everyyear. But herbs and seeds grow at all times indiscriminately, and nestswith eggs and young birds are found on the trees throughout the whole year. As the fruitfulness of the island appeared so extraordinary, so dailyaccounts arrived of its abundant wealth, and of the discovery of new mines, which coincided with the reports of the Indians concerning the greatquantity of gold to be met with in several parts of the island[11a]. Butthe admiral could not rest satisfied with these things, and resolved toprosecute his discoveries by sea, beginning with the coast of Cuba, notyet knowing whether it was an island or a continent. 

In the afternoon of Thursday the 24th of April 1494 the admiral sailedwith three caravels from Isabella, and came to anchor that evening atMonte Christo, having shaped his course to the west. On Friday he went toGuacanagaris port, or the Nativity, thinking to find him there; but hefled, though his subjects falsely affirmed that he would soon return. Notcaring to stay without sufficient cause, he departed on Saturday the 26thof April, and went to the island of Tortuga 6 leagues to the westwards. Helay here all that night in a calm with all his sails loose, the tiderunning back against the current. Next day the N. W. Wind and a strongcurrent setting to the west obliged him to go back to anchor in the riverGuadalquiver in the same island, to wait for a wind sufficient to stem thecurrent, which both then and the year before he found to run strong fromthe east. On Tuesday the 29th of April, the wind became fair and he wasable to reach Cape St Nicholas, whence he crossed over to Cuba and runalong its southern coast a league beyond Cape Fuerte, where he put into alarge bay which he named _Puerto Grande_ or the Great Harbour. The mouthof this port was 150 paces across, and had abundant depth of water. Hecast anchor in this bay, where he procured refreshment of fish and oysters, which the Indians had in great abundance. On the first of May he continuedhis voyage along the coast, where he everywhere found commodious harbours, fine rivers, and lofty mountains. After leaving Tortuga the sea everywhereabounded with the same kind of weeds which he saw on the ocean in hisvoyages to and from Spain. While sailing along the coast many of thenatives came off in their canoes, and thinking our people came down fromheaven, freely bestowed their country bread and fish without asking anything in return; but the admiral ordered them to be paid with beads, bells, and such like baubles, and sent them away well pleased. 

On Saturday the third of May, having heard that there was much gold inJamaica, he stood over for that island, which he discovered on Sunday thefourth of May. Upon Monday he came to an anchor there, and thought it themost beautiful of any island he had yet seen in the West Indies, and wasastonished at the multitudes of people who came off to the ships in largeand small canoes. Next day he ran along the coast in search of harbours. The boats being sent in to examine a harbour which the admiral named_Puerto Bueno_ or the Good Port, so many canoes came out filled with armednatives to defend their country, that our people thought proper to returntowards the ships, to avoid any quarrel with these people; but consideringthat to shew any signs of fear would make the Indians proud, they returnedagain towards the port; and as the Indians came to drive them off theygave them a flight of arrows from their cross-bows, by which six or sevenof them were wounded, and they all retired. The fight ended upon this, andafterwards many natives came off to the ships in a peaceable manner to seeour people and to barter provisions and other articles for such trifles asour people offered. In this bay, which is in the form of a horse shoe, theadmiral repaired his ship which was leaky; and then sailed on the ninth ofMay, keeping along shore to the westwards, the Indians followingcontinually in their canoes to trade or barter with our people. The windproving rather contrary, and not being able to make so much way as hewished, the admiral left the coast of Jamaica and stood over for Cuba, designing to keep along its coast for five or six hundred leagues, that hemight be satisfied whether it were an island or the continent. That daywhile leaving Jamaica, a young Indian came on board desiring to becarried into Spain, and when several of his kindred and others entreatedhim to return he refused to change his resolution, and to avoid theimportunities of his friends, and not to see his sisters cry and sob, hewent where they could not come to him. The admiral admired his resolution, and gave orders that he should be civilly treated. 

Leaving Jamaica on Wednesday the 15th of May, the admiral came to thatpoint of Cuba which he named Cabo de Santa Cruz, or Cape Holy Cross. Inrunning along the coast they encountered a great storm of thunder andlightning which, combined with numerous flats and strong currents, occasioned much trouble and great danger, being obliged to struggle at thesame time against two evils which required opposite remedies; for it isproper during thunder to strike the sails, whereas it is necessary tospread them to avoid the flats, and had this double calamity lasted foreight or ten leagues it had been quite insupportable. The worst of all was, that all over this sea, both northwards, and to the north-east, the fartherthey went the greater number of low little islands they met with, in someof which there were trees, but others were sandy and scarcely appearedabove the surface of the water; some of these were a league in compass, some more and some less. The nearer they kept to the coast of Cuba thehigher and pleasanter these small islands appeared; and it being difficultand useless to give names to every one, the admiral called them all ingeneral _Jardin de la Reyna_, or the Queens Garden. They saw many moreislands next day to the north-east, north-west, and south-west, insomuchthat they counted 160 islands that day, all parted by deep channels, manyof which the ships sailed through. In some of these islands they saw manycranes resembling those of Spain in shape and size, but of a scarletcolour[12]. In others they found great numbers of turtles, or seatortoises, and immense quantities of their eggs, which are not unlikethose of a hen but with much harder shells. The female turtle deposits hereggs in holes on the sand, and covering them up leaves them to be hatchedby the heat of the sun, which brings forth the little turtles, which growin time to be as large as a buckler or great target. In these islands theyalso saw crows and cranes like those of Spain, and sea crows, and infinitenumbers of small birds which sung delightfully, and the very air was sweet, as if they had been among roses and the finest perfumes; yet the dangerwas very great on account of the innumerable channels among the islands, by which much time was spent in finding the way through. 

In one of these channels they observed a canoe with Indian fishermen, whovery quietly awaited our boat coming towards them, and made signs not toapproach near till they had done fishing. Their manner of fishing was sostrange and new to our people that they willingly complied, and looked onwith astonishment. They had tied certain small fishes which they call_reves_ by the tail with a long line and let them into the water, wherethese _reves_ attached themselves to other fishes, by means of a certainroughness which they have from the head to the middle of the back, andstick so fast that the Indians drew both up together. It was a turtle ourmen saw taken in this manner, and the _reve_ clung close to its neck, which place they usually fasten upon because safe from being bitten by theother fish, and they sometimes fasten upon vast sharks. When the Indiansin the canoe had thus taken the turtle, having already two others, theycame in a very friendly manner to know what our men would have, and wentby their direction on board the admiral who treated them courteously, andto whom they would have freely given all they had; but he would only allowtheir fish to be taken, and refused their nets, hooks, and calabashesfull of water which they had on board to drink, for which he gave themsome trifles with which they went away very well contented. From theseIndians he learnt that there were an infinite multitude of islands in thatsea, and he held on his course. But beginning to want provisions he couldnot continue much longer, otherwise he meant to have gone west aboutbefore returning to Hispaniola, although much spent, having never had itin his power to go to bed, except eight nights, from the time he leftHispaniola on the 24th of April till now, which was the 19th of May. Healways had much care and anxiety in his voyages, but infinitely greaterthis time by reason of the innumerable islands among which he was sailing, insomuch that on the 20th of May they counted seventy-one, besides a greatmany more that were seen about sun-set. These islands are not onlydangerous on account of their numbers, but there rises from them everynight a heavy fog to the eastwards, so dismal to behold as if some greatshower of hail would fall, and it is generally accompanied by violentthunder and lightning; but when the moon rises it all vanishes, partlyturning to rain and wind. These phenomena are so natural and usual inthese seas that they not only took place all those nights on which theadmiral was there, but I saw the same among those islands in the year 1503on my return from the discovery of Veragua; and generally, the wind hereis every night from the north, coming from the island of Cuba, andafterwards when the sun rises it comes about east, and follows the suntill it comes to the west. 

The admiral still held on his course westwards among infinite numbers ofislands, and came to one on the 22d of May somewhat larger than the rest, which he called St Mary. They landed at a town which was seen on shore, but none of the natives would stay to converse with the Christians, andnothing was found in their houses save fish upon which they feed, andseveral dogs like mastiffs which feed likewise on fish. They sailed thenceto the north-west still among numerous islands, on which they saw manyscarlet cranes or flamingos, parrots, and other birds, and dogs like thosementioned before, and the sea was covered with large quantities of weeds. The sailing among so many islands, channels, and shoals, fatigued theadmiral extremely, as sometimes they had to stand west, sometimes north, and sometimes south, according as the channels would permit; andnotwithstanding his constant care in sounding and keeping men continuallyon the look-out from the round top, yet the ship often touched, and therewas no avoiding it, there being no end to the flats on all hands. Sailingon in this manner, they came at length again to Cuba to take in water, ofwhich they stood much in need. Though no town could be seen because theplace was entirely overgrown with trees, yet one of the seamen who was onshore, having gone among the trees to kill some bird or beast with hiscross-bow, saw about thirty people armed after the Indian manner withspears and a kind of clubs or staves, which they use instead of swords, and which they call _macanas_. Among these he said that he saw one personclad in a white coat or vest down to his knees, carried by two others whohad white vestments down to their feet, all three of them as white asSpaniards; but that he had no intercourse with them, because being afraidof such a number he called out to his comrades, and the Indians ran awaywithout looking back[13]. 

Next day, the admiral sent some people on shore to look after thesenatives, but they could not travel above half a league from the shore onaccount of the thickness of the trees and bushes, and because all thatcoast for two leagues up the country, where the hills and mountains begin, is boggy and marshy, so that they only saw a few footsteps of fishermen onthe shore, and abundance of cranes like those of Spain but larger. Havingsailed about ten leagues farther westwards, they saw some houses on theshore, whence some canoes came off with water, and such food as theIndians use, and for which they were well paid. The admiral caused one ofthose Indians to be detained, telling him and the rest, by means of aninterpreter, that he would freely permit him to go home as soon as he hadgiven him an account of the country and some directions for the voyage. This Indian assured the admiral that Cuba was an island, and that the kingor cacique of the western part of it never spoke to any of his subjectsbut by signs, yet that all his orders were immediately obeyed; that allthis coast was very low and full of small islands. This latter informationwas found to be too true; as next day, the 11th of June, the admiral wasforced to have the ships towed over a flat where there was not a foot ofwater, and its whole breadth did not exceed two ships length[14]. Bearingup closer to Cuba, they saw turtles of vast bigness, and in such numbersthat they covered the sea. At break of day, they saw such an enormousflock of sea crows as even darkened the sun, these were going from seatowards to the island, where they all alighted; besides these abundance ofpigeons and other birds were seen; and the next day such immense swarms ofbutterflies, as even to darken the air, which lasted till night, when aheavy rain carried them all away. 

Perceiving that the coast of Cuba ran far west, and that it was extremely, difficult to sail in that direction, on account of the infinite multitudeof islands and shoals, and because provisions were very scanty, theadmiral resolved on the 13th of June to return to Isabella. He anchoredtherefore at an island which he named _Evangelista_ which is thirtyleagues in circuit, and lies 700 leagues west from Dominica, to take inwood and water; and thence directed his course southwards, hoping to getbetter out in that direction from among the labyrinth of islands in whichhe had been so long bewildered. After sailing in the channel which seemedthe clearest for a few leagues, he found it entirely shut up, whichdismayed the people extremely, at seeing themselves apparently hemmed inon all sides, and destitute of provisions and all hopes of comfort. Buthe, who was always wise and courageous, cheered their faint-heartedness, by saying he was thankful for being forced back so soon, as if they hadbeen able to continue their voyage in that direction, they might possiblyhave got into a situation whence they could hardly have extricatedthemselves, when they had neither ships nor provisions to carry them back, but which was now easily in their power. He therefore returned toEvangelista, and sailed thence on the 25th of June to the N. W. Towardssome small islands about five leagues off. Going on still a little farther, they found the sea so patched with green and white that it seemed oneentire sand, though there was two fathoms water. Along this singularlooking sea they sailed seven leagues, and then came to another sea aswhite as milk and very thick; this was much wondered at, and dazzled theeyes of all the beholders, who could not conceive that there was waterenough for the ships, and yet it was about three fathoms deep. Aftersailing about four leagues on this white sea, they came to another whichwas as black as ink, and five fathoms deep[15]. Through this black sea heheld on his course to Cuba, and thence stood to the eastwards[16] withscanty winds, and through narrow channels among continual shoals. 

While writing his journal on the 30th of June, his ship ran so fastaground, that neither by means of anchors or any ether invention could shebe got off; but it pleased GOD that she was at length drawn over the shoala-head, though with some damage from beating on the sand. He thencesailed on as the wind and shoal water would permit, always through a whitesea of two fathoms regular depth, unless when he approached a shoal whenthe water became shallower. Besides all this anxious fatigue, occasionedby these perpetual shoals, they were distressed every evening aboutsun-set by prodigious rains, which arose from the mountains and marshes ofCuba, and continued till he came off Cuba towards the east, the way he hadcome at first. Thence as he had found before, came off a most refreshingscent as of fragrant flowers. On the 7th of July, the admiral landed tohear mass, when there came to him an old cacique, who was very attentiveto the service. When it was ended, by signs, and the best methods which hecould find to express himself, he said it was good to give thanks to GOD, because the souls of the good would go to Heaven, while the body remainedon earth, whereas wicked souls would go to hell. Among other things, thiscacique said that he had been to Hispaniola, where he knew some of thechief men; that he had been to Jamaica, and a great way west in the islandof Cuba, and that the cacique of that part was clothed like a priest[17]. 

Sailing thence on the 16th of July, and still attended by terrible rainsand winds, he at length drew near to Cape Santa Cruz in Cuba, where he wassuddenly assailed by so violent a squall of wind and furious rain, whichlaid his ship on her broad-side; but it pleased GOD that they immediatelylowered all their sails and dropt their anchors, and the ship soon righted;yet the ship took in so much water at the deck that the people were notable to keep the hold clear, they were so much spent for want ofprovisions. For some time they had been reduced to a pound of rottenbiscuit daily with half a pint of wine, unless when they happened to catchfish, which could not be kept from day to day on account of the climate. This want and short allowance was common to all, and the admiral speaksthus of it in his journal addressed to their Catholic majesties. "I ammyself at the same allowance, and I pray to GOD that it may be for hishonour and the service of your highnesses, for I shall never again exposemyself to such sufferings and dangers for my own benefit; and there neverpasses a day but we are all on the very brink of death. "

In this state of distress and danger, the admiral arrived at Cape SantaCruz on the 18th of July, where he was entertained in a very friendlymanner by the Indians, who brought him abundance of their bread made fromgrated roots, which they name _cazabi_[18]. They brought likewise a greatdeal of fish, and abundance of fruit, and other articles of their ordinaryprovisions, which proved a great relief to the exhausted mariners. Thewind being contrary for going to Hispaniola, the admiral stood over toJamaica on the 22d of July, and sailed along to the westwards close underthe shore, the country being all along most delightful, and very fruitful, with excellent harbours at every league distance. All the coast was fullof towns, whence the natives followed the ships in their canoes, bringingsuch provisions as they used, which were much better liked by our peoplethan what they found in any of the other islands. The climate, air, andweather, was the same as in the other islands, for in this western part ofJamaica, there gathered every evening a storm of rain which lastedgenerally about an hour. This the admiral attributed to the great woodsin these countries, as he knew that this was usual at first in theCanaries, Azores, and Madeira islands, whereas now that the woods in theseislands are mostly cut down, there are not such great and frequent stormsand heavy rains as formerly[19]. The admiral sailed along the coast ofJamaica, but was obliged by contrary winds to take shelter every nightunder the land, which appeared green, pleasant, fruitful, abounding inprovisions, and so populous that he thought nothing could excel it, especially near a bay which he named _De las Vacas_, on account of nineislands close to the land. At this place the land was as high as any hehad ever seen, insomuch that he believed it to reach above the regions inwhich the storms are bred. He estimated Jamaica to be 800 miles incompass; and when it was fully discovered, he computed it to be fiftyleagues long by twenty leagues broad. Being much taken with the beauty ofthis island, he was much inclined to have made a longer stay to be fullyinformed of its nature; but the great want of provisions under which helaboured, and the crazy state of his vessels would not permit. Wherefore, as soon as the weather became a little fair, he sailed away to thewestwards, and on Tuesday the 19th of August, he lost sight of that island, standing directly for Hispaniola and named the most easterly cape ofJamaica on the south coast _Cabo del Farol_. 

On Wednesday the 20th of August, the admiral got sight of the south sideof Hispaniola, and called the first point Cape St Michael, which is thirtyleagues distant from the most easterly point of Jamaica; but through theignorance of the sailors that Cape is now called _Tiberoun_. From thiscape, on the 23d of August, a cacique came on board, who called theadmiral by his name, and had some other Spanish words, from whichcircumstance he was convinced that this was the same land with Hispaniola. At the end of August, he anchored at an island called _Alto Velo_, andhaving lost sight of the other two ships, he caused some men to go onshore in that little island which was very high, but they were unable tosee either of their consorts. When about to return on board, they killedeight sea wolves that lay asleep on the sand, and took abundance ofpigeons and other birds; for that island being uninhabited, these animalswere unaccustomed to the sight of men, and allowed themselves to beknocked down with sticks. They did the same on the two following dayswaiting for the ships, which had been missing ever since the 22d of August. At the end of six days they made their appearance, and all three proceededto the island _Beata_, twelve leagues from Alto Velo. Hence they continuedto coast along Hispaniola, in sight of a delightful country, which was aplain of about a mile broad, before the hills began to ascend, and sopopulous, that in one place there seemed to be a continued town for thelength of a league; and in that plain there appeared a lake five leagueslong from east to west. The people of the country having some knowledge ofthe Christians, came on board in their canoes, and said that someSpaniards from Isabella had been among them, and that they were all well, which news gave the admiral great satisfaction; and to the end that theytoo might receive intelligence of his return to the island, he orderednine men to cross the island by way of the forts St Thomas and theMagdalen to Isabella. 

Continuing his voyage eastwards, he sent the boats on shore for water, toa place where a great town appeared, when the Indians came out with bowsand poisoned arrows, and with ropes in their hands, making signs to theSpaniards that they would bind them if they came on shore. But as soon asthe boats came close to the beach they laid down their weapons, andoffered to bring bread and water, and every thing they had, asking intheir language for the admiral. Going from hence, they saw a strange fishin the sea as big as a whale, having a great shell on its neck like atortoise, and bearing its head, as big as a hogshead, above the water, thetail was very long like a tunny fish, and it had two large fins on thesides. From the appearance of this fish and other signs, the admiralforesaw an approaching change of weather, and sought for some harbour tosecure himself; and it pleased GOD that on the 15th of September, hediscovered an island near the east part of Hispaniola named _Adamanoi_ bythe Indians, and the weather being very stormy, dropt anchor in thechannel between it and Hispaniola, close to a small island which liesbetween both. That night he saw an eclipse of the moon, which he saidvaried five hours and twenty-three minutes from its time at Cadiz[20], tothe place where he then was. The bad weather, probably owing to theeclipse, lasted so long, that he was forced to remain at that anchoragetill the 20th of the month, all the time under great anxiety for the otherships which were not able to get into the same place of security, but itpleased GOD to save them. Having rejoined the other caravels, they allsailed over to the eastern part of Hispaniola, and thence to a littleisland called _Mona_ by the Indians, which lies between Hispaniola and StJohn de Boriquen. 

The journal of the admiral breaks off at this island, and he does notinform us of his course from thence to Isabella; but only, that whilegoing from Mona to St John, the great fatigues he had undergone, togetherwith his own weakness and the want of proper food, brought on a violentmalady, between a pestilential fever and a lethargy, which presentlydeprived him of his senses and memory; whereupon, all the people in thethree caravels resolved to desist from the design he had then in hand ofdiscovering all the islands in the Caribbean sea, and returned to Isabella, where they arrived on the 29th of September, five days afterwards[21]. This heavy sickness lasted during five months, but it pleased GOD torestore him afterwards to health. His illness was occasioned by the greatsufferings he had gone through in this voyage, during which he had oftennot been able to sleep three hours in eight days, owing to the perilousnature of the navigation among innumerable islands and shoals; a degreeof privation that seems almost impossible, were it not authenticated byhimself and those who accompanied him. 

On his return to Hispaniola, the admiral found there his brotherBartholomew Columbus whom he had sent, as formerly related, to treat withthe king of England about the discovery of the Indies. On his return toSpain with the grant of all his demands, he learned at Paris from Charlesking of France, that his brother the admiral had already made thediscovery, and the king supplied him with an hundred crowns to enable himto prosecute his journey into Spain. He thereupon made all the haste hecould to overtake the admiral in Spain; but on his arrival at Seville, hefound that the admiral had gone out upon his second voyage with seventeensail, as already related. Wherefore, to fulfil the orders which hisbrother had left for him at the beginning of 1494, he went to the court oftheir Catholic majesties at Valadolid, carrying my brother Don JamesColumbus and me along with him, as we had been appointed to serve as pagesto Prince John. Immediately upon our arrival, their majesties sent for DonBartholomew, and dispatched him with three ships to Hispaniola, where heserved several years, as appears from the following memorandum which Ifound among his papers: "I served as captain from the 14th April 1494, till the 12th of March 1498, when the admiral set out for Spain, and thenI began to act as governor till the 24th of August 1498, when the admiralreturned from the discovery of Paria; after which, I again served ascaptain till the 11th of December 1500, when I returned to Spain. " On hisreturn from Cuba, the admiral appointed his brother governor of theIndies; though controversies afterwards arose on this subject, as theirmajesties alleged that they had not given authority to the admiral tomake any such appointment. But to end this difference, their highnessesgranted it a-new, under the title of adelantado, or lieutenant of theIndies, to my uncle Don Bartholomew. 

Having now the assistance and advice of his brother, the admiral took somerest, and lived in quiet, although he met with sufficient troubles, bothon account of his sickness, and because he found that almost all theIndians had revolted through the fault of Don Pedro Marguerite. He, thoughobliged to respect and honour the admiral, who had left him the command of360 foot and 14 horse, with orders to travel all over the island, and toreduce it to the obedience of their Catholic Majesties and the Christians, particularly the province of Cibao, whence the chief profit was expected;yet acted in every thing contrary to his orders and instructions, insomuch, that when the admiral was gone, he went with all his men to the greatplain called _Vega Real_, or the Royal Plain, ten leagues from Isabella, where he remained without ever endeavouring to traverse and reduce theisland. Hence there ensued discords and factions at Isabella, as Don Pedroendeavoured to make the council which the admiral had instituted in thatplace, subservient to his own authority, sending them very insolentletters; and perceiving that he could not succeed in getting the wholepower and authority into his hands, he was afraid to wait the return ofthe admiral who would have called him to a severe account for his conduct, and went therefore on board the first ships that returned to Spain, without giving any account of himself or any way disposing of the men whohad been left under his command. 

Upon this desertion of Don Pedro, every one went among the Indians as theythought fit, taking away their women and goods, and committing everywheresuch outrages, that the Indians resolved to revenge themselves on all whomthey should find straggling about the country. The cacique of the Magdalen, Guatiguana, had killed ten, and had privately caused a house to be firedin which there were eleven sick Spaniards. But he was severely punished bythe admiral after his return; for though the cacique himself could notthen be taken, yet some of his subjects were sent prisoners into Spain infour ships that sailed in February 1495 under Antonio de Torres. Six orseven other Indians who had injured the Christians in other parts of theisland suffered for their conduct. The cacique had killed many, and wouldcertainly have destroyed many more, if the admiral had not fortunatelycome in time to restore order among the Christians, and to curb therefractory spirit of the Indians. On his arrival from his late voyage toCuba and Jamaica, he found that most of the Christians had committed athousand insolencies, for which they were mortally hated by the Indians, who refused to submit to their authority. It was no difficult matter forthem all to agree in casting off the Spanish yoke, as the whole island wassubject to the authority of four principal caciques. These were Caunabo, Guacanagari, Behechico, and Gaurionex; each of whom commanded over seventyor eighty inferior lords or caciques. These paid no tribute to thesuperior caciques, but were obliged to till the ground when called upon, and to assist them in their wars; but of these four, Guacanagari, who wassuperior lord of that part of the island in which the town of Navidad hadbeen built, continued always friendly to the Christians. As soon thereforeas he heard of the admirals return to Isabella, he went to wait upon him, and represented that he had not been any way aiding or advising with theothers, as might appear from the great civility the Christians had alwaysreceived in his country, where 100 men had always been well used andfurnished with every thing of which they stood in need. For which reasonthe other caciques had become his enemies, as Behechico had killed one ofhis women, and Caunabo had taken away another; wherefore he entreated theadmiral to cause her to be restored, and to assist him in revenging hiswrongs. The admiral was disposed to believe that Guacanagari spoke truth, as he always wept whenever the discourse turned upon the slaughter of theChristians at the Nativity; and the admiral was the more inclined to takepart with this cacique, as he considered that the discord among the Indianchiefs, would make it the more easy for him to reduce the country tosubjection, and to punish the other Indians for their revolt, and forhaving killed so many of the Christians. 

Having resolved to make war upon the refractory natives, he set out fromIsabella on the 24th of March 1495, taking Guacanagari along with him; yetthe enterprize seemed difficult, as the malcontent Indians had collecteda force of above 100, 000 men, whereas the admiral had only about 200infantry, 20 horsemen, and about the same number of dogs [22]. Being wellacquainted with the nature and qualities of the Indians, when he was twodays march from Isabella, the admiral divided his small force, givinghalf to his brother the lieutenant, that he might attack the multitudewhich was scattered over the plain in two places at once, believing thatthe terror of the noise in two places would throw them into disorder, andput them to flight the sooner, as it actually proved in the event. Thebattalions of foot fell upon the disordered multitude of the Indians, andbroke them with the first discharge of their cross-bows and muskets; thecavalry and the dogs next fell upon them in the most furious manner thatthey might have no time to rally, and the faint-hearted natives fled onevery side. Our men pursued them, and made such havock, that in a shorttime, through GOD'S assistance, many of the enemies were slain, and otherstaken prisoners, among whom was Caunabo the principal cacique of the whole, with his wives and children, and one of his brothers. Caunabo afterwardsconfessed that he had killed twenty of the Spaniards who had been leftwith Arana at the town of the Nativity on the first voyage, when theIndies were discovered; and that he had afterwards gone under colour offriendship to Isabella, that he might observe how best to attack it and doas he had formerly done at Navidad. The admiral had been fully informedof all these things by others, and therefore to punish him for thatoffence and for this revolt, he sent the whole family prisoners into Spain, not being inclined to execute so considerable a person without theknowledge of their Catholic majesties; but he capitally punished severalothers of the ringleaders in the revolt. The consequences of this greatvictory, and the capture of Caunabo put the affairs of the Christians intosuch good order, that although there were then only 630 Spaniards in theisland, many of whom were sick, and others women and children; yet in thespace of a year, which the admiral employed in traversing the islandwithout being again constrained to use the sword, he reduced it to entireobedience, and brought the people to engage for the payment of a tributeevery three months to their Catholic majesties. All the inhabitants ofthe province of Cibao, in which the gold mines are situated, from fourteenyears of age and upwards; were to pay a large horse bell full of gold dust;while those in the other districts of the island were rated at twenty-fivepounds of cotton each person[23]. That it might be known who had paidtheir quotas of this tribute, a sort of coin made of brass and tin wasstamped, one of which was given to each person that paid, which he wasdirected to wear hanging from his neck, that whoever was found withoutthis token might be known as not having paid, and be punished accordingly. Doubtless this arrangement would have proved effectual to ensure arespectable revenue, as after the capture of Caunabo, the country becameso peaceable, that for the future a single Christian went safely all overthe island, and the Indians would even carry the Spaniards about on theirshoulders. But the troubles which happened afterwards among the Christians, which will be related in the sequel, overturned all this fair fabric oforder. 

The admiral attributed the ease with which he had discomfited so vast amultitude, with only 200 ill armed and half-sick men, to the interpositionof Providence and the good fortune of their Catholic majesties. And itpleased the Divine Majesty, not only to enable him to reduce the wholecountry under authority, but to end such a scarcity of provisions, andsuch violent diseases among the natives, that they were reduced to a thirdof the number which they had been when first discovered: Thus making itevident that such miraculous victories, and the subduing of nations, arethe gift of Providence, and not the effect of our power or good conduct, or of the want of courage in the natives; for though our men were superiorto them, yet their numbers might have compensated for any advantage we hadover them in arms and discipline [24]. 

The people of the island being reduced to subjection, and conversing morefreely with our men, many particulars and secrets respecting theirreligion were discovered, and many circumstances of the nature of thecountry: Particularly that it contained mines of copper, azure, and amber, and that it produced ebony, cedar, frankincense, and other rich gums, andspice of several kinds, but wild, and which might be brought to perfectionby cultivation; as cinnamon of a good colour but bitter, ginger, longpepper, abundance of mulberry trees for making silk which bear leaves allthe year, and many other useful trees and plants not known in our parts. Ishall here insert an account of the religion of these people as written bythe admiral, which is followed by a more particular memorial on the samesubject, written at his desire by an Anchorite who understood the languageof the natives. 

"I could discover neither idolatry among those people nor any other sect, though every one of their kings, who are very numerous both in Hispaniolaand the other islands and continent, has a house apart from the town, inwhich there are nothing but some carved wooden images which they call_cemis_[25], and every thing that is done in these houses is expressly forthe service of these images, the people repairing to these houses to prayand to perform certain ceremonies, as we do to our churches. In thesehouses they have a handsome round table made like a dish, on which thereis some powder which they lay on the head of the _cemi_, with certainceremonies; and then by means of a tube which has two branches which theyapply to their nostrils, they snuff up this powder, using certain wordswhich none of our people understand. This powder puts them besidethemselves as if they were intoxicated. They also give each of theseimages a name, which I believe to be derived from the names of theirfathers and grandfathers; for all have more than one image, and some ofthem above ten, all in memory of their forefathers. I have heard themcommend one of these images as superior to others, and have observed themto shew more devotion and respect to one than to another, as we do in ourprocessions in time of need, and the people and their caciques boast amongone another of having the best _cemis_. When they go to their cemis theyshun the Christians, and will not allow them to go into the houses wherethey are kept; and if they suspect any of our people will come, they takeaway their cemis into the woods and hide them, for fear we should takethem away; and, what stems most ridiculous, they are in use to steal thecemis from one another. It happened once that some Christians rushed intoone of these houses, when presently the cemi began to cry out; by which itappeared to be artificially made hollow, having a tube connected with itleading into a dark corner of the house, where a man was concealed under acovering of boughs and leaves, who spoke through the cemi according as hewas ordered by the cacique. The Spaniards, therefore, suspecting how thetrick was performed, kicked down the cemi and discovered the concealedinvention; and the cacique earnestly entreated them not to betray thesecret to his subjects and the other Indians, as he kept them in obedienceby that policy. This may be said to have some resemblance to idolatry, especially among those who are ignorant of the fraud practised by thecaciques, since they believe that it is the cemi that speaks, and all areimposed upon by the deceit, except the cacique and the person who combineswith him to abuse their credulity, by which means he draws what tribute hepleases from his people. "

"Most of the caciques have three stones also, to which they and theirpeople shew great devotion. One of these they say helps the growth of allsorts of grain, the second causes women to be delivered without pain, andthe third procures rain or fair weather, according as they stand in needof either. I sent three of these stones to your highnesses by Antonio deTorres, and I have three more to carry along with myself. When theseIndians die, their obsequies are performed in several manners, but theirway of burying their caciques is this. They open and dry him at a greatfire, that he may be preserved whole. Of others they preserve only thehead. Others they bury in a grot or den, and lay a calabash of water andsome bread on his head. Others they burn in their houses, having firststrangled them when at the last gasp, and this is done to caciques. Othersare carried out of the house in a hammock, laying bread and water at theirhead, and they never return any more to see after them. Some whendangerously ill are carried to the cacique, who gives orders whether theyare to be strangled or not, and their orders are instantly obeyed. I havetaken pains to inquire whether they know or believe what becomes of themafter death, and I particularly questioned Caunabo, who was the chiefcacique in all Hispaniola, a man well up in years, experienced, and of amost piercing wit and much knowledge. He and the rest answered, that theygo after death to a certain vale, which every great cacique supposes to bein his own country, and where they affirm they rejoin their relations andancestors, that they eat, have women, and give themselves up to all mannerof pleasures and pastimes. These things will appear more at large in thefollowing extended account which I ordered to be drawn up by one father_Roman_, who understood their language, and set down all their ceremoniesand antiquities: But these are so filled with absurdities and fable, thatit is hardly possible to make any thing out of them, except that thenatives have some ideas of the immortality of the soul and of a futurestate. "

[1] This apparently ambiguous expression, probably means all contraveners in the premises, or all who might in any way obstruct the full execution of the offices and their privileges here granted to Columbus and his heirs. --E. 

[2] This is certainly the greatest hereditary grant that ever was conceded by sovereign to subject. Had it taken effect in its clear extent, the family of Columbus must long ere now have become prodigiously too powerful and wealthy to have remained hereditary admirals, viceroys, and governors of the whole new world. They must either have become independent sovereigns, or must have sunk under the consequences of rebellion. If they still exist, they owe their existence, or their still subjected state, to the at first gross injustice of the court of Spain, and its subsequent indispensably necessary policy to preserve the prodigious acquisition acquired for them by the genius of this great man. --E. 

[3] The author mentions that he and his elder brother, the sons of Columbus, were present on this occasion, probably to take leave of their father. It appears afterwards that James the admirals brother, accompanied him on this second voyage. --E. 

[4] The phenomenon here alluded to is now well known to be electricity, proceeding from or to pointed projections and in a continued stream, resembling flame. --E. 

[5] These three additional islands probably were successively, Marigalante, Petite Terre, and Deseado or Desirade. --E. 

[6] The origin of this may have been one of the people saying he had seen a pan or vessel of a substance _like iron_, while in the progress of the story to the admiral the qualifying circumstance of resemblance was omitted. --E. 

[7] The meaning of this passage is quite inexplicable. --E. 

[8] Those here called cinnamon trees must only have had some distant resemblance to true cinnamon in flavour; probably what is now called _Canella alba_, which is only used to give a flavour to nauseous medicines. --E. 

[9] By the description of the route in the foregoing narrative, the distances appear to have been, from Isabella to the pass of Hidalgos 3 leagues; from Hidalgos to the pass of Cibao 11 leagues; and from this latter pass to the Castle of St Thomas 4 leagues: in all 18 leagues as in the text. --E. 

[10] This story, like the iron pan in Dominica formerly mentioned, seems to have gained circumstances in its passage to the author. Such collections of balls or round stones are not uncommon in mines, and are termed nests: The hay and straw seem an embellishment. --E. 

[11] In a former passage he was said to have waited for the convoy of provisions before going to Cibao, which must have been an oversight in the author. --E. 

[11a] All these mighty promises of mines turned out only torrents and rivulets, in the beds of which gold dust and grains were found with infinite labour, and which, after the destruction of the natives, were all abandoned as unprofitable. --E. 

[12] Flamingos. 

[13] The remarkable whiteness of these three natives might have proceeded from the use of white pigments, which, as well as red and black, were used by the natives of the West India islands. --E. 

[14] There must be a gross error here in the original translation, as the circumstance of towing ships in such shallow water is impossible. The passage ought probably to be thus understood: "There was not a foot of water _to spare_, and the wind being foul the channel was too narrow to turn through, which occasioned the necessity of towing. " As expressed in the text, the boats could not have floated. --E. 

[15] These strong descriptive epithets seem to have been colloquial exaggerations of the recounter to Don Ferdinand Columbus. --E. 

[16] Columbus seems now to have changed his course, back again the way be came, though not clearly so expressed in the text. --E. 

[17] Probably alluding to the dress of the Spanish priest who had said mass, and explanatory of the clothed natives who had been seen in that place during this voyage. --E. 

[18] This bread, which is called cassada or cassava in the British West Indies, is made from the roots of Manioca pounded or grated, and carefully pressed free from its juice, which is alleged to be poisonous. The process will be found minutely described in other parts of this collection. --E. 

[19] It is not competent in the bounds of a note to enter upon philosophical discussions. But it may be shortly mentioned that the regular evening rains can be easily accounted for upon Dr Huttons ingenious theory of rain. The heated land air loaded to saturation with water, by the periodical change of the land and sea breezes, meets and mixes with the colder sea air, likewise saturated. The reduced mean temperature of the mixture is no longer able to hold the same quantity of water in solution, and the superabundant quantity precipitates in rain. Hence likewise the prodigious rains in all warm latitudes at the changes of the monsoon. The observation of Columbus respecting clearing away the woods has been verified in several West India islands. --E. 

[20] The longitude of Cadiz is 6°18' W. From Greenwich. That of _Saono_, the modern name of Adamanoi, is 68°30'. The difference between these is only 62°12', or four hours five minutes. The calculation in the text therefore is one hour and eighteen minutes erroneous in point of time, and 12°15' in longitude; and would remove the east end of Hispaniola, to long 80°45' west from Greenwich, considerably beyond the west end of Jamaica. --E. 

[21] Our author forgets what he had said a few pages before, that the admiral had previously resolved to return to Isabella, on account of wanting provisions to continue the voyage. --E. 

[22] This is probably the first instance of a civilized nation employing the horrid alliance of ferocious animals to hunt down their brethren like beasts of chase. Once only were the British arms disgraced by a demonstration of using this savage mode of warfare, which it is to be hoped will never be again heard of in our annals. --E. 

[23] The measure of gold dust in the text seems enormous, and I am disposed to believe that instead of the large _horse_ bell, mentioned in the text, a large _hawks_ bell ought to be substituted. It is difficult, perhaps impossible to estimate the population of St Domingo at this period, and thence to form a conjecture as to the amount of the tribute. From the preceding account of the number of subordinate caciques, and the large force opposed to Columbus, perhaps Hispaniola might then contain 500, 000 inhabitants of all ages, half of whom, or 250, 000, might be liable to the tax. Supposing 50, 000 of these employed as gold finders, and to pay one ounce each annually, worth L. 4 the ounce, this would produce L. 200, 000. The remaining 200, 000 paying 100 libs. Of cotton each, would give twenty million of pounds; and this rated at sixpence a pound would produce L. 500, 000, making the whole revenue L. 700, 000 a-year, a prodigious sum in those days; but out of which the expences of government and the admirals share were to be defrayed. All this can only be considered as an approximation or mere conjecture. --E. 

[24] It is a singularly perverted devotion that praises the Almighty for success in murder, rapine, and injustice; and doubtless a devout Spaniard of those days would sing Te Deum for the comfortable exhibition of an _auto de fe_, in which those who differed from the dogmas of the holy Catholic church were burnt for the glory of GOD. The ways of Providence are inscrutable, and are best viewed by human ignorance in silent humility and reverential awe. --E. 

[25] It is surely possible that a good Catholic, accustomed to the worship of images, might not see idolatry in the ceremonies of the Hispaniolans; but the sentiment seems darkly expressed. --E. 

SECTION VII. 

_Account of the Antiquities, Ceremonies, and Religion of the Natives ofHispaniola, collected by F. Roman, by order of the Admiral_[1]. 

I, Father Roman, a poor anchorite of the order of St Jerome, by command ofthe most illustrious lord admiral, viceroy and governor-general of theislands and continent of the Indies, do here relate all that I could hearand learn concerning the religious opinions and idolatry of the Indians, and of the ceremonies they employ in the worship of their gods. 

Every one observes some particular superstitious ceremonies in worshippingtheir idols, which they name _cemis_. They believe that there is animmortal being, invisible like Heaven, who had a mother, but no beginning, whom they call Atabei, Jermaoguacar, Apito, and Zuimaco; which are allseveral names of the Deity. They also pretend to know whence they came atthe first, to give an account of the origin of the sun and moon, of theproduction of the sea, and what becomes of themselves after death. Theylikewise affirm that the dead appear to them upon the roads when anyperson goes alone, but that when many are together they do not appear. Allthese things they derive from the tradition of their ancestors, for theycan neither write nor read, and are unable to reckon beyond ten. 

1. In a province of the island named Caanan, there is a mountain calledCarita, where there are two caves named Cacibagiagua and Amaiauva, out ofthe former of which most of the original inhabitants came. While in thosecaverns, they watched by night, and one Marocael having the watch, he cameone day too late to the door and was taken away by the sun, and he waschanged into a stone near the door. Others going to fish were taken awayby the sun and changed into trees called jobi, or mirabolans. 

2. One named Guagugiana ordered another person named Giadruvava to gatherfor him the herb digo, wherewith they cleanse their bodies when they washthemselves. Giadruvava was taken away by the sun and changed to a birdcalled giahuba bagiaci, which sings in the morning and resembles anightingale. 

3. Guagugiana, angry at the delay, enticed all the women to accompany him, leaving their husbands and children. 

4. Guagugiana and the women came to Matinino, where he left the women, andwent to another country called Guanin. The children thus deserted by theirmothers, called out ma! ma! and too! too! as if begging food of the earth, and were transformed into little creatures like dwarfs, called tona; andthus all the men were left without women. 

5. There went other women to Hispaniola, which the natives call Aiti, butthe other islanders call them Bouchi. When Guagugiana went away with thewomen, he carried with him the wives of the cacique, named Anacacugia; andbeing followed by a kinsman, he threw him into the sea by a stratagem, andso kept all the caciques wives to himself. And it is said that ever sincethere are only women at Matinino. 

6. Guagugiana being full of these blotches which we call the French pox, was put by a woman named Guabonito into a guanara, or bye-place, and therecured. He was afterwards named Biberoci Guahagiona, and the women gave himabundance of guanine and cibe to wear upon his arms. The cibe or colecibiare made of a stone like marble, and are worn round the wrists and neck, but the guanine are worn in their ears, and they sound like fine metal. They say that Guabonito, Albeboreal, Guahagiona, and the father ofAlbeboreal were the first of these Guaninis. Guahagiona remained with thefather called Hiauna; his son from the father took the name of Hia GuaillGuanin, which signifies the son of Hiauna, and thence the island whetherGuahagiona went is called Guanin to this day. 

7. The men who had been left without women were anxious to procure some, and one day saw the shape of human beings sliding down the trees, whomthey could not catch. But by employing four men who had rough hands from adisease like the itch, these four strange beings were caught. 

8. Finding those beings wanted the parts of women, they caught certainbirds named turiri cahuvaial, resembling woodpeckers, and by their meansfashioned them to their purpose. 

9. There was once a man named Giaia, who had a son named Giaiael, whichsignifies the son of Giaia; and who, intending to kill his father wasbanished and afterwards killed by his father, and his bones hung up in acalabash. Afterwards going to examine the bones, he found them all changedinto a vast number of great and small fishes. 

10. There were four brothers, the sons of a woman named Itiba Tahuvava, all born at one birth, for the woman dying in labour they cut her open. The first they cut out was named Diminan, and was a caracaracol, orafflicted with a disease like the itch, the others had no names. One daywhile Giaia was at his conichi or lands, these brothers came to his houseand took down the calabash to eat the fish; but not hanging it up properly, there ran out so much water as drowned the whole country, and with itgreat quantities of fish: And in this manner they believe the sea had itsoriginal. 

11. After a long story of a live tortoise being cut out from the shoulderof Diminan Caracaracol, quite away from the purpose, F. Roman proceeds tosay that the sun and moon came out of a grotto called Giovovava, in thecountry of a cacique named Maucia Tiuvel. This grotto is much venerated, and is all painted over with the representation of leaves and other things. It contained two cemis made of stone, about a quarter of a yard long, having their hands bound, and which looked as if they sweated. These werecalled Boinaiel and Maroio, and were much visited and honoured, especiallywhen they wanted rain. 

12. They say the dead go to a place called Coaibai, which is in a part ofthe island named Soraia; and that one Machetaurie Guaiava, who was lord orcacique of Coaibi, the dwelling-place of the dead, was the first who wentthere. 

13. They say that the dead are shut up during the day, and walk abroad inthe night, when they feed on a certain fruit called guabazza, which issomething else during the day and changes to that fruit at night for theuse of the dead. The dead go about and feast with the living, whosometimes think they have a woman of Coaibi in their arms who vanishessuddenly; and they allege that those dead inhabitants of Coaibi may beknown by the want of navels. The souls of the living they name goeiz, those of the dead opia. 

14. There is a set of men among them called Bohutis, who use many jugglingtricks, pretend to talk with the dead and to know all the actions andsecrets of the living, whom they cure when sick. All their superstitionsand fables are contained in old songs which these Bohutis rehearse, andwhich direct them in all things as the Moors are by the Coran. When theysing these songs they play on an instrument named Maiohaven, like acalabash with a long neck, made of wood, strong, hollow, and thin, whichmakes so loud a noise as to be heard at the distance of a league and ahalf. 

15. Almost every person in Hispaniola has abundance of cemis; some havetheir fathers, mothers, and predecessors and kindred, some in stone andothers in wood, some that speak, some that eat, some that cause things togrow, others that bring rain, and others that give winds. When any one issick, the Buhuitihu is brought, who must be dieted exactly in the samemanner with the sick man. That is both snuff up a certain powder namedcobaba by the nose, which intoxicates them and makes them speakincoherently, which they say is talking with the cemis, who tell them thecause of the sickness. 

16. When the Buhuitihu goes to visit a sick person, he smears his facewith soot or powdered charcoal. He wraps up some small bones and a bit offlesh, which he conceals in his mouth. The sick man is purged with cohaba. The doctor sits down in the house, after turning out all children andothers, so that only one or two remain with him and the sick person, whomust all remain silent. After many mumming tricks[2], the Buhuitihu lightsa torch and begins a mystic song. He then turns the sick man twice about, pinches his thighs and legs, descending by degrees to the feet, and drawshard as if pulling something away; then going to the door he says, "begoneto the sea or the mountains, or whither thou wilt, " and giving a blast asif he blew something away, turns round clapping his hands together, whichtremble as if with cold, and shuts his mouth. After this he blows on hishands as if warming them, then draws in his breath as if sucking something, and sucks the sick mans neck, stomach, shoulders, jaws, breast, belly, andother parts of his body. This done he coughs and makes wry faces as if hehad swallowed something very bitter, and pulls from his mouth what he hadbefore concealed there, stone, flesh, bone, or whatever that may have been. If any thing eatable, he alleges that the sick man had eaten this whichhad occasioned his disorder, pretending, it had been put in by the cemibecause he had not been sufficiently devout, and that he must build atemple to the cemi, or give him some offering. If a stone, he desires itto be carefully preserved, wrapped up in cotton and deposited in a basket. On solemn days when they provide much food, whether fish, flesh, or anyother, they put it all first into the house of their cemi, that the idolmay eat. 

17. If the patient die and has many friends or was lord of a territory, sothat the family dare contend with the Buhuitihu, and are disposed to berevenged for the loss of their friend, they proceed as follows; but meanpeople dare not oppose these jugglers. They take the juice of an herbcalled gueio or zachon, with which they mix the parings of the dead mansnails and the hair of his forehead reduced to powder, and pour thismixture down the dead mans throat or nostrils, asking him whether theBuhuitihu were the cause of his death, and whether he observed order?repeating this question several times till he speaks as plain as if hewere alive, so that he gives answers to all they ask, informing them thatthe Buhuitihu did not observe due order in his treatment, or that he hadoccasioned his death. It is said that the Buhuitihu then asks him whetherhe is alive, and how he comes to speak so plain, to which he answers thathe is actually dead. After this strange interrogatory, they restore thebody to the grave. There is another mode of conjuration on similaroccasions. The dead body is thrown into a violent fire, and covered upwith earth like a charcoal furnace, and then questioned as before. In thiscase the dead body gives ten distinct answers and no more. When the fireis uncovered the smoke proceeds into the house of the Buhuitihu, who fallssick in consequence and is covered all over with sores, so that his entireskin comes off. This is taken as a sure sign that the deceased had notbeen orderly treated, and the kindred conspire to be revenged on theBuhuitihu[3]. 

18. After this the kindred of the dead man way-lay the Buhuitihu, andbreak his legs, arms, and head with repeated blows of heavy clubs tillthey leave him for dead. They allege that during the night the poorbattered Buhuitihu is visited by numerous snakes, white, black, green, andvariegated, which lick his face, body, and fractured members till thebones knit together again, when he gets up and walks to his own house, pretending that the cemis had restored him. Enraged at the disappointmentof their intended revenge, the kindred again assault him at the firstopportunity, putting out his eyes and emasculating him, without whichprevious operation it alleged that a Buhuitihu cannot be lulled by thebastinado. 

19. The cemis of wood are thus made. A person travelling sees some treethat seems to move or shake its roots, on which in great alarm he asks whois there? To this the tree answers that such or such a Buhuitihu knows andwill inform. The astonished traveller applies to the conjurer, who repairsto the spot, where he takes cogiaba or the intoxicating powder formerlymentioned, then standing up addresses the tree with many titles as if somegreat lord, then asks who it is, what he does there, why he sent for him, and what he would have him do, whether he desires to be out; whether hewill accompany him, where he will be carried, and if a house is to bebuilt and endowed for his reception? Having received satisfactory answers, the tree is cut down and formed into a cemi, for which a house is builtand endowed, and cogiaba or religious ceremonies performed there atcertain stated times. The stone cemis are of several sorts, some beingthose stones which the Buhuitihus pretend to take from the bodies of thesick, as before related. 

When the natives wish to know if they are to be victorious in war, thegreat men of the district consult the favourite cemi, no others beingadmitted into the house or temple. The principal chief snuffs cogiaba, andmakes a long address to the idol. Then stands a while with his head turnedround resting his arms on his knees, after which looking up to heaven herelates the vision he has seen, pretending to have conversed with the cemi, and delivers his favourable or unfavourable responses, according as it mayhave struck his imagination during the fit of intoxication produced by thecogiaba. 

20. --24[4]. The cemis have various names, one was called Baidrama, whichis said to have been a burnt dead body restored to shape by having beenwashed in the juice of giuca. Corocose is the name of another, which issaid to have removed itself from a house that was on fire to anotherdwelling, and used to cohabit with the women. Opigielguoviran is said tohave had four feet like a dog, and when the Christians came to the islandran away into a morass and disappeared. Guabancex is said to have been afemale cemi and to raise storms, being accompanied by two inferiors;Guataniva, who summoned the other cemis to aid in raising the intendedstorm, and Coatrischie who gathered the waters of inundations in themountains and then let them loose to destroy the country. Faraguvaol isthe name of another that used often to escape from its temple. 

25. Cazziva a former cacique instituted a fast or abstinence of six orseven days, which the natives still practise. They shut themselves upduring that period, without using any food except the juice of certainherbs, in which they likewise wash themselves, and become so weak thatthey see visions and get revelations. Giocauvaghama, a cemi, is said tohave revealed to Cazziva that whoever survived him would soon be subduedby a clothed people who were to arrive in the island and would rule overand kill them. This they first thought was to have been done by theCanibals or Caribs, but they only plundered and fled; and they nowbelieved that the prophecy referred to the Christians. 

When I was at the fort Madalena with Arriaga the governor, it pleased Godto give the light of the faith to a whole family of that province ofMaroris, consisting of sixteen persons all relations, five of whom werebrothers. The first of these who was baptised was Guaticaua, named John inbaptism, who suffered a cruel death and in my opinion died a martyr, crying out Dio aboridacha, I am Gods servant. Another of these brotherswas named Anthony, and died equally a Christian. I afterwards resided witha cacique named Guarionex nearly two years, who at first seemed muchdisposed to become a Christian, desiring to be taught the Paternoster, Creed, and other Christian prayers, but he fell off by the persuasions ofsome of the other principal people. I thence repaired to another caciquenamed Mauiatue who evinced a favourable inclination to become a Christian;and on our way we left some religious pictures in a house for the use ofthe catechumens, for them to kneel and pray before. Two days after we weregone six Indians came to that house of prayer by order of Guarionex, tookaway the pictures by force, threw them down, covered them with earth, andpissed upon them, saying "Now you will see what fruit they will yield. "

26. Don Bartholomew Columbus, then governor for his brother who was goneto Spain, proceeded against these impious men and burnt them. Some daysafterwards the owner of the field in which the pictures had been buried, went to dig up his agis, which are roots some like turnips and some likeradishes, and in the very spot found two or three of these roots grown inthe shape of a cross. This was found by the mother of Guarionex, the worstwoman in those parts, who considered the circumstance as a great miracleshewn by God: God knows to what end!

The island is much in need of people to punish the caciques, who refuse toallow their dependants to be instructed in the faith. Some are easilyinstructed that there is but One God who made heaven and earth, while withothers force and ingenuity must be used; for some begin well and have abetter end, while others begin well and then fall off, with whom there isneed of force and punishment I know a principal cacique namedMahuviativire who has continued three years in his good purpose, desiringto be a Christian, and to have but one wife; whereas many have two orthree, and the principal caciques twenty or thirty. May it please God, ifmy endeavours turn to his good service, to enable me to persevere; and ifit must fall out otherwise to deprive me of understanding. 

_Here ends the work of the poor Anchorite, Roman Pane. _

SECTION VIII. 

_The Admiral returns to Spain, from his Second Voyage. _

Having reduced the island to peace and order, and having completed thetown of Isabella, and built three forts in different places to protect theChristians, the admiral resolved to return into Spain to acquaint theirCatholic majesties with several matters which he considered to beimportant: but especially because he had learnt that many malicious andenvious persons had given false information at court respecting theaffairs of the Indies, to the great prejudice and dishonour of him and hisbrothers. For these reasons he embarked on Thursday the tenth of March1496, with 225 Spaniards and thirty Indians in two caravels, the SantaCruz and the Nina, and sailed from Isabella about day-break. Holding hiscourse eastwards along the coast, he lost sight of the eastern point ofHispaniola on Tuesday the twenty-second of March, keeping an easterlydirection as far as the wind would permit; but the wind for the most partcontinuing from the east, and provisions falling short, by which the menwere much discouraged, he deviated southwards towards the Caribbee islands, and anchored at Marigalante on Saturday the ninth of April. Although itwas not his custom to set sail from any port of a Sunday, yet as his menmuttered, saying that when in want of food it was not necessary to keep sostrictly to the observation of particular days, he therefore set sail nextday. 

He next anchored at the island of Guadaloupe and sent the boats on shorewell armed. These were opposed by a great number of women, who came out ofa wood armed with bows and arrows and decorated with feathers; seeing whomthe people in the boats kept aloof, and sent two women of Hispaniola onshore by swimming to parley with the natives; who, understanding that theChristians only desired to have provisions in exchange for suchcommodities as they had to barter, desired them to go with their ships tothe north side of the island where their husbands then were, who wouldfurnish them with what they wanted. The ships did accordingly, and sailingclose to the shore saw abundance of people, who came down to the sea-sideand discharged their arrows in vain against our people, setting up loudcries, but their weapons all fell short. When our boats well armed andfull of men drew near the shore, the Indians retired into an ambush, whence they sallied forth to hinder our people from landing; but terrifiedby some discharges of cannon from the ships, they fled into the woods, abandoning their houses and goods, when the Christians took and destroyedall they found. Being acquainted with the Indian method of making bread, they fell to work and made enough to supply their want, as they foundabundance of materials[5]. 

Among other things which they found in the Indian houses on this island, were parrots, honey, wax, and iron, of which last they had hatchets[6]:and they likewise found looms like those used in Europe for weavingtapestry[7], in which the natives weave their tents. Their houses, insteadof the ordinary round forms which had been hitherto met with in the WestIndies, were square; and in one of them the Spaniards found the arm of aman roasting at a fire upon a spit. While the bread was making, theadmiral dispatched forty men into the country to examine into its natureand productions, who returned next day with ten women and three boys allthe rest of the natives having fled into the woods. One of these women wasthe wife of a cacique, who was exceedingly nimble and had been taken withvery great difficulty by a man of the Canaries: She might even have gotfrom him, but observing him to be alone she thought to have taken him, andclosed with him for that purpose, and even got him down and had almoststifled him, had not some others of the Christians come to his aid. Theless of these women are swathed with cotton cloth from the ancle to theknee, which gives them a very thick appearance; and they gird theseornaments, which they call _Coiro_, and consider as very genteel, sotightly that the leg appears very thin when they happen to slip off[8]. The same swaths are used both by men and women in Jamaica upon the smallerparts of their arms up to the armpits, similar to the old-fashionedsleeves in Spain. 

The women of this island were excessively fat, insomuch that some werethicker than a man could grasp round; they all wear their hair long andloose upon their shoulders, nor do they cover any part of their bodiesexcept as before mentioned. As soon as their children can use their limbs, they give them bows and arrows that they may learn to shoot. The woman whomade so much resistance said that the island was only inhabited by women, and that those who made demonstrations of hindering the landing of our menwere all women, except four men who had come there accidentally fromanother island; for at certain times of the year the men come from theother islands to sport and cohabit with the women of this. The samecustoms were followed by the women in another island, called Matrimonio orthe Island of Matrimony, and this woman gave an account of these islanderssimilar to what we read concerning the Amazons; and the admiral believedit because of the strength and courage of these women[9]. It is also saidthat these women seemed to have clearer understandings than those of theother islands; for in the other islands they only reckon the day by thesun and the nights by the moon, whereas these women reckoned by otherstars, saying that it is time to do such and such things when the greatbear or certain other stars, as it may be, are due north. 

When they had made provision of bread for twenty days besides what theyhad on board, the admiral resolved to continue his voyage into Spain. But, considering that the island of Guadaloupe was an inlet to others, hethought fit to send all the women on shore, having first made them somegifts in compensation of the loss they had sustained; except the chieflady, who chose to go into Spain with her daughter along with the otherIndians from Hispaniola. One of these was Cannabo, the chief cacique ofthat island in the late disturbances, who was himself a Carib and not anative of that island. Having furnished all the vessels with bread, wood, and water, the admiral set sail on Wednesday the twentieth of April fromGuadaloupe, with the wind very scant, keeping near the latitude oftwenty-two degrees north: as at this time they had not found out themethod of running away north to meet the S. W. Winds. 

Having made but little way and the ships being full of people, they beganby the twentieth of May to be much afflicted with scarcity of provisions, insomuch that they were reduced to an allowance of six ounces of bread andless than a pint of water for each person daily, and had no other articleof provision besides. Though there were eight or nine pilots in the twoships, yet none of them knew whereabout they were, but the admiral wasconfident that they were then only a little west of the Azores, whereof hegives the following account in his journal. 

"This morning the Dutch compasses varied as they used to do a whole point, while those of Genoa, which used to agree with them, varied but a verylittle, though afterwards sailing farther east they varied more, which isa sign that we were 100 leagues west of the Azores or somewhat more; forwhen we were just 100 leagues there were only a few scattered weeds to beseen, the Dutch needles varying a point while those of Genoa pointed duenorth; and when we got somewhat farther E. N. E. They altered again. " Thisidea was verified on the twenty-second of May, when by exact reckoning theadmiral found that he was 100 leagues to the west of the Azores. He wasmuch astonished at this singular difference between the two kinds ofcompasses, which he was disposed to attribute to their having been made bydifferent kinds of loadstones; for until they had arrived at thatlongitude they all varied a point from the true north, and some of themcontinued to do so even there, while those constructed at Genoa, nowpointed due north, and the same remarkable discrepancy continued upon thetwenty-fourth of May. 

They thus continued their course, all the pilots going on with blindconfidence, till on Wednseday the 8th of June they came in sight ofOdemira, between Lisbon and Cape St Vincent; but the admiral, confidentthat they were near that cape, slackened sail the night before, thoughlaughed at by many, some affirming that they were in the English channel, while those who erred least believed themselves on the coast of Galicia. The scarcity was now become so great that many objected to shortening sail, alleging that it were better to run the risk of perishing at once byrunning on shore than to starve miserably on the sea; and many, like thecanibals, were for eating the Indians who where on board, or at least werefor throwing them overboard, on purpose to make some small saving of theprovisions which remained; and this would certainly have been done if theadmiral had not exerted his whole authority to save them, as humancreatures who ought not to be worse used than the rest. At length itpleased God to reward him with the sight of land in the morning, accordingto his promise the preceding evening; for which he was ever afterwardsconsidered by the seamen as most expert and almost prophetical in maritimeaffairs. 

Having landed in Spain the admiral went to Burgos, where he was veryfavourably received by their Catholic majesties, who were then at thatplace celebrating the marriage of their son Prince John with Margaret ofAustria, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian. That princess was conductedinto Spain with great splendour, and received by most of the nobility andby the greatest concourse of persons of quality that ever had been seentogether in Spain. But though I was present on the occasion as page toprince John, I shall not enter into the particulars of this solemnity, since it does not belong to the history I have undertaken to write, andbecause the royal historiographers will have doubtless taken care torecord this event. 

On his arrival at Burgos, the admiral presented their majesties, with manycurious specimens of the productions of the Indies, as birds, beasts, trees, plants, instruments, and other things used by the Indians in theiremployments and amusements; also girdles, and masks, having ears and eyesmade of gold plates; likewise with much gold dust, small and gross asproduced by nature, some of the grains as big as vetches, some like beans, and others as large as pigeons eggs. These latter, then so much admired, were not afterwards so much valued, as in progress of time lumps of goldhave been found which weighed above thirty pounds; but they were then heldin high estimation in prospect of great future hopes, and were received ingood part by their majesties. When the admiral had given them an accountof all that seemed to him necessary for improving and peopling the Indies, he was very desirous to return thither with all speed, lest some disastermight happen during his absence, considering that he had left the colonyin great want of necessaries; and though he strongly solicited and pressedthe necessity of speedy succours, such was the tediousness and delay ofbusiness in that court, that ten or twelve months elapsed before he couldprocure the equipment of two ships, which were sent out in February 1498, under the command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel. 

The admiral remained at court to solicit the appointment of such a fleetas he considered to be necessary for his return to the Indies. But he wasforced to remain above a year at Burgos and Medina del Campo, where in theyear 1497 their majesties granted him many favours, and gave the necessaryorders for expediting his affairs, and for the settlement and governmentof the Indies. These I here mention to shew that their Catholic majestieswere, still ready to acknowledge and reward his services and merit; thoughthey afterwards altered greatly in this respect, through the falseinformation and scandalous insinuations of malicious and envious persons, so as to permit gross wrongs to be done him, as will afterwards appear. 

Having at length procured the necessary orders, he proceeded to Seville, and there the fitting out of his fleet was retarded very unprofitablythrough the negligence and ill management of the public officers, especially Juan de Fonseca, the archdeacon of Seville, who was afterwardsbishop of Burgos, and always was a bitter enemy to the admiral and hisaffairs, and became the chief leader among those who afterwards broughthim into disgrace with their Catholic majesties. While engaged at Sevillein superintending the equipment, that my brother and I might not suffer bythe delays, we having both served as pages to Prince John, who was nowdead, he sent us back to court in November 1497 to serve as pages to hermajesty Queen Isabella of glorious memory. 

SECTION IX. 

_Account of the Admirals third Voyage, during which he discovered theContinent of Paria; with the occurrences to his arrival in Hispaniola. _

The admiral forwarded the equipment of this expedition with all possiblecare, and set sail from the bay of San Lucar de Barameda on the thirtiethof May 1498, having six ships loaded with provisions and other necessariesfor the relief of the colonists in Hispaniola, and for the farthersettlement and peopling of that island. On the seventh of June he arrivedat the island of Puerto Santo, where he heard mass, and took in wood andwater and other necessaries, yet he sailed that same night for Madeira, where he arrived on Sunday the ninth of June, and was courteously receivedand entertained at Funchal by the governor of the island. He remained inthis place until Saturday the fifteenth of June, providing all manner ofrefreshments, and arrived at Gomera on Wednesday the nineteenth of thesame month. At this place there was a French ship which, had capturedthree Spanish vessels; on seeing the admirals squadron, the Frenchmanstood out to sea with two of his prizes: and the admiral supposing them tobe three merchant vessels which mistook his squadron for French, took nocare to pursue till too late, and when informed of what they were, he sentthree of his ships in pursuit but they got clear off. They might havecarried away the third prize likewise, if they had not abandoned her inthe consternation they were in on first noticing our fleet; so that therebeing only four Frenchmen on board and six Spaniards belonging to heroriginal crew, the Spaniards on seeing assistance at hand, clapt theFrenchmen under the hatches and returned into port, where the vessel wasrestored to her former master. The admiral would have executed theseFrench prisoners as pirates, but that Don Alvaro de Lugo the governorinterceded for them, that they might be given in exchange for six of theinhabitants who had been carried away. 

The admiral sailed from Gomera for Ferro on Thursday the twenty-first ofJune, whence he resolved to send three of his ships direct to Hispaniola, and going with the rest to the islands of Cabo Verde to sail directly overfrom thence to discover the continent. He therefore appointed a captain toeach of the ships which he sent to Hispaniola. One of those was Pedro deArana, cousin to that Arana who died in Hispaniola, the second was AlonzoSanchez de Caravajal, and the third his own kinsman John Anthony Columbus. To these captains he gave particular instructions for the conduct of theirvoyage, directing that each of them should have the command a week in histurn. Having dispatched these three ships for Hispaniola, he set out withthe other three for the Cape Verde islands; but the climate he was thenentering upon being unhealthy at that season, he had a terrible fit of thegout in one leg, and four days afterwards he fell into a violent fever;but, notwithstanding this sickness he was still himself, and diligentlyobserved the course made by the ship, the alterations of the weather, andall other circumstances as in his first voyage. 

On the twenty-fifth June he discovered the island de Sal, one of the CapeVerdes, and passing it he came to another very improperly named _Bonavista_, which signifies good prospect, yet the place is dull and wretched. Here he cast anchor in a channel near a small island in which there aresix or seven houses appointed for persons who are afflicted with theleprosy, who come there to be cured. And as sailors rejoice when theydiscover land, so do these wretches much more when they discover any ship;wherefore they immediately ran down to the shore to speak with the peoplewhom the admiral sent on shore to take in water and salt. There arelikewise abundance of goats in that island. Understanding that our peoplewere Spaniards, the Portuguese who had charge of this island for the ownerwent on board to wait upon the admiral, and made offer of every assistancein his power, for which the admiral thanked him and ordered him to be welltreated, and to have some provisions given him, for by reason of thebarrenness of the island the inhabitants live very miserably. Beingdesirous to know what methods were used for curing the leprosy, this mantold the admiral that the excellent temperature of the air was oneprincipal cause, and the next the diet of the infected; for there came tothis island vast numbers of turtles, on which the sick chiefly feed, andanoint themselves with the blood of these animals, and are by these meansspeedily cured; but that such as are born with the distemper are longer ofbeing cured. The reason assigned for the great numbers of turtle was, thatthe shores of the island being all sandy, these creatures resort thitherfrom the west coast of Africa in the months of June, July, and August, todeposit their eggs. They are mostly as large as an ordinary target, andcome every night on shore to sleep and to lay their eggs in the sand. Thepeople go along the shore at night with lanterns and other lights, seekingthe tracks which the turtle leaves in the sand, which they follow tillthey find the animal, which being tired with the exertion, sleeps sosoundly as not to waken on their approach. Having found a turtle it isturned on its back, and without doing any more harm they go on to seekmore, which are treated in the same manner. Having got as many as theythink fit, they come back in the morning to choose those they like best, as they cannot possibly recover their feet when once turned over. Theythen carry off such as they think fit, turning up the smaller ones upontheir belly and allowing them to go away. The island being very dry andbarren, without either trees or springs, the wretched sick inhabitantshave no other sustenance, and are entirely without employment, and theyare necessitated to drink of the thick and brackish water of certain wells, there being none else to be found. 

Besides the sick, the only inhabitants of the island consisted of the manwho had the charge and four more, and their only employment was to killand salt goats to be sent to Portugal. There were such multitudes of goatson the island, all derived from eight left there originally, that someyears they killed to the value of three or four thousand ducats. Theproprietor was Roderick Alfonzo, secretary of the customs to the king ofPortugal, by whom the original stock of goats had been carried to thisplace. These goat-hunters are often four or five months without bread orany thing to eat but goats flesh and fish; for which reason this man madegreat account of the provisions which the admiral had given him. This manand his companions, with some of the admirals men, went out to hunt goatsfor the use of the ships, but finding that it would require much time tokill all he had need of, and being anxious to proceed on his voyage, theadmiral would not protract his stay in this place. 

On Saturday the 30th of June, he sailed for Santiago, the principal of theCape Verde islands, where he arrived the next evening, and cast anchor neara church, sending on shore to purchase some bulls and cows, which hewished to carry alive to Hispaniola. But finding it difficult to procurethem so soon as he wished, and considering how prejudicial delays mightprove to the safety and success of his voyage, he would not remain. He wasthe more induced to get away with all expedition on account of theunhealthiness of the country, lest his men might fall sick; as during allthe time he lay among these islands he never saw the sky or any star, inconsequence of a perpetual thick hot fog; insomuch that three fourths ofthe inhabitants were sick, and all of them had a most unhealthy colour. 

On Thursday the 5th of July, the admiral left the island of St Jago, sailing S. W. With the intention of holding that course till he was underthe equinoctial, and then to steer due west, that he might discover someother land before proceeding to Hispaniola. But the currents among theseislands set so strongly to the north and north-west, that he was unable tokeep his intended course, and was still in sight of Fogo, one of the CapeVerde islands, on the 7th of July. This island is very high land on thesouth side, and looks at a distance like a great church with a steeple atthe east end, which is an exceedingly high rock, whence there usuallybreaks out much fire before the east winds blow, in the same manner as isseen at Teneriffe, Vesuvius, and Etna. From this last country of theChristians he held on his course S. W. Till he came into only 5° of northlatitude, where he was becalmed, having till then been continuallyattended by the before-mentioned fog. The calms lasted eight days, withsuch violent heat as almost to burn the ships, and it was impossibleduring all that time for any of the people to remain below deck, and hadnot the sun been clouded with occasional rains, the admiral thought theywould have been burnt up alive together with their ships. On the first dayof the calm, being fair, nothing could withstand the heat, had not GODrelieved them with the rain and fog. Having therefore got a little way tothe northwards into seven degrees of latitude, he resolved not to hold anyfarther to the south, but to sail due west in that parallel, at least tillhe saw how the weather settled, because he had lost many casks inconsequence of the hoops starting with the great heat, and the corn andall other provisions were scorched up. 

About the middle of July, the admiral observed the latitude with greatcare, and found a wonderful difference between the appearances there andin the parallel of the Azores. For at the Azores, when the constellationof the great bear was to the right or east, then the north star is lowest, and from that time began to rise; so that when the great bear was overhead, the north star had risen two degrees and a half, and being passed, that began again to descend the five degrees it had ascended. This heobserved very carefully, several times when the weather was very fit forhis purpose. But at the place where he now was in the torrid zone theseappearances were quite contrary; for when the great bear was at itsgreatest elevation, he found the north star six degrees high; and when insix hours the bear came to the west the north star was then eleven degreeshigh; when the bear was quite depresssed and could not be seen because ofthe obliquity of the pole, the north star was six degrees high, so thatthe difference was ten degrees, and the north star described a circlehaving a diameter of ten degrees; whereas, in other places, it made butfive, and in a different position as to the great bear, for at the Azoresthe polar star was lowest when the bear was in the west, and here thenorth star was lowest when the bear was at its greatest elevation. Theadmiral, not being complete master of this subject, thought this of verydifficult comprehension; and observes that probably when at theequinoctial, the full orbit of the star is seen; whereas, the nearer oneapproaches the pole it seems the less, because the Heavens are moreoblique. As for the variation, I believe the star has the quality of allthe four quarters, like the needle, which if touched to the eastside points to the east, and so of the west, north, and south; wherefore, he that makes a compass covers the loadstone with a cloth, all but itsnorth part, or that which has the power to make the needle point to thenorth. 

On Tuesday the 31st of July, 1498, having sailed many days west, insomuchthat the admiral believed the Caribbee islands were to the north, heresolved to discontinue that western course, and to make for Hispaniola, because he was greatly in want of water, and almost all his provisions hadperished, and because he was afraid lest some mutiny or disorder mighthave broken out in the colony during his long absence, which in fact hadbeen the case as we shall shew hereafter. Therefore, altering his coursefrom the west, he stood to the north[10], thinking to fall in with theCaribbee islands to refresh his men, and to take in wood and water, ofwhich he was in great want. While thus sailing one day about noon, AlonzoPerez Nirando, a sailor of the town of Gullva, discovered land from theround top at about fifteen leagues distance, three mountains making theirappearance at once, and soon afterwards the land was observed to stretchout towards the N. E. As far as the eye could reach, so that it appeared tohave no end. The salve regina and other prayers usual with seamen in timesof joy or distress were immediately rehearsed, and the admiral called theland now discovered Trinidada or the island of the Trinity; both becausehe had before intended to give that name to the first land he mightdiscover, and because it had pleased God to give him a sight of _three_mountains all at one time. He now altered his course to the west that hemight get to a cape which appeared southwards, and making for the southside of the island, came to an anchor five leagues beyond a point which henamed Punta de la Galera, or Galley Point, on account of a rock which laynear that point, looking at a distance like a galley under sail. 

Having now only one cask of water remaining for the whole crew, and theother ships in company being in the same condition, and no water beingfound in this place, he continued his course still westwards, and castanchor on the Wednesday following at another point which he named Punta dela Plaga, or Sand Point, because of a fine strand or beach where thepeople landed and procured water at a fine brook[11]. In this place theyfound no habitations and saw no people, though along the coast, which theyhad left behind them, they had seen many houses and towns. They found here, however, the tokens of fishermen who had fled, leaving behind them some oftheir fishing tackle; and they noticed the prints of the feet of beasts, which they judged might have been goats, and they saw the bones of one, the head of which had no horns, and which, therefore, they thought mighthave been a monkey, or cat-o-mountain, as they afterwards found it to havebeen, having found many of these cats in Paria[12]. This same day, beingthe 1st of August, while sailing between Cape Galera and la Plaga, theydiscovered the continent about twenty-five leagues distant, but thinkingit another island, it was named Isla Santo, or the Holy Island[13]. Thecoast of Trinidada between those two points was thirty leagues in lengthfrom E. To W. Without any harbour, but all the country appeared pleasantlycovered with trees down to the water side, and had abundance of towns. They ran this space of thirty leagues in a very short time, because thecurrent set so violently to the westwards that it looked like a rapidriver both day and night; for although the tide flowed and ebbed along theshore above forty paces, as it does at San Lucar de Barameda in Spain, yetthe current never ceases to run in the same direction. 

Perceiving that no account could be got of the people of the country atthis cape, that it was excessively laborious to take in a full supply ofwater here, and that there was no convenience for careening the ships, orprocuring provisions, the admiral went next day to another point of landwhich seemed to be the most westerly in the island, which he named Cabodel Arenal, and came here to anchor, thinking that the easterly windswhich reign there might not be so troublesome to the boats in goingbackwards and forwards from the shore. On the way to this point a canoefollowed the admirals ship, having twenty-five men on board, and stoppedat the distance of a cannon-shot, calling out and speaking very loud. Nothing could be understood, though it was supposed they inquired who ourmen were and whence they came, as had been usual with the other Indians. As they could not be induced to come on board, either by words or gestures, or by exhibiting looking glasses, little brass basons, and other baubleswhich used to have great influence on the other natives of the Indies, theadmiral ordered some young fellows to dance on the poop to the music of apipe and tabor. On seeing this, the Indians snatched up their targets, andbegan shooting their arrows at the dancers; who, by the admirals command, left off dancing and began to shoot with their cross-bows in return, thatthe Indians might not go unpunished, or learn to despise the Christians;whereupon, the Indians were glad to draw off, and made for another caravelwhich they immediately went along-side of without any apprehension. Thepilot of that ship went over into the canoe, and gave the Indians somebaubles with which they were much pleased, and said if they were on shorethey would have brought him bread from their houses. The account given ofthese people was that they were well shaped and whiter than the otherislanders, wearing their hair long like women, bound up with small strings, and that they covered their nudities with small clouts. But the people inthe caravel did not detain any of them for fear of giving displeasure tothe admiral. 

As soon as the ships had anchored at Punta del Arenal, the admiral sentthe boats on shore for water, and to endeavour to procure some informationrespecting the Indians, but they could do neither, that country being verylow and uninhabited, and having no springs or rivulets. He thereforeordered them next day to dig trenches or pits on the island in hope ofprocuring water by that means; and by good fortune, they found these readymade to their hands and full of excellent water, it being supposed thatthey had been dug by the fishermen. Having taken what water they wanted, the admiral resolved to proceed to another mouth or channel which appearedtowards the north-west, which he afterwards called _Boca del Drago_, orthe Dragons Mouth, to distinguish it from the one where he then was, towhich he had given the name of _Boca del Sierpe_, or the Serpents Mouth. These two mouths or channels, like the Dardanelles, are made by the twomost westerly points of the island of Trinidada, and two other points ofthe continent, and lie almost north and south of each other. In the midstof the Serpents Mouth, where the admiral now anchored, there was a rockwhich he called El Gallo, or the cock. Through this channel the water rancontinually and furiously to the northwards, as if it had been the mouthof some great river, which was the occasion of naming it _Boca del Sierpe_, because of the terror it put our people into; for, as they lay verysecurely at anchor, there came a stronger current of the water than usual, making a hideous noise and running furiously to the northwards; and beingopposed by another current running out from the Gulf of Paria, they metwith a hideous roaring noise, and caused the sea to swell up like a highmountain, or ridge of hills along the channel. Soon afterwards, thismountainous wave came towards the ships, to the great terror of all themen, fearing they should be overset. But it pleased GOD that it passedunderneath, or rather lifted up the ships without doing any harm; yet itdrew the anchor of one of them and carried it away, but by means of theirsails they escaped the danger, not without mortal fear of being lost. Thatfurious current being past, and considering the danger of remaining there, the admiral stood for the Dragons Month, which is between the north-westpoint of Trinidada and the east point of Paria; but he went not through itat that time, but sailed along the south coast of Paria westwards, thinking it to have been an island, and expecting to find a way outnorthwards into the Caribbean sea towards Hispaniola; and though therewere many ports along that coast of Paria, he would put into none, allthat inland sea being a harbour locked in by the continent. 

Being at an anchor on Sunday the 5th of August, and it being his customnever to weigh on a Sunday, he sent the boats on shore, where they foundabundance of fruit, of the same kinds which they had seen on the otherislands; there were great numbers of trees, and marks of people who hadfled for fear of the Christians. Being unwilling to lose time, he sailedfifteen leagues farther along that coast without going into any harbour, lest he should not have sufficient wind to bring him out again. While atanchor, there came out a canoe to the caravel called _El Borreo_ havingthree men; and the pilot, knowing how much the admiral wished to receivesome information from these people, pretended to talk with the Indians andlet himself down into the canoe, by which means some Spaniards in the boattook these men and sent them to the admiral, who made much of them andsent them on shore with many gifts, at a place where there were a greatnumber of Indians. These, hearing the good account which the three Indiansgave them of their treatment, came off in their canoes to barter for suchthings as they had, which were much the same as had been already seen inthe islands before discovered, only that they had no targets or poisonedarrows, which are only used by the Canibals or Caribs. Their drink was asort of liquor as white as milk, and another somewhat blackish, tastinglike green wine, made from unripe grapes, but they could not learn whatfruit it was made from[14]. 

They wore cotton cloths, well wove and of several colours, about the sizeof a handkerchief, some larger and some less, and what they most valued ofour articles was brass, and especially bells. These people seemed morecivilized and tractable than the natives of Hispaniola. The men coveredtheir nudities with one of these cloths fastened round their middle, andhad another wrapped round their heads, but the women went altogether nakedas in Trinidada. 

They saw nothing of value here except some small plates of gold which thenatives were hanging from their necks; for which reason, and because theadmiral could not stay to dive into the secrets of the country, he orderedsix of these Indians to be taken, and continued his voyage to thewestwards, still believing that land of Paria which he had called the HolyIsland to be no continent. Soon afterwards, an island appeared towards thesouth, and another towards the west, both high land, cultivated and wellpeopled, and the inhabitants had more plates of gold about their necksthan the others, and abundance of guaninis, which are made of very lowgold. They said that this gold was procured from other islands farther tothe westwards, of which the inhabitants eat men. The women had strings ofbeads about their arms, and among these were some very fine large andsmall strung pearls, some of which were procured as a sample to send totheir Catholic majesties. Being asked where they got these things, theymade signs to show that in the oyster shells which were taken westwardsfrom that land of Paria, and beyond it towards the north these pearls werefound. Upon this good discovery, the admiral remained some time to learnmore about it, and sent the boats on shore, where all the people of thecountry who had flocked together appeared very tractable and friendly, and importuned the Christians to accompany them to a house not far off, where they gave them to eat, and likewise a great deal of their wine. Fromthat house, which was believed to be the kings palace, they were carriedto another belonging to his son, where the same kindness was shewn. Thesepeople were all in general whiter than any they had yet seen in the Indies, with better aspects and shapes, having their hair cut short by their earsafter the Spanish fashion. From them they learnt that the country wasnamed Paria, and that they would gladly be in amity with the Christians. Thus they departed from them and returned to the ships. 

Holding on his course westwards, the admiral found the depth of the watergradually to lessen, till passing through five and four fathoms, they atlength had only two and a half at the ebb. The tide differed considerablyin this place from what it had been found at Trinidada; for whereas thereit ebbed and flowed three fathoms, here, at forty-five leagues to thewestward it only rose and fell one fathom. At Trinidada both during ebband flow, the current always ran west, whereas here the flood made to thewest, and the ebb returned to the east. At Trinidada the sea water wasbrackish, while here it was sweet, almost like river water. Perceivingthis difference, and how little water they had, the admiral durst notproceed any farther with his own ship, which being of 100 tons burthen, required three fathoms water; he therefore came to anchor on the coast ina very safe port, land-locked on all sides and shaped like a horse shoe. From this place he sent on the little caravel called _El Borreo_, or thePost, to discover if there were any passage westwards among these supposedislands. She returned next day, the 11th of August, having gone but ashort distance, and reported, that at the western point of that sea therewas a mouth or opening two leagues over from north to south, and within ita round bay, having four little bays, one towards each quarter of theHeavens, into each of which a river flowed, which occasioned the water ofthat sea to be so sweet, which was yet much sweeter farther in; and theyadded, that all this land which they had considered as separate islandswas one and the same continent. They had everywhere in that interior bayfour or five fathoms water, which so abounded in those weeds they had seenon the ocean as even to hinder their passage. 

Being now certain that he could get no passage to the westwards, theadmiral stood back that same day to the east, designing to pass the Bocadel Drago, or that strait which he had seen between Trinidada and the landcalled Paria by the Indians. In this strait there are four small islandsto the east, next that point of Trindada which he named Cabo de Boca, orCape Mouth, because it was blunt; and the western cape upon the continenthe called Cabo de Lapa. The reason why he gave this strait the name of theDragons Mouth, was because it was very dangerous, on account of theprodigious quantity of fresh water which continually struggles to get outthat way into the open sea, and that the strait is divided into threeboisterous channels by intervening islands. While sailing through thisstrait the wind failed, and he was in great danger of being drifted by theraging current against some sand or rock; he gave it this name likewise ascorresponding with that he had before given to the other entrance into thegulf of Paria, the Boca del Sierpe or Serpents Mouth, where he was in noless danger. But it pleased God, that what they most dreaded should provetheir greatest safety, for the strength of the current carried them clearthrough. On Monday the 17th of August, he began to sail westwards alongthe northern coast of Paria, in order to stand over afterwards forHispaniola, and gave thanks to God who had delivered from so many troublesand dangers, still shewing him new countries full of peaceable people, andabounding in wealth, more especially that which he now certainly concludedto be the continent, because of the great extent of the gulf of Pearls andthe size of the rivers that run into it, making it all deep water, and allthe Indians of the Caribbean islands had told him there was a vast land tothe southward. Likewise, according to the authority of Esdras, the 8thchapter of the 4th book, if the world were divided into seven equal parts, one only is water and the rest land. 

Sailing along to the westwards on the coast of Paria, the admiral fellgradually off from it towards the N. W. Being so drifted by the currentowing to the calmness of the weather, so that on Wednesday the 15th ofAugust, he left the _Cabo de las Conchas_, or Cape of Shells to the south, and the island of _Margarita_ to the west, which name, signifying the isleof Pearls, he gave to it as by divine inspiration, as close to it is theisle of _Cabagua_ where an infinite quantity of pearls have since beenfound; and he afterwards named some mountains in Hispaniola and Jamaicathe _Gold Mountains_, where the greatest quantity and largest pieces ofthat metal that were ever carried into Spain were afterwards found. But toreturn to his voyage, he held on his way by six islands which he called_de las Guardas_, or the Guards, and three others more to the north called_los Testigos_, or the Witnesses. Though they still discovered much landin Paria to the westwards, yet the admiral says in his journal that hecould not from this time give such an account of it as he wished, becausethrough much watching his eyes were inflamed, and he was therefore forcedto take most of his observations from the sailors and pilots. This samenight, the sixteenth of August, the compasses, which hitherto had notvaried, did now at least a point and a half, and some of them two points, and in this there could be no mistake, as several persons had attentivelyobserved the circumstance. The admiral admired much at this, and was muchgrieved that he had not an opportunity of following the coast of thecontinent any farther; he therefore held on his course to the N. W. Tillon Monday the twentieth of August, he came to an anchor between Isla Beataor the Blessed Island and Hispaniola, whence he sent a letter overland tohis brother the Adelantado, acquainting him with his safe arrival and hissuccess in having discovered the continent. The admiral was much surprisedat finding himself so far to the westwards, for although he was aware ofthe power of the currents, he did not expect they would have produced sogreat an effect. Therefore, that his provisions might not fail, he stoodto the eastwards for San Domingo, into which harbour he sailed on thethirtieth of August. Here the lieutenant his brother had appointed tobuild a city, on the east side of the river where it now stands, and which, in memory of his father, named Domingo or Dominick, is now named _SantoDomingo_. 

SECTION X. 

_An account of the Rebellion in Hispaniola, previous to the arrival of theAdmiral. _

On his arrival at St Domingo, the admiral was almost blind withoverwatching and fatigue, and hoped there to rest himself and to findpeace among the people of the colony; but he found quite the contrary, forall the people of the island were in disorder and rebellion. Great numbersof those whom he had left were dead, and of those who remained above 160individuals were ill of the French pox; besides that many were inrebellion, with Francis Roldan at their head, whom he had left as alcaldemayor, or chief justice of the island. And to add to the evil, the threeships that he had dispatched from the Canary islands with supplies had notyet arrived. Of all these matters it is requisite that we should treat inan orderly manner, beginning from the time when the admiral had set outfrom this island for Spain in March 1496, thirty months before his presentreturn. 

For some considerable time after his departure, matters went on prettyquietly in hopes of his speedy return and receiving supplies and relief. But after the first year, finding their hopes abortive, the Spanishprovisions having utterly failed, and sickness and sufferings increasing, the people began to be much dissatisfied with their situation, and todespair of any change for the better. When any discontented persons beginto utter complaints, they are always sure to find some bold spirit to urgethem on, desirous to become the head of a party: Such on this occasion wasthe conduct of Francis Roldan, a native of Torre de Ximena, whom theadmiral had left in great power both among the Christians and Indians, bymaking him chief judge of the colony, so that he had almost as much powerand authority as himself. For this reason it is supposed that there wasnot that good understanding between him and the admirals lieutenant asought to have been for the public good, as appeared actually to have beenthe case in the sequel. And, as the admiral neither returned himself norsent any supplies, this Roldan began to entertain schemes of usurping thesupreme authority in the island, and designed for this purpose to murderthe admirals brothers as those who were best able to oppose his rebellion, and actually waited an opportunity of putting this nefarious intentioninto execution. It happened that the lieutenant went to a province in thewest called Xaragua, eighty leagues from Isabella, leaving Roldan in theexecution of his employment, but subordinate to Don James the admiralssecond brother. Roldan was so much offended at this procedure, that whilethe lieutenant was taking order how the caciques should pay their quotasof the tribute to their Catholic majesties after the rate which had beensettled by the admiral, Roldan began underhand to draw over some of themalcontents to his party. But that it might not prove fatal to rise toosuddenly and without some colourable pretence, Roldan took hold of thefollowing circumstance to favour his covert practices. The lieutenant hadcaused a caravel to be built at Isabella, to have ready to send to Spainin case of any urgent necessity, and for want of tackle and othernecessary equipments it still lay upon the bench unlaunched. Roldaninsinuated that the delay in launching this vessel was occasioned by otherreasons, and that it was necessary for the common benefit that it shouldbe fitted out, that some persons might be sent into Spain to representtheir sufferings and to implore relief. Thus under pretence of the publicgood, Roldan pressed that the caravel might be launched, and as Don JamesColumbus refused his consent on account of the want of tackle, Roldanbegan more boldly to treat with some of the malcontents about launchingthe caravel in spite of his refusal; telling those whom he thought wouldfall into his measures, that the reason why the lieutenant and his brotherwere averse to this measure was, that they were desirous to secure thedominion of the island to themselves and to keep them in subjection, andthat there might not be any vessel to carry news of their revolt to theirCatholic majesties. And since they were sensible of the cruelty and illnature of the lieutenant, and the restless and laborious life he led them, in continually building towns and forts without necessity, and as therewere now no hopes of the admiral returning with supplies, it was fit theyshould seize upon that caravel to procure their own liberty and relief, and not suffer themselves, under pretence of pay which they never received, to be kept under the authority of a foreigner, when it was in their powerto live in ease and plenty. That by assuming the authority into their ownhands, they would have it in their power to divide the island equallyamongst them, and would be served by the Indians to their own content;whereas the lieutenant now hold them under such rigorous authority thatthey could not take to wife any Indian woman they pleased, and were forcedto keep the three vows of monachism, chastity, poverty, and abstinence, and were not wanting in fasts and penances, imprisonments, and otherpunishments, which were liberally bestowed for the smallest offences. Wherefore, since he Roldan held the rod of justice and royal authority, and could screen them against evil consequences on this account, headvised them to act as he directed, in doing which they could not be foundguilty. With such pretences and arguments, proceeding from the hatred hebore to the lieutenant, he drew over so many to his party, that one day, after the return of the lieutenant from Xaragua to Isabella, some of theconspirators resolved to stab him, and considered this as so easy a matterthat they had provided a halter to hang him up with after his death. Thecircumstance which more immediately incensed them at this particularperiod, was the imprisonment of one Barahoria, a friend to theconspirators; and if God had not put it into the heart of the lieutenantnot to proceed to the execution of justice at this time against thatperson, the conspirators had then certainly murdered him. 

When Francis Roldan perceived that he had missed the opportunity ofmurdering the lieutenant, and that his conspiracy was discovered, heresolved to possess himself of the town and fort of the Conception, thinking that from thence he might be easily able to subdue the island. Ithappened conveniently for the execution of this design, that he was thennear that town, having been sent with forty men to reduce that province toobedience, the Indians having revolted and formed a similar design ofmaking themselves masters of the Conception and massacring the Christians. So that Roldan, under pretence of preventing this evil, gathered his menat the residence of one of the caciques named Marche, intending to put hisenterprise into execution on the first opportunity. But Ballester, whocommanded in that fort, having some jealousy of Roldans intentions, kepthimself well upon his guard, and sent intelligence to the lieutenant ofthe danger he was in; and the lieutenant with all speed drew together whatforce he was able to muster and threw himself into the fort for itsprotection. 

Roldan finding his conspiracy discovered before it was ripe for execution, came to the Conception under a safe conduct, more to make his observationshow he might best injure the lieutenant, than through any desire of comingto an accommodation; and with more boldness and impudence than became him, required the lieutenant to order the caravel to be launched, or else togive him leave to do it, which he and his friends were able and willing todo. Incensed at this presumption, the lieutenant answered that neither henor his friends were seamen, and know not what was proper to be done inthat case; and though they had known how to launch the caravel, yet theycould not sail in her for want of rigging and other necessaries, andtherefore it would only expose the men and the caravel to certaindestruction to pretend to send her to Spain. Upon this, conscious thatthey had no knowledge of sea affairs, and that the lieutenant being aseaman understood these matters, the conspirators differed in opinion onthis subject. After this quarrelsome discussion, Roldan went away in anger, refusing to surrender his rod of justice to the lieutenant, or to standtrial for his disobedient and mutinous conduct; saying that he would doboth when ordered by their Catholic majesties to whom the island belonged, but that he could not expect to receive an impartial or fair trial fromthe lieutenant, who bore him hatred and ill will, and would find means toput him to a shameful death if he submitted, whether right or wrong. Butin the mean time, not to exceed the bounds of reasonable obedience, he waswilling to go and reside in any place that the lieutenant might point out. Whereupon the lieutenant commanded him to go to the residence of thecacique James Columbus[15]; but he refused this under pretence that therewere not sufficient provisions there for his men, and that he would find aconvenient place for himself. 

Roldan went from thence to Isabella, where he gathered a company ofsixty-five adherents; and finding himself unable to launch the caravel, heand his followers plundered the magazines, taking away what arms, merchandize, and provisions they thought proper, Don James Columbus whowas there not being able to oppose them, and would even have been inimminent peril of his life if he had not withdrawn into the fort with somefriends and servants. In the process or examinations which were afterwardsdrawn up on this subject, some of the evidences deposed that Roldanoffered to submit to Don James, providing he would take his part againsthis own brother: Which he refusing, and Roldan being unable to do him anyfarther harm, and also fearing the succours which were coming from thelieutenant, he and the mutineers left the town, and falling upon thecattle that grazed in the neighbourhood, they killed such as they wantedfor food, and took away the beasts of burden to serve them on theirjourney, as they resolved to go and settle in the province of Xaraguawhence the lieutenant had very lately returned. The reason for preferringthat province was because of its being the pleasantest and most plentifulpart of the island, and its inhabitants were more civilized and wiser thanany of the others, besides that the women there were handsomer and of morepleasing manners than in any other district. 

Before putting this design into execution, Roldan resolved to make a trialof his strength, before the lieutenant could have time to increase hispower, and punish the rebels according to their demerits. For which reasonhe resolved to attempt to take the town of the Conception by surprize onthe way to Xaragua, and to kill the lieutenant, and if this plan did notsucceed to besiege him there. But the lieutenant got timely notice of thedesign of the mutineers, and stood upon his guard, encouraging his menwith good words and the promise of two slaves each and many gifts, if theypersisted in performing their duty. Yet he was led to believe that most ofthose who were with him liked the life of insubordination and licensewhich was led by Roldan and his followers so well, that many of them gaveear to his messages; and therefore Roldan conceived hopes that many of thelieutenants people would go over to his side, which encouraged him toundertake the enterprize upon the Conception, which did not howeversucceed according to his wishes and hopes. The lieutenant was a man ofgreat resolution, and having the best soldiers on his side, resolved to dothat by force of arms which he could not affect by arguments and fairmeans. He gathered therefore his men together and marched out of the townto attack the rebels on the road. 

Perceiving that his expectations were disappointed, and that not one mandeserted to him from the lieutenants party, Roldan was afraid to meet himin the field, and resolved to retire in time to Xaragua as he had firstdesigned. Yet he talked contemptuously of the lieutenant, and stirred upthe Indians wherever he went to rebel against him, pretending that he haddeserted him because he was a person of a morose and revengefuldisposition both against the Christians and the Indians, and abominablycovetous, as was seen by the great burthens and tributes he imposed onthem; which if they submitted to he would augment every year, thoughcontrary to the will of their Catholic majesties, who required nothing oftheir subjects but obedience, and wished to maintain them in justice, peace, and liberty. And he declared that he and his friends and followerswould assist them to assert their rights against the lieutenant, anddeclared himself the protector and deliverer of the Indians. After thisRoldan forbade the payment of the tribute which had been imposed by theadmiral, by which means it could not be gathered from those who were atany distance from the residence of the lieutenant, and he was afraid tocollect it from those in his neighbourhood, lest he might provoke them tojoin with the rebels. Notwithstanding of this concession, no sooner hadthe lieutenant withdrawn from the Conception than Guarionex, the principalcacique of that province, resolved to besiege that place with theassistance of Roldan, and to destroy the Christians who defended it. 

The better to effectuate this scheme, he called together all the caciquesof his party, and privately agreed with them that every one should killsuch of the Christians as resided in his district. For the territories inHispaniola were too small for any of them to maintain a great number ofpeople, and therefore the Christians were under the necessity of dividingthemselves into small parties of eight or ten in each liberty or district. This gave the Indians hopes that, by surprizing them all at one and thesame time, they might have it in their power to extirpate the whole andsuffer none to escape. But having no other way of counting time orordering any thing else which requires counting, except by means of theirfingers, they resolved that every one should be ready to destroy theChristians at the next full moon. Guarionex having thus concerted with hiscaciques, one of the chiefest among them being desirous to acquirereputation, and looking upon the enterprise as a very easy matter, fell onbefore the time appointed, not being astronomer sufficient to know theexact time of full moon. After a severe conflict, he was forced to fly forassistance and protection to Guarionex, who put him to death as hedeserved, for having thus laid open the conspiracy and put the Christianson their guard. 

The rebels were not a little mortified at this miscarriage of the Indianplot, for it was reported that it had been concerted with their privacyand consent, and they had therefore waited to see whether Guarionex mightbring affairs to such a pass, that by joining with him they might be ableto destroy the lieutenant. But perceiving that it failed of success, theyconsidered themselves insecure in the province where they then were, andtherefore went away to Xaragua, still proclaiming themselves theprotectors of the Indians, whereas they were thieves in their actions andinclinations, having no regard to God or the opinion of the world, butfollowing their own inordinate appetites. Every one stole or took awaywhat he could, and their leader Roldan more than any of the rest, commanding every cacique to entertain him that could; and though heforbade the Indians from paying any tribute to the lieutenant, he exactedmuch more from them under pretence of acting as their defender, insomuchthat from one cacique only, named Monicaotex, he received every threemonths a calabash full of pure gold, containing three marks or a pound anda half, and to make sure of him he detained his son and nephew as hostages. He who reads this must not wonder that we reduce the marks of gold to themeasure of a calabash, which is here done to shew that the Indians dealtin all these cases by measure, as they never had any weights. 

The Christians being thus divided, and no supplies coming from Spain, thelieutenant and his brother were unable to keep the people in quiet whostill remained with them; for most of them were mean persons, and desirousof leading that life of ease and licentiousness which Roldan offered fortheir acceptance, by which they became so insolent that it was impossibleto keep them in order, or to punish the guilty lest they might be utterlyforsaken; neither dared they in these circumstances to attempt reducingthe rebels to order, and were necessitated, to bear patiently with theiraudacious contempt of government. But it being the will of God to affordthem some comfort, it pleased him to order that the two ships shouldarrive which had been dispatched about a year after the departure of theadmiral from the Indies. He, considering the nature of the country and thedispositions of the people whom he had left in the colony, and the greatdanger which might arise from his long absence, had pressed for andobtained, not without great solicitation and difficulty that two of theships, out of the eight[16] which he had been ordered to fit out, might besent on before with supplies. The arrival of these, the supplies whichthey brought of men and provisions, and the assurance that the admiral hadsafely arrived in Spain, encouraged those who were with the lieutenant toserve him more faithfully and made those who adhered to Roldanapprehensive of being punished. 

The rebels being desirous to hear news from home, and to furnishthemselves with many things of which they were in want, resolved to repairto the harbour of St Domingo where the ships had put in, not without hopesof being able to draw over some of the men to their party. But as thelieutenant received notice of their design and was nearer that harbour, hemoved thither with all the force he could muster to hinder their design, and leaving guards in the passes, he went to the port to visit the shipsand to regulate the affairs of that place. And being anxious that theadmiral might find the island in a peaceable condition and all troubles atan end upon his return, he again made new overtures to Roldan, who wasthen six leagues off with his men. For this purpose he sent PeterFernandez Coronel, the commander of the two newly arrived ships, whom hechose for this employment because he was a man of worth and in authority, and because he could certify to Roldan and the mutineers of the arival ofthe admiral in Spain, the good reception he had found there, and thewillingness their majesties had expressed to support his authority in theIndies. But the chief men among the rebels would not permit him to speakin public, being fearful of the impression he might make upon theirdeluded followers; they therefore received him on the road in a warlikeposture, and he could only speak some words in private to those who wereappointed to hear him. Thus unable to do any thing, Coronel returned tothe town, and the rebels to their quarters at Xaragua, not withoutapprehensions lest Roldan and some of the ringleaders might write to theirfriends at Isabella to intercede for them with the admiral on his arrivalto be restored to favour, as all their complaints were against thelieutenant and not against the admiral himself. 

The three ships which the admiral had dispatched from the Canary islandswith succours to Hispaniola, proceeded on their voyage with fair windstill they came to those Caribbee islands which sailors first meet with ontheir way to the port of St Domingo. The pilots were not then so wellacquainted with that voyage as they have since become, and knew not how tohit that port, but were carried away by the currents so far to thewestwards that they arrived in the province of Xaragua, then occupied bythe rebels. These, understanding that the ships were out of their way andknew nothing of the revolt, sent some of their number peaceably on board, who pretended that they were there by the lieutenants orders, on purposeto preserve that part of the country under obedience and to be the bettersupplied with provisions. But a secret which is diffused among many iseasily divulged, so that Alonzo Sanchez de Caravajal, who was the mostskilful among the captains of these three ships, was soon aware of therebellion and discord, and began immediately to make overtures of peace toRoldan, in hopes of persuading him to submit to the lieutenant. But thefamiliar conversation which the rebels had previously been allowed onboard the ships had already produced such effects that his persuasionswere disregarded; Roldan having obtained private assurances from many ofthose who had come fresh from Spain that they would adhere to him, and bythis accession of strength he hoped to advance himself to higher power. 

Finding that the negociation was not likely to draw to a speedyconclusion, Caravajal and the other captains thought it convenient andproper that the people who had been brought from Spain under wages to workin the mines and other public employments, should go by land to St Domingo;because the winds and currents being adverse, the voyage there mightpossibly occupy two or three months, during which these people wouldconsume a great deal of provisions, if they remained on board, and mightfall sick, and much time would be lost which they might otherwise havedevoted to the several employments for which they were sent out. Havingagreed upon this plan, it fell to the lot of John Anthony Columbus tomarch with the men by land, who were forty in number; Arana was appointedto conduct the ships from Xaragua to St. Domingo; and Caravajal remainedto endeavour to bring the rebels to an accommodation. John AnthonyColumbus set out with his people the second day after landing; but thoselabourers and vagabonds who had been sent out to work deserted to therebels, and left him with only six or seven men who continued in theirduty. Upon this John Anthony went boldly to Roldan, to whom he represented, that since he pretended to promote the service of their Catholic majesties, it was not reasonable to suffer those men who had been sent out to peopleand cultivate the country and who received wages for following theircallings, to remain and lose their time without performing theirengagements; that by turning them away he would make his words and actionsmore conformable, and that his staying in this place evinced that he hadno inclination to forward the public service, but only to foment discordand division with the lieutenant. But as the desertion of the labourerswas favourable to the views of Roldan and his followers, and theyconsidered that a crime committed by many is soonest connived at, hepretended that he could not use violence towards these people, and thathis was a religious order which refused no man. Knowing that it was notthe part of a discreet person to expose himself to danger by pressing thismatter any farther, John Anthony determined to go on board again withthose few who still remained faithful; and that they might not be soserved by those who remained, he and Arana sailed immediately with theirtwo ships for St Domingo, with the wind as contrary as they feared; forthey spent many days at sea and spoiled all their provisions, andCaravajals ship was much damaged upon certain sands, where she lost herrudder and sprung a leak, so that they had much difficulty to bring herinto port. 

[1] This prolix, diffuse, uninteresting, and confused disquisition, on the superstitious beliefs and ceremonies of the original natives of Haiti or Hispaniola, is so inexplicably and inexpressibly unintelligible and absurd, partly because the original translator was unable to render the miserable sense or nonsense of the author into English, but chiefly owing to the innate stupidity and gross ignorance of the poor anchorite, that the present editor was much inclined to have expunged the whole as unsatisfactory and uninteresting: But it seemed incumbent to give the whole of this most important voyage to the public. The Editor however, has used the freedom to compress the scrambling detail of the original of this section into a smaller compass; to omit the uselessly prolix titles of its subdivisions; and, where possible, to make the intended meaning somewhat intelligible; always carefully retaining every material circumstance. It was formerly divided into chapters like a regular treatise, and these are here marked by corresponding figures. The author repeatedly acknowledges that his account is very imperfect, which he attributes to the confused and contradictory reports of the natives, and allows that he may even have set down the information he collected in wrong order, and may have omitted many circumstances for want of paper at the time of collecting materials. --E. 

[2] Some of these are so unintelligibly related, owing to ignorance in the translator, that it were unnecessary to insert them in this place. --E. 

[3] The poor anchorite relates all these absurdities gravely, as actually proceeding from sorcery. --E. 

[4] In this paragraph, marked 20--24. The substance of _five_ prolix chapters by _F. Roman_ is compressed. --E. 

[5] Though not expressed in the text, these were probably the manico root, of which the cassada bread is made. --E

[6] It is singular that the author should not have endeavoured to account for the origin of these iron hatchets; probably procured in the plundering excursions of these Carib natives of Guadaloupe from Hispaniola. --E. 

[7] This surely means no more than that their rude looms were upright or perpendicular. --E. 

[8] The probable use of these swaths may have been to defend the legs in forcing their way through the thorny brakes of the forests. --E. 

[9] The author seems to have forgotten that he had only a little before mentioned this very woman as the wife of a caceque. The absurd notion of these women being Amazons probably proceeded from the Spaniards not understanding the language of these islanders, who appear to have been Caribs. The truth seems to have been that during the long absences of their husbands in piratical and plundering excursions to the other islands, these Carib women were driven to the necessity of providing for their own defence. --E. 

[10] There must be some inaccuracy in this place. Columbus had evidently supposed himself farther west when he altered his course than he really was, for the Caribbee islands were not upon the north, and never could be in the latitude of 7°; as he fell in with Trinidada he must only have altered his course to the N. W. Or the north of west. Had he continued in a west course in 7° N. He would have fallen in with the continent of Guiana, about the mouth of the Esquivo, or Isiquibo river: His original course in the parallel of 5° N. Would have led him to Cayenne. --E. 

[11] There is a want of sufficient precision in the dates of the text. It would appear that Columbus altered his course from W. To the northwards on Tuesday 31st July, 1498, and discovered Trinidada the same day; and that the ships anchored at Funta de la Plaga on Wednesday the 1st of August, or the immediately following day. --E. 

[12] The country here named Paria is now called on our maps Cumana, or the Spanish Main; but the gulf or large basin between the island of Trinidada and the main still retains the name of the Gulf of Paria. --E. 

[13] This must have been the low lying Delta of Cumana, lying between the principal mouth of the Oronoka and the western branch. --E. 

[14] The white liquor was probably the milk of the coco nut, and perhaps the blackish vinous liquor might be the same fermented. --E. 

[15] This is an obvious error which cannot be corrected, Don James Columbus being no cacique. It is possible that one of the native caciques may have embraced Christianity, receiving those names in baptism, but of this the text gives no intelligence. --E. 

[16] In the original translation, the number of the appointed fleet is said to have been eighteen; but this must be a typographical error, as with the six ships he had with himself, and these two previously dispatched, there were just eight in all. --E. 

SECTION XI. 

_Continuation of the Troubles after the return, of the Admiral toHispaniola, to their Adjustment. _

When the captains arrived at St Domingo with their ships they found theadmiral there, who had returned from his discovery of the continent. Beingfully informed of the conduct and situation of the rebels, and havingperused the process or examination which the lieutenant had drawn upagainst them, by which their crimes were fully substantiated, he thoughtproper to draw out a new process for the information of their majesties, resolving at the same time to use all possible moderation in the affair, and to use his utmost endeavours to reduce them to submission by fairmeans, and without the employment of an armed force. For this reason, andthat neither they nor any others might have reason to complain of him, orto say that he kept them in Hispaniola by force, he issued a proclamationon the twelfth of September, granting leave to all who were inclined toreturn into Spain, and promising them a free passage and provisions forthe voyage. 

On the other hand the admiral received information that Roldan was comingtowards St Domingo with some of his men; wherefore he ordered Ballesterwho commanded at the Conception to look well to the security of his townand fort, and in case of Roldan coming that way, he desired him to saythat the admiral was much concerned for his sufferings, and was willing tooverlook all that had passed and to grant a general pardon to all themalcontents; and invited Roldan to come immediately to him without, apprehension, that by his advice all things might be duly ordered for thegood of the service, and that he would send him a safe conduct in suchform as he might require. Ballester made answer on the fourteenth_February_[1] 1498, that he had received certain information that Riquelmehad come the day before to the town of Bonao, and that Roldan and Adrian, the ringleaders of the mutineers, were to be there in seven or eight days, when he might _apprehend_ them, as he did[2]. Ballaster conferred withthem pursuant to the instructions he had received, but found themobstinate and unmannerly. Roldan said that they had not come to treat ofan accommodation, as they neither desired nor cared for peace, as he heldthe admiral and his authority in his power, either to support or suppressit at his pleasure: That they must not talk to him of any accommodationuntil they had sent him all the Indian prisoners who were taken at thesiege of the Conception. He added other things, by which it plainlyappeared that he would enter into no agreement that was not much to hisadvantage: And he demanded that Caravajal should be sent to treat with him, declaring his resolution to treat with no other person, he being a man ofdiscretion who would listen to reason, as he had found by experience whenthe three ships were at Xaragua. This answer made the admiral suspect thefidelity of Caravajal, and not without much cause for the followingreasons. 

Before Caravajal was at Xaragua, the rebels had often wrote and sentmessages to their friends who were with the lieutenant, asserting thatthey would submit to the admiral on his arrival, and requesting them tointercede with and appease him. Since they promised this as soon as theyheard that two ships had come to the assistance of the lieutenant, theyhad much more cause to perform it when the admiral was actually returned, had they not been dissuaded during their long conference with Caravajal. Had he done his duty, he ought to have kept Roldan and the other chiefs ofthe rebellion as prisoners in his caravel, as they were two days on boardwithout any security or safe conduct asked or given. And knowing that theywere in rebellion he ought not to have permitted them to purchase from theships 56 swords and 60 cross-bows. As there were strong suspicions thatthe men who were to land with John Anthony meant to join the rebels, heought not to have allowed them to land, or should have been more earnestin his endeavours to recover them. Caravajal circulated a report that hehad come to the Indies as coadjutor to the admiral, so that nothing mightbe done without him, lest the admiral might commit some offence. Roldanhad written to the admiral that he was drawing near to St Domingo by theadvice of Caravajal, to be nearer him to treat for an accommodation on hisarrival; and now that the admiral was arrived, his actions not suitingwith his letter, it was to be presumed that Caravajal had invited himthither to the end that, if the admiral had been long of coming, or hadnot come at all, he as the admirals associate and Roldan as chief judgemight have usurped the government of the island to the exclusion of thelieutenant. When the other captains came with the caravels to St Domingo, Caravajal came there by land under protection of a guard of rebels, thechief of whom, Gamir, had been two days and two nights on board his ship. Caravajal wrote to the rebels when they came to Bonao, and sent thempresents and provisions. And besides that the rebels would not treatthrough any other person, they had unanimously declared that they wouldhave taken him for their captain, if there had been any occasion for sucha measure. 

Notwithstanding of all this, considering that Caravajal was a gentleman ofprudence and discretion, who would not be guilty of doing any thingcontrary to his duty; that what had been reported of him might not be true, and that every one of these arguments against him might admit of beinganswered or explained, and the admiral being exceedingly desirous to putan end to the distractions of the colony, he consulted with all theprincipal people about him respecting Roldans letter, and what was best tobe done on this occasion. By their advice he sent Caravajal and Ballesterto treat. Roldan answered that since they had not brought with them theIndians he had demanded, he would enter into no conference for anaccommodation. Caravajal so discreetly replied and used such convincingarguments, that he influenced Roldan and three or four of the otherleaders to agree to wait upon the admiral and endeavour to come to anagreement: But this being disliked by the rest, when Roldan and threeothers were getting on horseback to go along with Caravajal to the admiral, the rabble surrounded them, declaring they would not allow them to go, andthat if any agreement was to be made it should be drawn up in writing, that all might know what was proposed to be done. 

Some days afterwards Roldan, by consent of his men, wrote on the twentiethof October to the admiral, laying the whole blame of the separation on thelieutenant; and saying, as the admiral had not sent them any assurance orsecurity to come and give an account of themselves, they had resolved tosend him their demands in writing, which claimed a reward for what theyhad hitherto done as will appear hereafter. Though their demands wereabundantly extravagant, yet Ballester wrote the next day to the admiral, highly extolling Caravajals discourse; and saying that since it had failedto dissuade those people from their wicked designs, nothing less wouldprevail than granting them all they demanded, he found them so resolute. He added that he looked upon it as next to certain that most of the peoplewho were with the admiral would go over to the rebels, and though he mightrely on the fidelity of the men of honour and his own servants, yet thesewould not be able to withstand so great a number. The admiral already knewthis by experience, having made a muster of all who were fit to bear armsat the time when Roldan was near St Domingo that he might be ready tooppose the rebels if necessary; and so many of the people feignedthemselves sick or lame that only seventy appeared on the muster, of whomthere were not more than forty in whom he could confide. 

Hearing of this muster and considering it a threat to proceed toextremities against them, on the seventeenth of October 1498, Roldan andthe other chiefs of the mutineers sent a letter to the admiral subscribedby them all, saying, That they had withdrawn themselves from thelieutenant to save their lives, he having a design to destroy them. Thatthey being his lordships servants, whose coming they had anxiously waitedfor, as of one who would look upon what they had done as in compliancewith their duty and as good service; that they had hindered theiradherents from doing any harm to any that belonged to his lordship, asthey might easily have done. That since he was now come and was so farfrom thinking as they did, that he insisted upon taking revenge andpunishing them; therefore, that they might be at liberty to carry on theirproceedings and to do with honour what they had undertaken, they now tookleave of him and of his service. Before this letter was delivered to theadmiral, he had transmitted proposals for an accommodation with Roldan. 

In his conference with Roldan, Caravajal represented the confidence whichthe admiral had always reposed in him, and the good account which he hadgiven to their Catholic majesties of the conduct of the chief justice; andsaid that the admiral had refrained from writing, lest his letter mighthave been seen by some of the common people, and have occasioned prejudiceto the negociation; and therefore, he had sent a person in whom Roldanknew that the admiral placed much confidence, so that he might regard whatwas said by him and Ballester, as equally valid and binding as if underthe hand and seal of the admiral, and therefore, he might consider whatwas proper to be done, and he should find him ready to comply withwhatever was reasonable. 

On the 18th of October, the admiral ordered five of his ships to departfor Spain, and sent a detailed account by them to their majesties of allthe affairs of the colony; saying, that he had detained the ships tillthen under the belief that Roldan and his confederates would have gonehome in them, as they had at first given out; and that the other threeships which he kept, were fitting out to go under the command of hisbrother, to prosecute the discovery of the continent of Paria, and to forman establishment for carrying on the fishery of pearls, a sample of whichhe now sent to their majesties by Arogial. 

Having received the admirals letter, Roldan seemed inclining to do allthat was required of him, but his men would not allow him to go to treatwithout a safe conduct, he therefore wrote, desiring one to be sent to himconformably to certain heads which he transmitted; and this communicationwas signed by himself and the chief men of his party. The safe conduct wasaccordingly sent without delay by the admiral on the 26th of October; andRoldan soon came, but more with the design of drawing some of the peopleabout the admiral over to his party, than with the intention of concludingan agreement, as appeared by the insolent nature of his proposals. Hereturned therefore without any thing being concluded, saying, that hewould give his people an account of the state of matters, and should thenwrite the result of their deliberations; and that there might be some onealong with him having power to treat and sign to whatever might be agreedupon, the admiral sent Salamanca, his steward, to accompany Roldan toBonao. After much talk among themselves, Roldan transmitted certainarticles of agreement for the admiral to sign, telling him that theycontained all that he could persuade his people to concede; and that ifhis lordship thought fit to grant these terms, he should send his assentto the Conception, for they could no longer remain at Bonao for want ofprovisions, and they should wait for his answer till the ensuing Monday. Having read their answer, and the dishonourable articles which theyproposed, and considering them as tending to bring himself, his brothers, and even justice into contempt, the admiral would not grant them: But thatthey might have no cause to complain that he was too stiff and uncomplying, he caused a general pardon to be proclaimed and posted on the gates forthirty days, of which the following was the purport:

"Whereas, during the absence of the admiral in Spain, certain differenceshad occurred between the lieutenant with the chief justice Roldan andothers who had fled with him: Yet, notwithstanding any thing that hadhappened, they might all in general, and every one in particular, safelyreturn to the service of their Catholic majesties, as if no differenceshad ever been: And that whoever might be inclined to return into Spainshould have his passage and an order to receive his pay as was usual withothers; provided they presented themselves before the admiral withinthirty days after the date of this proclamation, to claim and receive thebenefit of this pardon; but that all who did not appear within the timelimited, should be proceeded against according to the due course of law. "

The admiral sent this pardon signed by himself to Roldan by Caravajal, andgave him in writing the reasons why he neither could nor ought to grantthe articles which had been proposed by them, and exhorting them toconsider what they were about, if they had any respect to the service oftheir majesties. Caravajal went to the rebels at the Conception, whoreceived the admirals proffered pardon in derision, and haughtily said, that he would soon have occasion to ask a pardon from them. All this tookplace during the space of three weeks; in the course of which time, underthe pretence of wishing to apprehend a person whom Roldan desired toexecute in his character of chief justice, they besieged Ballester in thefort of the Conception, and cut off his supply of water, thinking to forcehim to surrender; but upon the arrival of Caravajal they raised the siege;and after many alterations of the proposed articles on both sides, thefollowing were mutually concluded upon:

_Agreement_ between the Admiral and Roldan_[3]. 

1. The lord admiral shall give two good ships in good order, according tothe judgment of able seamen, to be delivered at the port of Xaragua, whereRoldan and his company shall embark and sail for Spain. 

2. The admiral shall give an order for payment of the salaries due to themall till that day, with letters of recommendation to their Catholicmajesties to cause them to be paid. 

3. The admiral shall give them slaves for their services and sufferings, and certify the gift; and some of them having women big with child, theseshall be counted instead of such slaves as they were to have, if carriedwith them; and their children were to be free, and they might take them toEurope. 

4. The admiral to supply all requisite provisions; but not being able toprovide bread, they are to be allowed to make it for themselves in thecountry. And, lest the Carib bread might spoil, they are to have thirtyhundred weight of biscuit, or thirty sacks of corn in lieu thereof. 

5. The admiral shall give a safe conduct for such persons as may come tohim to receive the orders for their pay. 

6. The goods of some of those with Roldan having been seized, the admiralshall order restitution. 

7. Demands an order for payment of the value of 350 swine belonging toRoldan, which had been seized. 

8. Gives authority to Roldan to sell his goods, or to do with them as helikes best. 

9. Desiring speedy judgment in a cause respecting a horse. 

10. The just demands of Salamanca to be paid. 

11. Concerning some slaves, not conclusive or explained. 

12. The admiral to grant a safe conduct, and to promise in the name oftheir majesties, and upon his own faith and the word of a gentleman, thatneither he nor any other person shall injure them or obstruct their voyage. 

"I Francis Roldan, judge, promise and engage my faith and word, for myselfand all those with me, that the articles here set down shall be faithfullyobserved and fulfilled on our part, the lord admiral performing his partthereof, and of the following articles. 

1. That from this date, till the answer be brought, for which ten days areallowed; no person, shall be admitted among us from those who are with theadmiral. 

2. That within fifty days after receiving the answer, we will embark andsail for Spain. 

3. That none of the slaves freely granted to us shall be taken away byforce. 

4. We shall give account to a person deputed by the admiral, of all wecarry on board, and shall deliver to him all we may have belonging totheir majesties. 

In testimony whereof; I, Francis Roldan, engage for myself and company toobserve and perform the same, and have subscribed this writing at theConception this 16th of November 1498. 

Having examined this agreement, made by Alonzo Sanchez de Caravajal andJames de Salamanca with Francis Roldan and his company, this day, beingWednesday the 21st of November 1498; I agree to its being fully observed, upon condition that said Francis Roldan and his followers shall notreceive into their company any other Christians of the island of any stateor condition whatsoever. "

Matters being thus adjusted, Caravajal and Salamanca repaired to StDomingo to the admiral, and at their request he subscribed hisratification of the articles as above, and granted a new safe conduct, orleave to all who might not incline to go to Spain with Roldan to remain, promising them pay or the liberty of planters as they liked best, and forothers to come freely to the seat of government to arrange their affairs. These were delivered to Roldan and his company by the Castellan Ballesterat the Conception on the 24th of November, and they went away towardsXaragua to prepare for their departure. Though the admiral was sensible oftheir villany, and much concerned that the good services which his brothermight have performed in continuing the discovery of the continent of Paria, and the settlement of a pearl fishery, was obstructed by giving thoseships to the rebels, yet he would not give them occasion to blame him forthe continuance of disturbances by refusing them a passage. He began, therefore, immediately to fit out the ships according to the agreement, though the equipment was somewhat retarded by the want of stores and othernecessaries. To remedy this defect, he ordered Caravajal to go overland toprovide and dispose all things for their departure, while the ships wentabout to Xaragua, resolving to go soon himself to Isabella to settleaffairs in that place, leaving his brother James in the command at StDomingo. 

In the end of January 1499, after his departure, the two caravels beingfurnished with all necessaries, set out to take up the rebels; but a greatstorm arose by the way, and they were forced to put into another port tillthe end of March, and because the caravel Nina was in the worst conditionand wanted most repairs, the admiral sent orders to Peter de Arana andFrancis de Garai to repair to Xaragua with the Santa Cruz in her stead, onboard of which Caravajal went by sea instead of going by land as beforeintended. He was eleven days by the way, and found the other caravel inwaiting. 

In the meanwhile, the caravels not coming, and most of the rebels havingno mind to embark, they took the delay as a pretence for remaining in theisland, throwing all the blame upon the admiral, as if he had notdispatched them as soon as it was in his power. Being informed of this, hewrote to Roldan and Adrian, endeavouring to persuade them in a friendlymanner to perform the agreement and not to relapse into rebellion. Besidesthis, Caravajal, who was then at Xaragua, entered a formal protest on the20th of April, before a notary named Francis de Garai, afterwards governorof Panuco and Jamaica, requiring them, since the admiral had furnishedthem with ships, to embark pursuant to their agreement. And because theywould not, and because the ships bottoms suffered much from the ravages ofthe worms, and the men began to be in want of provisions, he ordered themback to St Domingo on the 25th of April. 

The rebels were no way concerned at this, but rather rejoiced and grewhaughty on seeing that such account was made of them, and were so far fromacknowledging the civility and attention of the admiral, that they laid itto his charge in writing, that through his fault they were forced to stay;that he had a mind to be revenged upon them, and had therefore delayed tosend the caravels, which were in such bad condition that it wereimpossible they should go in them to Spain; and though they had been neverso good, their provisions were all expended in waiting for them, and theycould not provide more for a long while to come: For all which reasonsthey were resolved to remain on the island, and to expect redress of theirgrievances from the justice of their Catholic majesties. Caravajalreturned by land with this answer to St Domingo, to whom at the time ofhis departure Roldan said he would willingly wait upon the admiral toendeavour to form such an agreement as might be satisfactory to allparties, provided he were furnished with a safe conduct. Caravajal sentword of this to the admiral from St Domingo on the 15th of May, whoanswered on the 21st, commending him for the pains he had taken, andtransmitting the required safe conduct. He sent at the same time a shortbut forcible letter to Roldan, urging him to peace and submission, and toco-operate in advancing the service of their majesties. This he afterwardsrepeated more at large on the 29th of June from St Domingo; and on thethird of August, six or seven of the chief men about the admiral sentanother safe conduct to Roldan that he might come to treat with theadmiral. But the distance being great, and the admiral wishing to visitthe country, he went with two caravels to the port of Azua west from StDomingo, to be nearer the province where the rebels were, many of whomrepaired to that port. The admiral went there about the end of August andconferred with their chiefs, exhorting them to desist from their evilcourse, and promising them all possible favour and kindness upon theirreturning to obedience. This they engaged to do, provided the admiralwould grant the four following conditions:

1. That fifteen of their number should be sent into Spain by the firstships that went there. 

2. That to those who remained he should assign land and houses insatisfaction of their pay. 

3. That proclamation should be made that the whole disturbances had beenoccasioned by the false suggestions of evil disposed men. 

4. That the admiral should renew the appointment of Roldan as chief judgefor life. 

All this being concluded and agreed to, Roldan went on shore from theadmirals caravel and sent the articles to his companions: These were somuch to their mind that they immediately accepted them, saying that if theadmiral failed in any part it would be lawful for them to compelperformance by force or any other means. The admiral was very eager toconclude this difficult and vexations matter, which had lasted above twoyears; and as he considered that his adversaries continued more obstinatethan ever, and that many of those who were with him were much inclined tojoin with the mutineers, that they might go off to different parts of theisland as Roldan had done, he was induced to sign these articles, as hehad done those which were before agreed to. On the Tuesday following, being the fifth of November, Roldan began to exercise his office, and itbeing a part of his prerogative, he constituted Peter Riquelme judge ofBonao, with power to imprison offenders in criminal cases, but that heshould transmit criminals upon life and death to be tried by himself atthe fort of the Conception. 

[1] This must be an error for September. --E. 

[2] They certainly were not apprehended or made prisoners; the word used is probably a mistake of the original translator, as a conference was the only consequence. --E. 

[3] The minute technical forms of this agreement, as altogether uninteresting, are here abridged. --E. 

SECTION XII. 

_Transactions in Hispaniola subsequent to the settlement of thedisturbances, until the sending of Columbus in irons toSpain_. 

Having adjusted matters with Roldan, the admiral appointed a captain withsome men to march about the island to restore it to peace and order, andto reduce the Indians to pay the fixed tribute; and with orders to bealways in readiness to suppress the first appearance of mutiny among theChristians, or any rebellion of the Indians. And having taken measures forthis purpose, he intended to go over into Spain taking his brother alongwith him, considering that if he were left behind it would be difficult toforget old quarrels. As he was preparing for this voyage, Alonso de Ojedawho had been out upon discovery with four ships returned to the island. 

Forasmuch as this sort of men sail about to make their fortunes, Ojeda onthe fifth of September put into the port which the Christians call Braziland the Indians Yaquimo, designing to take what he could from the Indiansand to load with wood and slaves. While thus employed he did all the harmhe could, and to shew that he was a limb of the bishop we havementioned[1], he endeavoured to stir up another mutiny; giving out thatIsabella was ready to die, and that as soon as she was dead there would benobody to support the admiral, and that he as a faithful servant of thebishop might do what he pleased against the admiral, because of the enmitywhich was between them. Upon these grounds he began to write to some whowere not very sound after the late troubles and to hold correspondencewith them. But Roldan being informed of his designs and proceedings, wentagainst him by the admirals orders with a party of twenty-one men toprevent him from doing the harm he intended. Roldan came within a leagueand a half of him on the twenty-ninth of September, and learnt that he wasat the house of a cacique named Haniquaba with fifteen men, employed inmaking bread and biscuit for his crew. Roldan accordingly travelled thewhole of that night that he might surprize him; but Ojeda gettingintelligence of the intention of Roldan, and being too weak for resistance, resolved to put a bold face on a bad cause and went to meet him, sayingthat want of provisions had brought him hither to supply himself in thedominions of his sovereigns without meaning to do any harm. 

Ojeda gave an account of his voyage to Roldan, saying that he had beendiscovering 600 leagues westwards along the coast of Paria, where he foundpeople who fought the Christians hand to hand, and had wounded twenty ofhis men, for which reason he could make no advantage of the wealth of thecountry. That he had seen deer and rabbits, the skins and paws of tigers, and guaninis[2], all of which he shewed to Roldan in his caravels. Hefarther said that he should soon repair to St Domingo to give the admirala full account of his voyage. 

The admiral was much troubled at this time, as Peter de Arana hadsignified to him that Riquelme, judge of Bonao for Roldan, the substitutebeing no honester than his master, under pretence of building a house forhis herds, had made choice of a strong rock to build a kind of castle orstrength, that from thence with a few men he might do all the harm hethought fit. Arana had forbidden this and put a stop to his proceedings;whereupon Riquelme had instituted a legal process attested by witnesses, which he sent to the admiral, complaining that Arana had used violenceagainst him and praying relief. Although the admiral well knew thatRiquelme was of an unquiet and mutinous disposition, bethought fit toconceal his jealousy on the present occasion, and rather to connive atthis matter which might be guarded against, thinking it quite enough toprovide against the open intrusion of Ojeda. 

Having parted from Roldan, Ojeda went with his ships from the port ofYaquimo or Brazil, in February 1500, to Xaragua, where a great many ofthose who had been in rebellion with Roldan still lived. He there gave outthat their Catholic majesties had appointed him and Caravajal ascouncillors to the admiral, that he might not do any thing they thoughtprejudicial to the service; and that he had it in command to pay every onein ready money for their services in the island, and as the admiral wasnot just enough to do that, he was ready to go along with them to StDomingo to compel him to pay them immediately, and to turn him out of theisland dead or alive. He farther urged, that they ought not to rely on theagreement which had been entered into, or the promises which the admiralhad made, who would keep these no longer than necessity obliged him. Uponthese promises and suggestions, many resolved to join with him in a newrebellion, and with their assistance, he made an attack one night uponothers who opposed him, and there were some killed and wounded on bothsides. Being satisfied that Roldan, who had returned to his duty and theadmirals service, would not join them, they resolved to surprize and makehim prisoner; but having notice of their designs, he went well attended toXaragua to put a stop to the designs of Ojeda, or to punish him if hefound it expedient or practicable. For fear of him Ojeda retired to hisships, and Roldan and he treated about a conference, each being afraid toput himself into the power of the other. Perceiving that Ojeda wasunwilling to trust himself on shore, Roldan offered to treat with him onboard, and desired that the boat might be sent for that purpose, whichcame accordingly well manned, and Roldan went into it with six or seven ofhis followers on whom he could depend. Seizing their opportunity, Roldanand his people fell unexpectedly on the boats crew with their swords, andhaving killed some and wounded others, they made themselves masters of theboat, and returned with it to the land. Ojeda had now only a small skiffleft, in which he ventured on shore to treat peaceably with Roldan. Afterapologizing for his offences, he offered to restore some men whom he hadmade prisoners, providing his boat and people were restored; andrepresented that the detention of the boat would be the ruin of his ships, as they had now no other fit for service. Roldan readily granted thisrequest, that there might be no reason to complain or to allege that theexpedition of Ojeda had suffered prejudice or danger through his means;but he made him engage and give security for the performance of hispromise, that he should depart from the island by an appointed time; whichRoldan took care to ensure by keeping a strong guard on shore. 

As it is a hard matter to root out cockle so that it may not sprout again, so it is no less difficult for people who have once been habituated toevil to forbear relapsing into their crimes. Only a few days after thedeparture of Ojeda, one D. Ferdinand de Guevara, who was in disgrace withthe admiral as a seditious person, and who had taken part with Ojeda fromhatred to Roldan, because he would not permit him to take to wife thedaughter of Canua the principal queen of Xaragua, began to gather manyconspirators to secure Roldan, that he might succeed him as leader of themutineers. In particular, he drew over to his party one Adrian de Moxica, a chief man in the late rebellion; and about the middle of May 1499, aplot was laid for securing or murdering Roldan. But having intelligence oftheir design, Roldan stood upon his guard, and managed matters sodexterously, that he seized D. Ferdinand and Adrian and the otherringleaders of the party. Roldan immediately sent notice of what he haddone to the admiral, and desired to have his instructions in what mannerhe should proceed with the prisoners. The admiral made answer: That sincethey had endeavoured without any cause or provocation to exciteinsurrection and rebellion, and that if their crimes were overlooked everything would go to ruin, he should punish them according to their demeritsand as the law directed. The judge accordingly proceeded legally againstthem, hanged Adrian as the chief author of the conspiracy, and banishedothers. He kept D. Ferdinand in prison till the 13th of June, when hedelivered him with other prisoners to the charge of Gonsalo Blanco, tocarry them to La Vega or the Plain, where the admiral then was. Thisexample restored the country to quiet, and the Indians again submittedthemselves to the authority of the Christians. 

Such rich gold mines were now discovered, that every man in the islandleft the royal pay and went away to the mines on their own account, applying themselves to dig for gold at their own expence, paying a thirdpart of all they found to the royal coffers. This prospered so well, thata man often gathered five marks, eight ounces each, in one day, and asingle lump of gold has been taken up worth above 196 ducats[3]. TheIndians were perfectly submissive, being afraid to offend the admiral, andmany of them became Christians, merely to oblige him and conciliate hisfavour. When any of their chiefs had to appear in his presence, they usedtheir utmost endeavours to be decently clothed. In consequence of allthese favourable circumstances, the admiral resolved to make a progressover the island, and set out for that purpose, accompanied by his brotherthe lieutenant, on the 20th of February 1499[4], and came to Isabella onthe 19th of March. From thence they set out for the Conception on the 5thof April, and reached that place on the Tuesday following. The lieutenantwent thence for Xaragua upon Friday the 7th of June; and on the Christmasday following, in that year 1499, he makes the following memorandum, whichI found among his papers. 

"Being forsaken by all the world, the Indians and rebel Christians fellupon me, and I was reduced to such distress, that, leaving all behind meto avoid death, I put to sea in a little caravel. But our Lord presentlyrelieved me saying: "Thou man of little faith fear not I am with you. " Andso he dispersed my enemies, shewing how he could fulfil his promises. Unhappy sinner that I am, who placed all my hopes on this world[5]. "

From the Conception, the admiral meant to set out on the third of February1500 for St Domingo, to prepare for returning into Spain to give theirCatholic majesties an account of the affairs of the colony. While thesedisorders were going forwards of which mention has been made, many of therebels, by letters which they sent from Hispaniola, and by some of theiradherents who returned into Spain, continually conveyed false informationto their majesties and the council against the admiral and his brothers;alleging that they were cruel and tyrannical and unfit for the governmentof the colony, both because they were strangers and aliens, and becausethey had not formerly been in a condition to learn by experience how togovern and command over gentlemen. They affirmed, if their highnesses didnot apply some remedy, those countries would be utterly ruined anddestroyed; or that the admiral would revolt and join in league with someprince who would support him, for he pretended that the whole belonged tohimself, as having been discovered by his industry and labour: That thebetter to compass his designs, the admiral concealed the wealth of thecountry, and would not permit that the Indians should serve the Christians, or that they should be converted to the holy faith; because byconciliating them he hoped to draw them to his side, that he might fortifyhimself against the authority of their highnesses. They proceeded in theseand such like slanders, continually importuning their majesties andperpetually speaking ill of the admiral, and complaining that there wereseveral years pay due to the men, which gave occasion to all that wereabout the court to rail against the admiral. At one time about fifty ofthose shameless wretches brought a load of grapes and sat down in thecourt of the castle and palace of the Alhambra at Granada, crying out thattheir majesties and the admiral caused them to live in misery bywithholding their pay, and using many other scandalous expressions; and ifthe king went out they all flocked round him, calling _pay! pay!_

My brother and I were then at Granada as pages to the queen; and when wechanced to pass by these people they would cry out in a hideous manner, making the sign of the cross, "There go the sons of the admiral of theMorescoes; he that has found out false and deceitful countries to be theruin and burial place of the Spanish gentry. " Adding many more suchinsolencies, which made us very cautious of appearing before them. Bycontinual complaints and constantly importuning the favourites at court, it was at length determined to send a judge to Hispaniola to inquire intoall these affairs; who was authorized, if he found the admiral guilty ofwhat had been laid to his charge, to send him home to Spain and to remainhimself as governor of the colony. The person chosen for this purpose wasFrancis de Bovadilla, a poor knight of the order of Calatrava, who besideshis full and ample commission was supplied with blank directed letterssubscribed by their majesties, which he was empowered to direct to suchpersons as he might think fit in Hispaniola, commanding them to be aidingand assisting to him in the discharge of his commission. 

Thus furnished with ample powers, Bovadilla arrived at St Domingo in thelatter end of August 1500, at which time the admiral happened to be at theConception settling the affairs of that province, in which his brother hadbeen assaulted by the rebels, and where the Indians were more numerous andof quicker capacity and more enlarged understandings than in any otherpart of the island. 

Finding no person at his arrival who could in any way keep him in awe, Bovadilla immediately took possession of the admirals palace, andappropriated every thing he found there to his own use as if it had fallento him by inheritance. He gathered together all whom he could find who hadbeen in rebellion, and many others who hated the admiral and his brothers, and immediately declared himself governor of the colony; and to secure theaffections of the people, he proclaimed a general freedom for twenty years. He then summoned the admiral to appear before him without delay, asnecessary for their majesties service; and to justify this measure he senton the seventh of September the royal letter, of which the following isthe substance, by F. John de la Sera, to the admiral. 

"_To D. Christopher Columbus, our Admiral of the Ocean_. "

"We have ordered the commander Francis de Bovadilla, the bearer, toaquaint you with certain things from us; wherefore we command you to givehim entire credit, and to obey him. "

"Given at Madrid, the twenty-first of May 1500. 

"_I the King. I the Queen_. "

"By command of their majesties. _Mich. Perez de Almazan_. "

On seeing the letter of their Catholic majesties, the admiral cameimmediately to St Domingo to Bovadilla, at the beginning of October 1500. And Bovadilla being eager to assume the government, without any delay orlegal information, immediately sent the admiral and his brother James asprisoners in irons on board ship under a strong guard, forbidding allpersons under severe penalties to hold any intercourse with them by wordor letter. After this, _by Abington law_[6], he drew up examinationsagainst them, admitting their enemies the rebels as witnesses in theprocess, and publickly favouring all who came forwards to speak evil ofthem. These gave in such villanous and incoherent depositions, that hemust have been blind indeed who did not plainly perceive their falsehoodand malice. For this reason, their Catholic majesties would not admit ofthe truth of the charges, and afterwards cleared the admiral, sorerepenting that they had sent such a man as Bovadilla in that employment. 

He ruined the island and squandered the royal revenues, that all men mightbe his friends; saying that their majesties required no more than thehonour of the dominion, and that all the profits should belong to theirsubjects. Yet he neglected not his own share, but combining with all therichest and most powerful men of the colony, he gave them Indians to servethem on condition of having a share in all the acquisitions which weremade by their means. He sold by auction all the possessions and rightswhich the admiral had acquired for the crown; saying that their majestieswere not farmers or labourers, and only kept these for the benefit oftheir subjects; and while selling all things under these pretences, hetook care on the other hand that every thing should be purchased by hisown confederates at a third of the value. Besides all this, he made noother use of his judicial power than to enrich himself and to gain overthe affections of the people; being still afraid that the lieutenant, whohad not yet come from Xaragua, might put a stop to his proceedings, andmight endeavour to set the admiral at liberty by force of arms. But inthis the brothers conducted themselves with the utmost prudence andpropriety; for the admiral sent to the lieutenant, desiring him to comepeaceably to Bovadilla, that the island might not be thrown into confusionand civil war; as, when they arrived in Spain, they should the more easilyobtain satisfaction for the wrongs that had been done them, and secure thepunishment of Bovadilla for his senseless and injurious conduct. 

Yet did not all this divert Bovadilla from putting the admiral and hisbrother in irons; and he allowed the baser people to rail against them inpublic, blowing horns in triumph about the harbour where they were shipped, besides placarding them in many scandalous libels pasted up at the cornersof the streets. When informed that one James Ortir, who was governor ofthe hospital, had written a malicious libel against the admiral, which heread publickly in the market-place, so far from punishing his audacity, heseemed to be much gratified by it, which encouraged others to do the samething. And perhaps from fear lest the admiral should swim on shore, hegave strict injunctions to Andrew Martin, the commander of the ship toguard the admiral with the utmost care, and to deliver him in irons to thebishop D. John de Fonseca, by whose advice and direction it was believedhe had thus proceeded. Yet when at sea, the master being sensible of theunworthy proceedings of Bovadilla, would have taken off the irons from theadmiral; but this he would not permit, saying, that since their majestieshad commanded him to perform whatsoever Bovadilla might order in theirnames, and that he had been put in irons in virtue of their authority andcommission, he would not be freed from them unless by the express commandof their highnesses. He also declared his determination to keep thesefetters as a memorial of the reward he had received for his many services. I afterwards saw these irons constantly in his chamber, and he gave ordersthat they should be buried along with his body. 

Being arrived at Cadiz, the admiral wrote to their majesties on the 20thof November 1500, acquainting them of his arrival; and they, understandingthe condition in which he was, gave immediate orders that he should bereleased, and sent him very gracious letters expressive of their sorrowfor his sufferings and the unworthy behaviour of Bovadillatowards him. They likewise ordered him up to court, engaging that careshould be taken about his affairs, and that he should be speedilydispatched with full restitution of his honour. Yet I cannot remove blamefrom their Catholic majesties for employing that base and ignorant person;for had he known the duty of his office, the admiral would have been gladof his coming, for he had desired in his letters to Spain that someimpartial person might be sent out to take a true information of theperversity of the colonists, and to take cognizance of their crimes; hebeing unwilling to use that severity which another would have done, because the original of these tumults, and rebellions had been raisedagainst the lieutenant his brother. But although it might be urged thattheir majesties ought not to have sent out Bovadilla with so much powerand so many letters, without limiting his commission; yet it is not to bewondered at, as the complaints which had been sent against the admiralwere numerous and heavy, though false and malicious. 

As soon as their majesties learnt the arrival of the admiral at Cadiz andof his being in irons, they sent orders on the 12th of December to set himat liberty, and wrote for him to repair to Granada, where he was mostfavourably received with the most gracious discourse. They assured himthat his imprisonment had not been by their desire or command; that theywere much offended at it, and would take care that full satisfactionshould be given to him, and those who were in fault severely punished. Having thus graciously received him, they gave orders that his businessshould be immediately gone into; and the result was, that a governorshould be sent to Hispaniola, who was to restore all that had been takenfrom the admiral and his brother, and to reinstate them in their rights. And that the admiral should be allowed all the profits and emolumentsbelonging to him, according to the articles of agreement which had beenoriginally granted; and that the rebels should be proceeded against andpunished according to their offences. Nicholas de Obando, commandary oflaws, was the person appointed to this high office. He was a wise andjudicious man; but, as afterwards appeared, extremely partial, crafty inconcealing his passions, giving credit to his own surmises and the falseinsinuations of malicious people. He therefore acted cruelly andrevengefully in the conduct of his government, as particularly appears bythe death of the 80 caciques of the island who have been beforementioned[7]. 

As their majesties were pleased to appoint Obando to the government ofHispaniola, so they thought it proper to send the admiral upon some voyageof farther discovery which might redound to his and their advantage, andmight keep him employed till Obando could pacify and reduce the island toorder and subjection; as they did not _then_ incline to keep him long outof his rights without just cause, the informations transmitted byBovadilla now plainly appearing to be full of malice and falsehood, andcontaining nothing which could justify the forfeiture of his rights. Butthe execution of this design being attended with delay, it being now themonth of October 1500, and evil disposed men still endeavouring toinsinuate that new informations might be expected on the subject, theadmiral applied personally to their majesties, entreating them to defendhim against his enemies, and afterwards repeated the same by letter. Whenthe admiral was ready to proceed upon his voyage, they promised him theirprotection and favour, by letter to the following effect:

"Be assured that your imprisonment was very displeasing to us, of whichyou and all men must have been sensible, seeing that we applied the properremedies as soon as we heard of the circumstance. You likewise know withhow much honour and respect we have always commanded you to be treated, which we now direct shall be contined towards you, and that you receiveall worthy and noble usage. We promise that the privileges andprerogatives by us granted you shall be preserved in the most ample manner, which you and your children shall enjoy without contradiction ordisparagement, as is reasonably due. And, if requisite to ratify them ofnew, we will order it to be done, and will take care that your son be putinto possession of the whole; for we desire to honour and favour you evenin greater matters. And be assured that we shall take due care of yoursons and brothers after your departure; for the employment shall be givento your son as has been said. We pray you therefore not to delay yourdeparture. "

"Given at Valentia de la Torre, 14th March 1502. "

The occasion of this letter was, that the admiral had resolved to troublehimself no farther with the affairs of the Indies, but to transfer hisemployment upon my brother; for he said justly, that if the services hehad already performed were not sufficient to have those villanous peoplepunished who had rebelled against his lawful authority, all that he coulddo for the future would never obtain justice. He had already performed thegrand object of his undertaking before he set out to discover the Indies;which was to shew that there were islands and a continent to the westwards, that the way was easy and navigable, the advantages great and manifest, and the people gentle and unwarlike. As he had verified all thispersonally, there only now remained for their highnesses to pursue whatwas begun, by sending people to discover the secrets of these countries;for now the way was opened up and made plain, and any one might follow outthe course, as some had done already who improperly arrogated the title ofdiscoverers; not considering that they had not discovered any new country, but that all which they had done or could do in future was merely topursue and extend the first discovery, the admiral having already shewnthem the route to the islands and to the province of Paria, which was thefirst discovered land of the new continent. Yet, having always a greatdesire to serve their majesties, more especially the queen, he consentedto return to his ships and to undertake the proposed voyage to be nowrelated, for he was convinced that great wealth would be discovered, as heformerly had written to their majesties in 1499. All of which has sincebeen verified by the discovery of Mexico and Peru, though at that time, asgenerally happens to the conjectures of most men, nobody would give creditto his assertions. 

Having been well dispatched by their majesties, the admiral set out fromGranada for Seville in the year 1501; and so earnestly solicited thefitting out of his squadron, that in a short time he rigged andprovisioned four vessels, the largest of 70 tons and the smallest 50, witha complement of 140 men and boys, of whom I was one. 

[1] Certainly alluding to D. Juan de Fonseca, archdeacon of Castile, and bishop of Burgos, formerly mentioned as obstructing the equipment of the admirals ship, and afterwards as the principal mover of the injurious treatment experienced by the admiral. --E. 

[2] This article is nowhere explained, but was said on a former occasion to be made of very low or impure gold. --E. 

[3] This reported produce is prodigious, and must have only been temporary or accidental. Forty ounces of gold a-day, allowing but L. 4 the ounce, as perhaps inferior to standard, amount to L. 160. The piece of gold, mentioned in the text was worth about L. 88. These mines, once so rich, have been long abandoned. The original natives of Hispaniola died out, and negroes have been found unequal to the hardships of mining. Hispaniola long remained a mere depot of adventurers, whence the great conquests of Mexico and Peru were supplied with men and arms. --E. 

[4] The original, or rather the old translation, is most miserably defective and confused in its dates about this period, bandying 1499 and 1500 backwards and forwards most ridiculously. This error it has been anxiously endeavoured to correct in the present version. --E. 

[5] This is a most imperfect account of an insurrection which appears to have broke out against the lieutenant, who seems to have been very unfit for his situation. --E. 

[6] This obviously means trial after condemnation, a procedure which has been long proverbial in Scotland under the name of Jedwarth justice. Some similar expression relative to Spain must have been used in the original, which the translator chose to express by an English proverbial saying of the same import. --E. 

[7] Upon a former occasion, the author had stated that there were four principal caciques in Hispaniola, each of whom commanded over seventy or eighty inferior chiefs, so that there may have been 300 caciques originally. The particulars of the death or massacre of the eighty caciques here mentioned are nowhere mentioned by our author; who, confining himself to the actions of his illustrious father, says very little more about the affairs of Hispaniola. --E. 

SECTION XIII. 

_Account of the Fourth Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies_. 

We set sail from Cadiz on Monday the 9th of May 1502, and departed from StCatharines on the 11th of the same month for Arzilla, intending to relievethe Portuguese in that garrison who were reported to be in great distress;but when we came there the Moors had raised the siege. The admiral sent onshore his brother D. Bartholomew and me, along with the other captains ofour ships to visit the governor, who had been wounded by the Moors in anassault. He returned thanks to the admiral for the visit and his offers ofassistance, sending several gentlemen on board for this purpose, amongwhom were some relations of Donna Philippa Moniz, the admirals formerPortuguese wife. We sailed from Arzilla on the same day, and arriving atGran Canaria on the 20th of May, casting anchor among the little islands, and on the 24th went over to Maspalomas in the same island to take in woodand water for our voyage, and set out next night for the Indies. Itpleased God to give us a fair wind, insomuch that on Wednesday the 15th ofJune, without handing our sails the whole way, we arrived at the island ofMatinino. There, according to the custom of those who sail from Spain forthe Indies, the admiral took in a fresh supply of wood and water, andordered the men to wash their linens, staying till the 18th, when we stoodto the westwards and came to Dominica ten leagues distant from Matinino[1]. So continuing our course among the Caribbee islands we came to Santa Cruz, and on the 24th of June we ran along the south side of the island of StJohn[2]; and thence proceeded for St Domingo, where the admiral proposedto have exchanged one of his ships for another. The vessel he wished topart with was a bad sailer, and besides could not carry sail withoutrunning its lee gunwale almost under water, and was a great hindrance tothe voyage. His original design was to have gone directly to the coast ofParia, and to keep along the shore to the westwards till he shoulddiscover the straits, which he concluded must be somewhere about Veraguaor Nombre de Dios. But on account of the fault of that ship he was forcedto repair to St Domingo in hope of exchanging her for a better. 

That the commandary Lores[3], who had been sent out by their majesties tocall Bovadilla to account for his mal-administration, might not besurprised at our unexpected arrival, the admiral sent on the 29th of June, being then near the port, Peter de Terreros, captain of one of the ships, with a message to him signifying the necessity there was for exchangingone of the ships. For which reason, and because he apprehended theapproach of a great storm, he requested permission to secure his squadronin the harbour; and he advised him not to allow the fleet then preparingto sail for Spain to quit the port for eight days to come, as it wouldotherwise be in great danger. But the governor would not permit theadmiral to come into the harbour; neither did he delay the sailing of thefleet which was bound for Spain. That fleet consisted of 18 sail, and wasto carry Bovadilla who had imprisoned the admiral and his brothers, andFrancis Roldan with all those who had been in rebellion and done so muchharm; all of whom it pleased God so to infatuate that they would notlisten to the admirals good advice. I am satisfied that the hand of Godwas in this; for had they arrived in Spain they would never have beenpunished as their crimes deserved, as they enjoyed the protection of thebishop Fonseca. This impunity was prevented by their setting out from StDomingo for Spain, as no sooner were they come to the east point ofHispaniola than there arose a terrible storm; the admiral of the fleetwent to the bottom, and in her perished Bovadilla with most of the rebels, and so great was the havock among the rest, that only three or fourvessels escaped of the whole eighteen. 

This event happened on Thursday the 30th of June; when the admiral, whohad foreseen the storm and had been refused admittance into the port, drewup as close to the land as he could to shelter himself from its effects. The people on board his vessels were exceedingly dissatisfied at beingdenied that shelter which would have been given to strangers, much more tothem who were of the same nation, and they feared they might be so servedif any misfortune should afterwards befal them in the prosecution of theirvoyage. The admiral was greatly concerned on the same account, and was yetmore vexed to experience such base ingratitude in a country which he hadgiven to the honour and benefit of Spain, where he was thus refusedshelter for his life. Yet by his prudence and judgment he secured hisships for that day. But next night the tempest increasing, and the nightbeing extremely dark, three of the ships broke from their anchors anddrifted from him. All were in imminent danger, and the people on board ofeach concluded that all the others were certainly lost. Those in the Santosuffered greatly by endeavouring to save their boat, which had been ashorewith their captain Terreros, and now dragged astern where it overset, andthey were obliged to cast it loose to save themselves. The caravel Bermudawas in infinite danger; for running out to sea it was almost covered andoverwhelmed by the waves, by which it appeared what good reason theadmiral had to endeavour to exchange that vessel, which all men concludedwas saved, under God, by the wisdom and resolution of the admirals brother, than whom there was not at that time a more expert sailor. After all hadsuffered extremely, except the admiral who rode out the gale, it pleasedGod that they all met again on Sunday the 3d of July in the port of Aznaon the south side of Hispaniola, where every one gave an account of hismisfortunes. It appeared that Bartholomew Columbus had weathered thisgreat storm by standing out to sea like an able sailor; while the admiralhad avoided all danger by hugging close to the land like a wise astronomer, who knew whence the peril was to come. 

His enemies might well blame him, by saying that he had raised this stormby magic art to be revenged on Bovadilla and the rest of his enemies whoperished with him, since none of his own four ships were lost; whereas ofthe eighteen which had set out at the same time with Bovadilla, the_Ajuga_, or Needle, only held on its course for Spain, where it arrived insafety though the worst of the whole fleet, the other three that escapedhaving returned to St Domingo in a shattered and distressed condition. Inthe Ajuga there were 4000 pesos of gold belonging to the admiral, eachpeso being worth eight shillings. 

The admiral gave his men a breathing time in the port of Azua, to recoverfrom the fatigues which they had encountered in the storm; and as it isone of the usual diversions of seamen to fish when they have nothing elseto do, I shall make mention of two sorts of fish in particular which Iremember to have seen taken at that place, one of which was pleasant, andthe other wonderful. The first was a fish called _Saavina_, as big as halfan ordinary bull, which lay asleep on the surface of the water, and wasstruck by a harpoon from the boat of the ship Biscaina; being held fast bya rope so that it could not break loose, it drew the boat after it withthe swiftness of an arrow in various directions, so that those who were inthe ship, seeing the boat scud about at a strange rate without knowing thecause, could not imagine how it could do so without the help of oars. Atlength it sunk, and being drawn to the ships side was hoisted on deck bythe tackle. The other fish is called Manati by the Indians, and there isnothing of the kind seen in Europe. It is about as large as an ordinarycalf, nothing differing from it in the colour and taste of the flesh, except that it is perhaps better and fatter. Those who affirm that thereare all sorts of creatures to be found in the sea, will have it that thesefishes are real calves, since they have nothing within them resembling afish, and feed only on the grass which they find along the banks[4]. 

Having refreshed his men and repaired his ships, the admiral went fromAzua to the port of Brazil called Yaquimo by the Indians, to shun anotherstorm of which he observed the approach. From thence he sailed again onthe 14th of July, and was so becalmed that instead of holding on hiscourse he was carried away by the current to certain small sandy islandsnear Jamaica; not finding any springs in these islands, the people had todig pits or wells in the sand whence they procured water; on account ofwhich circumstance the admiral named them _Islas de los Poros_, or theWell Islands. Then sailing southwards[5] for the continent, we came tocertain islands, where we went on shore on the biggest only called Guanaia;whence those who make sea charts took occasion to call all those theislands of Guanaia, which are almost twelve leagues from that part of thecontinent now called the province of Honduras, but which the admiral thennamed Cape Casinas. These fabricators of charts often commit vast mistakesfrom ignorance; thus these same islands and that part of the continentnearest them are twice inserted in their charts, as if they were differentcountries; and though cape _Garcias a Dios_, and that they call Cape[6]----. The occasion of this mistake was, that after the admiral haddiscovered these countries, one John Diaz de Solis, from whom the Rio dePlata was named Rio de Solis because he was there killed by the Indians, and one Vincent Yanez Pinzon, who commanded a ship in the first voyagewhen the admiral discovered the Indies, set out together on a voyage ofdiscovery in the year 1508, designing to sail along that coast which theadmiral discovered in his voyage from Veragua westwards; and followingalmost the same track which he had done, they put into the port of Cariariand passed by Cape Garcias a Dios as far as Cape Casinas, which theycalled Cape Honduras, and they named the before mentioned islands theGuanaias, giving the name of the biggest to them all. Thence theyproceeded farther on without acknowledging that the admiral had been inthose parts, that the discovery might be attributed to them, and that itmight be believed they had found out extensive countries; although Peterde Ledesma, one of their pilots who had been with the admiral in hisvoyage to Veragua, told them that he knew the country, having been therewith the admiral, and from whom I afterwards learnt these circumstances. But, independent of this authority, the nature of the charts plainlydemonstrates that they have laid the same thing down twice, as the islandis of the same shape and at the same distance; they having brought a truedraught of the country, only saying that it lay beyond that which theadmiral had before discovered. Hence the same country is twice delineatedon the same chart, as time will make apparent when it shall please Godthat this coast shall be better known; for they will then find but onecountry of that sort. But to return to our voyage; the admiral ordered hisbrother Bartholomew to land with two boats on the island of Guanaia, wherehe found people like those of the other islands, except that theirforeheads were not so high. They also saw abundance of pine trees, andfound pieces of lapis calaminaris, such as is used for mixing with copperin the process for making brass; and which some of the seamen mistakingfor gold concealed for a long time. 

While the admirals brother was on shore, using his endeavours to learn thenature of the country, it so happened that a canoe eight feet wide and aslong as a galley, made all of one piece, and shaped like those which werecommon among the islands, put in there. It was loaded with commoditiesbrought from the westwards, and bound towards New Spain[7]. In the middleof this canoe there was an awning made of palm-tree leaves, not unlikethose of the Venetian gondolas, which kept all underneath so close, thatneither rain nor sea water could penetrate to wet the goods. Under thisawning were the women and children, and all the commodities; and thoughthere were twenty-five men in the canoe, they had not the courage todefend themselves against the people in our boats who pursued them. Thecanoe being thus taken without any opposition, was brought along side ofthe admiral, who blessed GOD for having given him samples of thecommodities of that country, without exposing his men to any danger. Hetherefore ordered such things to be taken as he judged most sightly andvaluable; such as quilts, cotton shirts without sleeves, curiously wroughtand dyed of several colours; some small cloths for covering the nudities, large sheets, in which the women in the canoe wrapped themselves, as theMoorish women in Granada used to do, long wooden swords, having a channelon each side where the edge should be, in which many pieces of sharp-edgedflints were fixed by means of thread and a tenacious bituminous matter;these swords could cut naked men as well as if they had been made of steel;hatchets for cutting wood made of good copper, and resembling the stonehatchets usual among the other islanders, also bells and plates of thesame metal, and crucibles for melting it. For provisions, they had suchroots and grains as they eat in Hispaniola, and a sort of liquor made ofmaize like English beer. They likewise had abundance of cacao nuts, whichserve as money in New Spain, and on which they seemed to place great value;for when these were brought on board along with their other goods, Iobserved that when any of them fell, they all anxiously stooped to gatherthem up as if they had been of great importance. 

These poor creatures seemed to be in a manner out of their wits, on beingbrought on board as prisoners among a people so strange and fierce as ourmen seemed to them; but so prevalent is avarice in man, that we ought notto wonder that it should so prevail over the apprehensions of theseIndians, as to make them so anxious about their cacao-nut money, even intheir present situation[8]. The modesty of their demeanour was admirable;for in getting them from the canoe into the ship, it happened that some oftheir clouts were removed, when they would clap their hands before them tosupply the deficiency; and the women wrapped themselves up like the Moorsof Granada, to avoid observation. The admiral restored their canoe, andgave them some things in exchange for those of which they had beendeprived. And he only detained one old man named Giumbe, who seemed thechief, and the most intelligent person among them, that from him somethingmight be learnt concerning the country, and that he might draw others ofthe natives to converse and traffic with the Christians. This he did veryreadily and faithfully all the while he sailed with us, where his languagewas understood; and as a reward for his service, when we came to where adifferent language was spoken, which was before we reached Cape Garcias aDios, the admiral gave him some things, and sent him home quite satisfied. 

Though the admiral had heard so much from those in the canoe concerningthe great wealth, politeness, and ingenuity of the people westwards, towards what is now called New Spain; yet, considering that as thesecountries lay to leewards, he could sail thither whenever he might thinkfit from Cuba, he would not go that way at this time, but persisted in hisdesign of endeavouring to discover a strait or passage across thecontinent, by which he might clear a way into what we now call the SouthSea, in order to arrive at those countries which produce spice. Hetherefore determined to sail eastwards towards Veragua and Nombre de Dios, where he imagined that strait would be found, _as in effect it was_; yetwas he deceived in this matter, as instead of an isthmus, he expected todiscover a narrow gulf or inlet, communicating between the two seas. Thismistake might proceed from the similarity of the two names; for when thenatives said that the strait which he so anxiously desired to find wastowards Veragua and Nombre de Dios, it might be understood either of landor water, and he understood it in the most usual sense, and that which hemost earnestly desired[9]. And though that strait is actually land, yet itis the means of acquiring the dominion of both seas, and by which suchenormous riches have been discovered and conveyed to Spain; for it wasGODS will that this vast concern should be so found out, as from thiscanoe the admiral received the first information respecting New Spain. 

There being nothing worthy of notice in the islands of Guanaia, he sailedthence to a point which he called _Casinas_, in order to find out thestrait before mentioned. It received this name on account of its aboundingin the trees which produce a species of fruit known by the name _casinas_to the natives of Hispaniola; which fruit is rough like a spongy bone, andgood to eat, especially when boiled. As there was nothing worthy of noticein that part of the country, the admiral would not lose time in examininga large bay which is in that place, but held on his course eastwards, along that coast which reaches to Cape Garcias a Dios, which is all verylow and open. The people nearest to Cape Casinas, or Honduras, wear thosepainted shirts or jackets before mentioned, and clouts before theirnudities; and likewise use certain coats of mail made of cotton, strongenough to defend them against their native weapons, and even to ward offthe stroke of some of ours. 

The people farther to the eastwards about Cape Garcias a Dios are almostblack, of a fierce aspect, go stark naked, are very savage, and accordingto Giumbe eat mans flesh and raw fish. They have their ears bored withholes, large enough to admit a hens egg, owing to which circumstance theadmiral called this coast _De las Orejas_, or the Land of Ears[10]. OnSunday the 14th of August, Bartholomew Columbus went ashore in the morning, with the captains and many of the men to hear mass; and on the Wednesdayfollowing, when the boats went ashore to take formal possession of thecountry, above 100 of the natives ran down to the shore loaded withprovisions; and as soon as the lieutenant landed, came before him, andsuddenly drew back without speaking a word. He ordered them to bepresented with horse-bells, beads, and other trinkets, and endeavoured tomake inquiry concerning the country by means of Giumbe; but he having beenonly a short time with us, did not understand our language, and by reasonof his distance from Hispaniola, could not comprehend those of our peoplewho had learnt the language of that island; neither did he understandthose Indians. But they, being much pleased with what had been given them, above 200 of them came next day to the shore, loaded with various sorts ofprovisions; such as poultry much better than ours, geese, roasted fish, red and white beans like kidney beans, and other things like theproductions of Hispaniola. This country, though low, was verdant and verybeautiful, producing abundance of pines and oaks, palm trees of sevendifferent kinds, mirabolans, of the kind called hobi in Hispaniola, andalmost all the kinds of provisions produced in that island were found here. There were likewise abundance of deer, leopards, and other quadrupeds, andall sorts of fish that are found either at the islands or in Spain. 

The people of this country are much like those of the islands, but theirforeheads are not so high, neither did they appear to have any religion. There are several languages or dialects among them, and for the most partthey go naked, except the clout before mentioned, though some of them worea kind of short jerkin without sleeves, reaching to the navel. Their armsand bodies have figures wrought upon them with fire, which gave them anodd appearance; some having lions or deer, and others castles, with towersor other strange figures painted on their bodies. Instead of caps, thebetter sort wore red and white cotton cloths on their heads, and some hadlocks of hair hanging from their foreheads. When they mean to be very fineupon a day of festival, they colour their faces, some black and some red, and others draw streaks of several colours; some paint their noses, othersblack their eyes, and thus adorning, themselves as they think to lookbeautiful, they look in truth like devils. 

The admiral sailed along the coast de las Orejas, or the Mosquito shore, eastwards to Cape Garcias a Dios, or Thanks be to GOD, so called onaccount of the difficulty of getting there, having laboured seventy daysto get only sixty leagues to the eastwards of Cape Casinas or Honduras. This was occasioned by opposing currents and contrary winds, so that wehad continually to tack out to sea and stand in again, sometimes gaining, and sometimes losing ground, according as the wind happened to be scant orlarge when we put about. And had not the coast afforded such goodanchoring we had been much longer upon it; but being free from shoals orrocks, and having always two fathoms of water at half a league from theshore, and two more at every league farther distant, we had always theconvenience of anchoring every night when there was little wind. When onthe 14th of September we reached the cape, and found the land turned offto the southwards, so that we could conveniently continue our voyage withthose _levanters_ or east winds that so continually prevailed, we all gavethanks to GOD for the happy change, for which reason the admiral gave itthe name of Cape Garcias a Dios. A little beyond that cape we passed bysome dangerous sands, that ran out to sea as far as the eye could reach. 

It being requisite to take in wood and water, the boats were sent on the16th of September to a river that seemed deep and to have a good entrance, but the coming out proved disastrous, for the wind freshening from the sea, and the waves running high against the current of the river, so distressedthe boats, that one of them was lost with all the men in it; for which theadmiral named it _Rio de la Disgratia_, or the River of Disaster. In thisriver, and about it, there grew canes as thick as a mans leg. Stillrunning southwards, we came on Sunday the 25th of September to anchor neara small island called Quiriviri, and near a town on the continent namedCariari, where were the best people, country, and situation we had yetseen, as well because it was high and full of rivers, and thickly woodedwith forests of palms, mirabolans, and other trees. For this reason, theadmiral named this island Hucite. It is a small league from the town namedCariari by the Indians, which is situated near a large river, whither agreat number of people resorted from the adjacent parts; some with bowsand arrows, others armed with staves of palm tree, as black as coal and ashard as horn, pointed with fish bone, and others with clubs, and they camein a body as if they meant to defend their country. The men had their hairbraided, and wound round their heads, and the women wore their hair shortlike our men. But perceiving that we had no hostile intentions, they werevery desirous to barter their articles for ours; theirs were arms, cottonjerkins, and large pieces of cotton cloth like sheets, and guaninis whichare made of pale gold, and worn about their necks like our relics. Withthese things they swam to our boats, for none of our people went on shorethat day or the next. The admiral would not allow any of their things tobe taken, lest we might be considered as covetous, but ordered some of ourarticles to be given to them. The less we appeared to value the exchange, the more eager were they to bring it about, and made many signs to thateffect from the shore. At last, perceiving that none of our people wouldgo on shore, they took all the things which had been given them, withoutreserving the smallest article, and tying them up in a bundle, left themon that part of the beach where our people first landed, and where ourpeople found them on the Wednesday following when they went on shore. 

Believing that the Christians did not confide in them, the Indians sent anancient man of an awful presence, bearing a flag upon a staff, andaccompanied by two girls of about eight and fourteen years of ages andputting these into the boat as if giving hostages, he made signs for ourpeople to land. Upon their request, our people went ashore to take inwater, the Indians taking great care to avoid doing any thing which mighthave alarmed the Christians; and when they saw our men about to return tothe ships, the Indians made signs to take the girls along with them withtheir guaninis about their necks, and at the request of the old man, theycomplied and carried them on board. In this conduct these people shewedthemselves of a more friendly disposition than any we had yet met with;and though the girls evinced uncommon undauntedness in trusting themselvesunconcernedly among strangers, they always behaved themselves with greatmodesty and sweetness. The admiral treated them well, clothed and fed them, and sent them again on shore, where they were received by the old man andabout fifty others, with great signs of satisfaction and content. On theboats going on shore again the same day, they found the same people withthe girls, who insisted upon restoring all that had been given them by theadmiral. 

Next day, the admirals brother went on shore to endeavour to learnsomething of these people, when two of the chiefs came to the boat, andtaking him by the arms made him sit down on the grass between them; and as, when he was about to ask them questions, he ordered his secretary to writedown the information they might give, the sight of the pen, ink, and paper, threw them into such consternation that most of them ran away[11]. It wassupposed they did this from dread of being bewitched; for to us theyappeared to be sorcerers and superstitious people, as whenever they camenear the Christians, they used to scatter some powder about them in theair, and to burn some of the same powder, endeavouring to make the smokego towards the Christians; besides their refusing to keep any thing thatbelonged to us showed a degree of jealousy like the proverb, which says, "A knave thinks every man like himself[12]. " Having remained here longerthan was convenient, considering the haste we were in, and having repairedthe ships, and provided all we wanted, the admiral sent his brother onshore with some men on the 2d of October, to view the town, and toendeavour to learn as much as possible of the manners of the people, andthe nature of the country. The most remarkable thing they saw was a greatwooden building covered with canes, in which were several tombs. In one ofthese there lay a dead body dried up and embalmed, in another two bodieswrapped up in cotton sheets and without any ill scent; and over each therewas a board carved with the figures of beasts, and on one of them theeffigies as was supposed of the person deposited underneath, adorned withguaninis, beads, and others of their most valued ornaments. These beingthe most civilized Indians yet met with, the admiral ordered some to betaken that he might learn the secrets of the country; seven men wereaccordingly seized, and of these two of the chiefest were selected, andthe rest sent away with some gifts and courteous treatment, that thecountry might not be left in commotion; and these were told as well as wecould express our meaning, that they were only to serve as guides uponthat coast, and then to be set at liberty. But believing that they weretaken out of covetousness, in order that they might ransom themselves withtheir valuable goods, great numbers of the natives came down next day tothe shore, and sent four of their number on board to the admiral to treatfor the ransom of their friends, offering such things as they possessed, and freely giving three hogs of the country, which, though small, are veryferocious. Observing, therefore, the uncommon policy of this nation, theadmiral was the more anxious to be acquainted with them; and though hewould not listen to their offers of ransoming their friends, he orderedsome _trifles_ to be given to the messengers that they might not go awaydissatisfied, and that they should be paid for their hogs. 

Among other creatures which that country produces, there is a kind of catsof a greyish colour, as large as a small greyhound, but with a much longertail, which is so strong, that whatever they clasp with it is as if boundfast with a rope. These animals ran about the trees like squirrels, andwhen they leap, they not only hold fast with their claws, but with theirtails also, by which they often hang to the boughs, either to restthemselves or to sport. It happened that one Ballaster brought one ofthese cats out of a wood, having knocked him from a tree, and not daringto meddle with it when down because of its fierceness, he cut off one ofits fore paws and brought it on board in that mutilated condition. Even inthat maimed state, it terrified a good dog we had on board, but put one ofthe Indian hogs into much greater fear. The hog used to run at everyperson, and would not allow the dog to remain on deck; but the moment itsaw the cat it ran away with signs of the utmost terror. The admiraltherefore gave orders that the hog and the cat should be placed closetogether; the cat immediately wound her tail around the snout of the hog, and with its remaining fore-leg fastened on the pole of the hog, whichgrunted the while most fearfully. From this we concluded that these catshunt like the wolves or dogs of Spain. 

On Wednesday the 5th of October, the admiral sailed from Cariari, and cameto the bay of Caravaro, which is six leagues long and two broad; in thisbay there are many small islands, and two or three channels to go out andin by. Within these channels the ships sailed as it had been in streets orlanes between the islands, the branches of the trees rubbing against theshrouds. As soon as we anchored in this bay, the boats went to one of theislands where there were twenty canoes on the shore, and a number ofpeople all entirely naked; most of them had a plate of gold hanging fromthe neck, and some an ornament of gold resembling an eagle. These peoplewere perfectly peaceable, and shewed no tokens of being afraid of theChristians. Assisted by the two Indians from Cariari, who acted asinterpreters, our people bought one of the gold plates which weighed tenducats for three horse-bells, and the Indians said that there was greatplenty of that metal to be had farther up the country at no great distance. 

Next day, being the 7th of October, our boats went ashore upon thecontinent, where they met ten canoes full of people; and as they refusedto barter away their gold ornaments, two of their chiefs were takenprisoners, one of whom had a gold plate weighing fourteen ducats, and theother an eagle of gold which weighed twenty-two. Being examined by theadmiral, with the assistance of our interpreters, they said that there wasgreat plenty of gold up the country, at places which they named, and whichmight be reached in a day or two. Vast quantities of fish were taken inthe bay, and there were abundance of these creatures on shore which werebefore seen at Cariari; also great abundance of food, as grain, roots, andfruit. The men were entirely naked, except a narrow cotton cloth before, and had their faces and body painted all over with various colours, as red, white, and black. From this bay of Caravaro, we went to another close byit called Aburena, which in some measure is like the other. 

On the 17th of October we put to sea to continue our voyage; and came toGuaiga, a river twelve leagues from Aburena. When our boats were going onshore here by order of the admiral, they saw above 100 Indians on thestrand, who assaulted them furiously, running into the water up to theirmiddles, brandishing their spears, blowing horns, and beating a drum in awarlike manner; they likewise threw the water at the Christians, andchewing certain herbs, they squirted the juice towards them. Our men layupon their oars and endeavoured to pacify them, which they at lengthaccomplished, and they drew near to exchange their gold plates, some fortwo, and others for three horse bells, by which means we procured sixteengold plates worth 150 ducats. Next day, being Friday the 19th of October, the boats went again towards the land, intending to barter; but beforegoing on shore, they called to some Indians who were under certain bowersor huts, which they had made during the night to defend their country, fearing the Christians might land to injure them. Though our people calledlong and loud, none of the Indians would approach, nor would theChristians venture to land till they knew what were the intentions of theIndians; for it afterwards appeared that the Indians waited to fall uponour people as soon as they might land. But perceiving that they came notout of the boats, they blew their horns and beat their drum, and ran intothe water as they had done the day before, till they came almost up to theboats, brandishing their javelins in a hostile manner. Offended at thisproceeding, and that the Indians might not be so bold and despise them, the Christians at last wounded one of them in the arm with an arrow, andfired a cannon to intimidate them, on which they all scampered away to theland. After this four Spaniards landed and called the Indians to come back, which they now did very quietly, leaving their arms behind them; and theybartered three gold plates, saying they had no more with them, as they hadnot come prepared for trade but for war. 

The only object of the admiral in this voyage being to discover thecountry, and to procure samples of its productions, he proceeded withoutfarther delay to Catiba, and cast anchor in the mouth of a great river. The people of the country were seen to gather, calling one anothertogether with horns and drums, and they afterwards sent two men in a canoetowards the ships; who, after some conversation with the Indians who hadbeen taken at Cariari, came on board the admiral without any signs ofapprehension, and by the advice of the Cariari Indians gave the admiraltwo gold plates which they wore about their necks, for which he gave themsome baubles in return. When these went on shore, there came another withthree men, wearing gold plates at their necks, who parted with them as theothers had done. Amity being thus settled, our men went on shore, wherethey found numbers of people along with their king, who differed innothing from the rest, except that he was covered with one large leaf of atree to defend him from the rain which then fell in torrents. To give hissubjects a good example, he bartered away his gold plate, and bade themexchange theirs with our men, so that they got nineteen in all of puregold. This was the first place in the Indies where our people had seen anysign of building, as they here found a great mass of wall or masonry thatseemed to be composed of stone and lime, and the admiral ordered a pieceof it to be brought away as a memorial or specimen. From thence we sailedeastwards to Cobravo, the people of which place dwell near the rivers ofthat coast; and because none of the natives came down to the strand, andthe wind blew fresh, he held on his course to five towns of great trade, among which was Veragua, where the Indians said the gold was gathered andthe plates manufactured. 

The next day he came to a town called Cubiga, where the Indians of Cariarisaid that the trading country ended; this began at Carabora and extendedto Cubiga for 50 leagues along the coast. Without making any stay here, the admiral proceeded on till he put into Porto Bello, to which he gavethat name because it is large, well peopled, and encompassed by a finelycultivated country. He entered this place on the 2d of November, passingbetween two small islands within which ships may lie close to the shore, and can turn it out if they have occasion. The country about that harbourand higher up is by no means rough, but cultivated and full of houses astone throw or a bow-shot only from each other, and forms the finestlandscape that can be imagined. We continued there seven days on accountof rain and bad weather, and canoes came constantly to the ships from allthe country round to trade with provisions and bottoms of fine spun cotton, which they gave in exchange for points and pins and other trifles. 

On Wednesday the ninth of November we sailed from Porto Bello eightleagues to the eastwards, but were driven back four leagues next day bystress of weather, and put in among some islands near the continent wherethe town of Nombre de Dios now stands; and because all these small islandswere full of grain, the admiral called this place _Puerto de Bastimentos_, or Port of Provisions. While here one of our boats pursued a canoe, andthe Indians imagining our men would do them some harm, and perceiving theboat within less than a stones throw of them, they leapt into the sea toswim away, which they all effected; for though the boat rowed hard itcould not overtake any of them, or if it did come up with one he woulddive like a duck and come up again a bow-shot or two distant. This chaselasted above half a league, and it was very pleasant to see the boatlabour in vain and come back empty handed. 

We continued here till the 23d of November, refitting the ships andmending our casks, and sailed that day to a place called Guiga, therebeing another of the same name between Veragua and Cerago. The boats wentashore at this place, where they found above 300 persons ready to trade inprovisions and some small gold ornaments which they wore at their ears andnoses. On Saturday the 24th of November we put into a small port which wascalled _Retrete_, or the Retired Place, because it could not contain abovefive or six ships together; the mouth of it was not above 15 or 20 pacesover, and on both sides rocks appeared above water as sharp as diamonds. The channel between was so deep that no bottom could be found, though ifthe ships inclined only a little way to either side the men could leap onshore. This sharpness of the rocks saved the ships in this narrow passage, and the danger we were now in was owing to the covetousness of the peoplewho went in the boats to view it, as they were desirous of traffickingwith the Indians, and believed that the ships might be in safety close tothe shore. In this place we were detained nine days by bad weather. Atfirst the Indians came very familiarly to trade in such articles as theyhad to dispose of; but our seamen used to steal privately on shore andcommit a thousand insolencies like covetous dissolute fellows, insomuchthat they provoked the Indians to break the peace, and several skirmisheshappened between them and our people. The Indians at length took courageto advance to our ships which lay with their sides close to the shore, intending to do us some harm; but their designs turned out to their owndetriment, although the admiral always endeavoured to gain them bypatience and civility. But perceiving their insolence to increase, hecaused some cannon to be discharged, thinking to frighten them; this theyanswered with loud shouts, thrashing the trees with their clubs and staves, and showed by threatening signs that they did not fear the noise. Therefore to abate their pride and to surprise them with respect for theChristians, the admiral ordered a shot to be fired at a company of themthat stood upon a hillock near the shore; and the ball falling among themmade them sensible that our thunder carried a bolt along with it, and infuture they dared not to show themselves even behind the hills. 

The people of this country were the handsomest we had yet seen among theIndians, being tall and thin, without large bellies, and with agreeablecountenances. The country was all plain, bearing little grass and fewtrees. In the harbour there were crocodiles or alligators of a vast size, which go on shore to sleep, and they scatter a scent as if all the musk inthe world were together: They are fierce and ravenous, so that if theyfind a man asleep they drag him to the water and devour him, but they arefearful and cowardly when attacked. These alligators are found in manyother parts of the continent, and some affirm that they are the same withthe crocodiles of the Nile. 

Finding that the violent winds from the E. And N. E. Did not cease, andthat no trade could be had with those people, the admiral resolved to goback that he might make farther inquiry into the reports of the Indiansconcerning the mines of Veragua, and therefore returned on Monday the 5thof November to Porto Bello ten leagues westwards. Continuing his coursenext day, he was encountered by a west wind which was quite contrary tohis new design, though favourable for that which he had been attemptingfor three months past, but expecting that this wind would not last longbecause the weather was unsettled, he bore up against the wind for somedays; but when the weather would seem a little favourable for going toVeragua, another wind would start up and drive us back again to PortoBello, and when almost in hopes of getting into port we were quite beatoff again. Sometimes there were such incessant flashes of thunder andlightning that the men durst hardly open their eyes, the ships seemed justsinking, and the sky appeared as if it would come down upon us. At timesthe thunder was so continued, that it was conceived some ship was firingits guns for assistance. At other times there would fall such incessantand heavy torrents of rain for two or three days together as if anuniversal deluge were going to overwhelm the world. This almost unceasingwar of the elements perplexed the men and reduced them almost to despair, so that they were continually wet and could not get half an hours rest ata time, always beating up to windward. In such terrible tempests theydreaded the _fire_ in flashes of lightning, the _air_ for its fury, _thewater_ for its mountainous waves, and the _earth_ for hidden rocks andsands; where they expected safety in a near haven, often encounteringdanger, and therefore preferring to contend against all the other elementsto avoid the land. In the midst of all these terrors there occurredanother no less wonderful and dangerous, which was a water-spout risingfrom the sea on Thursday the 13th of December; which, if they had notdissolved by reciting the gospel of St John, had certainly sunk whateverit had fallen upon. This phenomenon draws the water up to the clouds likea pillar and thicker than a butt, twisting it about like a whirlwind. 

That same night we lost sight of the ship called the Biscaina, but had thegood fortune to see it again after three or four dreadful dark days. Ithad lost its boat and had been in great danger, being so near the land asto be forced to come to anchor, which it likewise lost by being obliged tocut the cable. It now appeared that the currents on this coast follow theprevailing wind, running westwards with the east wind, and eastwards withthe west. The ships being now almost shattered to pieces by the tempest, and the men quite spent with incessant labour, a calm for a day or twogave them some relief, and brought such multitudes of sharks about theships as were dreadful to behold, especially to such as were superstitious. Ravens are reported to smell out dead bodies from a great distance, andsome think that sharks have the same perceptive faculty. They have tworows of sharp teeth in the nature of a saw, with which if they lay hold ofa mans leg or arm they cut it off as with a razor. Multitudes of thesesharks were caught by a hook and chain, but being able to destroy no more, they continued in vast numbers swimming about. They are so greedy thatthey not only bite at carrion, but may be taken by means of a red rag uponthe hook. I have seen a tortoise taken out of the stomach of one of thesesharks that lived for some time afterwards aboard the ship; and out ofanother was taken the head of one of its own kind, which we had cut offand thrown into the water as not fit to be eaten, and the shark hadswallowed it, which to us seemed strange and unnatural that one creatureshould swallow the head of another as large as its own; this however isowing to the vast size of their mouth which reaches almost to the belly, and the head is shaped like an olive. Though some of the people consideredthese creatures as foreboding misfortune, and others thought them bad fish, yet we were all thankful for them on account of the want we were now in:We had been eight months at sea, so that all the flesh and fish we hadbrought from Spain was consumed, and owing to the heat and moisture of theatmosphere, the biscuit was become so full of maggots that many of thepeople waited till night before they could eat the pottage made of it, that they might not see the maggots; but others were so used to eat themthat they were not curious to throw them away, lest they might lose theirsupper. 

Upon Saturday the 17th of December we put into a large bay or port threeleagues to the eastwards of _Pennon_ called _Huiva_ by the Indians, wherewe remained three days. We there saw the Indians dwelling upon the topsof trees, like birds, laying sticks across the boughs upon which theybuild a kind of huts. We conceived this might have been for fear of the_griffins_ which are in that country, or to be out of reach of theirenemies; for all along that coast the little tribes at every leaguedistant are great enemies to each other and perpetually at war. We sailedfrom this port on the 20th with fair weather but not settled, for as soonas we were got put to sea the tempest rose again and drove us into anotherport, whence we departed the third day, the weather being somewhat mended, but like an enemy that lies in wait for a man, it rushed out again anddrove us to Pennon, but when we hoped to get in there the wind came quitecontrary and drove us again towards Veragua. Being at an anchor in theriver the weather became again very stormy, so that we had reason to bethankful for having got into that port, where we had been before on the12th of the same month. We continued here from the 26th of December to the3d of January 1508; when, having repaired the ship Gallega and taken onboard a good store of Indian wheat, water, and wood, we turned back toVeragua with bad weather and contrary winds, which changed crossly just asthe admiral altered his course. This continual changing of the wind gaveus so much trouble between Veragua and Porto Bello that the admiral namedthis _Costo de Contrasses_, or the Coast of Thwartings. 

Upon Thursday, being the feast of the Epiphany, 6th January, we castanchor near a river called _Yebra_ by the Indians, but which the admiralnamed Belem or Bethlem, because we came to it on the festival of the threekings. He caused the mouth of that river and of another to the westwardsto be sounded; in the latter, called _Veragua_ by the Indians, the waterwas shoal, but in the river Belem there were four fathoms at high water. The boats went up this river to the town where we had been informed thegold mines of Veragua were situated. At first the Indians were so far fromconversing that they assembled with their weapons to hinder the Christiansfrom landing; and the next day on going up the river of Veragua, theIndians did the same, not only on shore, but stood upon their guard withtheir canoes in the water. But an Indian of that coast who understood thema little went on shore and persuaded them that we were good people, anddesired nothing from them but what we would pay for; by this they werepacified and trucked twenty plates of gold, likewise some hollow pieceslike the joints of reeds, and some unmelted grains. On purpose to enhancethe value of their gold they said it was gathered a great way off amonguncouth mountains, and that when they gathered it they did not eat, nordid they carry their women along with them, a story similar to which wastold by the people of Hispaniola when it was first discovered. 

On Monday the 9th of January the admirals ship and that called Biscainawent up the river, and the Indians came presently on board to barter awaysuch things as they had, especially fish, which at certain times of theyear come up these rivers from the sea in such quantities as would seemincredible to those who had not seen it. They likewise exchanged some goldfor pins, and what they most valued they gave for beads, or hawks-bells. Next day the other two ships came in, having to wait for the flood, whichdoes not rise above half a fathom in these parts. As Veragua was famed formines and extraordinary wealth, the admirals brother went up the river thethird day after our arrival to the town of _Quibio_, the king or caciqueof this province; who, hearing of the lieutenants coming, came down theriver in his canoes to meet him. Quibio behaved in a very friendly manner, and interchanged several articles with the lieutenant, and after a longdiscourse they parted in peace. Next day Quibio came on board to visit theadmiral, and having discoursed together about an hour, his men truckedsome gold for bells, and he returned to his own place. 

While we lay here as we thought in perfect ease and security, the river ofBelem suddenly swelled on the 24th of January so high, that before wecould get a cable on shore the fury of the water came so impetuously onthe admirals ship that it broke one of her anchors, and drove her withsuch force against the Galega as to bring the foremast by the board, andboth ships were carried away foul of each other in the utmost danger ofperishing. Some judged that this sudden and mighty flood had beenoccasioned by the heavy rains, which still continued incessantly; but inthat case the river would have swelled gradually and not all of a sudden, which made us suppose that some extraordinary rain had fallen in themountains about 20 leagues up the country, which the admiral called themountains of St Christopher. The highest of that range was above theregion of the air in which meteors are bred, as no cloud was ever seen torise above, but all floated below its summit; this mountain of StChristopher looks like a hermitage[13], and lies in the midst of a rangeof woody mountains whence we believed that flood came which was sodangerous to our ships; for had they been carried out to sea they musthave been shattered to pieces, as the wind was then extremely boisterous. This tempest lasted so long that we had time to refit and caulk the ships;and the waves broke so furiously on the mouth of the river, that the boatscould not go out to discover along the coast, to learn where the mines lay, and to seek out for a proper place in which to build a town; for theadmiral had resolved to leave his brother in this place with most of themen, that they might settle and subdue the country, while he should returninto Spain to send out supplies of men and provisions. With this prospect, he sent his brother on Monday the 6th of February with 68 men by sea tothe mouth of the Veragua river, a league to the westward of the Belemriver, who went a league and a half up the river to the caciques town, where he staid a day inquiring the way to the mines. On Wednesday theytravelled four leagues and half, and rested for the night on the side of ariver which they had crossed 44 times in the course of that days march;next day they travelled a league and a half towards the mines, beingdirected in their journey by some Indian guides who were furnished byQuibio. In about two hours time they came thither, and every man gatheredsome gold from about the roots of the trees, which were there very thickand of prodigious height. This sample was much valued, because none ofthose who went upon this expedition had any tools for digging, or had everbeen accustomed to gather gold; and as the design of this expedition wasmerely to get information of the situation of the mines, they returnedvery much satisfied that same day to Veragua, and the next day to theships. It was afterwards learnt that these were not the mines of Veraguawhich lay much nearer, but belonged to the town of _Urira_ the people ofwhich being enemies to those of Veragua, Quibio had ordered the Christiansto be conducted thither to do a displeasure to his foes, and that his ownmines might remain untouched. 

On Thursday the 14th of February, the lieutenant went into the countrywith 40 men, a boat following with 14 more. The next day they came to theriver _Urira_ seven leagues west from Belem. The cacique came a league outof this town to meet him with 20 men, and presented him with such thingsas they feed on, and some gold plates were exchanged here. This caciqueand his chief men never ceased putting a dry herb into their mouths, whichthey chewed and sometimes they took a sort of powder which they carriedalong with that herb, which singular custom astonished our people verymuch[14]. Having rested here a while, the Christians and Indians went tothe town, where they were met by great numbers of people, had a largehouse appointed for their habitation, and were supplied with plenty ofprovisions. Soon after came the cacique of _Dururi_, a neighbouring town, with a great many Indians, who brought some gold plates to exchange. Allthese Indians said that there were caciques farther up the country who hadabundance of gold, and great numbers of men armed as ours were. Next daythe lieutenant ordered part of his men to return to the ships, and with 30whom he retained, beheld on his journey to _Zobraba_, where the fields forsix leagues were all full of maize like corn fields. Thence he went to_Cateba_ another town, and was well entertained at both places withabundance of provisions, and some gold plates were bartered. These arelike, the pattern of a chalice, some bigger and some less, and weighedabout twelve ducats more or less, and the Indians wear them hanging fromtheir necks by a string as we do relics. Being now very far from the ships, without having found any port along the coast, or any river larger thanthat of Belem on which to settle his colony, the lieutenant came back onthe 24th of February, bringing with him a considerable value in gold whichhe had acquired by barter during his journey. 

Immediately on his return preparations were made for his stay, and eightymen were appointed to remain with him. These were divided into gangs often men each, and began to build houses on the bank of the Belem river onthe right hand going up, about a cannon-shot from its mouth, and theinfant colony was protected by surrounding it with a trench. The mouth ofthis river is marked by a small hill. The houses were all built of timberand covered with palm leaves, which grew abundantly along the banks of theriver; and besides the ordinary houses for the colony, a large house wasbuilt to serve as a magazine and store-house, into which several pieces ofcannon, powder, provisions, and other necessaries for the use and supportof the planters were put. But the wine, biscuit, oil, vinegar, cheese, anda considerable supply of grain were left in the ship Gallega as the safestplace; which was to be left with the lieutenant for the service of thecolony, with all its cordage, nets, hooks and other tackle; for, as hasbeen already said, there is vast abundance of fish in every river of thatcoast, several sorts at certain seasons running along the coast in shoals, on which the people of the country live more than upon flesh, for thoughthere are some beasts of different sorts, there are by no means enough tomaintain the inhabitants. 

The customs of these Indians are for the most part much the same as thoseof Hispaniola and the neighbouring islands; but those people of Veraguaand the country about it, when they talk to one another are constantlyturning their backs and always chewing an herb, which we believed to bethe reson that their teeth were rotten and decayed. Their food is mostlyfish, which they take with nets, and with hooks made of tortoiseshell, which they cut with a thread as if they were sawing, in the same manner asis done in the islands. They have another way of catching some very smallfishes, which are called _Titi_ in Hispaniola. At certain times these aredriven towards the shore by the rains, and are so persecuted by the largerfish that they are forced up to the surface in shoal water, where theIndians take as many of them as they have a mind by means of little mattsor small meshed nets. They wrap these up singly in certain leaves, andhaving dried them in an oven they will keep a great while. They also catchpilchards in the same manner; for at certain times these fly with suchviolence from the pursuit of the large fish, that they will leap out ofthe water two or three paces on the dry land, so that they have nothing todo but take them as they do the _Titi_. These pilchards are taken afteranother manner: They raise a partition of palm-tree leaves two yards highin the middle of a canoe, fore and aft as the seamen call it, or from stemto stern; then plying about the river they make a great noise, beating theshores with their paddles, and then the pilchards, to fly from the otherfish, leap into the canoe, where hitting against the partition they fallin, and by this means they often take vast numbers[15]. Several sorts offish pass along the coast in vast shoals, whereof immense quantities aretaken; and these will keep a long time after being roasted or dried in theway already mentioned. 

These Indians have also abundance of maize, a species of grain which growsin an ear or hard head like millet, and from which they make a white andred wine, as beer is made in England, mixing it with their spice as itsuits their palate, having a pleasant taste like sharp brisk wine. Theyalso make another sort of wine from certain trees like palms which haveprickly trunks like thorns: This wine is made from the pith of these palms, which resemble squeezed palmitoes, and from which they extract the juiceand boil it up with water and spice. They make another wine from a fruitwhich grows likewise in Guadaloup, resembling a large pine-apple. This isplanted in large fields, and the plant is a sprout growing from the top ofthe fruit, like that which grows from a cabbage or lettuce. One plantlasts in bearing for three or four years. They likewise make wines fromother sorts of fruit; particularly from one that grows upon very hightrees, which is as big as a large lemon, and has several stones like nuts, from two to nine in each, not round but long like chesnuts. The rind ofthis fruit is like a pomegranate, and when first taken from the tree itresembles it exactly, save only that it wants the prickly circle at thetop. The taste of it is like a peach; and of them some are better thanothers, as is usual in other fruits. There are some of these in theislands, where they are named _Mamei_ by the Indians. 

All things being settled for the Christian colony and ten or twelve housesbuilt and thatched, the admiral wished to have sailed for Spain; but hewas now threatened by even a greater danger from want of water in theriver, than that he had formerly experienced by the inundation. For thegreat rains in January being now over, the mouth of the river was sochoked up with sand, that though there were ten feet of water on the barwhen we came in, which was scant enough, there were now only two feet whenwe wished to have gone out. We were thus shut up without prospect ofrelief, as it was impossible to get over the sand; and even if we hadpossessed any engine calculated for this purpose, the sea was soboisterous that the smallest of the waves which broke upon the shore wasenough to have beat the ships in pieces, more especially as ours were nowall eaten through and through by the worms like a honeycomb. We hadnothing left therefore, but to pray to God for rain, as we had beforeprayed for fair weather; as we knew that rain would swell the river andclear away the sand. 

In the meantime it was discovered by means of our interpreter, an Indianwhom we had taken not far off above three months before, and who willinglywent along with us, that Quibio the cacique of Veragua, intended to setfire to the houses and destroy the Christians, as all the Indians wereaverse to the settlement of our people in their country. It was thereforethought proper, as a punishment to this cacique and a terror and exampleto the other Indians, to take him and all his chief men prisoners intoSpain, that his town and tribe might remain subjected to the Christians. Accordingly, the lieutenant went with a party of seventy-six men towardsVeragua, on the 30th of March, to execute this project. This town orvillage is not built close together, but all the houses are built atconsiderable distances as in Biscay. When Quibio understood that thelieutenant was come near, he sent word for him not to come up to his house;but the lieutenant, that he might not seem any way afraid of these people, went up notwithstanding this message, accompanied only by five men;ordering all the rest to halt at the foot of the hill on which thecaciques house was situated, and desiring them to come after him, two andtwo together, at some distance from each other; and that when they shouldhear a musket fired, they should all run up, and beset the house that noneof them might escape. 

When the lieutenant came to the house, Quibio sent another message todesire that he might not come in, for though wounded by an arrow, he wouldcome out to receive him, and he acted in this manner to prevent his womenfrom being seen, these Indians being exceedingly jealous on that score. Hecame out accordingly and sat down at the door, requesting that thelieutenant alone might approach; who did so, ordering the rest to fall onwhenever they saw him seize hold of the cacique by the arm. He askedQuibio some questions concerning his wound, and the affairs of the country, by means of the before-mentioned interpreter, who was exceedingly fearful, as he knew the intentions of the cacique to destroy the Christians, whichhe thought might easily be done by the great numbers of people in thatprovince, as he had as yet no experience of the strength of our people orthe power of their weapons. Pretending to look where the cacique had beenwounded; the lieutenant took hold of his arm, and kept so firm a grasp, though Quibio was a strong man, that he held him fast till the other fiveChristians came up to his assistance, one of whom fired off his musket, upon which all the rest ran out from their ambush and surrounded the house, in which there were thirty people old and young; most of whom were taken, and none wounded, for on seeing their king a prisoner they made noresistance. Among the prisoners there were some wives and children of thecacique, and some inferior chiefs, who said they had a great treasureconcealed in the adjoining wood, and offered to give the whole of it forthe ransom of their cacique and themselves. But the lieutenant would notlisten to their proposals, and ordered Quibio, with his wives and children, and the principal people who had been made prisoners, to be immediatelycarried on board, before the country took the alarm, and remained withmost of his men to go after the kindred and subjects of the capturedcacique, many of whom had fled. John Sanchez of Cadiz, one of our pilots, and a man of good reputation, was appointed to take charge of theprisoners, and more especially of Quibio, who was bound hand and foot, andon being charged to take particular care that he might not escape, he saidhe would give them leave to pull his beard off if he got away. Sanchez andhis prisoners embarked with an escort in the boats to go down the river ofVeragua to the ships; and when within half a league of its mouth, Quibiocomplained that his hands were bound too tight, on which Sanchezcompassionately loosened him from the seat of the boat to which he wastied, and held the rope in his hand. A little after this, observing thathe was not very narrowly watched, Quibio sprung into the water, andSanchez let go the rope that he might not be dragged in after him. Nightwas coming on, and the people in the boat were in such confusion that theycould not see or hear where he got on shore, for they heard no more of himthan if a stone had fallen into the water and disappeared. That the restof the prisoners might not likewise escape, they held on their way to theships much ashamed of their carelessness. 

Next day, perceiving that the country was very mountainous and woody, andthat there were no regular towns, the houses being scattered about atirregular distances, and consequently that it would be very difficult topursue the Indians from place to place, the lieutenant returned to theships. He presented to the admiral the plunder of Quibios house, worthabout 300 ducats in gold plates, little eagles, small quills which theystring and wear about their arms and legs, and gold twists which they wearabout their heads in the nature of a coronet. After deducting the fifthpart for their Catholic majesties, he divided all the rest among thepeople who had been employed in the expedition, giving one of those crownsor coronets to the lieutenant in token of victory. 

All things being provided for the maintenance of the colony, and the rulesand regulations by which it was to be governed being settled, it pleasedGOD to send so much rain that the river swelled and opened the mouthsufficiently to float the ships over the bar. Wherefore the admiralresolved to depart for Hispaniola without delay, that he might forwardsupplies for this place. Taking advantage of a calm that the sea might notbeat upon the month of the river, we went out with three of the ships, theboats towing a-head. Yet though they were lightened as much as possible, every one of the keels rubbed on the sand which was fortunately loose andmoving; and we then took in with all expedition every thing that wasunloaded for making the ships draw less water. While we lay upon the opencoast, about a league from the mouth of the river, it pleased GODmiraculously to induce the admiral to send his boat on shore for water, which proved the cause of preventing the loss of our people who had beenleft at Belem. For when Quibio saw that the ships had withdrawn, and couldtherefore give no aid to the people who were left, he assaulted theChristian colony at the very time when our boat went ashore. The approachof the Indians was not perceived, on account of the thickness of the wood, and when they came within ten paces of the houses they set up a greatshout, and fell upon our people suddenly and violently, throwing theirjavelins at all whom they espied, and even at the houses, which being onlycovered with palm-tree leaves, were easily stuck through, and several ofour men were wounded within them. In the first surprize, four or five ofour people were wounded before they could put themselves into a posture ofdefence; but the lieutenant being a man of great resolution; went outagainst the Indians with a spear, with seven or eight followers, andattacked the Indians so violently, that he soon made them retire to theadjoining wood. Thence they returned skirmishing with our people, advancing to throw their javelins and then retiring, as the Spaniards doin the sport called _juego de cannas_; but after having experienced thesharp edges of our swords, and being furiously assailed by a dog belongingto the Christians, they at length fled, having killed one Christian, andwounded seven, among whom was the lieutenant, who was wounded in thebreast. 

From the foregoing danger two Christians took care to preserve themselves;which I shall relate, to show the comicalness of the one who was anItalian of Lombardy, and the gravity of the other who was a Spaniard. Whenthe Lombard was running away to hide himself, James Mendez called him toturn back; let me alone you devil, said Sebastian, for I am going tosecure my person. The Spaniard was Captain James Tristan, whom the admiralhad sent in the boat, who never went out of it with his men though theaffray was close beside the river; and being blamed for not assisting theChristians, he excused himself by saying that those on shore might run tothe boat for shelter, and so all might perish, for if the boat were lostthe admiral would be in danger at sea, and he would therefore do no morethan he had been commanded, which was to take in water, and to see ifthose on shore needed any assistance. He resolved therefore to take inwater immediately, that he might carry an account to the admiral of whathad happened, and went up the river with that view, to where the saltwater did not mix with the fresh, though some advised him not to go forfear of being attacked by the Indians in their canoes; but he answeredthat he feared no danger since he was sent for that purpose by the admiral. He accordingly went up the river which is very deep within the land, andso closely beset on both sides with thick trees, that there is scarcelyany possibility to go on shore, except at some fishermens paths where theyhide their canoes. When the Indians perceived that he had got about aleague above the colony, they rushed from the thickets on both sides ofthe river in their canoes, and assaulted him boldly on all sides, makinghideous shouts and blowing their horns. They had great odds against ourpeople, being in great numbers, and their canoes very swift and manageable, especially the small ones belonging to the fishermen, which hold three orfour men in each, one of whom paddles and can easily turn it about as hepleases, while the others threw their javelins at our boat. I call themjavelins because of their bigness, though they have no iron heads, but areonly pointed with fish bones. In our boat there were seven or eight men torow, and three or four more with the captain to fight; and as the rowerscould not defend themselves from the javelins, they were forced to quitthe oars to handle their targets. But the Indians poured upon them in suchmultitudes from all sides, advancing and retiring in good order as theythought fit, that they wounded most of the Christians, especially CaptainTristan who was hurt in many places; and though he stood unmoved, encouraging his men, his bravery availed him nothing, for he was beset onall sides and could not stir or make use of his musket, and at length hewas pierced by a javelin in the eye and fell down dead. All the restshared his fate except one man named John da Noia a native of Cadiz; he bygood fortune fell into the water in the height of the combat, and gainingthe shore by diving made his way through the thickest of the woods to thecolony, where he brought the melancholy news of the destruction of all hiscompanions. 

This intelligence, joined to what had befallen themselves, so terrifiedour people, who were likewise afraid that the admiral, being at seawithout a boat, might never reach a place from whence he could send themassistance, that they determined to abandon the colony, and wouldcertainly have done so without orders, had not the mouth of the river beenrendered impassable by bad weather and a heavy surf in which no boat couldlive, so that they could not even convey advice to the admiral of what hadoccurred. The admiral was in no little danger and perplexity, riding in anopen road with no boat, and his complement much diminished. Those onshore were in great confusion and dismay, seeing those who had beenkilled in the boat, floating down the river, followed by the country crows, and this they looked upon as an evil omen, dreading that the same fateawaited themselves; and the more so as they perceived the Indians puffedup by their late success, and gave them not a minutes respite by reason ofthe ill chosen situation of the colony. There is no doubt that they wouldall have been destroyed if they had not removed to an open strand to theeastwards, where they constructed a defence of casks and other things, planting their cannon in convenient situations to defend themselves, theIndians not daring to come out of the wood because of the mischief thatthe bullets did among them. 

While things were in this situation, the admiral waited in the utmosttrouble and anxiety, suspecting what might have happened in consequence ofhis boat not returning, and he could not send another to inquire till thesea at the mouth of the river should become calmer. To add to ourperplexity the kindred and children of Quibio, who were prisoners on boardthe Bermuda, found means to escape. They were kept under hatches all night, and the hatchway being so high that they could not reach it, the watchforgot one night to fasten it down in the usual manner by a chain, themore especially as some seamen slept on the top of the grating. That nightthe prisoners gathered the stone ballast in the hold into a heap under thegrating, and standing on the stones forced open the grating, tumbling ourpeople off, and several of the principal Indians leaped out and castthemselves into the sea. Our seamen took the alarm and fastened the chain, so that many of the Indians could not get out; but those who remained, indespair for not being able to get off with their companions, hangedthemselves with such ropes as they could find, and they were all founddead next morning, with their feet and knees dragging on the bottom of thehold, the place not being high enough. Though this loss was not materialto the ships, yet it was feared it might be hurtful to our people on shore, as Quibio would willingly have made peace to get his children restored, and there being now no hostage left it was reasonable to suspect he wouldnow make war with the greater fury. 

Being thus afflicted with many troubles, having nothing to trust to butour anchors and cables, and in great perplexity to get intelligence fromthe shore, it was proposed that, since the Indians to recover theirliberty had ventured to leap into the sea a league from shore, some of ourpeople to save themselves and so many more, might venture to swim on shore, if carried by the boat which remained as far as where the waves did notbreak. Only one boat now remained belonging to the Bermuda, that of theBiscaina having been lost in the affray, so that we had only one boatamong three ships. Hearing of this bold proposal among the seamen, theadmiral agreed that it should be attempted, and the boat carried themwithin a musket-shot of the land, not being able to go any nearer onaccount of the heavy waves that broke on it. Here Peter de Ledesma, apilot of Seville, threw himself into the water and got on shore. He therelearnt the condition of our people, who had unanimously determined not toremain in that forlorn condition, and therefore entreated the admiral notto sail till he had taken them off, as to leave them there was sacrificingthem; more especially as dissensions had already arisen among them, andthey no longer obeyed the lieutenant or the other officers, all their carebeing to get on board with the first fair wind; and as this could not bedone conveniently with the only boat which they had, they proposed toendeavour to seize upon some canoes to assist in their embarkation. Shouldthe admiral refuse to receive them, they were resolved to attempt savingtheir lives in the ship which had been left with them in the river, andrather trust to fortune than remain at the mercy of the Indians, by whomthey were sure to be massacred. With this answer Ledesema returned byswimming through the surf to the boat, and thence went to the admiral, towhom he gave a full report of the state of affairs on shore. 

Being fully informed of the disaster which had befallen the colony, andthe confusion and despair which reigned onshore, the admiral determined toremain and take off the people, though not without great risk and danger, as his ships lay in an open road without hopes of escape if the weatherhad become boisterous. But it pleased GOD, that in the eight days wecontinued here, the weather moderated so much that all the people on shoregot off in safety. This they effected by means of their boat, assisted byseveral large canoes bound fast two and two together that they might notoverset; and they used such diligence after the surf disappeared, that intwo days they brought every thing away, leaving nothing but the hull ofthe ship, which was become quite unserviceable in consequence of theravages of the worms. Rejoiced that we were all again together, we sailedup that coast to the eastwards; for though all the pilots were of opinionthat we might make St Domingo by standing away to the north, yet theadmiral and his brother only knew that it was quite requisite to run aconsiderable way along this coast to the eastwards before they shouldattempt to strike across the gulf which intervenes between the continentand Hispaniola. This was very displeasing to our people, who conceivedthat the admiral meant to sail direct for Spain, for which his ships wereutterly unfit, neither had he a stock of provisions for so long a voyage. He knew best what was fit to be done, and therefore continued the easterncourse till we came to Porto Bello, where we were forced to leave theBiscaina, as she had become so leaky and worm-eaten that she could be nolonger kept above water. Continuing this course, we passed the portformerly called the _Retrete_, and a country near which there were manysmall islands, which the admiral called _Las Barbas_, but which theIndians and pilots named the territory of the cacique _Pocorosa_. 

From thence we held on ten leagues farther to the east to the last landwhich we saw on the continent, called _Marmora_[16]; and on Monday the 1stof May 1503, we stood to the northwards, having the wind and current fromthe east, which made us lay our course as near the wind as possible. Though all the pilots said we should be to the east of the Caribbeeislands, yet the admiral feared we should not be able to make Hispaniola, as it afterwards proved. Upon Wednesday the 10th of May we were in sightof two very small low islands called Tortugas or the Tortoises, on accountof the prodigious multitudes of these animals which so swarmed about theseislands, and in the sea about them that they resembled rocks. On theFriday following, we came in sight about evening of that great cluster ofislands on the coast of Cuba, called Jardin de la Reinas or the QueensGarden, about thirty leagues from the Tortugas. We came here to anchorabout ten leagues from the coast of Cuba, full of trouble and perplexity;our men had now nothing to eat but biscuit, with some little oil andvinegar, and our ships were so worm-eaten and leaky, as to keep the peoplelabouring at the pumps day and night. In this forlorn state a great stormarose, and the Bermuda dragging her anchors ran foul of us, and broke inour stem and her own stern. It pleased GOD that we got the ships loosenedagain, though with much difficulty, owing to the rough sea and high wind. Although we let go all our anchors none would hold but the sheet anchor, and when day returned we discovered that its cable held only by one strand, so that if the night had continued an hour longer it must have given way, and the sea being all full of rocks, we could not fail to have been dashedin pieces upon some of those astern. But it pleased GOD to deliver us hereas he had done before from many dangers. 

Sailing from hence with great toil, we came to an Indian town on the coastof Cuba named _Mataia_, where we procured some refreshments; and as thewinds and currents set so strong towards the west that we could notpossibly stand for Hispaniola, we now sailed for Jamaica as our only hopeof preserving our lives. The ships were now so worm-eaten and leaky thatwe never ceased working day and night at all the three pumps in both ships;and when any of the pumps gave way, we were forced to supply thedeficiency while it was mending by bailing out the water in buckets andkettles. Notwithstanding all this labour, on the night before midsummereve, the water gained on as and came up almost to our deck. With infinitelabour we held on till day, when we put into a harbour on the north shoreof Jamaica called _Puerto Bueno_, or the Good Harbour; which, though goodto take shelter in against a storm, had no fresh water or any Indian townin its neighbourhood. Having made the best shift we could, we removed onthe day after the festival of St John, 26th of June, from that harbour toone farther eastwards called _Santa Gloria_, or Holy Glory, which isinclosed by rocks. Being got in here, and no longer able to keep the shipsabove water, we ran them on shore as far in as we could, stranding themclose together board and board and shoreing them up on both sides toprevent them from falling over. In this situation they could not budge, and as the water came up almost to the decks, sheds were erected on thedecks and the poops and forecastles for the men to sleep in, that we mightsecure ourselves against any surprise from the Indians, that island beingnot then subdued or inhabited by the Christians. 

Having thus fortified ourselves in the ships about a bow-shot from theland, the Indians, who were a peaceable good-natured people, came in theircanoes to sell provisions and such things as they had for our commodities. To prevent any disorder among the Christians, that they might not takemore in exchange than was fit, and that the natives might be fairly dealtwith, the admiral appointed two persons to have the charge of buying whatmight be brought by the Indians; these men were likewise directed todivide what was purchased daily among the men, as there was now nothingleft on board for subsistence. Some of our provisions had been spoiled orlost in the haste and confusion of leaving Belem, and almost all the restwas spent during the voyage to Jamaica. It was the good providence of Godwhich directed us to this island, which abounds in provisions, and isinhabited by a people who are willing enough to trade, and who resortedfrom all quarters to barter such commodities as they possessed. For thisreason, and that the Christians might not disperse about the island, theadmiral chose to fortify himself upon the sea, and not to settle adwelling on shore; for being naturally mutinous and disobedient, nopunishment would have kept the people from running about the country andgoing into the houses of the Indians to take away any thing they pleased, which would have angered their wives and children, and have given occasionto quarrels; the taking away their provisions by force would have madethem our enemies, and would have reduced us to great want and distress. These disorders could not happen now, as the men were all kept on board, and there was no going on shore without leave. By these precautions theIndians were kept in good humour, and our market was well supplied. Theysold us two _Huties_, which are little creatures like rabbits, for a pieceof tin, cakes of their bread called _Zabi_ for two or three red or yellowglass beads, and when they brought a quantity of any thing they weregratified with a hawks-bell. Sometimes we gave a cacique or great man ared cap, a small mirror, or a pair of scissars. This good order kept themen plentifully supplied with provisions, and the Indians were wellpleased with our company. 

As it was necessary to devise some means of returning into Spain, theadmiral frequently consulted with the captains and other officers how wemight best get out from our present situation of confinement, and at leastsecure our return to Hispaniola. To stay here in hopes that some vesselmight arrive was altogether out of the question, and to think of buildinga vessel was impossible, as we had neither tools nor workmen fit to do anything to the purpose; and we should spend a long time, and not be ableafter all to construct a vessel calculated to sail against the winds andcurrents that prevail among these islands. After many consultations, theadmiral at length resolved to send over to Hispaniola, to give an accountthere of his having been cast away on the island of Jamaica, and to desirethat a ship might be sent to his relief with provisions and ammunition. Toeffect this purpose, he made choice of two men in whom he could confide toperform it with fidelity and courage, as it seemed next to animpossibility to go over from one island to the other in canoes, and yetthere was no other resource. These canoes or boats are hollowed out of onesingle trunk, and are so shallow that the gunwale is not a span abovewater when they are loaded. Besides they must be tolerably large toperform that long passage, the small ones being more dangerous, and thelargest too heavy and cumbrous for so long a voyage. 

Two canoes that were deemed fit for the purpose being procured in July1503, the admiral ordered James Mendez de Segura his chief secretary to goin one of them, accompanied by six Christians, and having ten Indians torow or paddle; and in the other he sent Bartholomew Fiesca, a Genoesegentleman, with a similar crew of Spaniards and Indians. Their orders were, that as soon as they reached Hispaniola which is 250 leagues from Jamaica, Mendez was to go on to St Domingo to execute the commission with which hewas entrusted; and Fiesco was to return immediately with intelligence ofthe safe arrival of Mendez, that we might not remain in fear lest somedisaster had befallen our messenger. Yet this was much to be dreaded, considering how unfit a canoe is to live upon a rough sea, especially whenmanned by Christians; for if there had only been Indians, the danger wouldnot have been so great, because they are so dextrous that though a canoeoversets they can turn it right easily while swimming, and get into itagain. But honour and necessity often lead men to bolder attempts thanthis. The two canoes took their way along the coast of Jamaica to itseastern point named _Aoamaquique_ by the Indians, from a cacique of thatprovince so called, which is 33 leagues from Maima, where we were. As thedistance between the islands is about 90 leagues, and nothing in the waybut one little island or rock, 8 leagues from Hispaniola, it was necessaryto wait for calm weather in order to cross so great a sea in suchincompetent vessels. This it pleased God soon to give; and every Indianhaving taken on board his calabash of water and a supply of _carrabi_ astheir provision, and the Christians armed with swords and targets andprovided with the necessary sustenance, they put to sea. The lieutenantaccompanied them to the eastern point of Jamaica to take care that theyshould not be hindered by the Indians, and remained till night came on andhe lost sight of them. He then returned along shore to the ships, conversing in a friendly manner with the Indians as he went along. 

After the departure of our canoes from Jamaica, the people in the shipsbegan to fall sick, owing to the hardships they had endured in the voyage, and the change of diet, as we had now no Spanish provisions remaining andno wine; neither had we any flesh, except a few of the _huties_ alreadymentioned, which were procured by barter from the Indians. Those who stillremained in health thought it very hard to be so long confined, and beganto cabal among themselves. They alleged that the admiral would neverreturn into Spain, as he had been turned off by their majesties; and wouldfar less go to Hispaniola, where he had been refused admittance on hislast coming from Spain: That he had sent the canoes to solicit in his ownprivate affairs in Spain, and not for the purpose of procuring ships orsuccours for them; and that he intended, while these his messengers weresoliciting for him with their Catholic majesties, to fulfil the term ofhis banishment where he then was: That if it had been otherwise, Fiescomust have come back by this time, as it was given out he had been soordered: Besides, they knew not but that both he and Mendez had beendrowned by the way; and if that were the case they would never be relievedif they did not take care of themselves, as the admiral appeared toneglect using any means for their preservation, and was so ill of the goutas to be scarcely able to stir from his bed, far less to undergo thefatigue and danger of going over to Hispaniola in a canoe. For all thesereasons it was urged that they ought boldly to fix their resolutionsbefore they too should fall sick, while it was not in the admirals powerto hinder them; and that they would be so much the better received inHispaniola by how much the more danger they left him in, because of theenmity and hatred which Lores the governor of Hispaniola bore towards him;and that when they got to Spain they would be sure of the favour andsupport of the bishop Fonseca, and of Morales the treasurer, who had ashis mistress the sister of the _Porras_, who were the leaders of thismutiny, and who did not doubt of being well received by their Catholicmajesties, before whom all the blame would be laid upon the admiral, ashad formerly been in the affair of Roldan: And finally, it was allegedthat their majesties would the rather seize the admiral and all hisproperty, that they might be freed from the obligation of performing allthe articles of agreement between them. 

By these and such like arguments, and by the persuasions and suggestionsof the Porras, one of whom was captain of the Bermuda and the othercontroller of the squadron, they prevailed on 48 men to join in theconspiracy under the command and direction of Francis de Porras, thecaptain of the Bermuda. Being all ready armed on the morning of the 2ndJanuary 1504, Captain Francis de Porras came upon the quarter-deck of theadmirals ship, and addressed the admiral saying, "My lord, what is thereason that you will not go to Hispaniola, and keep us all in this placeto perish?" On hearing these unusually insolent words, and suspecting whatmight be hatching, the admiral calmly answered that he did not see howthis could be accomplished till those whom he had sent in the canoesshould send a ship; that no one could be more desirous to be gone than hewas himself, as well for his own interest as the good of them all, forwhom he was accountable; but that if Porras had any thing else to propose, he was ready to call the captains and other principal people together, that they might consult as had been done several times before. Porrasreplied, that it was not now time to talk, and that the admiral musteither embark immediately or stay there by himself; and turning his backupon the admiral he called out in a loud voice, I am bound for Spain withthose that are willing to follow me. On this all his followers who werepresent shouted out, We will go with you! we will go with you! and runningabout in great confusion crying, Let them die! let them die! For Spain!for Spain! while others called on the captain for his orders, they tookpossession of the poop, forecastle, and round tops. 

Though the admiral was then so lame of the gout that he could not stand, he yet endeavoured to rise and come out upon deck on hearing this uproar;but two or three worthy persons his attendants laid hold upon him andforcibly laid him again in bed, that the mutineers might not murder him;they then ran to his brother, who was going out courageously with ahalf-pike, and wresting it from his hands, they forced him into the cabinbeside the admiral, desiring Captain Porras to go where he liked, and notcommit a crime for which they might all suffer; that he might be satisfiedin meeting no opposition to his going away, but if he killed the admiralhe must lay his account with being severely punished for what could notpossibly be of the least benefit to his views. When the tumult wassomewhat appeased, the conspirators seized ten canoes that lay along-side, which the admiral had purchased all about the island, and went aboard ofthem as joyfully as if they had been in a Spanish port. Upon this manymore, who had no hand in the plot, in despair to see themselves forsaken, took what they could lay hold of along with them and joined theconspirators in the canoes, to the great sorrow and mortification of thefew faithful servants who remained with the admiral, and of all the sick, who considered themselves as lost for ever and deprived of all hopes ofever getting away. It is certain that if the people had been all in health, not above twenty would have remained with the admiral, who went now out tocomfort the remaining men with the best arguments that he could devise inthe present posture of affairs. 

Francis de Porras went away with his mutineers for the eastern point ofthe island, whence Mendez and Fiesco had taken their departure forHispaniola, and wherever they came they insulted the Indians, taking awaytheir provisions and every thing else they pleased by force, desiring themto go to the admiral for payment, or that they might kill him if herefused, which was the best thing they could do, as he was not only hatedby the Christians but had been the cause of all the mischief which hadbefallen the Indians in the other island, and would do the same in this ifhe were not prevented by death, for his only reason of remaining was tosubjugate them as he had already enslaved the natives of Hispaniola. 

The mutineers took the advantage of the first calm weather after theirarrival at the easternmost point of Jamaica to set out for Hispaniola, taking several Indians in every canoe to row or paddle them, as had beendone by Mendez and Fiesco. But before they had been four leagues out tosea, the weather became unsettled and they resolved to return. Being ableto make but very little way, as the wind came against them, and as thewater flashed in over the gunwales in consequence of their unskilfulmanagement, they threw every thing overboard except their arms and as muchprovisions as might enable them to get back to the island. The wind stillfreshened and they thought themselves in so much danger that it wasresolved to murder the Indians and throw them into the sea. This wasaccordingly done with several, but others who trusted to their swimmingthrew themselves into the sea to avoid being murdered, and when weary ofswimming clung to the sides of the canoes to rest themselves; those poorfellows had their hands cut off and were otherwise wounded; insomuch thateighteen Indians were slaughtered or drowned, only a very few being sparedfor each canoe to assist in steering. Being returned to Jamaica theydiffered in opinion as to their future procedure: Some advised to go overto Cuba in preference to Hispaniola, as they might take the east winds andcurrents upon their quarter, and could afterwards go from that island toHispaniola, not considering that the distance was seventeen leaguesdirectly against wind and current: Some said it would be but to return tothe ships and make their peace with the admiral, or to take from him byforce what arms and commodities he had left; while others were for stayingwhere they were till another calm, when they might again attempt thepassage to Hispaniola. This advice prevailed, and they remained in thetown of Aoamaquique, waiting for fair weather and destroying the country. When the fair weather came they embarked twice, but were unsuccessful bothtimes, owing to the winds being contrary. Thus foiled in their endeavours, they travelled westwards from one town to another much dismayed andcomfortless, leaving their canoes behind; sometimes eating what they wereable to find, and sometimes taking provisions by force, according as theyfound themselves sufficiently powerful to cope with the caciques throughwhose territories they passed. 

After the rebels were departed, the admiral took every possible care thatthe sick should be furnished with all that could conduce towards theirrecovery, and that the Indians might be civilly treated, to induce them tocontinue to bring provisions in exchange for our commodities. All thesethings were so well managed that the Christians soon recovered, and theIndians continued to supply us plentifully for some time. But they beingan indolent race, who take little pains in sowing, while every one of ourpeople consumed as much provisions in one day as would have sufficed anIndian for twenty, and besides having no longer any inclination for ourcommodities, they began to listen to the advice of the mutineers, sincethey saw so many of our men had revolted, and therefore did not bring suchplenty of provisions as we needed. This brought us into great distress, asif it had been necessary to take these by force, the greatest part of usmust have gone on shore armed, leaving the admiral on board in greatdanger, as he was still very ill of the gout; and if we waited till theIndians brought provisions of their own accord, we must live in greatmisery, or have paid them ten times the price we did at first, as theywere sensible of the advantages our necessities gave them. But God, whonever forsakes those who put their trust in him, inspired the admiral witha device by which we became amply provided. Knowing that in three daysthere was to be an eclipse of the moon in the early part of the night, hesent an Indian of Hispaniola who was on board, to call the principalIndians of that province to talk with him upon a matter which he said wasof great importance to them. These Indians came accordingly to wait uponhim on the day before the eclipse was to happen, and he desired theinterpreter to tell them, That we were Christians who believed in the Godof Heaven, who took care of the good and punished the wicked. That Godseeing the rebellion of the Spaniards against his faithful servant, wouldnot permit them to go over to Hispaniola, as had been done by Mendez andFiesco, but had visited them with all those sufferings and dangers whichwere manifest to the whole island: And that God was angry with the Indiansfor being negligent in bringing provisions for our commodities, and haddetermined to punish them with pestilence and famine; and lest they mightnot believe his words, had appointed to give them a manifest token of hiswrath that very night, that they might plainly know whence theirpunishment was derived. Wherefore the admiral desired them carefully toobserve the moon that night when she arose, and they would see her angryand of a bloody hue, as a sign of the punishments which were to fall onthem from God. Upon this the Indians were dismissed and sent away, some ofthem rather afraid and others looking upon it as an idle threat. But onobserving the moon to rise in part obscured, and the obscurity increasingas she rose higher, the Indians were so terrified that they hastened fromall parts loaded with provisions, crying and lamenting and imploring theadmiral to intercede for them with God not to make them undergo the weightof his wrath, and promising to bring him every thing he wanted for thefuture. The admiral pretended to be softened by their repentance, and saidthat he would speak to God in their favour. He accordingly shut himself upfor some time, till he knew that the eclipse was about to go off, and thencoming out of his cabin, he told the Indians that he had prayed to God forthem, and had promised in their names that they would be good in future, would use the Christians well, and bring them plenty of provisions andother necessaries; that God therefore forgave them, of which they would heconvinced when they saw the anger and bloody colour of the moon go off. And this beginning to take place while he was yet speaking, they gave theadmiral many thanks for his intercession, and praised the mercy of the Godof the Christians. From that time they always took care to provide everything which we required; and though they had before seen eclipses, theybelieved they had portended evils that had befallen them, but thinking itimpossible for any one to know on earth what was to happen in the heavens, they certainly concluded that the God of the Christians must have revealedall this to the admiral. 

Eight months had passed after Mendez and Fiesco went away, without anyintelligence of them, by which the men who remained with the admiral weremuch cast down and suspected the worst. Some alleged that they were lostat sea, some that they had been killed by the Indians of Hispaniola, andothers that they had died with sickness and hardships; for from the pointof that island which is next to Jamaica it is above 100 leagues to StDomingo where they had to go in quest of succour, the way by land beingover uncouth mountains, and that by sea against the prevailing winds andcurrents. To confirm their fears some Indians assured them that they hadseen a canoe overset and driven by the current on the coast of Jamaica;which report had probably been spread by the mutineers to make those whowere with the admiral despair of getting off. Our people at lengthconcluded that no relief was ever to be expected, and became exceedinglydispirited and discontented, and most of them conspired to revolt and jointhe mutineers, in which they were principally encouraged by one Bernard anapothecary from Valencia, and two others named Zamora and Villatoro. Butthe Almighty, who knew how dangerous this second mutiny must be to theadmiral, was pleased to put a stop to it by the coming of a vessel sent bythe governor of Hispaniola. This vessel came one morning to anchor nearour grounded ships, and her captain, named James de Escobar, came on boardin his boat, saying that he was sent by the governor of Hispaniola to theadmiral with his commendations, and that as he had it not in his power tosend a ship as yet that could carry off all the men, he had sent toinquire after his situation. Escobar then presented him with a cask ofwine and two flitches of bacon, and sailed away again that same nightwithout waiting for any letters. 

Our men were somewhat comforted by the appearance of this vessel, and theassurance that Mendez and Fiesco had got safe to St Domingo, and dropttheir intended conspiracy and revolt; yet they wondered much that Escobarshould have stolen away so privately and suddenly, suspecting that thegovernor of Hispaniola was unwilling that the admiral should go to thatisland. As the admiral was aware that the hasty departure of Escobar mightoccasion speculations and inquiries among the people, he told them that itwas by his own directions, because that caravel not being large enough tocarry them all away, he would not go himself, as he was unwilling to leavethem liable to the disorders that might be occasioned by the mutineers inhis absence. But the truth is, that the governor was unwilling to aid thereturn of the admiral into Spain, lest their Catholic majesties mightrestore him to his authority as viceroy, by which he would lose hisgovernment; wherefore he would not provide as he might have done for theadmirals voyage to Hispaniola, and had sent Escobar to Jamaica to espy thecondition he was in, and to know whether he might contrive to destroy himwith safety. He had learnt the situation in which the admiral was placedfrom James Mendez, who sent the following account of his proceedings inwriting to the admiral by Escobar. 

Mendez and Fuesco on the day they left Jamaica held on their way tillnight, encouraging the Indians to exert themselves with their paddles. Theweather was extremely hot, so that the Indians sometimes leaped overboardto refresh themselves by swimming and then came fresh again to theirpaddles. At night they lost sight of the land, and half the Christians andIndians took watch and watch alternately to sleep and row, taking greatcare that the Indians might not prove treacherous. Advancing in thismanner all night, they were very weary when day appeared; but thecommanders encouraged the men, sometimes rowing themselves to give a goodexample; and after eating to recruit their strength, they fell to theirwork again, seeing nothing all around but the sky and the sea. Though thiswas enough to distress them sufficiently, yet they were besides in thepredicament of Tantalus, who had water within a span of his mouth yetcould not quench his thirst; such was their distress, for, through theimprovidence of the Indians and the prodigious heat of the preceding dayand night, all their water was drank up without any regard to the future. As heat and labour together are altogether intolerable without drink, andas the heat and thirst increased the second day the higher the sunascended, their strength was entirely exhausted by noon. By good fortunethe captains had reserved two casks of water under their own management, from which they sparingly relieved the Indians, and kept them up till thecool of the evening, and encouraged them by the assurance that they wouldsoon see a small island called _Nabazza_, which lay in their way eightleagues from Hispaniola. This and their extraordinary thirst quite castthem down, and made them believe that they had lost their way, foraccording to their reckoning they had now run twenty leagues and ought tohave been in sight of Hispaniola; but it was weariness that deceived them, for a canoe that rows well cannot in a day and night proceed above tenleagues, and they had been retarded by the currents which were adverse totheir course. 

Night being come on they had to throw one into the sea who had died ofthirst, and others were lying stretched out in the bottom of the canoeperfectly exhausted, those who were still able to bear up a little beingsunk almost in despair, and so weak and spent that they could hardly makeany way at all. Some took sea water to refresh their thirst, which may becalled a comfort of that kind which was offered to our Saviour when hecomplained of thirst upon the cross. In this manner they feebly held ontheir way at the commencement of the second night; but it pleased God tosend them succour in their utmost need, for when the moon began to rise, James Mendez perceived that she got up over some land, as a little islandcovered her in the nature of an eclipse, neither could they have seen thisisland, it was so small, if it had not been for this circumstance, andwithout the timely relief of water which it afforded they must all haveperished of thirst on the following day. Comforting and cheering them withthe joyful tidings and shewing them the land, he so encouraged them, supplying them at the same time with a little water from the casks, thatthe next morning they were very near the small island of Nabazza. Theyfound this island to be all round one hard rock, about half a league incircumference, without either spring or tree; but searching about theyfound rain water in holes and clefts of the rock, out of which they filledtheir calabashes and casks; and though those of knowledge and experienceadvised the rest to use moderation in drinking, yet thirst made some ofthe Indians exceed all bounds, whereof some died there and others fellinto desperate distempers. 

Having remained all day at this island to refresh themselves, and eatingsuch things as they found along the shore, for Mendez had all materialsfor striking fire, by which they were enabled to cook the shell-fish, theyrejoiced at being now in sight of Hispaniola, and fearful lest bad weathermight arise to impede the prosecution of their voyage, about sun-set theytook their departure from Nabazza for Cape St Michael, the nearest land inHispaniola, where they happily arrived next morning. After resting theretwo days Fiesco, who was a gentleman that stood much upon his honour, would have returned to Jamaica in pursuance of the admirals commands andhis own engagements to that effect; but the people, who were all sailorsand Indians, being spent and indisposed by their past labour and bydrinking sea-water, considered themselves like Jonas delivered from thewhales belly, having been like him three days and three nights intribulation, none of them would consent to go with him. Mendez, being mostin haste, went up the coast of Hispaniola in his canoe, although sufferingunder a quartan ague, occasioned by his great sufferings by sea and land. After some time, quitting his canoe, he travelled over mountains and bybad roads till he arrived at Xaragua, in the west of Hispaniola, where thegovernor then was, who seemed rejoiced to see him, though he afterwardswas extremely tedious in dispatching him, owing to the reasons alreadymentioned. After much importunity Mendez obtained permission to go to StDomingo, where he bought and fitted out a vessel from the private funds ofthe admiral, which was sent to Jamaica at the latter end of May 1504, andsailed thence for Spain by the admirals direction, to give their Catholicmajesties an account of the incidents of the voyage[17]. 

The admiral and all his company had received much comfort from theknowledge that Mendez had arrived in Hispaniola, and entertained fullassurance of being relieved through his exertions; he therefore thoughtfit to communicate the information to the mutineers, that laying theirjealousies aside they might be induced to return to their duty. For thispurpose he sent two respectable officers to them who had friends among themutineers, and suspecting that they might disbelieve, or seem not tocredit the visit of the caravel under the command of Escobar, he sent thempart of the bacon which she had brought. When these two arrived wherePorras and his chief confidant resided, he came out to meet them that hemight prevent them from moving the men to return to their duty by theoffer of a general pardon, which he justly suspected had been sent by theadmiral. Yet it was not in the power of the two Porras to prevent theiradherents from learning the coming of the caravel, the returned health ofthose who were with the admiral, and the offers which he sent them. Afterseveral consultations among themselves and with their principalconfederates, the Porras refused to trust themselves to the offered pardon;but said they would go peaceably to Hispaniola if he would promise to givethem a ship provided two came, or if only one, that he should assign themthe half; and as they had lost their clothes and the commodities whichthey had for trade, they demanded that the admiral should share with themthose which he had. The messengers answered that these proposals wereutterly unreasonable and could not be granted. To which the Porras proudlyreplied, that since these were refused by fair means they would take themby force. 

In this manner the ringleaders dismissed the admirals messengers, misinterpreting his conciliatory offers, and telling their followers thathe was a cruel revengeful man; saying that they had no fears forthemselves, as the admiral would not dare to wrong them because of theirinterest at court, yet they had reason to fear he would be revenged of therest under colour of just punishment, on which account Roldan and hisfriends in Hispaniola had not trusted his offers, and it had succeededwell with them, as they had found favour at court, whereas the admiral hadbeen sent home in irons. They even pretended that the arrival of thecaravel with news from Mendez was a mere phantom produced by magic, inwhich the admiral was an adept; as it was not likely, had it been inreality a caravel, that the people belonging to it would have had nofarther discourse with those about the admiral, neither would it have sosoon vanished; and it was more probable, if it had been a real caravel, that the admiral would have gone on board of it with his son and brother. By these and other similar persuasions, they confirmed their adherents intheir rebellion, and at length brought them to resolve upon repairing tothe ships to secure the admiral and to take all they found there by force. 

Continuing obstinate in their wickedness, the mutineers came to a townthen named _Maima_, in the neighbourhood of the ships, at which place theChristians afterwards built a town called Seville. Upon learning thisaudacious procedure and their design to attack him, the admiral sent hisbrother against them, with orders to endeavour in the first place topersuade them to submission by fair words, but so attended that he mightbe able to oppose them by force if they attempted to attack him. For thispurpose the lieutenant landed with fifty men well armed, and advanced to ahill about a bow-shot from the town in which the rebels had taken up theirquarters, whence he sent the two messengers who had been with them before, requiring the captain of the mutineers to enter into a conference forending all disputes. But they being equal in numbers to the party underthe lieutenant, and almost all seamen, persuaded themselves that those whowere come out against them were weak men and would not fight, and wouldnot therefore permit the messengers to talk with them. They brandishedtheir naked swords and spears calling out tumultuously, Kill! kill! andfell upon the lieutenants party immediately. Six of them had boundthemselves by oath to stick close by each other, and to direct theirunited efforts against the lieutenant alone, being confident of an easyvictory if they succeeded in killing him. But it pleased God that theywere disappointed, for they were so well received that five or six of themfell at the first charge, most of whom were of the party who had sworn toslay the lieutenant. He now charged the rebels so manfully and was so wellseconded by his party, that John Sanchez and John Barba were killed, someothers were brought to the ground by severe wounds, and Francis de Porrastheir captain was made prisoner. Sanchez was the person from whom Quibioescaped in the river of Veragua, and Barba was the first man whom I sawdraw his sword at the breaking out of this rebellion. 

Finding themselves thus unexpectedly overpowered, the mutineers turnedtheir backs and fled as fast as they could. The lieutenant would havepursued; but some of the principal people about him remonstrated, sayingthat it was good to punish, but not to carry severity too far, lest whenhe had killed many of the mutineers the Indians might think fit to fallupon the victors, as they were all in arms waiting the event withouttaking either side. This advice being approved of, the lieutenant returnedto the ships with Porras and the other prisoners, where he was joyfullyreceived by the admiral and those who remained with him, giving God thanksfor the victory in which the guilty had received their just measure ofpunishment, while on our side the lieutenant was slightly wounded in thehand, and one of the gentlemen of the chamber to the admiral had a smallwound in his hip from a spear, of which however he died. 

Peter de Ledisma (that pilot who went with Vincent Yanez to Honduras, andwho so bravely swam on shore at Belem, ) in his flight from the lieutenant, fell down some steep rocks unperceived, where he lay all that day and thenext until evening, unperceived by any except some of the Indians. Theywere amazed to see the terrible gashes which he had received in the fight, having no idea that our swords could cut in such a manner, and opened uphis wounds with little sticks to examine them. One of his wounds was onthe head and the brain was distinctly laid bare; another on his shoulderso large and deep that his arm hung as it were loose; the calf of one legwas so deeply cut that the flesh hung down to his ancle, and one foot wassliced open from the heel to the toe. Yet in this desperate state he wouldthreaten to rise and destroy the Indians when they disturbed him, and theywere so afraid as to fly away in consternation. His situation beingreported at the ships, he was removed to a hut in the neighbourhood, wherethe dampness and the intolerable multitude of gnats were sufficient tohave destroyed him. Yet being properly attended to, although the surgeonfor the first eight days alleged that he discovered new wounds every day, he at last recovered, and the gentleman of the chamber in whom heapprehended no danger, died of his slight wound. 

The day after the battle, 20th of May, all the mutineers who had escapedsent a petition to the admiral, humbly repenting of their disobedience, begging that he would mercifully pardon their past transgression, anddeclaring their readiness to submit to his authority. The admiral grantedtheir request and passed a general pardon, on condition that their captainshould remain a prisoner lest he might stir up another mutiny. And as hethought inconvenience might arise if they were admitted on board the ships, by quarrels among the meaner people, and that it might even be difficultto maintain the whole in one place, he sent out a person in whom he couldconfide to take the command of those who had been in the mutiny, withdirections to go with them about the island and keep them in order tillthe ships came, which he daily expected, and supplied them with asufficient quantity of commodities to exchange for provisions with thenatives. 

The mutineers having all returned to their duty, the Indians became moreregular in their supply of provisions to us in exchange for ourcommodities. We had been some days more than a year at Jamaica when a shiparrived which had been fitted out at St Domingo by James Mendez from theadmirals private funds, in which we all embarked, enemies as well asfriends, and set sail from Jamaica on the 28th of June. Proceeding on ourvoyage with much difficulty on account of the adverse winds and currents, we arrived in great need of rest and refreshment at St Domingo on the 13thof August 1504. The admiral was received with great demonstrations ofhonour and respect by the governor, who lodged him in the palace, yet heset Porras who had headed the mutineers at liberty, and even attempted topunish those who had been instrumental in taking him prisoner, pretendingto arrogate an authority of trying causes and offences which belongedsolely to the jurisdiction of the admiral, who had been appointed by theirCatholic majesties admiral and captain-general of their fleet. Notwithstanding of all this he fawned upon the admiral, using everydemonstration of kindness in his presence, yet acting treacherously inundermining his character and authority; and this lasted all the time weremained at St Domingo. Our own ship being refitted and supplied with allnecessaries for the voyage, and another hired in which the admiral and hiskindred, friends, and servants, embarked, we sailed on the 2d of September, most of the other people who had been along with us in our late disastrousvoyage remaining at St Domingo. We had scarcely got two leagues from theport when the mast of one of the ships came by the board, and wasimmediately sent back by the admiral to refit, while we held on our way inthe other vessel to Spain. 

Having run about a third part of the way, so terrible a storm arose thatour ships were in imminent danger; and next day, 19th of October, when theweather was fair and the ship quite steady the mast flew into four pieces;but by the ingenuity of the admiral who was unable to rise from his bed onaccount of the gout, and by the exertions of the lieutenant, a jury-mastwas constructed out of a spare yard, strengthened with some planks takenfrom the poop and stern, and firmly bound together with ropes. We lost ourforemast in another storm; and yet it pleased God that we arrived safe atthe port of St Lucar de Barrameda, and thence to Seville; where theadmiral took some rest after the many fatigues he had undergone. 

In May 1505 he went to the court of King Ferdinand, the glorious QueenIsabella having in the year before exchanged this life for a better. Herloss was severely felt by the admiral, as she had always favoured andsupported him; whereas the king had proved unkind and adverse to hishonour and interest. This plainly appeared by the reception he met with atcourt; for though King Ferdinand received him with the outward appearanceof favour and respect, and pretended to restore him to his full power, heyet would have stript him of all if shame had not hindered, consideringthe engagements which both he and the queen had come under to him when hewent out upon his last voyage. But the wealth and value of the Indiesappearing every day more obvious, and considering how great a share oftheir produce would accrue to the admiral in virtue of the articles whichhad been granted previous to his discovery, the king was anxious toacquire the absolute dominion to himself, and to have the disposal of allthe employments in the new world according to his own will and pleasure, which by the agreement were in the gift of the admiral as hereditaryviceroy, admiral, and governor-general of the Indies. The king thereforebegan to propose new terms to the admiral by way of equivalent, whichnegociation God did not permit to take effect; for just when Philip thefirst came to reign in the kingdom of Castile, at the time when KingFerdinand went from Valladolid to meet him, the admiral, much broken downby the gout, and troubled to find himself deprived of his rights, wasattacked by other distempers, and gave up his soul to God upon Ascensionday, the 20th of May, 1506, at the city of Valladolid. Before his death hedevoutly partook of the holy sacraments of the church, and these were hislast words "_Into thy hands O Lord! I commend my Spirit. _" And throughhis infinite mercy, we do not question but he was received into glory, towhich may God admit us with him. 

His body was conveyed to Seville, where it was magnificently buried in thecathedral by the order of the Catholic king, and the following epitaph inSpanish was engraven upon his tomb, in memory of his renowned actions andthe great discovery of the Indies. 

 A CASTILIA YA LEON NUEVO MUNDO DIO COLON. 

 _Columbus gave a New World to Castile and Leon. _

These memorable words are worthy of observation, as nothing similar or anyway equivalent can be found either in the ancients or among the moderns. It will therefore be ever had in remembrance, that he was the discovererof the Indies; though since then Ferdinand Cortes and Francis Pizarro havefound out many other provinces and vast kingdoms on the continent. Cortesdiscovered the province of Yucutan and the empire of Mexico now called NewSpain, then possessed by the great emperor _Montezuma_; and FrancisPizarro found out the kingdom of Peru which is of vast extent and full ofendless wealth, which was then under the dominion of the powerful king_Atabalipa_. From these countries and kingdoms there come every year toSpain many ships laden with gold and silver and rich commodities, asBrazil wood, cochineal, indigo, sugar, and other articles of great value, besides pearls and other precious stones: owing to which Spain and itsprinces at this time flourish and abound in wealth beyond all othernations. 

[1] D. Ferdinand is surely mistaken here. Martinico, the island probably indicated by the name of Matinino, is about ten leagues distant from Dominca; but the course from the former to the latter is to the north, with a very alight western tendency. --E. 

[2] Now called Porto Rico. --E. 

[3] He was formerly called Obando; and is named Nicholas de Ovando by Herrera: Perhaps he had a commandary of the above name. --E. 

[4] The historian of Columbus does not appear to have been at all conversant in zoology. What the Saavina was cannot be conjectured from his slight notices, unless a basking shark. The other, no way allied to fish except by living in the water, is a real mammiferous quadruped, the Trichechus Manati of naturalists, or the sea cow. --E. 

[5] The author or his original translator, falls into a great error here. The land first discovered in this voyage was the island of Guanaia off Cape Casinas or Cape Honduras, therefore W. S. W. From Jamaica, not south. Guanaia seems to be the island named Bonaea in our maps, about ten leagues west from the isle of Ratan. --E. 

[6] A blank is left here in the edition of this voyage published by Churchill. --E. 

[7] This is an obvious error, as New Spain is to the west of Cape Casinas, off which the admiral now was. If bounds _for_ New Spain, the canoe must have come from the eastwards; if going with commodities from the westwards it was bound _from_ New Spain. --E. 

[8] The papal authority for subjugating the Indians to the holy church, prevented D. Ferdinand from perceiving either avarice or robbery in the conduct of the Christians. --E. 

[9] It would appear, though not distinctly enunciated, that Columbus had learnt from some of the natives, perhaps from Giumbe, that a great sea lay beyond or to the westwards of this newly discovered continent, by which he imagined he was now in the way to accomplish the original object of his researches, the route westwards to India. --E. 

[10] Now called the Mosquito shore, inhabited by a bold race of savage Indians, whom the Spaniards have never been able to subdue. --E. 

[11] It is utterly impossible that these people could have the smallest idea whatever of the European art of writing. But they might have heard of the Mexican representations of people and things by a rude painting, and of their frequent and distant excursions in quest of human victims to sacrifice upon their savage altars. This may possibly have been the origin of the terror evinced by the inhabitants of Cariari at the sight of the materials of writing, conceiving that the Spaniards were emissaries from the sanguinary Mexicans, and about to record the measure of the tribute in human blood. --E. 

[12] A more charitable construction might be put on all this. The refusal to accept presents, perhaps proceeded from manly pride because their own had been refused. The powder and the smoke might be marks of honour to the strangers, like the rose water and other honorary perfumings of the east. --E. 

[13] The similitude is not obvious, but may have been intended to comprae this mountain with the lofty sharp pinnacle on which the hermitage is built near St Jago de Compostella in Spain. --E. 

[14] This is probably the first time that Europeans had seen tobacco chewed and the use of snuff; practices which have now become almost necessaries of life among many millions of the inhabitants of Europe and its colonies. --E. 

[15] It is probable that the fish, here called pilchards were of one of the kinds of flying fish, which is of the same genus with the herring and pilchard. Voyagers ignorant of natural history are extremely apt to name new objects after corresponding resemblances in their own country. --E. 

[16] This appears to have been near Panama, or the western point of the Gulf of Darien in 78° 40' W. Long. The pilots seem to have been extremely ignorant, and the admiral to have yielded to their importunity. The harbour of St Domingo being in 69° 50' W. Long they ought to have proceeded about nine degrees, or 180 marine leagues farther east, to have insured their run across the trade winds and currents of the Caribbean sea. --E. 

[17] Though not mentioned in the text, this vessel would certainly bring refreshments of various kinds, but was probably too small to bring off the people. Mendez appears to have remained at St Domingo in order to fit out a larger vessel, which he accordingly carried to Jamaica in June, as will be seen in the sequel. --E. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER II. 

ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF AMERCIA, BY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS; FROMTHE HISTORY OF THE WEST INDIES, BY ANTONIO BE HERRERA, HISTORIOGRAPHER TOTHE KING OF SPAIN[1]. 

SECTION I. 

_Of the Knowledge of the Ancients respecting the New World. _

With the generality of mankind, so far from imagining that there could beany such country as the _new world_ or West Indies, the very notion of anysuch thing being supposed to exist was considered as extravagant andabsurd, for every one believed that all to the westwards of the Canaryislands was an immense and unnavigable ocean. Yet some of the ancientshave left hints that such western lands existed. In the close of thesecond act of his tragedy of Medea, Seneca says, "The time will come, whenthe ocean shall become navigable, and a vast land or New World shall bediscovered. " St Gregory, in his exposition of the Epistle of St Clement, says, "There is a new world, or even worlds, beyond the ocean. " We areinformed by other authors, that a Carthaginian merchant ship accidentallydiscovered in the ocean, many days sail from our ancient continent, anincredibly fruitful island, full of navigable rivers, having plenty ofwild beasts, but uninhabited by men, and that the discoverers weredesirous of settling there; but, having given an account of this discoveryto the senate of Carthage, they not only absolutely prohibited any one tosail thither, but put all who had been there to death, the moreeffectually to prevent any others from making the attempt. Yet all this isnothing to the purpose, as there is no authentic memorial of this supposedvoyage, and those who have spoken of it incidentally have given nocosmographical indications of its situation, by means of which the admiralChristopher Columbus, who made the first discovery of the West Indies, could have acquired any information to guide him in that great discovery. Besides, that there were no wild beasts, either in the windward or leewardislands which he discovered, those men who would rob Columbus, in part atleast, of the honour of his great discovery, misapply the followingquotation from the _Timaeus_ of Plato: "There is no sailing upon the ocean, because its entrance is shut up by the Pillars of Hercules. Yet there hadformerly been an island in that ocean, larger than all Europe, Asia, andAfrica in one; and from thence a passage to other islands, for such aswent in search of them, and from these other inlands people might go toall the opposite continent, near the true ocean. " These detractors fromthe honour of Columbus, in explaining the words of Plato after their ownmanner, evince more wit than truth, when they insist that the shut uppassage is the strait of Gibraltar, the gulf the great ocean, the greatisland _Atlantis_, the other islands beyond that the leeward and windwardislands, the continent opposite them the land of Peru, and the true oceanthe great South Sea, so called from its vast extent. It is certain that noone had any clear knowledge of these matters: and what they now allegeconsists merely of notions and guesses, patched together since the actualdiscovery; for the ancients concluded there was no possibility of sailingacross the ocean on account of its vast extent. These men, however, labourto confirm their opinions, by alleging that the ancients possessed muchknowledge of the torrid zone; as they insit that Hano the Carthaginiancoasted round Africa, from the straits of Gibraltar to the Red Sea, andthat Eudoxias navigated in the contrary direction from the Red Sea to theMediterranean. They allege farther, that both Ovid and Pliny make mentionof the island of _Trapobano_, now Zumatra[2] which is under the line. 

All this however is nothing to the purpose. The expression of Seneca isnot applicable; for his proposed discovery is towards the north, whereasours is to the westwards. The coasting of Africa, as said to have beenperformed by the ancients, is widely different from traversing the vastocean, as was accomplished by Columbus, and by the Spaniards after hisexample. If any notice is due to ancient hints, that only is worthy ofobservation which we find in the twenty-eighth chapter of the book of Job, in which it seems predicted that God would keep this new world concealedfrom the knowledge of men, until it should please his inscrutableprovidence to bestow its dominion to the Spaniards. No attention is due tothe opinions of those who would endeavour to establish the Ophir of theScriptures in Peru, and who even allege that it was called Peru at thetime when the holy text was penned. For, neither is that name of Peru soancient, nor does it properly belong to that great country as itsuniversal appellation. It has been a general practice among discoverers toapply names to new found ports and lands, just as occasion offered, oraccident or caprice directed; and accordingly, the Spaniards who made thefirst discovery of that kingdom, applied to it the name of the river theyfirst landed at, or that of the cacique who governed the district. Besides, the similarity of words is too trivial a circumstance on which toestablish a foundation for a superstructure of such importance. The bestinformed and most judicious historians affirm, that Ophir was in the EastIndies: For, if it had been in Peru, Solomons fleet must necessarily haverun past the whole of the East Indies and China, and across the immensePacific ocean, before it could reach the western shore of the new world;which is quite impossible. Nothing can be more certain than that the fleetof Solomon went down the Red Sea; and as the ancients were not acquaintedwith those arts of navigation which are now used, they could not launchout into the ocean to navigate so far from land; neither could thosedistant regions be attained to by a land journey. Besides, we are toldthat they carried from Ophir peacocks and ivory, articles that are not tobe found in the new world. It is therefore believed that it was the islandof Taprobana, from whence all those valuable commodities were carried toJerusalem; and the ancients may have very justly called their discoverythe _new world_, to express its vast extent, because it contained as muchland as was before known, and also because its productions differed somuch from those of our parts of the earth, or the _old world_. Thisexplanation agrees with the expressions of Seneca and St Jerome. 

[1] Churchills Collection, V. 591. All that has been attempted in the present article is to soften the asperity of the language, and to illustrate the text by a few notes where these seemed necessary. --E. 

[2] Trapobana, or rather Taprobana, is assuredly Ceylon, not Sumatra. --E. 

SECTION II. 

_Of the Motives which led Columbus to believe that there were unknownCountries_. 

The admiral Christopher Columbus had many reasons for being of opinionthat there were new lands which might be discovered. Being a greatcosmographer, and well skilled in navigation, he considered that theheavens were circular, moving round the earth, which in conjunction withthe sea, constitute a globe of two elements, and that all the land thatwas then known could not comprise the whole earth, but that a great partmust have still remained undiscovered. The measure of the circumference ofthe earth being 360 degrees, or 6300 leagues, allowing 17 leagues to thedegree, must be all inhabited, since God hath not created it to lie waste. Although many have questioned whether there were land or water about thepoles, still it seemed requisite that the earth should bear the sameproportion to the water towards the antarctic pole, which it was known tohave at the arctic. He concluded likewise that all the five zones of theearth were inhabited, of which opinion he was the more firmly persuadedafter he had sailed into 75 degrees of north latitude. He also concludedthat, as the Portuguese had sailed to the southwards, the same might bedone to the westwards, where in all reason land ought to be found: Andhaving collected all the tokens that had been observed by mariners, whichmade for his purpose, he became perfectly satisfied that there were manylands to the westwards of Cabo Verde and the Canaries, and that it waspracticable to sail over the ocean for their discovery; because, since theworld is round, all its parts must necessarily be so likewise. All theearth is so fixed that it can never fail; and the sea, though shut in bythe land, preserves its rotundity, without ever falling away, beingpreserved in its position by attraction towards the centre of gravity. Bythe consideration of many natural reasons, and by perceiving that notabove the third part of a great circle of the sphere was discovered, beingthe extent eastwards from Cabo Verde to the farthest then known land ofIndia, he concluded that there remained much room for farther discoveriesby sailing to the westwards, till they should come to meet with thoselands then known, the ends whereof to the eastwards had not been yetexplored. In this opinion he was much confirmed by his friend Martin deBohemia[1], a Portuguese and an able cosmographer, a native of the islandof Fayal. 

Many other circumstances concurred to encourage Columbus in the mightyenterprize of discovery towards the west, by discoursing with those whoused to sail to the westwards, particularly to the islands of the Azores. In particular, Martin Vincente assured him, that, having been on oneoccasion 450 leagues to the westwards of Cape St Vincent, he took up apiece of wood which was very artificially wrought, and yet was supposednot to have been fashioned with tools of iron: And, because the wind hadblown many days from the west, he inferred that this piece of wood musthave drifted from some land in that direction. Peter Correa, who hadmarried the sister of Columbuses wife, likewise assured him, that he hadseen another piece of wood similarly wrought, which had been drifted bythe west winds upon the island of Puerto Santo; and that canes also hadbeen floated thither, of such a size that every joint could contain agallon of liquor. Columbus had farther heard mention made of these canesby the king of Portugal, who had some of them, which he ordered to beshewn to the admiral, who concluded that they must have been drifted fromIndia by the west wind, more especially as there are none such in Europe. He was the more confirmed in this opinion, as Ptolemy, in the 17th chapterof the first book of his cosmography, describes such canes as being foundin India. He was likewise informed by some of the inhabitants of theAzores, that when the wind continued long and violent from the west andnorth-west, the sea used to throw pine trees on the coasts of the isles ofGracioso and Fayal, in which no trees of that sort grew. The sea once casttwo dead bodies on the coast of Flores, having very broad faces, and quitedifferent features from those of the Christians. Two canoes were seen atanother time, having several articles in them, which might have beendriven out to sea by the force of the wind while passing from one islandto another, and thence to the Azores. Anthony Leme, who had married inMadeira, declared that he once run a considerable way to the westwards ofthat island in his caravel, and fancied that he saw three islands; andmany of the inhabitants of Gomera, Hierro, and the Azores, affirmed thatthey every year saw islands to the westwards. These were considered byColumbus as the same with those mentioned by Pliny in his Natural History, where he says, "That the sea to the northwards cuts off some pieces ofwoods from the land; and the roots being very large, they drift on thewater like floats, and looked at a distance like islands. "

In the year 1484, an inhabitant of the island of Madeira asked permissionfrom the king of Portugal to go upon the discovery of a country, which hedeclared he saw every year exactly in the same position, agreeable to whathad been reported by the people of the Azores. On these accounts, theancient sea-charts laid down certain islands in these seas, which theycalled _Antilla_, and placed them about 200 leagues west from the Canariesand Azores; which the Portuguese believed to be the island of the SevenCities, the fame of which has occasioned many to commit great folly fromcovetousness, by spending much money to no purpose. The story is, thatthis island of the Seven Cities was peopled by those who fled from thepersecution of the infidels, when Spain was conquered by the Moors, in thereign of king Roderick; when seven bishops embarked with a great number ofpeople, and arrived in that island, where they burnt their ships toprevent any one from thinking to return, and each of the bishops built aseparate city for his flock. It was reported, that in the days of PrinceHenry of Portugal, one of his ships was driven by a storm upon that island, where the natives carried the sailors to church, to see whether they wereChristians observing the Roman ceremonies; and, finding them to be so, desired them to remain till their lord should come; but, fearing theymight burn their ship and detain them, the Portuguese returned wellpleased into Portugal; expecting a considerable reward from the prince. He, however, reproved them for bringing so imperfect an account, and orderedthem to return; which the master and sailors dared not attempt, but leftthe kingdom, and were never more heard of. It is added, that these sailors, while in the island of the Seven Cities, gathered some sand for theircookroom, which turned out to be partly gold. Some adventurers fromPortugal, allured by this report, went out for the purpose of prosecutingthis discovery, one of whom was James de Tiene, and the pilot was JamesVelasquez of Palos. This man affirmed to Columbus, at the monastery of StMaria de Rabida, that they took a departure from Fyal, and sailed 150leagues to the south-west, and at their return discovered the island ofFlores, following many birds flying in that direction, which they knewwere not water-fowl. He next said, that they sailed so far to thenorth-west, that Cape Clare of Ireland bore east of them; where they foundthe west wind blowing hard, yet with a smooth sea, which they believed wasoccasioned by the nearness of some land sheltering the sea from theviolence of the wind; but that they dared not to proceed on their voyage, it being then the month of August, and they feared the approach of winter. This is said to have happened forty years before Columbus discovered theWest Indies. 

A sailor belonging to Port St Mary affirmed, that in a voyage to Irelandhe saw a country to the westward, which he imagined to have been Tartary;but which has since turned out to be _Bacallaos_, being a part of Canada, but could not attain the coast by reason of stormy weather[2]. Peter deVelasco of Galicia declared, that, in a voyage to Ireland, he stood so farto the northward that he saw land west from that island. Vincent Diaz, aPortuguese pilot of Tavira, said that one morning, on his return fromGuinea, he thought he saw an island under the parallel of Madeira. Diazdiscovered the secret to a merchant, who procured the leave of the king ofPortugal to fit out a ship for the discovery, and sent advice to hisbrother Francis de Cazana to fit out one at Seville, and put it under thecommand of Diaz. But Francis Cazana refusing, Diaz returned to Tercera, where he procured a ship, with the assistance of Luke de Cazana, and wentout two or three times above an hundred leagues to the west, but foundnothing. To these may be added, the attempts made by Caspar and Michael deCortereal, sons to him who discovered the island of Tenera; but they werelost in searching for this land. Yet all these particulars contributed toencourage Columbus to undertake the enterprise; for, when Providence hasdecreed the accomplishment of any thing, it disposes the means, andprovides the proper instruments. 

[1] This is the person usually called Behain. --E. 

[2] Rather Newfoundland. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_Columbus proposes his Design to the King and Queen of Spain; which, aftermany Repulses, is adopted by the Queen_[1]. 

The reason why Columbus gave the name of Indies to those new foundcountries, was on purpose to excite the princes he had to deal with tofall into his proposals, as he proposed to find gold, silver, and pearls, and those drugs and spices which are not produced in our countries, andtherefore he concluded, that his discoveries might vie with the EastIndies, give reputation to his design, and add weight to his proposals. Besides, it was his design to discover the east by way of the west; and asthe East Indies lay in the remotest part of the east, going eastwards, which he meant to discover in a western course, it might well be calledIndia. After the actual discovery, and when both New Spain and Peru werefound out, the name was made plural, and the new world was called the WestIndies. These West Indies are the countries comprehended within the limitsassigned to the crown of Castile and Leon, consisting of one hemisphere, or half the globe, being 180 degrees of longitude. These limits commencedat a meridian, 30 or 40 degrees westwards from that of the city of Toledo, and proceeded from thence to the west; so that allowing 17-1/2 leagues toa degree, this allotment contains 3700 Spanish leagues in breadth, betweeneast and west[2]. 

Columbus, whom the Spaniards call Colon, to adapt his name to theirlanguage, was born in Genoa, his fathers name being Dominick. As to theoriginal of his family, some derive it from Placentia, others from Cucureo, a town on the coast near that city, others from the lords of the castle ofCucaro, in Montferrat, near Alexandria de la Pagla. In 940, the EmperorOtho II. Confirmed to the brothers and earls, Peter, John, and AlexanderColumbus, the real and feudal estates which they possessed in theliberties of the cities of Aqui, Savona, Asti, Montferrat, Turin, Vercelli, Parma, Cremona, and Bergamo, with all the rest they held in Italy. Byother records, it appears that the Columbi of Cucaro, Cucureo, andPlacentia, were the same; and that the before-mentioned emperor granted, in the same year 940, to the same three brothers, the castles of Cucaro, Cowzana, Rosignano, and others, with the fourth part of Bistagno, whichbelonged to the empire. This sufficiently demonstrates the antiquity andimportance of the family. When very young, Christopher Columbus came intoSpain, or Portugal rather, to seek his fortune like other men. He theremarried Donna Philippa Moniz de Perestrello, by whom he had one son, DonJames Columbus; and afterwards, by a second wife, Donna Beatrix Henriquezof the city of Cordova, he had another son, Don Ferdinand Columbus, agentleman excellently qualified and well learned. 

Being entirely convinced that there were new lands to discover, which hehad been long revolving in his mind, he at length determined to attemptcarrying his design into execution; but knowing that such an undertakingwas fit only for some sovereign prince or state, he made the proposal, inthe first place, to the republic of Genoa, where it was looked upon as achimera. He then communicated his design to John II. Of Portugal, who gavehim a favourable hearing, but was so much occupied with the discoveriesalong the western coast of Africa, that he was unwilling to engage inanother enterprize of so much importance. King John, however, referred thematter to three persons on whom he placed great reliance in mattersrelating to cosmography and discovery; one of these was Don James Ortez, bishop of Ceuta who was a Spaniard, born at Calzadilla in the commandaryof St Jago, and commonly called the Doctor Calzadilla; the other two wereRoderick and Joseph, two Jewish physicians. These persons pretended toconsider the design of Columbus as wild and impracticable; yet, afterhearing his reasonings, and an account of the course he proposed to steer, they advised the king to send out a caravel upon the discovery, giving outthat it was destined for Cabo Verde. This was done accordingly, and thevessel went many leagues to the westwards; but, encountering severe storms, it returned without effecting any discovery, and holding out the notionsof Columbus to ridicule. He, not ignorant of this underhand dealing, wasmuch offended, and his wife being dead, he took a great aversion toPortugal, and resolved upon going into Spain to offer his schemes at thatcourt. Lest he might be treated there as he had been in Portugal, he senthis brother Bartholomew Columbus into England, where Henry VII. Thenreigned. But Bartholomew spent much time by the way, being taken bypirates; and after his release and arrival in England, he had to stay along time before he learnt how to solicit the affair with which he wasentrusted. In the mean time, Don Christopher Columbus departed privatelyfrom Portugal in 1484 for Andalusia, knowing that the king of Portugal wassensible that his scheme was well grounded, and was satisfied the peopleof the caravel had not done their duty, so that he still inclined toconsult farther respecting the enterprize. Columbus landed at Palos deMoguer, whence he went to the court of Ferdinand and Isabella, orElizabeth, king and queen of Spain, then at Cordova, leaving his son Jamesin the monastery of Rabida, half a league from Palos, under the care ofJohn Perez de Marchena, the father guardian of that house, who was learnedin humanity, and had some skill in cosmography. 

On his arrival at Cordova, Columbus made known the object of his journey, and found most encouragement from Alonso de Quintanilla comptroller ofCastile, a wise man and fond of great undertakings, who, finding Columbusa man of worth and merit, invited him to his table, without which he couldnot have subsisted during his tedious solicitation. After some time, theirCatholic majesties, so far listened to the proposal, as to refer it toFerdinand de Talavera, prior of Prado, and confessor to the queen, whoafterwards became the first Christian archbishop of Granada. Columbus wascalled before an assembly of cosmographers, of whom there were few then inSpain, and those none of the ablest; and besides the admiral was unwillingto explain himself too unreservedly, lest he might be served as already inPortugal; wherefore the result of this consultation was adverse to hisexpectations and wishes. Some said, that as there had been so many personswell skilled in maritime affairs in all ages of the world, who neverdreamt of those lands which Columbus endeavoured to persuade them heshould find, it was not to be imagined that he was wiser than all who hadgone before his time. Others alleged that the world was so large, that itwould require a voyage of three years at least, to reach those farthestparts of the east to which Columbus proposed to sail; and quoted Seneca inconfirmation of their opinion, who says, "That wise men were dividedwhether the ocean might not be of infinite extent, so that it would beimpossible to sail across its bounds; and, even if navigable, it wasquestionable if there were any inhabited land beyond, or if there were apossibility of going to such a distance. " They farther alleged that noother part of our globe was inhabited, except that small parcel whichexisted above the water in our hemisphere, all the rest being sea: Yetthey conceded, that, if it were found practicable to go from Spain to thefarthest parts of the world eastwards, it must likewise be granted, thesame might be done by a western course. Others contended, that shouldColumbus sail directly westwards, it would be impossible for him ever toget back to Spain, owing to the rotundity of the globe; for, whoevershould go beyond the hemisphere known to Ptolemy, must necessarily descendso much that it would be impracticable to return, which in that case wouldbe like climbing up a steep mountain. Although Columbus answered all theirobjections, they could not comprehend his reasonings, and the assemblydeclared his project to be vain and impracticable, and unbecoming themajesty of such mighty princes to be undertaken on such trivialinformation. Thus, after much time spent in vain, their Catholic majestiesordered Columbus to be informed, that, being engaged in several wars, particularly in the conquest of Granada, they could not then venture uponother expences; but, when that was over, they would again examine thematter; and so dismissed him. 

Having received this mortifying answer, Columbus went away to Seville, much discontented, after having spent five years at court to no purpose. He then had his project made known to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and assome say, to the Duke of Medina Celi likewise; and being rejected by them, he wrote to the king of France on the subject, and intended, if rejectedby the French court, to have gone over himself into England in search ofhis brother, from whom he had not heard of a long while. Having formedthis resolution, he went to the monastery of Rabida, intending to placehis son in Cordova during his absence; and, having discovered the natureof his designs to Father J. Perez de Marchena, it pleased God that thefather guardian prevailed on him to postpone his journey. Associating withhimself Garcia Hernandez a physician, Perez and he conferred with Columbuson the matter; and Hernandez being a philosopher, was much pleased at theproposed discovery. Whereupon Father John Perez, who was known to thequeen as having sometimes heard her confession, wrote to her majesty onthe subject, and received orders to repair to court, then at the new cityof Santa Fe before Granada, and to leave Columbus at Palos, with some hopeof being successful. When John Perez had discoursed with the queen, sheordered 20, 000 _maravedies_[3] to be carried by James Prieto to Columbusat Palos, to enable him to return to court. 

On his coming back, the prior of Prado, and the others who were joinedwith him in commission, were still averse from the undertaking; andbesides, as Columbus demanded high conditions, among which were to havethe titles of admiral and viceroy over all his discoveries, they thoughthe required too much in case of success, and that such a grant would seemdishonourable in case of failure. The treaty was therefore again entirelybroken off, and Columbus resolved to go away to Cordova, in order toproceed for France, being positive not to go to Portugal on any account. Alonzo de Quintanilla, and Lewis de Santangel, who was clerk of the greencloth to the crown of Arragon, were much concerned that this enterprizeshould be laid aside, and at their request, and that of John Perez, DonPedro Gonzalez de Mendoza heard what Columbus had to say on the subject, with which he was well pleased, valuing him as a man of worth. But theadverse party still objected that Columbus ventured nothing of his own onthis discovery, requiring to be made admiral of a fleet by their Catholicmajesties, while it would be no loss to him even if the enterprize shouldfail. To this he answered, that he would be at an eighth part of theexpence, provided he were entitled to a proportional share in the profits. Yet nothing was concluded; whereupon Columbus left the city of Santa Fe inJanuary 1492, in great perplexity, on his way for Cordova. That same day, Lewis de Santangel represented to the queen, that he was astonished she, who had ever shewn much genius for great undertakings, should here failwhere so much might be gained, and so very little could be put to hazard;and, should the enterprise be undertaken by any other prince, as Columbusaffirmed it would, her majesty might easily see how great an injury thiswould prove to her crown, especially as Columbus seemed a person of worth, and required no reward but what he should find, venturing even his ownperson, and part of the charges. He farther urged that the thing was by nomeans of an impracticable nature, as represented by the cosmographers, norought the attempt to be considered as indiscreet, even if it should notsucceed. Besides, that Columbus only demanded a million of maravedies[4]to fit himself out for the expedition; and he therefore earnestlyentreated that so small a sum might not obstruct so great an enterprize. At the same time, the queen was much importuned by Alonzo de Quintanilla, who had great credit with her majesty; she thanked them for their advice, and said she would willingly embrace it, when she had a little recoveredfrom the expence of the war; or, if they thought it necessary to proceedimmediately, she was willing to have the money raised by pawning some ofher jewels. Quintanilla and Santangel kissed her hand, and expressed theirthanks that her majesty had been pleased to listen to their advice, afterthe matter had been refused by the counsel of so many others; andSantangel offered to lend the sum required out of his own money. All thisbeing settled, an alguazil or messenger was dispatched after Columbus, with orders from the queen for his return. The messenger overtook him atthe bridge of Pinos, two leagues from Granada; and, though much concernedto have been so much slighted, he returned to the city of Santa Fe, wherehe was well received, and the secretary, John Coloma, was ordered toprepare the contract and instructions, after he had spent eight years, with much vexation and uneasiness, in soliciting to have his projectundertaken. 

[1] We have here omitted two sections of very uninteresting cosmographical observations on the antipodes, the torrid zone, the climate of the Western hemisphere, and the peopling of America. --E. 

[2] The author or translator has here committed a material arithmetical error; as 180 degrees, multiplied by 17-1/2, only produce 3150 leagues. --E. 

[3] This sum does not much exceed ten pounds of our present money; yet in these days was thought a gift worthy of a queen. --Churchill. 

 The value of money must then have been much greater than now, perhaps ten times; in which case this supply may have been equal to about 22 hundred guineas in effective value. --E. 

[4] This is little above L. 520 of our money, according to the present computation. --Churchill. 

 Probably equal in effective value to L. 5200 in the present time. --E. 

SECTION IV. 

_Conditions granted to Columbus by the Crown of Castile, and an Account ofhis first Voyage, in which he discovered the New World. _

Columbus and the Secretary Coloma conferred together upon the conditions, which he had demanded from the beginning, and they at length agreed to thefollowing articles, which were signed on the 17th April 1492. 

1. Their Catholic majesties, as sovereigns of the ocean, do from this timeconstitute Don Christopher Columbus their admiral, throughout all thoseislands or continents, that by his means shall be discovered and conqueredin the said ocean, for the term of his life, and after his death to hisheirs and successors for ever, with all the immunities and prerogativesbelonging to the said office, in the same manner as they have been enjoyedby their admiral, Don Alonso Enriquez, and his predecessors, within theirliberties. 

2. Their highnesses do constitute and appoint the said D. C. Columbustheir viceroy and governor-general of all the islands or continents, which, as has been said, he shall discover and conquer in the said seas; and thathe shall nominate three persons for the government of each of them, ofwhom their highnesses shall choose one. 

3. Their highnesses grant to the said D. C. Columbus, the tenth part ofall commodities whatsoever, whether pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spice, or any other, bought, bartered, found, taken, or otherwise had, within the limits of the said admiralty, the charges being first deducted;so that he shall take to himself the said tenth part, to use, enjoy, anddispose of at his pleasure. 

4. In case any controversies shall arise on account of the commodities hemay bring from the said islands or countries, so conquered or discoveredas aforesaid, or on account of those here taken of other merchants inexchange for these, in the place where the said trade shall be settled; ifit shall belong of right to the admiral to try such causes, he shall beallowed to do so by himself or deputy, as was allowed to the admiral DonAlonso Enriquez, and his predecessors, within their districts. 

5. It shall be lawful for the said D. C. Columbus, whenever any ships arefitted out for the aforesaid trade, to contribute the eighth part of thecargo, and accordingly to receive the eighth part of all the produce inreturn. 

These articles were signed in the city of Santa Fe, in the plain ofGranada; with which, and with the before-mentioned sum of money, hedeparted from that place on the 12th of May, and leaving his sons atschool in Cordova, he went himself to the port of Palos, in order toexpedite the preparations for his voyage, very few of the persons at courtbelieving that he would perform what he had promised. Their Catholicmajesties having strictly enjoined him not to touch at Guinea, nor to comewithin an hundred leagues of the Portuguese conquests, gave him letterspatent to all kings and princes in the world, requiring them to receive, honour, and relieve him as their admiral. He chose Palos, as a place wherethere were many experienced seamen, and because he had friends among them;as also for the sake of John Perez de Marchena, who greatly assisted himin this affair, by disposing the minds of the seamen to accompany him, asthey were very unwilling to venture upon an unknown voyage. He had ordersfor the town of Palos to furnish him with two caravels, with which thatplace was obliged to serve the crown during three months of every year. Hefitted out a third vessel as admiral, which he called the _St Mary_. Thesecond was named the _Pinta_, commanded by Martin Alonso Pinzon, havinghis brother, Francis Martinez Pinzon as master or pilot; and the third, _La Vinna_, which had latine or triangular sails, was commanded by VincentYanez Pinzon, who was both captain and pilot. This person advanced half amillion of maravedies, for the eighth part of the charges of theexpedition[1], the family of the Pinzons being of the first rank in Palos, very wealthy, and excellent sailors; the common mariners, through theirexample and influence, became willing to engage in the voyage, which atfirst they were much averse from. 

The vessels being ready for sea, were supplied with provisions for oneyear, and took on board a complement of ninety men, most of whom wereinhabitants of Palos, except some friends of Columbus, and a few servantsof the court. They set sail half an hour before sun-rise on the 3d ofAugust 1492, going over the bar of the river Saltes, on which Palos issituated, and directing their course for the Canaries; the whole crews ofall the three vessels, after the example of Columbus, having previouslymade confession of their sins, and partaken of the holy sacrament. On thevery next day, the rudder of the caravel Pinta, which Martin Alonso Pinzoncommanded, broke loose; which was suspected to have happened by thecontrivance of Gomez Rascon and Christopher Quintero, her owners, andserving as seamen on board, because they went on the voyage against theirinclination, and had endeavoured to throw obstacles in its way beforesetting out. This obliged the Pinto to lie to, and the admiral made up tothe caravel, though he could not give any aid, on purpose to encourage themen. Martin Alonso Pinzon being an experienced seaman, soon fastened therudder in such a manner with ropes as enabled her to continue the voyage:But on the Tuesday following, it broke loose again through the violence ofthe waves, and the whole of the small squadron was forced to lie to. Thisearly misfortune might have discouraged a superstitious person, moreespecially considering the refractory conduct of M. A. Pinzon afterwards. The rudder was again made fast as well as they could; and, continuingtheir voyage, they discovered the Canaries about day-break of the 11th ofAugust. After endeavouring for two days to reach Gran Canaria, and alwaysbaffled by contrary winds, Martin Alonso was left with orders to proceedto land as soon as he could, to endeavour to procure another ship, and theadmiral went with the other two to Gomera with the same view. Not findingany vessel for his purpose, he returned to Gran Canaria, where he got anew rudder for the Pinta, and had her sails changed from latine ortriangular, into square, that she might labour less, and be able moresafely to keep up with the others. Leaving Gran Canaria on the afternoonof the 1st September, he returned to Gomera, where he took in a supply offlesh, and wood and water, with great haste in the course of four days; ashe had heard of some Portuguese caravels cruising in those parts tointercept him, the king of Portugal being much concerned to learn thatColumbus had agreed with their Catholic majesties, by which he had missedthe opportunity of aggrandizing his own crown. 

On Thursday the 6th of September, Columbus took his final departure fromGomera, standing to the westwards in quest of his proposed discovery, andmade but little way for want of wind: Yet they lost sight of land next day, when many bewailed their state with sighs and tears, believing they werenever more to see land; but Columbus did all in his power to raise theirhopes, by the promise of success, and of acquiring wealth. That day theyran eighteen leagues, while the admiral gave out they had only advancedfifteen; thinking it prudent to reckon the voyage short, on purpose tolessen the apprehensions of the seamen. On the 11th of September, being150 leagues to the westwards of Ferro, they saw a mast floating on the sea, that seemed to have been drifted by the current, which a little farther on, they found setting very rapidly to the northwards. On the 14th September, being 50 leagues more to the west, the admiral, about night-fall, perceived the needle to vary a point westwards, and somewhat more earlynext morning. This variation had never been observed before, and thereforeastonished the admiral greatly; and still more so, three days after, whenhe had advanced 100 leagues farther to the westwards, on finding theneedle to vary two points in the evening, and to point directly north nextmorning. On the night of Saturday the 15th September, being then near 300leagues west from Ferro, they saw a flame of fire drop into the sea, fouror five leagues S. W. From the ships, the weather being then calm, the seasmooth, and the current setting to the N. E. The people in the Ninna saidthey had seen some water-wagtails on the day before, at which they muchadmired, considering that these birds never go above fifteen or twentyleagues from land. On the next day, they were still more surprised atseeing some spots of green and yellow weeds on the surface of the sea, which seemed newly broken off from some island or rock. On Monday the 17th, they saw much more, and many concluded they were near land, moreespecially as a live grasshopper was seen on the weeds. Others of thecompanies alleged these weeds might come from banks or rocks under water, and the people, beginning to be afraid, muttered against the prosecutionof the voyage. They now perceived that the water was not more than half assalt as usual, and that night they saw many tunny fishes, which followedso near the ships that a man belonging to the Ninna killed one with aharpoon. In the morning the air was temperate and delightful, like theApril weather of Andalusia. When about 360 leagues westwards of Ferro, another water-wagtail was seen; and on Tuesday the 18th September, MartinAlonso Pinzon, being before in the Pinta which was an excellent sailer, lay to for the admiral, and reported that he had seen a numerous flock ofbirds flying westwards, from which he had hopes of discovering land thatnight, at about fifteen leagues to the northwards, and even fancied he hadseen it: But the admiral did not credit this, and would not lose time bydeviating from his course in search of the supposed land, though all thepeople were much inclined to have made the attempt. That night the windfreshened, when they had sailed eleven days always before the wind to thewest, without ever having to handle a sail. During the whole course, theadmiral constantly noted down every circumstance; as the winds, the fishes, birds, and other tokens of land, and continually kept a good look out, frequently trying for soundings. 

[1] This is about L. 260. --Churchill

 Equal to about L. 2600 of our present money in effective value: But is difficult to conceive how the eighth part of this small armament should require so large a sum, which would extend the total amount to L. 2080 of solid money, equal in efficacy to L. 20, 800 in our times: and, besides the crown had advanced L. 520, equally to L. 5200, as its contribution for seven eighths. --E

SECTION V. 

_Continuation of the Voyage; the signs of approaching land; the peoplemutiny, and the Admiral endeavours to appease them. _

Being altogether unacquainted with the voyage, and seeing nothing but skyand water for so many days, the people began to mutter among themselves, as thinking their situation desperate, and anxiously looked out for signsof land, no one having ever been so far out at sea as they then were. OnWednesday 19th September, a sea gull came on board the admiral, and othersappeared in the evening; which raised their hopes of land, believing thesebirds did not fly far out to sea. Throwing the lead with a line of 200fathoms, no ground was found, but the current was found setting to the S. W. On Thursday the 20th two more gulls were seen; some time after they took ablack bird, having a white spot on its crown and feet like a duck; theykilled a small fish, and sailed over large quantities of weeds. From allwhich tokens the people began to pluck up fresh courage. Next morning, three small land birds settled on the rigging of the admiral, where theycontinued singing till the sun rose, when they flew away. Thisstrengthened their hopes of land; as, though the other birds might ventureout to sea, those small birds could not as they thought, go far from land. Some time after, a gull was seen flying from W. N. W. Next afternoon awater-wagtail and another gull, and more weeds to the northwards, whichencouraged them in the belief that they came from some land not far off. Yet these very weeds troubled them, as they were sometimes in such thickspots as to impede the way of the ships, and they therefore avoided themas much as possible. Next day they saw a whale, and on the 22d Septembersome birds. During three days the winds were from the S. W. Which, thoughcontrary, the admiral said were a good sign, because the ships havinghitherto sailed always before the wind, the men believed they would neverhave a fair wind to return with. Notwithstanding every encouragement thatthe admiral could devise, the men grew mutinous and slighted him, railingagainst the king for sending them on such a voyage; while he sometimesendeavoured to sooth them with hopes, and at other times threatened themwith the punishment they might look for from the king, for their cowardiceand disobedience. On the 23d, the wind sprung up at W. N. W. With a roughsea, which pleased every one; at nine in the morning a turtle-dove flewathwart the admiral; in the afternoon a gull and other white birds, andgrasshoppers were seen among the weeds. Next day another gull was seen, and turtle-doves came from the westwards; some small fishes also were seen, which were killed with harpoons, as they would not take bait. 

All these tokens of land proving vain, the fears of the men increased, andthey now began to mutter openly that the admiral proposed to make himselfgreat at the expence of their lives; and, having now done their duty byventuring farther than any men had ever done before, they ought not toseek their own destruction by sailing onwards to no purpose; for, if theyshould expend all their provisions, they would have none to serve them onthe homeward voyage; and the vessels, being already crazy, would neverhold out; so that no one would blame them for returning, and they would bethe more readily believed at home, as the admiral had met with muchopposition at court. Some even went the length of proposing to throw himoverboard, to end all controversy, and to give out that he had fallenaccidentally into the sea while observing the stars. Thus the men inclinedmore and more to mutiny from day to day, which greatly perplexed Columbus;who sometimes soothed them with fair words, and at other times curbedtheir insolence with menaces; often enumerating the increasing signs ofland, and assuring them they would soon find a wonderfully rich country, where all their toils would be amply rewarded. They thus continued so fullof care and trouble that every day seemed a year, till on Tuesday the 29thSeptember, Vincent Yannez Pinzon, while conversing with Columbus, calledout _Land! Land!_ "Sir, I demand my reward for this news. " He then pointedto the S. W. And shewed something that looked like an island, about 25leagues from the ships. Though this was afterwards believed to have been aconcerted matter between the admiral and him, yet it was then so pleasingto the men that they gave thanks to God; and the admiral pretended tobelieve it till night, steering his course in that direction to please themen. 

Next morning, what seemed land turned out only clouds or a fog bank, whichoften looks like land; and with much discontent the course was againaltered due west, and so continued while the wind was favourable. This day, Wednesday 26th, they saw a gull, a water-wagtail, and other birds. Nextmorning another gull flew past from the west towards the east, and theysaw many fishes called _dorados_, or gilt-heads, some of which were struckwith harpoons. Another water-wagtail passed very near the ships; and thecurrents were observed not to run in so strong a body as before, but tochange with the tides; and there were fewer weeds. Friday 28th September, they saw many dorados, and on Saturday a water-wagtail, which is a speciesof sea bird that never rests, but perpetually pursues the gulls till theymute for fear, which the other catches in the air. Of these there aregreat numbers about the Cape Verde islands. Soon after many gulls appeared, and numbers of flying fishes. In the afternoon, many weeds were seenstretching from north to south, also three gulls and a water-wagtailpursuing them. The men constantly allowed that the weeds were a sign ofnear land, but alleged that it was under water. On Sunday 30th September, four water-wagtails came near the admiral at once, from which it wasconcluded the land could not be far off. Many weeds appeared in a linefrom W. N. W. To E. S. E; likewise many of those fishes which are calledemperors, having a hard skin, and not good eating. Though the admiralcarefully noted all these circumstances, he ceased not to observe theheavens. He perceived that the needles varied two points at night-fall, and returned due north in the morning, which much perplexed the pilots;till he told them this proceeded from the north star moving round the pole, with which gratuitous explanation they were partly satisfied, for thishitherto unusual variation at such a distance from land, made them fearfulof some unknown danger. 

On Monday the 1st October, at day-break a gull was seen, and some othersbefore noon resembling bitterns; and the weeds now set from east to west. Many now feared they might come to some place where the land was soclosely beset with weeds that they might stick fast among them and perish. This morning the pilot told Columbus that they were 588 leagues to thewest of Ferro; but the admiral answered that they were only 584, thoughhis reckoning was actually 707. On the Wednesday following, the pilot ofthe Ninna reported his westing to be 650 leagues; and he of the Pinta 630;in all of which they had reckoned short, having sailed right before thewind, but Columbus refrained from setting them right, lest he mightincrease the dismay of the people, by letting them know how far they werefrom land. On the 2d October, they killed a tunny and saw many other sorts, as also a white bird and many grey ones, and the weeds looked withered, asif almost reduced to powder. No birds appearing next day, they fearedhaving passed some island unseen, supposing all the birds that appeared tohave been passing from one island to another, and the men were eager tochange their course to one hand or the other; but Columbus did not chooseto lose the advantage of the wind, which served for a due west course, which he particularly wished, and he thought it would lessen hisreputation to sail up and down in search of land, which he always assertedhe was certain to find. On this the men again mutinied, which was notwonderful, considering that so many were led by one of whom they had solittle knowledge, and that they had already sailed long on so vast anocean, seeing nothing but sky and water, without knowing what might be theend of all their labours. But it pleased God to show fresh signs of land, by which they were somewhat appeased; for, in the afternoon of the 4thOctober, they saw above forty sparrows and two gulls, which came so closeto the ships that a sailor killed one with a stone; likewise many flyingfishes were seen, some of which fell upon the decks of the ships. Next day, a gull, a water-wagtail, and many sparrows appeared to the westwards nearthe ships. On Sunday the 7th October, some signs of land appeared to thewestwards, yet none durst say so, lest they might forfeit the annuity of10, 000 maravedies, which had been promised to him who first saw land; andit was provided that whoever should pretend to see the land, if hisdiscovery were not verified in three days, should be ever after excludedfrom the reward, even though he should actually make the discovery in thesequel. Yet those in the Ninna, which was a-head of the rest, being thebest sailer, were so sure of seeing land that they fired a gun and shewedtheir colours as a signal to that effect; but the more they advanced, theappearances became the less, and at length vanished away. In thisdisconsolate condition, it pleased God again to comfort them with theflights of many birds, and among them some which were certainly land birds, and which made for the south west. Upon this, concluding he could not nowbe far from land, Columbus altered his course from west to south-west;alleging the difference was not great, and that the Portuguese haddiscovered most of their lands by following the flight of birds, and thatthose he now followed took the very direction in which he had alwaysexpected to find the land. He added that he had always told them he didnot expect to find the land till he had sailed 750 leagues westward of theCanaries, where he expected to find the island of Cipango, and mustcertainly have been upon it by this time; but knowing it to stretch northand south, he had not turned southwards lest he might get foul of it; yethe now believed it to lie among other islands towards the left, in thedirection these birds flew; and since they were so numerous, the land mustneeds be near. On Monday the 8th October, about a dozen small birds ofseveral different colours came to the ship, and hovering a while about it, afterwards flew away, and many others were seen flying to the south-west. On the same evening, many large birds were seen, and flocks of small birds, all coming from the northward, and many tunnies were seen. Next morning agull and some ducks, with many small birds were seen, all flying in thesame direction with the former; besides, the air became more fresh andfragrant, as at Seville in April. But the men were now so anxious for land, and so vexed at the frequent disappointment of their hopes, that theyregarded none of these tokens; though, on Wednesday the 10th, many birdswere seen both by day and night; yet neither the encouraging promises ofthe admiral, nor his upbraiding their cowardice, could allay their fears, or inspire them with any confidence of ultimate success. 

SECTION VI

_Admiral Columbus discovers the Island of San Salvador, the Conception, Ferdinandina, Isabella, and others; with a Description of these islands, and some account of the Natives_. 

It pleased God, when Columbus was no longer able to withstand thediscontents and mutinous spirit of his men, that in the afternoon ofThursday the 11th of October 1492, he was comforted by manifest tokens ofapproaching land. A green rush was seen to float past his own ship, and agreen fish of that kind which is known to be usually near rocks. Those ofthe Pinta saw a cane and a staff, and took up another curiously carved, and a piece of board, and many weeds were seen, evidently fresh torn fromthe shore. The people on board the Ninna saw similar tokens, and a branchof thorn with its berries, that seemed to have been recently torn from thebush. All these were strong indications of being near land; besides whichthe lead now found a bottom and brought up sand; and the wind becameunsteady, which was thought to proceed from the nearness of the land. Fromall these signs, Columbus concluded that he was now certainly near theland he was in search of; and when night came, after evening prayer hemade a speech to his men, setting forth the infinite goodness of God, whohad conducted them in safety through so long a voyage. He then gave orders, that they should lay to and watch all night; since they well knew that thefirst article of their sailing instructions was, that, after sailing sevenhundred leagues without finding land, they should not make sail betweenmidnight and day-break; and he was almost confident they would make theland that night. On purpose farther to rouse their vigilance, besidesputting them in mind of the promised annuity of 10, 000 maravedies from theking to him who might first see land, he engaged to give from himself avelvet doublet to the discoverer. 

_About ten o'clock at night of Thursday the 11th October_ 1492, asColumbus was sitting on the poop of his vessel, he espied a light; onwhich he privately called upon Peter Gutierrez, a groom of the kings privychamber, and desired him to look at the light, which he said he saw. Hethen called Roderigo Sanchez de Segovia, inspector of the fleet, who couldnot discern the light; but it was afterwards seen twice, and looked like acandle which was lifted up and then held down; so that Columbus had nodoubt of it being a real light on land, and it afterwards turned out tohave been a light carried by some people who went from one house toanother. 

About two the next morning, the caravel Pinta, being always foremost, madea signal of seeing land, which was first descried by a sailor namedRoderick de Triana, and was then about two leagues distant. But theannuity of 10, 000 maravedies, promised in reward to him who should firstdiscover land, was afterwards decreed by their majesties to belong to theadmiral, and was always paid him from the rents of the shambles of Seville;because _he saw the light in the midst of darkness_; typical of thespiritual light they were bringing among those barbarous people: For Godso ordered it, that, as soon as the wars with the Moors of Granada wereended, after 720 years from their first coming into Spain, this great workshould begin; by which the crown of Castile and Leon might be continuallyemployed in the good work of bringing infidels to the knowledge of theCatholic faith. 

When day appeared, on Friday the 12th October, they perceived a flatisland, fifteen leagues in length, covered with wood, abundantly suppliedwith good water, having a fresh lake in the middle, and full of people. The natives stood on the shore in great admiration of the ships, whichthey believed to be some monstrous unknown animals, and were as impatientto be better informed respecting them, as the Spaniards were to go onshore. The admiral went on shore in his boat well manned, and having theroyal standard displayed, accompanied by the two captains of the otherships, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and Vincent Yannez Pinzon, in their own boatscarrying the peculiar colours of the enterprize, being a green cross withseveral crowns, and inscribed with the names of their Catholic majesties. On landing they all fell upon their knees, kissing the ground, andreturned thanks to the Almighty for his merciful guidance and protection. The admiral then stood up, and named the island _San Salvador_ or StSaviour; but by the inhabitants it was called _Guanahani_. This firstdiscovered land in the new world, being one of the islands afterwardscalled _Lucayos_ or _Bahamas_, is 950 leagues from the Canary islands[1], and was discovered after 33 days sail[2]. Columbus took formal possessionof the country for the crown of Castile and Leon, in presence of thenotary Roderick de Escoveda, being surrounded by great numbers of thenatives. All the Spaniards now acknowledged him as admiral and viceroy, taking an oath to obey him, as representing the sovereign in those parts;and they did this with all that pleasure and alacrity which may easily beimagined to have actuated them on this successful occasion, all beggingpardon for the trouble they had given him through their pusillanimous andirresolute conduct during the voyage. 

Perceiving that the natives, who were called Indians by the Spaniards, were a simple and peaceable people, who stood gazing with admiration atthe Christians, wondering at their beards, complexion, and cloaths, theadmiral gave them some red caps, glass beads, and other baubles, whichthey received eagerly and seemed to prize much; while the Spaniards wereno less surprised to behold the appearance and behaviour of this newpeople. The admiral returned on board, followed by many Indians, some byswimming, and others in boats called _canoes_, made out of one piece oftimber, like troughs or trays. The Indians brought along with them clewsof cotton-yarn, parrots, javelins pointed with fish bones, and some otherthings, which they bartered for glass toys, hawks-bells and such trifles, with which they were highly pleased, and even set a high value on brokenpieces of glazed earthern ware, plates, and poringers. All the natives, both men and women, were entirely naked like man in the state of innocence, the greater number being under thirty years of age, though some were old. They wore their hair down to their ears, some few to their necks, tiedwith a string in the nature of tresses. Their countenances and featureswere good; yet having extraordinarily broad foreheads, gave someappearance of deformity to their appearance. They were of a middle statureand well shaped, having their skins of an olive colour, like the nativesof the Canaries; but some were painted white, some black, and others red;most of them in different parts of their bodies, but some only on theirfaces, round the eyes, or on their noses. They were quite ignorant of ourweapons; for on being shewn swords, they ignorantly laid hold of the edge. They knew nothing of iron, but used sharp stones for working in wood. Being asked by signs, how they came by some scars that were observed uponsome of them, they made the Spaniards understand that the people of someother islands came occasionally to make them prisoners, and that they hadbeen wounded in defending themselves. They had very voluble tongues, andappeared of quick apprehension, and easily repeated any words they heardspoken. The only living creatures that were seen among them were parrots. 

On the next day, being the 13th October, many Indians came off to theships in their canoes, most of which carried forty or even fifty men, andsome were so small as only to hold one. Their oars were formed like abakers peel, with which they rowed, or paddled rather, as if digging witha spade. Though easily overset, the Indians were excellent swimmers, andeasily turned their canoes up, again, after which they laded the water outwith calabashes, which they carried with them for that purpose. Theybrought much cotton on board to barter with the Spaniards, and some ofthem gave as many clews as weighed a quarter of a hundred weight inexchange for a small brass Portuguese coin called _centis_, worth lessthan a farthing. These people were never satisfied with gazing on theSpaniards, and used to kneel down and hold up their hands, as if praisingGod for their arrival, and were continually inviting each other to go andsee the men who had come from heaven. They wore no jewels, nor had theyany other thing of value, except some little gold plates which hung attheir noses. Being asked whence they had this gold, they answered by signsthat they procured it from the southwards, where there was a king, who hadabundance of that metal. The ships were never clear of Indians, who, assoon as they could procure a bit of any thing, were it only a fragment ofa broken earthen dish, went away well pleased and swam ashore with theiracquisition, offering whatsoever they possessed for the meanest trifle. Thus the whole day was spent in trading, their generosity in giving beingoccasioned by the value they set upon what they received in return, asthey looked upon the Spaniards as people come from heaven, and weretherefore desirous of something to keep in remembrance of them. At nightthey all went on shore. On the morning of the 14th the admiral took asurvey of all the coast to the north-west in the boats, the nativesfollowing along the shore, offering provisions, and calling to each otherto come and see these heavenly men; others followed in canoes, and some byswimming, holding up their hands in admiration, asking by signs if theChristians did not come from heaven, and inviting them to come on shore torest themselves. The admiral gave to all strings of glass beads, pins, orother toys, being much pleased to see the simple innocence of the natives. He continued the survey till he came to a ridge of rocks inclosing aspacious harbour, where a strong fort might have been built, in a placealmost surrounded by water. Near that harbour there was a village of sixhouses, surrounded by abundance of trees, which looked like gardens. Asthe men were wearied with rowing, and the land did not appear sufficientlyinviting to make any stay, Columbus returned to the ships; and havingheard of other lands, he resolved to go in search of them. 

Taking with him seven natives of Guanahani, that they might learn Spanishand serve as interpreters, Columbus proceeded to discover the otherislands, of which there were above an hundred, all flat, green, andinhabited, of which the Indians told him the names. On Monday the 15th ofOctober, he came to an island, seven leagues from St Salvador or Guanahani, which he named _Santa Maria de la Conception_[3], which stretches nearfifty leagues in length between north and south; but the admiral ran alongthat side of it which is east and west, where the extent is only tenleagues. He anchored on the west side, and went on shore, when vastnumbers of the natives flocked about him, shewing the utmost wonder andadmiration. Finding this island similar to the former, he thought fit toproceed farther on. A canoe being on board the caravel Ninna, one of theseven Indians brought from St Salvador leaped over, and though pursued bya boat got clear off; and another had made his escape the night before. While here an Indian came off in a canoe to barter cotton, and the admiralordered a red cap to be put on his head, and to have hawks-bells fastenedto his legs and arms, on which he went away well pleased. Next day beingTuesday 16th October, he proceeded westwards to another island, the coastof which trended eighteen leagues N. W. And S. E. ; but he did not reach ittill next day, on account of calms. On the way, an Indian was met in acanoe, having a piece of their bread, some water in a calabash or gourd, alittle of the black earth with which they paint themselves, some dryleaves of a wholesome sweet-scented herb which they prize highly; and, ina little basket, a string of glass beads, and two vinteins[4], by whichit appeared he came from San Salvador, had passed the Conception, and wasgoing to this third island, which the admiral now named _Fernandina_, inhonour of the king of Spain. The way being long and the Indian tired withrowing, he went on board, and the admiral ordered him to be regaled withbread and honey and some wine; and when he arrived at the island, causedhim to be set on shore with some toys. The good report which this man gave, brought the people of the island aboard the ships to barter, as in theother islands. When the boats went ashore for water, the Indians readilyshewed where it was to be had, and even helped to fill the casks; yet theyseemed to have more understanding than the other islanders, as theybargained harder in exchanging their commodities, and had cotton blanketsin their houses. Some of the women also wore short cotton wrappers, likepetticoats, from the waist half way down their thighs, while others had aswathe or bandage of cotton cloth, and such as had nothing better, woreleaves of trees; but the young girls were entirely naked. This islandappeared to have abundance of water, many meadows and groves, and somepleasant little hills, which the others had not, and an infinite varietyof birds flew about in flocks, and sung sweetly; most of these being quitedifferent from the birds of Spain. There were many lakes, near one ofwhich our men saw a creature seven feet long, which he supposed to be analligator, and admired its size and strange shape. Having thrown stones atthis creature, it ran into the water, where they killed it with theirspears. Experience taught them afterwards that this animal is excellentmeat, and is much esteemed by the Indians of Hispaniola, who call them_Yvanes_. In this island there were trees which seemed to have beengrafted, as they bore leaves of four or five kinds; yet they were quitenatural. They saw also fishes of fine colours, but no land animals exceptlarge tame snakes, the before-mentioned alligators, and small rabbits, almost like rats, called _Unias_; they had also some small dogs which didnot bark. Continuing the survey of this island to the north-west, theyanchored at the mouth of a spacious harbour, having a small island at itsmouth; but did not enter, as it was too shallow. In this place was a townof some size, all the rest they had seen in these islands having not aboveten or twelve huts like tents, some of them round, and others withpenthouse roofs, sloping both ways, and an open porch in front in theFlemish fashion. These were covered with leaves of trees, very neatly laidon, to keep out wind and rain, with vents for the smoke, and the ridgeshandsomely ornamented. Their only furniture were beds of net tied to twoposts, like hammocks. One Indian had a little piece of gold hanging fromhis nose, with some marks on it resembling characters, which the admiralwas anxious to procure, supposing it to have been some species of coin;but it afterwards appeared there was no such thing in all the West Indies. 

Nothing being found in Fernandina beyond what had been already seen at StSalvador and the Conception, the admiral proceeded to the next island, which he named Isabella, in honour of the queen of Castile, and tookpossession of it with the usual formalities. This island and itsinhabitants resembled the rest, having the beautiful appearance of thesouth of Spain in the month of April. They here killed an alligator; and, on going towards a town, the inhabitants fled, carrying sway all theirproperty; but no harm being done, the natives soon came to the ships tobarter like the others for toys; and being asked for water, they became sofamiliar as to bring it on board in gourds. The admiral would not spendtime at Isabella, nor at any of the other small islands, which were verynumerous, but resolved to go in search of a very large island which theIndians described as being in the south, by them called _Cuba_, of whichthey seemed to give a magnificent account, and which he supposed might be_Sucipango_. He steered his course W. S. W, and made little way on Wednesdayand Thursday, by reason of heavy rain, and changed his course at nine nextmorning to S. E. , and after running eight leagues, fell in with eightislands in a north and south direction, which he called _Del Arena_, orthe Sand Isles, because surrounded by shoals. He was told that Cuba wasonly a day and halfs sail from these islands, which he left on Saturdaythe 27th October, and standing S. S. W. , discovered Cuba before night; yet, as it began to grow late and dark, he lay to all night. 

SECTION VII. 

_Discovery of Cuba and Hispaniola, and Desertion of Martin Alonzo Pinzon. _

On Sunday the 28th of October, the admiral drew near the coast of Cuba, which appeared much finer than any of the islands he had seen hitherto, there being hills, mountains, plains, and waters, with various sorts oftrees; and he gave it the name of _Juanna_ or _Joanna_, in honour of theprincess of Spain. He anchored in a great river, to which he gave the nameof San Salvador, for a good omen. The wood appeared very thick, andcomposed of tall trees, bearing blossoms and fruit quite different fromthose of Spain, and frequented by numberless birds. Wanting someinformation, the admiral sent to two houses in sight, but the inhabitantsfled away, taking their nets and fishing tackle, and accompanied by a dogthat did not bark. He would not allow any thing to be touched, but went onto another great river, which he named _De la Luna_, or Moon river; andthence to another which he called _Mares_, or Sea river, the banks ofwhich were thickly peopled, but the inhabitants all fled to the mountains, which were thickly clothed with many kinds of tall trees. The Indians hehad brought with him from Guanahani, said that there were gold and pearlsto be found here; which last he thought likely, as muscles were seen. These Indians added that the continent was only ten days sail from thisisland; but, from a notion he had imbibed from the writings of Paul, aphysician of Florence, and though he was in the right, it was not the landhe imagined[5]. Believing that the Indians would be afraid if many menwere to land, he sent only two Spaniards on shore, along with one of theGuanahani Indians, and one belonging to Cuba who had come on board in acanoe. The Spaniards were Roderick de Xeres, a native of Ayamonte, andLewis de Torres, who had been a Jew, and spoke Hebrew and Chaldee, andsome Arabic. These people were furnished with toys to barter, and wererestricted to six days, having proper instructions of what they were tosay in the name of their Catholic majesties, and were directed topenetrate into the country, informing themselves of every thing worthnotice, and not to do any injury to any of the natives. In the mean time, the admiral refitted the ships, and found all the wood they used for fuelproduced a kind of gum like mastic, the leaf and fruit much resembling thelentisc, but the tree was much larger. In this river of Mares, the shipshad room to swing, having seven or eight fathoms water at the mouth, andfive within. There were two small hills on the west side of the river, anda pleasant flat cape running out to the W. N. W. This was afterwards theport of Barocoa, which the adelantado Velasquez called Assumption. 

On the 5th of November, when the ships were ready to sail, the twoSpaniards returned, accompanied by three natives of the island. Theyreported that they had penetrated twenty-two leagues, and found a town of50 houses, built like those which had been seen already, and containingabout 1000 inhabitants, as a whole race lived in one house. The prince andchief men came out to meet them, and led them by the arms to lodge in oneof the houses, where they were seated on stools of an entire piece of wood, shaped like a living creature with short legs, the tail standing upright, and the head before, with gold eyes and ears. All the Indians sat aboutthem on the ground, and came in succession to kiss their hands, believingthey came from heaven, and gave them boiled roots to eat, which tastedlike chesnuts. They were entreated to remain, or at least to stay for somedays to rest themselves, as the Indians that went with them had said agreat deal in their praise. The men afterwards went away, and many womencame to see them, who were much amazed, kissed their hands and feet, andtouched them fearfully as if holy, offering them what they had to give. Ontheir return, many of the natives desired to accompany them; but theywould only permit the lord of the town, with his son and a servant, whomthe admiral treated with much respect. They added, that they met withseveral towns, both in going and returning, where they were courteouslyentertained; but none of them contained more than five or six houses. Onthe way, they met many people carrying lighted fire-brands to make firewith, to smoke themselves with certain herbs they carried along with them, and to roast roots, which were their chief food. They could easily light afire, by rubbing pieces of a certain wood together, as if boring. They sawseveral sorts of trees differing from those on the sea coast, and anextraordinary variety of birds, quite different from those of Spain; butamong these there were partridges and nightingales; and they found noquadrupeds, except the dogs formerly mentioned, that could not bark. TheIndians had much land in cultivation, part in those roots before mentioned, and part sown with a grain named _Maize_, which was well tasted; eitherboiled whole, or made into flour. They saw vast quantities of spun cotton, made up into clews, and thought there was above 12, 000 weight of it in onehouse. This cotton grows wild in the fields, and opens of itself when ripe, and there were some heads open and others shut on the same plants; andthis was held in so little estimation by the natives, that they would givea basket full for a leather thong, a piece of glazed earthen ware, or abit of mirror. Being all naked, the only use to which this cotton wasapplied, was for net hammocks, in which they slept, and for weaving intosmall clouts to cover their nakedness. Being asked for gold and pearls, they said there was plenty of them at _Bohio_, pointing to the east. TheSpaniards made much inquiry among the natives on board, for gold, and weretold it camp from _Cubanocan_; which some thought meant the country of theChan of Cathay, and that it was not far off, as their signs indicated fourdays journey. Martin Alonzo Pinzon, thought Cubanocan must be some greatcity, only distant four days journey; but it was afterwards found to be aprovince in the middle of Cuba, _nocan_ signifying the middle, in whichthere are gold mines. 

The admiral was not inclined to lose time in this uncertain inquiry, butordered some Indians of several different parts to be seized, to carrythem into Spain, that they might each give an account of their country, and serve as witnesses of his discovery. Twelve persons, men, women, andchildren, were secured; and when about to sail, the husband of one of thewomen, who had two children, came and solicited to go along with his wifeand children; and the admiral ordered him to be received and treatedkindly. The wind changing northerly, they were constrained to put into aport called _Del Principe_, which he only viewed from without, in aroad-stead protected by a great number of islands, about a musket-shotasunder, and he called this place _Mar de Nuestra Sennora_, or Our Lady'sSea. The channels between the islands were deep, and the shoresbeautifully adorned with trees and green herbage. Some of the treesresembled mastic, and others lignum aloes, some like palms with smoothgreen stems, and many other kinds. Landing on these islands, they found noinhabitants, but there were the appearances of many fires having been madein them, by fishers; as the inhabitants of Cuba go there for fish and fowl, which are got in profusion. The Indians eat several filthy things; asgreat spiders, worms bred in rotten wood, fish half raw, from which theyscoop out the eyes as soon as taken, and devour them; besides many otherthings quite disgusting to the Spaniards. In this employment of fishing, the Indians occupy themselves during several seasons of the year; goingsometimes to one island and sometimes to another, as people who tire ofone diet change to another. In one of these islands the Spaniards killedan animal resembling a wild boar, and among many kinds of fish which theydrew up in their nets, one was like a swine, with a very hard skin, thetail being the only soft part. They found likewise some mother-of-pearl. The sea was observed to ebb and flow much more here than in any other part, which the admiral attributed to the numbers of islands; and low water wasnoticed to be when the moon was S. S. W, contrary to what it is in Spain. 

On Sunday the 18th November, the admiral returned to _Puerto del Principe_, and erected a large wooden cross at its mouth. On Monday the 19th, heresumed his voyage for the island, afterwards named Hispaniola, which someof the Indians called _Bohio_, and others _Babeque_; yet it afterwardsappeared that Babeque was not Hispaniola, but the continent, for theycalled it Caribana[6]. The Indian word _Bohio_ signifies a house orhabitation; and as that term was applied to the island of Hispaniola, itseemed to denote that it was full of _Bohios_ or houses. On account ofcontrary winds, the admiral spent three or four days cruising about theisland of Isabella, but did not go very near, lest the Indians he had onboard might escape; at this place they found many of the weeds they hadbefore met with on the ocean, and perceived that they were drifted by thecurrents. Martin Alonzo Pinzon, learning from the Indians that there wasmuch gold at Bohio, and eager to enrich himself, left the admiral onWednesday the 21st November, without any stress of weather or otherlegitimate cause; his ship being always foremost, as the best sailer, heslipped off at night unperceived. On the admiral perceiving his absence, and that he did not return after many signals, he bore away for the islandof Cuba, as the wind was contrary, and put into a large and safe harbour, to which he gave the name of _Puerto de Santa Catalina_, or St Catherines, because discovered on the eve of that saint. While taking in wood andwater here, some stones were found which had veins resembling gold; andthere grew fine tall pines on the shore, fit for masts. The Indians stilldirecting him for Bohio or Hispaniola, as a country abounding in gold, hesailed along the coast twelve leagues farther, where he found manyspacious harbours, and among these a river which might conveniently admita galley, yet the entrance could not be seen till close at hand. Invitedby the convenient appearance of the place, he went up the river in a boat, finding eight fathom water at the entrance. He proceeded some way up theriver, the banks of which were pleasantly embellished with fine treesswarming with a variety of birds. At length he came to some houses, wherea boat was found under an arbour, having twelve thwarts, or seats forrowers, and in one of the houses they found a mass of wax, and a mans headhanging in a basket. This wax was carried to their majesties, but as nomore was ever found in Cuba, it was afterwards supposed to have beenbrought from Yucatan. They found no people in this place, as they had allfled, but they saw another canoe ninety-five spans long, capable ofholding fifty persons, made all of one piece of wood like the rest, andhollowed out with tools of flint. 

After sailing 107 leagues eastwards along the coast of Cuba, the admiralarrived at its eastern end, and departed thence on the 5th December forHispaniola, which is only 18 leagues distant; yet he could not reach ittill next day, on account of the currents. On the 6th he came to a harbourwhich he called St Nicholas, at the western extremity of Hispaniola, having discovered it on the day of that Saint. This port is safe, spacious, and deep, surrounded by thick groves and a mountainous land; the trees, however, were not large, and resembled those of Spain; among others, therewere found pine and myrtle. A pleasant river discharged itself into thisharbour, and on its banks were many canoes, as large as brigantines, of 25benches. Finding no people, he went on to the north-east, to a harbourwhich he named Conception, south from a small island called Tortuga, 10leagues north of Hispaniola. Observing this island of Bohio to be verylarge, that its land and trees resembled Spain, that his people caught, among other fish, many skates, soles, and other fishes like those in Spain, and that nightingales and other European birds were heard to sing in themonth of December, at which they much admired; the admiral named this land_La Espannola_, which we now corruptly write _Hispaniola_. Some thought itought to have been named _Castellana_, as the crown of Castile alone wasconcerned in this expedition of discovery. As he had received a favourableaccount of this island from the Indians, he was desirous of learningwhether it were really so wealthy as they represented; and, as the nativesall fled, communicating the alarm from place to place by fires, he sentsix well armed Spaniards into the interior to explore the country. Thesepeople returned, after having proceeded a considerable way without findingany inhabitants; but they reported wonders of the deliciousness of thecountry. One day three of the seamen having gone into a wood, saw manynaked people, who fled as soon as they saw our men into the thickest partsof the wood; but the sailors pursued and took a woman, who had a smallplate of gold hanging at her nose. The admiral gave her some hawks-bellsand glass beads, and ordered her to have a shirt, and sent her away withthree Spaniards, and three of the Indian captives, to accompany her to herdwelling. 

SECTION VIII. 

_Farther Discovery of Hispaniola: Simplicity of the Natives: Kindreception from the Cacique_ Guacanagari. _The Admiral loses his ship, andresolves to settle a Colony in the Island. _

Next day the admiral sent nine armed Spaniards, with an Indian of StSalvador to serve as interpreter, to the womans habitation, which was fourleagues to the south-east of where the ships then lay. They here found atown of 1000 scattered houses; but it was quite deserted, as all theinhabitants had fled into the woods. The Indian interpreter was sent afterthem, and at length persuaded them to return, by saying much in praise ofthe Spaniards. They returned accordingly to the town, trembling with fearand amazement, laying their hands on the heads of the Spaniards, out ofhonour and respect, entreating of them to eat, and to remain with them forthe night. Abundance of people now collected; some of them carrying thewoman on their shoulders in triumph to whom the admiral had given a shirt, and her husband came among them, on purpose to return thanks for thehonourable gift. The Spaniards now returned to the ships, reporting thatthe country abounded in provisions, that the natives were whiter andbetter-looking than those of the other islands; but that the gold countrylay still more to the eastwards. By their description the men were not oflarge size, yet brawny and well set, without beards, having wide nostrilsand broad smooth ungraceful foreheads, which were so shaped at their birthas a beauty, for which reason, and because they always went bareheaded, their skulls were hard enough to break a Spanish sword. Here the admiralobserved the length of the day and night, and found that twenty half-hourglasses run out between sun-rise and sun-set, making the day consequentlyten hours long; but he believed the seamen had been negligent and had madea mistake, and that the day was somewhat more than eleven hours. Thoughthe wind was contrary, he resolved to leave this place, and continue hiscourse to the eastwards through the channel between Tortuga and Hispaniola, where he found an Indian fishing in a canoe, and wondered his small vesselwas not swallowed up, as the waves rose very high; he accordingly tookboth Indian and canoe into the ship, where he treated him well, and senthim on shore afterwards with some toys. This man commended the Spaniardsso much that many of the natives resorted to the ships; but they had onlysome small grains of gold hanging at their noses, which they freely partedwith. Being asked whence that gold came, they made signs that there wasplenty of it farther on. On the admiral inquiring for _Cipango_, which hestill expected to find in these seas, they thought he had meant _Cibao_, and pointed to the eastwards, as the place in the island which producedmost gold. 

The admiral was now informed that the _cacique_, or lord of that part ofthe country was coming to visit him, attended by 200 men. Though young, hewas carried in a kind of chair on mens shoulders, attended by a governorand counsellors; and it was observed that his subjects paid him wonderfulattention, and that his deportment was exceedingly grave. An Indian, fromthe island of Isabella, went ashore and spoke to the chief, telling himthe Spaniards were men who had come from heaven, and saying much in theirpraise. The cacique now went on board, and, when he came to the poop, hemade signs for his attendants to remain behind, except two men of riperyears, who seemed his counsellors, and sate down at his feet. Beingoffered to eat by order of the admiral, he tasted a little of every thingthat was offered, then handed it to the other two, and from them it wascarried to the rest of his attendants. When offered drink, he only touchedit with his lips. They all observed much gravity, speaking little; butwhen he spoke, his counsellors observed his lips with great attention, andanswered him with much respect. The admiral thought these people morerational and farther advanced in civilization than any he had seen at theother islands. When it grew late, the cacique and his attendants returnedto the shore. Next day, though the wind was contrary and blew hard, thesea did not run high, as the anchoring ground was sheltered by the islandof Tortuga. Some of our people were engaged this day in fishing, and theIndians were much gratified at seeing the Spanish mode, which differedgreatly from their own. Several of the Spaniards went on shore to theIndian town, where they procured some small plates of gold in barter forglass beads, which gave great satisfaction to the admiral, as he was nowenabled to convince their Catholic majesties that gold was to be had inthe country he had discovered, and consequently, that the promises he hadmade were not vain. In the afternoon, the cacique came down again to theshore, and about the same time, a canoe, with forty men, came over fromthe island of Tortuga on purpose to visit the Spaniards, at which thecacique appeared to take offence; but all the natives of Hispaniola satdown on the ground, in token of peace. The people from Tortuga landed fromtheir canoe; but the cacique stood up and threatened them, on which theyreimbarked and pushed off from the shore. To shew his displeasure, thecacique threw stones and water after them, and gave a stone to the_alguazil_ belonging to the admiral, making signs for him to throw it atthe Tortugans, but he smiled and would not throw. Those in the canoereturned very submissively to Tortuga. This day, in honour of the festivalof the Conception, the admiral ordered the ships to be dressed up withcolours and streamers, arming all the men, and firing the cannon. Thecacique came on board while the admiral was at dinner; and the respectshewn by these naked people to their chief was very remarkable. On cominginto the cabin, the cacique sat down beside the admiral, without sufferinghim to rise. Being invited to eat, he took the meat as he had done on aformer occasion, tasting a little of every thing, and giving the rest tohis more immediate attendants. After dinner, he presented to the admiral agirdle of gold, somewhat like those used in Spain, but quite differentlywrought, and some small plates of gold, which the natives use as ornaments. The admiral gave the cacique in return a piece of old tapestry hangingwhich had attracted his fancy, some amber beads he happened to have abouthis neck, a pair of red shoes, and a bottle of orange flower water, withall of which he was much pleased. He and his attendants seemed muchconcerned that they could not make themselves understood by the Spaniards, and appeared to offer them whatever the country produced. The admiralshewed him a piece of Spanish coin, bearing the heads of their Catholicmajesties, which he greatly admired, as also the colours with the crossesand the royal arms. After having been treated with much respect andattention by the admiral, the cacique went on shore, and was carried backto his town on a chair or bier. He was accompanied by a son, and by agreat concourse of people; and all the things which had been given him bythe admiral were carried before him, held singly on high, that they mightbe seen and admired by the people. A brother of the cacique came next onboard, whom the admiral treated with much respect; and next day, theadmiral caused a cross to be erected in an open spot of the town, near thesea, as that where the cacique resided was four leagues off; to this crossthe Indians paid great respect, in imitation of the Spaniards. 

The admiral took every opportunity of discovering the situation of thatplace where all the Indians said that much gold was to be procured, andbeing desirous of continuing his discovery to the east, he hoisted sail onTuesday night, but could not, during the whole of Wednesday the 19thDecember, get out of the channel between Hispaniola and Tortuga, nor washe able to reach a port which was in sight. He saw abundance of woods andmountains, and a small island, to which he gave the name of St Thomas; andfrom all he had seen, he concluded that Hispaniola was a delightfulcountry, blessed with pleasant weather, and having many capes, and plentyof safe harbours. On Thursday the 20th, he put into a port between thelittle island of St Thomas and a cape. They here saw several towns, andmany fires in the country; for the season being very dry, and the grassgrowing to a great height, the natives are accustomed to set it on fire, both to facilitate their passage from place to place, and for the purposeof catching the small animals resembling rabbits, formerly mentioned, which are called _Utias_. The admiral went in the boats to take a view ofthe harbour, which he found very good. The Indians were at first shy: buton being encouraged by their countrymen in the ships, they flocked in suchmultitudes about the Spaniards, that the whole shore was covered with men, women, and children. They brought victuals of various kinds, among whichwas good bread made of maize or Indian wheat, and gourds full of water;nor did they hide their women, as in other places, but all stood inadmiration of the Spaniards, and seemed to praise God. These people werewhiter, better shaped, more good-natured and generous, than any they hadseen, and the admiral took much care that no offence should be given them. He sent six men to view their town, where they were entertained as personswho had come from heaven. At this time there came some canoes with Indians, sent by a cacique to request the admiral would come to his town, where hewaited for him, with many of his people, at a point or cape, not fardistant. He went accordingly with the boats, though the people of theplace where he now was entreated him to stay. On landing, the cacique sentprovisions to the Spaniards; and, on finding these were received, hedispatched some Indians to fetch more, and some parrots. The admiral gavethem hawks-bells, glass beads, and other toys, and returned to the ships, the women and children crying out for him to remain. He ordered meat to begiven to some of the Indians that followed him in canoes, and others whoswam half a league to the caravels. Though the whole shore seemed coveredwith people, great numbers were seen constantly going to and from theinterior country, across a great plain which was afterwards called _LaVega Real_, or the Royal Plain. The admiral admired this harbour, to whichhe gave the name of Port St Thomas, because discovered on the day of thatsaint. 

On Saturday the 22d, the admiral intended to have departed from this placein search of those islands where the Indians said there was much gold, butwas hindered by the weather, and therefore sent the boat to catch fish. Soon after there came a man from _Guacanagari_, desiring the admiral wouldcome to his country, and he would give him all he possessed. This personwas one of the five sovereigns, or superior caciques of the island, andwas lord of most of its northern side, on which the admiral then was. Guacanagari sent to the admiral, by his messenger, a girdle which he woreinstead of a purse, and a vizor or mask, having the ears, tongue, and noseall made of beaten gold. The girdle was four fingers broad, all coveredwith small fish bones, curiously wrought, and resembled seed pearls. Theadmiral was resolved to depart on the 23d; but in the first place, he sentthe notary and six other Spaniards on shore, to gratify the natives; whotreated them well, and bartered some cotton and grains of gold for toys. About 120 canoes came off to the ships with provisions, and well madeearthen pitchers painted red, filled with good water. They likewisebrought some of their spice, which they called _Axi_; and to shew that itwas wholesome, they mixed some of it in a dish of water, and drank it off. As the bad weather detained the ships, the admiral sent the notary, accompanied by two Indians, to a town where Guacanagari resided, to see ifhe could procure gold; for, having got some considerable quantity of late, he believed it might be more plentiful in this part. It was computed thatnot less than 1000 men came off to the ships this day, every one of whomgave something; and those who could not get from their canoes into theships, because of the multitude, called out for those on board to takefrom them what they had brought. From all that he had seen, the admiralconcluded that the island might be as large as England. The notary wasreceived by Guacanagari, who came out of his town to meet him, and hethought that town more regularly built than any he had seen; and all thenatives gazed on the Spaniards with surprise and admiration. The caciquegave them cotton-cloths, parrots, and some pieces of gold; and the peopleparted with any thing they had for the merest trifles, which they kept asrelics. On Monday the 24th, the admiral went on shore to visit Guacanagari, whose residence was four or five leagues from the port of St Thomas. Afterhis return to the ships, he went to bed, the weather being quite calm, ashe had not slept during two days and a night. The weather being so finethe steersman left the helm in charge of a _grummet_, although the admiralhad expressly commanded, whatever should be the weather, that he who wasentrusted with the helm should never leave it to any other person. Intruth, no danger was apprehended from rocks or shoals; as on Sunday, whenthe boats attended the notary to the residence of the cacique, they hadsounded all the coast for three leagues to the S. E. From the point, andhad made observation how the ships might pass in safety; and as it was nowa dead calm, all went to sleep; thinking themselves free from all kind ofdanger. It so happened that the current carried on the shipimperceptibly[7], till at last the lad at the helm perceiving the rudderto strike; gave the alarm. The admiral was the first on deck, after whomcame the master, whose watch it was. He was ordered, as the boat wasafloat, to get an anchor into the boat, that it might be carried outastern and dropped in deep water; in hopes, by means of the capstern, toheave the ship from the rock on which it lay. But, instead of executingthese orders, the people in the boat immediately made off towards theother caravel, which was half a league to windward. In this emergency, perceiving that the water ebbed perceptibly, and that the vessel was indanger of oversetting, the admiral ordered the mast to be cut by the board, and many of the things to be thrown into the sea, to lighten the vesseland get her off. But nothing would do, as the water ebbed apace, and theship every moment stuck the faster; and though the sea was calm, the shiplay athwart the current, her seams opened, she heeled to one side, sprunga leak below, and filled with water. Had the wind been boisterous, or thesea rough, not a man would have escaped; whereas, if the master hadexecuted the orders of the admiral, the ship might have been saved. Thosein the other caravel, seeing the situation of the admiral, not onlyrefused to admit the people who had so shamefully deserted him, andordered them back, but sent their own boat to give all the help in theirpower. But there was no remedy, and orders were given to use everyexertion to save the people. For this purpose, the admiral sent James deArena and Peter Gutierrez on shore to inform the cacique that he had losthis ship a league and a half from his town, while on his way to make him avisit. Guacanagari shed tears on learning the misfortune, and immediatelysent out his canoes to their assistance; which immediately carried offevery thing on deck to the shore. The cacique himself and his brothersattended, and took all possible care that nothing should be touched. Heeven staid himself by the goods, for their security, and had them allcarried into two houses appointed for the purpose. He sent a message tothe admiral, desiring him not to be concerned for his loss, for he wouldgive him all he had in the world. The Indians assisted with so muchdiligence and good will, that nothing better could have been done on theoccasion, even if they had been on the coast of Spain: They were quitepeaceable and kind; their language was easy to pronounce and learn; thoughnaked, many of their customs were commendable; the cacique was steady inall points, and was served in great state. The people were very curious inasking questions, desiring to have reasons and explanations of everythingthey saw; they knelt down at prayers, in imitation of the Spaniards; andat that time it did not appear that they had any other religion exceptworshipping the heavens and the sun and moon. 

On Wednesday the 26th December, Guacanagari went on board the caravelNinna to visit the admiral, who was in great affliction for the loss ofhis ship, and the cacique endeavoured to comfort him by the offer of everything he had to make up his loss. Two Indians from another town broughtsome small gold plates to exchange for hawks-bells, which they most valued, and the admiral was well provided with these toys, knowing from thePortuguese how much these were prized in Guinea. The seamen said likewisethat others of the Indians brought gold, and gave it in exchange forribbons and other trifles. As Guacanagari perceived the admiral valuedgold so highly, he said he would have some brought to him from _Cibao_. Then going on shore, he invited the admiral to come and eat _axi_ and_cazabe_, which form the chief articles of their diet, and he gave himsome masks, having their ears, eyes, and noses, made of gold, besides, other small ornaments which they wore about their necks. Guacanagaricomplained much of the _Caribbees_, or inhabitants of the Caribbee islands, whom we call canibals or man-eaters, because they carried off his subjects. The admiral shewed him our weapons, and among others a Turkish bow, in theuse of which one of the Spaniards was very expert, and promised to defendthem; but he was most afraid of the cannon, as when they were fired allthe Indians used to fall down as if dead. 

Finding the natives so tractable and well affectioned to the Spaniards, the country so pleasant and fertile, and such promising indications ofgold; the admiral concluded that God had permitted the loss of the ship onpurpose that a settlement might be made in this place, where the preachingof his holy word might begin. The Almighty often permits that this shouldbe done, not solely to his own glory, and advantage of our neighbours, butlikewise for the rewards that men may look for both in this world and thenext: For it is not to be believed that any nation would venture upon somany hardships and dangers, as had been undergone by the admiral and hisSpaniards, in so doubtful and hazardous an enterprize, were it not in hopeof some reward to encourage them in the holy work. 

The Indians continued to go backwards and forwards bartering gold forhawks-bells, which was the article they most esteemed, and as soon as theycame near the caravel, they held up their pieces of gold, calling out_Chuque_, _chuque_, as much as to say _Take and give_. One day, an Indianon shore came with a piece of gold weighing about half a mark or fourounces, which he held in his left hand, holding out his right hand toreceive the bell, which he no sooner got hold of than he dropt the goldand ran away, as if thinking that he had cheated the Spaniard. The admiral, for the reasons already assigned, resolved to leave some men in thiscountry to trade with the Indians, to make researches into the inlandparts of the island, and to learn the language; that, on his return fromSpain, he might have some persons able to direct him in planting coloniesand subduing the country; and, on intimating his design, many freelyoffered to remain. He gave orders, therefore, for building a tower, orfort, with the timbers of the ship that was cast away. In the meantime, advice was brought by some of the natives, that the caravel _Pinta_ wasin a river, towards the east end of Hispaniola, and Guacanagari, at theadmirals request, sent to get certain information respecting this report. The admiral took much pains to advance the construction of the fort. AsGuacanagari always expressed great dread of the Caribbees, to encouragehim, and at the same time to impress him with a strong idea of theefficacy of the Spanish arms, the admiral caused one of the cannons to befired, in presence of the cacique, against the side of the wrecked ship, when the ball pierced through and fell into the water beyond. Having thusshewn him what execution our weapons could do, he told the cacique thatthe persons he meant to leave in this place would defend him against hisenemies with these weapons during his absence; as he intended to returninto Spain, on purpose to bring back jewels, and other fine things topresent to him. Of all the toys which the Spaniards gave to the Indians, they were fondest of hawks-bells; insomuch that some of these people, fearing there might be none left, used to come to the caravel in theevening, and request to have one kept for them till next morning. 

SECTION IX. 

_The Admiral builds a Fort in Hispaniola, and prepares for his return toSpain. _

The admiral had sent a Spaniard in a canoe, to endeavour to find out thecaravel Pinta, and to carry a letter to Martin Alonzo Pinzon, whom hekindly requested to rejoin him, without taking any notice of the fault hehad committed in parting without leave. But the Spaniard returned, sayingthat he had gone above twenty leagues along the coast, without being ableto find or hear of the Pinta: but if he had only proceeded five or sixleagues farther he had not lost his labour. Some time afterwards, anIndian reported that he had seen the missing caravel in a river only twodays before; yet he was not believed, since the others had not seen her. But it afterwards appeared that this man spoke truth; as be might haveseen her from some high ground, and made haste to come with the news. Thesailor who had gone in the canoe in search of the Pinta reported, that hehad seen a cacique, about twenty leagues to the eastwards, who had twolarge plates of gold on his head, as had several of his attendants; butthat, immediately on being spoken to by the Indians of the canoe, he tookthem off and concealed them. From this circumstance, the admiral imaginedthat Guacanagari had forbidden them to sell any gold to the Spaniards, wishing to have the whole of that trade to pass through his own hands. Thebuilding of the fort went on expeditiously, as the admiral went on shoredaily to superintend and hasten the works, but always slept on board thecaravel Ninna. As he went one day on shore in the boat, he thought he sawGuacanagari slip into his house, as if to avoid being seen; but he haddone so apparently for the more state, having concerted to receive theadmiral ceremoniously; for he sent his brother, who received the admiralwith much civility, and led him by the hand into one of the housesappointed for the accommodation of the Christians, which was the largestand best in the town. They had here prepared a place for the admiral tosit in, adorned with large slips of the thin inner bark of palm trees, aslarge as a great calfs skin, and much of that shape and appearance;forming a clean cool alcove, large enough to cover a man, and to defendhim from the rain. These broad slips of palm bark serve the Indians formany purposes, and are called _Yaguas_ in their language. They here seatedthe admiral in a chair, having a low back and very handsome, such as areused by the Indians, and as black, smooth, and shining as if mode ofpolished jet. As soon as he was seated the brother gave notice to thecacique, who came presently, and hung a large plate of gold about theadmirals neck, apparently with much satisfaction, and stayed with him tillit grew late, when the admiral went on board the caravel as usual to sleep. 

Among the many motives which induced the admiral to settle a colony inthis place, he considered that many might be inclined to go from Spain tosettle in the new discovered country, when it was known that some personswere already there; he likewise considered that the caravel which remainedcould not conveniently accommodate the crews of both vessels, and thepeople he meant to leave were perfectly satisfied with their lot, beingmuch encouraged by the mildness and affability of the natives. Likewise, though he had resolved to carry over some of the Indians, and such otherthings worth notice, as had been found in the country, in testimony of hisdiscovery and its value; he thought it might add greatly to the reputationof his discoveries, and be a convincing proof of the excellence of thecountry, when it was known that several of his men had settled there withtheir own free will. 

The fort was surrounded by a ditch, and though built of wood, was quitesufficient for the defence of its intended garrison against the natives. It was finished in ten days, as a great number of men were employed in itsconstruction. The admiral gave it the name of _La Villa de Navidad_, orthe town of the _Nativity_, because he came to that port on Christmas day. On the morning of the 29th December, a very young but ingenious lad, whowas nephew to the cacique, came on board the caravel; and as the admiralwas still eager to know whence the Indians had their gold, he used to askthis question of every one by signs, and now began to understand somewords of the Indian language. He accordingly inquired of this youth aboutthe mines, and understood that he informed him, "That at the distance offour days journey to the eastwards there were certain islands, calledGuarionex, Macorix, Mayous, Fumay, Cibao, and Coray, in which there wasabundance of gold. " The admiral wrote down these words immediately; but itwas evident he as yet knew little of the language, for it was knownafterwards that these places, instead of separate islands, were provincesor districts in Hispaniola, subject to so many different lords or caciques. _Guarionex_ was chief of the vast royal plain, formerly mentioned underthe name of _Vega real_, one of the wonders of nature, and the youth meantto say that _Cibao_, which abounded in gold, belonged to the dominion ofGuarionex. Macorix was another province, which afforded little gold. Theother names belonged to other provinces, in which the admiral omitted someletters and added others, not knowing well how to spell them properly: andit appeared to him, that the kings brother, who was present, reproved thelad for telling these names. At night the cacique sent on board a largegold mask to the admiral, desiring in return a basin and pitcher, whichwere perhaps of brass or pewter, and were immediately sent to him, itbeing believed they were wanted as models by which to make others of gold. 

On Sunday the 30th December, the admiral went on shore to dinner, where hefound five other caciques, all subjects to Guacanagari, who all had goldcrowns on their heads, and appeared in much state. As soon as he landed, Guacanagari came to receive him, and led him by the arm to the house inwhich he had been before, where a place of state was prepared with severalchairs. He made the admiral sit down, with much courtesy and respect, andtaking the crown from his own head, put it on that of the admiral; who, inreturn, took a string of curious glass beads of many colours, and veryshowy, from his own neck, and put it round the neck of Guacanagari, andalso put on him a loose coat of fine cloth which he then happened to wear. He also sent for a pair of coloured buskins, which he caused him to drawon; and put on his finger a large silver ring, such as was worn by some ofthe seamen; being informed that the cacique had seen one, and was anxiousto get it, as the Indians put a great value on any white metal, whethersilver or pewter. These gifts pleased Guacanagari highly, and made himbelieve himself the richest potentate in the world. Two of the subordinatecaciques attended the admiral to the boat, and each of them gave him alarge plate of gold, which were not cast, but composed of many grainsbattered out between two stones, as the Indians are ignorant of the art ofmelting and founding. When the admiral went on board the caravel to sleepas usual, Vincent Yanes Pinzon affirmed that he had seen rhubarb, and knewits branches and roots. Some persons were accordingly sent on shore forthis supposed rhubarb, of which they brought a basket-full on board as asample; but on being brought to Spain, it turned out not to be rhubarb. Inthe opinion of the admiral, the substance called _Axi_ by the inhabitantsof Hispaniola was a valuable spice, better even than the pepper or grainsof paradise which is brought from the east; and he concluded that otherkinds of spice would probably be found in the newly discovered islands. 

[Illustration: Chart of South Western Africa]

Having finished the construction of the fort, and anxious to return intoSpain to give an account of his happy discovery of a well peopled country, having strong indications of abounding in gold, the admiral prepared forhis departure by taking in a supply of wood and water, and all othernecessaries for the voyage which could be procured in that country. Guacanagari ordered the Spaniards to be supplied with as much of thecountry bread, called _cazaba_, or casada, as they needed, and also with_axi_, salted fish, and every other production of his country. Although hewished to have extended his examination of the new discovered coast, whichhe believed to run far to the eastwards, the admiral did not think thisadvisable in his present situation, having only one caravel, andcomplained much of the desertion of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, by which he felthimself constrained to return to Spain, without prosecuting hisdiscoveries. He chose thirty-nine men, of those most willing to remain inthe island, and who were strong and healthy, over whom he appointed Jamesde Arana, a native of Cordova, to be captain of the fort of the Nativity. In case of his death, Peter Gutierrez, a groom of the privy chamber oftheir Catholic majesties, was to succeed to the command, and after himRoderick de Escovedo, a native of Segovia. He left likewise Master John assurgeon to the garrison, with a ship carpenter, a cooper, an experiencedgunner, and a tailor; all the rest being able seamen. From the shipsstores, the fort was furnished with as much wine, biscuit, and otherprovisions as could be spared, sufficient to last a year; together withseeds for sowing, commodities for bartering with the natives, all thecannon belonging to the wrecked ship, and her boat. Every thing being nowin readiness for his own departure, the admiral called together the wholemembers of this new colony, to whom he made a speech to the followingeffect. He desired them to praise GOD, who had brought them to this newlydiscovered country, on purpose to propagate his holy religion, to livelike good Christians, and to pray for a safe voyage, that he might soonreturn with a sufficient force. He exhorted them to obey the captain behad set over them, as indispensably necessary to their own safety. Hecharged them to respect the cacique Guacanagari, and to do no wrong to anyof the natives, that they might be confirmed in their idea of theSpaniards having been sent from heaven. He desired them to survey thecoasts, by means of their boat and the canoes of the natives; to endeavourto discover the gold mines, and to search for a good harbour, as he was byno means satisfied with that of the Nativity; to endeavour to procure asmuch gold as possible by fair barter; to acquire the language of thecountry, and to cultivate a good understanding with the natives. Andfinally assured them, that, as they were the first settlers in this newfound empire, he should recommend them to their Catholic majesties, whowould reward their services. At the conclusion of this address, they allpromised faithfully to observe the advices and orders which he had given. 

On Wednesday the 2d of January 1493, the admiral went on shore to takeleave of Guacanagari, and dined with him and his dependant caciques. Herecommended them to be kind to the Christians, who were to remain in thecountry to defend them against the Caribs, and promised soon to returnfrom Spain, whence he should bring them magnificent presents from theirCatholic majesties. Guacanagari made him a courteous answer, expressingmuch sorrow for his approaching departure; and one of his attendants saidthat several canoes had been sent along the coast to seek for gold. Theadmiral was much inclined to have made a circuit of the whole island, whence he was convinced he might have procured a ton of gold: but, besidesthe risk of protracting his voyage with one ship only, he was apprehensivelest the Pinta might get safe to Spain before him, and that Pinzon mightprejudice their Catholic majesties against him, in excuse for his owndesertion; for which reason he resolved to depart without farther delay. 

SECTION X. 

_Account of the voyage home, from Hispaniola to Lisbon. _

On Friday the 4th of January 1493, Columbus took his departure from theharbour of the Nativity, steering to the eastwards, towards a very loftymountain like a pavilion or tent, bare of trees, which they named _MonteChristo_, or Christ's Mount. This mountain is four leagues from theNativity, and eighteen leagues from _Cabo Santo_, or the Holy Cape. Thatnight he anchored six-leagues beyond Monte Christo. Next day he advancedto a small island, near which there were good salt pits, which he examined. He was much delighted with the beauty of the woods and plains in this partof the island, insomuch that he was disposed to believe it must be_Cipango_, or Japan; and had he known that he was then near the rich minesof _Cibao_, he would have been still more confirmed in that opinion. Leaving this place on Sunday the 6th of January, and continuing his voyage, he soon descried the caravel _Pinta_ coming towards him in full sail. Bothvessels returned to the anchorage at Monte Christo, where Martin AlonzoPinzon endeavoured to excuse himself for having parted company. Though farfrom being satisfied, the admiral pretended to be convinced by his excuses;yet believed that Pinzon had procured a considerable quantity of goldduring his separation, keeping half to himself, and giving the other halfto his crew, to secure their silence. To a considerable river which fallsinto the sea near Monte Christo, the admiral gave the name of _Rio de Oro_, or Golden River, because the sand had the appearance of gold. Wednesdaythe 9th, hoisting sail, the admiral came to _Punta Roxa_, or Red Cape, thirty leagues east from Monte Christo, where they procured tortoises aslarge as bucklers, which went there on shore to lay their eggs in the sand. The admiral affirmed that he saw three mermaids at this place, and that hehad seen others on the coast of Guinea. He described them as having someresemblance to the human face, but by no means so beautiful as they areusually represented. From Punta Roxa, he proceeded to Rio de Garcia, orthe river of Grace, where Martin Alonzo Pinzon had been trading, and whichis likewise called by his name. At this place, he set four Indians onshore who had been taken away by Pinzon. 

On Friday 11th January, he came to a cape called _Belprado_, from thebeauty of the coast, whence they had a view of a mountain covered withsnow, which looked like silver, whence it was named _Monte de Plata_, orSilver Mountain; and to a harbour in its neighbourhood, in the shape of ahorse shoe, the admiral gave the name of _Puerto de Plata_, or Silver Port. Running ten leagues farther along the coast, assisted by the current, hepassed several capes or head-lands, which he named _Punta del Angel_, orAngel Point, _Del Yerro_, or Mistake Point, _El Redondo_, or Round Point, _El Frances_, or French Point, _Cabo de Buentiempo_, or Cape Fair-weather, and _El Tajado_, or Upright Cape. Next Saturday he advanced thirty leaguesfarther, admiring the beauty and extent of the island, and passing _Cabode Padre y Hijo_, or Cape Father and Son, _Puerto Sacro_, or Sacred Port, and _Cabo de les Enamorados_, or Lovers Cape. Near this last cape anextraordinarily large bay was discovered, three leagues wide, having asmall island in the middle. He remained for some time at this place, onpurpose to observe an eclipse which was expected to take place on the 17th, the opposition of Jupiter and the moon, and the conjunction of the sun andMercury in opposition to Jupiter. At this place the admiral sent a boat onshore for water, where some men were found armed with bows and arrows, from one of whom they bought a bow and some arrows, and persuaded him togo on board to visit the admiral. When asked for the habitation of theCaribbees, this person pointed to the eastwards; and when asked where goldwas to be had, he pointed towards the island of _Porto Rico_, saying itproduced much _guania_, or pale gold, which is highly valued by theIndians. The admiral gave this man two pieces of red and green cloth, andsome glass beads, and then set him on shore. Fifty-five naked Indians layin ambush in the wood, but the Indian who had been on board, made them laydown their arms and come to the boat. These men wore their hair long, likethe Spanish women, having their heads ornamented with large plumes offeathers. Besides bows and arrows, they were armed with swords made ofhard palm tree wood, and heavy wooden spears or javelins. Two of theirbows were purchased by order of the admiral; but, instead of selling anymore, they endeavoured to seize the Spaniards; for which reason they fellupon them, giving one a great cut on the buttocks, and felled another by ablow on the breast, on which they all ran away and were not pursued. Thiswas the first hostility committed on this island between the Spaniards andIndians; for which, though the admiral was concerned, he comforted himselfthat the Indians might know what the Spaniards could do to them whenattacked. 

On the morning of Monday, 14th, a number of people appeared on the shore, and the admiral ordered the men in his boat to stand on their guard; butthe natives shewed no signs of hostility, and the cacique of this part ofthe country came on board the admiral, attended by the Indian who had beenthere before and three other men. The admiral ordered them biscuits andhoney to eat, and gave them red caps, bits of coloured cloth, and beads. Next day, the cacique sent his gold crown to the admiral and a greatquantity of provisions, the men who brought these things being all armedwith bows and arrows. Among the Indians who came on board the caravel, Columbus selected four youths who appeared to have good capacities, withthe view of carrying them into Spain. From these he learnt manycircumstances respecting the country. He departed from this bay, which henamed _De los Flechos_, or of Arrows, on Wednesday the 16th of January, not thinking fit to remain any longer, as the caravels were leaky. Havingsailed sixteen leagues with the wind at N. N. W. The Indians on boardpointed out the island which is now called _San Juan de Puerto Rico_, inwhich they said the Caribbees lived, who are cannibals or man-eaters. Though desirous of exploring these islands, yet to satisfy the men, andbecause the wind freshened, he gave orders to steer a course for Spain. 

For some time they sailed on prosperously, seeing many tunnies and gulls, and fell in with abundance of sea weeds, with which they were now wellacquainted. They killed a tunny and a large shark, on which they made acomfortable meal, having no other provisions now left except wine andbiscuit. The caravel Pinta could not sail well _upon a bouline_, as hermizen mast was faulty, and could hardly admit of carrying any sail; onwhich account little way was made, as the admiral had to wait for her. Attimes, when the weather was calm, the Indians on board used to leap intothe sea and swim about with great dexterity. Having sailed several days onseveral tacks, owing to changes in the wind, they compared theirreckonings. Pinzon, and the pilots Sancho Ruyz, Peralonso Ninno, andRoldan, judged that they were to the eastwards of the Azores, havingallowed considerably more way than they had actually run; and proposed tobear to the north, by which they would come to Madeira or Porto Santo. Butthe admiral, being more skilful in computing the course, reckoned 150leagues short of the others. On Tuesday the 12th February, a fierce stormarose, so that the ships had for some time to drive under bare poles, andthe sea frequently broke over their decks. On Wednesday morning, the windslackened a little, and they were able to shew a small bit of canvas; buttowards night the storm again arose, and the waves ran so high that theships were hardly able to live. The admiral endeavoured to carry aclose-reefed mainsail, to bear his ship over the surges; but was at lengthforced to lay to, and to suffer his ship to drive astern before the wind. On Thursday the 14th February, the storm increased so that every oneexpected to perish, and it was concluded the Pinta had foundered as shewas not to be seen. In this extremity, the admiral wrote an account of hisdiscovery on a skin of parchment, which he wrapped up in an oil skin, andput into a close cask which he threw into the sea; in hope, if he shouldbe lost, that this might reach their Catholic majesties. The crew believedthat this was some act of devotion, and were the more confirmed in thisidea, as the wind soon afterwards slackened. On Friday the 15th ofFebruary, land was seen a-head, to the E. N. E. Which some alleged to beMadeira, while others insisted it was the Rock of Lisbon; but the admiralassured them it was one of the Azores. They plied backwards and forwardsfor three days, endeavouring to get up to this land, during which time theadmiral suffered much with gout in his legs, having been long exposed tothe cold and wet on deck during the storm. At length, with much difficulty, they came to anchor on Monday the 18th under the north side of the island, which proved to be St Marys, one of the Azores. 

The caravel was immediately hailed by three men from the shore, for whomthe admiral sent his boat, when they brought off some refreshments ofbread and fowls from Juan de Costenheada, the governor of the island. OnTuesday the 19th, the admiral ordered half the crew to go on a processionto a chapel on shore, in discharge of a vow which he had made during thestorm; proposing to do the same himself with the other half after theirreturn, and he requested the three Portuguese to send them a priest to saymass. While these men were at prayer in their shirts, the governor comeupon them with all the people of the town, horse and foot, and made themall prisoners. Owing to their long stay on shore, the admiral began tosuspect that his people were detained, or their boat had been staved onthe rocks. As he could not get sight of the place where they landed, asthe hermitage to which they had gone was covered by a point jutting outinto the sea, he removed the caravel right opposite the hermitage, wherehe saw many people on the shore, some of whom went into his boat and putoff towards the caravel. Among these was the governor of the island, who, when the boat was within speech of the caravel, stood up and demandedsecurity for coming on board; and though the admiral gave his word that heshould be safe, he would not venture to come on board. The admiral thenasked, why, since there was peace between the crowns of Spain and Portugal, he had sent him fresh provisions, and a message inviting him on shore, andyet had basely detained his men? adding, that he was ready to shew hiscommission from the king and queen of Castile. The governor answered, thathe knew nothing of these sovereigns, of whom he did not stand in awe, andwhose commission he did not value, and that all he had done was by theorder of his own sovereign. After desiring his own men to bear witness ofthese words, the admiral told him, if his boat and men were notimmediately restored, he would carry an hundred Portuguese prisoners intoSpain. 

After this, the admiral brought his ship again to anchor, and as the windblew fresh, he caused all the empty casks to be filled with sea water toballast the vessel. The wind continued to increase, and as there was nosafe anchorage, he thought it safer to be out at sea, and therefore madesail for the island of St Michael. During the whole night it blew a heavygale; and not being able to make the island of St Michael, the admiralreturned to St Marys. Soon afterwards a boat came off with two priests, anotary, and five sailors; and, having received assurance of safety, thenotary and priests came on board and examined the admirals commission. They returned to the shore, and shortly after, the governor sent back theboat and Spanish seamen; saying he would have given any thing to havetaken the admiral, whom he had been ordered to seize by the king ofPortugal. Having recovered his men, and the wind being now fair for Spain, the admiral set sail on an easterly course. On Saturday the 2d of March anew storm arose, so that the ship drove under bare poles till four o'clockon Monday, without hope of escaping. At that time, it pleased GOD that ourmariners discovered the Cape of Cintra, usually called the Rock of Lisbon;and to avoid the tempest, the admiral resolved to put into the harbour, being unable to come to anchor at _Cascaes_. He gave GOD thanks for hisdeliverance from danger, and all men wondered how he had escaped, havingnever witnessed so violent a tempest. 

[1] The actual difference of longitude, between Ferro in 17° 45' 50", and the eastern side of Guanahani in 75° 40', both west, is 57° 54' 11" or almost 58 degrees; which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree, the computation previously established by our present author, would extend to 1015 leagues. --E. 

[2] Some error has crept into the text, easily corrected. Columbus took his departure from Gomera on Thursday the 6th September, and landed on Guanahani on Friday the 12th October, both 1492. The time, therefore, which was employed in this first passage across the Atlantic, not including the 12th, because the land was observed in the night before, was exactly 36 days. Had Columbus held a direct course west from Gomera, in latitude 27° 47' N. He would have fallen in with one of the desert sandy islands on the coast of Florida, near a place now called Hummock, or might have been wrecked on the _Montanilla_ reef, at the north end of the Bahama banks: his deflection therefore, to the S. W. On the 7th October, was fortunate for the success of his great expedition. --E. 

[3] How infinitely better it had been for Columbus, and his precursors the Portuguese, to have retained the native names, where these could be learnt; or, otherwise, to have imposed single significant new names like the Norwegian navigators of the ninth century, instead of these clumsy long winded superstitious appellations. This island of St Mary of the Conception seems to have been what is now called Long-island, S. S. E. From St Salvador or Guanahani, now Cat-island. --E. 

[4] A small Portuguese coin worth less than twopence. --Churchill. 

[5] This sentence is quite inexplicable, and is assuredly erroneously translated. It is possible the original meant, that Columbus was misled by the opinion of Paul, to disregard the indications of the Indians; and instead of sailing directly west, which would have led him to the coast of Mexico, induced him to coast eastwards along Cuba, which brought him to Hispaniola, always searching for Cipango or Japan. --E. 

[6] The author seems here not clear or well informed, as _Haiti_ was the real Indian name of the island now called Hispaniola or St Domingo. --E. 

[7] In the original, the current is said to have made "so loud a noise that it might have been heard a league off. " This circumstance is quite inconsistent with the careless security of the whole crew; as it must necessarily have indicated their approach to rocks or shoals; and is therefore omitted in the text. --E. 

SECTION XI. 

_From the arrival of Columbus at Lisbon, till the commencement of hissecond voyage to the New World_. 

The king of Portugal happened then to be at _Valparayso_, to which placethe admiral sent a letter informing the king of his arrival, and that hehad orders from their Catholic majesties to put into any of the Portugueseharbours in case of need, that he might procure what he was in want of, and requested permission to wait upon the king, to satisfy him that he hadnot come from Guinea, but from the Indies. At this time a galeon wellstored with cannon, lay guard in the Tagus, commanded by _Alvaro Daman_, who sent his master _Bartholomew Diaz de Lisboa_ in an armed boat to theadmiral, desiring him to come on board the galeon and give an account ofhimself to the kings officers. Columbus answered that he was admiral totheir Catholic majesties, and accountable to no man, and would not quithis ship unless compelled by superior force. Diaz then desired him to sendhis master; but this he likewise refused, saying that were as bad as goinghimself, and that Spanish admirals were not wont to put themselves ortheir men into the hands of others. On this Diaz requested to see hiscommission, and having seen it he returned to give an account to hiscaptain of what had passed. Alvaro Daman, the Portuguese captain, went towait upon the admiral in his boat, accompanied by kettle drums, trumpets, and hautbois, and courteously offered him every assistance in his power. When it was known in Lisbon that the admiral had come from discovering the_Indies_, great numbers flocked on board to see him, and the Indians hehad brought from the new discovered countries, and all were filled withamazement. 

The king of Portugal sent a letter to the admiral, by Don Martin deNoronha, requesting his presence at court; and, not to shew any distrust, he immediately complied. On his arrival, he was met by all the gentlemenof the royal household, who conducted him into the presence, where he washonourably received by the king, who desired him to be seated and gave himjoy of his success. After inquiring some particulars of his voyage, theking observed, that according to certain articles agreed upon with theirCatholic majesties, he conceived the discovery now made ought to belong toPortugal, and not to Spain. The admiral replied, that he had not seenthese articles, and only knew that his sovereigns had directed him not togo to Guinea or the Mina; which orders had been made public in all the seaports of Andalusia before he set out on his voyage. After some discourse, the king committed him to the care of the prior of Crato, a knight ofMalta, the chief person then at court. Next day, the king told him heshould be supplied with every thing he stood in need of; and asked himmany questions concerning his voyage, the situation of his new discoveries, the nature of the people, and other circumstances, shewing that he wasmuch concerned at having let slip the opportunity. Some persons proposedto murder the admiral, that what he had done might not be known; but tothis infamous proposal the king would not give ear. 

On Monday the 11th of March, the admiral took leave of the king, whoordered Noronha to conduct him back to Lisbon, and gave orders that heshould be supplied gratis with all that he had need of, for himself or hiscaravel. Columbus took the road by Villa Franca, where he waited on thequeen, then staying at the nunnery of St Anthony, and gave her a shortaccount of his voyage. On his way to Lisbon, he was overtaken by amessenger from the king, offering horses and all other conveniencies, ifhe chose to go by land to Spain. But he preferred going by sea, and sailedfrom Lisbon for Seville on Wednesday the 13th of March. On Thursday beforesunrise he came off Cape St Vincent, and arrived on Friday the 15th ofMarch 1493 at _Saltes_, into which port he entered with the tide aboutmid-day. He sailed from that place on Friday the 3d August of thepreceding year, having been six months and a half absent[1]. 

Being informed that their Catholic majesties were then at Barcelona, hehad some intention of proceeding thither in his caravel, but laying asidethat idea, he sent notice to the king and queen of his arrival, with abrief account of his voyage and success, deferring a more ample recitaltill he should have the honour of seeing them. He landed at Palos, wherehe was received by a procession, and extraordinary rejoicings were made bythe inhabitants, all men admiring his wonderful exploit, which they neverexpected to have ended so successfully. An answer came to Seville fromtheir majesties, expressing their joy for his return and the success ofhis voyage, and promising to honour and reward him for his services. Theylikewise commanded him to come without delay to Barcelona, that everything might be concerted for prosecuting the discovery so happilycommenced, and desiring him to leave such orders for that purpose asoccurred to him in the meantime, that no time might be lost. This letterwas addressed, _to Don Christopher Columbus, their Catholic MajestiesAdmiral of the Ocean, Viceroy and Governor of the islands discovered inthe Indies_. It is impossible to express the high satisfaction entertainedby their majesties and all the court at the fortunate issue of this greatenterprize, which all had despaired of. In answer to their majesties, theadmiral sent a particular enumeration of the ships, men, stores, ammunition, and provisions, which he considered to be requisite for hisreturn to the _Indies_; and they gave orders accordingly to _Rodriquez deFonseca_, to provide all things without delay for the voyage, pursuant tohis memorial. 

Columbus began his journey for Barcelona, accompanied by seven Indians, all the rest having died during the voyage. He took with him also severalgreen and red parrots, and other rare things, such as had never been seenbefore in Spain. His fame spread everywhere before him on his journey, andmultitudes flocked from all quarters to see him and the Indians, as heproceeded on his journey. On his arrival at Barcelona, about the middle ofApril, the admiral was received with much honour, the whole court and cityflocking out in such numbers to see and greet him, that the streets couldhardly contain the multitude, who greatly admired the Indians and otherrarities, which were all openly exhibited to their wonder. On purpose todo him the more honour, their majesties, attended by Prince John, receivedhim on the throne, which was set out in a public place. When the admiralcame into the presence, their majesties stood up to receive him; and whenhe had knelt down and kissed their hands, they commanded him to rise, andto be seated in a chair which was placed expressly for his reception. Hethen gravely, and with much discretion, gave a brief recital of the voyage, which by the mercy of GOD, and under their royal auspices, he had happilyaccomplished, and expressed his firm hope of yet discovering larger andricher countries than any he had hitherto visited. He then shewed theIndians in their native habits, and all the curious things which he hadbrought from the new world. When he had concluded his speech, the king andqueen rose from the throne, knelt down with their hands held up to Heaven, and with tears in their eyes gave thanks to GOD for the great discovery. After which the music of the chapel sung _Te Deum_, with much solemndevotion. 

As the terms which had been originally agreed upon with the admiral wereonly reduced to the form of an ordinary contract, and he had nowsuccessfully performed all that he promised, their majesties now ratifiedall that they had promised him at _Santa Fe_, on the 17th of April in theformer year, which was expressed in ample letters patent, passed atBarcelona on the 30th of April, and signed by their majesties on the 28thof May 1493. They also gave him the right to add the arms of Castile andLeon to his paternal coat, with other honourable additions, expressive ofhis wonderful discovery; and they bestowed some favours on his brothers, Don Bartholomew and Don James, though not then at court. The king took theadmiral by his side, when he appeared in public, and shewed him many othermarks of honourable attention: in consequence of which he was invited todine with all the grandees and other principal people of the court. DonPedro Gonzales de Mendoza, the cardinal of Spain, a virtuous and nobleminded prince, was the first of the grandees who took the admiral homefrom court to dinner, in which he was imitated by all the rest. 

Their Catholic majesties thought proper to acquaint the reigning Pope, Alexander VI. With the new discovery, that he might give thanks to GOD forthe goodness shewn to the church in his day, by which so glorious anopportunity was presented of propagating the gospel. Their ambassador waslikewise desired to inform his holiness, that the admiral had beenstrictly enjoined not to approach within a hundred leagues of Guinea andthe Mina, or any other part belonging to the Portuguese crown, which hehad punctually adhered to, so that his great discovery made noencroachment on the rights of the king of Portugal. He was fartherinstructed to say that the admiral had taken formal possession of thesenew discovered lands for the crown of Castile and Leon; and although manyeminent civilians had given their opinion that there was no need of apapal grant or confirmation of that new world in strict justice, yet theirmajesties entreated his holiness to make a deed of gift of the landsalready discovered, or that should be discovered hereafter, to the crownof Castile and Leon. The pope rejoiced exceedingly at this news, and gaveglory to GOD for the prospect which this discovery opened of converting somany people from infidelity to become partakers of the blessings of thegospel, by means of their Catholic majesties, the genius of Columbus, andthe power of the Spanish nation. The pope accordingly granted to the crownof Castile and Leon in perpetuity, the sovereign dominion and empire ofthe _Indies_ and their seas, with supreme and royal jurisdiction, andimperial authority over all that hemisphere. In confirmation of all which, by the advice, consent, and approbation of the sacred college of cardinals, a _bull_ was promulgated on the 2d of May 1493, granting to the crown ofCastile and Leon all the privileges, franchises, and prerogatives in the_Indies_[2], which had been formerly granted to the crown of Portugal for_India_[2], Guinea, and the other parts of Africa. By a second bull, datedon the succeeding day, the pope granted to the crown of Castile and Leonfor ever, the entire property, dominion, navigation, and discovery of allthe _Indies_[2], whether islands or continents, already discovered, orwhich should be discovered to the westwards of a line to be drawn frompole to pole at the distance of one hundred leagues west from the Azoresislands, and those of Cabo Verde, excepting only such part or parts of thesame as should be in possession of any other Christian prince, on orbefore Christmas day of that same year; and the entire navigation of thisvast grant was forbidden to all others under severe penalties andecclesiastical censures[3]. 

Soon after the arrival of the papal bulls, and a few days before thedeparture of the admiral from Barcelona to prepare for his second voyage, their majesties caused the Indians to be baptised, having previously beeninstructed in the Catholic faith, and having themselves desired to beadmitted as members of the Christian church. On this occasion, willing tooffer up to GOD these first fruits of the Gentiles, the king and theprince his son stood god-fathers. The prince retained one of these Indiansin his service, but he died soon after. For the better conversion of theIndians, Friar _Boyle_, a monk of the Benedictine order and other friars, were ordered to go on the voyage with the admiral, having strict charge touse the Indians well, and to bring them into the pale of the church _byfair means_[4]. Along with the missionaries, very rich church ornaments ofall kinds were sent for the due and splendid service of GOD. The admiralwas ordered to hasten his departure, to endeavour as soon as possible todetermine whether Cuba, which he had named Juana, was an island orcontinent, and to conduct himself with discretion towards the Spaniardsunder his authority, encouraging those who behaved well, yet withauthority to punish evil doers. 

On his arrival at Seville, the admiral found that the archdeacon DonRodriquez de Fonseca had provided seventeen ships large and small, withabundance of provisions, ammunition, cannon, and stores of all kinds;likewise with wheat and other seeds for cultivation; mares, horses, andcattle, to stock the new colony; tools of various sorts, for agriculture, and for working the gold mutes; and great store of commodities for barteror giving away, as the admiral might think proper. The fame of the newdiscovery and the prospect of acquiring gold, had drawn together 1500 mendesirous of going on the expedition, among whom were many gentlemen. Ofthis large company only twenty went at their own charges, who were all_horsemen_[5], all the rest being in the royal pay. Many of these werelabourers for working the gold mines, and others were handicrafts ofvarious sorts. By a separate commission, the admiral was appointedcaptain-general of the present expedition, during the voyage, and while itshould remain in the Indies; and _Anthony de Torres_, brother to princeJohns nurse, a man of ability and prudence, was to have charge of thefleet on its return. Francis de Pennalosa, and Alonzo de Vallejo, wereappointed to command the land force employed in the expedition. Bernard dePisa, an alguazil or sergeant-at-arms of the court, was made controller ofthe Indies, and James Marqué, inspector. The most noted persons who wenton this expedition were the commendary Gallegos, and Sebastian de Campo, both of Galicia; the commendary Arroya, Roderick Abarca, Micer Girao, Juande Luxon, Peter Navarro, and Peter Hernandez Coronel, whom the admiralappointed chief alguazil of Hispaniola; Mozen Peter Margarite, a gentlemanof Catalonia, Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal, alderman of Baeza, Gorbolan, Lewis de Arriaga, Alonzo Perez Martel, Francis de Zuniga, Alonso Ortiz, Francis de Villalobos, Perefan de Ribera, Melchior Maldonado, and AlonsoMalaver. Along with these was Alonso de Ojedo, a servant of the duke ofMedina Celi. Ojeda was a little man, but handsome, well made, strong andactive. At one time, when accompanying Queen Isabella to the top of thetower belonging to the cathedral at Seville, he got on a beam whichprojected twenty feet beyond the tower, of which he measured the lengthwith his feet as nimbly as if walking along a room. When at the end of thebeam, he shook one leg in the air, turned round, and walked back to thetower with the utmost composure, all who saw him expecting that he wouldfall and be dashed to pieces. These, and all the rest who embarked in thefleet, took a solemn oath of allegiance to their majesties, promisingobedience to the admiral and the justices, and fidelity to the royalinterests. 

John king of Portugal was so much concerned for having allowed this newempire to go from himself, that he ordered preparations to be made forinvading the new discoveries, pretending that they belonged of right tohim. At the same time he sent Ruy de Sande as his ambassador to theirCatholic majesties, who was desired to express his satisfaction at thesuccess of the voyage of discovery, and that the king his master made nodoubt, if Columbus had made the discovery of any countries and islandswhich belonged to the crown of Portugal, their majesties would so acttowards him as he would to them on a like occasion: That, being informedtheir majesties meant to prosecute discoveries due west from the Canaryislands, without turning to the southwards; the king of Portugal requiredtheir majesties would direct their admiral not to pass these bounds to thesouth, and he should enjoin his commanders not to go beyond the samebounds to the north. Before the arrival of Ruy de Sande, a report hadreached court that the king of Portugal proposed to send a fleet the sameway with the Spaniards, on purpose to take possession of the newdiscovered lands. To counteract this hostile indication, Fonseca wasinstructed to provide the fleet of Columbus with ample means of offence ordefence, and to hasten its departure. Their majesties likewise sent Lopede Herrera, a gentleman of their court, as envoy to Lisbon, withinstructions to return their thanks to the king of Portugal for hiscourtesy to the admiral, when at Lisbon, and to require him to forbid hissubjects from going to any of the newly discovered islands and continents, which were their undoubted property. Herrera was instructed to representthe extraordinary care which their Catholic majesties had taken, incharging the admiral not to touch at the gold mines of Guinea, or at anyother of the Portuguese discoveries. When Ruy de Sande had delivered hisembassy, as above, he desired leave to export certain articles, needed ashe said, for an expedition which the king of Portugal intended against theMoors, which he gave out as a cover for the intended voyage of discoveryto the west. He likewise demanded that the Spaniards should be restrainedfrom fishing off Cape Bojador until it were settled amicably between thetwo crowns whether that were lawful. 

As Lope de Herrera had set out for Portugal before Ruy de Sande hadreached the Spanish court; King John, on learning the purport of hisembassy, sent Edward Galvan to give him notice of the commission entrustedto Sande, respecting the discoveries of Columbus; and, without permittingHerrera to use his credentials, gave assurance that the king of Portugalwould send no ships on discovery for sixty days[6], as he meant to send anembassy to their Catholic majesties on that particular subject. While thisdispute was in agitation, the king of Portugal complained to the pope thattheir Catholic majesties interfered with his discoveries and privileges, protesting against the bulls, as trenching upon his limits, and requiringa different line of demarcation to prevent the troubles which might ensuebetween the subjects of the two crowns. The pope answered, that he hadordered a meridianal line from pole to pole on purpose to mark out whatbelonged to each of the sovereigns; and again issued another bull on the26th of September of the same year, in which he granted to the kings ofSpain all that should be discovered and conquered in the islands to the_east, west, and south_, not already possessed by any other Christianprince. This gave much dissatisfaction to the court of Portugal, whichalleged that it was wronged by the pope, and the meridian of separationought to be drawn much farther westwards[7]. 

About this time, advice was brought of Martin Alonso Pinzon having arrivedwith the caravel Pinta in one of the ports of Galicia, after escaping withmuch difficulty from several dreadful storms. He died soon after; and somesay it was of grief, for a reprimand he received from court for hisdisobedience to the admiral, and deserting him during the voyage; andbecause their majesties refused to see him, unless introduced by Columbus. 

After the sixty days assigned by the king of Portugal were elapsed[8], their Catholic majesties sent Garcia de Herrera, one of the gentlemen oftheir household, to require the court of Portugal to refrain fromencroaching on the limits granted by the Pope to the crown of Castile andLeon. Their majesties afterwards sent Don Pedro de Ayala and Garcia Lopezde Carvajal, to say that they were willing to admit all honourable meansof continuing in friendship with the king of Portugal, but they weresatisfied nothing belonged to his crown in the ocean, except Madeira, theAzores, and the Cape Verde islands, as far as Guinea and the gold mines. They even offered to submit the difference between the crowns on thissubject to the decision of persons nominated on both sides, with power tothe arbitrators to name an umpire, if they could not agree, or to have thematter at issue debated at the court of Rome or any other neutral place, as their majesties had no wish to invade the rights of others, or topermit the infringement of their own. The Portuguese court proposed todivide the ocean by a straight line, or parallel drawn west from theCanaries, leaving all to the north of that line to the crown of Castileand Leon, and all to the south to belong to Portugal. At length, aftertedious negotiations, a congress took place at Tordesillas, in which, after long debates, it was agreed on the 7th June 1473[9], that themeridianal line of division should be established 370 leagues farther westthan that mentioned in the Popes bull from the islands of _Cabo Verde_;all to the west of which was to belong to Spain, and all eastwards toPortugal; yet leaving it lawful to the subjects of Spain to sail throughthe seas thus allotted to Portugal, following their direct course; butneither party to trade or barter beyond their own limits. 

Before leaving Barcelona, the admiral placed his sons Don James and DonFerdinand as pages in the service of prince John; and having received hiscommission of admiral and viceroy, extending as large as the papal grant, he repaired to Seville to expedite his second voyage to the new world. Hehere applied himself to procure able pilots, and to review the men whowere to embark in the expedition, in the presence of the controller_Soria_. All persons were prohibited from carrying out any goods forbarter, and it was ordered that every thing belonging to their majestiesor to private persons should be entered at the custom-house, both in Spainand the Indies, under the penalty of confiscation. The admiral hadinstructions to muster his men as soon as he arrived at Hispaniola, and todo the same as often as he thought proper, with power to regulate theirpay. He was likewise authorized to nominate _alcaldes_ and _alguazils_, ormagistrates, in the islands and other parts, with power to try causes bothcivil and criminal, from whom appeals might be made to himself. In thefirst instance he was allowed the direct nomination of all the aldermen, common council-men, and other officers, in any town; but in future he wasto nominate three persons to every vacancy, out of whom their majestieswere to appoint one to the office. All proclamations, patents, injunctions, orders, or other public writings, were to be made in the name of theirmajesties, signed by the admiral, and countersigned by the secretary orclerk by whom they were written, and sealed on the back with the royalseal. As soon as he landed, a custom-house was to be built, in which alltheir majesties stores were to be secured under their officers, over whomthe admiral was to have supreme command; and all trade was to be conductedby him, or by such persons as he might appoint, with the assistance of theroyal inspector and controller. The admiral was to have the eighth part ofall profit, paying the eighth of all goods carried over for barter; firstdeducting the tenth which he was entitled to of all things according tohis contract. And finally, he was authorized to send ships to any otherpart, according as he saw proper or convenient. 

While the admiral remained at Seville attending to the equipment of theexpedition, he received a letter from their majesties, directing him tocause a sea chart to be drawn with all the rhumbs and other particularsnecessary for pointing out the voyage to the _West Indies_. Theirmajesties pressed him to hasten his departure, making him great promisesof favour and reward, as the importance of his discovery seemed every daythe greater. This letter was dated from Barcelona on the 5th September, upto which day nothing had been definitively settled with the king ofPortugal, respecting the proposed limits between the two nations in theocean. The admiral continued his exertions to get every thing ready, andcaused many kinds of useful plants to be shipped; likewise wheat, barley, oats, rye, and all kinds of grain and seeds; cows, bricks, lime, and othermaterials for building; and an infinite number of useful articles. 

[1] Almost seven months and a half; or more precisely thirty-two weeks, being seven kalendar months and twelve days. --E. 

[2] In this bull, following the vague language of Columbus, the great discoverer, the New World is called the _Indies_, slightly distinguished, in grammatical number only, from _India_ in south-eastern Asia. --E. 

[3] In the bull, as reported by Herrera, all that should be discovered to the west and _south_ of the meridianal line from pole to pole is granted to the crown of Castile and Leon. It is hard to say what portion of the globe was conceived to be _to the south_ of such a demarcation. But it is obvious that in granting _all to the west_ of this line to Spain, and _all to the east_ of it to Portugal, the pope and cardinals granted the _whole circumference_ of the globe reciprocally to both crowns. The sacred college had not hitherto adopted the geographical heresy of Galileo, and still entertained vague notions of the true figure of the earth. --E. 

[4] This probably alludes to the _foul means_ then employed in Spain for converting the Moors and Jews, by means of the _holy office_ of the Inquisition. --E. 

[5] Perhaps this expression mean knights, or _fidalgos_; men of family and substance: yet it probably means nothing more than that twenty volunteer cavalry formed part of the military force of the expedition. --E. 

[6] I am apt to suspect the real sense of this passage ought to be, "requiring the court of Spain not to send off Columbus for sixty days. "--E. 

[7] One hundred leagues, at 17-1/2 to the degree, west from the Azores, would fix the boundary about Long. 42° W. And would include within the Portuguese boundary a small portion of Brazil. By compact between the two crowns, this line was afterwards extended to 370 leagues west from the islands of Cabo Verde, giving considerably more of Brazil, then unknown, to Portugal: But the boundaries of that colony have been several times changed and regulated by treaties between the two crowns, without any rigid adherence to the papal grant. --E. 

[8] This negociation, which is confusedly interspersed in the original among the transactions of Columbus, is here thrown together: But, as very indefinitely narrated, and exceedingly uninteresting, is somewhat compressed in this place. --E. 

[9] This date is assuredly erroneous, as we afterwards learn that nothing had been finally settled with Portugal on the fifth of September. --E. 

SECTION XII. 

_Second Voyage of Columbus to the West Indies, and establishment ofIsabella, the first European colony in the New World. _

Every thing being in readiness, the stores all shipped, and the menembarked, the fleet set sail from the bay of Cadiz on Wednesday the 25thof September 1493 before sunrise. The admiral directed his course to thesouth-west for the Canary islands. On Wednesday the 2d October the fleetcame off the island of Gran Canaria, and on Friday the 5th came to anchorat Gomera, where the admiral remained two days taking in wood and water, and procuring cattle, sheep, goats, and swine, for the intended colony inHispaniola. Among these he purchased eight sows for 70 maravedies each, from which all those which have since stocked the _Indies_ have multiplied. He likewise took on board poultry, and other creatures, and garden seeds. At this place the admiral delivered sealed instructions to all the pilotsof the fleet, directing them how to shape their course for the territoryof Guacanagari in the island of Hispaniola; but these were on no accountto be opened, unless in case of separation from him, as he wished as muchas possible to prevent the course of the voyage from becoming known to theking of Portugal. 

Columbus departed with his fleet from Gomera on Monday the 7th of October, and passing _Hierro_, the farthest of the Canaries, steered more to thesouthward than he had done in his first voyage. On the 24th of the samemonth, having sailed about 450 leagues in his estimation, a swallow wasseen among the ships, and they soon afterwards had heavy showers of rain, which the admiral supposed were occasioned by some near land, for whichreason he slackened sail at night, and ordered every one to keep a sharplook-out. On Sunday the 3d November, all the fleet saw land to the greatjoy of all on board. This proved to be an island, which Columbus named_Dominica_, because discovered on Sunday. Presently two other islands wereseen on the starboard, and then many others; and they began to smell theherbs and flowers, and to see flocks of parrots, which always make a greatnoise during their flight. As there seemed no convenient anchorage on theeast coast of Dominica, the admiral continued his course to the secondisland, which he named _Marigalante_, that being the name of his own ship. He landed here with some men, and took formal possession in presence of anotary and witnesses. Leaving this island, he discovered another next day, to which he gave the name of _Guadaloupe_, to which he sent some boats onshore to a small town, which was found deserted by the inhabitants, whohad all fled to the mountains. In searching their houses, a piece of shiptimber which the sailors call a _stern-post_ was found, to the greatsurprise of every one, not knowing how it should have come hither, unlesseither drifted from the Canaries, or perhaps it might have belonged to theadmirals ship, lost in the first voyage, and might have floated with thecurrents from Hispaniola. In this island the Spaniards took the first ofthose parrots which are called _Guacamayas_, which are as large asdunghill cocks. Some men went on shore again on Tuesday the 5th ofNovember, who took two youths, who made them understand that they belongedto the island of _Borriquen_, since named _St Juan de Porto Rico_, andthat the inhabitants of Guadaloupe were _Caribbees_, and kept them to eat, being canibals. The boats returned for some Spaniards who had remained onshore, and found with them six women who had fled from the Caribbees; butthe admiral gave them some hawks-bells and set them on shore. TheCaribbees took all from them; and when the boats went again on shore, these women, with a youth and two boys, solicited to be taken on board theships. From these people it was learnt that there was a continent not fardistant, and many islands to which they gave names. On being asked for theisland of _Ayti_, which is the Indian name of Hispaniola, they pointed inthe direction where it lay. 

The admiral proposed to continue the voyage, but was told that theinspector James Marqué had gone on shore with eight soldiers, at whichconduct he was much offended. Parties of men were sent out in differentdirections, but could not find him, on account of the thickness of thewoods. Other parties were again sent on shore, who fired muskets andsounded trumpets, yet all to no purpose, and Columbus was inclined toleave Marqué to his fate, being much concerned at the delay. Yet lestthese men might perish, he ordered the ships to take in wood and water, and sent Alonso de Ojeda, who commanded one of the caravels, with fortymen, to view the country, and to search for Marqué and his party. Ojedareturned without any tidings of the stragglers, and reported that intravelling six leagues he had waded through twenty-six rivers, many ofwhich took his men to the middle. In this excursion much cotton was seen, and a vast variety of birds in the woods. At length, on Friday the 8thNovember, the inspector and his men returned, excusing himself that he hadlost his way in the prodigiously thick woods, and was unable to get backsooner: But the admiral ordered him to be put under arrest for going onshore without leave. In some of the houses at this island, cotton wasfound both raw and spun, and likewise a strange sort of looms in which itwas wove by the natives. The houses were well constructed, and betterstored with provisions than those in the islands which were discovered inthe first voyage: But they found abundance of human heads, hung up in thehouses, and many baskets full of human bones, from which it was concludedthat the natives were canibals, or fed on human flesh. 

On the 10th November he coasted along the island of Guadaloupe, towardsthe north-west, steering for Hispaniola, and discovered a very high island, which he called _Montserrate_, because it resembled the rocks of thatplace. He next found a very round island, everywhere perpendicular, sothat it seemed impossible to get upon it without the assistance of ladders, and which he named _Santa Maria la Redonda_, or the round island of StMary. To another island he gave the name of _Santa Maria et Antigua_ orancient St Mary, the coast of which extended fifteen or twenty leagues. Many other islands were seen to the northward, which were very high, andcovered with woods. He anchored at one of these which he named St Martin;and at another on the 14th November, which he named _Santa Cruz_, or theHoly Cross. They took four women and two children at this island; and asthe boat was returning from the shore, a canoe was met in which there werefour men and a woman, who stood on their guard. The woman shot arrows aswell as the men, and one of her arrows pierced through a buckler. Inboarding, the canoe was overset, and one of the Indians discharged his bowvery vigorously while swimming. Holding on their course, so many islandswere seen close together that they could not be numbered, or separatelynamed. The admiral called the largest of these the island of _St Ursula_, and the rest the _Eleven thousand Virgins_. He came afterwards to anotherlarge island, called _Borriquen_ by the natives, but which he named theisland of _St John the Baptist_. It is now called _San Juan de PuertoRico_. In a bay on the west coast of this island, the seamen took severalkinds of fish in great plenty, such as skate, olaves, pilchards, and someothers. On this island many good houses were seen, all of timber andthatched, each having a square inclosure and a clean well beaten path tothe shore. The walls of these houses were made of canes woven or wattledtogether, and they were curiously ornamented with creeping plants orgreens, as is usual at Valencia in Spain. Near the sea there was a sort ofbalcony or open gallery of the same kind of structure, capable to holdtwelve persons: But no person was to be seen about the place, all theinhabitants having fled into the interior. On Friday the 22d of November, the first land of Hispaniola was seen on the north side, to which theywent straight over from the extreme point of Porto Rico, the two islandsbeing fifteen leagues distant. At this place, which was in the province ordistrict of _Samona_, the admiral put one of the Indians on shore who hadbeen in Spain, desiring him to tell the natives all the wonderful thingshe had seen, to induce them to enter into friendship with the Christians. He readily undertook this commission, but was never more heard of, so thathe was believed to have died. 

The admiral continued to sail along the northern coast of Hispaniola, where at point _Angel_, some Indians came aboard in canoes with provisionsand other things to barter with the Spaniards. Anchoring afterwards off_Monte Christo_, one of the boats entered a river, were they found twodead men, one young and the other old. The latter had a rope about hisneck made of Spanish _esparto_, his arms stretched out and his hands tiedto a stick. It could not be ascertained whether these men were Christiansor Indians, on which account the admiral was much troubled, lest somecalamity had befallen the people he had left on the island. Next day, being Tuesday the 26th November, the admiral sent several men in differentdirections, to endeavour to learn if any news could be got of those whomhe had left at the Nativity. Many of the Indians came up to the Spaniards, without fear, touching their dress, and saying _tubon camisa_ that isdoublet and shirt, to shew that they knew the Spanish names of thesearticles. These circumstances gave great comfort to the admiral, as hesupposed the Indians would have been afraid, if those he had left in thenew town were dead. On Wednesday the 27th, he came to anchor off theharbour of the Nativity, and about midnight a canoe came to the admiralsship, calling _almirante_, or admiral. The Indians were desired to come onboard, but they refused till they saw and knew Columbus. They then gavehim two well wrought vizor masks and some gold, which, they had brought asa present from Guacanagari, the cacique. Being asked concerning theChristians, they said some had died of sickness, and that others had goneup the country, along with their wives. The admiral much feared that theywere all dead, yet thought it prudent to conceal his fears, and sent backthe Indians with some brass baubles, on which they place great value, andwith other toys as a present for the cacique. 

Next day the whole fleet entered the port of the Nativity, where theyfound the fort burnt, on which it was concluded that all the Christianswere dead, and the more especially as none of the Indians appeared. Somethings which had belonged to the Spaniards were found scattered about theplace, which gave a melancholy indication of what had actually happened. Columbus caused a well which had been dug in the fort to be cleared out, but nothing was found there. All the Indians had fled from their houses, in which some of the clothes were found which had belonged to theSpaniards. They discovered seven or eight men buried near the fort, whomthey knew to have been Christians by their clothes. While employed in thisdistressing search, a brother of Guacanagari and some other Indians madetheir appearance, who spoke a little Spanish, and who were able to nameall the men who were left in the fort: From these men, by the help of oneof the Indians who had been in Spain, called James Columbus, they receivedan account of the disaster which had befallen the Christians of theNativity. They declared, "That, as soon as the admiral departed, theSpaniards disagreed among themselves, refusing obedience to theircommander, and went about the country in a disorderly manner, seizingwomen and gold from the natives. That Peter Gutierrez, and Roderick deEscovedo, killed one of the Spaniards, named Jacome; after which they wentoff with their women and goods to the district of a cacique named_Caunabo_, the lord of the mines, who killed them all. That soonafterwards Caunabo came with a great number of men to the fort, in whichthere were then only James de Arana, and five others. That Caunabo set thefort on fire during the night; and those few who were in it, inendeavouring to escape to the sea were drowned. That all the rest of theSpaniards had dispersed into different parts of the island. ThatGuacanagari went out to fight against Caunabo in defence of the Christians, and was severely wounded, being still ill of his wounds. " All this agreedwith the intelligence brought to the admiral by some of the Spaniards, whohad been sent in search of information, and who had seen Guacanagari athis place of residence, finding him ill of his wounds, which he urged inexcuse for not waiting on the admiral. 

From all that could be learnt, it appeared there had been divisions amongthe Christians, which had originated in the disobedience of the_biscainers_, and that they would not have miscarried if they had obeyedthe orders left by the admiral. Guacanagari sent a message to the admiral, requesting a visit from him, as he was unable to go abroad on account ofhis wounds. The admiral did so, and the cacique, with a melancholycountenance, gave him a recital of all that has been already said, shewinghim his wounds and those of many of his men, which plainly appeared tohave been made by the weapons used by the Indians, being darts pointedwith fish bones. When the discourse was ended, the cacique gave theadmiral 800 small stone beads, called _cibas_, on which the Indians setgreat value; likewise 100 gold beads, a crown of gold, and three littlegourds or calabashes, called _ybueras_, full of gold in grains; the wholeweighing about 200 pieces of eight. The admiral presented him with severalglass toys, knives, scissars, hawks-bells, pins, needles, and smallmirrors, which the cacique considered as a rich treasure. He attended theadmiral to his quarters, and was astonished at the sight of the Spanishhorses, and at seeing the way in which these animals were rode and managed. Some officers of the expedition, and even Friar _Boyle_, advised thatGuacanagari should be secured, till he had cleared himself in a moresatisfactory manner from having a concern in the death of the Christianswho had been left in his country. But the admiral was of a differentopinion, conceiving it very improper to use severity, or to go rashly towar, at his first settling in the country; meaning first to fortifyhimself and establish the colony on a permanent footing, examining moreaccurately into the matter gradually, and if the cacique were ultimatelyfound guilty, he could be punished at any time. 

The admiral was full of perplexity how best to give a good beginning tothe great object he had undertaken; and though the province of _Marien_, in which he had formerly built the Nativity, had good harbours andexcellent water, it was a very low country, in which stone and othermaterials for building were scarce. He resolved, therefore, to returnalong the coast to the eastwards, to look out for a more convenientsituation in which to build a town. With this design, he sailed with allthe fleet on Saturday the 7th December, and anchored that evening nearsome small islands not far from _Monte Christo_, and came next day toanchor close to that mountain. Imagining that _Monte de Plata_ was nearerto the province of _Cibao_, in which he had been told the rich gold mineswere situated, which he fancied to be _Cipango_, he was desirous to drawnear that part of the island. But the wind proved so adverse after leaving_Monte Christo_, that the men and horses became much fatigued, and he wasunable to reach the port of _Garcia_, where Martin Alonso Pinzon had been, and which is now called the river of Martin Alonso, being five or sixleagues from _Puerta de Plata_. Under these circumstances, he was forcedto turn back three leagues to a place where he had observed a large riverdischarging itself into the sea, forming a good harbour, though open tothe north-west. He landed at an Indian town on this river, and found adelightful plain, some way up the river; at which place the river couldeasily be drawn out in trenches or canals, to supply his intended townwith water, and might even be applied for the erection of mills, and allother conveniencies. He therefore determined to build a town on this spot, and ordered all the men and horses to be landed. To this place, which wasthe first colony established in the _West Indies_, he gave the name of_Isabella_, in honour of the queen of Castile, for whom he hadextraordinary respect. Finding abundance of stone and lime, and everything he could wish, and the land around being exceedingly fertile, heapplied himself diligently to build a church, magazines, and a house forhimself, all of stone, the others being of timber covered with thatch, every person being allowed to build according to his own fancy and ability;but the plan was regularly marked out in streets and squares. 

As the people had been long at sea, to which they were unaccustomed, andwere now fatigued with much labour, while they were confined to shortallowance and disliked the country bread, they began to fall sick in greatnumbers, though the country itself is very healthy, and many of them died. They were much afflicted to find themselves reduced to such straits at avast distance from their native country, without hope of relief, anddisappointed in the prospect of acquiring that immense abundance of goldwhich had induced them to embark in the expedition. The admiral himselfhad endured much toil during the voyage, as he had to take charge of thewhole fleet, and was still forced to undergo much fatigue on shore, inorder to dispose all things in good order, that this important affairwhich had been confided to his management might succeed according to hiswish. He was at length taken ill and confined to bed; yet he used everyendeavour to advance the building of the town, and that no time might bespent in vain. On purpose to husband his provisons, he dispatched twelveof the ships back to Spain, keeping five of the largest, two of them shipsand three caravels. About the same time he sent out Ojedo with fifteen mento explore the country, and in particular to search out Cipango, aboutwhich he was so much mistaken. Ojedo travelled eight or ten leaguesthrough an uninhabited country, and having passed a mountain, came to abeautiful plain full of Indian towns, where he was well received. In fiveor six days he reached _Cibao_, which was only 15 or 20 leagues fromIsabella; yet he could not travel any faster, having many rivers, brooks, and ravines, to pass by the way. The Indian guides who accompanied him, and the natives of the place, gathered gold in his presence; and hereturned with a sufficient quantity to shew that it was to be had there ingreat abundance. This gave great satisfaction to the admiral and the restof the colony; and he sent these samples, and what had been before givenhim by Guacanagari to their Catholic majesties, by Anthony de Torres, under whose command he sent home the twelve ships before mentioned. Thusended the year 1493. 

Soon after the departure of Torres for Spain, the admiral being recoveredfrom his sickness, received information of a plot having been formed bysome of the people who repented of having engaged in the expedition, andwho had chosen _Bernal de Pisa_ as their leader, with the intention ofcarrying off the remaining five ships, or some of them, in order to returninto Spain. He immediately ordered Bernal de Pisa into custody; and, having made formal examinations of his mutinous conduct, sent him, and acopy of the proceedings, into Spain by one of the ships, that theirmajesties might direct him to be dealt with according to their pleasure. He caused some of the other chief conspirators to be punished at Isabella, though not with the severity their crime deserved, yet his enemies tookoccasion from thence to tax him with tyranny and oppression. About thesame time, an information, drawn up in form against the admiral, was foundconcealed in the buoy of one of the ships, which he also transmitted totheir majesties. This was the first mutinous attempt against the authorityof the admiral in the West Indies, and became the foundation of all theopposition which was made against him and his successors in the exerciseand enjoyments of their rights. Having quelled this mutiny, and restoredthe colony to order, he chose a party of his best men, with some labourersand proper tools, in order to visit the province of Cibao, and to dig forgold. He carried materials likewise along with him for the construction ofa blockhouse, or fortalice, in case he found that precaution requisite. Heaccordingly set out on this expedition with colours flying, drums beating, trumpets sounding, and his troops in martial array, in which manner hemarched through all the towns on his way, to impress the Indians with aweof his power, who were particularly astonished at the horses in his train. 

He left the new town of Isabella on the 12th of March 1494, leaving hisbrother Don James Columbus to command in his absence; a gentleman of apeaceable disposition, and most orderly behaviour. After marching threeleagues the first day, Columbus halted at the foot of a craggy pass in themountains; and, as the Indian paths were exceedingly narrow, he sent onsome pioneers under the direction of several gentlemen to level the road;from which circumstance this place acquired the name of _El puerto de losHidalgos_, the port or pass of the gentlemen. Having reached the top ofthe mountain on Thursday, they beheld a great plain beyond of wonderfulbeauty, being eighty leagues long, and between twenty and thirty leagueswide. This appeared one of the finest plains in the world, so green anddelightful that the Spaniards thought it a terrestrial paradise, on whichaccount the admiral named it _Vega Real_, or the Royal Plain. Coming downfrom the mountain, they marched five leagues across this noble plain, passing through several towns, where they were kindly received. Coming toa considerable river, called _Yaqui_ by the natives, the admiral gave itthe name of _Rio de los Cannas_, or River of Canes, because of the greatnumber of these that grew upon its banks, forgetting, or not being aware, that he had named the same river at its mouth, in his first voyage, _Riodel Oro_, or golden river, where it falls into the sea near Monte Christo. The Spanish party halted for the night on the banks of this river, muchpleased with their days march. The Indians whom they had brought alongwith them from the country near Isabella, went freely into all the housesas they marched along, taking whatever they had a mind to, as if allproperty were common, and the owners shewed no displeasure at this freedom:These, in return, went to the quarters of the Christians, taking what theyliked, believing that this had been equally the custom among the Spaniards. The admiral and the infantry of his party crossed the river next day, bymeans of rafts and canoes, and the cavalry crossed at a ford not far off. A league and half beyond the River of Canes, they came to another riverwhich they called _Rio del Oro_, or Golden River, having found some grainsof gold in its bed; but it is named Nicayagua by the natives. Into thisriver three brooks, or rivulets, discharge their waters; the first ofwhich, named _Buenicum_ by the Indians, the Spaniards called _Rio Seco_, or the Dry River; the second is called _Coatenicu_ by the natives, and thethird _Cibu_, all of which were extremely rich in the finest gold. Havingpassed this river, the admiral came to a town, whence most of theinhabitants fled at his approach; yet some remained, who placed a fewcanes across their doors, thinking themselves safe from intrusion by thatsimple artifice. Seeing their simplicity, the admiral gave orders that nodisturbance or wrong should be done them, on which they took courage andcame out. He continued his march to another river, which, from thedelightful verdure of its banks, was called _Rio Verde_, or Green River;its bed being covered with round pebbles. On Saturday the 15th of March, the admiral marched through other towns, where the inhabitants thought ita sufficient protection to place a few slight canes across their doors. They next came to a pass in the mountains, on the opposite side of theRoyal Plain, which was named _Puerto de Cibao_, because the province ofCibao began at the top of this path. 

The party halted at the bottom of this pass, and the pioneers were sent onto clear the way: And as the people were not yet reconciled to the foodused by the natives, some pack-horses were sent back under an escort toIsabella to bring provisions. Having gained the top of the pass, theyagain enjoyed a delightful prospect of the Royal Plain. From this placethey entered the district or province of Cibao, which is a rugged uncouthcountry, full of high rocky mountains, whence it derives its name, _Ciba_, signifying a stone in the language of the natives. Cibao is everywhereintersected by rivers and brooks, all of which yield gold; but it has fewtrees, and little verdure, the land being very barren, unless in thebottoms near the rivers. It abounds however in tall spreading pines, whichresemble the olive trees of Axarafe near Seville. This province is veryhealthy, having a temperate air, and excellent wholesome water. Smallgrains of gold were found in every brook, and sometimes large pieces aregot, but not often. From every town the natives came out, offeringprovisions, and when they found the admiral was desirous of gold, theybrought him such grains as they had gathered. He was now eighteen leaguesfrom Isabella, and discovered several gold mines, besides one of copper, one of azure, and another of amber; these two last being only in smallquantities. To protect his workmen at the mines, and to keep the provinceunder subjection, the admiral made choice of a convenient situation for aredoubt or small fortress, on a hill which was almost encompassed by ariver called Zanique. The ramparts of this fort were constructed of earthand timber, and these were defended by a trench at the gorge where notinclosed by the river. He named this _Fort St Thomas_, because of theincredulity of the Spaniards, who would not believe that the countryproduced gold till they saw and touched it. In digging the foundations ofthis fort, several nests of straw were found, in each of which three orfour round stones were found, as large as oranges, instead of eggs. 

Having established all things to his mind, the admiral left Don PeterMargarite, a gentleman of Catalonia, as governor of the fort, with agarrison of fifty-six men, and returned himself to Isabella, where hearrived on the 29th of March. He here found matters much worse than at hisdeparture, only seventeen days before. Many of the colonists were dead, and great numbers sick, while those who were still in health were quitedisheartened at the prospect of following the fate of their companions. The provisions which had been brought from Spain were growing extremelyscarce, owing to a great quantity of them being spoiled through thenegligence of the sea captains, while such as had been landed in goodcondition would not keep long, on account of the dampness and heat of theclimate. All were therefore on short allowance, and the flour they hadstill in store being near spent, it became necessary to construct a millfor grinding corn: But, as all the labouring people were sick, the bettersort were forced to work, which was extremely grievous to them, especiallyas they were in want of food. In this emergency the admiral was under thenecessity to use compulsion for carrying on the public works, that thepeople might not perish. This rendered him odious to the leading Spaniards, and gave occasion to Friar Boyle to charge him with cruelty; though it hasbeen alleged that the true cause of his aversion to the admiral proceededfrom being refused a larger allowance for himself and his servants thanwas given to others. Provisions became at length so scarce, that even thesick were often reduced to one egg each, and a pot of boiled Spanish peaseamong five. The want of proper medicines added greatly to the distress;for though some had been brought along with the expedition, they did notagree with all constitutions; and, what was still worse, they had nomedical person to attend upon the sick. Many well-born men, who had neverbeen accustomed to such hardships, being sick and starving, and withoutall hope of relief, sunk under their situation, and died almost of despair. Afterwards, when the town of Isabella was abandoned, it was currentlyreported that dreadful noises were heard in the place, so that for a longwhile no one durst venture to go that way. 

To add to his affliction, the admiral received intelligence from Fort StThomas, that all the Indians had abandoned their towns, and that _Caunabo_, the cacique of one of the provinces, was making preparations to reduce thefort. The admiral sent immediately a reinforcement of seventy of thehealthiest of his men to the fort, escorting some beasts of burden, ladenwith arms and provisions. He likewise ordered Alonso de Ojedo to take thefield with as many men as were able to march, leaving only the sick andthe mechanics behind; desiring him to march about the country, particularly the Royal Plain, where there were many caciques and aninnumerable multitude of Indians; intending to intimidate the natives by adisplay of the Spanish force, and to accustom the Spaniards to use theprovisions of the country, as their own were nearly spent. Ojeda leftIsabella with above 400 men on the 9th of April; and as soon as he hadpassed Golden River in the Royal Plain, he seized the cacique of one ofthe towns, with his brother and nephew, whom he sent prisoners to Isabella, and caused the ears of an Indian to be cut off in the market place. Thereason of this severity was, because when three Spaniards were going fromFort St Thomas to Isabella, the cacique gave them five Indians to carrytheir baggage across the river, who left the Spaniards and carried thebaggage back to the town, for which the cacique was so far from punishingthem, that he detained the baggage. The cacique of another town, on seeingthese chiefs carried away prisoners, went along with them to Isabella, believing he might be able to procure their pardon from the admiral, as hehad always been friendly to the Spaniards. "As soon as they arrived, theadmiral ordered their heads to be cut off in the market-place, a crierproclaiming the offences for which they were to suffer this condignpunishment; but for the sake of the friendly cacique he forgave them[1]. "About this time a horseman came to Isabella from the fort, who reportedthat the inhabitants of the town belonging to the cacique who was theirprisoner had beset five Spaniards with intention to put them to death; butthat he and his horse had rescued them from above 400 of the natives, whoall fled before him out of fear for his horse, and that he had woundedseveral of them with his lance. 

Having pacified the threatened commotions to all appearance for thepresent, the admiral determined to prosecute his maritime discoveries ashe had been directed by their Catholic majesties, and because hisdisposition was averse from idleness, and much inclined to explore thecountry which he had discovered. For the better government of the colonyduring his absence, he appointed a council, of which his brother Don JamesColumbus was constituted president; the other members were, Friar Boyle, Peter Fernandez Coronel, the chief alguazil or judge, Alonso Sanchez deCarvajal, and John de Luxon. Don Peter Margarite was ordered to continuemarching up and down the country with the military force, being above 400men; and the admiral left such instructions for the good management of thecolony in his absence as he deemed convenient and necessary. 

[1] The words marked with inverted commas, however equivocal in their meaning, are expressed so in Churchill's Collection, from which this article is adopted. The meaning of Herrera probably is, "That having ordered the nature of their crime, and the sentence which it merited to be proclaimed, he pardoned them at the desire of the friendly cacique. "--E. 

SECTION XIII. 

_Columbus proceeds to explore the Coast of Cuba, discovers the Island ofJamaica, and returns to Isabella in Hispaniola. _

Leaving two vessels in the harbour of Isabella to serve the colony in anycase of emergency, the admiral set sail on Thursday the 24th of April 1494, with one large ship and two caravels. Taking his course to the westwards, he proceeded to Monte Christo and the harbour of Nativity, where heinquired for Guacanagari, who happened to be absent; and although hispeople said he would be soon back, the admiral was unwilling to delay hisvoyage. He then advanced to the isle of _Tortuga_, but was forced back bycontrary winds, and came to anchor in a river which he named Guadalquivir. On the 29th of April he reached Port St Nicholas, whence he discovered theeastern point of the island of Cuba, called _Bayatiquiri_ by the natives, but which he named Cape _Alpha and Omega_[1]. Crossing the strait betweenHispaniola and Cuba, which is eighteen leagues broad, he began to explorethe southern coast of Cuba, where he discovered a large bay, which henamed _Puerto Grande_[2], or Great Harbour, the mouth of which is anhundred and fifty paces wide. He came to anchor here, and procuredconsiderable quantities of fish, brought by the Indians in canoes. OnSunday the 7th of May he proceeded along the coast, which he foundeverywhere provided with excellent harbours, high mountains, and numerousrivers. As he kept everywhere as close as possible to the shore, infinitenumbers of Indians resorted continually to the ships in their canoes, supplying the Spaniards freely with provisions, under the idea that theywere come from heaven: on these occasions the admiral always gave themtoys, with which they went away perfectly satisfied. 

He now returned towards the south-east, on purpose to explore anotherisland named _Jamaica_, which some believe to have been the place sofrequently mentioned by the Indians of _Lucayo_, under the name of_Babeche_ or _Bohio_. He accordingly reached the coast of Jamaica onMonday the 14th of May, and thought it the most beautiful of all theislands he had yet seen, and from it great numbers of canoes came off tothe ships; yet on sending the boats to explore and sound a port, a greatmany armed canoes interposed to hinder the Spaniards from landing. Theadmiral therefore made sail towards another place, which he named _PuertoBueno_, or the Good Harbour, where a similar opposition was made by thenatives. Irritated by this unfriendly reception, the admiral ordered aflight of arrows to be discharged among the Indians from his cross-bows, by which six or seven of them were wounded, after which the rest of thenatives came peaceably to the ships. Next Friday, being the 18th May, hesailed along the coast to the westwards, so near the shore that manycanoes continually followed the ships, bartering such things as theypossessed for any baubles given them by the Spaniards. The wind beingalways contrary, the admiral resolved to return to Cuba, that he mightsatisfy himself whether it were an island or continent. At this time anIndian youth came on board, and expressed by signs an anxious desire to goalong with the Christians; and though his parents and friends entreatedhim with tears not to leave them, he would not be prevailed on to stay, but went and hid himself in a private part of the ship, to avoid theirimportunity. 

On returning to the coast of Cuba, he discovered a cape or point, which hecalled _Cabo de Cruz_, or Cape Cross; and continued to sail along thecoast, accompanied by much rain, and a great deal of thunder and lightning. In this course he was greatly perplexed by numerous shoals and islands, which increased in number the farther he went, some of the Islands beingbare sand, while others were covered with trees. The nearer these islandswere to the shore of Cuba, they appeared the higher, greener, and morebeautiful, some of them being a league or two in compass, and others, three or four. On the first day he saw many, and the next still more; andconsidering that they were so numerous that it was impossible to give eacha name, he called the whole group or range _El Jarden de la Reyna_, or theQueen's Garden. Between these islands there were many channels throughwhich the ships could pass; and in some of them they found a sort of redcranes, or _flamingos_, which are only found on the coast of Cuba andamong the small islands, living on the salt water upon some kind of foodwhich they there find. These birds are often domesticated, and are thenfed on _cazabi_, or casada, which is the Indian bread, and which is giventhem in pans of salt water. They saw cranes likewise, resembling those inSpain; also crows, and many kinds of singing-birds, and abundance oftortoises or turtles as large as bucklers. 

At this time the Spaniards were much astonished by a new mode of fishingwhich they saw practised by some Indians in a canoe, who shewed nosymptoms of dread on the approach of the Christians. These people in thefirst place caught some fishes called _reves_, the largest of which areabout the size of a pilchard, and have a certain roughness on their belly, by which they cling with such force to any thing they have a mind to, thatthey may be sooner torn in pieces than forced to quit their hold. Havingcaught some of these, the Indian fishermen fastened them by the tail toone end of a small cord about 200 fathoms long, and allowed the fish toswim about in the water, holding fast by the other end of the line. Whenthis fish came to a tortoise, it clung so close to the under shell of thetortoise, that the men drew up one of an hundred weight or more into theircanoe. In the same manner they take sharks, the fiercest and most ravenouscreatures of the deep, which even devour men. When the Indians hadsatisfied themselves with fishing, they came on board the admirals ship, who ordered them to have a number of toys, and from them it was learntthat there were many more islands to the west along the coast. The admiralcontinued his way to the westwards among the islands, constantly havingmuch rain with thunder and lightning every evening, which continued tillthe moon rose; and though all imaginable care was taken, the ship oftentouched and stuck, and was got off with much labour. In one of the islandsof this group, larger than the rest, and which he named _Santa Martha_, hefound a town, in which there was abundance of fish, many dogs which didnot bark, large flocks of flamingos or red cranes, plenty of parrots andother birds, but the inhabitants all fled. 

Being in want of water, and not finding any in the small islands, theadmiral drew near the coast of Cuba. On account of the thickness of thetrees close down to the waters edge, it was impossible to discover whetherthere were any towns or not; but one of the sailors having penetrated someway into the woods, met thirty men armed with spears, and a kind of woodenswords, called mazanos by the Indians: he alleged likewise that one of thenatives was clothed with a white garment down to his heels, like asurplice; but neither his person nor any of the others, could beafterwards found, as they all fled into the woods. Proceeding about tenleagues further on, they espied some houses, whence several men came offin their canoes, bringing provisions and calabashes of water, for whichthey were rewarded with toys. The admiral requested them to leave one oftheir men with him, to give him some information respecting the country, to which they reluctantly consented. This person almost satisfied theadmiral that Cuba was an island, and he reported that a cacique who dweltfarther towards the west, gave all his orders to his people by signs, yetwas obeyed by them. While continuing their way, the ships got aground on abank of sand, having only six feet water, and only two ships lengthsacross, where they were obliged to force the ships over into deeper waterwith much ado, by carrying out anchors and heaving the capstans with alltheir might. At this place the whole sea was covered over with largesea-tortoises or turtle. At one time so great a flight of crows passedover the ships, going from the sea towards Cuba, that the sun was hid fromsight as by a large cloud, and these were followed by prodigious flightsof pigeons, sea-gulls, and many other kinds of birds. Next day suchmultitudes of butterflies came off from the shore, that they hid the lightof the sun; and this continued till night, when they were all carried awayby heavy rains. 

Being informed by the Indian whom he had taken on board, that the numerousislands continued all along the coast in the direction he was now sailing, so that the toil and danger they had so long suffered would increase; andbeing likewise in want of provisions, the admiral came to the resolutionof returning to Hispaniola; but, wishing to provide a supply of wood andwater, he made for an island about 30 leagues in circumference, which hecalled the _Evangelist_, but which is now believed to be that called _Islade Pinos_, or Isle of Pines. This island was reckoned 700 leagues distantfrom Hispaniola[3]. Had the admiral proceeded 36 leagues farther on, hewould have discovered the extreme west point of Cuba[4]. Thus the admiralhad sailed on this discovery 333 leagues[5]; and computing his voyage byastronomical rules, from Cadiz to the west, he found that he had sailed 75degrees in longitude, which are equal to five hours in the difference oftime[6]. On Friday the 13th of June, the admiral steered to the southwardthrough what seemed to be a fair channel, but it was found quiteimpracticable; finding themselves thus embayed among shoals, and runningshort of provisions, the people were much discouraged; but by theperseverance and resolution of the admiral, he got the ships back toEvangelist Island. He then steered to the north-east for certain islandsabout five leagues off, where they came to a part of the sea that was fullof green and white spots, appearing like shoals, but they never had lessthan twelve feet water. Seven leagues from thence they came to a verywhite sea, as if it had been congealed; and seven leagues farther on thesea became as black as ink, and continued so all the way to the coast ofCuba. The sailors were much amazed at these changes in the colour of thesea, which is understood to proceed from the colour of the bottom, not ofthe water, as is reported by the Portuguese to be the case with the RedSea; and similar spots have been observed both in the South and North Sea. Among the windward islands there are similar white spots, because thebottom is white, hence we may conclude that these appearances proceed fromthe transparency of the water. 

The admiral continued sailing along the southern coast of Cuba towards theeast, always through narrow channels full of shoals, and with a scantywind. On the 30th of June the admiral's ship stuck fast on a shoal, andcould not be hauled astern by all their anchors and cables; but at length, by his ingenuity, she was forced a-head right over the shoal. Proceedingcontinually on in no regular course, just as was permitted by the shoalsand islands, passing always through a very white sea, and having greatshowers of rain every evening, the admiral came at length to that part ofthe island of Cuba towards the east where he had entered among the shoalsand islands of the _Jarden de la Reyna_, where they smelt most fragrantodours, as of storax, proceeding from the odoriferous wood which is thereburnt by the Indians. On the 7th of July, the admiral went on shore tohear mass; and while that ceremony was performing an old cacique came tothe place, who observantly noted every thing that was done by the priest, how reverently the Christians behaved themselves, and the respect whichwas paid by every one to the admiral: Supposing him to be the chief overall the rest, the cacique presented him with some of the fruit of thatcountry in a platter or basin made of the shell of a gourd or calabash, called by the natives _ybueras_; and then sat down on his hams, which isthe manner of the Indians when they have not their usual low stools. Thecacique then addressed the admiral as follows: "You, who are of greatpower, have come into our country, and have occasioned much terror amongus. According to our belief, there are two places in the other world towhich the souls of men go after death. One of these is dark and dismal, and is prepared for the souls of the wicked; the other is pleasant anddelightful, and is appointed for the reception of those who promote peaceamong mortals. If, therefore, you expect to die, and that men will berewarded hereafter according to their deserts in this life, you will notharm those who do you none. What you have been now engaged in is good, asI suppose you have been giving thanks to God. " This man said, moreover, that he had been in Hispaniola and Jamaica, and to the farther end of Cuba, and that the lord of that country was clad like the priest he had seenofficiating. All this was understood by the admiral by means of aninterpreter, and he was amazed at the ingenious discourse of the oldIndian, to whom he made the following answer: "He was much rejoiced tolearn that the natives believed in the immortality of the soul, and infuture rewards and punishments. As for himself, he was sent to take a viewof the countries by a powerful monarch, and to inquire if there were anywho did wrong to others; and hearing that the Caribbees did so, he wasresolved to curb them, that all might live together in peace. " The oldcacique shed tears of joy at this intelligence, and declared he wouldaccompany the admiral into Spain, were it not on account of his wife andchildren. Being presented with some toys by the admiral, he knelt down ingreat admiration, often asking whether these men were born in heaven or onthe earth. 

Leaving that place, the winds and torrents of rain seem to have conspiredto obstruct his progress; and at one time a water spout fell upon the deckof his ship, so that it appeared a miraculous interposition of Providencewhich enabled them to lower the sails, and let go the anchors. So muchwater was shipped at this time, that it required the utmost exertions ofthe crew at the pumps to free the ship. In addition to all theirdistresses, the people were now reduced to a pound of rotten biscuit, andhalf a pint of wine a-day for each man, having no other provisions, unlesswhen they happened to take some fish. Under all these difficulties, theadmiral arrived on the 18th of July at Cape _Cruz_, where he remainedthree days, as the Indians supplied the people liberally with fruit andprovisions. On Tuesday the 22d of July, as the wind was still adverse forhis return to Isabella in the island of Hispaniola, he struck over to theisland of Jamaica, which he named _Sant Jago_. He coasted along thisisland to the westwards, admiring its delightful appearance and numerousharbours. Great numbers of Indians followed the ships along the coast, andfreely parted with such provisions as the country afforded, which theSpaniards thought better than they had met with in any of the otherislands. But he never failed to have heavy rains every evening, which heendeavoured to account for by the proximity of such extensive woods. Atone place he saw a very beautiful bay, having seven small islands, one ofwhich was extraordinary high land. The admiral thought this island verylarge and beautiful, and to have an unusual number of towns; but itafterwards turned out to be Jamaica itself, which is eighty leagues longand fifty broad[7]. 

The weather becoming more settled, the admiral stood to the eastwards forHispaniola, and came to the extreme point of that island stretchingtowards Jamaica, which he called _Cabo de Ferol_, or Cape Lighthouse[8];and on Wednesday the 20th of August, he got sight of the westernmost pointof Hispaniola, which he named Cape _St Michael_, now called _Tiberoon_;which is twenty-five or thirty leagues from the easternmost point ofJamaica[9]. On, Saturday the 23d of August, a cacique came off to theships, calling out _Almirante! Almirante!_ from which circumstance heinferred that he had fallen in with Hispaniola, of which he was not tillthen assured. At the end of August, he anchored at a small island whichlooks like a sail, which he therefore named _Alto Vela_, being twelveleagues from _Beata_[10]. The other two ships being out of sight, theadmiral sent some of his men to the top of this island to look out forthem. While on shore the seamen killed five seals which lay asleep on thesand, and knocked down many birds with their sticks, even catching somewith their hands, for a the island was uninhabited they were not afraid ofmen. After six days waiting, the other ships rejoined the admiral; and heproceeded to _La Beata_, and thence eastwards along the coast ofHispaniola to a river running through a fine populous plain, now called_Catalina_, or Catherines Plain, from the name of a lady to whom it oncebelonged[11]. Some Indians came off to the ships in their canoes, who saidthe Spaniards from the town of Isabella had been there, and were all well. Going on eastwards from this place, a large town was observed on shore, towhich he sent the boats for water. The Indians came out armed withpoisoned arrows, and threatened to bind the Spaniards with cords; yet assoon as the boats came near, they laid down their arms, inquired for theadmiral, and brought provisions to the Spaniards. This place is in theprovince of Higuay, the natives of which are the most warlike of all thetribes in Hispaniola, and use poisoned arrows. 

Continuing the course to the eastwards, a large fish was seen resembling asmall whale, having a shell on its neck like that of a tortoise, as largeas a target. Its head, which it held above water, was like a pipe or largecask; it had two vast fins on the sides, and the tail resembled that of atunny fish, but much larger. From the appearance of this fish, and byother tokens in the sky, the admiral suspected an approaching storm, andtook shelter therefore within an island called _Adamanoy_ by the Indians, but which the Spaniards name _Saona_, which is about two leagues in length, having a strait between it and Hispaniola about a league in breadth. Hethere anchored, but as the other two ships were unable to get in they rangreat danger. That night, the admiral observed an eclipse of the moon, from which he calculated the difference of longitude between the island ofSaona and Cadiz to be five hours and twenty-three minutes[12]. The admiralremained in this place for eight days, and being rejoined by the otherships, he made sail on the 24th September, and arrived at _Cabo deErgario_[13], or Cape Deceit, which he named _San Raphael_. He thentouched at the island of _Mona_, ten leagues from Hispaniola, and eightfrom San Joan de Porto Rico. Leaving Mona, where the Spaniards got mostdelicious melons as large as a two gallon vessel, the admiral was siezedby a violent lethargy in which he lost his senses, and every one expectedhim to die. In this emergency, the other officers made the best of theirway for Isabella, where all the ships arrived on the 29th of September, without having been able to ascertain whether or not Cuba was an island, except from the information of an Indian, as already mentioned. 

On his arrival at Isabella, the admiral had the satisfaction to learn thathis brother Don Bartholomew Columbus was there, but this pleasingintelligence was much damped by information that the natives of the islandhad risen in arms against the Spaniards. Don Bartholomew had gone toEngland to offer the proposed discovery of the Indies to King Henry VII. He was long delayed on his way there, and spent a long time in learningthe language, and in soliciting at court before he could gain admission tothe ministry; insomuch, that seven years had elapsed from his leavingSpain before his negociations were finished with King Henry, who agreed tothe proposed terms, and entered into articles with him for the employmentof the admiral. He then set out on his return to Spain in search of hisbrother, who not having heard of him for so long a time, concluded that hehad died. When at Paris, he learnt that his brother had actually made thediscovery, and was already appointed admiral of the Indies. Charles, _theheadstrong_, who then reigned in France, gave him 100 crowns to assist hisjourney into Spain; but his brother was already sailed on his secondvoyage before his arrival. He found, however, the instructions which theadmiral had left for him, and went in consequence to court to visit hisnephews, who were pages to Prince John. Their Catholic majesties receivedhim very graciously, and gave him the command of three ships, to carry outa supply of provisions to the new colony, where he had arrived in April, after the admiral had sailed to explore Cuba. Don Bartholomew was adiscreet man, as skilful in sea affairs as his brother, and had manycommendable qualities; he was besides very brave and resolute but of ablunt manner, and somewhat harsh in his temper, by which he incurred thehatred of some persons of the colony. As the admiral hoped to derive muchassistance from Don Bartholomew, he gave him the title of _adelantado_, orlieutenant-governor of the Indies; at which their Catholic majesties wereoffended, considering that the admiral had exceeded his powers in givingthis appointment, which ought only to have come from them; yet theyconfirmed it some years afterwards. 

[1] The eastern point of Cuba, in Lat. 20° 22' N. Long. 74° 3' W. Is now named Cape Maize. --E. 

[2] Now called Cumberland Bay. --E. 

[3] At 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, the distance between the Isle of Pines and Isabella is only 192 leagues: Or even counting twenty to the degree, only 220 marine leagues. --E. 

[4] We are to suppose Columbus was now at the east end of the Isle of Pines, from whence Cape St Antonia, the western point of Cuba, is about 52 Spanish leagues. --E. 

[5] The numbers in the translation of Herrera are inextricably corrupt, and quite irreconcileable with each other, or with truth. --E. 

[6] Cadiz is in Long. 6° 18' W. From Greenwich, the east end of the Isle of Pines 82° W. Hence the difference of longitude is 75° 42' W. Very near the same as in the text. --E. 

[7] The text, or its original translation, is here obscure; but Columbus appears not to have been aware that this island, to which he gave the name of St Jago was the same which he had before visited as Jamaica. The extent in the text is exceedingly erroneous, as the length of Jamaica is only thirty-five Spanish leagues, and its greatest breadth thirteen leagues. --E. 

[8] From the sequel it would appear that this Cape _Ferol_ belonged to Jamaica, and is probably that now called North-East Cape--E. 

[9] The distance from Cape North-East in Jamaica, to Cape Tiberoon in Hispaniola is thirty-three Spanish leagues. --E. 

[10] Beata is the most southern point of Hispaniola, directly to the west of Juliana Bay; and Alto Vela does not exceed 3-1/2 leagues from that port. --E. 

[11] Near the eastern end of the south side of Hispaniola, there is a small island called Santa Catalina, near which a considerable extent of the main island is called _the Plains_. --E. 

[12] This would give a difference of 80° 45', and would place Saona in 87° 3' W. But it is only in 68° 30' W. Leaving an error in the text of 19° 30' or an hour and eighteen minutes in time. --E. 

[13] Now called Cape Engano. --E. 

SECTION XIV. 

_Summary of Occurrences in Hispaniola, to the return of Columbus intoSpain from his second Voyage_. 

During the absence of Columbus from the colony, Don Peter Margarite, whomhe had left with the command of the troops, instead of employing themprudently to keep the natives in awe, as he had been directed by theadmiral, quartered them among the towns in the Royal Plain, where theylived at free quarters, to the utter ruin of the Indians, one of themeating more in a day than would suffice an Indian for a month. Theybesides lived in a most disorderly manner, devoid of discipline, and gaveinfinite offence to the natives by their licentiousness. The council towhich the admiral had confided the government in his absence, reprovedMargarite for allowing his troops to live in this disorderly manner, andendeavoured to prevail upon him to march about the island, as he had beendirected by the admiral: But he refused to submit to their authority; andbeing afraid of being punished for his misconduct, he and Friar Boyle, andsome other malcontents of the same party, took the advantage of the shipswhich brought out Don Bartholomew Columbus, and returned with them toSpain. On purpose to justify their own misconduct, and the desertion oftheir duty, these men represented at the court of Spain that the admiralhad falsely represented the state of the West Indies, which they allegeddid not produce any gold. 

After the departure of their commander, the soldiers threw off all remainsof subordination, and dispersed themselves in small parties about theisland, to the great offence and oppression of the natives, whom theyplundered at their pleasure. While in this state of dispersion, _Guatiguana_, the cacique of a large town on the banks of the Great river, killed ten of the Christians who had taken up their quarters in his town, and sent privately to set fire to a house in which several of the sicksoldiers were quartered. Six more of the Spaniards were put to death bythe Indians in other parts of the island; and the Christians becameuniversally hated for their oppressive conduct to the natives. Four of theprincipal caciques, named _Guarionex_, _Caunabo_, _Behechico_, and_Higuanama_, with all their allies and subjects, who were prodigiouslynumerous, entered into a confederacy to drive the Spaniards out of theircountry. _Guacanagari_ alone, of all the native chiefs, who was cacique ofthe district named _Marien_, refused to join in this hostile confederacy, and remained friendly to the Spaniards, about an hundred of whom hehospitably entertained in his province, supplying their wants as well ashe was able. Some days after the return of the admiral to Isabella, thisfriendly chief waited on him, expressing much concern for hisindisposition, and the troubles that existed between the Spaniards and thenatives, declaring that he had taken no part in the disaffection of theother caciques, but had always remained steadfast in his friendship forthe Spaniards, for which reason all the other chiefs were incensed againsthim, particularly those of the Royal Plain, and others who were in arms. He even wept on calling to mind the massacre of the Spaniards in theNativity, because he had not been able to defend them against hiscountrymen till the return of the admiral; and on learning that theadmiral meant to take the field to reduce the insurgent caciques, Guacanagari offered to join him with all his subjects who were able tocarry arms. 

As Columbus was still unable to take the field in person, he sent outothers to make war on _Guatiguana_, that the natives might not grow toobold by the delay of punishment for having put the Spaniards to death. Agreat number of the subjects of that cacique were accordingly slain, andmany more made prisoners, who were sent into Spain; but the cacique madehis escape. _Caunabo_ was at that period the most powerful of all thenative caciques, his province of Maguana being very populous. As itappeared somewhat difficult to reduce this chief by force, the admiralemployed Alonzo de Ojeda to attempt making him a prisoner by stratagem. 

The Indians at this time put a greater value on brass and other metalsbrought from Spain than they did on gold, believing that it came fromheaven; and when the bell of the church of Isabella rang, to summon theChristians to prayers, they thought that it actually spoke, calling it_turey_, which in their language signifies _heaven_. The fame of this bellhad spread over the island, and _Caunabo_ had often expressed his desireof begging it from the admiral. Ojeda took advantage of this fondness ofthe Indians for polished metals, and went on horseback into the country of_Caunabo_, accompanied only by nine mounted Spaniards, under pretence ofcarrying him a valuable present from the admiral. On his arrival in theprovince of _Maguana_, which was sixty or seventy leagues from Isabella, the natives were amazed to see him and his attendants on horseback, believing the man and horse to be one animal. Some of them, by desire ofOjeda, informed Caunabo that certain Christians were come from the admiral, whom they named _Guamiquini_, bringing him a magnificent present of_turey_, at which he was exceedingly glad. On his introduction to thecacique, Ojeda and his men shewed him every mark of profound respect, andthen gave him a sight of the intended present, which consisted of fettersand handcuffs so curiously polished as to resemble silver. Ojeda told himthat the kings of Spain wore such ornaments, which came from heaven, andalways appeared in them at _arcitos_ or solemn dances: But he stated thatit was necessary, before _Caunabo_ could put on these splendid ornaments, that he should go along with the Christians and purify himself by bathingin the river _Yaqui_, about half a league from his residence, after whichhe should put on the _turey_ or heavenly ornaments, and come back to hissubjects on horseback dressed like the king of Spain. _Caunabo_ wascompletely imposed upon by this shallow artifice, little imagining thatten Spaniards would attempt any thing against him in his own country; heaccordingly was prevailed on to accompany Ojeda and his men to the river, attended only by a small number of his dependants. Having washed andpurified himself, as desired, and being exceedingly anxious to fit on theornaments, he allowed himself to be lifted on horseback behind Ojeda, whenthe fetters and handcuffs were put on, the Indian attendants keeping atsome distance for fear of the horses, of which they were in great dread. Ojeda rode gently about with him for a short time, as if shewing thecacique in his solemn new ornaments to his servants; then suddenlygalloped off accompanied by the Spaniards, and soon carried him out ofsight of the astonished Indians. The Spaniards now drew their swords, andthreatened to put the cacique to death if he attempted to escape. Theythen bound him fast with ropes to Ojeda, and making the best of their wayto Isabella, delivered him a prisoner to the admiral, who kept him forsome time in his house always fettered. When the admiral happened to comeinto the room where he was kept, _Caunabo_ never shewed him any respect, but always did so to Ojeda; and being asked his reason for this, he saidthe admiral durst not go as Ojeda had done, to seize him in his owndominions. Sometime afterwards, the admiral sent _Caunabo_ and otherIndians into Spain; but the ship in which they were was cast away in astorm, and all on board were lost. About this time, finding the shipswhich had accompanied him in exploring the islands, and those others whichremained at Isabella, so much injured by worms as to be unfit for service, he ordered that two new caravels should be built with all speed, that thecolony might not be without shipping; and these were the first ships thatwere constructed in the New World. 

The return of Antonio de Torres into Spain with the twelve ships gave muchpleasure to their Catholic majesties, who signified to the admiral by hisbrother Don Bartholomew their entire satisfaction with his conduct, givinghim many thanks for all his toils and dangers in their service, expressingmuch concern for the affronts which had been offered to his person andauthority, and promising always to support him in the exercise of hisgovernment. They ordered him to send home Bernal de Pisa in the next ships, and to appoint such person as he and Friar Boyle thought proper, in hisplace of head alguazil. To satisfy the admiral, and to promote theprosperity of the new colony, they ordered Rodriquez de Fonsecaimmediately to fit out four ships with such articles as the admiraldesired might be sent to him, and appointed Antonio de Torres to returnwith these to the West Indies. He brought letters from their majesties toColumbus, dated at Segovia the 16th of August, in which they thanked himfor his exertions in their service, promising to shew him all manner offavour, seeing that he had performed all he had undertaken, as exactly asif he had known the land which he went to discover. They acknowledged thereceipt of his letters, giving an account of his second voyage; yet wishedhim to be more particular in mentioning how many islands he had discovered;what names they were known by to the natives, and what new names he hadgiven them; their distances from each other, and their productions; and anaccount of the nature of the seasons during the different months. Havingsent him all those things which he desired for the advancement of theinfant colony, they requested him to send them all the falcons he couldmeet with, and other kinds of birds. Their majesties approved of all thathe had done hitherto in regard to the government of the colony, directinghim to continue in the same manner, giving every encouragement andcountenance to those who conducted themselves properly, and discouragingall disorderly persons. They were quite satisfied in respect to the townhe had founded, since he who was on the spot was necessarily the bestjudge, and they would have taken his advice if they had been themselvespresent. They gave him to understand that the controversy with Portugalwas adjusted, sending him a copy of the articles of agreement; and as thesettlement of the geographical line of partition was a matter of muchimportance and considerable difficulty, their majesties wished the admiralmight be present along with the commissioners of the two crowns at fixingthis boundary; but, in case he could not come himself, desired him to sendhis brother Don Bartholomew, or some other able persons, furnished withproper instructions and draughts for the purpose. And they requested thismight be done as soon as possible, not to disappoint the king of Portugal. Finally, in order to receive frequent intelligence from him, they thoughtit advisable that a caravel should sail every month from Spain to the WestIndies, and another return from thence to Spain. 

The imprisonment of _Caunabo_ gave great alarm, and infinite offence tohis three brothers, who were all valiant men, and who now resolved tocarry on war with all the energy in in their power against the Spaniards. Learning that all the country was in arms and collecting to an appointedrendezvous, the admiral, instead of waiting to be besieged in Isabella, determined to meet the Indians in the field. So many of his men were sickat this time, that he could only muster 200 foot and 20 horse. Yet withthis small force, he marched from Isabella on the 24th of March 1495, accompanied by his brother Don Bartholomew, the _adelantado_ orlieutenant-governor. _Guacanagari_, likewise, the constant friend of theSpaniards, accompanied him with all his forces; and part of the forceemployed by Columbus on this occasion, consisted of 20 blood-hounds, whichmade great havock among the naked Indians. Columbus marched to the Royalplain, where they found the Indian army drawn up under the command of_Manicatex_, appearing to amount to 100, 000 men. Don Barthlomew gave thefirst charge, and the Spaniards acted with such vigour, _assisted by theirdogs_, that the Indians were soon put to the rout with prodigious loss, great numbers being slain, and many made prisoners, who were made slavesof, a considerable number of them being sent to Spain in the four shipscommanded by Antonio de Torres. 

After this great victory, the admiral ranged for nine or ten months aboutthe island, punishing such as he found most active in the revolt. For sometime he met with considerable opposition from the brothers of Caunabo; butfinding themselves unable to resist, they and _Guarionex_, being the mostpowerful caciques in the island, submitted at length to the admiral. Onthe complete reduction of the island, Columbus imposed the followingtribute upon its native inhabitants. All the inhabitants from 14 years ofage and upwards of the Royal Plain, the province of Cibao, and of otherdistricts near the mines, were ordered to pay the fill of a smallhawks-bell of gold dust every three months. Those of the other provinceswere rated at a quarter of an hundred weight of cotton. The cacique_Manicatex_, who had headed the great insurrection, was condemned to paymonthly half a gourd, or calabash full of gold, which was worth 150 piecesof eight. To ascertain the regular payment of this tribute, certain medalsof brass or copper were coined, every time the tribute fell due, and everytributary Indian received one of these to wear about his neck, that itmight be known who had paid. _Guarionex_, the principal cacique of theRoyal Plain, represented to the admiral that his subjects knew not how togather the gold which was exacted from them, and offered to cultivate cornfor the Spaniards all across the island, from the _town_ of Isabella towhere St Domingo was afterwards built, provided he would demand no goldfrom him. The distance between these two places is 55 leagues[1], and thegrain produce of this vast territory would have sufficed to maintain thewhole population of Castile. The admiral was conscious that he wasobnoxious to the ministers of their Catholic majesties, being anunprotected stranger, and that he could not support his interest in Spain, except by the transmission of treasure, which made him eager to procuregold from the natives: But the pressure of this tribute was so intolerableupon the Indians, that many of them abandoned their habitations and roamedabout the island, to avoid the tax which they were unable to pay, seekinga precarious subsistence in the woods. In the sequel, finding this tributecould not be paid, its amount was lessened by the admiral. 

The Indians had flattered themselves that the visit of the Spaniards totheir country was only temporary, and used often to ask them when theymeant to return home: But finding that they built stone houses, that theywere much greater eaters than themselves, and were even obliged to bringpart of their provisions out of Spain, many of the towns endeavoured tocontrive to starve the Spaniards, so that they should either perish forwant of food, or be compelled to return into Spain. For this purpose theydiscontinued the cultivation of provisions, and withdrew into the woodsand mountains, trusting to wild roots and the vast numbers of an animallike a rabbit, called _utias_, for their subsistence. Although by thiscontrivance the Spaniards suffered greatly from want, and by ranging afterthe Indians, were often forced to feed on filthy and unwholesome things sothat many of them died; yet the calamity fell heavily on the Indiansthemselves, who wandered about with their families in the utmost distress, not daring to hunt or fish, or to seek provisions, and skulking on thedamp grounds, along the rivers, or among the mountains. Owing to thesehardships and the want of proper food, a violent distemper broke out amongthe natives which carried off vast multitudes; insomuch that, through thatillness and the casualities of the war, a third part of the population ofthe island had died by the year 1496. 

Friar Boyle and Don Peter Margarite, who had deserted the island withoutleave, as before related, combined together on their return into Spain todiscredit the admiral and his discoveries, because they had not found goldlaid up in chests, or growing on trees, ready to lay hold of. They alsogrossly misrepresented the conduct of the admiral in his government of thecolony; and there being other letters sent against him in the four shipscommanded by Antonio de Torres, their Catholic majesties began to listento the aspersions of the malcontents. Owing to this, about the same timethat Columbus was taking the field against the insurgents in the RoyalPlain, their majesties sent out _Juan Aguado_, one of the pages of theirbed chamber, with authority to inquire into the actual situation ofaffairs in Hispaniola. They sent at the same time four ships under hiscommand, carrying provisions and other necessaries for the assistance ofthe colony. The credentials with which he was furnished were in thefollowing terms: "Gentlemen, yeomen, and others residing in the Indies, wesend you our page of the bed chamber, Juan Aguado, who will discourse withyou in our name, and to whom we command you to give full credit. Given atMadrid on the 9th of April. " Aguado arrived at Isabella about the month ofOctober, when the admiral was absent in the province of _Maguana_, prosecuting the war against the brothers of _Caunabo_. He immediatelybegan to carry himself with a high hand, intermeddling in the government, reproving some of the officers of the colony who had been appointed by theadmiral, imprisoning others, and paying no respect to Don BartholomewColumbus, who had been left to govern the town of Isabella. He evenresolved to go after the admiral with a military escort of cavalry andinfantry, who gave out on their march that another admiral was come, whowould kill the old one: The natives, being greatly dissatisfied by the warand the tribute of gold, were much pleased with this news; and several ofthe caciques met together privately in the house of a cacique named_Manicaotex_, whose territories were near the river _Yaqui_, when theyagreed to complain against the admiral, and to demand redress of theirgrievances from the new commander. When he received intelligence of JuanAguado coming in search of him, the admiral thought proper to return tothe town of Isabella; where he received the letters of their majestiesbefore all the people, with the sound of trumpets, and all thedemonstrations of profound respect. Aguado, however, did not the lesscontinue to shew his indiscretion, behaving disrespectfully to the admiral, and interfering with many things, by which he gave a bad example to others, and encouraged them to despise the admirals authority; who, on the otherhand, honoured and entertained him generously, and bore his contumeliousbehaviour with great modesty. Among other things, Aguado pretended thatthe admiral had not received their majesties letters with becoming respect;and about four months afterwards he sent for the notaries to his house, requiring them to make out affidavits to that effect. When they desiredhim to send the vouchers on which this charge was grounded, he allegedthat he could not trust them in their hands: At length, however, affidavitwas made on this subject; but it was entirely favourable to the characterof the admiral. The conduct and example of Aguado were very prejudicial tothe authority of the admiral, and the inhabitants of Isabella were at thesame time much dissatisfied with their condition; They were mostly sick, and had no other provisions beyond their allowances from the royal stores. Each man was allowed a small measure of wheat, which he had to grind forhis own use in a hand-mill, though many used it boiled: Besides which theyhad rations of rusty bacon, or rotten cheese, and a few beans or peas, without any wine. As they were all in the royal pay, the admiral compelledthem to work on the fort, his own house, or the other public structures, which reduced them almost to despair, and induced them to complain oftheir intolerable hardships to Aguado. Such of the colonists as were inhealth fared much better, as they were employed in going about the islandkeeping the natives in subjection. Having collected as he thought asufficient number of complaints against the admiral, Aguado prepared toreturn into Spain; but his four ships were wrecked in the port, by one ofthese great storms which the Indians call _Hurrancans_, so that he had novessel to return in except one of the two caravels belonging to theadmiral. 

Taking into consideration the disrespectful behaviour of Aguado, and beingalso informed of all that Friar Boyle and Don Peter Margarite had reportedto his prejudice at court, where he had no other support but his ownvirtue, the admiral resolved to appear in person before their majesties, that he might clear himself of the many calumnies which had been inventedby his enemies, and might acquaint them with the discoveries he had maderespecting Cuba, and give his advice respecting the line of partition ofthe ocean between the crowns of Spain and Portugal. Before leaving theisland, he thought fit to place certain forts in good order, which he hadbegun to erect for the security of the colony, and to keep the nativesunder subjection. Besides the fort of St Thomas, already mentioned, forprotecting the mines of Cibao, there were the fort of St Mary Magdalen, called likewise the lower Macorix, situated in the district belonging to_Guanozonel_, one of the caciques in the Royal Plain, three or fourleagues from where the town of _Santiago_ now stands, the command of whichfort was confided to Lewis de Arriaga. Another fort, named _SantaCatalina_, or St Catherine, was placed under the command of FerdinandNavarro, a native of Logronno. Another fort on the banks of the _Yaqui_, towards _Ciboa_, was named _Esperanza_, or the Hope. Another, in thedistrict of the cacique _Guarionex_, in the Royal Plain, was called the_Conception_, which was commanded by Juan de Ayala, who was afterwardssucceeded by Michael Ballester. The caciques, who were much burdened bythe gold tax, informed the admiral that there were good gold mines to thesouthward, and advised him to send a party of Christians to explore them. Being much interested in this matter, as conducive to support hisreputation at court, for which this served very opportunely on hisapproaching return to Spain, the admiral sent a party under Francis deGaray, and Michael Diaz, with some guides furnished by the Indians, toexamine into the truth of this report. From the town of Isabella, thisparty went by the forts of Magdalen and the Conception, quite across theroyal plain, and thence through a pass in the mountains, two leagues long, after which they came in view of a plain belonging to a cacique named_Bonao_. Having travelled several leagues along the ridges of themountains in this district, they came to a considerable river called_Hayra_, the banks of which are very fertile. In this place they wereinformed that much gold was to be found in all the brooks and rivulets, which they found to be the case. Likewise, by digging in several places, gold was found in such plenty, that a single labourer was able to get tothe value of three pieces of eight every day. These new mines are nowknown by the name of the mines of St Christopher, from a fort of that namewhich the admiral left orders to build for their protection; but they wereafterwards called the old mines. About this time, some inhabitants ofSeville were soliciting permission from the court of Spain to fit outexpeditions for new discoveries. 

[1] Herrera is exceedingly inaccurate in his measures, as the real direct distance is only 55 Spanish leagues. --E. 

SECTION XV. 

_Conclusion of the Discoveries of Columbus_. 

Having been very particular in relating the incidents of these two voyagesof Columbus, and of the steps previous to their commencement, to shew bywhat means the discovery of America and the West Indies was first made, Ishall only briefly touch upon the remaining particulars of the actions ofthat great man. Having left all things in Hispaniola in the best posturehe was able, Columbus returned into Spain, labouring under severe illnessand loaded with heavy accusations: But their Catholic majesties, considering his great services and extraordinary sufferings, cleared himin spite of all his enemies, only recommending to him to treat theSpaniards under his authority with kindness. After receiving from him arecital of the new discoveries which he had made, and of the immensewealth to be procured from these countries, they sent him back honourablyto Seville, where eight ships were provided for his third voyage. Two ofthese he sent out to his brother Don Bartholomew, who had then begun tobuild the city of San Domingo, the capital of Hispaniola, which issituated on the southern coast of the island at the mouth of the riverOzama. With the other six ships, Columbus set sail from San Lucar deBarrameda on the 19th May 1497. In this voyage he held a southerly coursetill he came under the line, where he met with long continued calms, accompanied by such violent heat that the men thought they should all haveperished. At length the wind sprung up and enabled him to proceed to thewestwards; and, on the 1st of August, he discovered the island of _LaTrinidad_, or the Trinity, near that part of the continent of SouthAmerica, now called _New Andalusia_[1]. He then continued his voyagewestwards along the coast of the continent, trading with the natives forgold and pearls, and giving names to noted places. After spending sometime in this new discovery, he sailed back to Trinidad, discovering theisland of Margarite by the way. Thinking his presence might be necessaryin the colony of Hispaniola, he stood across the Caribbean sea fromTrinidad, and arrived at the new city of San Domingo. 

Several private adventurers fitted out ships from Spain, upon voyages ofdiscovery to the new world, after this third voyage of Columbus. Inparticular, Alonso de Ojeda went out in 1499, being accompanied by_Americas Vespucius_, who gave his own name to the new world, which hasever since been called _America_. On his arrival in Hispaniola, Columbusfound all the Indians in arms against the Spaniards, who gave them severaldefeats under the command of Don Bartholomew Columbus. In this war, DonBartholomew took fifteen of the caciques prisoners, among whom was_Guarionex_, who acted as general of their army: But he set them all atliberty, on their engagement to become subject to their majesties. Afterthis several of the Spaniards mutinied against the authority of Columbusand his brother the lieutenant, and separated themselves from the rest ofthe colony, which proved more pernicious than all that the natives wereable to do. The discontented party transmitted complaints to the court ofSpain against the admiral and his brother; on which Francis de Bovadilla, a knight of the order of Calatrava, was sent out with authority toinvestigate the cause of the troubles in the infant colony. Bovadillacarried matters with a high hand, and on very slight pretences sentColumbus and his brother in irons to Spain, in separate vessels. Immediately on their arrival in Spain, their majesties ordered them to beset at liberty, and to repair to court, which was then at Granada: And, although they cleared themselves of all that had been laid to their charge, they were deprived of the government of the West Indies, and put off withfair promises. Bovadilla was afterwards lost at sea, on his return toSpain. 

On the 9th of May 1502, Columbus sailed again from Spain with 170 men. Hearrived before San Domingo on the 29th of June, but the new governorNicholas de Ovando would not permit him to come into the harbour, forwhich reason he was constrained to sail to the westwards. After strugglingwith adverse currents and long calms for some time, he had to contendagainst an almost continued storm of sixty days, and then discovered theisland of _Guana ja_, to the northward of Cape Honduras, in Lat. 19° N. He sent his brother on shore at this place, where he met with a canoeeight feet wide and as long as a Spanish galley. This canoe was coveredwith mats, and had men, women, and children on board, who had abundance ofcommodities for barter; such as long webs of cotton of several colours;short cotton shirts or jerkins without sleeves, curiously wrought; smallcotton cloths used by the natives to conceal their nakedness; woodenswords edged with flints; copper hatchets, and horse-bells of the samemetal; likewise plates of copper, and crucibles, or melting pots; cocoanuts; bread made of maize or Indian corn, and a species of drink made fromthe same. Columbus exchanged some commodities with these Indians; andinquiring at them where gold was to be found, they pointed towards theeast, on which he altered his course in that direction. The first land hecame to was Cape Casinas in the province of Honduras, where his brotherlanded and took formal possession. The natives of this coast wore shortcotton jackets without sleeves, and clouts before them. They behaved verypeaceably to the Spaniards, whom they supplied with plenty of provisions. Sailing several days to the eastwards from thence with contrary winds, hearrived at a great cape or head-land, whence the coast trended to thesouthwards, and called this place _Cabo de Garcias a Dios_, or Cape thanksto God, because the east winds which had hitherto obstructed his voyagewould now serve for navigating that part of the coast. He accordinglyexplored that coast, touching at _Porto Bello_, _Nombre de Dios_, _Belen_and _Veragua_, trading with the Indians. At _Veragua_ he was informed ofgold mines at no great distance, and sent his brother up the country insearch of them. On his return, Don Bartholomew brought down a considerablequantity of gold, which he had procured from the natives for toys oflittle value. Being encouraged by the prospect of gold, he proposed tohave left his brother in this place with 80 Spaniards to settle a colony, and even began to build houses for that purpose; but, being opposed by theIndians, and his own men becoming mutinous, he was obliged to relinquishhis intention. 

From Veragua he stood over towards Hispaniola; but his caravels were somuch worm-eaten and shattered by storms that he could not reach thatisland, and was forced to run them on shore in a creek on the coast ofJamaica, where he shored them upright with spars, and built huts on theirdecks for his men, all below being full of water. He remained in thisplace almost a year, suffering many hardships. At length he found means tosend a canoe over to Hispaniola with intelligence of his forlorn condition, and procured a vessel to transport him and his men to that island, whencehe went to Spain. This was his last voyage; after which he spent theremainder of his life at Valadolid, where he died on the 8th of May 1506, aged 64 years. His body was carried to Seville, as he had ordered in hiswill, and was there honourably interred in the church of the Carthusians, called _De las Cuevas_, with a Latin epitaph commemorating his greatactions. 

[1] Trinidad, which is now subject to Britain, is on the coast of Cumana, or the Spanish main, on the north-eastern shoulder of South America, between Lat. 10° and 10° 50' N. Long. 61° and nearly 62° W. --E. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER III. 

THE VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS TO THE NEW WORLD[1]. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The relation which is here offered to the public, we believe for the firsttime in the English language, is only an abridged account of four voyagesmade by Americus Vespucius to the New World, as written by himself, inwhich he expresses his intention of publishing a more extensive work, wherein all the events of these four voyages were to be related at large. The information he has conveyed in the present article is by no meanssatisfactory; yet it constitutes an original document respecting the earlydiscoveries of the southern continent of the New World, and is thereforeessential to the principles and arrangement of our work. Ampleopportunities will occur in the sequel, for inserting more extendedaccounts of the countries which were visited lay this early navigator, whose singular good fortune has raised him an eternal monument infinitelybeyond his merit, by the adoption of his otherwise obscure name fordesignating the grand discovery of the immortal Columbus. 

Various early editions of the voyages of this navigator are mentioned inthe _Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages_[2], a recent work of muchresearch, published at Paris in 1808. In the titles of these he is named_Americo Vespucio_, and _Alberico Vespucio_. In the NOVUS ORBIS of _SimonGrynaeus_, from which our present article is translated, he is called_Americus Vesputius_. In another portion of that work, containing somevery slight notices of these four voyages, his name is altered to_Albericus_[3]. A modern author, we know not on what authority, names him_Amerigo Vespucci_[4]. In all these publications, the authors or editorshave used their endeavours to deprive the illustrious _Columbus_ of thewell earned glory of being the discoverer of the _New World_, and totransfer that honour most undeservedly to Americus, whose name has longbeen indelibly affixed to this new grand division of our globe. Americushimself pretended to have made the first discovery of the _continent_ ofthe New World, alleging that his great precursor Columbus was only thediscoverer of the large West India islands. It has been already mentioned, in the introduction to the voyages of Columbus, that in his first voyageAmericus sailed under the command of a Spanish officer named Ojeda orHojeda, who had accompanied Columbus in his second voyage: But, though itsufficiently appears from his own writings that Americus did not commandin chief in any of his four voyages, he anxiously conceals the names ofthe commanders under whom he sailed. The actual accomplishment of any ofthese voyages by Americus has even been doubted[5]. At all events, thereare strong reasons for believing that all their dates have beenindustriously falsified, on purpose to ground a pretension for havingdiscovered the continent or main-land of Paria, prior to the third voyageof Columbus, in 1498, when that country and the islands of Trinidada andMargarita certainly were discovered by Columbus. The same author herequoted as doubting the reality of the navigations of Americus to the NewWorld, gives the following account of his pretensions as a discoverer. "Americus Vespucius, by the interest of Bishop _Fonseca_, the enemy ofColumbus, was made chief pilot of Spain, and to him all the journals ofdiscovery were communicated, from which he constructed elegant maps, helping out by his fancy whatever was deficient in his materials, so as toexhibit things in graceful proportions, and the only thing wanting to hiscosmographic delineation was a strict regard to truth. But they answeredwell his purpose; as, besides securing him a good place and competentsalary, they enabled him to impose his own name on the new world, beforehe had discovered one foot of its coasts[6]. " These are heavy charges; but, as Harris quotes no authorities, it is utterly impossible to determine ontheir justice at this distance of time. In another part of his work, Harris acknowledges the reality of the first voyage of Americus, under thecommand of Alonso Hojeda, and assigns the 20th May 1499 as itscommencement[7]. Americus was probably only pilot of the differentnavigations he relates. It will be seen in the first section of thischapter, that Americus dates his first voyage two years earlier; obviouslyto warrant his pretended discovery of the coast of Paria, which Columbushad actually discovered in July or August 1498. 

It has been alleged, but we have forgot the authority for this assertion, that the _two_ first voyages of Vespucius, as given in this article, werein reality one and the same; but thus divided by himself, for giving thebetter colour to his assuming a false date to ground his pretendedpriority of discovering the continent of Paria. 

Soon after the departure of this expedition under Hojeda. Peter AlonsoNino and Christopher Guerro of Seville obtained a license from the courtof Spain to sail upon discovery to the New World, on condition that theywere not to anchor or land within fifty leagues of any place that had beendiscovered by Columbus. Nino had sailed in the third voyage along withColumbus, when Trinidada, Paria, and Margarita were discovered, and thesole object of these interlopers appears to have been the acquisition ofpearls, which were found by Columbus in considerable numbers on this coast. Accordingly, they do not appear to have extended their researches beyondthe coast which Columbus had already discovered; and in what is called theBay of Pearls, which is formed between the Island of Margarita and themain, they procured great numbers of that precious commodity from thenatives, in barter for hawks-bells, and various baubles made of tin. Fromthence they proceeded westwards to Coro and Venezuela, where theyaugmented their store of pearls. This last place, the name of whichsignifies Little Venice, appears to have been the town built in the water, which is mentioned in the first voyage of Americus. Farther on, at a placewhich they named Curiana, they procured some gold, both wrought and in itsnative state, with monkeys and beautiful parrots. In the course of thisvoyage, they are said to have procured 150 marks, or 1200 ounces of pearls, all very beautiful, and of a fine water, some as large as hazel-nuts, butill bored, owing to the imperfect tools of the natives. Besides pearls andgold, they took on board a considerable quantity of Brazil wood, thoughcontrary to their instructions. They returned eastwards along the coast ofParia or Cumana to the gulf of Paria, whence they took their departure forSpain, and arrived in Galicia on the 6th February 1500; where they wereaccused by their own crew of concealing the pearls, on purpose to deprivethe crown of the established duty, being a fifth of all importations[8]. 

Vincent Yanez Pinzon, who had accompanied Columbus during his first andsecond voyages, sailed on a voyage of discovery about the close of theyear 1499, with four stout vessels fitted out at his own expence. In thisvoyage Pinzon appears to have sailed along the east coast of South America, and to have discovered Cape St Augustine in Brazil, to which he gave thename of Cape Consolation. On his return to the northwards, he likewiseappears to have discovered the great Maranon, or river of the Amazons, andthe mouth of the Oronoko; which latter he named _Rio Dulce_, or FreshRiver, because he took up fresh water _twenty_ leagues out at sea. Hethence proceeded to the coast of Paria, where he took in a cargo of Brazilwood, and stood over to the islands between that coast and Hispaniola, losing two of his ships in a great storm. With the two which remained hewent to Hispaniola to refit, and returned thence into Spain about the endof September 1500[9]. 

In the immediately subsequent chapter a summary will be found of thediscoveries and settlements of the Spaniards in the West Indies, from thedeath of the great Columbus to the commencement of the expedition underCortes, by which the rich and populous empire of Mexico was added to theSpanish dominions in the New World. The present chapter consists ofvoyages to the New World which were contemporary with those of theimmortal Columbus, and all surreptitiously intended to abridge the vastprivileges which he had stipulated for and obtained the grant of for hisinestimable services; but which the court of Spain was anxious to procurepretexts for abrogating or circumscribing. 

Of the other early voyages of discovery to America, very imperfect noticesnow remain. England lays claim to have been the next nation in succession, after the Spaniards and Portuguese, to explore the New World; yet, likeSpain, under the guidance of an Italian. We have already seen thatColumbus, when disappointed in his first views of patronage from the kingof Portugal, and while he went himself to offer his services to the courtof Spain, dispatched his brother Bartholomew into England, to lay hisproposals for discovery before Henry VII. And the circumstances have beenalready detailed by which this scheme was disappointed, though Henry issaid to have agreed to the proposals of Columbus _four_ years before thatarchnavigator began his career in the service of the crown of Castile. After the king of England had thus, as it were by accident, missed reapingthe advantage and glory of patronizing the first discovery of the NewWorld, he is said to have encouraged other seamen of reputation to exerttheir talents in his service, by prosecuting the faint light which hadtranspired respecting the grand discovery of Columbus. Giovani Gabota, orJohn Cabot, a citizen of Venice, who had been long settled in Bristol, wasamong those who offered their services to the king of England on thisoccasion, and his services appear certainly to have been employed. Bypatent, dated 5th of March 1495 at Westminster, John Cabot and his threesons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancio, their heirs and deputies, wereauthorised, with five ships of any burthen they thought fit, and as manymariners as they pleased, to sail under the flag of England to allcountries of the East, West, and North, at their own cost and charges, toseek out and discover whatever isles, countries, regions, or provinces ofthe heathens and unbelievers were hitherto unknown to all Christians; withpower to subdue, occupy, and possess all such towns, cities, castles, andisles as they were able, leaving the sovereignty to the crown of England, and bound to bring back to Bristol all fruits, profits, gains, andcommodities procured in their voyages, paying the fifth part of the profitto the king, all necessary costs and charges first deducted from theproceeds. And forbidding all the subjects of England from frequenting orvisiting their discoveries, unless by license from the Cabots, their heirsor deputies, under forfeiture of their ships and goods[10]. 

In pursuance of the authority of this patent, and of a farther licencedated 13th February 1497, allowing John Cabot to sail from any of theports of England with six ships of 200 tons burthen or under, John Cabotand his son Sebastian sailed from Bristol, and discovered a land which hadnever been before seen, on the 24th June 1497, about five in the morning, to which they gave the name of _Prima Vista_, because that part was firstseen from sea. The island seen opposite, they named the Island of St John, because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. The inhabitants ofthis island wore the skins of beasts, which they held in as muchestimation as we do our finest garments. In their wars they used bows, arrows, spears, darts, wooden clubs, and slings. The land is barren andunfruitful, but has white bears, and stags of unusual size. It abounds infish of great size, as seawolves, or seals, salmon, and soles above a yardlong; but chiefly in immense quantities of that kind which is vulgarlycalled bacalaos. The hawks of this island are as black as crows, and theeagles and partridges are likewise black[11]. 

The foregoing account is given by Hakluyt on the authority of a map, engraved by Clement Adams after the design of Sebastian Cabot, which mapwas then to be seen in the private gallery of Queen Elizabeth atWestminster, and in the houses of many of the merchants of London. FromRamusio, however, Hakluyt gives rather a different account of this matter. By this account, it would appear that the father John Cabot had diedprevious to the voyage, and that Sebastian went as commander of twovessels furnished by King Henry. He sailed to the north-west, notexpecting to find any other land than Cathay, or northern China, and from, thence to proceed for India. But falling in with land, he sailednorthwards along the coast, to see if he could find any gulf thatpermitted him to proceed westwards in his intended voyage to India, andstill found firm land to lat 56° N. Finding the coast here turning to theeast, he despaired of finding a passage in that direction: he sailed againdown the coast to the southwards, still looking everywhere for an inletthat would admit a passage by sea to India, and came to that part of thecontinent now called Florida; where, his victuals failing, he took hisdeparture for England[12]. In the preface to the third volume of hisnavigations, Ramusio, as quoted by Hakluyt, says that Sebastian Cabotsailed as far north in this voyage as 67° 30', where on the 11th June thesea was still quite open, and he was in full hope of getting in that wayto Cathay, but a mutiny of his people forced him to return to England[13]. Peter Martyr of Angleria, as likewise quoted by Hakluyt, says thatSebastian was forced to return to the southwards by the immense quantitiesof ice which he encountered in the northern part of his voyage[14]. 

Sebastian Cabot, on his return to England, found matters in a state whichdid not promise him any farther advantages as a mariner, on which he wentinto Spain, where he was employed by Ferdinand and Isabella, in whoseservice he explored the eastern coast of South America, and discovered the_Rio Plata_, up which he sailed above 360 miles, finding it to flowthrough a fine country, everywhere inhabited by great numbers of people, who flocked from all parts to admire his ships. After making many othervoyages, which are not specified, he settled in Seville, where he employedhimself in making sea charts, and had the appointment of pilot-major, allpilots for the West Indian Seas having to pass his examination, and tohave his license[15]. He thought fit, however, to return into England, andwas employed by Henry VIII. In the service of that sovereign he made avoyage to the coast of Brazil in 1516, under the superior command of SirThomas Pert, vice-admiral of England, of which the following imperfectaccount is preserved by Haklyut. 

"That learned and industrious writer Richard Eden, in an epistle to theDuke of Northumberland, prefixed to a work which he translated fromMunster in 1553, called _A treatise of the New India_, makes mention of avoyage of discovery made from England by Sir Thomas Pert and SebastianCabota, about the eighth year of Henry VIII. The want of courage in SirThomas Pert occasioned this expedition to fail of its intended effect;otherwise it might have happened that the rich treasury called _Perularia_, now in Seville, in which the infinite riches which come from the new-foundcountry of Peru, would long since have been in the Tower of London to thegreat honour of the king, and the vast increase of the wealth of thisrealm. Gonsalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, alludes to this voyage, in his General and Natural History of the West Indies, as thus quoted byRamusio. In the year 1517, an English corsair, under pretence of a voyageof discovery, came with a great ship to the coast of Brazil, whence hecrossed over to the island of Hispaniola, and arrived near the mouth ofthe harbour of St Domingo, where he sent his boat to demand leave of entryfor the purpose of traffic. But Francis de Tapia, the governor of thecastle, caused some ordnance to be fired from the castle at the ship, which was bearing in for the port; on which the ship put about, and thepeople in the boat went again on board. They then sailed to the island ofSt John, or Porto Rico, where they went into the harbour of St Germaine, where they required provisions and other necessaries for their ship, andcomplained against the inhabitants of St Domingo, saying that they camenot to do any harm, but to trade for what they wanted, paying in money ormerchandize. In this place they procured provisions, and paid in certainvessels of wrought tin and other things. They afterwards departed towardsEurope, where it was thought they never arrived, as we never heard anymore news of them[16]. "

From the above hint respecting the riches of Peru finding their way to theTower of London, and as combined with the former voyage of Cabot to thenorth-west; in search of a passage to India, it may be inferred, that theobject of the present voyage was to discover a passage to India by thesouth-west, or by what is now called Cape Horn. The passage to India bythe Cape of Good Hope, had been granted exclusively by the Pope to thePortuguese; and Henry VIII. Then a good catholic, wished to evade thisexclusive privilege by endeavouring to discover a new route. It was wellobserved by one of the kings of France, in reference to the Pope havinggranted all the East to the Portuguese, and all the West to the Spaniards, "I wish my brothers of Spain and Portugal would shew me the testament ofour father Adam, by which they claim such ample inheritance. " Thesupposition that Cabot had perished on his voyage from Porto Rico toEngland was unfounded. He was alive there in 1549, in which year Edward VI. Granted a yearly pension for life to him and his assigns, of L. 166, 13s. 4d. To be paid quarterly, in consideration of the good and acceptableservice done and to be done by him[17]. 

We have been induced to insert this long digression in this place, becauseno journals remain of the voyages to which they relate. The other earlyvoyages of the English to the New World, were all for the purpose ofdiscovering a N. W. Passage by sea to India, or for colonizing theprovinces of North America, and will fail to be particularly noticed inother divisions of our work. 

[1] Novus Orbis, p. 111. 

[2] Vol. I. 262, and Vol. V. 479. 

[3] Nov. Orb. 87. 

[4] Mod. Geogr. III. 8. 

[5] Harris, Col. Of Voy. And Trav. II. 167. 

[6] Harris, Coll. Of Voy. And Trav. II. 62. 

[7] Id. II. 87. 

[8] Harris, II. 33. 

[9] Harris, II. 38. 

[10] Hakluyt, III. 25. 

[11] Hakluyt, III. 27. 

[12] Hakl. III. 28. 

[13] Id. III. 29. 

[14] Id. Ib. 

[15] Id. Ib. 

[16] Hakl. III. 591. 

[17] Hakl. III. 31. 

DEDICATION. 

_To the most illustrious Renee, King of Jerusalem and Sicily, Dukeof Lorain and Bar, Americas Vespucius in all humble reverence and duegratitude, wisheth health and prosperity_. 

Most illustrious sovereign, your majesty may perhaps be surprised at mypresumption in writing this prolix epistle, knowing, as I do, that yourmajesty is continually engaged in conducting the arduous affairs ofgovernment. I may deserve blame for presuming to dedicate to your majestythis work, in which you will take little interest, both because of itsbarbarous style, and that it was composed expressly for Ferdinand king ofSpain. But my experience of your royal virtues has given me a confidenthope that the nature of my subject, which has never yet been treated of byancient or modern writers, may excuse me to your majesty. The bearer, _Benvenuto_, a servant of your majesty, and my valued friend, whom I metwith at Lisbon, earnestly entreated me to write this history, that yourmajesty might be informed of all those things which I had seen during thefour voyages to different parts of the world, which I had undertaken forthe discovery of unknown countries. Of these four voyages, two were madethrough a vast extent of ocean towards the West, at the command of theillustrious Don Ferdinand king of Spain: The other two were to the south, in the service of Don Manuel king of Portugal. I have used my utmostdiligence in the composition of this work, in hopes that your majestywould graciously receive me among the number of your dependants, considering that we were formerly companions during youth, while studyinggrammar under the tuition of my venerable uncle, Fra George AntonyVespucius. I wish that I were able to imitate that worthy person, as Ishould then be quite different from what I am: Yet I am not ashamed ofmyself, having always placed my chief delight in the practice of virtue, and the acquisition of literature. Should these voyages displease you, Imay say, as Pliny said to his patron, "formerly my pleasantries used todelight you. " Although your majesty is always occupied in affairs of state, you may certainly have as much leisure as will permit you to peruse thesepages; which, however trivial in comparison, may yet please by theirnovelty. After the cares of government, your majesty will, I hope, receiveamusement from my labours, as a pleasant desert promotes digestion after aplentiful repast. But, if I have been too tedious in my narrative, I askpardon and take my leave. 

Be it known to your majesty that I first went to these new countries insearch of trade, in which I was occupied for four years, during which Iexperienced various reverses of fortune; at one time raised to the summitof human wishes, and afterwards reduced to the lowest ebb of misery, in somuch that I had resolved to abandon commerce, and to confine my exertionsto more laudable and safer exertions. I disposed myself, therefore, to thepurpose of exploring various parts of the world, that I might see thewonderful things which it contains. An opportunity soon fortunatelyoffered for satisfying this desire, as King Ferdinand of Spain fitted outfour ships for the discovery of new countries towards the west, and waspleased to employ me upon this service. We set sail on the 20th of May1497 from the port of Cadiz, taking our course through the great gulf ofthe ocean, in which voyage we were occupied for eighteen months, discovering _many continents_, and almost innumerable islands, most ofwhich were inhabited, all of which were utterly unknown to ourpredecessors and the ancients. If I am not mistaken, I have somewhere readthat the ocean is entirely void of countries and inhabitants, as appearsto have been the opinion of our poet Dante, in his _Inferno_. But of thewonderful things which I have seen there, your majesty will find anaccount in the following narrative. 

SECTION I. 

_The first Voyage of Americus Vespucius_. 

As already mentioned, we set sail with four ships in company from Cadiz onthe 20th May 1497[1], shaping our course with the wind at S. S. W. [2] forthe islands formerly called the _Fortunate_, and now named the GrandCanaries; which are situated in the western extremity of the then knownhabitable world, and in the third climate, the elevation of the pole beingtwenty-seven degrees and two thirds. These islands are 280 leagues distantfrom Lisbon, where this work was written. After spending about a weekthere, taking in wood, water, and other necessaries, commending ourselvesto GOD, we set sail with a fair wind towards the west, one quartersouth-west[3], and made such progress that in about twenty-seven wearrived at a country which we believed to be a continent, about a thousandleagues distant from the Great Canaries, in 16° north latitude, and 75°west longitude from the Canary islands[4]. Our fleet cast anchor at thisplace, a league and a half from shore, to which we went in some boats wellarmed and full of men. On nearing the beach, we could plainly see greatnumbers of naked people going about, at which circumstance we were muchrejoiced. The natives, however, were astonished on seeing us, on accountof the unusual appearance of our dress and manners, so that as we advancedthey all fled to a hill in the neighbourhood, whence at that time we couldnot allure them by any signs of peace and friendship. On the approach ofnight, considering that the place in which our ships were anchored wasaltogether unsafe in the event of any storm arising, we determined to quitthis part of the coast in the morning, for the purpose of seeking out someharbour where our ships might ride in safety. We accordingly made sailalong the coast, and in sight of the shore, on which we could always seethe natives, and after two days sail we found a convenient anchorage forthe ships at the distance of half a league from the shore. At this placewe saw a great multitude of people, and being anxious to examine them, andto establish a friendly intercourse, we landed that same day with aboutforty of our men in good array. But the natives shewed themselvesextremely averse to any communication with us, and could not be allured toa conference by any means. At length a small number of them were inducedto come near by presents of bells, small mirrors, glass beads, and similartoys, and a friendly intercourse was thus established. As night came on, we left them and returned to the ships. At dawn of the following day, wesaw immense numbers of the natives on shore, men, women, and children:, and could observe that they had all their household stuff along with them, of which an account will be given hereafter. On our approach towards theshore, many of the natives threw themselves into the sea, being mostexpert swimmers, and came to meet us with much appearance of kindness, andjoined us in perfect confidence of security, as if we had been oldacquaintances, which gave us much pleasure. 

The whole of these people, men as well as women, went entirely naked. Though of rather small stature, they are exceedingly well proportioned, their complexion being reddish brown, like the hair of lion; but if theywere always clothed, they would in my opinion become as white as ourpeople. They have no hair on any part of their bodies, except on the head, where it is long and black; especially the women, who wear their longblack hair in a very comely manner. Their faces are by no means handsome, being broad like the Tartars, and they allow no hair to remain on theireyebrows or eyelids, nor on any other part of their bodies, as alreadymentioned, it being esteemed by them quite beastly to have hair remainingon their bodies. Both men and women are amazingly agile in walking andrunning, as we frequently experienced, the very women being able to runone or two leagues at a stretch with the utmost ease, and in this exercisethey greatly excelled us Christians. They are likewise wonderfully expertswimmers, in which the women excel the men and we have seen them swim twoleagues out to sea without any aid whatever. Their arms are bows andarrows, which are more craftily made than ours; and, being destitute ofiron or any other metal, they arm the points of their arrows with theteeth of wild beasts or fishes, often hardening their ends in the fire tomake them stronger. They are most expert archers, hitting any thing theyaim at with wonderful precision; the women also, in some places, beingexcellent archers. Their other arms are a kind of very sharp lances orpointed stakes, and clubs, having their heads very nicely carved. They arechiefly accustomed to make war against their neighbours speaking adifferent language; and as they give no quarter, unless to such as arereserved for the most horrid tortures, they fight with extraordinary fury. When they go to battle they are accompanied by their wives, not to assistthem in fighting, but on purpose to carry their provisions and othernecessaries; and one of their women will carry a greater weight on herback for a journey of thirty or forty leagues, than a strong man is ableto lift from the ground, as we have often seen. They have no regularcaptains or commanders in their wars; and although any one may assume theoffice of leader, they always march onwards without any order whatever. Their wars do not originate in any desire of extending their power orterritory, neither from any inordinate lust of dominion, but from ancientenmities, transmitted from one generation to another; and when asked thecause of these enmities, their only answer is that they are bound torevenge the death of their ancestors. These people living in perfectliberty, are not subjected to any kings or rulers, and are chiefly excitedto war when any of their tribe happens to be slain or made prisoner. Onsuch occasions, the elder relations of the slain person or of the prisonergo about among the huts and villages, continually crying out, and urgingall the warriors of the tribe to make haste and accompany them to war, that they may recover their friend from captivity, or revenge his death. All being moved to compassion and revenge by these incitements, immediately prepare for war, and march away in haste to the assistance oftheir friends. 

These people have no laws, or any idea of distributive justice, neitherare malefactors ever punished among them. Parents even neither teach norchastise their children. We have sometimes seen them conferring togetheramong themselves in a strange manner. They seem very simple in theirdiscourse, yet are they very cunning and shrewd. In speaking they areneither loud nor loquacious, using accents similar to ours, but squeezingas it were most of their words between the teeth and the lips. They have agreat number of dialects, as at every hundred leagues distance we found adifferent language, the different tribes not understanding each other. Their manner of feeding is very barbarous, as they have no fixed periodsfor eating, but just as inclination or opportunity offers, whether by dayor night. When taking food they recline on the ground, using neithertable-cloths nor napkins, as they have no linen or any other kind of cloth. Their food is put into vessels of earthen ware, manufactured by themselves, or into half gourd shells instead of dishes. They sleep in large nethammocks made of cotton, suspended at some height; and howeverextraordinary or disagreeable this custom may appear, I have found itexceedingly pleasant, and much preferable to the carpets which we use. Their bodies are very clean and sleek, owing to their frequent bathing. When about to ease nature they are at great pains to conceal themselvesfrom observation, yet are very indecent in discharging their urine, whichthey would do at any time, both men and women, while conversing with us. They observe no law or covenant in regard to marriage, every man having asmany wives as he pleases or can procure, and dismissing them at pleasure, and this license is common both to men and women. They are little addictedto jealousy, yet much given to lust, in which the women far exceed the men. From motives of decency I here omit describing the expedients they put inpractice for satisfying their inordinate desires. The women are veryprolific, and do not shun labour or fatigue while pregnant. Theirdeliveries are attended with little pain, so that they are ableimmediately afterwards to go about their usual occupations in perfecthealth and vigour; going in the first place to wash themselves in thenearest river. Yet such is their proneness to cruelty and malignant spite, that if exasperated by their husbands, they take a certain poison inrevenge, which kills the foetus within them, so that they afterwardsmiscarry, by which abominable practice vast numbers of their children aredestroyed. Their bodies are so elegant and well proportioned, that hardlyis any the smallest deformity to be seen among them. Though they goentirely naked among the women, their appearance is tolerably decent[5], yet are they no more moved by this exposure than we are by shewing ourfaces. It is rare among them to see any women with lax breasts orshrivelled bellies through frequent child-birth, as they are all equallyplump and firm afterwards as formerly. Their women were extremely fond ofour men. 

We could not perceive that this nation had any religion, nor ought they onthat account to be accounted worse than the Jews, or Moors, since thesenations are much more reprehensible than the pagans or idolaters. We couldnot discover that they performed any sacrifices or sacred rites of anykind, neither had they any temples or other places for worship. Their wayof living, which is exceedingly voluptuous, I consider as epicurean[6]. Their houses, which are common to all, are built in the shape of a bell, firmly constructed of large pieces of timber, and covered over with palmleaves, so strong as to be able to resist winds and storms; some of themso large as to be able to contain six hundred persons. Among these wefound eight that were exceedingly populous, as in them there dwelt tenthousand souls[7]. Every seven or eight years they change their place ofresidence; and when asked the reason of this, they said that through theheat of the sun, the air would become infected by a longer residence inthe same place, which would occasion various diseases. Their richesconsisted in the various coloured feathers of different birds, in certainstones resembling those called _pater-nosters_, in plates, or beads madeof fish bones, or of green or white stones, which they hang by way ofornaments on their cheeks, lips, and ears. They likewise consider asvaluable several other trifling things which we despise. They employ nomedium for sale or barter, being satisfied with those things which areoffered spontaneously by nature. Gold, pearls, and precious stones, andothers of like nature, which are considered in Europe as riches, they holdin no estimation, or rather despise them as of no use. They are extremelyliberal of every thing they possess, so that they never refuse any thingthat is asked from them; but are equally greedy in their demands, afterthey have entered into friendship with any one. As the greatest mark offriendship, they give their wives and daughters to their friends; andevery parent thinks himself much honoured when any one asks from him hisvirgin daughter, which cements the firmest friendships among them. Theyuse various rites and customs in burying their dead. Some deposit them inthe earth, accompanied with victuals and water at their head, which theybelieve are used by the deceased. After this no farther mourning orceremonial is customary. In other places, their mode of sepulture is verybarbarous and cruel. When any person is considered to be near his end, hisrelations carry him out into a large wood, where they suspend him in ahammock from two trees; and having danced round him for a whole day, theyplace at night as much water and provisions as may suffice him for fourdays, and every one returns to his own home. After this, if the sickperson is able to eat and drink, and is so far restored to health as to beenabled to return to his habitation, he is received back by his relationswith much ceremony. But very few are able to do so, as no one ever visitsthe sick person after his suspension. Should any of these leave thehammock and die in the wood, they get no other burial. They have severalother barbarous customs, which I omit mentioning, to avoid being prolix. 

They use various medicines for curing their diseases, which are so totallydifferent from those used among us, that it is wonderful any one shouldrecover by their means. When any one is ill of a fever, they plunge thepatient at its heighth in the coldest water, after which he is forced torun round a large fire for two hours till he is all over in a violentperspiration, and is then taken to bed. By this strange remedy we haveseen many restored to health. They will sometimes refrain from food forthree or four days. They draw blood, not from the arms, but from the loinsand the calves of the legs. They excite vomiting by means of certain herbswhich they chew, and keep in their mouths. They use likewise various otherremedies and antidotes, which it were tedious to enumerate. They aresubject to different sanguineous and phlegmatic humours, occasioned by thenature of their food, which consists of fish, with various roots, fruits, and herbs. They use no meal of any kind of corns or other seeds; but theirchief food is made from the root of a certain tree, which they bruise downinto a tolerably good kind of meal. This root is called by some _jucha_, by others _chambi_, and by others _igname_. They scarcely eat of any kindof flesh except that of men, in the use of which they exceed every thingthat is brutal and savage among mankind; devouring their enemies, whetherslain or taken prisoners, both men and women indiscriminately, in the mostferocious manner that can be conceived. I have often seen them employed inthis brutal feast, and they expressed surprize that we did not eat ourenemies as they did. All this your majesty may be assured is absolutelytrue; and that their customs are so many and barbarous, it were tedious todescribe them all. Having seen many things during my four voyagesexceedingly different from our manners and customs, I have composed a bookin which all these are particularly described, but which I have not yetpublished. 

In this beginning of our course along the coast, we did not discover anything from which any great profit could be derived, probably because wedid not understand the language of the natives, except that we observedseveral indications that gold was to be found in this country, which inall other repects is most admirably situated. It was therefore agreed uponto continue our voyage, always keeping as near as possible to the shore, which occasioned us to make many tacks and circuits, keeping up frequentintercourse with the natives as we proceeded. After several days sailing, we arrived at a certain port, where it pleased God to rescue us from veryimminent danger. Immediately on entering this harbour; we descried a townbuilt in the water, as Venice is, consisting of about twenty largebell-shaped houses, founded on solid wooden foundations, and havingdraw-bridges by which the inhabitants could pass from house to house. Assoon as the inhabitants of this place saw us they drew up their bridgesfor security, and retreated into their houses. Soon afterwards weperceived twelve almadias or canoes, each of them hollowed out of thetrunk of a large tree, which advanced towards us, surrounding us on allsides at some distance, their crews admiring our dress and appearance. Welikewise continued looking at them, endeavouring by friendly signs to makethem come towards us without fear, which however they declined. Wetherefore steered towards them, on which they all hastened to land, givingus to understand that they would soon return. They went in all haste to acertain mountain, from whence they brought sixteen girls, whom they tookinto their canoes, and brought towards us, putting four of them on boardeach of our four ships, to our great surprize. After this they went aboutamong our ships with their canoes, and conversed with us so peaceably thatwe thought them in every respect friendly disposed. About this timelikewise a vast number of people came swimming towards our ships from thetown before-mentioned, and we did not in the least suspect any evilintention. By and by we beheld several old women at the doors of thehouses, who set up violent outcries, tearing their hair in token of greatdistress, by which we began to suspect some evil was intended towards us. The young women who had been put on board our ships leapt all of a suddeninto the sea, and those in the canoes removing to some distance bent theirbows and plied us briskly with arrows. Those likewise who were swimmingtowards the ships were all armed with lances, which they concealed underwater. Being now convinced of their treachery, we stood on the defensive, and in our turn attacked them so hotly that we destroyed several of theircanoes and killed a considerable number of the natives. The survivorsabandoned the remaining canoes, and made for the shore by swimming, aftertwenty of the natives were slain and many wounded. On our side only fivemen were wounded, all of whom are restored to health by the blessing ofGod. We took two of the before-mentioned young women, and three men, afterwhich we visited the houses of the natives, where we only found two oldwomen and a sick man. We returned to the ships, not choosing to burn thetown, and put the five prisoners in fetters; but the two girls and one ofthe men made their escape from us next night. 

Leaving this harbour on the day following, we sailed eighty leaguesfarther along the coast, when we found another nation quite different fromthe former, both in language and behaviour. We agreed to anchor at thisplace and to go ashore in our boats, when we saw a crowd of near 4000people, who all fled into the woods on our approach, leaving every thingbehind them. On landing we proceeded about a gun-shot along a road leadinginto the woods, where we found many tents which the natives had erectedfor a fishing station, and in which we found fires on which abundance ofvictuals were boiling, and various kinds of wild beasts and fishesroasting. Among these was a certain strange animal very like a serpent, without wings, which seemed so wild and brutal that we greatly admired itsterrible fierceness. As we proceeded farther among the tents, we foundmany more serpents of this description, having their feet bound, and theirmouths tied to hinder them from biting. They had so hideous and fierce anaspect that none of us dared to touch them, from fear of being poisoned. They were equal in size to a wild goat, and about a yard and a half long, having long and strong feet, armed with strong claws. Their skins werevariegated, with many colours, and their snouts and faces resembled thoseof real serpents. From their nostrils to the extremity of their tails, aline of rough bristles extends along the ridge of the back, insomuch thatwe concluded they were actually serpents, yet they are used as food bythis nation[8]. Instead of bread, these Indians boil the fish, which theycatch abundantly in the sea, for a short time, then pounding them togetherinto a cake, they roast this over a hot fire without flame, which theypreserve for use, and which we found very pleasant food. They have manyother articles of food, which they prepare from various roots and fruits, but which it would be tedious to describe. Finding that the natives didnot return from the woods to their dwellings, we resolved not to take awayany of their effects, lest they should be afraid of us, and even left manytrifling European articles hung up in their huts, after which we returnedto the ships. 

Going on shore early next morning, we saw a vast number of peoplecollected on the shore, who were at first very timid on our approach, yetmingled freely among us, and soon became quite familiar, shewing greatdesire to enter into a friendly correspondence. They soon made usunderstand that they did not dwell in this place, to which they resortedmerely for the purpose of fishing, and solicited us in a most friendlymanner to go along with them to their villages. Indeed they conceived agreat friendship for us on acccount of the two prisoners whom we had incustody, who happened to belong to a nation with whom they were at enmity. In consideration of their great importunity, twenty-three of us agreed togo along with them well armed, with a fixed resolution to sell our livesdear if necessity required. Having remained with them for three days, wearrived after a journey of three leagues inland at a village consisting ofnine houses, where we were received with many barbarous ceremonies notworth relating, consisting of dances, songs, lamentations, joy, andgladness, strangely mixed together, and accompanied with plentifulentertainments. We remained in that place all night, on which occasion thenatives pressed their wives upon us as companions with so much earnestnessthat we could hardly resist. By the middle of the following day aprodigious number of people crowded to see us, shewing no signs of fear, and we were entreated by their elders to accompany them to their othervillages, farther inland, with which we complied. It is not easy todescribe the multiplied attentions which we received from them during ninedays, in which time we visited a great number of their villages, on whichoccasion those who remained at the ships were exceedingly anxious at ourlong absence. On our return to the ships we were accompanied by anincredible number of men and women, who paid us every possible attention. If any of us were fatigued with walking, they were eager to carry us inone of their hammocks. As we had to pass a great many rivers, some ofwhich were large, they contrived to carry us over with perfect safety. Many of the natives who were in our train carried in hammocks greatquantities of their own commodities which they had given us, such as themany-coloured feathers which have been already mentioned, many of theirbows and arrows, and great numbers of variegated parrots. Others of themcarried all their household goods and animals. They were so eager to serveus, that he who happened to carry any of our company over a river, seemedtransported at his good fortune. When we came to the boats which were tocarry us on board our ships, such numbers pressed in to accompany us, thatthey might see our ships, that our boats were ready to sink under the load. We accordingly carried as many of them to the ships as our boats couldpossibly accommodate, and vast numbers followed us by swimming, insomuchthat we were somewhat alarmed at their numbers, though naked and unarmed, more than a thousand of them being on board at once, admiring theprodigious size of our ships as compared with their own canoes, andastonished at every part of the tackle and artillery. A ludicrous scenetook place on occasion of firing off some of our guns, for immediately onhearing the prodigious report, the greatest part of the natives jumpedoverboard; just as frogs are apt to do when, sunning themselves on a bank, they happen to hear any unusual noise. We were a good deal concerned atthis incident, but we soon reconciled the natives and removed their terror, by explaining to them that we used such weapons for destroying our enemies. Having entertained the natives on board our ships the whole of that day, we advised them to go on shore at night, as it was our intention to departon the day following, and they all took leave of us with everydemonstration of friendship. While here, we observed many singular customsamong these people, which I do not propose enlarging upon at present, asyour majesty will be afterwards more particularly informed of every thingworthy of attention, when I shall have completed the geographical relationof my four voyages, which still requires revision and enlargement. 

This country is exceedingly populous, and abounds everywhere with manyanimals of different kinds, few of which resemble ours, and even thesediffer in some measure from ours in shape and appearance. They have nolions, bears, deer, swine, roes, or goats; neither have they any horses, mules, asses, or dogs; sheep likewise and cows are not to be found amongthem. Their woods, however, abound with great numbers of different kindsof animals, which I cannot easily describe, as they are all in a wildstate, none of them being domesticated by the natives. Their birds are sonumerous, and so different from ours in colours and species, as is quitesurprising to the beholders. The country is extremely pleasant andfruitful, abounding everywhere with beautiful groves and extensive forests, consisting of trees which are verdant during the whole year, and neverlose their leaves, producing innumerable fruits entirely different fromours. This land is situated in the torrid zone, directly under theparallel described by the tropic of _cancer_, and in the second climate, where the pole is elevated 23 degrees above the horizon[9]. While there, aprodigious number of people came to see us, wondering at our colour andappearance, and inquiring whence we came. We answered, that we had comedown from heaven to visit the earth, and they believed us. We constructedseveral fonts in this place, at which a prodigious number of people cameto be baptized, calling themselves _charaibs_, which word in theirlanguage signifies _wise men_. The country is by them named _Parias_. 

Leaving the before-mentioned harbour, we sailed along the coast, which wekept always in sight for the space of 860[10] leagues, during which we hadto make many tacks and circuitous courses, always holding intercourse withthe numerous nations on the coast. We procured gold in many places, butnot in any considerable quantities, as our principal object was todiscover and explore these regions, and to learn whether they produced anygold. Having employed thirteen months already in our voyage, and nearlyexpended our stores and provisions, and our men being worn out withcontinual watching and fatigue, we determined to take measures forrepairing our ships, which let in water on all sides, that we might returninto Spain. For the purpose, therefore, of repairing our ships, we enteredone of the best harbours in the world, where we were received in a mostfriendly manner by the natives, who were here very numerous. Havingconstructed a raft or lighter from the remains of our old boats and casks, we carried all our guns and stores ashore. After completely unloading ourships, we hauled them upon the beach, where we repaired them effectually. In this laborious employment we were materially assisted by the natives, who likewise most liberally supplied us with provisions, so that weconsumed very little of our own sea stores during our stay at this place. This circumstance was of singular importance to us, as our own provisionswere much diminished, and we should hardly have been able to reach Spainwithout this assistance, unless upon short allowance. We remainedthirty-seven days at this port, going frequently along with the natives totheir villages, where we were always received with much respect. Whenready to resume our voyage, the natives complained to us of a certain verysavage nation which was in use at certain times of the year to invadetheir territories by sea, sometimes falling upon them by surprise, and atother times by main force, who killed many of their people and devouredthe slain, carrying away others into captivity. They told us that thisnation, against whom they were hardly able to defend themselves, inhabiteda certain island at about an hundred leagues from their country; and as wesympathised in their distress, we engaged to revenge them upon their cruelenemies. They greatly rejoiced at this intelligence, and offered toaccompany us in the expedition, which we declined for substantial reasons, and only agreed to take seven of them along with us by way of guides, whowere to go in one of their own canoes, as we could not engage to bringthem back to their own country; with which arrangement they gratefullyacquiesced, and we parted from them in great friendship. 

Having repaired our ships and taken every thing belonging to them on board, we put to sea, and sailed seven days with the wind at E. N. E. Beating towindward, after which we fell in with several islands, some of which wereinhabited and others not, near one of which we came to anchor, called_Ity_[11] by the natives, on which we saw a great crowd of people. Armingour boats with a good number of picked men and three pieces of ordnance, we approached the shore at a place where there were at least 400 men andmany women. All of these, as noticed in formerly visited places, wententirely naked, of strong bodies, and warlike appearance, and were allarmed with bows, arrows, and lances, many of them having round or squareshields for their defence, which did not at all impede them in dischargingtheir arrows. All of them had their bodies painted of many colours, andwere adorned with the feather's of various birds; and the friendly Indianswho had accompanied us from the continent assured us that their paintingand adornment were sure indications that they were prepared for battle. Accordingly, when we had reached to within an arrow-flight of the beach, they all advanced into the sea towards us, and began to let fly a vastnumber of arrows, using their utmost efforts to prevent our landing, insomuch that we were constrained to make several discharges from ourartillery against them. Oh hearing the reports of our guns, and seeing agood many of their companions slain, all the rest retreated to the shore. Having called a council of war, it was resolved, that forty-two of usshould land and attack them boldly. We accordingly leaped from the boatswith our arms in our hands, and were so manfully opposed, that the battlelasted almost two hours, till at length we gained a complete victory, killing a considerable number of the natives, and taking some prisoners. The enemy then fled into the woods, several of them being slain in theirflight by our hand-guns[12], but we did not pursue far, as we were alreadymuch fatigued. We returned therefore to our ships, the seven friendlynatives being greatly rejoiced at our victory. 

Next day we saw an immense number of the islanders collecting on the shore, sounding horns and other instruments used by them in war, all painted andadorned with feathers, so that it was wonderful to behold them. It wasagain determined in council that we should go on shore in force, andshould treat the natives as enemies if they rejected our friendship. Weaccordingly landed in a body, unopposed by the islanders, who seemedafraid of our cannon. Our force consisted on this occasion of four bodiesof fifty-seven men, each under its proper commander, and we had a long andsevere engagement with the natives hand to hand. After many of them wereslain, they at length took to flight, and we pursued them to one of theirvillages, where we took twenty-five prisoners, and burned the village; andwe killed and wounded a great many more on our return towards the ships. On our side one only was slain in this fight, and twenty-two wounded, allof whom, by the blessing of God, recovered from their wounds. It was nowdetermined to return into Spain: wherefore the seven men who hadaccompanied us from the continent, of whom five were wounded in the battle, embarked in a canoe which we seized at this place, and returned to theirown country, very joyful for the vengeance we had taken of their cruelenemies, and full of admiration at our war-like prowess. On this occasionwe gave them seven of our prisoners, three men and four women. Proceedingfrom this place in our voyage to Spain, we arrived at Cadiz on the 15thOctober 1498, carrying with us 222 prisoners whom we had taken during thevoyage, all of whom we sold. These are all the circumstances worthy ofnotice which occurred during our first voyage. 

[1] It is highly probable that the date is here falsified by error, or rather purposely to give a pretext for having discovered the continent of the New World before Columbus; for we are assured by Harris, II. 37, that the real date of this voyage was 1499. Alonzo Hojeda and Americus Vespucius were furnished by Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, with charts and projects of discovery made by Columbus, whose honour and interest the bishop was eager to destroy by this surreptitious invasion of his rights as admiral and viceroy of the West Indies. --E. 

[2] In the original, having the wind between south and south-west. It is often impossible to ascertain, as here, from the equivocal language of the original, whether the author intends to express the course of the voyage or the direction of the wind. The course of the voyage from Cadiz to the Cananaries, whither Americus was now bound, certainly was towards the direction expressed in the text, and to this course the wind indicated is adverse. 

[3] In the original, _per Ponentem, sumpta una Lebeccio quarta_. _Ponente_ is the West in Italian, and _Lebeccio_ the south-west; but it is difficult to express in English nautical language the precise meaning of the original, which is literally translated in the text. --E. 

[4] The latitude and longitude of the text would indicate the eastern coast of Yucutan, near the bay of Honduras; but from other circumstances, it is probable the coast now visited by Americus was that of Paria or the Spanish main, between the latitudes of 10° and 12° N. And perhaps twenty-five degrees less to the west than expressed in the text. But the geographical notices in this work of Americus are scanty and uncertain. --E. 

[5] Praeterquam regiuncula illa anterior, quam verecundiore vocabulo pectusculum imum vocamus. 

[6] The author appears to mean here that they were entirely destitute of religious belief. --E. 

[7] The expression of the author seems here ambiguous. He probably means towns or collections of huts as containing such large numbers; and it is hard to say whether he meant to say that these eight populous _habitations_ had 10, 000 each, or altogether. --E. 

[8] The expression of the original _serpens_, here translated serpent, had been better expressed, perhaps, by the fabulous term _dragon_. The animal in question was probably the _lacerto iguana_, or it may have been a young alligator. --E. 

[9] This is a most singularly mistaken account of the situation of the coast of Paria, now Cumana or the Spanish main; which, beginning on the east at the island of Trinidad, about lat. 10° N. Joins Carthagena in the west about the same latitude, and never reaches above 12° N. Were it not that the author immediately afterwards distinctly names the coast of Paria, the latitude of the text would lead us to suppose that he had been exploring the northern coast of Cuba. --E. 

[10] Even supposing Americus to have coasted along the whole northern shore of South America, from Trinidad to Costa-rica, the distance does not exceed twenty-three degrees of longitude, and the coast of Paria or Cumana is scarce 15 degrees. The number of leagues, therefore, in the text is greatly exaggerated, unless we suppose them only to have been Italian miles. --E. 

[11] The relation of this voyage is so exceedingly vague that we have no means of determining any of the places which were touched at. From the resemblance of the name in the text to Haiti, or Aiti, this island may possibly have been Hispaniola. --E. 

[12] The author affects classical names for modern fire-arms, naming what we have translated hand-guns _balistae colubrinae_. Cannon are sometimes called _tormenta bellica_, and at other times _machina saxivoma_--E. 

SECTION II. 

_The Second Voyage of Americas Vespucius_. 

We set sail from Cadiz on our second voyage on the 11th of May 1499, taking our course past the Cape Verds and Canaries for the island of_Ignis_, where we took in a supply of wood and water: Whence continuingour voyage with a south-west wind for nineteen days, we reached a certainundiscovered land, which we believed to be the continent, over againstthat which we had explored in our former voyage, and which is situated inthe torrid zone upon the southern side of the equator, and in 5° of southlatitude[1], being 500 leagues from the before-mentioned islands, to thesouth-west. In this country we found the days and nights to be equal onthe 27th of June, when the sun was in the tropic of cancer[2]. We foundthis country inundated and pervaded by large rivers, having a very verdantappearance, with large tall trees, but with no appearance of anyinhabitants. Having anchored our ships, we went to land with some of ourboats, but after a long search we found the whole land so covered withwater that we could not land anywhere, though we saw abundant indicationsof a numerous population, after which we returned to the ships. Hoistingour anchors, we sailed along shore with the wind at S. S. E. For above fortyleagues, frequently endeavouring to penetrate into the land, but in vain, as the flux of the sea was so rapid from the S. E. To the N. W. That it wasimpossible for the vessels to stem the current. In consideration of thiscircumstance, we resolved to steer a course to the N. W. In the course ofwhich we came to a harbour, where we found a beautiful island, and anexcellent creek at the entrance. While sailing with the intention ofentering this harbour, we saw an immense number of people on this island, which was about four leagues from shore. Having hoisted out our boats onpurpose to land on the island, we perceived a canoe with several nativescoming from seawards, which we endeavoured to surround with our boats, that we might make them prisoners. After a long chase, finding that wegained upon them, the whole of the natives in the canoe, to the number ofabout twenty, jumped into the sea about two leagues from shore, andendeavoured to escape by swimming, which they all did except two whom wesecured. In the canoe which they had deserted, we found four young men ofanother nation whom they had made prisoners, and whose members had beenquite recently cut off, at which strange circumstance we were greatlyastonished. On taking these unfortunate captives to our ships, they madeus understand by signs that they had been taken away from their owncountry to be eaten, as the nation by whom they had been made captiveswere savage cannibals. After this, taking the captured canoe along with us, we brought our ships to anchor within half a league of the shore, where weobserved great numbers of the natives wandering about. We then went onshore, taking the two prisoners belonging to the canoe along with us; butimmediately on landing, all the natives fled into the woods. Seeing this, we set free one of our prisoners, to whom we gave several trinkets, asbells and small mirrors, in token of friendship, assuring him that he andhis countrymen need not be afraid of us, as we were desirous of enteringinto friendship with them. This man soon brought back about four hundredof the natives from the woods, accompanied by many of their women, all ofwhom came to us unarmed, and an entire friendship was established betweenus to all appearance, on which we set free the other prisoner, andrestored the captured canoe. This vessel, which was hollowed from a singlepiece of wood, measured twenty-six paces long, and two yards broad, andwas very artificially constructed. As soon as they had secured their canoein another part of the river beyond our reach, the whole of the nativessuddenly deserted us, and never could be brought to renew theirintercourse. 

Being disappointed in our expectation of any friendly connection withthese people, among whom we only saw a small quantity of gold, which theywore as ornaments in their ears, we sailed about eighty leagues furtheralong the coast, when we discovered a safe harbour, into which we broughtour ships, and found the country exceedingly populous. We soon establisheda friendly intercourse with these people, and even accompanied them toseveral of their villages, where we found ourselves in perfect security, and received the kindest treatment imaginable, and procured from themabout five hundred pearls for one bell and a small quantity of gold. Thenatives of this country make a kind of wine, which they express fromfruits and seeds, resembling beer, both red and white. The best is madefrom a species of apple[3]. Of these and many other excellent fruits offine flavour, we eat abundantly, and found them extremely wholesome. Theinhabitants of this place were more peaceably disposed, more civilized intheir manners and dispositions, and more abundantly supplied with allkinds of necessaries and household-stuff than any we had seen hitherto. Weremained seventeen days in this harbour with much satisfaction, vastnumbers of the natives coming daily to visit us, admiring our appearance, the whiteness of our complexions, the fashion of our clothes and arms, andthe magnitude of our ships. From these people we were informed of anothernation more to the west, by whom they were very much annoyed, and whopossessed great quantities of pearls; both because they had these in theirown country, and were accustomed to carry them off from those other tribesagainst whom they went to war. They likewise informed us in what mannerthe pearls originated, and how they were fished for; all of which weafterwards found to be true. 

Leaving this harbour, we continued our voyage along the coast, all ofwhich was numerously inhabited by different nations. Having entered acertain harbour for the purpose of repairing one of our vessels, we therefound a great number of inhabitants, with whom we were unable to establishany intercourse, either by force or good-will. When we endeavoured at anytime to land from our boats, they fiercely opposed us; and finding alltheir resistance ineffectual, they fled into the woods, and could not beprevailed on to enter into any intercourse with us. For which reason wedeparted from their inhospitable shore. 

Continuing our voyage, we came to a certain island about fifteen leaguesfrom the coast, which we agreed to visit, that we might see if it wereinhabited; and we accordingly found it possessed by a race of exceedinglysavage people, who were notwithstanding extremely simple and verycourteous. In manners and appearance they are little better that brutes, and all of them have their mouths constantly filled with a certain greenherb, which they are continually chewing like ruminating cattle, so thatthey can hardly speak to be understood[4]. Each individual among themcarries two small gourd shells hung from the neck, one of which containsthe herb which they chew, and the other is filled with a particular kindof white meal resembling powdered gypsum, which, with a small stick chewedand moistened, they draw out from this gourd, and sprinkle therewith thechewed herb, which they again replace in their mouths. Although wewondered much at this strange custom, we could not for a long whilediscover its reason and object. But, as we walked about their country, trusting to their friendly attentions, and endeavoured to learn from themwhere we could procure fresh water, they explained to us by signs thatnone was to be had in these parts, and they offered us the herb and powderwhich they are in use to chew as a substitute. After accompanying them awhole day, without food or drink, we learnt that all the water which theyused was gathered during the night, by collecting dew from certain plantshaving leaves resembling asses ears, which are filled every night by thedews of heaven. This nation is likewise destitute of any vegetable food, and live entirely on fish, which they procure abundantly from the sea. They even presented us with several turtles, and many other excellentfish. The women of this nation do not use the herb which is chewed by themen, but each of them carries a gourd shell filled with water to servethem for drink. 

This nation has no villages, nor even any huts or cabins, their onlyshelter consisting in certain prodigiously large leaves, under which theyare protected from the scorching heat of the sun. When employed in fishing, each individual carries one of these enormous leaves, which he sticks intothe ground directly between him and the sun, and is thus enabled toconceal himself entirely under its shade; and although this is not asufficient protection against rain, it is wonderful how little rain fallsin this country. This island has many animals of various kinds, all ofwhich have only very dirty water for drinking. 

Finding no prospect of advantage at this island, we went from it toanother in hope of procuring a supply of water. At our first landing, webelieved this other island to be uninhabited, as we saw no people on itscoast at our arrival; but on walking along the beach, we noticed theprints of human feet of such uncommon magnitude, that if the rest of thebody were of similar proportions, the natives must be of astonishing size. We at length noticed a path which led into the country, which nine of usdetermined to pursue, that we might explore the island, as we imagined itwas of small size, and could not consequently have many inhabitants. Having advanced near a league, we observed five cabins in a valley whichwe believed to be inhabited; and going into these, we found five women, two of whom were old, and three of them young, all of whom were of mostunusual stature, so that we were much amazed. On their side, likewise, they were so much astonished at our appearance, that they were even unableto run away from us. The old women spoke kindly to us in their language, and all of them accompanying us into one of their huts, presented us withplenty of their victuals. All of these women were taller than the tallestmen of our country, being as tall even as _Francisco de Albicio_[5], butbetter proportioned than any of us. After consulting together, we agreedamong ourselves to carry off the young women by force, that we might shewthem in Spain as objects of wonder; but, while conversing together on thisproject, about thirty-six of their men began to enter the cabin. These menwere much taller than the women, and of such handsome proportions that itwas a pleasure to behold them. They were armed with bows, arrows, spears, and large clubs, and inspired us with such dread that we anxiously wishedourselves safe back at the ships. On entering, they began to talk amongthemselves, and we suspected that they were deliberating upon making usprisoners, on which account we consulted together how we should act forown safety. Some of our party proposed to attack them in the hut, whileothers thought it would be safer to do so in the open ground, and the restwere against proceeding to extremities till we were quite certain of theintentions of the natives. We accordingly stole out of the cabin, andresumed the path which led towards the shore. The men followed us at thedistance of a stones-throw, always speaking among themselves, andapparently as much afraid of us as we were of them, ; for when we stoppedthey did the same, and only continued to advance as we retreated, alwayskeeping at a respectful distance. When at length we reached the boats, andhad pushed off from the shore, they all leapt into the sea, and shot anumber of their arrows against us, of which we were not now in much fear. We fired two shots among them, more for the purpose of intimidation thanof killing them; and scared by the report, they all fled away into thewoods, and we saw no more of them. All of these people went naked, as hasbeen said of the other natives whom we had seen; and on account of theprodigious size of these men, we named this place the island of Giants. 

Proceeding on our voyage at no great distance from this last place, we hadfrequent encounters with the natives, as they were unwilling to allow ofany thing being taken from their country. On this account, and because ourstock of provisions had become scanty, as we had been near a year at sea, we resolved on returning to Spain. Since our departure from the Cape Verdeislands, we had been always in the torrid zone, and had twice crossed theequator, insomuch that the remaining provisions in our ships were muchinjured by the heat of the climate. In prosecuting our determination ofreturning home, it pleased God to conduct us to a place for repairing ourvessels, where we found a people who received us with much kindness, andfrom whom we procured a great number of oriental pearls. Duringforty-seven days which we spent among this tribe, we purchased an hundredand nineteen fine pearls, at an expence not exceeding forty ducats; as wegave them in return bells, mirrors, and beads of glass and amber of verylittle value. For one bell we could obtain as many pearls as we pleased totake. We also learned where and how they procured their pearls, and theyeven gave us many of the oysters in which they are found, several of whichwe likewise bought, in some of which we found an hundred and thirty pearls, but in others considerably fewer. Unless when perfectly ripe, and quitedetached from the shells in which they grow, they are very imperfect, forthey wither and come to nothing, as I have frequently experienced; butwhen ripe, they separate from among the flesh, except that they thenmerely stick to it, and these, are always the best. 

After a stay of forty-seven days at this place in great friendship withthe natives, we took our departure, and went to the island of _Antilia_[6], which was discovered a few years ago by Christopher Columbus, where weremained two months and two days repairing our vessels and procuringnecessaries for the voyage home. During our stay there we suffered manyinsults from the Christian inhabitants, the particulars of which are hereomitted to avoid prolixity. Leaving that island on the 22d of July, wearrived at the port of Cadiz on the eighth of September[7], after a voyageof six weeks, where we were honourably received; having thus, by theblessing of God, finished our second voyage. 

[1] This latitude of 5° S. Would lead to Cape St Roquo on the coast of Brazil; but the indications given by Americus during his several voyages are exceedingly vague and uncertain. --E. 

[2] The sun on the 27th of June has just passed to the south side of the equator, and is in the tropic of cancer on the 23d of March. --E. 

[3] Called in the text myrrh-apples, _Poma myrrhae_, perhaps meant to imply mirabolans. --E. 

[4] This appears to refer to chewing tobacco, and gives a strong picture of that custom carried to excess. --E. 

[5] This person was probably a noted giant, or remarkably tall man, then well known in the south of Europe: Or it may refer to a colossal image of St Francis. --E. 

[6] The island of Hispaniola is certainly here meant, to which Americus has chosen to give the fabulous or hypothetical name of Antilia, formerly mentioned; perhaps with the concealed intention of depreciating the grand discovery of Columbus, by insinuating that the Antilles were known long before his voyage. --E. 

[7] Though not mentioned in the text, this date must have been of the year 1500; or at least intended to be so understood by Americus--E. 

SECTION III. 

_The Third Voyage of Americus Vespucius_. 

While I was at Seville recovering from the fatigues of my late voyages, and intending again to visit the _Land of Pearls_, it happened thatEmanuel king of Portugal chose, for what reason I know not, to send me aletter by a messenger, earnestly desiring my immediate presence at Lisbon, where he engaged to do much for my advantage. I signified by the messengerthat I was entirely disposed to comply with the commands of his majesty, but was then ill, and should certainly evince my obedience if I recovered. The king of Portugal afterwards sent Julian Bartholomew Jocundus fromLisbon, with orders to use his endeavours to bring me with him to theroyal presence; and as all my acquaintances urged me against attemptinganother voyage on account of my bad health, I was obliged to comply, andimmediately departed from Spain, where I had been very honourablyentertained, the king even having conceived a good opinion of me, and sogreat was the urgency that I set out without taking leave of my host. Onpresenting myself to Emanuel, I was graciously received, and stronglyurged to go along with three of his ships which had been fitted out fordiscovering new countries; and as the requests of kings are equivalent tocommands, I consented to his desire. 

I accordingly departed from Lisbon with the three ships belonging to hismajesty on the 10th of May 1501. We steered, in the first place, for theCanaries, after which we proceeded for the western coast of Africa, whereduring three days stay we took a prodigious number of certain fishes whichare called _Phargi_. From thence we went to that part of Ethiopia which iscalled _Besilica_[1], which is situated in the torrid zone and firstclimate, in 14° of north latitude. We here remained for eleven days, taking in wood and water to enable us to continue our voyage through thesouthern Atlantic. Leaving this port with a S. E. Wind, we arrived in aboutsixty-seven days at a certain island which is 700 leagues to the S. E. Ofthe before-mentioned port. During this voyage, we suffered prodigiously, owing to the tempestuous weather which we encountered, especially near theequator. At that place it was winter in the month of June, the days andnights were of equal length, and our shadows were always towards the south. At length it pleased the Almighty to conduct us to a new country on the17th of August, where we came to anchor about a league and a half from theshore, to which we went in our boats to see whether it were inhabited. Weaccordingly found that it was full of inhabitants, who were worse thanbeasts; though at our first landing we could not see any of the natives, we yet saw by numerous traces on the shore that the country was verypopulous. We took possession of this land for the king of Castile[2], finding it in all appearance fertile and pleasant. This place is fivedegrees beyond the equator to the south. After the ceremony of takingpossession, we returned to our ships; and as we required a supply of woodand water, we went on shore next day for that purpose. While employed onthat service, we saw some natives on the top of a hill at some distance, who could not be prevailed on to come towards us. They were all naked, andof a similar colour and appearance with those we had seen in the formervoyages. As we had not been able to have any intercourse with the natives, we left some bells, looking-glasses, and other trifles for them on theground, when we returned to our ships in the evening. When they saw us atsome distance from the shore, they came down from the hill to where we hadbeen, and shewed many tokens of surprise at the things we had left. 

As we had only provided ourselves with water at this first trip, weproposed going on shore next day, when we saw numbers of the nativesmaking several fires and smokes along the shore, as if inviting us to land. Yet when we actually landed, though great numbers of people collected atsome distance, they could not be induced to join us, yet made signals forus to go farther into the land along with them. On this account, two ofour men who were prepared for exposing themselves to such dangers[3], onpurpose to learn what kind of people these were, and whether theypossessed any spices or rich commodities, asked permission from thecommander of our ships to go with the natives, and took a number oftrinkets along with them for the purpose of barter. They accordingly setoff, engaging to return to the shore at the end of five days, and wereturned to the ships. Eight days elapsed without seeing any thing of ourmen, during all which time many of the natives came down every day to thebeach, but would never enter into any intercourse with us. On the eighthday we went again on shore, where we found that the natives wereaccompanied by great numbers of their women; but as soon as we advancedtowards them the men withdrew, yet sent many of their women to meet us, who seemed exceedingly shy and much afraid. On this account we sentforwards a stout active young man, thinking that the women would be lessafraid of one than of many, and we returned to our boats. The women allflocked about the young man, touching and examining him with eagercuriosity, while another woman came down the mountain, having a largespear in her hand, with which she pierced the youth, who fell deadimmediately. The women then dragged his dead body by the feet to themountain; and the men came down to the shore armed with bows and arrows, and began to shoot at us to our great alarm, as our boats dragged on thesand, the water being very shallow, so that we were unable to get quicklyout of their way. For some time we had not presence of mind to take to ourarms, but at length we shot off four pieces against them; and althoughnone of the natives were hit, they were so astonished at the reports, thatthey all fled to the mountain, where they joined the women who had killedour young man. We could now see them cut his body in pieces, which theyheld up to our view, after which they roasted these at a large fire, andeat them. By signs, likewise, they made us understand that they had killedand eaten our two men who went among them eight days before. We were soregrieved at the savage brutality of these people, insomuch that forty of usresolved to go on shore and attack them in revenge of their ferociouscruelty; but our commander would on no account permit us, and we wereforced to depart unrevenged and much dissatisfied. 

Leaving this savage country, with the wind at E. S. E. We saw no people fora long time that would allow of any intercourse with them. We at lengthdoubled a head-land, which we named Cape St Vincent, which is 150 leaguesfrom the place where our men were slain towards the east, this new landstretching out in a S. W. Direction. This cape is eight degrees beyond theequinoctial line towards the south [4]. Continuing our voyage beyond thiscape, we sailed along the coast of a country hitherto unvisited, and oneday saw a vast number of people who seemed greatly to admire bothourselves and the size of our vessels. Having brought our vessels toanchor in a safe place, we landed among these natives, whom we found ofmuch milder dispositions than those we were last among, yet it cost usmuch trouble and patience to make them familiar with us, but we at lengthsucceeded in making them our friends, and remained five days among them, trafficking for such articles as their country produced: Among these weresugar-canes, green reeds, great quantities of unripe figs, some of whichwe likewise found ripe on the tops of the trees. We agreed to take awaytwo of the natives from hence, that we might learn their language, andthree of them accompanied us to Portugal of their own accord. 

Leaving this harbour with the wind at S. W. We proceeded along the land, keeping it always in sight, and keeping up frequent intercourse with theinhabitants, until we at length went beyond the tropic of Capricorn, sofar south that the south pole became elevated thirty-two degrees above thehorizon[5]. We had already lost sight of the Ursa Minor; the Ursa Majorappeared very low, almost touching the northern horizon; and we had now toguide our course by the new stars of another hemisphere, which are morenumerous, larger, and brighter than those of our pole. On this account, Idelineated the figures of many of these new constellations, especially ofthe largest, and took their declinations on the tracks which they describearound the south pole, together with the measurement of the diameters andsemidiameters of their tracks, as shall be found in the history of my fourvoyages which I am preparing for publication. In this long course, beginning from Cape St Augustine[6], we had run 700 leagues along thecoast; 100 of these towards the west, and 600 towards the S. W. [7]. Were Ito attempt enumerating every thing we saw in this long and arduousnavigation, my letter would exceed all bounds. We found few things of anyvalue, except great numbers of _cassia_ trees, and many others whichproduce certain nuts, to describe which and many other curious thingswould occasion great prolixity. We spent ten months in this voyage, butfinding no precious minerals, we agreed to bend our course to a differentquarter. Accordingly orders were issued to lay in a stock of wood andwater for six months, as our pilots concluded that our vessels were ableto continue so much longer at sea. 

Having provided ourselves for continuing the voyage, we departed with asouth-east wind, and on the 13th of February, when the sun had alreadybegun to approach the equinoctial on its way to our northern hemisphere, we had gone so far that the south pole was elevated fifty-two degreesabove the horizon, so that we had now lost sight not only of the Less butof the Great Bear; and by the 3d of April we had got 500 leagues from theplace of our last departure[8]. On that day, 3d April, so fierce a tempestarose at S. W. That we had to take in all our sails and scud under barepoles, the sea running mountains high, and all our people in great fear. The nights now were very long, as on the 7th April, when the sun is nearthe sign of Aries, we found them to last fifteen hours, the winter nowbeginning. While driving amid this tempest, we descried land on the 2d ofApril[9] at about twenty leagues distance. We found this land altogetherbarren, without harbours, and destitute of inhabitants, in my opinionbecause the intense cold would render it almost impossible for any one tolive there[10]. 

We had undergone such fatigue and danger from this storm, that all nowagreed to return towards Portugal; yet on the following day we wereassailed by a fresh tempest of such violence that every one expected to beoverwhelmed by its fury. In this extremity, our sailors made many vows ofpilgrimages for their safety, and performed many ceremonies according tothe customs of sea-faring men. We were driven by this terrible storm forfive days without a single rag of sail in which time we proceeded 250leagues on the ocean, approaching towards the equator, the temperature ofthe sea and air always improving, till at length, by the cessation of thestorm, it pleased God to relieve us from our danger. In this course ourdirection was towards the N. N. E. Because we wished to attain the coast ofAfrica, from which we were 1300 leagues distant across the Atlantic; andby the blessing of the Almighty, we arrived on the 10th of May at thatprovince which is named _Sierra Leone_, where we remained fifteen days forrefreshments, and to rest ourselves from the fatigues of our long andperilous voyage. From thence we steered for the Azores, distant 750leagues from Sierra Leone, and arrived there near the end of July, wherelikewise we stopped fifteen days for refreshments. We sailed hence for ourport of Lisbon, whence we were now 300 leagues distant to the west, andarrived there by the aid of the Almighty in 1502[11], with two only of ourships, having been forced to burn the other at Sierra Leone, as it wasincapable of being navigated any farther. During this third voyage wewere absent about sixteen months, eleven of which we had sailed withoutsight of the north Star or of the Greater and Lesser Bears, during whichtime we directed our course by the other stars of the southern pole. 

[1] Assuredly Brasil is here meant, yet the latitude is absurdly erroneous. --E. 

[2] This must necessarily be an error, as he now sailed in the service of the king of Portugal. --E. 

[3] Perhaps malefactors, who have been formerly mentioned in the early Portuguese voyages to India, as employed in such hazardous commissions. --E. 

[4] Could we trust to the position in the text, lat. 8° S. This voyage must have been upon the coast of Brazil, and the cape named St Vincent by Americus ought to be that now called St Augustine: Indeed in a subsequent passage of this same voyage he gives this cape that name. --E. 

[5] Lat. 32° S. As in the text, would bring this voyage of Americus all down the coast of Brazil almost to the mouth of the _Rio Grande_, or of St Pedro, now the boundary between Portuguese America and the Spanish viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres. --E. 

[6] Obviously the same cape which was called St Vincent only a little way before, and which now receives its true name. --E. 

[7] The difference of latitude between Cape St Augustine and the Rio Grande, is 24 degrees, or 480 leagues, and their difference of longitude 17 degrees or 340 leagues. --E. 

[8] The circumstances in the text would indicate that Americus had now run down the eastern coast of South America, almost to the entrance of the Straits of Magellan. --E. 

[9] The tempest has been already stated as beginning on the 3d of April, whence we must presume the present date in the text to be a typographical error, perhaps for the _twenty_-second. --E. 

[10] From the high latitude of 52° S. In which they were at the commencement of the storm, and the direction of the wind from the S. W. It seems highly probable that this barren land was what is now called the Falkland Islands. --E. 

[11] Though not mentioned in the text, we may conclude, from the time occupied in this voyage, as indicated a little farther on, that Americus returned to Lisbon in August 1502, the voyage having commenced in May 1501, and lasted sixteen months. --E. 

SECTION IV. 

_The Fourth Voyage of Americus Vespucius_. 

It now remains for me to inform your majesty of what things I saw duringmy fourth voyage. But, both because I have already satiated your majestyby long narration, and because this last voyage had an unlucky end, owingto a great misfortune which befel us in a certain bay of the Atlanticocean, I shall be brief in my present account. We sailed from Lisbon withsix ships under the command of an admiral, being bound for a certainisland _towards the horizon_[1], named _Melcha_[2], famous for its richesand as a station for vessels of all kinds trading between the Gangetic andIndian seas[3], as Cadiz is the great intermediate harbour for the shipsof all nations sailing between the west of Europe and the Levant. To thisport of Melcha the course is by the famous emporium of Calicut, from whichMelcha is farther to the east and south[4]. 

Departing from Lisbon on the 10th of May 1508, we sailed to the Cape Verdislands, where we remained twelve days taking in various accessaries forthe voyage, when we set sail with a S. E. Wind, the admiral, contrary toall our opinions, merely that he might presumptuously shew himself to becommander over us and our six ships, insisting upon going to Sierra Leone, in southern Ethiopia, which was altogether unnecessary. On arriving insight of that place a dreadful storm arose in a direction opposite to ourcourse, so that during four days, we were not only unable to attain ourdestined object, but were forced to retrace our former course. By thiswind at S. S. W. [4] we were driven 300 leagues into the ocean, insomuch thatwe got almost three degrees beyond the line, when to our no small joy wecame in sight of land distant twelve leagues[6]. This was a very highisland in the middle of the ocean, rather exceeding two leagues long andabout one league broad, in which no human being had ever been, yet was itto us most unfortunate, as on it our commander lost his vessel by his ownfolly and bad management. This happened on the night of St Lawrence, or10th of August, when his ship struck upon a rock, and soon after sunk withevery thing on board, the crew only being saved. This ship was of 300 tonsburthen, and in it we lost the main power of all our hopes. While all wereplying about the sinking vessel, and using our endeavours to save her, Iwas ordered by the admiral to go in a boat to the island, to see if anygood harbour could be found for the reception of our ships. He would notallow me, however, to use my own ship[7] on this service, which was mannedby nine of my sailors, because it was required for aiding his own ship, sothat I had to go in another boat with only four or five men, the admiralengaging to restore my own when I had found a harbour. I made the best ofmy way to the island, from which we were now only four leagues, and soonfound an excellent harbour which could have contained our whole fleet. Iremained here eight days, anxiously looking for the arrival of the admiraland our squadron, whose non-appearance gave me great uneasiness, and sogreatly dismayed the people who were with me that they were reduced almostto despair. While in this forlorn condition, we espied on the eighth day asail on the horizon, and went off immediately in our boat to meet them, hopeful that they would take us to a better port. On getting up with thisvessel, we were informed that the admirals ship, which we had left ingreat danger, had gone to the bottom. This melancholy intelligence gave usvast uneasiness, as we were 1000 leagues from Lisbon. But putting ourtrust in Providence, we returned with the ship to the before-mentionedisland, on purpose to take in wood and water for the voyage. 

This island was wild and uninhabited, but had many pleasant rills ofexcellent water, with great abundance of trees, and prodigious numbersboth of land and water-fowl, which were so tame, from being unaccustomedto man, that they allowed themselves to be caught by hand, so that wecaught as many as filled one of our boats. The only quadrupeds were largerats, and lizards having forked tails, besides which there were severalserpents. Having taken in such refreshments as the island afforded, we setsail on a S. S. W. Course, the king having ordered us to follow the samedirection we had pursued in our preceding voyage. We at length reached aport, to which we gave the name of the Bay of all Saints[8], which wereached in seventeen days sail, being favoured with a fair wind, although300 leagues distance from the before-mentioned island[9]. Although wewaited here two months and four days, we were not joined by any of theships belonging to our squadron. It was therefore agreed upon between themaster and me to proceed farther along this coast, which we didaccordingly for 260 leagues to a certain harbour, where we determined uponerecting a fort, in which we left twenty-four of our men who had beensaved out of the admirals ship[10]. We remained five months at thisharbour, occupied in building the fort, and in loading our ships withBrazil-wood; our stay being protracted by the small number of our handsand the magnitude of our labour, so that we only made slow progress. 

Having finished our labours, we determined on returning to Portugal, forwhich we required a wind that would allow us to hold a N. N. E. Course. Weleft twenty-four of our men in the fort, with twelve cannon, abundance ofother weapons, and provisions for six months, having entered into a treatyof friendship with the natives. Of these I omit any particular notice, although we saw vast numbers of them, and had much and frequentintercourse with them during our long stay; having penetrated about fortyleagues into the interior of the country, accompanied by thirty of thenatives. In that expedition I saw many things worthy of notice, which I donot here insert, but which will be found in my book describing my fourvoyages. The situation of this fort and harbour is in latitude 18° S. And35° W. Longitude from Lisbon. Leaving this place we steered our courseN. N. E. For Lisbon, at which place we arrived in seventy-seven days aftermany toils and dangers, on the 28th June 1504. We were there received veryhonourably, even beyond our expectations, the whole city believing we hadperished on the ocean, as indeed all the rest of our companions did, through the presumptuous folly of our commander. I now remain in Lisbon, unknowing what may be the intentions of his majesty respecting me, thoughI am now desirous of resting myself after my great labours. 

[1] Such is the expression in the original, the _eastern_ horizon being so named apparently by way of eminence. --E. 

[2] As written by an Italian, Melcha has the sound of Melka, and the place here indicated is obviously the city of Malacca in the Malayan peninsula, long a famous emporium for the trade of eastern India and China. --E. 

[3] The Bay of Bengal and sea of China. --E. 

[4] In the original these positions are thus unaccountably misrepresented, as literally translated: "Melcha is more to the _west_, and Calicut more to the _south_; being situated 33° from the Antarctic pole. "--E. 

 It would appear from some circumstances in the sequel, that this fleet was directed to visit Brazil on its way to India; and that the ultimate object of the voyage was frustrated through its early misfortunes. --E. 

[5] _Per suduestium, qui ventus est inter meridiem et lebeccium:_ Between the S. And S. W. Or S. S. W. --E. 

[6] Perhaps the island of St Matthew, which is nearly in the latitude indicated in the text, and about the distance mentioned from Sierra Leone; yet it is difficult to conceive how they could get there with a storm at S. S. W. As the course is S. S. E. From Sierra Leone. --E. 

[7] Such is the literal meaning of the original, yet I suspect Americus here means his largest boat. --E. 

[8] In the original, _Omnium Sanctorum Abbatium_, but which must assuredly be Bahia dos todos los Santos, in lat 13° S. On the coast of Brazil. --E. 

[9] The distance between the island of St Matthew, and the Bay of All Saints, is not less than 600 leagues, or thirty degrees; yet that distance might certainly be run in seventeen days with a fair wind. --E. 

[10] The number of leagues mentioned in the text would lead us to the Bay of Santos on the coast of Brazil, in latitude twenty-four degrees S. But in the text this first attempt to colonize Brazil is said to have been in latitude eighteen degrees S. Near which the harbour now named Abrolhos is situated. --E. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER IV. 

SUMMARY OF THE DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS OF THE SPANIARDS IN THE WESTINDIES, FROM THE DEATH OF COLUMBUS, TO THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO CORTESAGAINST MEXICO[1]. 

INTRODUCTION[2]. 

The surprizing success of the Spaniards, in reducing so many fine islands, and such extensive, rich, and fruitful countries under their dominion inso short a time, has occasioned many authors to conceive that they musthave conducted their affairs with extraordinary prudence, and with thatsteadiness of character for which their nation has always been remarkable. But only a little reflection on the history of these events, will shewthat they acted with less judgment and good conduct than could have beenexpected from a nation so renowned for wisdom. In truth, the whole ofthese vast acquisitions were derived from the valour and exertions ofindividuals; for few nations can boast of abler politicians or braver andmore expert captains, than the three great men to whom Spain is indebtedfor its mighty empire in America. The first or these was the admiralColumbus, who discovered the islands, and paved the way by his discoveriesfor those who found out and subdued the two great continental empires ofAmerica. The next was Cortes, and the third Pizarro, both men ofincredible valour and ability, and worthy therefore of immortal fame. Letus compare the expedition of Nearchus with that of Columbus; and considerwith how great a fleet and what a number of men and able commanders, theGrecian admiral accomplished so small a discovery, sailing always in sightof land, and only from the mouth of the Indus to the head of the PersianGulf: Yet how great a figure does his expedition make in the works of thegreatest authors of antiquity, and what mighty rewards were bestowed uponhim for his services. Columbus, with only three vessels, smaller than anyof those of Nearchus, and with scarcely any encouragement or assistancefrom those who accompanied him, made the surprising voyage from Spain tothe West Indies, a region before utterly unknown, and paved the way forwider and more useful conquests than accrued to Alexander by his Indianexpedition. Let us compare the force with which Alexander attacked theIndians, yet failed to subdue them, with the handfuls of men commanded byCortes and Pizarro; and we shall find the latter much greater conquerorsbeyond all question, as will be more clearly seen in the accounts of theirrespective expeditions. These are only adduced for the present, as proofsthat it was not to the wisdom of the Spanish government, but to thepersonal abilities of those individuals who were accidentally employed inits service, that these events were owing. 

We have seen how ungratefully the court of Spain treated the first andgreat discoverer of the New World, and how far it was from enabling him toexert his great capacity in its service. After his disgrace and death, themanagement of the affairs of the West Indies fell almost entirely into thehands of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, who of all the statesmen belonging tothe court of Spain was least fit to have been entrusted with affairs ofsuch importance, and who accordingly misconducted them in a mostsurprising manner. Listening on the one hand to the proposals of everyneedy adventurer, and slighting all those men on the other hand who weremost likely to have pushed the new discoveries to advantage, by theknowledge they had acquired of the West Indies, by their wise conduct inthe settlement of the new colonies, and the power they possessed forprosecuting farther discoveries and establishing new colonies; weaccordingly find that not one of all the bishop's instruments succeeded intheir projects, but uniformly reduced themselves to beggary, by rashlyengaging in enterprises beyond their means and abilities; while all thesuccessful undertakings were accomplished by persons employed by thegovernors of colonies, and consequently the Spanish administration at homehad no right to take any credit to themselves for the successful issue ofany of the expeditions. 

The only favourites of Bishop Fonseca who made any figure in the world, were two bad men, well furnished with impudence, but very indifferentlyprovided with talents or abilities. The first of these, Americus Vespucius, was made chief pilot of Spain by the interest of his patron, and had allthe journals of discoveries communicated to him, from which he constructedvery elegant maps, in which he exerted his fancy to supply any defects inthe information he had received; so that he exhibited things in verygraceful proportions, and the only thing wanting in his draughts being astrict regard to truth. They answered his purpose, however, admirably; as, besides securing him an honourable office with a competent salary, theyenabled him to impose his name on the New World, even before he hadvisited any part of its shores. The other unworthy favourite of the bishopwas Bernard de Santa Clara, whom he appointed treasurer of Hispaniolaunder the government of Obando, another of the bishop's worthy favourites. The treasurer was but an indifferent steward for the king, but he acquireda great fortune for himself, of which he was so proud, that he caused fourgreat salt-sellers to be placed every day on his table full of gold dust. When this piece of vanity became known in Spain, a commission was grantedto examine into his accounts, by which it was discovered that he hadcheated the crown, or was at least indebted to it, to the amount of 80, 000pesos, which is near L. 25, 000 of our money. The governor Obando wassensible that the sale of every thing belonging to this man would hardlysuffice to discharge his debt to the crown; but fell upon the followingexpedient to save the bishop's credit and his own, and to serve thetreasurer. Professing a strict regard to justice, he ordered the effectsof the treasurer to be sold by auction, and encouraged the people to bidconsiderably more than they were worth, warranting all the lots to be goodbargains. On purpose to acquire the favour and protection of the governor, the colonists bid so much upon each other, that the whole effects sold for96, 000 pesos; so that the crown was paid, and the treasurer had a verypretty fortune with which to begin the world a-new. Such were the arts andintrigues of those men by whom the admiral Columbus was oppressed, andsuch the dirty contrivances by which they supported each other. Yet thesethings were done under the administration of King Ferdinand, who wasesteemed one of the wisest monarchs of his time; and matters were evenworse conducted under the emperor Charles V. Though certainly the greatestprince in every respect that ever sat on the throne of Spain. 

The inference I would draw from all this is, that at all events, and underall administrations, discoveries ought ever to be attempted and encouraged, because they carry in themselves such incitements for their completion, that they hardly ever fail to prove beneficial at the end, whatevermistakes or mismanagements may occur at their commencement. Some ascribethis to chance, and others, with more sense and decency, to Providence. However this may be, great occasions are certain to bring forth greatspirits, if they do not produce them; and when once the way is laid open, and a few instances have shewn that things are practicable that had beenthought impossible for ages, mighty things are performed. Emulation is anoble principle, and one of the most valuable secrets in government is toexcite this; for every thing that finds favour from the great, or thatmeets with popular encouragement, is almost always carried to a greatdegree of perfection. When a spirit is once raised, even the mostdisastrous reverses are not able to extinguish it. Thus the numbers ofSpaniards who perished in the first attempts to colonize the continent, byshipwreck, famine, and disease; and the unfortunate catastrophes of Hojeda, Nicuessa, and Cordova, had no effect to deter others from embarking insimilar enterprises. As all agreed that gold and pearls were to beacquired in these parts; the thirst of gain in some, and the desire ofglory in others, soon overcame the terrors of such unfortunate examples, and many attribute the miscarriage of those attempts to the imprudence ormisconduct of the commanders; and as slanders always find an easy belief, so the imputations on the dead served to encourage the living, and menwere easily led to believe that their own superior abilities or theirbetter fortune would carry them through, where former adventurers hadfailed. 

There were several other concurring circumstances which gave life andvigour to these enterprises, which we shall briefly enumerate under threeprincipal heads. In the first place, the marriage of Don Diego Columbuswith Donna Maria de Toledo, induced many young gentlemen and ladies ofgood families to go over to Hispaniola, which proved of infiniteimportance to the new colony; as the strong tincture of heroism or romancein the Spanish character, was the fittest that could be conceived forpromoting such exploits. Secondly, The establishment of a sovereigntribunal at St Domingo, the members of which had large salaries, inducedsome considerable persons of more advanced age and experience to go there, in whose train a number of young people of quality went over in search ofprofitable or honourable employments. By the continual struggle for powerbetween this new tribunal and the young admiral, a jealousy andcompetition was excited between the dependents of both parties; which, whatever trouble and perplexity it might occasion to their superiors, hadvery favourable effects on the colony in the main, and greatly promotedits advancement and success. In the third place, The great dislike whichprevailed in Spain against Charles V. Especially at his first coming tothe crown, on account of his partiality for his countrymen the Flemings, induced the Spanish gentry to prefer advancing their fortunes in the WestIndies, to which none but Spaniards were permitted to go, rather than inthe service of the court, which they believed not willing to discern theirmerits, or to reward them as they thought they deserved. --_Harris_. 

[1] Harris, II. 49. 

[2] Harris, II. 62. This introduction is transposed from Harris, who places it at the end instead of the beginning of his summary. --E. 

SECTION I. 

_Improvements made in the colony of Hispaniola by Nicholas de Obando, andthe great value of Gold produced in that Island during his Government_. 

It is natural to begin this chapter with some account of the progress ofthe Spaniards in Hispaniola after the settlement of a regular government, by which the value of the discovery became apparent; as owing to the greatwealth derived from this colony at the first, the Spaniards were excitedto continue their discoveries. This source of wealth has been long driedup, and we now hear nothing whatever of the gold of Hispaniola; whichyielded more in proportion at its first discovery than even Peru has donesince. The early prosperity of Hispaniola was in a great measure owing tothe care and judicious industry of Nicolas Obando, who, in the first place, employed a skilful pilot to sail round the whole inland, and describe itscoast and harbors, and afterwards took much pains to examine and surveyall the provinces of the island. A mine of excellent copper wasdiscovered in his time near the town of _Puerto Real_, but after a greatdeal of money had been expended on the adventure, its produce was foundinadequate to the expence. The 300 Spaniards who inhabited the island atthe first coming of Obando, lived in a very disorderly manner, and hadtaken to themselves the most beautiful native women of the island, and ofthe highest families, whom they kept as mistresses, though the parents ofthese women considered them as married. This lewdness gave great offenceto the Franciscan friars, who made representations to the governor toremedy the evil. Obando accordingly issued an order, by which theSpaniards were enjoined either to put away their Indian mistresses or tomarry them. Many of the Spaniards were men of quality, and thought this ahardship; yet rather than lose the dominion they had acquired over theIndians through these female connections, they consented to marry them. The lawyers on the island alleged that this conveyed a legal right ofdominion over the Indians; but Obando, lest the Spaniards should becomeproud as hereditary lords, took away the Indian vassals from them as soonas they were married, and made them grants of equal numbers in other partsof the island, that he might retain them under submission, as holding theIndians only by gift. This was considered as depriving these would-belords of their just rights, but had the best consequences, byconsolidating and securing the authority of government. 

When Nicholas de Obando went to take possession of the government ofHispaniola in 1500, he carried along with him Roderick de Alcaçar, goldsmith to their Catholic majesties, as marker of the gold, who was toreceive a fee of one per cent. Then thought a very indifferent allowance. After the distribution of the Indians among the colonists, so much goldwas gathered that it was melted four times every year; twice at the townof _Buena Ventura_ on the river Hayna, eight leagues from St Domingo, where the gold brought from the old and new mines was cast into ingots;and twice a-year at the city of _de la Vega_, or the _Conception_, towhich the gold from _Cibao_ and the neighbouring districts was brought forthe same purpose. At each melting in Buena Ventura, the produce was from11, 000 to 12, 000 pesos; and at La Vega between 125, 000 and 130, 000 pesos, sometimes 140, 000. Hence all the gold of the island amounted to 460, 000pesos yearly, equal to L. 150, 000 Sterling; which yielded 4, 600 pesos, orL. 150 yearly to Alcaçar, which was then thought a very considerablerevenue, insomuch that the grant was revoked by their Catholic majesties. It seldom happened that the adventurers at the mines were gainers, notwithstanding the vast quantities of gold procured, as they always livedluxuriously and upon credit; so that their whole share of the gold wasoften seized at melting times for their debts, and very frequently therewas not enough to satisfy their creditors. 

SECTION II. 

_Settlement of the Island of Porto Rico, under the command of Juan Poncede Leon_. 

A war which took place in a province of Hispaniola, called _Higuey_, addedgreatly to the power of the Spaniards, as Obando appointed Juan Ponce deLeon to keep the Indians of that quarter under subjection. This man waspossessed of good sense and great courage, but was of an imperious andcruel disposition, and soon formed projects of extending his authoritybeyond the narrow bounds which had been assigned him. Learning from theIndians of his province, that the island of _St Juan de Puerto Rico_, called _Borriquen_ by the natives, was very rich in gold, he was anxiousto inquire into this circumstance personally. For this purpose, hecommunicated the intelligence he had received to Obando, whose leave heasked to go over to that island, to trade with the natives, to inquireinto the circumstance of its being rich in gold, and to endeavour to makea settlement. Hitherto nothing more was known of that island than that itappeared very beautiful and abundantly peopled to those who sailed alongits coasts. Having received authority from Obando, Juan Ponce went over toPorto Rico in a small caravel, with a small number of Spaniards, and someIndians who had been there. He landed in the territories of a caciquenamed _Aguey Bana_, the most powerful chief of the island, by whom, andthe mother and father-in-law of the chief, he was received and entertainedin the most friendly manner. The cacique even exchanged names with him, bya ceremony which they call _guaticos_, or sworn-brothers. Ponce named themother of the cacique, Agnes, and the father-in-law Francis; and thoughthey refused to be baptized, they retained these names. These people wereexceedingly good-natured, and the cacique was always counselled by hismother and father-in-law to keep on friendly terms with the Spaniards. Ponce very soon applied himself to make inquiries as to the gold mines, which the natives of Hispaniola alleged to be in this island, and thecacique conducted him all over the island, shewing him the rivers wheregold was found. Two of these were very rich, one called Manatuabon and theother Cebuco, from which a great deal of treasure was afterwards drawn. Ponce procured some samples of the gold, which he carried to Obando inHispaniola, leaving some Spaniards in the island, who were wellentertained by the cacique, till others came over to settle in the island. The greatest part of the island of Porto Rico consists of high mountains, some of which are clothed with fine grass, like those of Hispaniola. Thereare few plains, but many pleasant vales with rivers running through them, and all very fertile. The western point of the island is only 12 or 15leagues from the eastern cape of Hispaniola, so that the one may be seenfrom the other in clear weather from the high land of either cape. Thereare some harbours, but none of them good, except that called Porto Rico, where the city of that name is situated, which is likewise an episcopalsee. This island is at least forty leagues long by fifty in breadth, andmeasures 120 leagues in circumference. The south coast is in latitude 17°, and the north coast in 18°, both N. It formerly produced much gold, thoughnot quite so pure as that of Hispaniola, yet not much inferior. 

SECTION III. 

_Don James Columbus is appointed to the Government of the SpanishDominions in the West Indies_. 

We have already had occasion to notice the mean and scandalous behaviourof King Ferdinand to Columbus, in depriving him and his family of theirjust rights, for services of such high importance, that hardly any rewardscould be a sufficient recompense. After the death of the discoverer ofAmerica, his eldest son and heir, James Columbus, succeeded to hisfather's pretensions, along with which he inherited the dislike of KingFerdinand, and the hatred of Bishop Fonseca. He long endeavoured bypetitions and personal applications at court to obtain his rights, butcould never procure any satisfaction, being always put off with fair wordsand empty promises. Being at length wearied with ineffectual applicationsfor redress, he petitioned the king to allow his demands to be decidedupon by the courts of law; and as that could hardly be denied with anydecency, it was granted. This suit, as may well be supposed, was tediousand troublesome; yet at length he obtained a clear decision in his favour, and was re-established by the judges in all those rights which had beengranted to his father; in which he assuredly obtained nothing more than ajudicial recognition of a clear right which ought never to have beendisputed. To strengthen his interest at court, he married _Donna Maria_, daughter to _Don Ferdinand de Toledo_, brother to the duke of _Alva_, andcousin to the king; thus allying himself with one of the most illustriousfamilies in Spain. By the interest of his wifes relations, he at lastobtained the government of Hispaniola, in which he superseded Obando, thegreat enemy of his father; but he had only the title of governor, not ofviceroy, which was his just and undoubted right. Don James Columbus wentout to his government of Hispaniola in 1508, two years after the deceaseof his father, accompanied by his brother Don Ferdinand, and his unclesBartholomew and James, with many young Spanish noblemen. His lady waslikewise attended by several young ladies of good families; so that bythese noble attendants, the lustre of the new colony was restored andaugmented. His power in the government was no way greater than that whichhad been confided to his predecessor, and was soon afterwards considerablycircumscribed by the establishment of a new court at St Domingo, under thetitle of the _Royal Audience_, to which appeals were allowed from all partsof the Spanish dominions in the New World. 

While Ponce de Leon was occupied in the discovery of Porto Rico, Don JamesColumbus came out to assume the government of Hispaniola in the room ofObando, bringing with him from Spain a governor for the island of PortoRico. But Ponce de Leon, who had made the first settlement on that island, disputed this new appointment; on which the young admiral set them bothaside, and appointed one Michael Cerron to the government, with MichaelDiaz as his lieutenant. De Leon, however, procured a new commission fromSpain, through the interest of his friend Obando with which he went overto Porto Rico, and soon found pretext for a quarrel with Cerron and Diaz, both of whom he sent prisoners to Spain. He now proceeded to make aconquest of the island, which he found more difficult than he expected, and had much ado to force the Indians to submit. This he at lengtheffected, reducing the natives to slavery, and employing them in the minestill they were quite worn out, since which gold has likewise failed, whichmany Spanish writers have considered as a judgment of God for thatbarbarous proceeding, more especially as the same has happened in otherparts of their dominions. 

SECTION IV. 

_Settlement of a Pearl-Fishery at the Island of Cubagua_. 

The court of Spain was at this time very solicitous to turn thesettlements already made in the New World to advantage, and was thereforeeasily led into various projects which were formed for promoting the royalrevenue from that quarter. Among other projects, was one which recommendedthe colonization of the island of Cabagua, or of Pearls, near Margarita, on purpose to superintend the pearl-fishery there, and the young admiralwas ordered to carry that into execution. The Spanish inhabitants ofHispaniola derived great advantage from this establishment, in which theyfound the natives of the Lucayo or Bahama islands exceedingly useful, asthey were amazingly expert swimmers and divers, insomuch that slaves ofthat nation became very dear, some selling for 150 ducats each. But theSpaniards both defrauded the crown of the fifth part of the pearls, andabused and destroyed the Lucayans, so that the fishery fell much off. Theisland of Cubagua, which is rather more than 300 leagues from Hispaniola, nearly in latitude 10° N. Is about three leagues in circumference, entirely flat, and without water, having a dry barren soil impregnatedwith saltpetre, and only producing a few guiacum trees and shrubs. Thesoil does not even grow grass, and there are no birds to be seen, exceptthose kinds which frequent the sea. It has no land animals, except a fewrabbits. The few natives which inhabited it, fed on the pearl oysters, andhad to bring their water in canoes from the continent of Cumana, sevenleagues distant, giving seed pearls in payment to those who brought itover. They had their wood from the isle of Margarita, which almostsurrounds Cubagua from east to north-west, at the distance of a league. Tothe south is Cape _Araya_ on the continent, near which there are extensive_salines_ or salt ponds. Cubagua has a good harbour on the northern shore, which is sheltered by the opposite island of Margarita. There was at firstsuch abundance of pearl oysters, that at one time the royal fifth amountedto 15, 000 ducats yearly. The oysters are brought up from the bottom bydivers, who stay under water as long as they can hold in their breath, pulling the shells from the places to which they stick. Besides this placethere are pearls for above 400 leagues along this coast, all the way fromCape _de La Vela_ to the gulf of Paria; for Admiral Christopher Columbus, besides Cubagua, which he named the Island of Pearls, found them all alongthe coast of Paria and Cumana, at _Maracapana_, _Puerto Flechado_, and_Curiana_, which last is near _Venezuela_. 

SECTION V. 

_Alonzo de Hojeda and Diego de Nicuessa are commissioned to makeDiscoveries and Settlements in the New World, with an account of theadventures and misfortunes of Hojeda_. 

Among the adventurers who petitioned the court of Spain for licenses tomake discoveries, was Alonzo de Hojeda, a brave man, but very poor, whohad spent all he had hitherto gained; but John de la Cosa, who had beenhis pilot and had saved money, offered to assist him with his life andfortune. They got the promise of a grant of all that had been discoveredon the continent; but one Diego Nicuessa interposed, and being a richerman, with better interest, he stopped their grant and procured half of itto himself. Hojeda and Cosa got a grant of all the country from Cape _Dela Vela_ to the gulf of _Uraba_, now called the Gulf of Darien, thecountry appropriated to them being called _New Andalusia_; while Nicuessareceived the grant of all the country from the before-mentioned gulf toCape _Garcias a Dios_, under the name of _Castilla del Oro_, or GoldenCastile. In neither of these grants was any notice taken of the admiral, to whom, of right, all these countries belonged, as having beingdiscovered by his father. Nicuessa got likewise a grant of the island ofJamaica; but the admiral being in the West Indies secured that to himself. Hojeda fitted out a ship and a brigantine, and Nicuessa two brigantines, with which vessels they sailed together to St Domingo, where theyquarrelled about their respective rights, and their disputes were adjustedwith much difficulty. These were at length settled, and they bothproceeded for their respective governments, or rather to settle thecolonies of which these were to be composed; but the disputes had occupiedso much time that it was towards the end of 1510 before either of themleft Hispaniola. 

Hojeda, accompanied by Francis Pizarro, departed from the island Beata, standing to the southward, and arrived in a few days at Carthagena, whichis called Caramari by the Indians. The natives of that place were then ingreat confusion, and ready to oppose the Spaniards, because of theinjuries which had been done them by Christopher Guerra and others, whohad carried away many of the natives for slaves not long before. Thenatives of this coast were of large stature, the men wearing their hairdown to their ears, while the women wore theirs long, and both sexes werevery expert in the use of bows and arrows. Hojeda and Cosa had somereligious men along with them, their Catholic majesties being verydesirous to have the Indians converted to Christianity; and having somenatives of Hispaniola along with them as interpreters, they tried by theirmeans to persuade the Indians to peace, leaving off their cruelty, idolatry, and other vicious practices; but they were much incensed againstthe Spaniards, on account of the villanous conduct of Guerra, and would byno means listen to any peace or intercourse. Having used all possiblemethods to allure them to peace and submission, pursuant to hisinstructions, he had also orders to declare war and make slaves of them, in case of their proving obstinate. He had at first endeavoured to procuregold from these natives in exchange for Spanish toys; but as they werefierce and refractory, Cosa recommended that they should establish theircolony at the bay of _Uraba_, where the natives were more gentle, afterwhich they could return to Carthagena better provided to overcome theresistance of the natives. Hojeda, having been engaged in many quarrelsand encounters, both in Spain and Hispaniola, in all of which he had comeoff without hurt, was always too resolute and fool hardy, and would notlisten to the salutary advice of his companion. He therefore immediatelyfell upon the natives who were preparing to attack him, killed many, seized others, and made booty of some gold in their habitations. Afterthis, taking some of his prisoners as guides, he marched to an Indian town, four leagues up the country, to which the natives had fled from theskirmish at the shore, and where he found them on their guard in greaternumbers, armed with targets, swords of an extraordinary hard wood, sharppoisoned arrows, and a kind of javelins or darts. Shouting their usual warcry, St Jago, the Spaniards fell furiously upon them, killing or takingall they met, and forcing the rest to fly into the woods. Eight of thenatives who were not so expeditious as their fellows, took shelter in athatched hut, whence they defended themselves for some time, and killedone of the Spaniards. Hojeda was so much incensed at this, that he orderedthe house to be set on fire, in which all these Indians perished miserably. Hojeda took sixty prisoners at this town, whom he sent to the ships, andfollowed after the Indians who had fled. Coming to a town called _Yarcabo_, he found it deserted by the Indians, who had withdrawn to the woods andmountains with their wives, children, and effects, on which the Spaniardsbecame careless, and dispersed themselves about the country, as if theyhad no enemies to fear. Observing the careless security of the Spaniards, the Indians fell upon them by surprise while they were dispersed in smallparties, and killed and wounded many of them with their poisoned arrows. Hojeda, with a small party he had drawn together, maintained the fight along while, often kneeling that he might the more effectually shelterhimself under his target; but when he saw most of his men slain, he rushedthrough the thickest of the enemy, and running with amazing speed into thewoods, he directed his course, as well as he could judge, towards the seawhere his ships lay. John de la Cosa got into a house which had no thatch, where he defended himself at the door till all the men who were with himwere slain, and himself so sore wounded with poisoned arrows that he couldno longer stand. Looking about him in this extremity, he noticed one manwho still fought with great valour, whom he advised to go immediately toHojeda and inform him of what had happened. Hojeda and this man were allthat escaped of the party, seventy Spaniards being slaughtered in thisrash and ill-conducted enterprize. 

In this unfortunate predicament, it happened luckily for the survivorsthat Nicuessa appeared with his ships. Being informed of what had happenedto his rival, through his own rashness, he sent for him, and said that insuch a case they ought to forget their disputes, remembering only thatthey were gentlemen and Spaniards. He offered at the same time to landwith his men, to assist Hojeda in revenging the death of Cosa and the rest. Nicuessa accordingly landed with 400 men, which was more than sufficientto defeat the Indians, whose town was taken and burnt. By this victory theSpaniards acquired a vast number of slaves, and got so much booty thateach shared seven thousand pieces of gold. Nicuessa and Hojeda now agreedto separate, that each might pursue the plan of discovery and settlementwhich was directed by their respective commissions. 

Understanding that Nicuessa intended to steer for Veragua, Hojeda made allsail for the river of Darien; but having lost his old pilot, on whoseexperience he chiefly depended, he missed the river, and resolved toestablish a settlement on the eastern promontory of the gulf of Uraba, which he did accordingly, calling his new town St Sebastian; because thatsaint is said to have been martyred by the arrows of the infidels, and wastherefore thought a fit patron to defend him against the poisoned arrowsof the Indians. He had scarcely fixed in this place when he found all theinhabitants of the country to be a race of barbarous savages, from whom hecould only expect all the injury they could possibly do him and his colony. In this situation, he dispatched one of his ships under Enciso toHispaniola, with orders to bring him as large a reinforcement of men aspossible, and immediately set to work in constructing entrenchments tosecure his remaining people against the natives. Provisions growing scarce, so that his people could not subsist, be found himself soon obliged tomake excursions into the country in order to obtain a supply; but he wasunsuccessful in this measure, and had the misfortune to lose many of hismen by the arrows of the Indians, which were poisoned with the juice of astinking tree which grows by the sea side. By these disasters, his newcolony was speedily reduced to a very wretched situation; starved if theyremained within their works, and sure to meet death if they ventured outinto the country. While in this state of absolute despair, they weresurprised one day by seeing a ship entering the port. This was commandedby Bernard de Talavera, no better than a pirate, who, flying from justice, had taken shelter in this place, to him unknown. Hojeda was in too greatextremity to be nice in his inquiries into the character of Talavera, butreadily bought his cargo, and treated him so well in other respects, thatTalavera entered into his service. However serviceable this relief, it wasbut of short continuance, as all their provisions were soon consumed, andthe savages were even more troublesome than before, if possible. As nosuccours appeared from Hispaniola, they were reduced to vast straits, andHojeda at length determined upon going to St Domingo in order to procuresupplies. Leaving Francis Pizarro to command the colony in his absence, heembarked in the vessel belonging to Talavera, but the voyage wasunfortunate from its very commencement. Hojeda not only used too muchseverity to the crew, but behaved haughtily to Talavera, who laid him inirons; but a storm soon arose, and the crew knowing him to be anexperienced seaman, set him at liberty, and it was chiefly through hisskill that they were enabled to save their lives, by running the shipashore on the coast of Cuba. Although it was only a short distance fromthence to Hispaniola, Talavera durst not go there, and prevailed on Hojedato venture a voyage of an hundred leagues in a canoe to Jamaica, whichthey performed in safety. Hojeda had some pretensions by his commission tothe island of Jamiaca, and on hearing formerly that the admiral Don JamesColumbus had sent Don Juan de Esquibel to that island, he had threatenedto cut off his head if ever he fell into his hands. He was now, however, under the necessity of applying to Esquibel for assistance, and was usedby him with kindness. After a short stay in Jamaica, he went over toHispaniola, where he learnt that Enciso had sailed to St Sebastian; andhis own credit was now so low that he was hardly able to purchase food, and died shortly afterwards of want, though he deserved a better fate, being one of the bravest men that ever sailed from Spain to the WestIndies. Talavera remained so long in Jamaica, that the admiral heard ofhis being there, and had him apprehended, tried, and executed for piracy. 

SECTION VI. 

_The History of Fasco Nugnez de Balboa, and the establishment by his meansof the Colony of Darien_. 

In the meantime Pizarro quitted St Sebastian with a small remnant of theunfortunate colony, and escaped with much difficulty to Carthagena, where, by good fortune for him, Enciso had just arrived with two ships and aconsiderable reinforcement. He took Pizarro on board, and they returned toSt Sebastian, where they had the misfortune to run their ships aground, and after getting on shore with much difficulty, they found the placereduced to ashes by the savages. They restored it as well as they could, and got on shore all the provisions and stores from their stranded vessels, but were soon afterwards reduced to the utmost extremity of distress bywar and famine. Hunger frequently forced them out into the country toendeavour to procure provisions, and the savages as often drove them backwith the loss of some of their number, which they could very ill spare, having only been 180 men at the first They were relieved from theirpresent distressed situation, by the dexterity and presence of mind of avery extraordinary person who happened to be among them. Vasquez Nugnez deBalboa, the person now alluded to, was a gentleman of good family, greatparts, liberal education, of a fine person, and in the flower of his age, being then about thirty-five. He had formerly sailed on discovery alongwith _Bastidas_, and had afterwards obtained a good settlement inHispaniola; but had committed some excesses in that island, for which hewas in danger of being put to death. In this extremity, he procuredhimself to be conveyed into the ship commanded by Enciso, concealed in abread cask, in which he remained for some days, and at last ventured tomake his appearance, when the ship was 100 leagues from Hispaniola. Encisohad been strictly enjoined not to carry any offenders from the island, andnow threatened to set Balboa ashore on the first desert island; but theprincipal people on board interceded for him with the captain, who at lastrelented and granted him protection. This did not efface from his memorythe threats of Enciso, as will be seen hereafter. Observing the state ofdespair to which the company was now reduced, Balboa undertook toencourage them, by asserting that their situation was not so helpless asthey imagined. He told them that he had been upon this coast formerly withBastidas, when they sailed to the bottom of the gulf, where they found afine large town, in a fruitful soil and salubrious climate, inhabitedindeed by warlike Indians, but who did not use poisoned arrows. Heexhorted them, therefore, to bestir themselves in getting off theirstranded vessels, and to sail to that place. They approved of this advice, and sailed to the river named Darien by the Indians, where they foundevery thing to correspond with the description given by Balboa. Onlearning the arrival of the Spaniards, the natives secured their wives andchildren, and waited on a little hill under their cacique, named Cemano, for the attack of the Spaniards. After having performed their devotions, the Spaniards fell resolutely on the Indians, whom they soon routed; andthen went to the town, which they found full of provisions to their wish. Next day, they marched up the country among the neighbouring mountains, where they found many empty houses, all the inhabitants having fled; butthey found the houses well replenished with household goods of variouskinds, such as earthen vessels, cotton garments like short petticoats forwomen, a great deal of cotton, both spun and unspun, plates of gold whichthe natives wear on their breasts, and many other things, amounting inall to the value of 10, 000 pieces of fine gold. Enciso was greatlyrejoiced at this unexpected good fortune, and immediately sent for therest of the men, who had been left on the other side of the bay, becausethe brigantines could not carry the whole at once. Balboa gained muchreputation by the success of this enterprize, and was henceforwards heldin high esteem by the people. 

The whole party agreed to establish a colony at this place, which theynamed _Santa Maria el Antiqua del Darien_, the first part of the namebeing that of a church in Seville, and Darien being the Indian name of theriver. Balboa being now in great credit with the colonists, and broodingrevenge for the former threats of Enciso, secretly plotted to deprive himof the command, alleging that they were now beyond the limits of Hojedasgovernment, who had no authority in this place. While this was inagitation, Enciso thought proper to prohibit all the colonists fromtrading with the Indians for gold, under pain of death; but they, believing that he did this entirely for his own advantage, unanimouslythrew off all subjection to his authority, alleging that his command wasvoid for the reasons already mentioned, and others. They then proceeded tochoose alcaldes and regidores, being the titles of the chief magistratesin the towns of Old Spain, and Balboa and Zamadio were elected alcaldes, and Yaldibia regidore. The people, however, were dissatisfied with thismode of governing, repenting that they had deposed Enciso, and the wholecolony divided into parties. One party alleged that it was not proper tobe without a commander in chief, and that Enciso ought to be restored tillanother governor was appointed by the king: A second party said that theyought to submit to Nicuessa, because the place they were in was within hisgrant. The third party, being the friends of Balboa, wished to continuethe present frame of government; but if the majority were for a singlecommander, they insisted that Balboa ought to have the command. 

In the midst of these disputes, Roderic Enriquez de Colmenares arrivedwith two ships, having on board provisions, military stores, and seventymen. This captain had met with a great storm at sea, and had put into theport of Santa Maria, which the Indians call Gayra, 50 or 60 leagues fromCarthagena. On the boats going on shore for water, the cacique cameforwards with twenty of his people, dressed in a kind of cotton cloaks, though the natives of that part of the coast usually go naked. He advisedthem not to take water from the place where they were, saying that it wasnot good, and offered to shew them another river of better water. But oncoming to it, they could not get their boats to the place, owing to aheavy surf, and returned to the first place. While filling their casks, about seventy armed Indians rushed suddenly upon them, and before theSpaniards could stand to their defence, forty-five of them were wounded bypoisoned arrows. The wounded men swam off to the ships, as the Indians hadstaved their long-boat, and all of them died save one. Seven of theSpaniards saved themselves in a large hollow tree, intending to swim offat night; but those on board supposing them all killed, sailed away muchdejected, for Uraba, to inquire after Nicuessa. Finding no person on theeast side of the bay, where they thought to have found either their ownmen or those belonging to Hojeda, Colmenares suspected they were all dead, or had gone to some other place; but he thought fit to fire off somecannon, that they might hear him if still in the neighbourhood; besideswhich he made fires at night, and smokes by day on some of the adjacenthigh rocks. The people at Santa Maria el Antiqua del Darien heard his guns, which resounded through the whole bay to the westwards, and making signalsin return, he came to them about the middle of November 1510. Colmenaresdistributed his provisions among the colonists of Darien, by which hegained the good will of most of those who had opposed the calling ofNicuessa to the command, whom they now agreed to send for that he mightassume the government. 

SECTION VII. 

_The Adventures, Misfortunes, and Death of Don Diego de Nicuessa, thefounder of the Colony of Nombre de Dios_. 

After parting from Hojeda, whom he had so generously assisted, Nicuessamet a few days afterwards with as great misfortunes at sea as Hojeda hadencountered by land; for he was tossed by a dreadful tempest from without, and betrayed within by _Lopez de Olano_, who, perceiving the squadronseparated by the storm, took one of the largest ships into the river_Chagre_, and left his patron to shift for himself. After some unluckyadventures, Olano arrived at Veragna, which was their place of rendezvous, where he endeavoured to persuade the people to abandon their originaldesign as impracticable, and to sail for Hispaniola to make the most ofwhat they had left, alleging that Nicuessa had certainly perished with allhis men. While meditating upon this project, a boat came into the portwith four men, who reported that Nicuessa had been stranded on an unknowncoast, and after marching a great way by land with incredible fatigue, wasnow not far off, but that he and his followers were in a very miserablecondition. On hearing this melancholy account, Olano relented, andimmediately sent back the boat with provisions and refreshments, whichcame very opportunely to save Nicuessa and his men from starving, whichthey certainly must have done without this seasonable relief. Yet this didnot in the least soften his resentment against Olano for deserting him, whom he would have hanged, if he had not been afraid of irritating the men, and instead of that he put him in irons, threatening to send him to Spainin that condition. The authority, however, did not remain long in hishands; for, endeavouring to establish a settlement on the _Bethlehem_river, he was so straitened for provisions, that he was obliged to leave apart of his men there, and to sail with the rest to Porto Bello; but, notbeing allowed by the Indians to land there, he was obliged to proceed fouror five leagues farther to the port which Columbus named _Bastimentos_. Immediately on entering he exclaimed, _Paremos aqui en el nombre de Dios_, Let us stay here in the name of God. He immediately landed and began toerect a fortress, which was named _Nombre de Dios_, from the abovementioned expression. He had not been long here till he found himself asmuch straitened for provisions as at Bethlehem, on which account he sentone of his ships to St Domingo to request assistance from the governor. Scarcely was this vessel out of the port, before that with Colmenaresarrived from the river Darien, with the invitation to take the command ofthe Spanish colony at that place. Colmenares and his men were soastonished to see the miserable condition of Nicuessa and seventy of hispeople, who were all that remained with him at Nombre de Dios, that theyshed tears. They were lean, ragged, and barefooted, and excited pity bythe recital of the intolerable distresses they had undergone, and thenumbers of their companions who had already died. 

Colmenares did all he could to comfort Nicuessa, telling him that thepeople of Darien wished him to come and assume the government of thatcolony, which was situated in a fine country abounding in provisions, andwhich did not want gold. Nicuessa began to recover his spirits, by theseasonable supply of provisions, and the comfortable intelligence broughtby Colmenares, and gave thanks to God for this merciful relief. But hesoon forfeited the reputation for prudence which he had formerly enjoyedamong the colonists of Hispaniola; as, forgetting the miserable conditionfrom which he was so recently relieved, and not considering that thepeople of Darien had submitted to his authority of their own free will, hefoolishly declared in public that he would take all their gold from themon his arrival, and would even punish them for encroaching on his province. This news soon spread abroad, and heaven had the imprudence to send acaravel before him to Darien, having a desire to examine some islandswhich lay in the way thither. That same night, Olano, who still remained aprisoner, conversed with some of the people who came from Darien, toincense them against Nicuessa; and when Nicuessa was embarking, he said tosome of those who were in his confidence, "Nicuessa fancies he will be aswell received by Hojedas men, as by us after his shipwreck at Veragua, buthe will probably find a considerable difference. " James Albetes and thebachelor Corral were in the caravel which went before, and gave notice tothe colonists at Darien of the threats which Nicuessa had made, of takingaway their gold and punishing them; saying that his misfortunes hadrendered him peevish and cruel, abusing all who were under his authority. From the little islands which he had stopped to explore, Nicuessa sent oneJuan de Cayzedo to acquaint the colony at Darien of his approach; and thisman being privately his enemy, still farther exasperated the peopleagainst him, so that they came to a resolution not to admit him into thecolony. This resolution was principally forwarded by Balboa, who secretlyadvised all the principal people to exclude him, yet declared in publicthat he was for receiving Nicuessa, and even got the public notary to givehim a certificate to that effect[1]. 

After spending eight days among these islands, where he took a few Indiansfor slaves, Nicuessa made sail for Darien. On coming to the landing-place, he found many of the Spaniards on the shore waiting his arrival; when, tohis great surprise, one of them required him in the name of all the rest, to return to his own government of Nombre de Dios. Nicuessa landed nextday, when the people of Darien endeavoured to seize him, but he wasextraordinarily swift of foot, and none of them could overtake him. Balboaprevented the colonists from proceeding to any farther extremities, fearing they might have put Nicuessa to death, and even persuaded them tolisten to Nicuessa, who entreated them, since they would not receive himas their governor, that they would admit him among them as a companion;which they peremptorily refusing, he even requested them to keep him as aprisoner, for he would rather die than go back to starve at Nombre de Dios. In spite of every thing he could urge, they forced him to embark in an oldrotten bark, with about seventeen of his men, ordering them to return toNombre de Dios, on pain of being sunk if they remained at Darien. Nicuessaand his people accordingly set sail, but were never seen more, and no oneknew what became of them. There was a story current in the West Indies, that when the Spaniards came afterwards to settle the island of Cuba, theyfound inscribed on the bark of a large tree, "Here the unfortunateNicuessa finished his life and miseries. "

[1] We learn from the history of the conquest of Mexico, by Bernal Diaz del Castillo, one of the conquerors, that the government of the province of Tierra Firma, in which Darien and Nombre de Dios were situated, was afterwards granted by the court of Spain to Pedro Arias de Avila, in 1514, who gave his daughter in marriage to Vasco Nugnez de Balboa; yet caused him afterwards to be beheaded; on suspicion that he intended to revolt. --E. 

SECTION VIII. 

_The Conquest and Settlement of the Island of Cuba by Diego Velasquez_. 

The admiral Don James Columbus was much blamed for not endeavouring togive succour to these adventurers, although the grants which they hadreceived of separate governments were in direct contradiction to his justrights. His enemies made use of this to his prejudice at the court ofSpain, which was always jealous of him, and listened therefore with muchcomplacency to every complaint that was proffered against him. He on theother hand, was very sensible of the disposition of the court, and usedevery means he could think of to secure his rights in these countries, pursuant to the agreement which had been made with his father. In thisview, having learnt that the court was desirous of discovering andcolonizing the great island of Cuba, although there were no accounts ofany rich mines in that country, he resolved to be beforehand with thecourt, and sent a body of men there at the beginning of the year 1511, under a confidential person; that having a lieutenant there of his own, the court might have no pretence for granting it away to new undertakers, as they had done that part of the continent which was discovered by hisfather, and even the island of Jamaica, which last, however, he hadrecovered. For this purpose, he made choice of James Velasquez, who wasthe wealthiest and best beloved of all the Spanish inhabitants ofHispaniola, and was besides a man of experience, and of a mild and affabletemper, who knew well how to maintain his authority. As soon as it wasknown in Hispaniola that Velasquez was going to establish a settlement inCuba, abundance of people resolved to bear him company, some of them fromattachment to his person, and others because they were involved in debt. All these rendezvoused at the town of _Salvatierra de la Zavana_, at thewestern extremity of Hispaniola, whence they proposed to embark for Cuba. 

Before proceeding with the transactions of Velasquez, it may be proper togive some description of the island of Cuba, from the Spanish writers. Cuba is within the tropic of Cancer, from 20° to 21° of N. Latitude. It is230 leagues in length, from Cape _St Antonio_ to Cape _Mayci_. Its breadthbetween Cape _Cruze_ and port _Manati_ is forty-five leagues, whence itnarrows to about twelve leagues between _Matamano_ and the _Havanna_. Mostof the island is flat, and full of woods and forests; but from the easternpoint of Mayci, there are exceedingly high mountains for thirty leagues. Beyond these to the westwards, and in the middle of the island, there aremany hills, but not very high. Many fine rivers run down the sides ofthese hills, both to the north and south, which are full of fish, especially skates and olaves, which ascend the streams a great way fromthe sea. On the south of Cuba there are a prodigious number of smallislands, which were named the _Queens Garden_, by the admiral DonChristopher Columbus. There are other small islands on the north side, though not so numerous, which Velasquez named the _Kings Garden_. Aboutthe middle of the south side, a considerable river, named _Cauto_ by thenatives, runs into the sea, containing vast numbers of alligators, thebanks of which river are very agreeable. The island is wonderfully wellwooded, insomuch that people may travel almost 230 leagues, or from oneend of the island to the other, always under their shelter. Among theseare sweet-scented red cedars of such astonishing size, that the nativesused to make canoes of one stick hollowed out, large enough to containfifty or sixty persons, and such were once very common in Cuba. There aresuch numbers of storax trees, that if any one goes up to a height in themorning, the vapours arising from the earth smell strongly of storax, coming from the fires made by the natives in the evening, which are nowdrawn up from the earth by the rising sun. Another kind of tree produces afruit called _xaquas_, which being laid by four or five days, thoughgathered unripe, become full of a liquor like honey, and richer than thefinest pears. There are great quantities of wild vines, which climb veryhigh on the trees; these bear grapes, from which wine has been made, whichis somewhat sharp. Such is their universal abundance all over the island, that the Spaniards used to say there was a vineyard in Cuba 230 leagues inlength. Some of the trunks of these vines are as thick as a mans body. Thewhole island is very pleasant, more temperate and healthy than Hispaniola, and has safer harbours for ships, made by nature, than any that have beenconstructed by art in other countries. On the southern coast is that of_St Jago_, which is in form of a cross, and _Xaquas_, which is hardly tobe matched in all the world. Its entry is not above a cross-bow shot inbreadth, and the interior part is 10 leagues in circumference, havingthree little islands to which ships may be fastened by means of stakes, where they are safe from every wind that blows, being everywhere shut inby high mountains as in a house. In this harbour the Indians had pens inwhich they shut up the fish. On the north side there are likewise goodharbours, the best of which was formerly called _Carenas_, but now Havanna, which is so large and safe that few can be compared to it. Twenty leagueseast is the harbour of Matanaos, which is not quite safe. About the middleof the island there is another good port, called _del Principe_; andalmost at the end is the port of _Baraca_, where good ebony is cut. Allalong this coast there are good anchorages, though none so large andcommodious as those already mentioned. 

Cuba produces great numbers of birds, as pigeons, turtle-doves, partridgeslike those of Spain but smaller, and cranes. There are none of these twolatter on the other islands, but there are cranes on the continent. Thereis another bird, not found on the continent, as large as cranes, which arewhite when young, but grow red at their full growth, which are called_flamences_ or _flamingos_. These would have been much valued in New Spain, for the curious feather-works which are made by the natives. Theseflamingos are found in vast flocks of 500 to 1000 together. They seldomfly, but stand much in the water. When the Indians kept any of these birdsabout their houses, they had to put salt into the water they gave them todrink. There are infinite numbers of parrots, which are very good eatingwhen young, about the month of May. They have few land animals, except akind of rabbits like those of Hispaniola; but to make amends for this want, they have vast quantities of fish both in the sea and the rivers: amongthese the chiefest is tortoises or turtles, in vast abundance, excellentof their kind, and very wholesome, which cure the leprosy and the itch, insuch as are content to make them their constant food. It produces maize orIndian corn in great abundance; and every thing considered, it may bepronounced the finest and best provided country in that part of the world. The natives of Cuba were of the same nation with those of the Lucayosislands, a good sort of people, and very well tempered. They were governedby caciques, having towns of 200 or 300 houses, in each of which severalfamilies resided, as in Hispaniola. 

They had no religion, having no temples, idols, or sacrifices; but theyhad a kind of conjuring priests or jugglers, like those in Hispaniola, whopretended to have communication with the devil, and to obtain answers fromhim to their questions. To obtain this favour, they fasted three or fourmonths, using only the juice of herbs; and when reduced to extremeweakness, they were worthy of inspiration, and to be informed whether theseasons of the year would be favourable or otherwise; what children wereto be born, and whether those born were to live, and such like questions. These conjurors, who were called _behiques_, were the oracles of thenatives, whom they led into many superstitions and absurdities; pretendingto cure the sick by blowing on them, and other mummeries, muttering someunintelligible words between their teeth. The natives of Cuba acknowledgedthat the heavens and earth, and all things contained in these, had beencreated. They are even said to have had traditions concerning the flood, and the destruction of the world by water, occasioned by three persons whocame three several ways. The old men reported, that a sage who knew theapproaching deluge, built a great ship, into which he went with his family, and many animals. That he sent out a crow, which remained a long while out, feeding on the dead bodies, and afterwards returned with a green branch. They added many other particulars respecting the deluge, even to two ofNoah's sons covering him when drunk, while the third scoffed him; addingthat the Indians were descended from the latter, and therefore had noclothes, whereas the Spaniards descended from the other sons, and hadtherefore clothes and horses. As they lived in towns under the authorityof caciques, it is probable that the will of these chiefs served as law. 

Some time before the expedition of Velasquez to Cuba, a cacique of theprovince of _Guatiba_, in Hispaniola, named _Hatuey_, to escape from thetyranny of the Spaniards, went over to the eastern end of Cuba with asmany of his people as he could induce to accompany him; the distancebetween the two islands being only eighteen leagues. He settled with hisfollowers in the nearest district of Cuba, called _Mayci_, reducing theinhabitants of that place to subjection, but not to slavery. In factslavery does not appear to have been practised in any part of the WestIndies, no difference being made even by the caciques between their peopleand their children; except in New Spain and other provinces of thecontinent, where they used to sacrifice prisoners of war to their idols. This cacique Hatuey, always had spies in Hispaniola, to inform him whatwas going on there, as he feared the Spaniards would pass over into Cuba. Having information of the admiral's design, and the intended expedition ofVelasquez, he assembled all the warriors of his tribe, and putting them inmind of the many sufferings they had endured under the Spaniards, heinformed them of their new intentions. Then taking some gold from a basketof palm leaves, he addressed them as follows: "The Spaniards have done allthese things which I have told you of for the sake of this, which is thegod whom they serve, and their only object in coming over to this islandis in search of this their lord. Let us therefore make a festival, anddance to this lord of the Spaniards, that when they come hither, he mayorder them not to do us any harm. " They accordingly all began to dance andsing, and continued till they were quite tired, as it is their custom todance from nightfall till daybreak, as long as they can stand. Theirdances, as in Hispaniola, are to the music of their songs; and though50, 000 men and women may have assembled at one time, no one differed inthe motions of their hands, feet, and bodies from all the rest. But thenatives of Hispaniola sung much more agreeably than those of Cuba. Afterthe subjects of Hatuey were quite spent with singing and dancing aroundthe little basket of gold, the cacique desired them not to keep the lordof the Christians in any place whatsoever; for even if they were toconceal him in their bowels, the Christians would rip them up to fetch himout; wherefore he advised them to cast him into the river, where theChristians might not be able to find him; and this they did. 

James Velasquez set out from Salvatierra de la Zavana in November 1511, and landed at a harbour called _Palina_, in the territories of Hatuey, whostood on his defence, taking advantage of the woods, where the Spaniardscould not use their horses. During two months, the Indians hid themselvesin the thickest parts of the forests, where the Spaniards hunted them out, carrying all they took to Velasquez, who distributed them among his men asservants, not as slaves. Hatuey withdrew into the most inaccessible placesof the mountains, where he was at length taken after inexpressible toil, and brought to Velasquez, who caused him to be burnt. After this exampleof severity, the whole province of Mayci submitted, no one daring anylonger to resist. When it was known in Jamaica that Velasquez had gonewith the command to Cuba, many of those who were with Esquibel asked leaveto go and serve under him. Among these was Panfilo de Narvaez, a gentlemanof a graceful person, well behaved, but rather imprudent. He carried withhim a company of thirty cross-bows, and was well received by Velasquez, who gave him the chief command under himself. When the Indians of theprovince of Mayci were reduced under subjection, Velasquez distributedthem among the Spaniards as had formerly been done in Hispaniola by Obando, taking the inhabitants of five Indian towns to himself. He likewisefounded a town at a harbour on the north side of the island, called_Barracoa_ by the natives, which was the first Spanish colony in thisisland. From this place Velasquez sent Narvaez with thirty men to reducethe province of Bayamo, about 50 leagues from Barracoa, a fine opencountry, very fertile and agreeable. Of this company, Narvaez alone wasmounted, all the rest marching on foot. The natives of the country cameout submissively to meet Narvaez, bringing him provisions, as they had nogold, and were very much astonished at the sight of the mare on whichNarvaez rode. The Spaniards took up their residence in a town belonging tothe Indians, who, seeing the small number of their invaders, resolved torid themselves of them by surprise. Narvaez was by no means sufficientlywatchful, yet had his mare along with him in the house where he lay, and aguard posted during the night. Near seven thousand Indians had assembledfrom all parts of the province, armed with bows and arrows, who hadresolved to fall upon Narvaez and the Spaniards after midnight, though itwas unusual for them to fight during the night. They gave the assault intwo places at once, and found the centinels asleep on their posts; butbeing more eager to plunder the Spaniards than to kill them, as they hadalways anxiously wished for clothing ever since they saw the Christians, they did not observe the time previously concerted, but began theirseveral attacks at different times, and one of the parties, which was themost forward, even entered the town shouting. Narvaez awoke in greatconsternation, and the Spaniards, who were astonished at the noise, knewnot well what to do in their fright. At length, the Indians whom Narvaezhad brought with him from Jamaica, lighted some fire-brands, by which theSpaniards were enabled to see their danger; and Narvaez, though wounded bya stone, found means to come at his mare, which he mounted, and ralliedhis Spaniards to their defence. At that time part of the horse furnitureused by the Spaniards was hung with bells; and on hearing the sound ofthese, and seeing Narvaez coming towards them at a round trot, with hissword drawn, they lost heart, and not only abandoned the enterprize, butfled out of the country, some of them to the distance of 50 leagues, leaving none but their old and decrepid people behind. After thisVelasquez sent a reinforcement to Narvaez, who became absolute master ofthe country. 

SECTION IX. 

_The Strange Expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon to Discover the Fountain ofYouth, in which he Discovered Florida and the Bahama Channel_. 

We have already seen that Juan Ponce de Leon had been restored to thegovernment of Porto Rico by the interest of his friend Obando, and hadsent his predecessors, Cerron and Diaz, prisoners into Spain. Thiscircumstance, which he thought a bold stroke in politics, turned muchagainst himself; for these men presented a petition against him to thecourt of Spain, and being strongly supported by the interest of theadmiral, they were sent back to resume their former employments. By thisreverse, De Leon was reduced to a private condition; but he had made gooduse of his time, and had acquired a large fortune, which induced him toattempt recovering his power and credit by means of discoveries. Heaccordingly sailed from the port of St German on the 1st of March 1512, with two stout ships which he had fitted out at his own expence; andsteering through among the Lucayos islands, he discovered land on the 2dApril, in lat. 30° 8' N. Till then unknown to the Spaniards. Elated bythis good fortune, he ran along the coast in search of some good harbour, and anchored at night near the shore in eight fathoms water. Believingthis land to be an island, and because it appeared beautiful, being alllevel, with many pleasant groves, he named it the island of _Florida_, also because discovered at Easter, which the Spaniards call _Pascha deFlores_. De Leon went on shore at this place to take formal possession ofthe country. He sailed thence on the 8th of April, and came to a place onthe 20th, where some Indians were seen on the shore. He here anchored andwent ashore, when the Indians endeavoured to get possession of the boat, with the oars and arms. This was not at first resented, till one of thenatives knocked down a sailor with a blow on the head, on which theSpaniards were obliged to fight in their own defence, and had two menwounded by arrows or darts pointed with sharp bones. The Indians wererepulsed with some difficulty, and received little damage; and at night DeLeon got his men on board and sailed to the mouth of a river, where hetook in wood and water. They were here ineffectually opposed by sixtynatives, one of whom was made prisoner to give them some information ofthe country, and to learn Spanish. They called this river _Rio de la Cruz_, as they left in this place a stone cross with an inscription. On the 8thof May they doubled Cape Florida, which was named _Cabo de las Corrientes_, or the Cape of Currents, because they found the currents here strongerthan the winds; and they came to an anchor near a town called _Abacoa_. All this coast, from Cape _Arracaifes_ to Cape _Corrientes, _ or CapeFlorida, lies north and south, one point east, and is all quite free ofshoals and rocks, with six fathoms water. They found Cape Florida to be inlat. 18° 15' N. Sailing on to the southward, till in lat. 27°, they metwith two islands, one of which, about a league in circuit, they namedSanta Monta[1]. 

On the 15th of May, they proceeded 10 leagues along a line of smallislands, as far as two white ones, and called the whole group _losMartyres_, or the Martyrs, because the high rocks at a distance had theappearance of men upon crosses. This name has been since considered asprophetic, on account of the great numbers of seamen who have been lost onthese rocks. They held on their course, sometimes north, and sometimesnorth-east, and on the 24th were as far to the southwards as some smallislands lying out to sea, yet never perceived that they were going alongthe continent. Finding a convenient place for wood and water, theyremained here to the 3d of June, careening one of their ships called theSt Christopher. Here the Indians came out in canoes to see the Christians, as the Spaniards declined going on shore, though often invited by signs. One day, being about to weigh an anchor, only to remove it to fresh ground, the Indians supposing the Christians were going away, came off in theircanoes and laid hold of the cable, meaning to draw the ship away; on whichsome men were sent in the long-boat to drive them away, and following theIndians to the shore, took four women, and destroyed two old canoes. Attimes while here, they bartered with the Indians for some skins, and asmall quantity of indifferent gold. On the 4th of June, while waiting fora wind to go in search of a cacique named Carlos, who was said to havegold, by some Indians on board, a canoe came off having an Indian on boardwho understood Spanish, and was supposed to be a native of Hispaniola, orsome of the islands inhabited by Christians. This man desired them to wait, as the cacique would send gold to barter. They accordingly waited, andsoon saw twenty canoes coming towards them, some of which were made fasttwo and two together. A part of these went to the anchors, and others tothe ships, and began to fight. As those at the anchors were unable toweigh them, they attempted to cut the cables; but a long-boat was sent outagainst them, which obliged them to fly, taking four men and killingseveral others. De Leon sent two of his prisoners to the cacique, sayingthat although he had killed a Spaniard, he was willing to treat of peaceand friendship. Next day the boats went to sound the harbour, and some ofthe men landed. Some Indians brought a message from the cacique, sayingthat he would come next day on purpose to trade: But this was merely afeint to gain time, that they might collect their power; as at eleveno'clock, eighty canoes full of armed men attacked the nearest ship, andfought till night without doing the Spaniards any harm, all their arrowsfalling short, as they durst not come near, for fear of the cross-bows andartillery. At night the Indians retired. Having remained here nine days, they began to think of returning to Hispaniola and Porto Rico, anddiscovered some islands by the way, of which they received intelligencefrom the Indian prisoners they had on board. They sailed among islandstill the 21st, when they arrived at some small islands which they called_las Tortugas_, or the Tortoises, as they took 170 of these creatures in avery short time in one of these islands, and might have had many more ifthey would. On the 28th, seeing land, they came to an anchor to overhaultheir sails and tackle, but could not tell whereabout they were. Most ofthem thought it was the island of Cuba, because they found canoes and dogs, with some knives and other tools of iron. On the 25th of July they wereamong a parcel of low islands, still ignorant of their situation, till DeLeon sent to examine an island which he believed to be Bahama, in which hewas confirmed by an old woman who was found alone in another island. Theywere likewise confirmed in this circumstance by James Miruelo, a pilot, who happened to be there with a boat from Hispaniola. Having rangedbackwards and forewards to the 23d of September, and refitted their ships, Juan Ponce de Leon sent one of his ships, commanded by Juan Perez deOrtubia, with Antonio de Alaminos as pilot, with orders to examine theisland of Bimini, in which the Indians reported there was a spring whichmade old people young again. Twenty days afterwards, Juan Ponce returnedto Porto Rico, and not long afterwards the ship returned there which hehad sent to Bimini, but without discovering the famous spring. Ortubiareported that the island was large, and pleasantly diversified with hills, plains, and meadows, having many rivers and delightful groves[2]. 

Besides his main design of making discoveries, which all Spaniards thenaspired to, Ponce was eager to find out the spring of Bimini, and acertain river in Florida, both of which were affirmed by the Indians ofCuba to have the property of turning old people young by bathing in theirwaters. Some time before the arrival of the Spaniards, many Indians wereso thoroughly convinced of the reality of such a river, that they wentover to Florida, where they built a town, and their descendants stillcontinue there. This report prevailed so universally among the caciques inthese parts, that there was not a brook in all Florida, nay scarcely alake or puddle, that they had not bathed in; and some still ignorantlypersist in believing that this virtue resides in the river now called_Jordan_, at Cape _Santa Helena_, forgetting that the Spaniards first gaveit this name in 1520, when they discovered the country of _Chicora_. 

Though this voyage of Ponce de Leon turned out to no account to him, itgave him encouragement to go to court to seek a reward for the countrieshe had discovered, which he believed to be all islands, and not thecontinent, as it afterwards turned out. Yet his voyage was beneficial, onaccount of the route soon afterwards found out, by which the ships returnedto Spain through the Bahama channel, which was first accomplished by thepilot Antonio de Alaminos, formerly mentioned. For the betterunderstanding this voyage of Juan Ponce, it must be understood that thereare three different groups in the archipelago of the Lucayos. The first iscomposed of the _Bahama_ islands, giving name to the channel where thecurrents are most impetuous. The second is called _los Organos_; and thethird _los Martyres_, which are next the shore of _los Tortugas_ to thewestwards; which last being all sand, cannot be seen at any distance, wherefore many ships have perished on them, and all along the coasts ofthe Bahama channel and the Tortugas islands. Havanna in the island of Cubais to the southwards, and Florida to the northward, and between these areall the before mentioned islands, of Organos, Bahamas, Martyres, andTortugas. Between Havanna and los Martyres, there is a channel with aviolent current, twenty leagues over at the narrowest; and it is fourteenleagues from los Martyres to Florida. Between certain islands to theeastwards, and the widest part of this passage to the westwards, is fortyleagues, with many shoals and deep channels; but there is no way in thisdirection for ships or brigantines, only for canoes. The passage from theHavanna, for Spain is along the Bahama channel, between the Havanna theMartyres, the Lucayos, and Cape Canaveral; and the giving occasion to thisdiscovery was the great merit of Ponce de Leon, for which he was wellrewarded in Spain. 

[1] The account of this voyage is often contradictory, and almost always unintelligible. In this instance, De Leon is made, with a southern course, to increase his latitude almost nine degrees to the north. --E. 

[2] This account of the island of Bimini is perfectly ridiculous, as its whole extent does not exceed twenty miles in length, and not exceeding one mile broad; it is one of the smallest of the Bahama or Lucayo islands, and the largest of them cannot possibly contain any stream of water beyond the size of a brook. --E. 

SECTION X. 

_The Martyrdom of two Dominican Friars on the coast of Venezuela, throughthe Avarice of the Spaniards_. 

There happened about this time a very singular and melancholy event, whichI find recorded in many Spanish historians, which shews to what a heightcorruption had grown in so short a time among the Spanish settlements inthe West Indies. Reports had reached Spain of the harsh and cruel mannerin which the natives were treated by the Spaniards, being distributedamong the proprietors of land as if they had been cattle. This moved somereligious men of the Dominican order to go over to the new world, to trywhat progress they could make in converting the Indians by spiritual meansonly. Three of these fathers landed in the island of Porto Rico, where oneof them fell sick and was unable to proceed. The other two procured avessel to carry them over to the main, where they were landed at no greatdistance from the Indian town which Hojeda and Vespucius had seen in theirfirst voyage, standing in the water, and which therefore they had named_Venezuela_ or little Venice. The fathers found the natives at this placevery docile and tractable, and were in a fair way of making them convertsto the Christian religion; when unluckily a Spanish pirate, whose onlyemployment was to steal Indians to sell them as slaves to the colonists, anchored on the coast. The poor natives, confident of being well treatedby Christians, went freely on board along with their cacique, and thepirate immediately weighed anchor, and made all sail for Hispaniola, carrying them all away into slavery. This naturally raised a great fermentamong the remaining natives, who were on the point of sacrificing the twoDominicans to their resentment, when another Spanish ship arrived in theharbour, commanded by a man of honour. He pacified the Indians for thepresent as well as he possibly could, and receiving letters from theDominicans with a true statement of the transaction, he promised to sendback their cacique and the rest of their countrymen in four months. As hereally intended to perform his promise, he immediately made application tothe supreme tribunal at St Domingo, called the royal audience, settingforth the particulars of the case, and the imminent danger to which thetwo fathers were exposed, unless these Indians were sent back in due time. But it so happened that these very people had been purchased as slaves bysome of the members of the royal audience, and these members of thesupreme tribunal were not so much in love with justice as to release them. The consequence of this was, that at the end of the four months, theIndians murdered the two Dominicans, Francisco de Cordova and Juan Garcias, in revenge for the loss of their prince and relations. 

SECTION XI. 

_Discoveries on the Continent of America by command of Velasquez, underthe conduct of Francis Hernandez de Cordova_. 

After James de Velasquez had reduced the greatest part of the island ofCuba, and had settled colonies of Spaniards in many districts of theisland, he became desirous of shaking off the authority of the AdmiralJames Columbus, by whom he was appointed to the command, and setting upfor himself. By this time the admiral had been recalled into Spain, andopposed this project of Velasquez to the utmost of his power; but hiscredit was now so low; that he could not fully succeed; as, thoughVelasquez was still ordered to give an account to Columbus of the exerciseof his authority, the admiral was not allowed to recal him from thegovernment of Cuba, unless with the concurrence of the crown. This so faranswered the purpose of Velasquez, that he resolved to fit out ships fordiscovery. This project was no sooner made known, than numbers of richSpanish planters embraced the proposal, and offered to contribute largesums for carrying it into execution. Among those who distinguishedthemselves on this occasion, was Francis Hernandez de Cordova, a rich andbrave man who had Indians of his own, and offered to go as captain on thisexpedition. Having received a commission from Velasquez, he fitted out twoships and a brigantine, with all necessary stores, and listed 110soldiers[1]. He sailed from St Domingo, in Cuba, to the Havanna, and leftHavanna on the 8th of February 1517. On the 12th, they doubled cape _St. Antonio_, holding their course to the westwards, as Antony de Alaminos, their pilot, said that the first admiral always inclined in that way, having sailed with him when a boy. They encountered a great storm whichlasted two days, during which they expected to have perished. After beingtwenty-one days at sea, laying to always at night, they got sight of land, and could perceive a large town about two leagues from the coast. As theydrew nigh the shore, two canoes full of men came off to the ships, fromwhich thirty Indians went on board Cordova's ship, having jackets withoutsleeves, and pieces of cloth wrapped about them instead of breeches. TheSpaniards gave them meat and wine, and a few strings of beads; and theIndians before going away, made them understand by signs, having nointerpreter, that they would return next day with more canoes to carry allthe Spaniards on shore. These Indians expressed great admiration at theSpaniards, their ships, beards, arms, and every thing which they had notseen before. They returned next day with twelve canoes, and their caciquecontinually called out _conez cotoche_, that is Come to my house, forwhich reason this place was called Cape _Cotoche_. After the Spaniards hadconsulted together, they hoisted out their boats, and went on shore withtheir arms, where a prodigious multitude of people waited to see them. Thecacique still pressed them to go to his house, and having received so manytokens of peace and friendship, they resolved to comply, in order to takea view of the country. On coming to a wood, the cacique called out to agreat number of armed men who lay in ambush; when there immediatelyappeared a great number of men in armour of quilted cotton, with targets, wooden swords edged with flints, large clubs, spears, bows and arrows, andslings. These warriors had their faces painted of many colours, and wereall adorned with plumes of feathers. They gave a hideous shout, pouring inat the same time such a shower of stones and arrows, that they woundedfifteen Spaniards at the first onset; after which they fell on sword inhand, and fought with great resolution. The Spaniards had only twenty-fivecross-bows and muskets, which were well plied; but when the Indians feltthe sharpness of the Spanish swords, they soon fled, having seventeenkilled and many wounded. Two youths were taken in this action, whoafterwards became Christians by the names of Julian and Melchior. TheSpaniards returned to their ships, well pleased at having discovered amore civilized people than any which had been hitherto seen at Darien, orin any of the islands; more especially as they had houses of stone andlime, which had not till then been seen in the West Indies. 

They held their course along the coast for fifteen days, always laying toat night, when they came to a large town with a bay, which they believedto be a river in which they might find water, of which they were now ingreat need. They landed, and hearing the Indians call the place_Quimpeche_, it ever afterwards was called _Campechy_. Being come to awell of excellent water, of which the natives used to drink, and havingtaken what they needed, they were about to return to the ships, when fiftyIndians clad in jackets and large cotton cloth cloaks came up, asking bysigns what they wanted, whether they came from the east, and finallyinvited them to their town. When they had seriously considered this, andput themselves into a good posture of defence, lest they should betreacherously used as they had already been at Cotoche, they accompaniedthe Indians to certain temples or places of worship, built of stone andlime, where there were many idols of very ugly shapes, with fresh signs ofblood, and several painted crosses, at which last they were much amazed. Great numbers of men, women, and children, flocked to look at them, shewing signs of great amazement, though some of them smiled. Soonafterwards, two parties of armed men appeared in good order, clothed andarmed like those they had seen at Cotoche. In the next place, ten men invery long white mantles came from one of the temples, having their longblack hair twisted up in rolls behind. In their hands these men heldlittle earthen fire-pans, into which they cast gum _anime_, which theycall _copal_, with which they perfumed the Spaniards, ordering them todepart from the country on pain of death. They then began to beat uponsmall kettle drums, and to sound their horns, trumpets, and pipes. TheSpaniards, who were rather weak, as two of the men wounded at Cotoche haddied, and the rest were not yet quite recovered, thought it prudent toretire to the shore, which they did in good order, followed by the armedIndians, and embarked without any conflict. After sailing six days longer, the wind came round to the north, blowing with such violence on the coastthat they thought to have been cast away. When the storm abated, theyendeavoured to approach the shore for water, as the casks had become leaky, and soon ran out. They landed accordingly in a bay near an Indian town, and about a league from the town of Pontonchan, and filled their casks ata well near certain places of worship, which were built of stone and limelike those they had seen formerly. When ready to return to the ships, theyperceived a party of armed men advancing towards them, who asked whetherthey had come from where the sun rises? On being answered in theaffirmative, the Indians drew back to some houses not far off, and theSpaniards, because night was coming on, resolved to remain on shore. Agreat noise was heard soon afterwards among the Indians, and the Spaniardsbecame divided in opinion; some being clear for getting on boardimmediately, while others thought it would be dangerous to retreat in thedark, as there seemed 300 Indians to every one of their small party. 

When day broke next morning, it appeared that the Indians had been joinedby many others during the night, and they all surrounded the Spaniards, pouring in a great shower of arrows, stones, and darts, by which eighty ofthe Spaniards were wounded at the first onset. After this they closed inwith the Christians, using their swords and spears; and though theSpaniards were not idle with their fire-arms, cross-bows, and swords, theIndians distressed them greatly. On experiencing the sharpness of theSpanish swords, the Indians drew farther off, continuing to ply theirarrows with a good aim, crying out calachani! calachani! which in thelanguage of Yucutan, signifies cacique or captain, meaning that theyshould aim especially at the commander Cordova. In this they succeeded, ashe received twelve arrow wounds, as he exposed himself foremost in everyencounter, when he ought rather to have directed his men than foughtpersonally. Finding himself sorely wounded, and that the courage of hismen was unable to overcome so great a multitude, which was continuallyincreasing, he made a furious onset, and broke through the Indians, whostill pursued the Spaniards on their way to the boats. On getting to theboats, they had nearly sunk them all by the hurry of so many men crowdingto embark; but they at length put off from the shore, the Indians stillplying them with missile weapons, and many of them advancing into thewater to wound the Spaniards with their spears. 

In this unfortunate rencontre, forty-seven Spaniards were killed, and manywounded, five of whom died on board. The wounded men endured excruciatingpain while in the boats, in consequence of their wounds being wet with seawater, which caused them to swell much. All the people cursed the pilotAlaminos for bringing them to this place, who still persisted that thiscountry was an island. They called this place _Bahia de Mala Prelea_, orthe Bay of Evil Battle, on account of the misfortune they had hereencountered. On arriving at the ships, the Spaniards gave thanks to Godfor their deliverance from danger; and being all wounded except one, theycame to the resolution of returning to Cuba, and set fire to one of theirships which had become leaky, as they had not now able hands enough tomanage the sails of both, and to work the pumps. Being much distressed forwater, as they had been constrained to abandon their casks at Pontonchan, some of the soundest of the men went on shore at a creek which they called_De los Logartos_, on account of the numbers of alligators found there. Finding no water here but what was brackish, Alaminos, and the otherpilots, recommended to stand over to the coast of Florida, where theyarrived in four days. Alaminos went on shore in search of water, withtwenty of the stoutest soldiers, armed with cross-bows and muskets, theCaptain Hernandez begging them to bring him some water as speedily aspossible, as he was perishing of thirst. On landing near a creek, Alaminossaid he knew the place, having been here before with Ponce de Leon, andadvised them to be on their guard against the natives, and theyaccordingly posted centinels to give the alarm. They dug pits along anopen shore, where they found good water, with which they quenched theirthirst; and while employed in washing some linen for the wounded men, andalmost ready to reimbark, one of their centinels came running towards them, calling out to put to sea without delay, as warlike Indians were comingtowards them. Soon after they saw many canoes with Indians coming down thecreek. The Indians were armed with long bows and arrows, and spears andswords after their manner, and being large men clothed in deer skins, theyhad a very formidable appearance. At the first discharge of their arrows, the Indians wounded six of the Spaniards; but finding the effects of theSpanish arms, they drew off again to their canoes, and seized the Spanishboat. On this the Spaniards closed with them, being obliged to wade up totheir middles in the water, but succeeded in rescuing the boat and puttingthe Indians to flight, Alaminos being wounded in the throat during thefight. When the Indians retreated and the Spaniards were all ready toembark, the centinel who gave the alarm was asked what had become of hiscompanion? He answered, that he had stepped aside towards the creek bywhich the Indians came down, on purpose to cut down a palmito; and thathearing him soon afterwards cry out, he had run away to give the alarm. Aparty was sent in search of him, following the track of the Indians, whofound the palmito he had begun to cut down, and near it the grass was muchtrodden down, which made them conclude he had been carried away alive, asthey could not find him after an hours search. That unfortunate soldierwas the only one who had escaped unwounded from Pontonchan. 

The boat now returned to the ship with the water which they had procured;and many of the people on board were so eager to drink, that one of thesoldiers leaped into the boat immediately on its getting along-side, anddrank so greedily that he swelled and died in two days after. Leaving thisplace, they came in two days sail to the Martyres, where the greatestdepth of water is only two fathoms, interspersed with many rocks, on oneof which the ships touched and became very leaky. Yet it pleased God, after so many sufferings, that they arrived at the port of _Carenas_, nowcalled the Havanna; whence Hernandez de Cordova sent an account of hisvoyage to James Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, and died in ten daysafter. Three of his soldiers died also at the Havanna, making fifty-six inall lost during the expedition out of an hundred and ten men. The rest ofthe soldiers dispersed themselves over the island of Cuba, and the shipsreturned to the city of St Jago, by which the fame of this voyage spreadover the whole island. 

[1] We shall afterwards have occasion to give an account of this and other Spanish Expeditions of Discovery and Conquest, written by Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who was actually engaged in all those which he described. --E. 

SECTION XII. 

_Farther Discoveries on the Continent by Juan Grijalva, under the ordersof Velasquez, by which a way is opened to Mexico or New Spain_. 

However unfortunate Cordova had been in his expedition, yet Velasquezconsidered the intelligence he had transmitted concerning his discoveriesas of high importance, and he determined to pursue these discoveries onthe first opportunity, chiefly because the people among whom Hernandez hadbeen so roughly bandied seemed much more civilized than any Indianshitherto met with, and consequently were likely to prove proportionallyricher. These sentiments were no sooner made public, than several of theprincipal inhabitants of the island offered their assistance, so that hewas soon in a condition to send out a small squadron of three ships and abrigantine, having 250 men on board. These were commanded by the captainsAlvaredo, Montejo, and de Avila, and under chief command of Juan Grijalva, who was ordered by Velasquez to make what discoveries he could, but toform no settlement. They sailed from Cuba on the 8th of May 1518; andhaving visited the coast of Florida, they doubled Cape St Anthony, anddiscovered the island of _Cozumel_, to which Grijalva gave the name ofSanta Cruz, because discovered on the day of the invention of the HolyCross, yet it has always retained its Indian name of Cozumel, by which itis still known. Grijalva landed with a competent number of soldiers, yetno person could be found; for the natives had fled on the first appearanceof the ships. While some went to look out for the inhabitants, Grijalvacaused mass to be celebrated on the shore. Two old men were found in afield of maize, who were brought to Grijalva; and as Julian and Melchiorhappened to understand their language, Grijalva made much of them, givingthem some beads and looking-glasses, and sent them away to their chief andcountrymen, in hopes of establishing an intercourse with the natives, butthey never returned. While waiting for them, there came a handsome youngwoman, who told them in the language of Jamaica, that the people had allfled into the woods for fear, but that she had come to them, beingacquainted with ships and Spaniards. Many of the people of the shipsunderstood her language, and were astonished how she could have come tothat island. She said that she had gone out to fish from the island ofJamaica about two years before, in a canoe with ten men, and had beendriven by a storm and the currents to that island, where the natives hadsacrificed her husband and all the rest of her countrymen to their idols. Grijalva, beleaving that this woman would be a faithful messenger, senther to persuade the natives to come out of the woods, being afraid if hesent Julian and Melchior that they might not return. The woman came backin two days, saying that she had done all she could to prevail on thenatives, but altogether without effect. 

Finding that nothing could be accomplished at this place, Grijalvaembarked his men, taking the Jamaica woman along with him, as she beggedhim not to leave her behind. In this island of Cozumel the Spaniards foundmany hives of excellent honey; they found likewise considerable quantitiesof batatas, and swine having navels on their backs[1], by which articlesof food they were much refreshed. They saw several temples, one of whichwas in form of a square tower, wide at bottom, and hollow at the top, having four large windows and galleries. In the hollow at the top, whichwas the chapel, there were several idols, behind which was a sort ofvestry where the things used in the service of the temple were kept. Atthe foot of the temple there was an inclosure of stone and lime wellplastered, having battlements; and in the middle of this was a cross ofwhite lime three yards high. This was held to be the god of rain, whichthey affirmed they always procured on praying devoutly to this image. While sailing along the coast of this island, the Spaniards were greatlysurprised to see large and beautiful buildings of stone, having severalhigh towers, which had a fine appearance from a distance. No such thingshaving ever been seen before in the West Indies, and likewise on accountof the cross which they had seen, Grijalva said they had discovered a NEWSPAIN. Eight days after leaving Cozumel, they came to anchor off the townof Pontonchan, and landed all the soldiers near some houses. The Indians, vain of having driven Hernandez and his men from their country, drew up inmartial array to hinder the Spaniards from landing, shouting and making agreat noise with their trumpets and kettle-drums. Though some falconetswhich were in the boats put the natives into great terror, having neverexperienced any such before, yet they shot their arrows when the boatscame near, and cast darts and stones from their slings, running even intothe water to attack the Spaniards with their spears. But as soon as theSpaniards landed, they compelled the natives to give way; for, beingtaught by experience, the Spaniards now used the same sort of defensivearmour with the Indians, being stuffed with cotton, so that they receivedless harm from the arrows than on former occasions; yet three of thesoldiers were killed, and sixty wounded: Grijalva, the commander, was shotwith three arrows, one of which broke several of his teeth. 

On the boats returning from the ships with a reinforcement of soldiers, the Indians quitted the field, and the Spaniards went to town, where theydressed their wounded men, buried the dead, and found only three of thenatives. Grijalva used these men kindly, giving them some toys, and sentthem to recal the inhabitants, engaging not to hurt any of them; but theynever returned, and Grijalva did not venture to send Julian or Melchior, as he suspected they might run away. Grijalva embarked again, and came toa large wide gulf of fresh water, which resembled a river, which howeverit was not. Alaminos the pilot alleged that the land in which this gulfwas situated was an island, and that the water parted it from anothercountry, on which account it was called _Boca de Terminos_, or the Mouthof Boundaries. They landed here, and remained three days, and found thatit was no island, but a bay forming a good harbour. There were temples, having idols of clay and wood, representing men, women, and serpents; butno town could be seen, and it was conjectured that these served as chapelsfor people who went a-hunting. During the three days that the Spaniardsremained here, they took several deer and rabbits by means of a greyhoundbitch they had with them; but they negligently left her at this place. Going on their voyage from hence, and always laying to or coming to anchorat night, to avoid falling in with rocks or shoals, they discovered themouth of a very large river, which promised to be a good harbour; but, onsounding it, they found that it had water enough for the two smaller shipsonly. The boats went up the river with great caution, as they saw manyarmed men in canoes along shore, resembling those of Pontonchan. Thisriver was named _Tabasco_, from the cacique of a neighbouring town; butthe Spaniards called it Rio de Grijalva, from the name of their commander. As the boats advanced they heard a noise made by the Indians who werefelling trees, as, having heard of what had happened at Pontonchan, theyconcluded the Spaniards meant to make war upon them. 

The Spaniards landed at a grove of palms about half a mile from the town, and the Indians came towards them with about fifty canoes full of armedmen in a warlike posture, all finely decorated with feathers. When allwere ready on both sides to begin an engagement, Grijalva sent Julian andMelchior to speak with the natives. These interpreters told them that theSpaniards were come to treat about some affairs that would please them, and did not intend to go war, unless forced in their own defence. On thisfour canoes drew near, and being shewn certain strings of glass beads, which they mistook for a sort of stones called _chalcibites_, much valuedamong them, they were pacified. Then Grijalva ordered the interpreters tosay, That he and his men were subjects of a great king, to whom mightyprinces were under obedience, and it was both reasonable and for theiradvantage that they too should submit themselves to his authority; anddesired them, until these things could be explained more fully, to supplyhim and his men with provisions. The Indians answered, That they wouldgive provisions, but saw no reason why, having a lord of their own, theyshould submit to any other. They likewise warned the Spaniards to bewareof making war against them, as they had done at Pontonchan; for they hadprovided three _xiquiples_ of armed men against them, each xiquiple being8, 000. That they already knew the Spaniards had killed and wounded above200 of the people of Pontonchan; but that they were not so few and weak asthe people of that place, and had been deputed to know their intentions, of which they would make a true report to a numerous assembly of wise men, who were waiting to determine on peace or war, according to their answer. Grijalva gave them several strings of beads, looking-glasses, and othersuch trifles, and charged them to bring him an answer without delay, asotherwise he would be obliged to go to their town, but not to do any harm. He then returned to the ships, and the messengers delivered their messageto all the chief men of the tribe who were wont to be consulted on greataffairs, who determined that peace were better than war. They immediatelysent, therefore, a number of Indians to the ships, loaded with roastedfish, hens, several sorts of fruit, and the bread of the country, all ofwhich they placed on mats on the ground in a very orderly manner, layingbeside them a handsome mask of wood, and several pieces of very beautifulfeather-work; and one of the Indians said that the lord of the town wouldcome next day to visit the Spaniards. 

Next day, accordingly, the cacique went on board Grijalvas ship withoutjealousy, attended by many people all unarmed. On perceiving theirapproach, Grijalva dressed himself in a loose coat of crimson velvet and acap of the same, with suitable ornaments; and being a handsome man oftwenty-eight years of age, made a fine appearance. The cacique wasreceived on board with much respect, and sitting down with Grijalva, somediscourse took place between them, of which both understood very little, as it was mostly carried on by signs, and by means of a few words whichMelchior and Julian were able to interpret. After some time, the caciqueordered one of his attendants to take from a _petaca_, or a kind of trunk, the presents which he had brought for the Spaniards. The Indianaccordingly took out certain plates of gold, and thin boards covered withgold, in the nature of armour, which fitted Grijalva as perfectly as ifthey had been made on purpose; and the cacique put them on him himself, changing any that did not fit for others, till at length Grijalva wasfitted with a complete suit of golden armour. The cacique also presentedhim with various works of gold and feathers, which are much valued amongthese people; and it was wonderful how splendid Grijalva appeared in allthese fine ornaments, for which he made every sign of gratitude to thecacique. He called for a shirt of fine linen, which with his own hands heput upon the cacique; then took off his coat of crimson velvet, with whichhe clothed him, and put a pair of new shoes on his feet, and gave him someof the finest strings of beads and looking-glasses, with scissars, knives, and several articles of tin; and distributed many such among the caciquesattendants. What the cacique had given to Grijalva was computed to beworth 3000 pieces of eight; among which was a wooden helmet covered withthin plates of gold, and three or four masks, some of which were studdedwith a sort of stones resembling emeralds. The sight of all these thingsmade the Spaniards eager to settle in a country which produced so muchwealth. Grijalva, after receiving this great present at Tabasco, wassensible that the Indians were not willing he should prolong his stay; andon asking for more gold, the Indians answered _Culua_, _culua_. 

He now proceeded farther along the coast, and in two days came to a towncalled _Aqualunco_, which the Spaniards called _la Rambla_. Theinhabitants of this place were seen at a distance, armed with targets oftortoiseshell, which glittered so in the sun that the Spaniards believedthey had been of pale gold. They discovered a bay into which the riverTonala discharges itself, which they visited on their return, and calledit the river of St Anthony. At some distance farther on they saw the greatriver of _Guazacoallo_, which they could not enter on account of badweather. After this they had a view of the _Snowy Islands_[2] of New Spain, which the soldiers named St Martin. Holding on their course, Alvaredo, having the headmost ship, entered a river called _Papaloava_, but whichthe Spaniards named Alvaredos river. Here the natives of a town, called_Tavotulpale_ brought fish, and the other ships waited till Alvaredo cameout. Beyond this they came to the mouth of another river, which they namedRio de las Banderas, or Flag-river, because the Indians waved large whitecloths on long poles, like colours, as if inviting the Spaniards to land. The country, on the coast of which the Spaniards now were, was a provinceof the great empire of Mexico, over which Montezuma then reigned, a princeof great wisdom and penetration, who had heard of the exploits of theSpaniards, and the pains they took to become acquainted with the seacoasts of his dominions. He was uneasy on this account, and was anxious tolearn who and what these people were, and wherefore they took so muchpains to examine the state of countries which did not belong to them. Forthis purpose, he had given directions to the governors of these maritimeprovinces, to take every opportunity of trading with these strangers, andto send him an account of their motions from time to time, that he mightbe able to come to some distinct notion respecting them and theirintentions. Seeing themselves thus invited on shore, Grijalva ordered twoboats to land under the charge of Captain Montejo, having all themusketeers belonging to the armament and twenty other soldiers; withorders, in case the Indians appeared in a warlike posture, that he shouldgive notice by signal, that succours might be sent him. As soon as Montejolanded, the Indians presented him with fowls, bread, and fruit, andperfumed him and his men by burning copal in fire-pans. Julian was notable to understand the language of these people, which was Mexican, andMontejo sent advice to Grijalva of the friendly behaviour of the Indians, on which he brought his ships to anchor, and landed himself. He wasreceived with great respect by the Mexican governor and other men of note, to whom he presented some glass beads and necklaces of several colours. The governor ordered the Indians to bring gold to barter with theSpaniards, and in the course of six days stay at this place, they got tothe value of 15, 000 pieces of eight in gold baubles and toys of variousshapes. Hitherto all things had succeeded so as to do great credit toGrijalva and his companions, yet nothing had been done to satisfy the highexpectation which had been formed in Cuba of this expedition. Thisprompted Grijalva to lose as little time as possible in proceeding toexplore the country; and, having presented the cacique with such things ashe had to give, he took formal possession of the country for the king, andfor James Velasquez in the king's name, and embarked to go elsewhere, because the north winds blew upon the land, and rendered his farther stayunsafe. Proceeding on the voyage, he found an island near the continenthaving whitish sands, which therefore he called _Isla Blancha_, or theWhite Island, and not far off another, four leagues from the continent, which he called _Isla Verde_, or the Green Island. Farther on they came toanother, a league and a half from the land, and there being a goodroad-stead opposite, Grijalva brought the ships to anchor, and went onshore in his boat at a place where some smoke was seen. He there found twohouses well built with stone and lime, having many steps which led up toaltars, on which there were idols; and they perceived that five men hadbeen sacrificed there that night, their breasts being ripped open, theirlegs and thighs cut off, and the walls all bloody. This sight greatlyastonished the Christians, who called this place the Island of Sacrifices. They landed afterwards on the coast opposite that island, makingthemselves huts of boughs covered with sails, to which some nativesresorted to barter gold in small figures; but the natives being shy, andthe gold in small quantity, the Spaniards removed to another island onlyhalf a league from the coast. Landing on the shore, they built barracks onthe highest part of the strand, to avoid the plague of mosquitos or gnats;and having sounded the harbour, they found sufficient water for the ships, which were sheltered from the north wind by the small island. Grijalvawent over to the small island with thirty soldiers in two boats, where hefound an idol temple and four priests clad in very long black mantles withhoods. That very day they had sacrificed two boys, whom they found rippedopen and their hearts taken out, which moved the Spaniards to compassion. Grijalva asked an Indian who had come with him from the Rio de Banderas, who seemed a good rational person, what was the reason of this barbarouspractice, to which he answered, that the people of _Ulua_ would have it so. On this account, and because Grijalvas name was Juan, this island hasalways been called since _St Juan de Ulua_, to distinguish it from St Juande Puerto Rico. Grijalva staid here seven days, bartering for some smallquantity of gold. At length, the people being quite tired of the troublethey received from prodigious swarms of gnats, and being quite certain thecountry they had visited was the continent, having many large towns, whichjustified the name of New Spain which they had given it; the cazibi breadthey had on board becoming mouldy, and the men being too few to settle acolony in so populous a country, ten having died of their wounds, and manyof the rest being sick; it was judged proper to return to Cuba to give anaccount to Velasquez of all their proceedings and discoveries, moreespecially as he had expressly prohibited the making of any settlement, that he might hereafter send a greater number for that purpose if hejudged right. Yet Grijalva was much inclined to remain and build a town, and made choice of Alvaredo to carry a message to that effect to Velasquez, sending by him all the gold and other curiosities which had been procured, and all the sick. 

After the departure of Grijalva from Cuba, Velasquez became very anxiousabout his ships, which were navigating upon an unknown coast, and senttherefore Christopher de Olido, a commander of good character, in a shipwith seventy soldiers, to endeavour to procure intelligence. While Olidowas at anchor on the coast of Yucutan, there arose so violent a storm thathe was forced to cut his cables, and run back to St Jago. Much about thistime Alvaredo arrived with the gold, cotton cloth, and other things fromGrijalva, and a relation of all that had been done during the expedition. This was very satisfactory to Velasquez, who conceived great hopes ofbrilliant consequences from the discoveries, and the news spread about theisland of Cuba, to the great astonishment and admiration of all men. Velasquez was a severe master to those who served him, over credulous, andeasily provoked by misrepresentations. And Alvaredo having been of opinionfor settling a colony in New Spain, represented the affair to him in anyway he thought proper, and gave him very bad impressions of the man whohad served him so very successfully and faithfully, with such strictregard to the orders he had given. Leaving this for the present, weproceed to give an account of the farther operations of Grijalva inobtaining a clear account of this part of the continent he was sent todiscover. 

Soon after Alvaredo set out for Cuba, by the advice of his captains andpilots, Grijalva continued his exploration of the coast, which he sailedalong in sight of the mountains of _Tuspa_, so named from a town in thatneighbourhood. Proceeding onwards to the province of Panuco, they sawseveral towns on the shore, and a river which they named _Decancas_. Whilethey lay here at anchor rather off their guard, ten canoes full of armedmen came towards the ship commanded by Alonzo de Avila, and poured in aflight of arrows, by which five men were wounded, and then attempted tocut the cables, that they might carry off the ship, and even succeeded sofar as to cut one of the cables. The men on board de Avilas ship behavedthemselves well, and overset two of the canoes, yet required the aid offire-arms from the other ships before they could drive away the Indians. At last, many of the Indians being wounded, they desisted from their rashenterprise, and made for the land. From this place the Spaniards sailedalong the coast till they came to a large point of land which they foundvery difficult to double, and the pilot Alaminos represented that it wasvery inconvenient to proceed any farther in that direction. The captainsand pilots now consulted as to what was best to be done, some of whom werefor returning along the coast in search of a proper place in which tosettle a colony. Montejo and Avila differed from this opinion, representing that winter was approaching, that provisions were growingscarce, and one of the ships very leaky; for all which reasons it wasadvisable to return to Cuba; the more especially because the natives ofthis coast were numerous and warlike, and the Spaniards were so muchfatigued by having been so long at sea, that they were not able tomaintain their ground. Added to this, Grijalva considered that hisinstructions were positive not to attempt any settlement; and this beingbacked by the opinion of his captains, Montejo and Avila, he determined toreturn. Tacking about, therefore, he came back to the great river of_Guazacoallo_, but could not enter it on account of bad weather. Theyproceeded thence to the river of Tonala, which they had named St Anthony, where they careened their leaky ship. While here, many Indians came tothem from the town, which was a league off, bringing fowls, bread, andother provisions, which they bartered for Spanish toys; and the newshaving spread over the country, others came from Guazacoallo, and otherneighbouring towns, bringing provisions, small gold plates, and verybright copper axes with painted handles. Thinking these axes had been palegold, the Spaniards purchased six hundred of them, and the natives wouldwillingly have sold them more. 

While at this place, one Bartholomew Prado went to a temple which stood inthe fields, whence he brought some of the perfume used by the Indians, named _copal_, or, as some call it, _gum anime_. He also brought away theknives of flint, with which the priests sacrifice men to their false gods, by ripping them open, and some idols. He delivered all these things toGrijalva, having first taken off the ear-rings, pendants, plates, andcrowns of gold with which the idols were adorned, worth about ninetypieces of eight, which he endeavoured to conceal; but not being able todissemble his joy for the booty he had obtained, Grijalva had notice of it;yet, being of a generous temper, he restored all to Prado, reserving onlythe fifth for the king. When they had refitted their ship, they sailed inforty-five days to Cuba, with gold to the value of 4000 pieces of eight, besides what Alvaredo had carried. When they came to pay the fifth for thecopper axes, which they had bought for gold, they were much confused onfinding them rusty. They put into the harbour of Matancas, where Grijalvafound a letter from Velasquez, ordering him to tell the soldiers thatanother fleet was fitting out for returning to make a settlement in NewSpain, and that those who chose to go back should remain at some farmsbelonging to the governor in that neighbourhood. Grijalva himself wasordered to come with all speed with the ships to Santiago, where the newfleet was fitting out. On appearing before Velasquez, he had no thanks forall the trouble he had been at, and was even abused for not having made asettlement, though he had acted exactly according to his instructions. This was a capital blunder in Velasquez, as he seemed resolved to find aperson fitted both for making discoveries and of betraying him by settingup for himself. One would have imagined that a man of so much good senseas Velasquez certainly had, would have had the judgment to retain in hisemployment a person so fit for his purpose as Grijalva had proved; and thevery thing for which he disgraced him ought assuredly to have preservedhim from that fate, since only by a scrupulous regard to his instructionshad he refrained, after such valuable discoveries, from pursuing that lineof conduct by which he was most likely to have established his fortune andindependence. But Velasquez, like many other men of excellent abilities, often preferred the opinions of others to his own, thereby losing theopportunities which his superior talents afforded. Yet it is highlyprobable that this very error contributed more to the important conquestswhich were afterwards made by the Spaniards, than the wisest measures hecould have taken. 

[1] The Sue Tajassu of Naturalists, or the Pecary. This singular species of the hog tribe, has an open glandular orifice in the hinder part of the back, which discharges an unctuous foetid liquor, which must be cut out immediately after the death of the animal, otherwise the whole carcase is soon tainted with an intolerable odour. --E. 

[2] This is probably an error for the _Sierra Nevada_, or Snowy Mountains. --E. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER V. 

HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF MEXICO, WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1568, BY CAPTAIN BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, ONE OF THE CONQUERORS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Although the present chapter may not, at first sight, appearstrictly conformable to the plan of this work, which professes to be aCollection of Voyages and Travels, it is, notwithstanding, very intimatelyconnected with our plan, as every step of the conquerors, from their firstlanding on the coast of the Mexican empire, to the final completion of theconquest and reduction of the numerous dependent provinces, must beconsidered as discoveries of kingdoms, provinces, and people beforeutterly unknown. In our endeavours to convey a clear view of thisimportant event to our readers, we have preferred the original narrativeof Bernal Diaz, one of the companions of Cortes, who accompanied himduring the whole of his memorable and arduous enterprise, _an eye-witnessof every thing which he relates, and whose history, notwithstanding thecoarseness of its style, has been always much esteemed for the simplicity_and sincerity of the author, everywhere discoverable_[1]. Those who aredesirous of critically investigating the subject, as a matter of history, will find abundant information in the History of Mexico by Clavigero, andin Robertson's History of America. In our edition of the present articlewe have largely availed ourselves of _The true History of the Conquest ofMexico by Bernal Diaz_, translated by Maurice Keating, Esq. And publishedin 1800; but which we have not servilely copied on the present occasion. This history is often rather minute on trivial circumstances, and somewhattedious in its reprehensions of a work on the same subject by FranciscoLopez de Gomara; but as an original document, very little freedom has beenassumed in lopping these redundancies. The whole has been carefullycollated with the history of the same subject by Clavigero, and with therecent interesting work of Humbolt, so as to ascertain the properorthography of the Mexican names of persons, places, and things, and toillustrate or correct circumstances and accounts of events, wherever thatseemed necessary. Diaz commences his work with his own embarkation fromSpain in 1514, and gives an account of the two previous expeditions ofHernandez de Cordova, and Juan de Grijalva, to the coast of New Spain, both already given in the preceding chapter, but which it would have beenimproper to have expunged in this edition of the original work of Diaz. 

[Illustration: Sketch of Mexico and its Environs]

[1] Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen, I. Xiii. 

PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR. 

I, BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, regidor of the loyal city of Guatemala, while composing this most true history of the conquest of Mexico, happenedto see a work by Francisco Lopez de Gomara on the same subject, theelegance of which made me ashamed of the vulgarity of my own, and causedme to throw away my pen in despair. After having read it, however, I foundit full of misrepresentations of the events, having exaggerated the numberof natives which we killed in the different battles, in a manner soextraordinary as to be altogether unworthy of credit. Our force seldommuch exceeded four hundred men, and even if we had found the multitudes hespeaks of bound hand and foot, we had not been able to put so many todeath. In fact we were often greatly at a loss to protect ourselves, andwere daily reduced to pray to God for deliverance from the many perilswhich environed us on every side. Alaric and Atilla, those greatconquerors, did not slay such numbers of their enemies as Gomara pretendswe did in New Spain. He alleges that we burned many cities and temples, forgetting that any of us, the true conquerors, were still alive tocontradict his assertions. He often magnifies the merit of one officer atthe expence of another, and even speaks of the exploits of some captainswho were not engaged in the expedition. He pretends that Cortes gavesecret orders for the destruction of our ships; whereas this was done bythe common consent of us all, that we might add the seamen to our smallmilitary force. He most unjustly depreciates the character of Juan deGrijalva, who was a very valiant commander. He omits the discovery ofYucutan by Hernandez de Cordova. He erroneously supposes Garay to havebeen actually in the expedition which he fitted out. His account of thedefeat of Narvaez is sufficiently accurate; but that which he gives of thewar of Tlascala is exceedingly erroneous. He treats the war in Mexico as amatter of little importance, though we there lost above 870 of oursoldiers. He makes no mention of our loss during the memorable siege ofthat city, but treats of it as of a festival or a marriage pageant. 

It is needless to enlarge on his numerous errors in this place. I shalltherefore proceed to my own narrative, ever mindful that the beauty ofhistorical composition is _truth_, and shall carefully relate the conquestof New Spain, recording the heroic services of us the true conquerors; who, though few in number, gained this rich country to his majesty through manydangers and infinite hardships, under the guidance of the brave andadventurous captain, HERNANDO CORTES; using in my work such ornament andembellishment of language as may seem proper to the occasion. For thesegreat services, his majesty has often issued orders that we should beamply rewarded, but his orders have not hitherto been obeyed. My narrativewill afford sufficient materials for future historians to celebrate thefame of our general, Cortes, and the merits of those brave conquerors bywhom this great and holy enterprise was achieved. This is not a history ofancient nations, made up of vain reveries, and idle hearsays, but containsa true relation of events of which I was an actor and an eye-witness. Gomara received and wrote such accounts of these events as tended toenhance the fame and merit of Cortes exclusively, neglecting to makemention of our valiant captains and brave soldiers; and the whole tenor ofhis work shews his partiality to that family, by which he is patronized. By him also the doctor Illescas, and the bishop Paulus Jovius have beenmisled in the works which they have published. But in the course of thishistory, as a vigilant pilot proceeds cautiously among shoals andquicksands by the help of the line, so I, in my progress to the haven oftruth, shall expose the errors and misrepresentations of Gomara: Yet if Iwere to point out every error he has committed, the chaff would muchexceed the grain. 

I have brought this history to a conclusion, in the loyal city ofGuatimala, the residence of the royal audience, this 26th of February 1572. 

SECTION I. 

_Expedition of Hernandez de Cordova, in 1517_. 

I left Castille in the year 1514, along with Pedro Arias de Avila, thenappointed to the government of Tierra Firma, and arrived with him atNombre de Dios. A pestilence raged in the colony at our arrival, of whichmany of the soldiers died, and most of the survivors were invalids. DeAvila gave his daughter in marriage to a gentleman named Vasco Nunez deBalboa, who had conquered that province; but becoming afterwardssuspicious that Balboa intended to revolt, he caused him to be beheaded. As troubles were likely to take place in this colony, several of us whowere men of good families, asked permission from Avila to go over to Cuba, which had been lately settled under the government of Diego Velasquez. Hereadily granted this request, as he had brought more soldiers from Spainthan were needed in his province, which was already subdued. We wentaccordingly to Cuba, where we were kindly received by Velasquez, whopromised to give us the first lands that fell vacant; but, after waitingthree years, reckoning from the time of leaving Spain, and no settlementsoffering, an hundred and ten of us chose Francisco Hernandez de Cordovafor our captain, a wealthy gentleman of Cuba, and determined to go on avoyage of discovery under his command. For this purpose, we bought twovessels of considerable burthen, and procured a bark on credit fromVelasquez, who proposed as a condition, that we should make a descent onthe islands called _Los Guanages_, between Cuba and Honduras, to seize anumber of the inhabitants as slaves, in order by their sale to repay theexpence of the bark: But when this proposal was made known to the soldiers, we unanimously refused, as it was unjust, and neither permitted by God northe king to make slaves of freemen. Velasquez assented to the justice ofour objections, and gave us all the assistance in his power in regard toprovisions. We accordingly laid in a store of hogs at three crowns each, there being no oxen or sheep at that time in Cuba, and a quantity of_cassava_ bread, as flour was not to be had for biscuits. With these sorryprovisions, and some trifling toys and ornaments to barter with theIndians, we assembled at a port named _Agaruco_, on the north side of Cuba, eight leagues from the town of St Christopher, the inhabitants of whichremoved two years afterwards to the Havanna. Our chief pilot was Antoniode Alaminos of Palos, and two others named Comacho de Triana, and JuanAlvarez. We got also a priest, named Alonso Gonzales to go with theexpedition; and appointed a soldier named Bernardino Iniguez as _veedor_, to take care of his majesties rights in case of procuring any gold duringthe voyage. 

Having provided ourselves in necessaries as well as we could, andrecommended ourselves to God and the Holy Virgin, we sailed from the portof Agaruco on the 8th of February 1517. In twelve days we passed Cape StAntonio in the land of a tribe of savages called _Guanatareyes_, afterwhich we sailed to the westwards at random, being entirely ignorant of theshallows, currents, or prevailing, winds in these seas. We were in mostimminent danger during our voyage for two days and two nights in a violentstorm; but the wind subsided, and in twenty-one days after leaving Cuba, we came to a coast which had never been before discovered. On nearing theshore, we saw a large town about two leagues inland, which we named GrandCairo, as it exceeded any of the towns in Cuba. Our bark was sent forwardsto examine the coast. Five canoes came off to us on the morning of the 4thMarch. These boats of the Indians resemble troughs, being hollowed out ofa single trunk of a tree, and many of them are large enough to containfifty men. We invited the people by signs to come on board, and abovethirty of them came aboard Cordovas ship without shewing the smallestapprehension, where they were treated with such provisions as we had, andeach of them received a string of green glass beads. Having examined thevessels with much admiration, they went to the shore, promising by signsto return next day with a greater number of canoes, in order to bring usall on shore. All these Indians had close cotton dresses, having a narrowcloth round their waists, being more decent than the natives of Cuba, where the women only use this piece of dress. Next day the same chief cameoff with twelve large canoes, inviting our captain to go on shore, repeating frequently _con-escotoch, con-escotoch_, which we understood tomean, _come to our town_, and from this circumstance we named the place_Punta de Cotoche_. We resolved to accept the invitation, but using theprecaution to go in a body at one embarkation, as we saw many Indians onshore. We therefore hoisted out our own boats, and in them and the canoesand our own small bark, we proceeded to the land. After landing, we haltedto consider what we should do, and as the cacique still urged us by signsto accompany him, we marched on in good order, fifteen of our men beingarmed with cross-bows and ten with muskets. As we were passing some thickwoods, the cacique suddenly called aloud to a body of Indians which he hadposted there in ambush, who immediately sallied out, pouring in a flightof arrows, by which fifteen of our soldiers were wounded. These Indianswore thick coats of quilted cotton, and besides their bows and arrows, were armed with lances, shields, and slings, and had their headsornamented with feathers. After discharging their arrows they advanced toattack us with their lances; but our sharp swords, and the repeateddischarges of our muskets and cross-bows, soon drove them to a distance, leaving fifteen of their men dead on the field. We took likewise twoprisoners, who were afterwards baptized by the names of Julian andMelchior, and became useful as interpreters. On our return to the shore, we had the pleasure to find that Gonzales had taken care of the chests wehad brought to land with articles for barter, as he had taken them off tothe ships, with the assistance of two natives of Cuba. Near the place ofthe engagement, there were three buildings of stone and lime, in whichwere several idols of clay in strange unnatural postures, with diabolicalcountenances, and several wooden chests containing smaller idols, somevessels, three diadems, and several figures of birds and fish, all ofinferior gold. 

Having reimbarked, we proceeded along shore as formerly, coasting to thewest. After fifteen days sailing with great caution along an unknown coast, we got sight of a large town near an inlet or creek, which had theappearance of being the mouth of a river. We named this place St Lazarus, because discovered on the Sunday of that saint; and we determined toattempt procuring water at this place, being in much want, as our caskswere bad, not having sufficient means to purchase proper vessels at Cuba. As the ebb-tide left an extensive shallow, we left our two large ships aleague from shore, and went well armed in our bark and the boats, to aplace from which the town was supplied with water; as so far as we coulddiscover this country has no running streams. Just as we had filled ourcasks, about fifty Indians, dressed in cotton mantles, came towards us, who all appeared to be chiefs. They inquired by signs what we wanted; andwe answered in the same manner, that we came for water, and were nowreturning to our ships. They then pointed to the eastwards, as if askingif we came from thence, frequently repeating the word _Castillano_. Afterthis, they invited us to their town, to which we accordingly went, andcame to some large and well-constructed temples, built of stone and lime, having the figures of idols and serpents painted on the walls. On enteringone of these temples, we could plainly perceive the traces of fresh spiltblood on one of the altars. We saw likewise several strange idolatrousfigures and symbolical paintings, altogether impressing us with horror andastonishment. All this while the natives behaved peaceably, but collectedin great numbers, apparently from curiosity, yet we stood upon our guard, remembering how we had been treated at the former place. A body of thenatives made their appearance, in very ragged dresses, each of whomcarried a bundle of dry reeds, which they laid in a heap, and then retired. Soon afterwards came two bodies of warriors, dressed and armed like thoseat the former place, each headed by a chief or captain, who drew up atsome distance from us. Immediately after this, ten priests rushed out froma neighbouring temple. These men wore loose robes of white cotton, havingtheir long hair clotted with blood, and all matted and twisted together. They bore vessels in their hands containing fire and aromatics, with whichthey fumigated us, and made us to understand by signs, that they would putus to death if we did not quit their country before the fuel lying by uswas consumed, which they now kindled and retired. The warriors who weredrawn up opposite us, began to make a noise, beating their drums, soundingtheir horns, and whistling with great violence. Seeing these threateningpreparations, we deemed it prudent to retreat to our boats, on board ofwhich our water-casks had been already embarked, and returning to ourships we proceeded on our voyage. 

We coasted along for six days, during which time we had a violent stormfrom the north, by which we were in great danger of being driven on shore. We suffered much also from want of water, owing to the insufficiency ofour casks, and were often obliged to go on shore to sink wells for ourdaily supply. At the end of six days, we came opposite a town about aleague from the shore, to which we determined to go, and came to anchortherefore as near as we could. The name of this town was _Pontonchon_, inwhich we could see several buildings of stone and lime, and it appeared tobe surrounded with fields of maize. We landed, and having found a springof water, we immediately began to fill our casks. While busied in thisnecessary employment, several large bodies of warriors approached us insilence. These men had their bodies covered to their knees with defensivearmour of cotton; their faces were painted black, white, and red, andtheir heads were ornamented with plumes of feathers. Besides bows, arrows, and slings, they had shields and two-handed swords. These people addressedus in the same manner with those of Campechy, pointing to the east, andrepeating _Castillano_, _Castillano_; to which we replied by signs that wecame from the east, yet were much at a loss to know the intention of thisinquiry, and whether to understand it favourable or otherwise. Meaning toremain on shore for the night, we formed ourselves in a compact body, withsentinels on every side, and consulted together as to our fartherproceedings. We heard at this time a great noise among the Indians, whichwe suspected to threaten us with evil; and some of us proposed to embark, which was considered as too dangerous in the face of the enemy, whileothers were for making an immediate attack, on the old principle, that theassailant usually conquers; but the odds against us was at least 300 toone, and this council was rejected as too rash. Day at length broke, andgave us a view of our danger. Great bodies of warriors were seen advancingwith their standards displayed to join those who had assembled on thepreceding evening, and we soon found that we must exert our utmost effortsfor our defence, putting our trust in the mercy of GOD to relieve us fromour dangerous situation. The Indians surrounding us on every side, immediately attacked us hand to hand, and soon wounded ten of our men; butthe execution made by our swords and fire-arms made them draw off to somedistance, whence they plied their arrows to good effect. They continuallycalled out, _al calachioni_, _al calachioni_, which we understood to mean, Aim at the captain, who was wounded by arrows in twelve different places. I also had three wounds, one of which in my left side, was very dangerous, and two of our men were carried off alive. Seeing all our exertionsineffectual, as the enemy continually received reinforcements, and abovefifty of our number were already slain, Cordova gave orders to force ourway through the enemy, which we effected in a compact body, the enemykeeping up a close pursuit, continually pouring in their arrows, and evenattacking us with their spears. We at last reached our boats, which sunkin the hurry and pressure of our embarkation, and many of us had toendeavour to reach the bark, which came as near as possible to receive us, half wading and half swimming. In this last effort many of our soldierswere wounded, and it was with the utmost difficulty that any of us escaped. This disastrous action lasted half an hour, and on mustering our forceafter we got back to the ships, we found we had lost fifty-seven men. Ourwounds soon became very painful, owing to the cold and the sea water, andwe cursed Alaminos and his discoveries, who still persisted that this landwas an island. We gave this bay the name of _de Mala Prelea_, or of theunlucky fight. One soldier only of those who escaped was unwounded, mostof us having three or four wounds, and our captain twelve. Many of thesailors likewise were disabled; for which reason we set the smallestvessel on fire, distributing her crew to the others. Our greatestmisfortune was that we had been forced to leave our casks behind, so thatduring the rest of the time we remained at sea we were reduced toinexpressible distress for want of water, our lips and tongues becomingfull of cracks from intolerable thirst. Such are the cruel hardshipsattendant on voyages of discovery. 

After three days sail, observing a creek which we hoped might lead tofresh water, fifteen sailors and three soldiers went on shore to examineit; but the only water they could find was salt, and some which they gotfrom pits which they sunk on the shore was not drinkable even in ourdistressed situation. This was called _Alligators Creek_, as it containeda great number of these animals. The prevailing winds at this time werefrom the north and north-east, which increased to a storm, in which wewere near perishing. When it subsided, we determined on returning to theHavanna; but, by the advice of Alaminos, we made in the first place forthe coast of Florida, which by his charts, and the observations he hadmade of our voyage, was 70 leagues distant. He was well acquainted withthis navigation, as he had been there ten or twelve years before[1] withJuan Ponce de Leon, and steering across the gulf, we came to that countryin four days sail. Our first object was to obtain a supply of water; forour captain was sinking daily under the distress of his wounds andintolerable thirst, and we were all in much need of that indispensablenecessary of life. Twenty of us, among whom I was one, went on shore withthe casks as soon as possible, being warned by Alaminos to be on our guardagainst a sudden attack from the natives, who had fallen upon him bysurprise when formerly on that coast. We accordingly posted a guard in anopen place near the shore, and set about digging some pits, in which wehad the satisfaction to find excellent water. We remained about an hourwashing our linens and bathing our wounds, which delay enabled the Indiansto attack us, one of our centinels giving us the alarm only a few momentsbefore they appeared. The Indians, who were tall, athletic men, dressed inthe skins of beasts, immediately let fly a shower of arrows, by which sixof us were wounded, and myself among the rest. We soon beat them off, however, when they went to the assistance of another party who had comeround in some canoes, and were dragging away our boat, after woundingAlaminos and four sailors. We followed them as quickly as possible, wadingup to our middles in the sea, and rescued the boat, after killingtwenty-two of the Indians, and making prisoners of three who were onlyslightly wounded, yet died afterwards during our voyage to Cuba. 

After the natives were driven away, we inquired of the soldier who gave usthe alarm of the enemy, what had become of his comrade? He reported, thata short time before he came to us, his companion went to the water side tocut down a palmito, and soon afterwards, hearing him cry out, being as hesupposed in the hands of the enemy, he ran towards us and gave the alarm. The soldier thus amissing, named Berrio, was the only person who escapedfrom Pontonchan unwounded. We went to seek for him, and found the palmitohe had begun to cut, around which the ground was much trodden, but notrace of blood, from which we concluded he had been carried away alive. Having sought him in vain for an hour, we returned on board with the water, to the infinite joy of our companions, who were quite beside themselves onits arrival. One man leapt into the boat immediately on its gettingalong-side, and never ceased drinking till he died. We next proceeded to acertain low island called _los Baxos de los Martyres_, where ourcommanders ship struck on a sunken rock, and took in so much water thatshe was near sinking; indeed we greatly feared that our utmost exertionsat the pump could not bring her into port. When two of our sailors, whowere from the Levant, were called upon to aid in pumping, they calmlyreplied _facetelo vos_, or Do it yourselves, when we were almost exhaustedby fatigue, and the ship on the very point of going down. We compelledthem, however, to fall to, and by the blessing of GOD we got safe to theharbour then called _Puerto de Carenas_, where the city of Havanna hasbeen since built. Our captain went immediately to his estate near _SpirituSanto_, where he died in ten days, and three soldiers died of their woundsat the Havanna, and the rest dispersed to their different homes oravocations. 

Immediately after our arrival, an express was sent to Velasquez thegovernor of Cuba, informing him that we had discovered a country havinghouses of stone and lime, where the inhabitants were decently clothed, cultivating maize, and possessing gold; and the fame of our discovery wassoon spread through the island, by the soldiers and mariners who hadreturned from the expedition. On producing the figures and idols which wehad brought over, it was believed that they had been brought to thatcountry by a _Jewish_ colony, flying after the destruction of Jerusalem byTitus and Vespasian[2]. The name of _Yucutan_, which that country wediscovered acquired at this time, was occasioned by the following mistake. _Yuca_ in the language of the country is the name of the plant used in theislands for bread, there named _cazabi_, and _tale_ in the same languagesignifies the heap of earth on which it is planted. When the two prisonerswhom we brought from thence were shewn this plant in Cuba, theyimmediately recognized it, saying _Yucu-tal_, which was supposed tosignify their country, and has ever since been applied by the Spaniards tothat part of America, but pronounced _Yucutan_. They alleged likewise thattheir country produced gold, or at least they were so understood, but thishas since been found not to be the case. All that we soldiers got by thisdiscovery, was to come back poor and wounded, and thankful that we hadsaved our lives, having lost seventy out of our small number during theexpedition. Diego Velasquez wrote an account to his patron, the bishop ofBurgos, of all the particulars of this discovery, and the expences he hadincurred, by which he obtained fame and credit from his majesty; butnothing was said in favour of us poor soldiers, who had expended ourproperty, and risked our lives in the expedition. 

As soon as our wounds were healed, I and two other soldiers, desiring togo to the town of Trinidad, agreed for our passage with an inhabitant ofthe Havanna, who was going there in a canoe to sell a cargo of cotton, forwhich he was to be paid ten crowns in gold. We accordingly embarked withhim, and after coasting along for eleven days, we were driven on shore ina violent gale of wind, near an Indian town named _Canarreon_, the canoebeing dashed to pieces, while we reached the shore with much difficultynaked, bruised, and wounded. We were forced to adopt the clothing of ourfirst parents, and tied sandals to our feet made of bark which we cut fromthe trees with sharp stones, fixing them on by means of the tough flexibleroots of a plant called _bejucos_. Travelling in this sorry plight, wecame in two days to the village of _Yaguarrama_, where _Fray Bartholome delas Casas_ was then parish priest, who was afterwards bishop of _Chiapa_. I went next day to the town of _Chipiona_, belonging to Alonso de Avila, where I got myself decently clothed at the house of a friend namedAntonio de Medina. I then continued my journey to St Jago, where thegovernor, Velasquez, was preparing to fit out another expedition ofdiscovery. Being my relation, as well as governor, I went to wait upon him, when he asked if I was willing to undertake another expedition to Yucutan. I answered, that it ought rather to be called the land of wounds anddisasters. He replied, he knew that we suffered much in the last voyage, but such was often the fate of those who sought fame and honour by newdiscoveries, and that he would take care to inform the king of ourservices, that we might be rewarded according to our merits. "And now, "said he, "my son, if you will try your fortune once more, I will place youin a station where you may reap honour. "

[1] The present voyage of Cordova was in 1517: that of Ponce de Leon in 1512, only five years before. --E. 

[2] Nothing can be more ridiculous than this fancy of the Americans being descended from the Jews: Without stopping to controvert this absurd opinion, it need only be noticed that the Jews, at least after their return from captivity, have uniformly rejected the use of images, even under the severest persecutions; except perhaps in Spain, where the modern Jews are said to worship the Catholic idols with much apparent devotion, to avoid the terrors of the Inquisition. --E. 

SECTION II. 

_Expedition of Juan de Grijalva in 1518_. 

Encouraged by the accounts of the new discoveries which had been made inthe last expedition, Velasquez fitted out a new armament of four ships;two of which had been on the former voyage, and the other two he nowpurchased. This expedition was to be commanded in chief by his relationJuan de Grijalva, under whom Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, andAlonso de Avila were captains, all persons of known bravery, andproprietors of estates in these islands. For this equipment, each captainprovided sailors and provisions, and the governor furnished ships, arms, and other necessaries. The accounts which had been circulated of theriches of the country, especially from the information of Melchior thenative, soon collected a number of unprovided adventurers from thedifferent islands, so that 240 _companions_ speedily engaged for theexpedition, among whom I resolved to try my fortune once more. We eachdeposited a certain stipulated sum, to provide various necessary articlesfor the voyage, and for our use when in the field. The orders given on theoccasion by Velasquez to Grijalva were, to bring back as much gold andsilver as he could procure, and in regard to colonization or settlements, he left him to act according to circumstances as he might think best. Wehad the same pilots as on the former voyage, with a fourth, whose name Ido not remember; Penalosa was our _veedor_, and Juan Diaz our chaplain. The port of Matanzas was chosen as the most convenient rendezvous, as thecolonists had many plantations and flocks of swine in that neighbourhood. 

All our preparations being made, we set sail on the 5th of April 1518, after hearing mass with great devotion, and in ten days doubled the pointof _Guaniguanico_, which the pilots call Cape St Antonio. In eight daysmore we came in sight of the island of _Cozumel_, the currents forcing usfarther down than we had been in our former voyage. On sight of our ships, the natives fled from a town on the island, but our people found two oldmen concealed in a field of maize who were unable to follow the rest. Ourinterpreters, Julianillo and Melchiorejo, whom we had made prisoners inthe former voyage, understood the language of these people, as the islandof Cozumel is only four leagues from their country. Grijalva treated thesepeople well, after which he gave them some presents and dismissed them, being in hopes to induce the natives of the town to return. Some timeafterwards, an Indian woman of a good person and handsome countenancejoined us, who spoke the language of Jamaica, which is the same with thatspoken in Cuba. She told us that she had left Jamaica two years before ina canoe, with her husband and nine other men, intending to fish at certainislands; but the currents had driven them to this place, where the nativessacrificed her husband and all her other companions. Expecting that thiswoman might prevail on the natives to return to the town, Grijalva senther away for that purpose, allowing two days for her return, but she cameback next day, saying that none of them could be prevailed upon to come. At this place, named _Santa Cruz_, we found a great deal of honey in hives, several kinds of vegetables, such as boniatos and potatoes, and many hogsof the country, having their navel on their backs. There are two smallertowns on this island, which we did not visit, being unwilling to lose time. Following the course of Cordova, we arrived in eight days at_Champoton_[1], where we cast anchor a league from the shore, on accountof the water being very shoal at low ebbs. We disembarked with half of oursoldiers close to the town, and the natives remembering their formersuccess against us, attacked us immediately with much military parade. From our former experience, we took care to be well prepared on thisoccasion, and accordingly had our boats armed with falconets[2]. Half ofour men were wounded before we could reach the shore: But having formed onthe beach, and being reinforced by a second disembarkation, we soondefeated them, on which they fled to the marshes; yet we lost three of ourmen, our captain receiving three arrows, and having two of his teethknocked out. On entering the town after the defeat of the natives, wefound it entirely deserted, the inhabitants having likewise removed alltheir effects. We took three prisoners, whom we endeavoured to reconcileby kind usage, and sent them with a message to bring back their countrymen;but they never returned, and we suspected our interpreters of dealingtreacherously so as to counteract our wishes. The field in which we foughtwith these Indians was very stony, and swarmed prodigiously with locusts, and these animals sprung up in such numbers during the action, striking usin the face, that we hardly knew when to raise our shields in our defence, or whether it was locusts or arrows which flew about us, they were somixed together. 

After staying four days in _Champoton_, we pursued our voyage to whatappeared the entrance of a large river; but Alaminos insisted that it wasthe termination of a large island, on which account this inlet was called_Boca de Terminos_. Grijalva went on shore with several officers and aparty of soldiers, to examine the bay and the adjacent country, where theyfound several temples containing idols of clay and wood, some like women, and others like serpents. As the country was quite uninhabited, and wefound many horns of deer at the temples, it was concluded they had beenbuilt for the accommodation of hunters, when they frequented this part ofthe country, which abounded in deer and rabbits. We killed ten of theformer, and many rabbits, by means of a dog we had with us, which we leftbehind us by accident when we reimbarked; but we found him afterwards onthe shore, fat and sleek, when we returned on the expedition with Cortes. Continuing along the coast to the westwards from _Boca de Terminos_, wearrived in three days at another inlet called the river of _Tabasco_, froma cacique in the neighbourhood, but which we named Rio de Grijalva, inhonour of our captain. Finding this inlet shallow, we entered with thevessels of lightest draught of water, in which and our boats we embarkedour whole force; as from seeing numbers of armed Indians in canoes, weconcluded there was a populous town or district hard by, especially as wefound nets with fish in the track by which we entered. On approaching theshore, we heard the noise of felling trees, which we concluded to bepreparations for defence, and we learnt afterwards that the natives wereacquainted with our transactions at Pontonchan. We landed at a point abouthalf a league from the town, close by a grove of palm trees, to whichplace the natives advanced against us in martial order in about fiftycanoes, all painted and prepared for battle. We fortunately addressed themby means of our interpreters, declaring that our intentions were pacific, and invited their chiefs to a conference. On this about thirty Indianslanded, who were presented with beads of coloured glass, and our captainmade the interpreters explain to them, that we came from a distant country, being the servants of a great prince, to whom he advised them to becomesubjects, and besides, that he expected they would give us a supply ofprovisions in return for our beads. Two these men, one a priest andanother a chief, made answer that they would willingly barter with us andgive us provisions, but that they had a sovereign of their own, andadvised us not to repeat the unseasonable demand of submission to ourprince, lest they should attack us as had been done at Pontonchan, havingtwo _xiquipils_ of warriors of 8000 men each: Yet, though confident intheir superior force, they had come to treat with us amicably, and wouldreport our proposal to their chiefs, after which they would bring theirdecision, and inform us whether it was to be peace or war between us. Grijalva embraced them in token of peace, and gave them several strings ofbeads, requesting them to bring a speedy answer, which they promised, andsoon did, assuring us in name of their chiefs, of peace and concord; intoken of which thirty Indians came soon afterwards, loaded with broiledfish, fowls, fruit, bread made of maize, and vessels with lighted coals tofumigate us with certain perfumes. They then spread a mat on the ground, which they covered with a mantle, on which they laid some golden toys madein form of birds and lizards, and three strings of gold beads, desiring usto accept these presents in a friendly manner, being all the gold theycould collect, which did not exceed the value of 200 crowns. They addedthat there was abundance of gold to be had farther west, repeating severaltimes _Mexico_ and _Culua_, words which we did not then understand. Wewere well satisfied with this proof that the country produced gold; and wehastened to quit our present anchorage, as a gale from the north waslikely to happen, and might have proved fatal to the expedition. 

Two days sail from Tabasco, we arrived opposite to a town called_Aguayaluco_, which we named _la Rambla_, where we observed many of theinhabitants armed with shields of tortoise-shell, which the soldiersbelieved to have been gold, from being polished and shining in the sun. Wecame next to the mouth of the river Farole, which we named St Antonio. Whence we continued our course by the mouth of the great river_Coatzacualco_, observing a distant range of high mountains covered withperpetual snow, and others nearer the sea, which we named the ridge of StMartin, as being first noticed by a soldier of that name. At this timeAlvarado discovered a river called _Papaloapan_ by the natives, which wasafterwards called the river of Alvarado, into which he entered, andprocured some fish from the inhabitants of a town named _Tlacotalpan_. Grijalva was much offended by the conduct of Alvarado on this occasion, aswe had to wait three days for his return; and gave pointed orders that noship should separate in future from the squadron without orders, lest anyunforeseen misfortune should happen that could not be remedied byassistance from the rest. From thence, after the return of Alvarado, weproceeded to a river which we named _Vanderas_, because some white bannerswere waved by a number of Indians on the shore, as a signal of invitationfor us to land. 

It is now universally known that the city of Mexico is as large as Venice, and is built in like manner in the water, and also that it is the capitalof a large empire, containing many extensive provinces, then ruled over bya powerful monarch named Montezuma[3], whose thirst for conquest led himto extend the boundaries of the empire in every direction. Having receivedintelligence of our first appearance on this coast under Cordova, and ofthe battle at _Champoton_; that our force was very small, and that ourobject was to procure gold in exchange for articles which we had alongwith us, all of which circumstances had been faithfully communicated tohim by means of paintings transmitted to his residence by expresses; heissued orders, on receiving notice of our second arrival on his coast, toprocure our green glass beads in exchange for gold, as they set greatvalue on these baubles, not knowing they were artificial; and he likewisedirected his officers to make minute inquiries as to our persons andintentions. We have likewise been told that he was greatly influenced inregard to us, by an old tradition or prophesy, by which it was said thatmen were to come from the rising sun who were to acquire the dominion ofhis country. It was in compliance with these orders, that the officers ofMontezuma were now on the coast, and had made signs inviting us to come onshore. Induced by the signals, Grijalva sent a party to land, under thecharge of Montejo, the weather being unusually favourable for the purpose. On landing, we found the governor of the province attended by many natives, having with them a quantity of provisions, such as fowls, bread, pines, sapotes, and other fruit. They were reclining on mats under the shade ofsome trees, and made signs for us to sit down by them, and as on formeroccasions, perfumed us with fragrant gums. On this occasion our wholeintercourse was by signs, as our interpreters from _Cotoche_ in Yucutan, did not understand the Mexican language. Our friendly reception beingreported to Grijalva, he immediately landed with all the rest of thesoldiers, and on his rank being made known to the Indians, he was treatedwith extraordinary respect, which he returned with much politeness, ordering beads and cut glass to be distributed among them, and expressinga desire to obtain gold in return. On this occasion he procured gold invarious articles of workmanship, to the value of 15, 000 crowns. On thisoccasion, also, he made a formal act of possession of these territoriesfor his majesty, under the governor of Cuba; and, having distributed someEuropean shirts among the principal natives, we all returned on board. Wewere accompanied by one of the natives, who was baptized by the name ofFrancisco, whom I saw settled and married at the town of Santa Fe, afterthe conquest of Mexico. 

After remaining six days at this place, we proceeded along the coast, passing a low island about three leagues from the main which we named_Isla blanca_, or the White Island. About a league and a half farther on, we came to a larger island, where Grijalva landed with a party of soldiers. On this island there were two well constructed buildings of stone and lime, having each steps to ascend to the top, on each of which there was analtar placed before certain hideous idols, where were also the bodies offive miserable persons who had been sacrificed the night before, havingtheir hearts cut out, their limbs separated from their bodies, and theirblood sprinkled on the walls and altars. We named this _Isla de losSacrificios_, or Sacrifice Island. We landed on the coast opposite to thisisland, where we built huts for ourselves and remained for some days, expecting the natives to trade with us for gold. Many of them came tovisit us, but they brought very little of that metal, and seemed very shyand timid, on which account we reimbarked and continued our voyage. 

When we arrived at that part of the coast which is opposite the island of_St Juan de Ulua_, where _Vera Cruz_ now stands, we lodged ourselves inhuts on the sand hills, having discovered good anchorage at this place, defended from the north winds. Grijalva, with about thirty of us, wentover to examine the island, where we found a temple containing a large andhideous image of a god called _Tezcatepuca_[4]. We found at this placefour Indian priests in long black mantles, like Dominicans, who had thatday sacrificed two boys, offering up their hearts to that accursed idol. They offered to perfume us with their incense pots, but we were completelydisgusted at the horrible cruelty of their sacrifices, and rejected theirproferred compliment with horror. Our interpreter, who seemed a person ofintelligence, being questioned as to the reason of immolating these humanvictims, said that it was done by order of the Indians of _Culva_ or_Culchua_[5], by which he meant the Mexicans. As he pronounced the word_Ulua_, we named the island _St Juan de Ulua_, which it still bears;partly in compliment to Juan de Grijalva, and partly because this happenedto be St John's Day. We remained seven days at this place, terriblydistressed by mosquitos, during which time we procured an inconsiderablequantity of gold from the natives. Being now quite satisfied that the landwe were on was part of the continent, our wounded men declining in theirhealth, our number being too small for attempting to establish a colony, and our bread growing bad; it was determined to send Alvarado to Cuba fora reinforcement, as Grijalva was exceedingly desirous of making asettlement on the coast, always shewing himself a most valiant officer, quite contrary to what might be supposed from the aspersions thrown uponhis character and conduct by Gomara. In consequence of this determination, Alvarado was sent to Cuba with an account of all our proceedings, and inthe mean time we determined to extend our discoveries as far as possible. 

From the time that our expedition left Cuba, Velasquez was alwaysexceeding anxious about our success, and at length became so uneasy thathe sent a vessel in search of us, commanded by a gallant officer namedChristopher de Oli; who, after sailing for some time in our track, had hisship so much injured in a storm, that he was under the necessity ofreturning to Cuba without being able to procure any intelligencerespecting us. This disappointment added greatly to the anxiety ofVelasquez, from which he was relieved by the arrival of Alvarado. Thedisplay of gold which he produced astonished the governor and all who sawit; and Alvarado was feasted and honoured above measure, as the bearer ofsuch agreeable tidings. The fame of the new and wealthy country which wehad discovered was soon spread abroad and blazoned among the islands, andeven reached to Castile. 

After the departure of Alvarado, we continued our progress of discoveryalong the coast, and passing the mountains of Tusta and Tuspa, weapproached the province of Panuco, which is full of populous towns threeor four leagues from the coast. Farther on, we arrived at the River ofCanoes, so named from the following incident. While at anchor off itsmouth, ten canoes full of Indians made a sudden attack on our smallestship, which Alonzo de Avila commanded, and cut her cable for the purposeof carrying her off, although the people in that ship made a very gallantdefence. But on receiving assistance from the other ships, the enemy wasbeat off with considerable loss. Proceeding farther along the coast, wecame to a very bold cape, which our pilot believed we were unable toweather, on account of a violent adverse current. It was then determinedin a council of the officers to return to the island of Cuba, thoughGrijalva earnestly wished to have established a colony in some eligiblesituation of the coast which we had explored. But in this proposal he wasopposed by the majority, on account of the lateness of the season, thescarcity of provisions, and the hardships we had already undergone. Wetherefore began our voyage back to Cuba, in which we made rapid progress, as we were much assisted by the current; but had to stop at the river_Tonala_, on purpose to repair one of our ships, which struck the groundthree times in going over the bar at the mouth of that river. While weremained here, the natives came to us in a very friendly manner, bringingbread, fish, and fruit, for which we gave them beads and cut glass. On ourdesire of procuring gold being made known in the neighbouring country, theinhabitants of _Guacacualco_ and other places brought us all they had. 

The Indians in this part of the country were all in use to carry smallhatchets of very bright copper, with highly painted handles, intended bothfor ornament and defence. These were mistaken by us for gold, and we wereconsequently eager to purchase them, so that in the course of three dayswe procured about six hundred of them in exchange for green beads. One ofour seamen having procured seven of these, thought he had made his fortune. While at this place, a soldier named Bartholomew Pardo, happened to gointo a temple on the top of a hill, where he found in a chest somecoronets and collars of gold, along with two idols. He secreted the goldfor his own use, but gave the idols to Grijalva; who afterwards learnt thecircumstances of the gold, which he ordered Pardo to surrender, but gaveit back to the poor man, only reserving the fifth for the king, the wholenot exceeding the value of eighty crowns. Being much infested withmosquitos, I used to sleep while here in a temple to avoid theseintolerable insects, near which I sowed seven or eight seeds of orangeswhich I had brought from Cuba. These happened to grow, and being noticedas uncommon plants by the priests of this temple, they took care of them, being the first that ever grew in New Spain. As after the conquest, thisprovince was understood to offer great advantages for settlements, many ofthe principal conquerors chose it for their residence. I was one of thenumber; and on my arrival, I went in search of the produce of my seeds, and finding the young orange trees in a flourishing state, I had themtransplanted, and they throve amazingly well. After our ship was repaired, we set sail for Cuba, leaving the natives very well satisfied with ourbehaviour, and arrived safe in forty-five days. Velasquez was much pleasedwith the gold, which amounted to the value of 20, 000 crowns; but we weremuch laughed at on producing our six hundred copper axes to be assayed. Onthe whole, Velasquez was well satisfied with the conduct of thisexpedition; though he appeared at first displeased with Grijalva, owing tothe unjust aspersions which were thrown upon him by Avila and Montejo. 

After receiving a full account of our voyage, Velasquez sent over hischaplain, Benito Martinez, to make a report of these discoveries to thecourt of Spain, with letters for Fonseca bishop of Burgos his patron, andto the licentiate Juan Zapata, and the secretary Lope Conchillos, both ofwhom were employed in conducting the affairs of the West Indies. Velasquezhad secured a powerful interest with all these three, by assigning themrich districts in the island of Cuba, thus forwarding his own advantage atthe expence of the crown. Martinez was instructed to solicit a commission, authorizing Velasquez to procure gold from the new discovered country, orto make conquests and settlements, as he might see fit; and in this he soeffectually succeeded, that he brought back a commission for Velasquez as_adelantado_ of the island of Cuba, so well pleased was the court with hisconduct in regard to the discoveries, and the proofs which he hadtransmitted of the wealth of those countries which he had discovered. 

[1] This seems the place named Pontonchan in the former voyage. --E. 

[2] These were probably swivel guns mounted on the bows of their boats. --E. 

[3] According to Clavigero, I. 240, the proper name of this Mexican sovereign was Moteuczoma. --E. 

[4] Named Tezcatlipoca by Clavigero, and said to be the god of providence, the soul of the world, and the creator of all things. --E. 

[5] By Clavigero called _Acolhua_, the name given by all the distant inhabitants of the empire to the people of the Vale of Mexico, or Anahuac. --E. 

SECTION III. 

_Commencement of the Expedition of Hernando Cortes for the Conquest ofMexico, in 1518_. 

Anxious to prosecute the advantages derivable from the discoveries made byGrijalva, Velasquez used the utmost efforts in providing a new and morepowerful armament. For this purpose, he collected ten ships at the port ofSt Jago, four of which had been on the former expedition, and suppliedthem with such provisions as could be procured in that place, intending tocomplete their equipment at the Havanna. Velasquez was greatly at a lossin his choice of a commander for the new expedition, and several wererecommended to him for this purpose. Among these was Vasco Procalla, agentleman of high rank, and related to the Conde de Feria; but thegovernor was afraid to trust a person of his bold character, lest he mightrevolt, as had been already done by several dependent leaders ofexpeditions. In this state of uncertainty, several relations of thegovernor were talked of as candidates for the office, such as AugustinVermudez, Antonio Velasquez Borrego, and Bernardino Velasquez, but oftheir chances, or the reasons of their rejection, we were not informed. All the soldiers, however, were disposed to have Grijalva for their chief. While matters were in this state of uncertainty, Andres de Duero, who wassecretary to the governor, and Amador de Lares, the royal _contador_ inCuba, entered into a private agreement with Hernando Cortes to recommendhim to Velasquez for the command of the intended expedition. Cortes was arespectable gentleman of good birth, a native of Medelin in Estremadura, the son of Martin Cortes de Monroy, by Catalina Pizarro de Altamirano, whowere both _hidalgos_ of the best families in the province, though poor, and had acquired a considerable property in the island of Cuba, where hehad been twice raised to the office of alcalde. He had lately marriedDonna Catalina Suarez de Pacheco, the daughter of Diego Suares de Pachecoof Merida, by Maria de Mercaida of Biscay; through which marriage he hadexperienced much trouble, having been frequently confined by order ofVelasquez. The two officers before mentioned, who enjoyed the intimateconfidence of the governor, made an agreement with Cortes to procure theappointment for him, for which they were to receive an equal division ofthe treasure procured from the expedition out of his share, as thecommission was intended to extend no farther than the procurement of goldby barter, without any power of settlement or colonization. For thispurpose they took every opportunity of praising Cortes to Velasquez, andvouching for his fidelity, so that they at length succeeded in procuringthe appointment for him; and as it belonged to the secretary to draw itout in due form, we may be sure that its conditions were sufficientlyfavourable. 

On this appointment being communicated to the public, it gave satisfactionto some, but greatly displeased others, who used every endeavour tocommunicate their dissatisfaction to the governor, particularly by thefollowing device: When the governor was going on a Sunday to mass, accompanied by the most respectable people of the town and neighbourhood, he placed Cortes on his right hand, on purpose to shew respect to theperson he had chosen for an expedition of such high importance. There wasat this time one Cervantes at St Jago, a kind of buffoon, generally calledmad Cervantes, who used to assume great liberty of speech under pretenceof idiocy. This man ran before the governor all the road to church, shouting out many absurdities, saying among others, "Huzza for my masterDon Diego, who will soon lose his fleet, and huzza for his new captain;"besides many similar expressions, all having a tendency to awakensuspicion in Velasquez. Andrew de Duero, who was present, beat him andordered him to be silent, but he persisted so much the more, saying, "Iwill dismiss my old master, and follow the fortune of Cortes. " This manwas certainly hired by the relations of Velasquez, who wished theappointment for some of themselves, that they might instil jealousy intothe mind of the governor, but all to no purpose; yet all that was nowuttered under the semblance of folly, turned out true in the end. 

Immediately on receiving his commission, Cortes used the utmost activityin preparing for the expedition; and though already much embarrassed withdebts, through his own extravagance and the expensive dress andestablishment of his wife, he procured the advance of 4000 crowns in moneyand as much in goods, on the security of his estate, from Jeronymo Triaand Pedro de Xeres, two merchants, who considered him as rising in theworld, and a favourite of fortune. He now dressed and appeared in greaterstate than formerly, wearing a plume of feathers and a gold medal in hiscap, and erected a standard of velvet embroidered with gold before hishouse, embellished with the royal arms and a cross, and with a Latin mottoto this effect: "_Brothers, follow the cross in faith; for under itsguidance we shall conquer_. "

Though Benito Martinez had not yet returned from Castile with the royalcommission, it was proclaimed by sound of trumpet and beat of drum, thatall who entered for the present expedition should have their share in whatgold might be procured, and should have ample grants of land as soon asthe intended conquest was effected. In consequence of these promises, andby the influence of Cortes, volunteers quickly offered themselves fromevery quarter. So great was the enthusiasm to engage in the expedition, that people were everywhere eager to sell their lands to enable them topurchase horses and arms. In every quarter people were seen busy inpreparing quilted-cotton armour, making bread, and salting pork for seastores. Above 300 volunteers assembled at St Jago, among whom I was, andseveral of the principal persons belonging to the family of the governorentered into our fraternity; among these were Diego de Ordas, his firstmajor domo, who was employed as a spy on the actions of Cortes, of whomVelasquez already entertained jealousy. The other companions of ourexpedition from the household of the governor were F. De Morla, Escobar, Heredia, Ruano, Escudero, and Ramos de Lares, besides many other adherentsof the governor. 

Knowing that Cortes was much dissatisfied with Velasquez on account ofcertain circumstances respecting his marriage, and greatly envying hisgood fortune in being chosen to command the expedition, the relations ofVelasquez continued to exert their utmost efforts to get the commissionrevoked. But Cortes, who was well aware of all their practices, continuedcarefully to make his court to the governor, appearing entirely devoted tohis service. He was likewise informed by Duero that the governor began tohesitate respecting his appointment, owing to the importunaterepresentations of his relations, and was advised to exert every possibleexertion in completing his preparations. He left in charge therefore, thecare of providing many things that were necessary for the expedition, tohis lady, with directions to have them forwarded; and having summoned allthe captains, masters, pilots, and soldiers to embark, he went to take hisleave of the governor, accompanied by his friends Duero and Lares. After along confidential conference, the governor and general parted with muchpoliteness, and the strongest assurances of mutual friendship. Nextmorning the governor accompanied him to his ship, and we set sailimmediately for Trinidad, where we arrived in a few days. This place wasat that time inhabited by several opulent and respectable gentlemen, whoreceived us all with much hospitality, but were particularly attentive toour general. He planted the royal standard in front of his quarters atthis town, and made a proclamation, inviting volunteers to join theexpedition, in consequence of which, several wealthy persons ofrespectable families now joined, among whom were the Alvarados and Alonzode Avila. We were here joined also by Alonzo Hernandez de Portocarrero, cousin to the Conde de Medelin, Juan Velasquez de Leon, a relation to thegovernor, Rodrigo Rangel, Gonzalo Lopez de Ximena, and his brother JuanLopez. These gentlemen joined us in a body, and were received by adischarge of artillery, and every mark of joy and respect, as due to theirrank and respectability. We procured a supply of provisions from theestates of these volunteers, and the number of our companions increaseddaily, but horses were scarce and dear. Cortes sold some of his goldenornaments to enable him to buy a horse for his friend Portocarrero, whohad not the means of procuring one for himself. About this time likewiseJuan Sedeno arrived from Santi Spiritus with a cargo of provisions, andCortes bought both ship and cargo upon credit, the owner enrolling himselffor the expedition. 

The relations of Velasquez still continued to use their influence to makehim jealous of Cortes, and to supersede him in the command, even employingone Juan Millan, an astrologer who was reputed mad, to represent thatCortes would assuredly endeavour to be revenged for having been imprisonedby the governor. They represented his sudden departure from St Jago, as anindication of evil designs, and even began to suspect the secretassociation with the secretary and contador. Velasquez was at last wonover by these repeated importunities, and sent two confidential persons tohis brother-in-law, Francisco Verdugo, who was alcalde major of Trinidad, directing him to deprive Cortes of the command of the fleet and army, asVasco Porcallo was appointed in his place; and he sent orders to the samepurpose to Diego de Ordas, Francisco de Morla, and his other relations andconfidents. But Cortes, who was secretly informed of all these proceedingsby his friends Duero and Lares, exerted himself so effectually by promisesand otherwise, as to bring over all on whom Velasquez relied to his owninterest, and Diego de Ordas especially, who used every argument withVerdugo to disobey the orders of the governor, representing the dangerwhich would arise from using violence, as Cortes possessed the entireconfidence of the troops. Cortes had such talents for gaining friends, that he even prevailed on Pedro Lasso to enrol himself under his command, though one of the messengers who carried the orders of Velasquez. Corteswrote to the governor by the other messenger, giving the strongestassurances, of his fidelity and attachment, and earnestly entreating himnot to listen to the calumnies of his enemies, or the ridiculouspredictions of the old fool Millan the astrologer. During twelve days thatwe remained at Trinidad, every exertion was made in preparing for ourdeparture; and among others, all the smiths in the place were employed inmaking arrow-heads for our cross-bows, and Cortes engaged them all toaccompany the expedition. Leaving Trinidad, the fleet was ordered to sailfor the Havanna by the south course, except one ship under Juan deEscalente, which was sent by the northern course. Such of the companionsas chose, were allowed to march by land for the Havanna, under the commandof Alvarado, of which permission I and fifty more availed ourselves, having to pick up several volunteers who were expected to join fromdifferent settlements that lay on our route. All the ships arrived safe atthe Havanna, except that in which Cortes was embarked, and we who marchedby land were there seven days before we could learn what had become of ourcommander. We were afraid his ship had been lost among the shoals of _LosJardines_, and it was proposed to send three ships in search of him: Butthere was no one to command, and factious disputes arose about the choiceof a lieutenant or substitute during his absence, in which intrigues Diegode Ordas was particularly busy. At length Cortes arrived, his ship havinggrounded on a shoal, but fortunately near the shore, so that they got heroff by lightening her of part of her cargo. 

Cortes took his quarters at the Havanna in the house of Pedro Barba, whocommanded there for Velasquez, erecting his standard, and beating up forvolunteers. He was here joined by Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Soto, Angula, Garci Caro, Sebastian Rodriquez, Gutierrez, Rojas, not he commonlycalled the wealthy, a lad named Santa Clara, two brothers named LosMartinez de Frexenal, and Juan, de Najara, not the deaf man of the tenniscourt in Mexico. These were all men of quality, besides whom there weremany others whose names I do not now remember. Diego de Ordas was sent tothe governors estate at Guaniguanico, to procure a farther supply of breadand bacon, and to wait there till he received farther orders, on purposeto keep him out of the way, as Cortes knew he had shewn himself adverse tohis interest while he was absent. The artillery, consisting of ten brassfield-pieces and four falconets, were brought on shore to inspect andcomplete its equipment, and placed under the charge of four gunners, namedMeza, Arbenga, Catalan, and Usagre. The cross-bows were ordered to beinspected, all their cords, nuts, and arrows to be put in complete order, and the range of each to be ascertained by shooting at a match. As cottonwas to be had in plenty at this place, the soldiers provided themselveswith good quilted jackets. Cortes now assumed great state in hisdeportment and the establishment of his household, appointing a steward, chamberlain, and major-domo. He ordered stalls and mangers to be fitted upin the ships for the horses, and stores of maize and hay to be taken onboard for their use. Horses were at that time scarce and dear in Cuba, andour whole stock amounted to fifteen, besides the horse belonging to thegeneral, which died at St Juan de Ulua[1]. 

Velasquez was exceedingly angry with Verdugo for neglecting to obey theorders he had sent him, and reproached the secretary and contador withhaving imposed upon him in regard to the character of the general. He nowrenewed his endeavours to deprive Cortes of the command, sending orders byone Garnica to Pedro Barba, to prevent the fleet from sailing, and toarrest Cortes. Garnica likewise brought letters from the governor forOrdas and Velasquez de Leon, ordering and entreating them to concur withBarba in these measures; but Ordas had been judiciously sent out of theway, and de Leon was now gained over by Cortes. All the rest of us, evenBarba the lieutenant-governor of the Havanna, were entirely devoted to theinterest of our general, who was fully aware of all that was intendedagainst him, as Garnica brought letters from a friar who resided with thegovernor, to our chaplain de Olmedo, by which Duero and Lares sentintelligence of all the schemes of Velasquez. Barba wrote back to thegovernor, that Cortes was so beloved by the troops, that he durst notexecute the orders he had received; being assured that any such attemptwould occasion the destruction of the town, and that all the inhabitantswould go along with Cortes. The general wrote likewise to Velasquez, repeating his assurance of perfect devotion to his service, and intimatedthat he meant to sail the next day. 

The fleet sailed from the Havanna on the 10th February 1519, for theisland of Cozumel[2]. The ship in which I was, commanded by Alvarado, wasdirected to proceed by the north, with orders to wait for the fleet atCape St Antonio, and Diego de Ordas had similar directions; but our pilotneglected these instructions, and proceeded directly for Cozumel, where weaccordingly arrived two days before the rest. As soon as we came to anchor, our whole party landed and went to the town of Cozumel, which was desertedby all its inhabitants. We then went to another place, whence likewise theinhabitants fled on our approach, but we found a quantity of fowls, andsome idols, with toys and ornaments of much alloyed gold in a temple nearthe town, with which booty we returned to the town of Cozumel. By thistime Cortes and his whole fleet were arrived, and he immediately put ourpilot, Comacho, in irons for disobeying his orders. He likewisereprimanded Alvarado for taking the property of the natives, which he saidwas a bad way of proceeding, as the people ought on no account to be illused, and immediately ordered two men and a woman whom we had madeprisoners to be brought before him. By means of our interpreter Melchorejo, he desired these people to recal the natives to their habitations, withassurance of perfect safety, ordering all the articles taken away to bereturned, and paid them in beads and trinkets for the fowls which we hadeaten. Giving each of the people a shirt, he dismissed them; and so wellsatisfied were the inhabitants with this conciliatory behaviour, that thechief and all the inhabitants of the place returned next day, and mixedamong us with perfect familiarity. During the three days which we remainedat this place, Cortes made a review of his troops, which amounted to 508, besides the seamen. We had sixteen horsemen, eleven ships large and small, including a brigantine belonging to one Nortes, thirteen musketeers, thirty-two cross-bows, ten brass field-pieces, four falconets, and plentyof ammunition. On this occasion, he appointed Francisco de Orocza, anexperienced soldier who had served in Italy, captain of the artillery, andstrictly enjoined him and the gunners to keep their guns always inexcellent order. From this time our general took the command in goodearnest, and always used the utmost vigilance in every thing relative tothe service on which we were engaged; and the grace of God enabled him tosucceed in all his undertakings. 

Cortes sent at this time for me and one Martin Ramos, who had been on theformer voyages, inquiring our opinion respecting the word _Castillano_, which was so often repeated by the Indians of Cotoche when we accompaniedCordova, saying he was convinced it had allusion to some Spaniards whowere in that country. The native chiefs, and some Indian merchants whowere then in Cozumel, confirmed this opinion, assuring us that they hadseen and spoken to them only a few days before. Being anxious to relievethese men, and being informed what ransom was expected, he amply providedthese native merchants for the purpose, and sent them with letters forthese Spanish captives. He likewise sent two of our smallest vessels, under the command of Diego de Ordas, with twenty musketeers and cross-bows;directing one of these ships to remain eight days at Cape Cotoche, waitingthe return of the messengers, while the other was to return with a reportof the proceedings. The place where the Spaniards were said to live at wasonly about four leagues from Cape Cotoche, and Cortes sent a letter by theIndian messengers, requesting these captive Christians to join him. Theships with the Indian merchants crossed the gulf to Cotoche, and theletters were delivered two days afterwards to one of these Spaniards, Jeronimo de Aguilar, together with beads for his ransom. Jeronimoimmediately procured his liberty, and then went to his companion incaptivity, Alonso Guerrero, whom he solicited to go along with him; but he, having a wife and children, could not be prevailed upon to desert them;and so much time had been lost in this fruitless attempt, that whenJeronimo came with the Indian messengers to the coast, the ships hadalready sailed, having waited one day beyond the eight, so that Aguilarwas forced to return to his master. 

There was a temple in the island of Cozumel containing some hideous idols, to which the Indians used often to repair in solemn procession. Observingthe courts of this temple to be filled with Indians one morning, many ofus were excited by curiosity to go among them to observe their ceremonies. We found them burning odoriferous resins, as we do incense; after which anold priest, clad in a large loose gown or mantle, went up to the highestpart of the temple, whence he made a long discourse to the people. Corteswas present on this occasion, and questioned Melchorejo respecting thepurport of the old mans harangue: After which he convened the nativechiefs, and explained to them as well as he could, partly by signs andpartly by means of his interpreter, that they worshipped devils whichwould draw their souls to hell; and that, if they wished to preserve ourfriendship, they must destroy their accursed idols, and plant the holycross of the Lord, through which they would procure good harvests and thesalvation of their souls. The priests and chiefs answered, that theyworshipped the gods of their forefathers, and if we attempted to injurethem, their gods would destroy us in the sea. But Cortes desired us tothrow the idols down the steps of the temple, and sending for lime, ofwhich there was plenty in the island, the Indian masons built by ourdirection a very handsome altar, on which an image of the Holy Virgin wasplaced, and a crucifix was erected in a small chapel or oratory close tothe altar. After these preparations were completed, the mass wascelebrated in great order by the reverend Father Juan Diaz[3], to whichceremony the chiefs, priests, and natives all listened with greatattention. 

Cortes now regulated the order of our fleet, appointing captains for allthe ships, of which the following is a list. The admirals ship wascommanded in person by Cortes, and the others as follow: Alvarado, Puertocarrero, Montejo, de Oli[4], Ordas, Velasquez de Leon, Escalente, deMorla, Escobar, and Nortes. Pilots were appointed for all the ships, nightsignals were agreed upon, and every captain received a copy of the sailingorders and instructions. All things being properly regulated, and havingtaken a friendly leave of the natives, who promised to take great care ofthe altar and crucifix, and presented Cortes with some fowls and honey, weset sail from the island of Cozumel, in the beginning of March 1519. Whenwe had only proceeded a few hours on our voyage, we learned by asignal-gun that the ship of Juan de Escalente, in which the bread of thewhole fleet was embarked, was in imminent danger, having sprung a leak. This forced us to return to Cozumel, where the Indians gave us everyassistance, bringing their canoes to take out the lading of the vessel;and we had the satisfaction to find, that so far from injuring our altarand crucifix, they had placed incense before them. 

On hearing of our return to Cozumel, the Indian messengers and Aguilarhired a canoe in which they crossed the gulf and joined us. Aguilar on hisarrival was hardly to be distinguished from one of the natives, his colourwas so dark, and he was even marked like them, being dressed in some oldrags on his shoulders and round his waist, carrying an oar or paddle inhis hand, and the remnant of an old prayer-book tied in a bundle on hisback. He had almost forgot the use of his native tongue, and in cominginto the presence of the general, he squatted down on his hams like hiscompanions, so that no one knew which was the Spaniard. At lengthannouncing himself, he was provided with proper clothes, and gave thefollowing account of himself. He was a native of Ecija, and had beenordained for the church; but had been wrecked eight years before, while ona voyage from Darien to Hispaniola. He and his companions endeavoured toreach Cuba or Jamaica in their boat, but were drifted by the current onthe coast, where the chiefs of the country had reduced them to slavery. Many had been sacrificed, others had died of disease, and two women whowere with them had soon sunk under hard labour. Aguilar had at one timebeen doomed to be sacrificed, but had made his escape to a cacique withwhom he had remained ever since, and of the whole who had escaped from thewreck, he and Guerrero were only now alive. He knew little of the country, having never been farther than four leagues from the coast, being employedin procuring wood and water, and digging in the maize fields. He said thatGuerrero exactly resembled the Indians, by whom he was considered as abrave man; and that, about a year before[5], when three ships were on thecoast, he had planned the attack on the Spaniards, and even led the Indianwarriors in person; on which account Cortes regretted much that he had notbeen able to get hold of him. Aguilar was well used by the inhabitants ofCozumel, who gave him plenty of provisions; in return for which heexhorted them to continue in our holy faith, and advised them to getletters of protection from Cortes, in case of any Spanish ship arriving ontheir coast, which was granted, and became afterwards of great use. 

The fleet, put to sea again on the 4th of March, and was separated by astorm that same night; but they all joined again next day, except thatwhich was commanded by Velasquez de Leon, on which Cortes made for acertain bay, where as the pilot expected, that ship had taken shelter fromthe storm. At this place several of our company landed, and found fourtemples in a neighbouring town, containing many female idols, on whichaccount the place was named _Punta de Las Mugeres_, or Cape Women. Aguilarinformed the general that he had been once sent to this place with somegoods, the place where he resided being only about four leagues distant, and that the residence of Guerrero was not far off. He added that thiscountry produced a small quantity of gold, and that he was willing toserve as a guide if our general thought proper to send a party on shore. But Cortes said that his object was not in search of trifles, but to serveGod and the king in an effectual manner. Our general here ordered Escobarto examine the _Boca de Terminos_, and, as the fleet was at this timeseparated, to leave beacons or directions on the coast for the directionof the other ships, or to cruize off that inlet till the missing shipsshould arrive; for he was led to believe this a favourable place for thesettlement of a colony, from the description of the harbour, and theabundance of game which was reported to be in its neighbourhood. OnEscobar landing at this place, he found the greyhound left by Grijalva onthe shore, which was accordingly taken on board; but when the rest of thefleet arrived, as Escobars ship had been forced out to sea by a stronggale from the south, she was not to be found. We found, however, a letteron shore, in which Escobar gave a minute account of the state of thisharbour, representing the country in a favourable point of view; and wehad the good fortune to rejoin his ship next day. We were now off thepoint of _Pontonchan_, the natives of which place Cortes and many of uswere much inclined to punish for their conduct in the two formerexpeditions. But this was strongly objected to by the pilots, because thecoast was extremely shallow, insomuch that our vessels could not comenearer the land than two leagues, on which account we continued our voyageto the river of Grijalva, or Tabasco[6], where we arrived on the 13th ofMarch 1519. Being aware that the mouth of this river was too shallow forships of large burthen, those of light draught were selected, in which, and the boats, our troops proceeded towards the shore, and were landed atPoint _Palmares_, about half a league from the Indian town of Tabasco. 

The sides of this river were covered with mangrove trees, among which weremany canoes filled with armed Indians, above 12, 000 warriors beingassembled in the town of Tabasco, which at that time enjoyed an extensivedominion over the neighbouring country. We who had been formerly receivedat this place in a friendly manner, were astonished at the presentappearance of hostilities; but we learned afterwards, that theneighbouring nations of Pontonchan and Lazarus, as we called it, hadreproached the timidity of the Tabascans for receiving us amicably, instead of falling upon us as they had done, and they had resolved, therefore, to take the present opportunity of regaining their character. On perceiving these demonstrations of hostility, Cortes desired Aguilar toinquire the reason from some native chiefs who were passing near us in acanoe, and to inform them that they would have sore cause to repent anyhostilities they might attempt against us. In reply, they threatened toput us all to death if we dared to come near their town, which wasfortified with parapets and palisades. Aguilar then desired an interviewbetween their chiefs and our general, saying that he had matters of highimportance, and of a holy nature to inform them of, and requestedpermission to supply our fleet with wood and water: But they only repeatedtheir former threats. Seeing no other alternative but retreat or war, Cortes ordered three guns to be placed in each vessel, and divided themusketeers and cross-bows among them. We who had been here beforerecollected a narrow path which led from the point of Palmares, throughsome marshes and across several brooks to the town of Tabasco, of which weinformed Cortes; who accordingly detached early next morning 100 soldiersunder Alonzo de Avila, with orders to march into the rear of the town bythat path; and, as soon as he heard the discharge of artillery, he was toattack the town on that side, while the main body did the same on theother side. Cortes then proceeded up the river with the vessels, intendingto disembark as near as possible to the town; and as soon as the enemy sawus approaching, they sallied out in their canoes from among the mangroves, and a vast multitude collected against us at the place where we meant toland, making a prodigious noise of trumpets, horns, and drums. Beforecommencing the attack, Cortes ordered Diego de Godoy, a royal notary, tomake a formal demand of liberty to supply ourselves with wood and water, and to listen to what we had to communicate in the service of GOD and ourking, protesting that in case of violence, they should be held responsiblefor all the mischief that might follow. But, after all this was explainedto them, they remained inflexibly determined to oppose us. They made thesignal with their drums to commence a general attack, and immediatelyassailed us with a flight of arrows. They then closed round us in theircanoes, fighting with lances and bows and arrows, and we had greatdifficulty to force our way to the shore, fighting up to our middles inthe water, and struggling to extricate ourselves from deep mud, in whichCortes lost one of his buskins, and had to land barefooted. As soon as wegot on dry ground, Cortes placed himself at our head, calling out _StJago_, and we fell upon the enemy with great violence, whom we forced toretreat within some circular entrenchments which they had constructed oflarge timber. We soon drove them from these works, and made our way intothe town by certain small gateways, forcing them before us up the mainstreet to a second barricade, where they withstood us manfully, callingout _al calachioni_, or _kill the captain_. While engaged at thisbarricade, de Avila and the party which had marched from Point Palmares, came up very opportunely to our assistance. He had been much retarded inhis march, as he had to break down several barricades in the path throughthe marsh, so that he now arrived at the critical moment, for we too hadbeen detained a considerable time in making the formal summons by thenotary. We now drove the enemy before us, fighting manfully and neverturning their backs, to a large enclosed court, in which were threeidol-houses and several large halls. They had here collected all theirmost valuable effects, and made a brave resistance at this last post, butwere at last obliged to evacuate it also. 

Cortes now ordered the troops to halt, not thinking it prudent to pursuethe natives. Having called us together in the area of this enclosure, hetook formal possession of the country for his majesty, and giving threecuts with his sword into a great _ceiba_ tree which grew beside him, hedeclared himself ready to defend and maintain his majesty's right ofsovereignty against all gainsayers. This step was generally approved ofamong us, yet it gave cause of secret murmurs among those who wereattached to Velasquez, as his name was not mentioned in the act ofpossession, which was formally recorded and witnessed by a royal notary. In the course of this action, fourteen of our soldiers were wounded, amongwhom I had a slight wound. Of the enemy eighteen were found dead. Havingposted strong guards, we took up our quarters here for the night. Next day, Alvarado was detached with 100 men to reconnoitre the country for twoleagues round our post; and on seeking Melchorejo to attend as interpreter, he was discovered to have deserted during the night, leaving his clothesbehind. A second detachment of equal strength was sent in a differentdirection under Francisco de Lugo, who had not gone far when he wasattacked by several large bodies of the enemy so furiously that he wasobliged to fall back, which he did in perfect order, sending aswift-running Indian of Cuba to quarters to procure succour. Alvarado, whohad advanced about a league from the town, was obliged to change thedirection of his march by a river or creek, by which means he came withinhearing of the musketry, and of the instruments and shouts of the Indianswho were engaged with Lugo, and immediately hastened to his relief. Thesetwo united were able to repulse the enemy, and made good their retreat tothe town; where we too were attacked by large bodies of the Indians, whomwe soon obliged to retreat by means of our muskets and cross-bows, and thesuperiority of our good swords. Receiving intelligence that hisdetachments were hard pressed by the enemy, Cortes now sallied out withall of us who could carry arms, and met our companions on their retreatabout half a league from the town. Two soldiers of the detachmentbelonging to Lugo were slain in this battle, and eleven were wounded. Webrought in three prisoners, one of whom appeared to be a chief, by whom wewere informed that Melchorejo had advised them to harrass us by continualattacks, day and night, as our numbers were few, and they would be sure todestroy us in the end. The native who gave us this information was sentoff with an amicable message to his countrymen, but he never returned; andAguilar was informed by the other natives, that the whole warriors of thecountry were collecting to attack us. 

Understanding the formidable preparations which were making to attack us, Cortes ordered all the wounded men who were able to march to stand totheir arms, and brought the horses on shore, which were very dull andspiritless at first, but recovered themselves in the course of the day. Several of our ablest young men were at this time taken ill with aweakness in their loins, by which they were unable to stand, owing, it wassupposed to the sudden change in their way of living, and to the weight oftheir arms in very hot weather. These were sent on board ship. The horseswere distributed among the best riders, and each horse was provided with abreast-plate hung with bells. He likewise directed his small body ofcavalry, while engaged with the enemy, to point their lances at the facesof the natives, and on no account to stop for the purpose of makingthrusts, but always to ride straight onwards, bearing down all before them. Of this body he took the command in person for the approaching battle, being twelve in all besides himself. The infantry were placed under thechief command of Diego de Ordas, the artillery under the charge of Mesa, and the colours were carried by Antonio de Villareal. The army thusarranged, marched out early in the morning of Lady-day, 25th March, afterhearing mass, and proceeded to the plain of _Cintia_[7], where the enemyawaited us, our cavalry making a detour to avoid some marshy ground, andon purpose to gain the rear of the enemy. After marching about a league, we saw the enemy advancing towards us in the plain, making a vast noise oftrumpets, horns, and drums. They wore plumes of feathers on their heads, having their faces painted black, red, and white, all wearing defensivearmour of quilted cotton with large shields, and bearing lances, two-handed swords or maces, darts, large bows and arrows, and slings. Their numbers covered the whole plain, and they immediately rushedforwards to the attack, wounding above seventy of our soldiers at thefirst discharge of their arrows, and one man named Saldana, was slainoutright by an arrow which pierced him under the ear. They closed upon uswith great bravery, fighting us hand to hand, while we maintained ourground with firmness, using our cannon, muskets, cross-bows, and swordsas well as we could. After some time, they drew off a little, but in thisthey had rather the advantage by means of their bows and arrows, thoughour cannon made vast havock among their crowded bodies, which were at sucha distance as enabled our gunners to fire among them to the greatestpossible advantage. At every discharge of the cannon, they shouted, whistled, and sounded all their warlike instruments, calling out _lala!lala_! and throwing straw and dust in the air, as if to prevent our seeingthe destruction produced among them by our artillery. I advised de Ordasto close with the enemy, which he objected to, saying that theyoutnumbered us thirty for one; yet we did advance, and as they wished toavoid encountering our sharp swords, they inclined towards a marsh. Wewere all this time exceedingly anxious for the arrival of Cortes and thecavalry, being afraid that he had met with some disaster; and were atlength rejoiced when we saw him approaching to our relief on the rear ofthe Indians, who were so entirely occupied in their attack on us that theydid not perceive him till he came dashing among them. The ground was quitelevel and open, most of the horses strong and active, and the riders braveand expert; so that they charged through among the crowded Indians inevery direction, and we renewed our efforts to make them give way, encouraged by this seasonable assistance. The Indians were astonishedbeyond measure at this novel and unexpected attack, believing the horseand rider to be one strange ferocious animal, and instantly fled into theadjacent woods and marshes, leaving the field of battle to us. 

Cortes informed us after the battle, that his march had been much retardedby bad ground, and by the attacks of some detached bodies of the enemy, who had wounded five of his men and eight horses. Being thus victorious, the cavalry dismounted, and we assembled under a grove of trees, where wegave thanks to GOD and his blessed mother for our victory. A town wasafterwards founded on the field of battle, named _Santa Maria dellaVittoria_[8], in memory of this victory. After binding up our wounds andthose of the horses, which we dressed with _the fat of dead Indians_, weexamined the field of battle, where we found upwards of 800 of the enemydead or dying of their wounds, the slain being particularly numerous wherethe cavalry had charged. After burying two of our soldiers, one of whomwas killed by a wound in the ear, and the other by one in the throat, weretired to our quarters at Tabasco towards evening, where we eat oursuppers, and having placed sufficient guards, we went to sleep. 

Gomara relates that in this battle, previous to the arrival of Cortes withthe cavalry, one of the holy apostles, either St Jago or Peter, appearedon a dapple-grey horse under the semblance of Francisco de Morla. All ourvictories were assuredly guided by the hand of the Lord Jesus Christ; butif this were the case, I, a poor sinner, was not worthy to be permitted tosee it, neither was it seen by any of our army, above 400 in number. Icertainly saw Francisco de Morla along with Cortes, but he rode a chesnuthorse that day. We certainly were bad Christians indeed, if, according tothe account of Gomara, GOD sent one of his holy apostles to fight at ourhead, and we ungratefully neglected to give thanks for so great a mercy:But, till I read the chronicle of Gomara, I never heard of this miracle, neither was it ever mentioned by any of the conquerors who were present inthe battle. 

In the battle we took only five prisoners, two of whom appeared to bechiefs. These were kindly treated by Cortes, who exhorted them by means ofAguilar to induce their countrymen to enter into terms of peace andfriendship with us; and having given them a number of beads and artificialdiamonds, he set them at liberty. These Indians faithfully executed thecommission with which they were entrusted; insomuch that the chiefsimmediately sent fifteen Indians, in wretched habits, and with their facesblackened in token of contrition, and bearing a present of fowls, roastedfish, and maize, Cortes received them with kindness; but Aguilar spoke tothem sharply, saying that we were disposed to treat with the chiefs, andnot with slaves. Next day thirty natives of rank came in good dresses withanother present, and begged permission to bury their dead, that they mightnot be eaten by lions and tigers[9]. This was immediately granted, andthey proceeded to bury and inter the slain. On the following day, tenchiefs arrived in great ceremony in rich dresses, who respectfully salutedCortes and the rest of us, fumigating us with fragrant gums; after whichthey asked pardon for their hostilities, and promised to behave well forthe future. Cortes told them with a severe countenance, that they deserveddeath for having rejected our former offers of peace; but that Don Carlos, our great sovereign, had ordered us to favour them in all things if theywould now deserve it by peace and submission, and they might be sure tofeel the effects of our vengeance if they again revolted. He then ordereda cannon to be fired off, the noise of which, and the effects of its ballamong the adjoining woods, filled them with terror, as they believed it tobe some terrible living creature. The most spirited of our horses was thenbrought before them, so managed as to display his fierceness and action tothe best advantage, which impressed the natives with astonishment and awe. Shortly after twenty Indians arrived, who were loaded with provisions forour use; and after a long conference, the chiefs took leave of Cortes andwithdrew, much satisfied with their visit. We were visited on thefollowing day by many chiefs of the neighbouring districts, who broughtwith them presents of golden toys in various shapes; some like human faces, and others in the shape of various animals, as lizards, dogs, and ducks. They presented at the same time three diadems or coronets, and two piecesof gold resembling the sole of a shoe or sandal, with some other articlesof small value, as also some very large mantles. But the present which weconsidered as most valuable, was twenty women; among whom was theexcellent _Donna Marina_, so called after her baptism. Cortes thanked thechiefs for the presents, but told them that the most certain sign of peacewould be the return of the inhabitants to the town, which he desired mightbe in two days; and this was done accordingly. He likewise exhorted themto renounce their idolatry, explaining the mysteries of our holy faith, especially those parts of it which are represented by the cross, and theimage of the holy virgin. They gave a ready assent to this, the caciquesdeclaring their admiration of the _Tecleciquata_, which signifies _thegreat princess_ in their language. 

The chiefs excused their late hostilities, alleging that they had beeninstigated to attack us by the cacique of Champoton, and by ourinterpreter Melchoreja who had deserted. Cortes was anxious to have thisman delivered up to him, but was told that he had fled; we learnedafterwards that he had been sacrificed. On being questioned whence theyprocured their gold, they answered that it came from the west, frequentlyrepeating _Culchua_ and _Mexico_, words we did not then understand; but aninterpreter, named Franciso, who had been along with Grijalva, though hedid not understand the language of Tabasco, said that he knew Culchua, which he alleged lay far inland. On the day following, having erected acrucifix and built an altar, the name of Tabasco was changed to that of_Santa Maria de la Vittoria_; and on this occasion, the twenty Indianwomen who had been presented to Cortes by the chiefs were baptized by ourchaplain, Olmedo, who preached to them many good things of our holy faith, Aguilar serving as interpreter. Cortes gave one of these women to each ofhis captains. These were the first Christian women in New Spain. 

The young native who was baptised by the name of Donna Marina was a womanof high rank, which she shewed in her and appearance, of a beautifulperson and countenance, a quick genius and high spirit, and rendered veryessential services in the sequel of our expedition. She was a native ofthe village of _Painalla_, in the province of _Guacacualca_, or_Coatzacualco_[10]. Her father was prince or cacique of Painalla andseveral other districts, under subjection to the empire of Mexico; butdying while she was an infant, her mother married another cacique, by whomshe had a son, to whom they wished to give the succession which ought tohave belonged to Marina. For this purpose they gave her away privately tosome merchants of _Xicallanco_, a place on the borders of Tabasco inYucutan, giving out that she was dead, and going into mourning for thedaughter of one of their slaves who died at this time, and was much of thesame age. These merchants sold her to some chief in Tabasco, by whom shewas afterwards presented to Cortes, who presented her to Puertocarrero;and when that cavalier returned to Spain, Cortes took her to himself, andhad a son by her, named Don Martin Cortes, who became a knight of St Jago. She afterwards married, during our expedition to Higueras, a cavaliernamed Juan Xaramillo. During the expedition to Higueras in Honduras, inthe year 1524, in which she accompanied Cortes, she had occasion to seeher mother and brother; as Cortes summoned all the neighbouring caciquesto meet him at Coatzacualco, among whom they came, as they now governedtheir territory conjunctly, the second husband being dead. On seeing DonnaMarina, the old lady and her son cried bitterly, being afraid of being putto death; but Marina assured them of her forgiveness, saying that shethanked GOD their intended injury had been the means of drawing her fromthe worship of idols to the true faith, and was happier in having a son byher lord and master Cortes, and in the husband she then possessed, than ifshe had been sovereign of all New Spain, and gave them at parting ahandsome present of gold. I was personally acquainted with her mother andhalf brother, who were both afterwards baptized, the mother by the name ofMartha, and the brother by that of Lazarus. Donna Marina perfectlyunderstood her native language of Coatzacualco, which is the same withthat of Mexico; and as she could likewise converse with Aguilar in the_Maja_ language, which is spoken in Yucutan and Tabasco, we thus acquireda medium of intercourse with the Mexicans, Tlascalans, and other nationsof Anahuac or New Spain, which was of infinite importance to us in thesequel. In a little time she learnt the Spanish, by which the circuitousmeans of double interpretation was avoided. She was always faithful to theSpaniards, to whom her services were of the very highest importance; asshe not only was the instrument of their negotiations with the variousnations of Anahuac, but often saved their lives by giving them notice ofdangers, and suggesting the means of avoiding them. Don Martin Cortes, herson, was afterwards most unjustly put to the torture at Mexico in 1568, onsome unfounded suspicion of intended rebellion, his iniquitous andbarbarous judges, paying no regard to the memory of the unequalledservices rendered by his parents to the Catholic king and the Spanishnation. 

We remained five days longer in Tabasco, taking care of our sick andwounded, during, which time Cortes used his endeavours to conciliate thenatives, whom he enjoined to preserve their allegiance to his Catholicmajesty, by which they would secure his protection. They promisedfaithfully to perform all that he had enjoined, and thus became the firstnative vassals of the Spanish monarchy in New Spain. On Palm Sunday, withthe assistance of the natives, we erected a cross made of a large _cieba_tree, on the field where the late battle was fought, as a lasting memorialof our victory, as this tree has the power of reproducing its bark. Thenatives attended us in our procession to adore the holy image of the cross, and they likewise assisted us in our preparations to reimbark, our pilotswishing to get away from this part of the coast, the anchorage beingunsafe for the ships, as the wind blew strongly on the shore. Every thingbeing in readiness, and Cortes having taken leave of the natives, we allembarked on the evening of Palm Sunday, and set sail next morning for StJuan de Ulua. While we proceeded along the coast, such of us as had beenthere before along with Grijalva, pointed out to Cortes the differentplaces which we recollected; saying here is _la Rambla_, there _Tonala_, or St Antonio, there the river of _Coatzacualco_, the _Sierra Nevada_, orSnowy Mountains, and those of St Martin, the _Roca Partida_, or PiercedRock, the rivers of Alvarado, and the Vanderas, _Isla Blanca_, _Isla Verda_, _Isla de los Sacrificios_, and early in the evening of HolyThursday, 21st April, we arrived at the harbour of St Juan de Ulua. Whilewe were pointing out these places to the general, Puertocarrero came up tohim, saying: "These gentlemen seem to make an exhibition, as who shouldsay, here you have the Montesinos of France, here you see the great andflourishing city of Paris, and so forth: But I say, here you have the landof riches, and look well to your measures. " Cortes perfectly understoodthe meaning of his words, to which he answered: "GOD grant us good fortunein arms like the paladin Orlando; for having such gentlemen as you undermy command, I shall know well how to bring our enterprize to a happyconclusion. "

[1] Diaz minutely enumerates and describes all the horses, mentioning who they all belonged to. --E. 

[2] According to Clavigero, II. 7. This armament, by which a great and populous empire was subverted, consisted of eleven vessels, carrying 1O9 mariners, 508 soldiers, divided into eleven companies, ten field-pieces, four falconets, and sixteen horses. Alaminos, who had been pilot to Cordavo and Grijalva, was chief pilot of this expedition. --E. 

[3] On a former occasion, the chaplain of the expedition was named Bartholome de Olmedo, but this other clergyman appears likewise to have attended the expedition. --E. 

[4] In Clavigero and other Spanish authors, this person is named de Olid, but Diaz uniformly gives him the name in the text. --E. 

[5] Diaz says that this was the expedition of Cordova; but that was in 1517, two years before. According to Clavigero, Aguilar had learnt the Maja language, which was spoken by the inhabitants of Yucutan and Cozumel, and became very useful to Cortes as his interpreter. --E. 

[6] This river is called Chiapa by Clavigero. --E. 

[7] Clavigero calls the field of battle the plain of _Ceutla_, where he says there was another Indian town not far distant from Tabasco. --E. 

[8] According to Clavigero, this place was named _Madona della Vittoria_, which was destroyed by the English about the middle of the seventeenth century, the inhabitants removing to _Villahermosa_, at a greater distance from the coast. --E. 

[9] There are no lions or tigers in America, but Europeans have loosely given these names to other species of the same genus, such as the felis onca, or jaguar; F. Discolor or jaguarate; and F. Concolor, or puma; which last is often called the American lion, and the jaguar is the Mexican tiger. --E. 

[10] In this account of Donna Marina, the information given by Clavigero, II. 9. Is here combined with that of Bernal Diaz, and the orthography of the Mexican names of places has been corrected throughout from the former writer, a native of New Spain, and intimately acquainted with its language. As the Mexicans do not pronounce the letter _r_, they used to call her _Malintzin_, tzin being an affix of dignity; from which she is still remembered in Mexico by the name of _Malinchi_. --E. 

SECTION IV. 

_Arrival of the Armament at St Juan de Ulua, and account of Occurrences atthat Place_. 

As already mentioned, we arrived at the port of St Juan de Ulua on theevening of Holy Thursday, the 21st April 1519, where we came to anchor, Cortes hoisting the royal standard of Spain. In about half an hour afterour arrival, two large canoes or _piraguas_ full of Mexicans were seencoming off from the shore towards the flag-ship[1]. On coming aboard, theyinquired for the _Tlatoan_, or general, who was pointed out to them byDonna Marina, who acted as interpreter on the occasion with the aid ofAguilar. She translated the speech of the Mexicans to Aguilar in the Majalanguage of Yucatan, who again translated that to Cortes in Spanish. Thereply of Cortes was translated by Aguilar to Marina in Maja, which sheagain retranslated to the Mexicans in their language. The Mexicans, approaching Cortes with much respect, said that they were sent to waitupon him by a servant of their sovereign _Montezuma_, to inquire who wewere, and what was our business; and that, if we were in want of any thing, they had orders to supply us. Cortes thanked them for their attention, making them a present of some cut glass and other toys, and invited themto partake of some refreshments, stating that he had come to trade withthem, and to confer with their king on affairs of the highest importance, assuring them that no one should receive any injury, but that all shouldhave reason to be satisfied with his visit to their country. 

Next day being Good Friday, we disembarked the cavalry, artillery, andinfantry, on the sand hills where the city of New Vera Cruz now stands, where we constructed huts for the troops, posting the artillery for theprotection of our cantonment, and erected an altar for public performanceof our devotions. Many of the natives came to visit us next day, bringinghatchets with them, and assisted us in making our huts more comfortable, more especially that of our general; they also brought a present of manylarge cloths or mantles to protect us from the sun, and made us aconsiderable present of fowls, bread, and plumbs, and some gold. Thebearers of this present informed Cortes that the governor of the provinceintended to wait upon him on the second day after, being Easter Sunday, the 24th of April. Accordingly _Teuchtlile_, the governor, came at thetime specified, accompanied by a chief named _Quitlatpitoc_[2], who wasafterwards named Ovandillo, with a great retinue bearing various articlesof provisions with much ceremony and respect. These men advanced, makingthree profound reverences to Cortes and the soldiers who were with him;and, after exchanging civilities, Cortes ordered mass to be performed intheir presence, after which he and the two Mexican lords with severalSpanish officers, sat down to dinner. When this was over, he informed theMexican chiefs, that he was the servant of the greatest king in the world, who had sent him to visit their sovereign, whose fame had reached him, andwho had ordered him to communicate some affairs of the greatest importance. To this Teuchtlile answered somewhat haughtily: "You are only just arrivedin this land, and yet speak already of seeing our king: receive in themeantime this present which he has sent you, and we shall speak of otherthings hereafter. " He then took from a _petlacalli_, or basket of reeds, many admirably wrought toys of gold, with various artificial works incoloured feathers, which he presented to Cortes, together with ten loadsof fine garments of white cotton, and an abundant supply of provisions, such as fowls, fruit, and roasted fish. There were many other articles inthe present made on this occasion which I do not now remember theparticulars of, as it is long ago. Cortes presented them in return withartificial diamonds, and requested they would encourage the natives tobarter with us, which they engaged to do. We afterwards learnt that theseMexican chiefs were the governors _Cuetlachtlan_, _Tustepeque_, _Cuetzpaltepec_, _Tlacatlalpan_, and other districts, which had beenlately reduced under the Mexican empire. Cortes then produced a richlycarved and painted arm-chair, some artificial jewels called _margajitas_[3]enveloped in perfumed cotton, a string of artificial diamonds, and acrimson velvet montero cap ornamented with a gold medal of St Georgekilling the dragon; which he requested _Teuchtlile_ to convey to Montezumaas a present from the king of Spain, and to signify his request to bepermitted to wait upon him. The chief made answer, that his sovereignwould assuredly be happy to hold intercourse with ours, and that he shouldconvey a true report of this request to Montezuma, who would instruct himwhat answer he should make. 

Some able Mexican painters accompanied the two chiefs on this occasion, who drew accurate representations of Cortes and the other Spanish officersand soldiers, of Donna Marina, Aguilar, and every circumstance that seemedworthy of remark, even our dogs, guns, and balls, in order to convey exactinformation to Montezuma. On perceiving this, Cortes ordered the cannon tobe loaded, and ordered the cavalry to be exercised in their presence underAlvarado. He drew off the attention of the chiefs as if by accident, andhad the cannon discharged without any previous notice. The prodigiousnoise of the explosion, and the strange effects of the balls among thetrees, impressed the natives with terror and amazement, yet their paintersendeavoured to represent even this for the information of their king. Teuchtlile happened to notice a partly gilt helmet[4] on one of oursoldiers, which he said resembled one which had belonged to theirancestors, and which was now placed on the head of _Huitzilopochtli_, their god of war, and which he wished to carry along with them toMontezuma. Cortes immediately complied with his request, saying that itwould be proper to return it full of grains of gold, as a fit present forour emperor, in order to see whether the gold of Mexico was the same withthat of Spain. Teuchtlile now took leave of Cortes, assuring him that hewould very soon return with an answer from Montezuma. Our presents, andintelligence of all that had passed at this interview, were conveyed withamazing rapidity to Montezuma by this officer, who was as muchdistinguished for swiftness of foot as for his high rank. Montezuma wasparticularly struck with the appearance of the helmet, as it impressed himstrongly with the opinion that we were destined by heaven to acquire therule over his empire[5]. On the departure of Teuchtlile, the other chief, Cuitlalpitoc, took up his residence in a temporary building near the camp, whence his people supplied the table of Cortes with provisions, and oursoldiers procured subsistence by means of barter with the natives. 

At the end of six or seven days, Teuchtlile returned to the camp, accompanied by more than an hundred men bearing presents from Montezuma. He had another Mexican chief along with him, named _Quintalbor_[6], whohad so strong a resemblance to our general, that the soldiers alwayscalled him _the other_ Cortes. On coming into the presence of Cortes, theambassadors touched the ground with their hands, which they kissed intoken of respect, and then fumigated him and the rest of the Spaniardswith incense. After some conversation, the presents were displayed on matsand mantles spread out on the ground. The first was a plate of gold, aslarge as a coach wheel, most admirably wrought, and representing thesun[7], said to exceed the value of 20, 000 crowns. The next was an equallywell wrought plate of silver, but larger, representing the moon. Thehelmet was returned as desired, full of native grains of gold to the valueof 3000 crowns; but the information with this circumstance conveyed to usof the richness of the mines of this country was inestimable. There werethen displayed a number of toys or ornaments of gold, remarkably wellexecuted, resembling various animals, as deers, dogs, lions, tigers, apes, ducks, &c. Twelve arrows, a bow with its cord, two rods like those used byofficers of justice, five palms long, ten collars, and many otherornaments, all cast or moulded in fine gold. There were likewise severalrepresentations of plumes of feathers in fillagree work, some of gold andothers of silver, with several fans of the same materials, and somebeautiful plumes of green feathers. There were likewise thirty loads ofthe finest cotton cloth, and many other articles which I do not nowremember. The ambassadors then made a speech, in which they desired Cortesto accept this present in the same spirit of good will in which it wassent by their sovereign, and to divide it among the _teules_[8] whoaccompanied him. They also delivered the following message from Montezuma:"He rejoiced to hear of the arrival of so many valiant men in his empire;should be happy to see our sovereign and to interchange presents with him, and would render us every service in his power; but that a visit to hiscourt would be attended with numerous difficulties, as the way to it isthrough barren deserts and the countries of inimical nations, and he couldnot therefore wish us to attempt the journey. " Cortes received thismessage with the appearance of much good humour, and presented theambassadors with fine Holland shirts and other articles of small value;but made them the following reply: "That, after having passed so great anextent of sea, he could not possibly return without executing the ordersof his sovereign, which were to wait upon the great Montezuma in person, and to communicate to him matters of great importance which he wascommanded to deliver. " The ambassadors replied, that they would convey hismessage to their sovereign, but gave no hopes of bringing back afavourable answer. Cortes made up a second present for Montezuma out ofour small means, consisting of a Venice drinking glass, curiously gilt andornamented with figures, three fine shirts, and some other articles ofEuropean manufacture, with which the ambassadors returned to Mexico, leaving Quitlalpitoc, as formerly, to supply our camp with provisions. 

As the uninhabited sand banks on which we were encamped were much infestedwith mosquitos, and seemed unfit for a settlement, Cortes sent Franciscode Montejo with two small ships, to examine the coast in search of a portin a better situation for a colony. He accordingly proceeded along thecoast as far as the river of Panuco, which the currents prevented him frompassing, and on his return he reported that the only place he could findfor the purpose, was a town or fortress called _Quiabuistlan_[9], twelveleagues from St Juan de Ulua, near which there was a harbour which hispilot said was sheltered from the north wind. This place was afterwardscalled Puerto del Nombre Feo, from its resemblance to a harbour of thatname in Spain. Montejo employed ten or twelve days in this expedition, inwhich time Quitlalpitoc became exceedingly remiss in supplying our wants, so that we began to be in great distress for provisions. The bread andbacon we had brought from Cuba became rotten, and we must have starved butfor our success in fishing, as the few natives who occasionally broughtfowls for sale valued them much higher than they had done at the first. After waiting a long time with much impatience, Teuchtlile returned to thecamp alone, the other ambassador having fallen ill by the way. Hedelivered a present of ten loads of the finest cotton garments, fourjewels resembling emeralds, called _calchihuis_, so highly valued by theMexicans, that he said each was worth more than a load of gold, andbesides these, some gold ornaments to the value of 3000 crowns, and someornamental work in feathers. After delivering this present, Teuhtlilesaid, that Montezuma desired to have no more messages, and that henceforthall farther intercourse between the Spaniards and Mexico must cease. Though much mortified at this refusal, Cortes made a polite answer; afterwhich, turning to some of us who were present, he said, "Assuredly this isa great and rich king; and, with the permission of God, we must see him. "To which we all answered that we were ready to march at his command. Atthis moment the bell tolled for the _Ave Maria_, and we all fell on ourknees before the holy cross. The Mexican chiefs were curious to know themeaning of all this, and asked why we adored that piece of wood. On this, at the suggestion of Cortes, Father Olmedo explained the mystery of thecross, by virtue of which the evil spirits were chased away, andendeavoured to instruct them in the principles of Christianity, representing the abomination of their idolatry, and the barbarity of theirhuman sacrifices, the putting a stop to which was the principal object ofour voyage to their country. He then shewed them an image of the HolyVirgin with the child Jesus in her arms, desiring them to take it withthem and adore it, and to plant similar crosses to that they now saw intheir temples instead of their accursed images. Teuhtlile promised that hewould relate every thing he had seen and heard to his sovereign, and wenthis way. 

At this time considerable quantities of gold were brought by the nativesto barter with the soldiers for toys, but very few provisions, so that wewere forced to pay away this gold again to our mariners for fish, asotherwise we should have been reduced to absolute want. Cortes wasperfectly aware of this private traffic, which however he considered astending to advance his own schemes, although he carefully concealed hisopinions on the subject; but the adherents of Velasquez began to expressmuch displeasure at the practice, and demanded of Cortes to take suchmeasures as might bring all the gold into a public stock under the chargeof a common treasurer, for the benefit of all concerned. Cortesimmediately complied with their requisition, and appointed Gonzalo Mexiato this office; but said angrily to those who had insisted on thisregulation, "Our brave companions are suffering under a scarcity ofprovisions, and I connived therefore at the trifling traffic in gold whichthey have been carrying on, because we have great prospects before as ofacquiring much wealth. I have now proclaimed the regulations which youhave demanded; and we shall see in future how the soldiers will be able toprocure food. " Soon afterwards we found that all the Mexicans had quittedour neighbourhood without taking leave, which we learned in the sequel hadbeen done by orders from Montezuma, who had resolved to allow of nofarther intercourse between us and his empire. This sovereign wasextremely bigotted to the idolatrous worship, established in his dominions, sacrificing boys every day to his false gods, that they might direct hisproceedings. The priests accordingly pretended, that the gods hadprohibited the reception of the cross into Mexico, and had forbidden anyfarther intercourse with the Spaniards. This gave occasion to the removalof Quitlalpitoc and his attendants, on which we deemed it necessary toprepare against approaching hostilities, all our remaining provisionsbeing removed to the ships for security, and the utmost vigilance enjoinedin the camp in case of any sudden attack. 

While in this state of uncertainty and alarm, I and another soldierhappened one day to be standing on guard on the sands at some distancefrom the camp, when we observed five natives approaching towards us. Asthey were so few, we did not choose to occasion any unnecessary alarm, andallowed them to draw near. They saluted us in a friendly manner, anddesired by signs to be conducted to our general. Leaving my comrade at theoutpost, I attended them to the camp, being then young and active, thoughnow old and worn down with fatigues. These Indians were very different intheir appearance from the Mexicans, and spoke a different language calledthe Totanaquean. They wore large rings of stone painted blue in their ears, and had some fine leaves of gold depending from their lips. When Ipresented them before Cortes, they saluted him with great reverence, giving the title of _Lopelucio_, which signifies lord in their language. But as their language was not understood by any of our interpreters, DonnaMarina asked in Mexican if any of them could speak that tongue, on whichtwo of them said they did. They now delivered their message in the Mexicanlanguage, saying, That their lord, who was chief of the city of_Chempoalla_, had sent them to congratulate us on our arrival, and wouldbe proud to serve such valiant men as he was told we were, and would havewaited upon us sooner, but had not dared to approach the camp from dreadof the people of _Culchua_, who were with us. Cortes was much pleased todiscover by this embassy, that Montezuma had enemies in the country, whobore his yoke with impatience; he treated these people therefore with muchkindness, and dismissed them with presents, desiring them to return thanksto their chief for his courtesy, and that he would pay him an amicablevisit as soon as possible. 

The sands on which we had so long encamped were much infested by the smallmosquito or sand-fly, which is the most troublesome of all, and wouldhardly ever allow us to sleep; our bread was all spoiled, and our baconbecame rotten, and we had hardly now any thing to eat. The faction ofVelasquez, and those who had left comfortable plantations in the island ofCuba, became very impatient of our present situation, which certainlyrequired a speedy change, and Cortes therefore proposed to take possessionof the fortified town of _Chiahuitztla_, near the new harbour whichMontejo had discovered. The persons already mentioned were muchdissatisfied with this intended movement, complaining that our force wasinadequate to encounter the natives of this vast country, having alreadylost more than thirty-five of our number; and that the proper proceedingunder the existing circumstances, was to return to Cuba, and report toVelasquez all that had been done hitherto. Cortes replied to theseremonstrances, That we had no cause as yet to complain of fortune, thedeaths that had happened being the ordinary fate of war; that it was ourown fault if we wanted provisions in a land of plenty; and that it wouldbe disgraceful to quit the country without seeing more of it, which, withthe blessing of God, he was resolved to attempt. This reply somewhatcalmed the remonstrants, but by no means extinguished the spirit of themalcontent party. Cortes had obtained the concurrence of many of theofficers and companions in a scheme for appointing him to the independentcommand of the expedition, among whom were Puertocarrero, the Alvarados, De Oli, Escalente, De Lugo, and myself; but this was suspected by Montejo, who closely watched all our proceedings. One night, Puertocarrero, Escalente, and De Lugo, who was my distant relation, came very late to myhut, desiring me to take my arms and join Cortes who was going his rounds. On leaving the hut, these gentlemen informed me they wished to have someconversation with me out of hearing of my comrades, who belonged to theparty of Velasquez, saying, "Senior del Castillo, you have now visitedthis country a third time to your great loss. Cortes has deceived us, having represented in Cuba that he was authorised to establish a colony;whereas it now appears he has only powers to trade, and means to return toCuba, when all the wealth we have acquired will be given up to Velasquez. Many of us have resolved to take possession of this country under Cortesfor his majesty, electing Cortes for our general until the royal pleasureis made known, and we expect your vote on this occasion. " I concurred withthem heartily in this plan; and we went through all the huts of the camp, canvassing votes for Cortes. 

This affair became soon known to the party of Velasquez, which was morenumerous than ours, and its leaders haughtily demanded of Cortes to desistfrom these underhand dealings, as it was his duty to return to Velasquez, because we were not provided for the establishment of a colony. Cortesanswered mildly, that he would return immediately; but we of the otherparty exclaimed against this resolution; saying that he had deceived us bypretending to have a commission to colonize, when it now appeared he onlymeant to trade, and we now demanded him to fulfil his original engagementwith us, as most conducive to the service of God and the king. We assertedthat more soldiers would soon join us, if we were once established; andthat he and Velasquez had drawn us to our ruin, by giving us hopes of asettlement, which was now denied; and we insisted on Cortes accepting thecommand of us, who were determined to try our fortunes in this new country, while such as chose to return to Cuba were welcome to depart. Cortes, after affecting for some time to refuse our offer, at length complied, andwas appointed by us captain-general and supreme magistrate, in the name ofthe king, and without dependence on Velasquez. The worst part of thebusiness was, that we assigned him a fifth part at all the gold whichmight be acquired, after deducting the share belonging to the king. Beingnow formally invested by us with the supreme authority, of which a formalinstrument was drawn up by Diego de Godoy, the royal notary, Cortesproceeded immediately to the settlement of a town, which was denominated_Villa Rica, de la Vera Cruz_. It was called _Villa Rica_, because of thewords of Puertocarrero formerly mentioned, "behold the rich lands;" and_de la Vera Cruz_, because he arrived at this place on Holy Thursday anddisembarked on Good Friday. On this occasion we elected civil magistratesof the new colony; Puertocarrero and Montejo being the two first alcaldes, Pedro de Alvarado captain of the expeditions, Christoval de Oli maestré decampo, Juan de Escalente alguazil major, Gonzalo Mexia treasurer, Alonzode Avila contador, Corral standard-bearer, Ochoa Viscanio and AlonzoRomero military alguazils. 

These steps gave great offence to the faction of Velasquez, insomuch thatthey used many mutinous expressions, and were almost ready to proceed toacts of violence. They declared that they would not submit to the usurpedauthority of Cortes, being resolved to return to Cuba, according to theorders and instructions of Velasquez. Cortes declared that he had nodesire to detain any against their inclinations, even if he should remainalone. This pacified many of the malcontents; but Juan Velasquez de Leon, Diego de Ordas, Escobar, Escudero, and some others were so violent intheir opposition, that Cortes was obliged to have them arrested, and theywere detained for some time in irons. By a private concert with Cortes, Juan de Escalente demanded by our authority, that the instructions fromVelasquez should be produced, that we might be enabled to lay a detailedaccount of the whole proceedings before the king for our justification. The tenor of these was, "To return as soon as we had procured all the goldwhich could be had. " This appeared afterwards to have been a verynecessary precaution, from the steps which were taken against us by DonJuan Rodriguez de Fonseca, bishop of Burgos and archbishop of Rossano. 

[1] Clavigero denominates this part of the Mexican empire by the incommunicable name of Chalchiuhcuecan. --E. 

[2] In the work of Bernal Diaz, the names of these two Mexican chiefs are Tendile and Pitaipitoque. We have here adopted the orthography of Clavigero in preference, because he appears to have perfectly understood the Mexican language; and shall continue to do so in the sequel without farther notice, as often as his work enables us to do it with certainty--E. 

[3] Perhaps mock-pearls, or the word may possibly be the same with what we term marcasites. --E. 

[4] Clavigero calls this a gilt mask or vizor. --E. 

[5] According to Clavigero, there was an ancient tradition current among the Mexicans, that _Quetzalcoatl_, their god of the air, had disappeared long ago, promising to return after a certain period, and to govern them in peace and happiness; and on the first appearance of the Spaniards on their coast, observing certain marks of resemblance between them and their mythological notions of this god, they believed their god of the air had returned, and was about to resume the government. --E. 

[6] Clavigero alleges that this name neither is nor can be Mexican, but does not correct the orthography. --E. 

[7] According to Clavigero, this plate was thirty palms of Toledo in circumference and was worth 10, 000 sequins, representing what he calls the _Mexican centary_, or rather _cycle_ of fifty-two years, and having the sun in the centre. --E. 

[8] By Clavigero this expression is made _Teuctin_, which he says signifies lords or gentlemen as applied to all the Spaniards; and that this word having some resemblance to Teteo, the Mexican term for gods, made them believe that they were considered as gods by the Mexicans. --E. 

[9] Chiahuitztla, near which Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, the first Spanish settlement in Mexico was built; but which was afterwards removed to the dry sands at St Juan de Ulua, where Vera Cruz, the port of Mexico, now stands. --E. 

SECTION V. 

_The Spanish Army advances into the Country, and an account of theirProceedings before commencing the March to Mexico_. 

The hardships we now endured for want of provisions required immediaterelief, and Alvarado was detached with a party of an hundred soldiers, tosearch the country for maize and other provisions. These now sent weremostly of the party of Velasquez, as it was thought prudent that theadherents of Cortes should remain with him in a body. Alvarado marched toseveral small villages belonging to the district of _Costitlan_, which hefound deserted by the inhabitants, who had retired on his approach. In thetemples he found several bodies of men and boys recently sacrificed, andthe stone knives yet smoking with which the horrible ceremony had beenperformed. The limbs had been severed from the bodies, and taken away tobe eaten, as our people were informed. Our soldiers were exceedinglyshocked at these abominable scenes; but such were seen by us everywhere inour after-progress through the country. In these villages, abundance ofprovisions were procured, which were brought to the camp; but nothing elsewas brought away, as Cortes had strictly forbidden them to touch any thingelse. They returned with the provisions and two prisoners to the camp, where we were all rejoiced in the novelty of good fare. Cortes, by hisaddress and good management, soon drew over many of the adherents ofVelasquez to his interest, gaining some by the unfailing influence of gold, and others by promises. By these means, having brought the prisoners fromthe ships, in which they had been hitherto confined, he attached most ofthem sincerely to his party, and in a few days set them all at liberty. Wenow proceeded towards the fortress of Chiahuitztla, and passed, during themarch, a large fish which had been cast ashore. We arrived at a riverwhere the town of Vera Cruz now stands, and crossed to a village on theopposite side in the district dependent on the town of Chempoalla. In sometemples belonging to this village, we found the instruments and remains ofhuman sacrifices, large quantities of parrots feathers, and certain booksmade of a kind of paper, folded up like Spanish cloth. From this villagewe altered our line of march, which had been hitherto along the coast, andadvanced inland towards the west, when we came into an extensive plainwithout any beaten track, where we saw several herds of deer. Alvarado, onhis swift chesnut mare, gave chace to one of the deer, which he woundedwith his lance, but it escaped from him into the woods. Having advancedsome way into the plain, we were met by twelve Indians bringing a presentof provisions, who had been sent by the chief of a town a days journeyfrom us, inviting us to come to his residence. Cortes returned thanks forthe provisions, and we proceeded to a village where we halted for thenight, finding as usual the remains of human victims, both male and female;but as this was universal, I shall not disgust my readers by repeating thehorrid details. 

Early next morning we resumed our march, guided by the friendly Indianswho had joined us the preceding day, and sent forwards some of them toapprize the chief of Chempoalla of our approach. When about a league fromthat place, we were met by twenty principal inhabitants, who presentedCortes and the cavalry with bouquets of very odoriferous flowers, apologizing for the absence of the cacique, as he was too fat and unwieldyto be able to come so far in person. Continuing our march, we arrived atthe town of Chempoalla, viewing with admiration the beauty of itssituation and buildings, and the elegant plantations of trees in itsneighbourhood. Our advanced guard preceded us to the great square, whichhad been recently plastered and white-washed, and one of our horsemen wasso amazed at its splendid appearance, that he rode back at full speed toinform Cortes that the walls of the houses were all of silver. We usedafterwards to laugh at this man, saying that every thing white was silverin his eyes. The buildings in this square were appointed for our quarters, where we were all well lodged in spacious apartments, and where thenatives had provided a plentiful entertainment for us, with baskets ofplumbs and bread made of maize. We were much pleased with the place andour reception; some of the soldiers calling it Seville, and others VillaViciosa, on account of its pleasantness[1]. When the fat cacique ofChempoalla understood that we had finished our repast, he caused Cortes tobe informed that he intended paying him a visit, and came accordingly, attended by many principal natives of the town, dressed in their richestmantles, and ornamented with gold. Cortes received him with great ceremony, embracing him in sign of respect, and they sat down together. The caciqueordered a present to be laid before Cortes, consisting of mantles and somegold, but of small value, making an apology for its worthlessness, becausehe had lately been forced to submit to the dominion of Montezuma, who hadstripped him of all his gold, and now held him completely enthralled. Cortes promised to repay his present with good services, and would soontake measures to free him of the thraldom of which he complained, havingbeen sent hither by a great emperor to redress wrongs, to punish thewicked, and to put a stop to human sacrifices, adding many thingsconcerning our holy religion. The cacique then made a polite answer, andtook his leave. 

We resumed our march next morning, attended by above 400 natives who wereappointed to carry our baggage. These Indian porters are called _tamenes_in the language of the country, who carry a burthen of about fifty poundsweight, being relieved at the end of every five leagues; and we wereinformed that every cacique is bound to provide such men on demand, forthe service of every respectable person who passes through theirterritories. We arrived at night in a village near the town ofChiahuitztla, where we found an abundant supply of provisions, providedfor our use by order from the cacique of Chempoalla. At ten o'clock of thefollowing morning, we entered the fortified town of Chiahuitztla, which issituated upon a high rock of very difficult ascent, marching in closeorder with our artillery in front. At this time, one Villanueva happenedto quit his rank, on which his captain Alonso de Avilla, a harsh temperedofficer, gave him a thrust of his lance in the arm, which lamed him everafter. We advanced to the middle of this city, not only without anyresistance, but even without meeting a single individual; but onapproaching the temples in the great square, fifteen persons in richdresses came to meet Cortes, carrying pans of incense, who excused theabsence of the people from fear, requesting us to stop and refreshourselves in their city, and promising that the inhabitants should returnbefore night. Cortes gave a similar account of the object of our mission, with that already given to the cacique of Chempoalla, and made them apresent of some trifles, desiring them to supply us with provisions, whichwas immediately complied with. Soon after our arrival, Cortes receivednotice of the approach of the fat cacique of Chempoalla in a litter, inwhich he was carried by his principal nobles. On his arrival, he and thechiefs of Chiahuitztla, made bitter complaints of the tyranny of Montezumaover the whole district of the Totonacas, which contained above thirtytowns, having engrossed all the gold, and oppressed them by heavy tributes, but particularly by taking away their sons for sacrifices to the idols, and their daughters as slaves. Cortes consoled them as well as he could, promising the redress of all their grievances; and while they were thusconferring, notice was brought that five Mexican collectors of the tributehad just arrived. This intelligence greatly alarmed the natives, who wentaway trembling to receive them, leaving Cortes quite alone. 

As the Mexican officers went to their apartments, they passed us in greatstate, without deigning even to look towards Cortes. They were dressed infinely wrought mantles and trowsers, having their shining black hair tiedup on the top of their heads, each carrying a bunch of roses in theirhands; and they were attended by many servants, who fanned them, every oneof whom carried a cord and a hooked stick. On coming to their apartments, where chocolate had been made ready for their refreshment, they wereattended by a numerous company of the principal people of the place; and, having taken their chocolate, they sent for the fat cacique of Chempoallaand the chiefs of Chiahuitztla, whom they severely reprimanded for havingreceived and entertained us, contrary to the orders of Montezuma; andafter threatening severe punishments, they made a demand of twenty men andwomen, to be offered as sacrifices to the Mexican idols, to expiate thisheavy offence. On Cortes being informed of their barbarous exaction, heproposed to the chiefs to seize these officers, till Montezuma might beinformed of their tyrannical conduct to his subjects; but they wereterrified at the proposal, and refused their concurrence. But Cortes madethem be seized, and ordered them to be fastened by the neck to some largestaves and collars, like a pillory, so that they were unable to move, evenordering one of them to be soundly beaten, who proved refractory. Cortesthen caused a proclamation to be made, that no tribute or obedience was infuture to be paid to Montezuma, and that every one of his officers whoentered the district should be imprisoned. This intelligence soon spreadover the country; and the natives said that such measures could only beattempted by _teules_, or superior beings, by which name theydistinguished their idols, but ever afterwards applied to the Spaniards. The native chiefs were now bent upon sacrificing to their idols thoseofficers whom before they dared hardly look at, meaning thereby to preventthem from carrying intelligence to Mexico of what had been done; butCortes prevented this by placing them under a guard of our soldiers. Hemade two of them be brought before him at midnight, whom he caused to beunbound; and, pretending ignorance of what had happened, he asked who theywere and why they had been made prisoners. They answered that they wereMexican officers, who had been made prisoners by the chiefs of that townby his encouragement. He pretended to know nothing of the matter, andexpressed sorrow for what had befallen them. Then ordering food to begiven them, he treated them kindly, and desired them to inform Montezuma, that he was exceedingly desirous of becoming his friend and servant, andthat he was much displeased with the Totonacas for having used them ill. He promised likewise to set their companions free, and to reprimand thecaciques for their conduct. He then desired them to go their ways asquickly as possible; but they said they would assuredly be destroyed inattempting to pass through the country of the Totonacas; on which he sentthem in a boat with six sailors, who were ordered to land them beyond theterritory of Chempoalla. 

When the caciques discovered next morning that two of their prisoners hadescaped, they were anxious to sacrifice the others immediately: But Cortes, pretending to be angry at the escape of the two whom he had released, ordered the others to be sent in chains on board one of the ships, to getthem out of the power of the Totonacas, directing them to be freed fromtheir chains immediately on getting aboard, with assurance of being soonallowed to return to Mexico. The caciques now consulted with Cortes inwhat manner to defend themselves from the resentment of Montezuma, whomust soon learn the evil treatment of his officers, and would speedilyoverwhelm them under the force of his innumerable armies. With a cheerfulcountenance, Cortes assured them that he and his valiant companions woulddefend them from all attacks of the Mexicans; and the caciques, in return, engaged to support us with all their forces. They likewise at this timeentered into promise of allegiance to the king of Spain, of which a formalinstrument was drawn up before the royal notary, Godoy, and proclamationof this change of dominion was made through the province, to the great joyof the natives for being relieved from the vexatious exactions of theMexican officers. 

No time was lost in taking advantage of this important alliance, and weimmediately proceeded to lay the foundations of a colony in a plain abouthalf a league from Chiahuitztla, where we now were. The foundations of achurch, square, fort, and arsenal were traced out, and all the buildingswere raised to the first story, as also the walls and parapets of the fort, which were provided with loop-holes and barbicans. Cortes gave an exampleof industry, in carrying earth and stones for the buildings, and indigging out the foundations, and was imitated by all the officers andsoldiers; some in digging, others in constructing the walls of clay, somein carrying water, or in making bricks and tiles, while others preparedthe timber, and the smiths were busy in making ready the iron work. Bythese means, and by the aid of the natives, we soon nearly completed thefort, with the church and houses. 

In the meantime, on receiving information of the rebellion of theTotonacas, and the usage his officers had received, Montezuma was enragedagainst Cortes, and ordered two armies to march, one for the punishment ofthe rebels, and the other against us. But when they were ready to march, the two officers arrived who had been liberated by Cortes, and gave afavourable report of the treatment they had received while in our hands. This lessened his anger, and induced him to send us an amicable message, which was brought by two of his nephews, under the care of four old noblesof the highest rank belonging to his court. These brought a present ofgold and mantles, worth about 2000 crowns, and delivered a complimentarymessage to Cortes, thanking him for liberating the officers, yetcomplaining of him for instigating the Totonacas to rebel whom he wouldseverely punish hereafter, yet refrained from doing so while we were amongthem, since he believed we were of the same ancestors with himself, andwere the people of whom their ancient prophesies had made mention. Cortesdesired the ambassadors to believe that he and all his people wereentirely devoted to the service of the great Montezuma, on whose accounthe had protected the officers; and causing the other three who were onboard ship to be brought, he delivered them to the ambassadors. He thencomplained of the unkindness of Montezuma, in ordering Cuitlalpitoc andthe natives to desert us, by which incivility we had been deprived ofprovisions, and had been under the necessity of coming into the country ofthe Totonacas, who had received us with much kindness. He farther trustedthat Montezuma would pardon what had happened, who could not now look fortribute from that province, the inhabitants of which had become vassals tothe king of Spain. He desired them likewise to say, that he hoped soon tohave it in his power to pay his respects in person to the great Montezuma, when he had no doubt of settling everything to his entire satisfaction. Hethen presented glass diamonds and coloured beads to the young princes, andordered out the cavalry to perform their evolutions in his presence, atwhich they were extraordinarily astonished and much pleased. After allthis, the ambassadors returned to Mexico, much satisfied with theirreception. This embassy had a great effect on the natives of the countryin our favour, as they concluded we must certainly be very formidableindeed, since even the great Montezuma seemed afraid of us. 

At this time the fat cacique of Chempoalla complained to Cortes of certainoutrages committed by the soldiers of a Mexican garrison in a town calledCincapacinga, nine leagues off Chiahuitztla, where we were then quartered, and requested his assistance. Turning to some of the Spaniards who wereabout him, Cortes said jocularly: "You see that these people esteem us assuperior beings; let us encourage their prejudice, and make them believethat one of us can drive an army of the natives before him. I will sendold Heredia the musketeer, whose fierce scarred countenance, great beard, one eye, and lame leg, will terrify them. " Heredia had served in the warsof Italy, and was ordered by Cortes to proceed only to the river, where hewas to fire a musket as a signal, meaning only to try how far thecredulity of the Indians would carry them. As Heredia was present, Cortespointed him out to the Indians, and desired him to go with his _teule_, who would kill or make prisoners of all their enemies. The caciques setout accordingly with their warriors, headed by Heredia, who went firinghis musket before them. As soon as they reached the river, the old soldiermade the appointed signal, and Cortes sent to recal them, havingsufficiently tried their faith, and informed them that he would marchagainst their enemies with all his troops. When the soldiers were orderedto prepare for this duty, those who were of the party of Velasquez refusedto obey, and insisted on returning to Cuba. The mutineers who avowedthemselves on this occasion were only seven in number; and on beingreprimanded by Cortes, they insolently replied, that they wondered at histemerity, in attempting to establish a colony among such prodigiousmultitudes of natives with so small a force; that they were already tiredof being so dragged about, and were resolved to go back to theirplantations in Cuba. Though he disapproved their conduct, Cortes declaredhe would not oppose them; on which they embarked, taking on board theirprovision of bread, vegetables, and oil for the voyage, and one of themnamed Moron sold a good horse to Juan Ruano, receiving its price in anassignment over some property in Cuba. When the vessel was about to sail, we all waited on Cortes, having the civil officers of the colony at ourhead, and requested that no one should be allowed to quit their colours, for which these men rather deserved to die, than to be thus permitted todepart. Cortes appeared at first unwilling to recal his permission, but atlast acceded to our wishes, and the seven deserters were obliged to return, under the ridicule of us all. Moron in particular was most laughed at, ashaving lost his horse, which Ruano refused to return, referring to theassignment in Cuba for the agreed payment. 

The discontents being for the present appeased, Cortes set out againstCincapacinga with 400 soldiers, and was joined at Chempoalla by 1000 ofour allied natives, divided into four companies. We marched five leaguesthe first day, and reached the outskirts of Cincapacinga next day, whichwe found situated among steep rocks of difficult access. Eight of theprincipal inhabitants of the place waited on Cortes, whom they asked withtears in their eyes what misconduct of theirs had induced him to destroythem; adding, that the ill will of our allies of Chempoalla proceeded froman ancient dispute about boundaries, and they now took the advantage ofour assistance to rob and murder them unjustly. They acknowledged that aMexican garrison had been in their town, but assured him that it hadretired when the officers of Montezuma were arrested at Chiahuitztla, andearnestly entreated to be admitted into favour. Cortes gave immediateorders, forbidding the allies to advance; but they were already engaged inplundering the suburbs, at which Cortes was very angry, and ordering theChempoallan captains into his presence, he reproached them for theirmisrepresentations, when their obvious purpose was to employ us, who werebound to prevent and redress injustice, to aid them in plundering theirneighbours. He commanded them therefore, on pain of death, instantly toliberate all their prisoners, to restore their plunder, and to withdrawfor the night with all their men from the town; with all which orders theyimmediately complied. By this just conduct, Cortes won the hearts of thepeople in this district to our cause, and the chiefs and priests listenedattentively to his exhortations to abandon their abominable idolatry andbarbarous human sacrifices, coming under engagements of allegiance to ourking, and making heavy complaints against the tyranny of the Mexicangovernment. Next morning, Cortes brought the chiefs of Chempoalla andCincapacinga together, and effectuated a complete reconciliation betweenthe two districts. We then set out on our return, taking a different routefrom that by which we advanced, and halted after a fatiguing march, in avillage belonging to the district of Cincapacinga. While here, one of oursoldiers took two fowls from one of the inhabitants, and Cortes got noticeof the transaction, who was so highly incensed at the commission of suchan outrage in a peaceable district, that he immediately ordered thesoldier to be hanged; but captain Alvarado cut the rope with his sword intime to save his life. We proceeded from that village to another in thedistrict of our first allies, where the cacique of Chempoalla waited forus with a supply of provisions, and next day marched back to our quartersat Chiahuitztla, into which we were escorted by all the chiefs. Ourconduct on this expedition raised us higher than ever in the esteem of thenatives, who could distinguish the excellence of justice, though untaught, and saw that the behaviour of Cortes corresponded with his professions ofhaving come into their country to redress injuries, and to put an end totyranny. 

The natives were now under great terror of the power and vengeance ofMontezuma for revolting from his authority. They proposed therefore to fixour abode in their country by inducing us to marry their women; and forthis purpose, eight young women of the principal families of the districtwere introduced, all richly dressed and decorated with gold collars andear-rings, attended by many female slaves. The fat cacique then made aspeech to our general, in which he said that seven of these women wereintended for the captains of our army, and the eighth, who was his ownniece and proprietor of several villages and many vassals, was meant forhimself. Cortes received this offer with thanks; but observed, that inorder to establish an entire friendship between them and us, they mustfirst renounce their gross idolatry, the shameful custom of male youthsappearing in female attire, and their barbarous human sacrifices; as wewere daily shocked by seeing four or five horrid murders, the miserablevictims being cut up and exposed as beef is in our public markets. Thechiefs and priests replied that they could not consent to renounce theaccustomed worship of their gods, but were willing to abolish the otherevil customs of which he complained. We were by no means satisfied withthis answer, and having made sure of our hearty co-operation, Cortesordered us all under arms, and informed the chiefs that we were determinedupon suppressing their idolatrous worship by force at the hazard even ofour lives. On hearing this resolution, the fat cacique ordered all hispeople to arm for the defence of the temple; and when we were about toascend the great flight of steps, he expostulated with Cortes forattempting a measure which would ensure the destruction both of them andus, by incensing their gods. Cortes replied that their remonstrances wereall in vain, as he was determined to hurl their pretended gods down thesteps of the temple. Then fifty of us went up to the summit of the temple, whence we threw down and dashed in pieces all the abominable idols wecould find, some like dragons, others having half human figures, andothers again like dogs. At this sight, the chiefs and priests wept andprayed us to desist, but the warriors seemed ready to attack us; on whichwe immediately seized the fat cacique and six other chiefs and priests, exclaiming that we would put them all instantly to death, if anyresistance or outrage was attempted. The cacique then ordered his warriorsto desist, and the tumult being appeased, Cortes made them a long harangueon the subject of religion. He then gave orders that the fragments of thebroken idols should be burnt; on which eight priests, who were accustomedto take care of them, brought all their fragments into the temple, wherethey were consumed to ashes. These priests were dressed in long blackmantles like sheets, hanging down to the ground, with hoods hanging ontheir shoulders like our cannons, and other smaller hoods resembling thoseof our Dominican friars. Their long hair was matted together with clottedblood, some of them having it so long as to hang down to their feet, andothers only to the waist. Their ears were all torn and cut, and they smelthorribly of putrid flesh. These priests were said to be all of noblefamilies. 

When all this was ended, Cortes made a harangue to the people, saying, That we were now really brothers, and that Montezuma should not oppressthem any more, for he would place them under the protection of the Motherof God, whom we adored; and he added many good and holy argumentsexceedingly well expressed, to all of which the people listened mostattentively. He then had the walls of the temple cleared of blood and newplastered, employing a number of Indian masons for this purpose, usinglime which the place afforded in plenty. After having thus cleaned andpurified the temple, he ordered a new altar to be erected, which he hungall round with rich mantles, and adorned it with wreaths of odoriferousflowers; and ordering four native priests to cut off their hair and to puton white garments, he committed the altar to their care, on which heplanted the holy cross, before which our chaplain Olmedo celebrated themass. He also instructed the natives to make wax candles, and enjoined thefour priests to keep some of these always burning before the altar. Allthese things being arranged, he placed a lame old soldier named Juan deTorres, to reside in the temple as a hermit, and to keep the nativepriests to their new duty. In this first Christian church of New Spain, the principal persons of the surrounding districts attended divine service, and the eight native ladies, already mentioned, having been previouslyinstucted in our holy faith, were solemnly baptized. The niece of the fatcacique of Chempoalla, who was as ugly as possible, was named DonnaCatalina; yet the general took her by the hand very affectionately. Puertocarrero was more fortunate, as his lady, who was called DonnaFrancisco, was very handsome for an Indian, and her father, named Cuesco, was a cacique of considerable power. Having thus cemented a firmfriendship with the Totonacas, we returned to our new settlement of Villarica. We found there a vessel newly arrived from Cuba, under the commandof Francisco Sauceda, called _el pulido_ or the beau, from his affectationof finery and high manners. In this vessel there had arrived an ableofficer named Luis Marin, accompanied by ten soldiers and two horses. Hebrought intelligence that Velasquez had received the appointment of_adelantado_ of Cuba, with authority to barter and colonize in New Spain. This news gave much satisfaction to the friends of Velasquez in our army, but made no change in the plans of Cortes. 

As the works of Villa Rica were nearly completed, many of us became eagerfor the proposed visit to Montezuma, and expressed our wishes to Cortesthat we might try our fortune in that expedition. It was resolved in thefirst place in a grand consultation, to send a deputation to Old Spain, togive an account to his majesty of all our proceedings, together with allthe gold and other articles of value which we had hitherto obtained. Forthis purpose Ordas and Montejo went through among all the officers andsoldiers, and persuaded them to allow of the whole treasure being sent tothe king, as it was for the general interest to renounce our claim for apartition. Puertocarrera and Montejo were appointed agents for Cortes andthe army, our general having gained Montejo to his party by a present of2000 crowns. By these gentlemen Cortes sent a letter to his majesty, thecontents of which we were not made acquainted with. The cabilda or councilof the new settlement wrote also a letter to the king, in conjunction withthose soldiers who were most solicitous for the settlement of the colony, and had voted in the election of Cortes as captain-general. Nothing wasomitted in this letter which seemed calculated to establish our cause atcourt, and my name was signed to it along with the rest. 

Beginning with expressions of our most profound respect, we related allthe events which had occurred from our setting out on the expedition, downto the election of Cortes as our captain-general, till the pleasure of hismajesty might be made known on the subject, together with our engagementto allow Cortes a fifth part of the treasure, after deducting the kingspart. We gave an account of our having discovered two Spaniards in thecountry; of our having procured two excellent interpreters; of our war inTabasco; of the interviews with the messengers of Montezuma; our marchinto the country, and our alliance with the natives, who had renouncedtheir allegiance to Montezuma and submitted themselves and their countryto his majesty; of our expedition to Cincapacinga; the abolition ofidolatry at Chiahuitztla, and the establishment of Christianity; theconstruction of our fortress of Villa Rica; and of our presentdetermination to march to the court of Montezuma, the great sovereign ofMexico. We gave likewise a succinct account of the military establishmentand religious observances of the natives, an enumeration of the articlesof treasure we had transmitted to his majesty by our agents, and that wehad sent over four natives, whom we had rescued from the cages atChempoalla, where they were fattening for victims to the false gods of thecountry. We then stated that we were only 450 soldiers, surrounded byinnumerable multitudes of enemies, yet ready to sacrifice our lives forthe glory of God and the service of his majesty; and we earnestlyentreated that he would be graciously pleased not to bestow the governmentof this great and rich country upon an unworthy person, expressing ourfears of what Velasquez might attempt to our prejudice, by means of hispatron the bishop of Burgos, whom he had secured in his interest bygrants of valuable estates in Cuba which ought to have belonged to hismajesty. In conclusion, we awaited the return of his gracious answer withthe most profound reverence; yet humbly assured his majesty, if the bishopof Burgos sent over any person to assume the command, we were resolved tosuspend our obedience till his majesty's pleasure were clearly made knownto us, remaining in the mean time, as now, under the command of hismajesties most faithful servant and our general Hernando Cortes, whosemerits we painted in glowing colours. When this was extended in due form, Cortes asked permission to read it, and expressed his perfect satisfactionwith the whole, excepting two articles, the mention of his share of thetreasure, and the names of Cordova and Grijalva as having previouslydiscovered this country; as he assumed the whole merit to himself in hisprivate letter. He wished therefore to have these passages expunged, butsome of us roundly told him, that his majesty must not only be informed ofthe truth, but of the whole truth. 

When this important affair was completed, our agents set sail from VillaRica on the 26th July 1519[2], with strict injunctions not to touch at theHavanna or the port of _el Marien_, as we wished to keep the whole frombeing known to Velasquez. Yet they went directly to the Havanna, the pilotAlaminos being over-persuaded into this measure, under pretence ofPuertocarrero being sick, and that Montejo wanted to procure provisionsfrom his estate of El Marien. As soon as the ship came to anchor, Montejosent letters on shore to Velasquez, giving an account of all that hadtaken place during the expedition; and as the messenger went through theisland, he everywhere communicated the news of all that had occurred toour army. On receiving this intelligence from Montejo, Velasquez washighly enraged against Cortes, and heartily cursed his secretary andcontador, who had persuaded him to confide the expedition to his guidance. He immediately dispatched two armed vessels to detain our ship, but soongot the unwelcome news that she was considerably advanced on her voyage toEurope. Besides writing to his patron the bishop of Burgos, he lodged acomplaint against Cortes before the royal audience at St Domingo; but themembers sent him an answer highly favourable to us, with whose goodservices they were already acquainted. All these untoward circumstancesgave the adelantado infinite vexation, insomuch that from being very fat, he became quite lean. But he used every exertion to collect a powerfularmament on purpose to overwhelm us as rebels against his legitimateauthority, going about the whole island in person to incite the settlersto take up arms in his cause, and prepared a fleet of eighteen sail ofvessels for the expedition against us, which was confided to the commandof Pamphilo de Narvaez, of which we shall give an account hereafter. 

Our agents passed through the Bahama channel, under the direction of thepilot Alaminos, being the first ship which took that passage from the WestIndies for Europe. After touching at the island of Tercera forrefreshments, they proceeded for Seville, and arrived a few daysafterwards at Valladolid, where the court was then held. Our agentsimmediately waited on the bishop of Burgos, who was president of thecouncil of the Indies, expecting a favourable reception, and requested himto transmit our letters and present them with all speed to the emperor, who was then in Flanders. The bishop gave them a haughty and repulsiveanswer, saying, That he would make a proper representation of our conduct, for having thrown off our obedience to Velasquez. The arrival of BenitoMartinez, chaplain to the governor of Cuba, contributed to place ouraffairs in an unfavourable light; and as Puertocarrero made a remonstranceto the bishop, he caused him to be thrown into prison, on a frivolouscharge of having taken away with him a woman from Medellin to the Indies. The bishop made a represention of our affairs to his majesty, statingevery thing in the most favourable light for Velasquez, and as much as hepossibly could against us, suppressing all mention of our letters andpresent, and even appropriated a great part of the latter to his own use. But our agents concerted matters with Martin Cortes, our generals father, and the licentiate Nunez, his near relation, who had an office in theroyal council, and by means of some noblemen who were jealous of thebishop and disgusted with his haughty demeanour, they procured duplicatesof all our letters to be transmitted to his majesty, together withcomplaints of the partiality of the bishop. These letters got safe to hismajesty, with which he was well pleased; and for a long time his court wasfull of the praises of Cortes and of us his soldiers. The emperorconceived much displeasure against the bishop of Burgos for his conduct onthis occasion; who became quite furious against Cortes and the rest of us, when he heard of the light in which our affairs had been seen at the court;but about two years afterwards the bishop became quite crest-fallen, as hewas censured by the emperor, while we continued to be esteemed as loyalsubjects. On receiving these duplicates of our letters, the emperor waspleased to say, That he would soon return to Spain, when he would attendto our memorials, and would reward our faithful services. 

Four days after the departure of our agents, a plot was discovered whichhad been concerted among the enemies of Cortes, for seizing a vessel tocarry over intelligence to Velasquez of the departure of our agents, andof the measures which had been taken by us against the authority of theadelantado. Among the conspirators were, Escudero, Cermeno, Umbria apilot, Bernardino de Coria, a clergyman named Juan Diaz, and some sailorswho had been whipped at the island of Cozumel; but the plan had beensuggested by some persons of consequence, who were enraged at Cortes forpreventing their return to Cuba, and for having been deprived of theirshares of the treasure which was sent to the emperor. This plot wasrevealed only a few hours before the vessel was to have sailed, by therepentance of de Coria. All the before-mentioned conspirators wereimmediately seized, and having confessed the whole plot, they were allcondemned to die except the priest, who was in a terrible fright. Escuderoand Cermeno were hanged; Umbria had his feet cut off, and each of thesailors received 200 lashes. When Cortes signed the ratification of thissentence, he exclaimed with a sigh: "Happy is he who cannot write, that hemay not have occasion to sign the death-warrants of other men. " In myopinion, this sentiment is often affected by judges, in imitation of Nero, at the time he counterfeited the appearance of clemency. As soon as thesentence was put in execution, Cortes set off full speed for Chempoalla, ordering 200 soldiers and all the cavalry to follow him to that place, where likewise he sent orders for a detachment that was then out underAlvarado to march. 

In a consultation respecting our intended expedition to Mexico, Cortes wasadvised by his friends to destroy the fleet, in order to prevent allpossibility of the adherents of Velasquez deserting to Cuba, and likewiseto procure a considerable augmentation to our force, as there were abovean hundred sailors. In my opinion, Cortes had already determined on thismeasure, but wished the proposal to originate with us, that we might allbecome equally responsible for the loss. This being resolved upon, Cortesordered his friend Escalente to dismantle all the ships and then sink them, preserving only the boats for the purpose of fishing. Escalente boreinveterate enmity against Velasquez, who had refused him a good districtin Cuba, and went immediately to Villa Rica where he executed this serviceeffectually. All the sails, cordage, and every thing else that could beuseful were brought on shore, and the whole of the ships sunk. Escalentethen came back to Chempoalla with a company formed of the mariners, manyof whom became excellent soldiers. Cortes now summoned all the chiefs whohad renounced their allegiance to Montezuma into his presence, whom heexhorted to give every service in their power to the detachment he meantto leave in Villa Rica, and to assist them in completing the town: Thentaking Escalente by the hand, whom he had appointed to command there inhis absence, he presented him to the caciques as his brother, desiringthem to obey him in every thing, and assuring them that he would protectthem against their enemies. The chiefs all engaged to perform every thing, he had enjoined. Escalente was left in charge of this port as a person inwhom Cortes could entirely confide, to repel any attempts that might bemade against him by Velasquez, while absent on the expedition to Mexico. Soon after the destruction of the vessels, Cortes assembled us one morningafter mass; and, after some discourse on military affairs, he said, Thatwe now knew the business in which we were engaged, wherein we had no otheralternative but conquest or death; for in case of defeat we had no meansof escape, and must depend entirely, under GOD, on our own valour;afterwards adding many comparisons of our present situation with incidentsdrawn from the Roman history. We unanimously answered, That we wereprepared to obey and follow him wherever he chose to lead, the lot beingnow cast, as Caesar said on passing the Rubicon, and we devoted ourselvesto the service of God and our emperor. He then addressed us in an eloquentspeech; after which he called for the fat cacique, whom he informed of ourintended march to Mexico, and gave him strict injunctions to take greatcare of the holy cross and the church we had established. 

When we were ready to depart on our expedition to Mexico, a letter wasbrought from Escalente, informing Cortes that a strange ship had come toanchor in a river about three leagues from Villa Rica, from which he couldget no answer to his signals. Cortes left the command of the army duringhis absence to Alvarado and Sandoval, and set out with four horsemen forVilla Rica, leaving orders for thirty of the lightest armed infantry tofollow, who accordingly arrived that night. Escalente offered to go withtwenty men to the vessel, lest she might escape; but Cortes set out alongthe coast without delay, and fell in with four Spaniards on the road, whohad been sent on shore by Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, the captain of thevessel, to take formal possession of the country. One of these was anotary, named Guillen de la Loa, and the rest attended him to witness theact. From these men Cortes was informed that Francisco de Garay, governorof Jamaica, had procured a commission from the court as adelantado of suchdistricts as he might discover on this coast to the north of the river ofSt Peter and St Paul, and had sent three ships with 270 soldiers underPineda, who was then in the river of Panuco. Cortes wished to have gotpossession of the ship, but no signals could induce the people to land, aswe were informed by de la Loa that their captain was aware of our being onthe coast. As a stratagem to decoy them on shore, Cortes dressed four ofhis soldiers in the clothes of the Spaniards he had taken, and left themon the spot, returning along-shore towards Villa Rica, that he might benoticed from the ship; but after we had got out of sight, we made a secretdetour through the woods, and got back about midnight to the rivulet wherewe had left our disguised companions, where we carefully concealedourselves. Early in the morning, our disguised men went down to the shore, making signals to the people of the ship, in consequence of which a boatput off with six sailors, two of whom landed with casks to take in water. Our men held down their faces to avoid being noticed, pretending to washtheir hands; but on being spoken to by the men in the boat, one of themdesired them to come on shore; when alarmed by the strange voice, they putoff. We were going to fire upon them, but Cortes would not permit, andthey escaped. We thus missed our object, and returned to Villa Rica, having procured six men as a reinforcement to our small force. 

[1] Chempoalla appears to have been a place of considerable size, both from the testimony of eye-witnesses and the extent of its ruins. Torquimada in one place says its inhabitants amounted to twenty or thirty thousand; in another place he extends their number to 50, 111, and in his index to 150, 000. Like many others of the Indian cities in New Spain, it dwindled down, by the diseases and vexations of the sixteenth century, and at length became entirely depopulated. --Clavigero, II. 21. 

[2] Bernal Diaz has given no dates of the transactions of Cortes in Mexico, from the 21st of April till now, the 26th of July, a period of 3 months and 5 days. --E. 

END OF VOLUME THIRD